Chhokar Prelims.

qxd 10/4/2007 3:47 PM Page i

Culture and Leadership Across the World:

The GLOBE Book of In-Depth Studies of 25
Societies

Edited by

Jagdeep S. Chhokar
Felix C. Brodbeck
Robert J. House
Chhokar Prelims.qxd 10/4/2007 3:47 PM Page ii

Lea’s Organization and Management Series

Series Editors
Arthur P. Brief
University of Utah
James P. Walsh
University of Michigan
Associate Series Editor
Sara L. Rynes
University of Iowa

Ashforth (Au.) • Role Transitions in Organizational Life: An Identity-Based Perspective.

Bartel/Blader/Wrzesniewski (Ed.) • Identity and the Modern Organization.

Bartunek (Au) • Organizational and Educational Change: The Life and Role of a Change
Agent Group.

Beach (Ed.) • Image Theory: Theoretical and Empirical Foundations.

Brett/Drasgow (Eds.) • The Psychology of Work: Theoretically Based Empirical Research.

Chhokar/Brodbeck/House (Eds.) • Culture and Leadership Across the World: The GLOBE
Book of In-Depth Studies of 25 Societies.

Darley/Messick/Tyler (Eds.) • Social Influences on Ethical Behavior in Organizations.

Denison (Ed.) • Managing Organizational Change in Transition Economies.

Dutton/Ragins (Ed.) • Exploring Positive Relationships at Work: Building a Theoretical and

Research Foundation

Elsbach (Au) • Organizational Perception Management.

Earley/Gibson (Aus.) • Multinational Work Teams: A New Perspective.

Garud/Karnoe (Eds.) • Path Dependence and Creation.

Jacoby (Au.) • Employing Bureaucracy: Managers, Unions, and the Transformation

of Work in the 20th Century, Revised Edition.

Kossek/Lambert (Eds.) • Work and Life Integration: Organizational, Cultural and

Individual Perspectives.

Lampel/Shamsie/Lant (Eds.) • The Business of Culture: Strategic Perspectives on

Entertainment and Media.

Lant/Shapira (Eds.) • Organizational Cognition: Computation and Interpretation.

Lord/Brown (Aus.) • Leadership Processes and Follower Self-Identity.

Chhokar Prelims.qxd 10/4/2007 3:47 PM Page iii

Margolis/Walsh (Aus.) • People and Profits? The Search Between a Company’s Social and
Financial Performance.

Messick/Kramer (Eds.) • The Psychology of Leadership: Some New Approaches.

Pearce (Au.) • Organization and Management in the Embrace of the Government.

Peterson/Mannix (Eds.) • Leading and Managing People in the Dynamic Organization.

Rafaeli/Pratt (Eds.) • Artifacts and Organizations: Beyond Mere Symbolism.

Riggio/Murphy/Pirozzolo (Eds.) • Multiple Intelligences and Leadership.

Schneider/Smith (Eds.) • Personality and Organizations.

Thompson/Choi (Eds.) • Creativity and Innovation in Organizational Teams.

Thompson/Levine/Messick (Eds.) • Shared Cognition in Organizations: The Management of

Knowledge.
Chhokar Prelims.qxd 10/4/2007 3:47 PM Page iv
Chhokar Prelims.qxd 10/4/2007 3:47 PM Page v

Culture and Leadership Across the World:

The GLOBE Book of In-Depth Studies of 25
Societies

Edited by

Jagdeep S. Chhokar
Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad
Felix C. Brodbeck
Aston Business School, Aston University
Robert J. House
Wharton School of Management, University of Pennsylvania

LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

2007 Mahwah, New Jersey London
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Lawrence Erlbaum Associates
Taylor & Francis Group Taylor & Francis Group
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International Standard Book Number-13: 978-0-8058-5997-3 (Hardcover)

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and the LEA and Routledge Web site at
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Chhokar Prelims.qxd 10/4/2007 3:47 PM Page vii

Contents

Series Foreword xi
Foreword xiii
Kwok Leung
About the Authors xvii
Preface xxxi
Robert J. House

1 Introduction 1
Jagdeep S. Chhokar, Felix C. Brodbeck, and Robert J. House

2 Methodology 17
Jagdeep S. Chhokar, Felix C. Brodbeck, and Robert J. House

I Nordic Europe Cluster 31

3 “Primus Inter Pares”: Leadership and Culture in Sweden 33

Ingalill Holmberg and Staffan Åkerblom

4 Culture and Leadership in Finland 75

Martin Lindell and Camilla Sigfrids

II Germanic Europe Cluster 107

5 Culture and Leadership in Austria 109

Erna Szabo and Gerhard Reber

6 Societal Culture and Leadership in Germany 147

Felix C. Brodbeck and Michael Frese

7 Culture and Leadership in a Flat Country: The Case of the Netherlands 215
Henk Thierry, Deanne N. den Hartog, Paul L. Koopman,
and Celeste P. M. Wilderom

8 Leadership and Culture in Switzerland—Theoretical and Empirical Findings 251

Jürgen Weibler and Rolf Wunderer

vii
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viii CONTENTS

III Anglo Cluster 297

9 The Australian Enigma 299

Neal M. Ashkanasy

10 Inspirational Variations? Culture and Leadership in England 335

Simon Booth

11 Leadership and Culture in the Republic of Ireland 361

Mary A. Keating and Gillian S. Martin

12 Leadership and Culture in New Zealand 397

Jeffrey C. Kennedy

13 Culture and Leadership in South Africa 433

Lize A. E. Booysen and Marius W. van Wyk

14 Leadership in the United States of America: The Leader as Cultural Hero 475
Michael H. Hoppe and Rabi S. Bhagat

IV Latin Europe Cluster 545

15 Universalism and Exceptionalism: French Business leadership 547

Philippe Castel, Marc Deneire, Alexandre Kurc, Marie-Françoise
Lacassagne, and Christopher A. Leeds

16 Leadership and Culture in Portugal 583

Jorge Correia Jesuino

17 Managerial Culture and Leadership in Spain 623

Jeremiah J. O’Connell, José M. Prieto, and Celia Gutierrez

V Latin America Cluster 655

18 Argentina: A Crisis of Guidance 657

Carlos Altschul, Marina Altschul, Mercedes López, Maria Marta Preziosa,
and Flavio Ruffolo

19 Colombia: The Human Relations Side of Enterprise 689

Enrique Ogliastri

20 Societal Culture and Leadership in Mexico—A Portrait of Change 723

Jon P. Howell, Jose DelaCerda, Sandra M. Martínez, J. Arnoldo Bautista,
Juan Ortiz, Leonel Prieto, and Peter Dorfman

VI Eastern Europe Cluster 765

21 Greece: From Ancient Myths to Modern Realities 767

Nancy Papalexandris
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CONTENTS ix

22 Leadership and Culture in Russia: The Case of Transitional Economy 803

Mikhail V. Grachev, Nikolai G. Rogovsky, and Boris V. Rakitski

VII Middle East Cluster 833

23 Leadership and Culture in Turkey: A Multifaceted Phenomenon 835

Hayat Kabasakal and Muzaffer Bodur

VIII Confucian Asia Cluster 875

24 Chinese Culture and Leadership 877

Ping Ping Fu, Rongxian Wu, Yongkang Yang, and Jun Ye

25 Culture and Leadership in Hong Kong 909

Irene Hau-siu Chow

26 Culture and Leadership in Singapore: Combination of the East and the West 947
Ji Li, Phyllisis M. Ngin, and Albert C. Y. Teo

IX Southern Asia Cluster 969

27 India: Diversity and Complexity in Action 971

Jagdeep S. Chhokar

X Sub-Saharan Africa Cluster 1021

28 Culture and Leadership in 25 Societies: Integration, Conclusions, 1023

and Future Directions
Felix C. Brodbeck, Jagdeep S. Chhokar, and Robert J. House

Appendix A: Societal Culture “As Is” and “Should Be”

in 25/61 Globe Countries 1085
Appendix B: Culturally Endorsed Leadership Theories (CLTs)
in 25/61 Globe Countries 1094

Authors Index 1101

Subject Index 1121

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Series Foreword
Our series is intended to be very much about theoretical and methodological innovations in
the study of management and organizations. In terms of such innovations, the Global
Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness (GLOBE) Research Project is a mon-
umental winner. GLOBE’s hundred plus investigators studied, across 61 countries, the inter-
play between culture and organizational form to address the conditions under which leaders
matter in terms of both economic and social outcomes. We are pleased to become affiliated
with the GLOBE enterprise by including this volume: Culture and Leadership Across the
World: The GLOBE Book of 25 Societies in our series. The volume contains in-depth analy-
ses of culture and leadership in 25 countries. Readers, for example, will travel from Finland
to Austria, from Australia to France, from Argentina to Greece, and from Turkey to China,
learning all the way about these countries—their cultures and leadership climates. We hope
you enjoy it.

—Arthur P. Brief, University of Utah

—James P. Walsh, University of Michigan

xi
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To my parents, Ma and Bhaiji,

and my wife, Kiran
—Jagdeep S. Chhokar

To my partner Mechthild,
and our sons Moritz and Noah
—Felix C. Brodbeck

To Daniel Ken House, Timothy Martin House

and Mary Kathleen Goldman
—Robert J. House
Chhokar Prelims.qxd 10/4/2007 3:47 PM Page xiii

Foreword
It is obvious that globalization is the name of the game in business, and no large firms can afford
to ignore their overseas markets. Toyota has 39 overseas production centers in 24 countries,
Microsoft has offices in over 60 countries, and Nestlé operates in over 80 countries. Even firms
from emerging economies are keen to globalize. Haier, a Chinese firm that sells household
appliances, conducts business in over 160 nations and operates manufacturing facilities in many
countries, including the United States, Italy, Iran, Jordan, Malaysia, and Vietnam.
Our research enterprise lags embarrassingly behind the multinationals in its international
reach. A business executive who takes a cursory look at the leading journals in management
would no doubt notice that management research is conducted mostly in one place, the United
States, and occasionally in a Western European country. One exception is the surge in the
number of papers on China, perhaps because China has recently led the world in terms of
direct foreign investments (Leung & White, 2004). In any event, our current literature proba-
bly reminds this executive of a bygone era some 40 years ago, when most large organizations
were based in the West and their primary focus was the Western markets. The international
department in these firms was small and peripheral, and typically people on the way down or
out were sent overseas.

GLOBALIZING OUR RESEARCH EFFORTS

The GLOBE project is a rare exception to the parochialism of the management literature. With
the participation of approximately 17,300 middle managers from 950 organizations in 62 coun-
tries, the scale of this project rivals a large multinational corporation. Aside from its theoretical
contributions, this project is ground-breaking in demonstrating how management research can
be globalized on a scale that is comparable to the best multinationals. The GLOBE project is
perhaps the most large-scale international management research project that has ever been
undertaken, involving some 170 coinvestigators from 62 participating countries.
Although how the GLOBE team has been operating may be worth the while of a scientific
exploration, we know for sure that the complexity of this enterprise has not jeopardized its
effectiveness. Peterson (2001) has provided an astute analysis of international research col-
laborations and a framework for classifying such collaborations based on a taxonomy of
multinational corporations. The GLOBE project is classified into the global category, with the
logic for collaboration being “collaborative, common research design,” and its utility being
“design globally comprehensive theory learning from prior work plus experiences of
colleagues” (p. 70). More important to my analysis is that the potential risks and stresses of
this type of collaborations include “easy to romanticize. Hard, perhaps sometimes impracti-
cal to manage. Easily devolves into international due to varying resource control and avail-
able time” (p. 70). “International” in this quote refers to the research goal of evaluating the
generalizability of some domestic research in other cultural settings, which lacks originality

xiii
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xiv FOREWARD

as compared to global research. In addition, Peterson has provided some examples of

dysfunctional dynamics that may threaten a global project, including horse trading (nonsyn-
ergistic exchanges), manipulating (uncooperative behaviors that range from passive to aggres-
sive), and expropriating (dominance by those who are resourceful). To overcome such
negative dynamics, Peterson has proposed four strategies: a social contract, fostering trust,
self-development of collaborators, and an influential leadership and a clear hierarchy.
Peterson used the GLOBE project to illustrate the last strategy, and regarded Bob House, the
founder and key driver of the project, as an influential, resourceful leader, which is
pivotal to the success of the project.
I would add that the GLOBE project also scores high on the first three strategies. The
project team assumes a network structure, with Bob House and his key team playing the leading
and organizing role. Participants are clear about their roles and obligations as a result of intense
face- to-face and written communications. The successful completion of such a colossal project
and the consistency displayed by the 25 country-specific chapters in this volume testify to the
effectiveness of the social contract that has guided this geographically dispersed, loosely
connected team of coinvestigators. Trust among the coinvestigators is evident as they freely
exchange ideas and receive credit for their contributions in terms of publications and conference
presentations. I was in the audience of a couple of GLOBE symposia, and I was struck by the
sincere effort to put all the presenters in the limelight, regardless of whether they were part of
the core team or just coinvestigators. I also participated in a couple of informal meetings of the
project team to share some ideas on methodological issues, and I witnessed firsthand the free
and open exchange among the coinvestigators. Finally, with regard to self-development oppor-
tunities, the chapters in this volume make it clear that there is a structured mechanism for indi-
vidual team members to contribute their local and general knowledge to the project through
a variety of physical as well as cyber means. In fact, local knowledge was given a critical role
in the planning stage of this project, and the publication of this volume on culture-specific
results is a continuous echo of this emphasis. I am sure that the coinvestigators of this project
benefit not only from the publications and conference presentations arising from the project, but
also from the formal and informal exchange of ideas and expertise.
In summary, the GLOBE project provides a compelling demonstration that with passion,
dedication, trust, and ample research funds, an enormous project spanning across many
national borders is not only possible, but fruitful. The logistics problems are harsh and trying,
but they can be overcome by zeal and curiosity.

CULTURAL DECENTERING AS A STRATEGY FOR GLOBAL RESEARCH

Van de Vijver and Leung (1997) have proposed that an effective way to design a culturally
balanced study is to adopt the decentered approach, which involves input from diverse
cultural backgrounds to the development of conceptual frameworks and the design of empir-
ical work. The GLOBE project exemplifies this approach. The definition and content of
culture and leadership dimensions were the result of collective wisdom gleaned from the first
GLOBE research conference in 1994, with the participation of 54 researchers from 38 coun-
tries. Furthermore, coinvestigators contributed items to the instruments used, sharpened and
reworded items to render them culturally appropriate, assisted in the translation of the instru-
ments, and aided in the interpretation of the results based on indigenous research and unique
cultural knowledge. The chapters in this volume document the extensive effort to avoid the
dominance of American notions of leadership, and how diverse cultural inputs shaped the
final constructs, dimensions, and frameworks emerged from the project.
Chhokar Prelims.qxd 10/4/2007 3:47 PM Page xv

FOREWARD xv

In globalizing our research effort, diversity in our theorizing is crucial, and I may even go
so far as to say that this is a primary reason why we want to go global. Darwin has shown us
the supreme value of diversity to the survival and adaptation of species. In the business world,
although some people have argued for an inevitable consequence of globalization, isomor-
phism, the evidence for diversity is mounting (for a recent study documenting divergence in
a very global industry, the computer industry, see Duysters & Hagedoorn, 2001). Firms have
not become more alike as a result of operating and competing in a global market. Diversity in
ideas, constructs, and instruments sprung from global research will ultimately lead to richer,
more complete, and more general management theories.

GENERALITY VERSUS RICHNESS

A major strength of the GLOBE project is the deployment of diverse methodologies, both
quantitative and qualitative, to enhance the robustness and richness of the findings. The catch
from this odyssey is impressive. Nine culture dimensions were identified: Assertiveness,
Future Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism, Humane Orientation, Institutional Collectivism,
In-Group Collectivism, Performance Orientation, Power Distance, and Uncertainty Avoidance.
Six of them correspond to the well-known culture dimensions of Hofstede (1980, 1997), and the
remaining three dimensions are also grounded in previous literature. Future Orientation is
related to the Past, Present, Future Orientation dimension of Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961);
Performance Orientation corresponds to need for achievement (McClelland, 1961); and
Humane Orientation is related to the Human Nature Is Good vs. Human Nature Is Bad dimen-
sion of Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, Putnam’s (1993) work on the Civic Society, and
McClelland’s (1985) conceptualization of the affiliative motive.
With regard to leadership behaviors, a total of 21 leadership dimensions were identified,
which were found to constitute six factors: Team-Oriented Leadership, Charismatic/Value-
Based Leadership, Autonomous Leadership, Humane Leadership, Participative leadership,
and Self- Protective Leadership.
A major criticism of this type of etic (culture-general) research for identifying pan-cultural
constructs and dimensions is their high level of abstraction and its neglect of subtle, but
important local variations and nuances (Morris, Leung, Ames, & Lickel, 1999). An obvious,
but hard-to-do, remedy is to augment these etic constructs and frameworks with the richness
of emic (culture-specific) concepts and findings (Yang, 2000). This volume, with its richness
of culture-specific findings and insights, constitutes an important step of the GLOBE project
in giving the etic skeleton flesh and blood. Combining qualitative and quantitative results, and
drawing on the extant cultural knowledge and indigenous research on leadership, each of the
25 country-specific chapters describes how leadership is conceptualized and enacted in its
cultural milieu, and explores how emic dynamics are related to the etic constructs and frame-
works derived from the GLOBE project. It is exactly this type of synergistic integration of
culture-general and culture-specific knowledge that is able to address the respective deficien-
cies of pan-cultural and indigenous research.

IS THE EFFORT WORTH IT?

I would like to end by addressing the bottom-line question. Firms go global not because they
love the global village, but because global business is good business. So one may raise the
issue of return on investment: Is the new knowledge garnered worth the resources that have
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xvi FOREWORD

gone into the GLOBE project? Only time will tell whether a project actually pays off, and it
will perhaps be 10 years from now before we will know for sure. However, all the earlier sig-
nals are good, and the pan-cultural dimensions identified and the culture-specific findings
obtained will definitely become a major driving force of leadership research in the coming
decade.
Although the substantive findings of the GLOBE project are important and valuable in their
own right, I want to point out three very important side products that I alluded to earlier. First,
this project has leapfrogged management research into the global era by demonstrating how a
truly global effort can be sustained and achieved successfully. I hope that the GLOBE project
will inspire many others to undertake similarly ambitious global research projects.
Second, the GLOBE project has highlighted many of the theoretical and methodological
pitfalls that we encounter in our endeavor to develop universal management theories. I hope
this project will bring such conceptual and methodological problems that plague global
research to the forefront. It is regrettable that there has not been much progress in solving
these problems in the last decade, and more intense research effort into these barriers will
hopefully make global research less perplexing and more enlightening and gratifying.
Finally, the GLOBE project has demonstrated a balance of generality and richness as well
as a laudable attempt to address cross-level issues. The call for multimethod, multilevel
research has been around for decades, but genuine responses to this call are rare. The GLOBE
project reminds us of the different limitations of different conceptual and methodological ori-
entations, and of the need to be integrative and pluralistic in our research enterprises. The
GLOBE project will go down in the history of management research as a hallmark for diver-
sity, inclusiveness, richness, and multilateralism.

—Kwok Leung
City University of Hong Kong

REFERENCES
Duysters, G., & Hagedoorn, J. (2001). Do company strategies and structures converge in global markets? Evidence
from the computer industry. Journal of International Business Studies, 32, 347–356.
Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s consequences: International differences in work-related values. Beverly Hills, CA:
Sage.
Hofstede, G. (1997). Cultures and organizations: The software of the mind. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Kluckhohn, F., & Strodtbeck, F. L. (1961). Variations in value orientations. Evanston, IL: Row, Peterson.
Leung, K., & White, S. (Eds.). (2004). Handbook of Asian Management. New York: Kluwer.
McClelland, D. C. (1961). The achieving society. Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand.
McClelland, D. C. (1985). Human motivation. Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman.
Morris, M. W., Leung, K., Ames, D., & Lickel, B. (1999). Incorporating perspectives from inside and outside:
Synergy between emic and etic research on culture and justice. Academy of Management Review, 24, 781–796.
Peterson, M. F. (2001). International collaboration in organizational behavior research. Journal of Organizational
Behavior, 22, 59–81.
Putnam, R. D. (1993). Making democracy work. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Van de Vijver, F., & Leung, K. (1997). Methods and data analysis for cross-cultural research. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Yang, K. S. (2000). Monocultural and cross-cultural indigenous approaches: The royal road to the development of
a balanced global psychology. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 4, 241–263.
Chhokar Prelims.qxd 10/4/2007 3:47 PM Page xvii

About the Authors

Staffan Åkerblom is a program director and head of the International Management Program
at the Swedish Institute of Management. He is also a doctoral candidate (Ph.Lic) at the
Stockholm School of Economics. His research interests and previous publications are focused
around conceptions of managerial leadership in various industrial and social contexts.
Carlos Altschul teaches international negotiation at FLACSO/Universidad de San Andrés;
negotiation in School of Economics at Buenos Aires University; and organization change at
Buenos Aires University and Universidad Siglo XXI, Córdoba. He has directed major consulting
projects for AngloGold, DaimlerChrysler, EXXON, Scotiabank, Goodyear, and directed training
for Novartis, American Express, Cargill, Bayer, Shell, and Scania. He studied chemical engi-
neering at Buenos Aires University and was awarded MS and PhD degrees from Iowa State
University. He recently published Estar de Paso: Consultant roles and Responsibilities
(Granica) and Transformando: Prácticas de Cambio en Empresas Argentinas (University of
Buenos Aires Press). Address: Urquiza 1835, (1602) Florida, PBA, Argentina. Telephone: 54
011 4 797 8737. Fax: 54 011 4 797 8745. E-mail: [email protected].
Marina Altschul is assistant professor in organization development at the Universidad de
Buenos Aires, and is a consultant on group dynamics, coaching, and leadership issues. She
designs and coordinates multiyear training projects for leading national and international
corporations, such as American Express, Bayer, BankBoston, Banco de Galicia, Cerro
Vanguardia, OSDE, Telecom Personal, and Unilever. She graduated from the School of
Agronomics, University of Buenos Aires. Address: General Lavalle 2035, (1602) Florida,
PBA, Argentina. Telephone: 54 011 4 718 0595. E-mail: [email protected].
Neal Ashkanasy is professor of management in the UQ Business School, University of
Queensland. He came into academic life after an 18-year career in professional engineering
and management, and has since worked in the schools of psychology, commerce, engineering,
management, and business. He has a PhD (1989) in social and organizational psychology
from the University of Queensland, and has research interests in leadership, organizational
culture, and business ethics. In recent years, however, his research has focused on the role of
emotions in organizational life. He has published his work in journals such as the Academy
of Management Review, the Academy of Management Executive, Accounting, Organizations
and Society, the Journal of Management, the Journal of Organizational Behavior, the Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology and Organizational Behavior and Human Decision
Processes. He is coeditor of three books: The Handbook of Organizational Culture
and Climate (Sage), Emotions in the Workplace; Theory, Research, and Practice (Quorum),
and Managing Emotions in the Workplace (M. E. Sharpe), with a fourth under contract with
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. In addition, he administers two e-mail discussion lists:
Orgcult, the Organizational Culture Caucus list; and Emonet, the Emotions in the Workplace
list. He has organized three gatherings of the International Conference on Emotions in
Organizational Life and planned the fourth conference that was held in England in July 2004.

xvii
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xviii ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Professor Ashkanasy is also on the editorial boards of the Academy of Management Journal,
the Journal of Organizational Behavior, Applied Psychology: An International Review, and
the Journal of Management. He is a past chair of the Managerial and Organizational
Cognition Division of the Academy of Management.
J. Arnoldo Bautista has an Engineering Interdisciplinary PhD (civil engineering, industrial engi-
neering, crop and soil sciences) from New Mexico State University and a Master of Science,
Industrial Engineering from New Mexico State University. His work experience includes direc-
tor, Research and Technology Development National Center (CENIDET), 2000–present; acade-
mic dean, Research and Technology Development National Center (CENIDET), 1998–2000;
executive director, Solar Energy National Association (ANES), 1998–2000; vice-minister,
Ministry of Agriculture Development, Chihuahua state government, 1996–1998; office head,
Office of Agriculture Marketing, Ministry of Agriculture Development, Chihuahua state govern-
ment, 1993–1996; general coordinator, Campus Nuevo Casas Grandes of Ciudad Juarez Institute
of Technology, 1990–1993, strategic planning, financial and computer systems advisor,
1990–2002; associate professor, New Mexico State University, 1989–1990; assistant professor,
New Mexico State University, 1987–1989; manufacturing superintendent, Automatic Insertion
Department, R.C.A., 1978–1980; industrial engineer, Time and Standards Department, R.C.A.,
1977–1978; and manufacturing supervisor, Manufacturing and Testing Department, R.C.A.,
1975–1977. He is the author of several international and local publications. Contact information:
J. Arnoldo Bautista, Director, Centro Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo Tecnológico,
Interior Internado Palmira S/N–Complejo CENIDET, Col. Palmira, Cuernavaca, Morelos CP
62490 México. Phones: 011 52 777 318 7741 & 011 52 777 326 3842. Fax: 011 52 73 12 2434.
E-mail: abautista@cenidet. edu.mx or [email protected].
Muzaffer Bodur is a professor of marketing at Management Department of Bogaziçi
University in Istanbul, Turkey. She received her DBA from Indiana University in 1977 and
acted as a visiting assistant professor at George Mason University upon graduation. In 1979,
she joined Bogaziçi University faculty where she teaches global marketing management
course to MBA students and research methods courses to doctoral students. She has organized
training programs and seminars for executives and had served as the department head.
She is a member of Academy of International Business (AIB) and Consortium for
International Marketing Research (CIMAR). Currently, she is the editor of the Bogaziçi
Journal: Review of Social, Economic and Administrative Studies and serves on the editorial
board of the Journal of International Marketing. She has visited Uppsala University of Sweden
and Odense University of Denmark to teach international marketing courses and conducted cross-
cultural research on the implications of business culture for internationalization of firms. Her
publications focus on marketing strategies of multinational firms in emerging markets, export
marketing management, expatriate managers, and consumer satisfaction, dissatisfaction, and
complaining behavior with services and intangible product.
Simon Booth is a senior lecturer in the Department of Management, University of Reading
Business School. He is the author of Crisis Management Strategy, and coauthor of Managing
Competition and more than 30 research articles on strategy. His main research interests cur-
rently concern business sustainability, leadership behavior, and organizational change. Full
address: Department of Management, University of Reading Business School, PO Box 218,
Whiteknights, Reading RG6 6AA, Berkshire, UK.
Lize Booysen is a professor of Leadership at the Graduate School of Business Leadership,
University of South Africa. She holds a masters degree in clinical psychology cum laude
(Rand Afrikaans University), a masters degree in research psychology cum laude, and a
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS xix

masters degree in criminology cum laude (University of Pretoria). She completed her doctorate
in business leadership at UNISA in 1999 on the influence of race and gender in leadership in
South Africa.
She participated in the GLOBE study, and is involved in the Leadership Across
Differences (LAD) study steered by the Center for Creative Leadership, Greensboro, North
Carolina.

Felix C. Brodbeck (born 1960) is professor of organizational and social psychology and director
of the Aston Centre for Leadership Excellence (ACLE) at Aston Business School, Aston
University, UK, and a member of the GLOBE Coordination Team. He conducted applied
research in more than 50 organizations in several countries. He has published eight books and
more than 100 scholarly articles in national and international journals, such as Academy of
Management Review, Academy of Management Executive/Perspectives, Applied Psychology: An
Introduction Review, European Journal of Social Psychology, European Journal of Work and
Organizational Psychology, Journal of World Business, Journal of Cross Cultural Psychology,
Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied, Journal of Experimental Social Psychology,
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Journal of Occupational and Organizational
Psychology, Leadership Quarterly, in areas such as leadership, cross-cultural psychology, diver-
sity, HRM, team effectiveness, human–computer interaction, innovation, decision making, and
applied research methods. His repertoire of experience and practice comprises experimental,
applied, and field research, development of theory and practical tools, as well as training, coach-
ing, and consulting in the aforementioned domains.

Philippe Castel is a full professor at the University of Burgundy where he teaches and coordi-
nates courses in social psychology, and recently launched a master’s degree in work psychol-
ogy. He is the codirector of a Clinic and Social Psychology Laboratory (LPCS), whose work
focuses on social categorization, social representations, and their linguistic markers. His main
publications concern discrimination in the workplace in intercultural situations.

Jagdeep S. Chhokar is a professor at the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad, where

he has also been Dean and Director In-charge. He earned his PhD in management and orga-
nizational behavior from Louisiana State University. He is also a graduate in mechanical engi-
neering and in law. He is also a citizen-activist for improving democracy and governance in
the country; a bird watcher and conservationist. Before becoming an academic, he worked
actively with the Indian Railways for 13 years.
He has taught in several countries including Australia, France, Japan, and the United States.
His professional interests are eclectic, covering all aspects of organizational functioning such as
behavior, structure, design, and effectiveness of organizations, and of people in organizations.
The main thrust of his work in the last few years has been cross-cultural management.
His research has appeared in several international journals such as the Journal of Applied
Psychology, Columbia Journal of World Business (now called the Journal of World Business),
International Labor Review, Industrial Relations, Journal of Safety Research, International
Journal of Psychology, Applied Psychology: An International Review, International Journal
of Management, Management International Review, Educational and Psychological
Measurement, American Business Review, and American Journal of Small Business. He has
also contributed chapters to edited books and has written several teaching cases. He is on the
editorial boards of The Journal of Management and of Insight, a publication of the Academy
of International Business. His writings have also appeared in the Indian business and popular
press such as The Economic Times, The Times of India, The Hindu, The Indian Express, The
Financial Express, and The Tribune. His writings on political and electoral issues have
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xx ABOUT THE AUTHORS

appeared in journals in India such as the Economic and Political Weekly and Seminar. As
conservationist, he has published in the National Geographic Birdwatcher, among other jour-
nals. He has been a member of the GLOBE Coordination Team.
Irene Hau-Siu Chow (MBA and PhD, Georgia State University) is a professor in the
Department of Management, The Chinese University of Hong-Kong. Her academic experi-
ence includes appointments in Hong Kong, Singapore, and the United States. She published
widely in international journals. Her current research interests include gender and cultural
issues in Chinese societies, Chinese networks, and comparative human resources management
practices.
Jose DelaCerda is a consultant and researcher of business and public organizations. He is
currently the chief administrator of Zapopan county, Mexico. He has held executive positions
related to organizational development and human resources in government, education, and
consulting firms in Mexico. Mr. DelaCerda has an MA in industrial relations and labor
sciences (Michigan State University) and a diploma in economics and business (The
Economics Institute, University of Colorado, 1980). He has taught in several MBA programs,
mainly at ITESO University. His professional projects have dealt with business process
reengineering, work redesign and organizational downsizing, ISO 9000 quality management
systems, managerial development, human resources management systems, and, more recently,
whole-systems change interventions for strategic planning, participative work and organization
redesign, and supply chain integration. His work as consultant has included firms in construc-
tion and urban development, public services, logistics and warehousing, manufacturing, and
universities. As a researcher he has published several books and articles. Contact information:
Jose DelaCerda, Compositores 4667, Fraccionamiento Los Pinos, Zapopan, Jalisco 45120,
MEXICO. Phone: (33) 3684-2278 (33) 3944-2459. E-mail: [email protected].
Deanne N. den Hartog is full professor of Organizational Behavior at the University of
Amsterdam Business School in the Netherlands. She is director of the Business Studies bach-
elor and master’s programs at the Business School and teaches OB and leadership. Her
research interests focus on cross-cultural and inspirational leadership and also include team
processes and human resource management issues. Among other things, she studies leader-
ship among cultures, leader personality, and the impact of leadership on employees’ learning,
affect, cooperation, and innovative work behaviors.
Marc Deneire holds a PhD in second-language acquisition from the University of Illinois—
Urbana-Champaign. He’s been an associate professor of English linguistics at the University
of Nancy 2 since 1998 where he teaches linguistics, discourse analysis, and intercultural com-
munication. His research focuses on sociolinguistics and intercultural relations.
Peter W. Dorfman is a full professor and the department head of the Department of
Management, New Mexico State University. His master’s and PhD degrees are from the
University of Maryland. His articles on leadership, cross-cultural management, and employee
discrimination have appeared in the Journal of Applied Psychology, Academy of Management
Journal, Academy of Management Review, Journal of Management, Advances in Inter-
national Comparative Management, and Advances in Global Leadership, among others.
Dr. Dorfman’s current research involves investigating the impact of cultural influences on
managerial behavior and leadership styles. He has been a coprincipal investigator of the
decade-long Global Leadership and Organizational Behavioral Effectiveness (GLOBE)
Research Project. As part of GLOBE, he has been a cocountry investigator for Mexico,
a member of the GLOBE coordinating team for overall coordination of the project, and is now
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS xxi

an executive committee member. Contact information: Peter W. Dorfman, Department of

Management, College of Business Administration and Economics, PO Box 30001, MSC 3DJ,
New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM 88003-8001. Voice: 505.646.1201. Fax:
505.646.1372. E-mail: [email protected].
Michael Frese (born 1949) is professor at the University of Giessen and Visiting Professor at
London Business School. He also lectured in the United States, the Netherlands, Finland, Sweden,
Zimbabwe, China, and elsewhere. He was editor of Applied Psychology: An International Review
and is on the editorial board of several journals. He is the author of approximately 200 articles and
editor/author of more than 20 books and special issues. His research has been on the effects of
unemployment, impact of stress at work, shiftwork, training, errors and mistakes, predictors of
personal initiative in East and West Germany, psychological success factors in small-scale entre-
preneurs (particularly in developing countries), and cross- cultural factors.

Ping Ping Fu, associate professor of management in the School of Business of the Chinese
University of Hong Kong, has been a member of the Global Leadership research
project team since 1997. Her current research includes studies of top-management teams,
Chinese CEOs, citizenship behaviors, as well as cross-cultural influence tactics. Her work has
been published in the Journal of Organizational Behavior, Leadership Quarterly, Organi-
zational Dynamics, Journal of International Business Studies, Advances in Global Leadership,
Journal of Asian Businesses, International Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, European
Review of Applied Psychology, International Journal of Human Resources Management, and
Asian Pacific Journal of Management.

Mikhail V. Grachev (PhD) is associate professor of management at Western Illinois

University.
He served as university faculty in the United States, France, Japan, Hungary, the Czech
Republic, and Russia. His research is focused on strategy and international human resource
management.
Mikhail V. Gratchev served as International Leadership Association (ILA) board member.
Contact information: Mikhail V. Grachev, Associate Professor of Management, Western Illinois
University, 3561 60th Street, Moline, Il 61265. Tel: (309) 762-9481. Fax: (309) 762-6989.
E-mail: [email protected].

Dr. Celia Gutierrez has a varied background and training experience. Currently she is
corporate manager of a Spanish business group dedicated to the formation of professionals in
many sectors, including computer technology, chemical laboratories, food processing, and the
development of leisure-time activities.
As an applied psychologist, she has coordinated the activities for extended culture programs
and counseled students at the University of Alcala, Alcala de Henares. As a corporate psycho-
logist, she has created an internship program for students from Syracuse for practicums in the
fields of international finance, applied psychology, corporate strategy, organization behavior,
and cross-cultural administration and management. As a business administrator, Dr. Gutierrez
has coordinated the housing department for exchange programs for American universities and
for the Bilbao-Viscaya Bank in Madrid. She has also been visiting professor in various
Madrid universities, business schools, and corporations for courses on organizational behavior,
global leadership, and cross-cultural management.
Specifically Dr. Gutierrez has published and coauthored in the fields of applied psychology
and organization behavior. Also, she has created the first CD-ROM in Spain with the GLOBE
(Phases 1 and 2) data.
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xxii ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Ingalill Holmberg is associate professor in organization and management and director of the
Centre for Advanced Studies in Leadership at the Stockholm School of Economics. She
received her PhD on a study of managerial succession in large corporations. Her current
research focuses on managerial leadership in different organizational contexts, the ideology
of leadership in the network society, and brands, identity, and leadership. She has published
various books and articles on these subjects. She is an adviser to the Swedish Foundation for
Strategic Research and the chief editor of the Swedish leadership journal Ledmotiv. She has
also been an adviser to the Swedish Ministry of Industry.
Michael H. Hoppe, PhD, is a senior program and research associate at the Center for Creative
Leadership in Greensboro, North Carolina. He conducts leadership development programs
worldwide and researches and designs modules on effective leadership in a “global” world.
Dr. Hoppe, born and raised in Germany, also lived and worked in Austria, Greece, Italy,
and the Netherlands. He holds an MS in clinical psychology from the University of Munich,
Germany, an MS in educational psychology and statistics from State University of New
York–Albany, and a PhD in adult education and institutional studies from University of North
Carolina—Chapel Hill.
Robert J. House received his PhD degree in management from the Ohio State University,
June 1960. He was appointed the Joseph Frank Bernstein Professor Endowed Chair of
Organization Studies at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania in 1988. He
has published 130 journal articles. In total, his articles have been reprinted in approximately
50 anthologies of reading in management and organizational behavior.
He recevied the Award for Distinguished Scholarly Contribution to Management, and four
awards for outstanding publications. The awards were conferred by the Academy of
Management and the Canadian Association of Administrative Sciences. He has also authored
two papers that are Scientific Citations Classics.
He is a Fellow of the Academy of Management, American Psychological Association, and
Society for Industrial/Organizational Psychology. He has served as chairperson of the
Academy of Management Division of Organizational Behavior (1972-1973) and President of
the Administrative Science Association of Canada (1985-1986).
He was the Principal Investigator of the Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior
Effectiveness Research Program (GLOBE) from 1993 through 2003. In this capacity he vis-
ited universities in 38 countries. He has also been a visiting scholar or visiting professor at 14
universities, most of which are in Europe or Asia. He is the senior editor of the following book
Culture, Leadership and Organizations, edited by Robert J. House, Paul J. Hanges, Mansour
Javidan, Peter W. Dorman and Vipin Gupta, Sage Publications, 2004. This book reports the
result of the first two phases of GLOBE.
His major research interests are the role of personality traits and motives as they relate to
effective leadership and organizational performance, power, and personality in organizations,
leadership, and the implications of cross-cultural variation for effective leadership and orga-
nizational performance.
Jon P. Howell is professor of management and organizational behavior in the College of Business
Administration and Economics at New Mexico State University. His MBA is from the University
of Chicago and his PhD from the University of California at Irvine. Professor Howell has pub-
lished book chapters as well as research articles in the Academy of Management Journal, Academy
of Management Review, Leadership Quarterly, Journal of Management, Organizational
Dynamics, and other management journals. His primary research interests are leadership, substi-
tutes for leadership, and international management. He is currently working on the second edition
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS xxiii

of his book Understanding Behaviors for Effective Leadership (Prentice Hall). Contact informa-
tion: Jon P. Howell, Department of Management, College of Business Administration and
Economics, PO Box 30001, MSC 3DJ, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM 88003-
8001. Voice: 505.646.4900. Fax: 505.646.1372. E-mail: [email protected].
Jorge Correia Jesuino holds a PhD in sociology from the Technical University of Lisbon. He
is professor emeritus at Instituto Superior de Ciências do Trabalho e da Empresa (ISCTE) in
Lisbon, Portugal. His teaching and research activities focus on organizational behavior and
social representations. He has published a number of texts on leadership and group processes.
He joined the GLOBE project from its inception as CCI for Portugal.
Hayat Kabasakal is professor of management and organization studies at the Management
Department of Bogaziçi University, Istanbul, Turkey. She received her PhD in 1984 in strategic
management and organizational behavior from the University of Minnesota. In 1984, she
joined Bogaziçi University faculty where she teaches management and organizational behavior
courses to undergraduate, MBA, executive MBA, and doctoral students. She has served as the
associate dean of the Faculty of Administrative Sciences and department head of the Manage-
ment Department. She is currently the co-director of the Center for Disaster Management.
Her research interests center on organizational behavior, with a focus on leadership, culture,
and gender in organizations. She has published in the Journal of Strategic Management,
Organizational Behavior Teaching Review, Journal of Applied Psychology: An International
Journal, Journal of World Business, International Journal of Social Economics, and Bogaziçi
Journal: Review of Social, Economic and Administrative Studies.
She is a member of the Academy of Management, Turkish Faculty Members’ Association,
and GLOBE Foundation. She has served as the editor of Bogaziçi Journal: Review of Social,
Economic and Administrative Studies and on the editorial boards of several international and
national journals focusing on management and organizational studies.
Mary A. Keating lectures in human resource management in Trinity College, Dublin, where she
is director of undergraduate studies at the School of Business Studies. She is a research associ-
ate in the Institute of International Integration Studies (TCD), a fellow of the Salzburg Seminar,
and a member of the worldwide research network GLOBE (Global Leadership and Organi-
zational Behavior Effectiveness) program. She previously lectured at University College,
Dublin. She has published and contributed to national policy in the area of human resource man-
agement. Her research interests include international human resource management, strategies,
and practices, and cross-cultural management and leadership. She is involved in executive edu-
cation at the Irish Management Institute and has extensive consulting experience.
Jeff Kennedy teaches organizational behavior and international human resource management at
both the undergraduate and MBA levels. His research on cross-cultural leadership and
management has been published in a variety of journals, including the Journal of International
Business Studies, Academy of Management Executive, Asia Pacific Journal of Management, and
Organizational Dynamics. Prior to joining the Nanyang Business School in Singapore, he
worked as an industrial/organizational psychologist for the Royal New Zealand Navy, a senior
HR consultant for Ernst & Young (specializing in executive recruitment and management devel-
opment), and a senior lecturer at Lincoln University, New Zealand.
Paul Koopman (1946) is professor of the psychology of management and organization at
the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, the Netherlands. In 1980, he finished his PhD study
on decision making in organizations. Since then, he studied different types of processes
of management and decision making on the organizational level (industrial democracy,
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xxiv ABOUT THE AUTHORS

reorganization, turnaround management, privatization in Eastern Europe) and the departmental

level (leadership and motivation, quality circles, teamwork, ICT, innovation management). At
this moment, he is interested and actively involved in cross-cultural research, in particular in
relation to issues of HRM, leadership, trust, and organizational culture.
Alexandre Kurc is an associate professor in social psychology at the University of Nancy
2 where he created an advanced professional degree in cross-cultural psychology. As a
member of the communication and social psychology research team (GRC), his research
focuses on intercultural situations, and, more recently, on sanitary and social problems.
He has been a member of the ARIC Board (Association for Cross-Cultural Research)
since 2001.
Marie-Françoise Lacassagne is a full professor of social psychology at the University of
Burgundy where she created a university degree in coaching and mental performance. She is
the director of the ISOS (Social Interaction and Sports Organisation) laboratory. Her current
research is in sports management with a special focus on social interaction in sport market-
ing and in sports coaching. She is also interested in fans’ behavior.
Christopher Leeds is a member of the council of Conflict Research & Society, London,
a visiting research fellow at the University of Kent at Canterbury, and a researcher at the University
of Nancy 2 where he taught British studies and humor studies as an associate professor until 2002.
Ji Li, PhD, University of Toronto, 1993, is currently an associate professor in the Department
of Management, School of Business, Hong Kong Baptist University. His research interests
include the effects of culture or other institutional factors on firm behavior and firm performance.
Martin Lindell is professor in the Department of Management and Organization at the Swedish
School of Economics and Business Administration. His main research interests are innovation,
leader behavior, strategy development, and acquisitions. He has written articles in journals such as
Technovation, Leadership Quarterly, Scandinavian Journal of Management, International
Strategic Management and Organization, Journal of Small Business Management, and Business
Strategy and the Environment. He has recently chaired the Scandinavian Academy of
Management. Contact information: Martin Lindell, Professor, Swedish School of Economics and
Business Administration, P.O.Box 479, FIN-00101 Helsinki, Finland. Phone: 358 9 43133274.
Fax: 358 9 43133275. E-mail: [email protected].
Mercedes López teaches and researches in the School of Psychology at Buenos Aires
University. She consults on qualitative research and directs research and training on interpersonal
behavior in organizations for leading national and international organizations: Burke, Business
Bureau, “a & c” for Metrogas, Alico, BNP, Cinzano-BAMSA, Coca Cola, Liberty, Jumbo,
BankBoston, Psyma, Sky, Guby, Telecom. ASECOM for Travelpass, Aquafresh, St. Ives,
Boomerang, ABN AMRO, and Princeton Gallup for Toyota. Holds a master of science degree
in Sociology (FLACSO) and her doctorate is in psychology, Buenos Aires University. She has
published several academic papers. Address: Pje. Pedro López Anaut 4072, (1228) Capital
federal, Bs. As., Argentina. Telephone: 54 011 4 931 4770. E-mail: [email protected].
Gillian S. Martin lectures in business German in Trinity College, Dublin. She holds a PhD in
applied linguistics, is a fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, and a research associate at the Institute of
International Integration Studies (TCD). She previously lectured in the University of Limerick. Her
research interests include cross-cultural negotiation and leadership, organizational communication,
and doctor–patient interaction. She is a member of the worldwide research network GLOBE
(Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness) program. She has been a guest lec-
turer at universities in Düsseldorf, Linz, Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, and Bonn.
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS xxv

Sandra M. Martínez is an assistant professor of management at the Widener University

School of Business Administration. She formerly held positions as an adjunct instructor at the
Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania and the Fox School of Business at Temple
University. As a recipient of the National Security Education Program Doctoral Fellowship,
she conducted an ethnographic study of elite Mexican managers from 1995 through 1998,
which became her dissertation. She is a member of the GLOBE Mexican team. Her research
is guided by an interest in the impact of cultural and institutional forces on leadership and
managerial processes, such as strategic planning. She is a senior consultant with Decision
Strategies International, Inc., where she works with nonprofit organizations. Contact infor-
mation: Sandra Martínez, 274 Hathaway Lane, Wynnewood, PA 19096. Phone: 610-649-
9652. E-mail: [email protected].
Phyllisis M. Ngin, PhD, University of Michigan, 1994, taught organizational behavior at the
National University of Singapore Faculty of Business Administration, Singapore, and the
Melbourne Business School, Melbourne, Australia. Her research interests are in managing
technical professionals and sociology of work. She has taken a temporary leave of absence
from academe and currently resides in Rochester Hills, Michigan.
Dr. Jeremiah J. O’Connell is emeritus professor of management at Bentley College where
he earlier spent 10 years as the dean of the Graduate School and 12 years as professor of
management. His career began at the Wharton School where he earned his tenure. He spent
the 1970s at an institute of the University of Geneva, Switzerland. In the last quarter of the
21st century he worked in 20 countries, often spending a month or more per year in Spain.
His publications have been in the fields of corporate governance, corporate strategy, organi-
zation change, and cross-cultural management.
Enrique Ogliastri is a professor in the INCAE Business School (Costa Rica). A PhD in orga-
nization theory from Northwestern University, he teaches negotiations, strategy, social enter-
prise, and organizations. He has published 15 books, the last one coauthored with Austin et
al. Social Partnering in Latin America, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004. He
was a professor at University of the Andes (Bogotá) for 25 years and was visiting faculty at
Harvard (1980–1984), Ajiken (Tokyo, 1989), Toulousse ESC, and Nancy University (France,
1997, 1999) and Instituto de Empresa (IE, Spain). He is presently completing books about
intercultural negotiations, leadership, and social enterprise.
Nancy Papalexandris is professor of human resources management and vice-rector of acad-
emic affairs and personnel at the Athens University of Economics and Business. She also is
director of the MSc in Human Resource Management of her university. She has studied busi-
ness administration and obtained her MA from New York University and her PhD from the
University of Bath in the UK. She teaches management theory, human resources manage-
ment, organizational behavior, public relations, and business communications. She has also
taught in various EU universities and in post-training and management development seminars
in Greece and abroad.
Her research interests include human resource management, organizational behavior and cul-
ture, leadership, small to medium enterprises, issues in public administration, public relations,
corporate communications, and women in management. She has published various books and
articles in international journals and has participated in a number of international conferences.
She is member of the editorial team of Employee Relations. She represents Greece in CRANET,
a research network on comparative European human resource management, and GLOBE, an
international research network on organizational culture and leadership. She is vice president of
the Institute of Human Resource Management of the Greek Management Association.
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xxvi ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Maria Marta Preziosa teaches business ethics at the Argentine Catholic University Business
School. She has a graduate degree in philosophy and an MBA, and is a PhD candidate (phi-
losophy) at Navarra University (IESE Business School). She conducts long-term training pro-
jects in business ethics and social responsibility for Novartis, Shell, and DirecTV. She is a
member of ALENE and ISBEE (Latin American, and International Society for Business
Ethics and Economics). Address: F. J. S. M. de Oro 3065, 1°6, (C1425FOU) Buenos Aires,
Argentina. Telephone: 54011-4773-3807. E-mail: [email protected].
Dr. Jose M. Prieto is senior professor of personnel psychology at the Universidad Complutense
of Madrid. His areas of expertise are personnel assessment and training, as well as information
and communication technologies in applied psychology. His present focus is the
psychological basis for trust among employees as well as in online communication and Web-
based training. He is secretary general of the International Association of Applied Psychology,
and a member of the European Network of Organizational Psychology. He is also a member
of the editorial board of international journals such as Applied Psychology: An International
Review, British Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, European Psychologist,
and Psycothema. He has written about 150 articles and chapters in English, French, Italian, and
Spanish and is an invited lecturer using these languages in universities around the world.
Leonel Prieto obtained his BS in agricultural engineering from the Universidad Autonoma
Chapingo, Mexico; his MS and PhD in production systems from the University of Reading,
United Kingdom; and his MBA from the University of Texas at El Paso. His work experience
includes the Research Center for Demographic and Urban Studies, El Colegio de Mexico,
Mexico; and research scholar, International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis, Laxenburg,
Austria. He is currently a graduate student in the Department of Management at New Mexico
State University. His research interests include cross-cultural leadership and strategy. Contact
information: Leonel Prieto, Department of Management, College of Business Administration
and Economics, PO Box 30001, MSC 3DJ, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM
88003- 8001. Voice: 505.646.1201. Fax: 505.646.1372. E-mail: [email protected].
Boris V. Rakitski (PhD) is the leading Russian social scholar with exemplary academic contribu-
tion to philosophy, sociology, labor economics, and political science. He is acting member of the
Russian Academy of Natural Science. Rakitski served as member of the Russian President’s
Council on Social Policy, as director of the Russian Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Labor and
Institute of Employment and as vice-president of the USSR Sociology Association. He is the
founder of the Institute of Perspectives and Problems of the Country and the School of Worker
Democracy. Rakitski is professor of the Academy of Public Policy under the President of the
Russian Federation. Contact information: Boris V. Rakitski, 113 Vernadskogo Prospekt Suite 244,
Moscow 119571, Russia. Tel: (7-095) 931-4260. Tel: (309) 931-4260. E-mail: [email protected]
Gerhard Reber’s teaching and research area is organizational behavior. He pursued his aca-
demic career in Austria and has taught in various countries and institutions, such as the
University of Dallas, the University of Toronto and York University (Toronto), Emory
University (Atlanta), Turku School of Business and Economics (Finland), and numerous
universities in German-speaking countries (St. Gallen, Heidelberg, Regensburg, Leipzig,
Vienna). Currently he is department head of the Institute for International Management
Studies and the Institute for Business Languages at Johannes Kepler University–Linz. His
academic career has been accompanied by more than 100 publications, intensive consulting,
and in-company as well as executive training activities. He has been coeditor of the journal
Die Betriebswirtschaft since 1977 and a member of the Editorial Board of the International
Journal of Human Resource Management. Contact information: Institute for International
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS xxvii

Management Studies, Johannes Kepler University, Altenbergerstr. 69, A-4040 Linz / Austria,
tel. +43 70 2468 9469, fax. +43 70 2468 8418, e-mail: [email protected].
Nikolai G. Rogovsky (PhD) is senior specialist at International Labor Organization in
Switzerland. His research focus is on international human resource management and social
aspect of business. Rogovsky contributed to the GLOBE chapter when he served on the fac-
ulty of California State University–Hayward. Contact information: Nikolai G. Rogovsky,
Senior Specialist, International Labor Office, 4, route des Morillons, CH-1211 Geneva 22,
Switzerland. Tel: (41-22) 799-6116. E-mail: [email protected].
Flavio Ruffolo is adjunct professor of economic & business history in the School of Economics at
Buenos Aires University. He completed coursework at the University of Bari, Italy, and at the
University of Wisconsin. He has a master’s degree in human resources from Buenos Aires University.
He is a consultant for SMBs, public agencies, and educational institutions. He is a researcher and
author of papers on public administration and program implementation, Argentine Institute for
Public Administration. Address: Industria 3136, 1653 - Villa Ballester, Pdo. San Martín, Buenos
Aires, Argentina, Telephone: 54 011 4 768 – 7310, E-mail: [email protected].
Camilla Sigfrids is partner and managing director for the Center for Leading Competence. Up
until cofounding the company in late 2000, she was a member of the faculty and director of
MBA programs at the Department of Management and Organisation at the Swedish School of
Economics and Business Administration, Helsinki. Her current research focuses on applying
approaches of problem-based learning to corporate leadership development needs. Contact
information: Camilla Sigfrids, Chief Sense Maker, Managing Director, CLC Center for Leading
Competence Oy, Fredrikinkatu 34 A 12, FIN- 00100 HELSINKI. Phone: +358 9 5657 6262.
Fax: +358 9 5657 6260. Mobile: +358 5 0530 8327. E-mail: Camilla Sigfrids@clchelsinki.
Erna Szabo is Assistant Professor of Social and Economic Sciences at the Institute for
International Management Studies at Johannes Kepler University–Linz in Austria. She
received her doctorate from Johannes Kepler University and her MBA from the University of
Toronto. Her current research interest includes cross-cultural leadership and the combined use
of qualitative and quantitative methods to study participation in managerial decision making.
She teaches organizational behavior and cross-cultural management at Johannes Kepler
University and cultural awareness at the Ecole Supérieure de Commerce de Rouen in France
and at the Turku School of Economics and Business Administration in Finland. She is the
proud mother of a little girl, Lea Johanna. Contact information: Institute for International
Management Studies, Johannes Kepler University, Altenbergerstr. 69, A-4040 Linz/Austria,
tel. +43 70 2468 9126, fax. +43 70 2468 8418, e-mail: [email protected].
Albert C. Y. Teo, PhD, University of California–Berkeley, 1993, is currently an associate pro-
fessor in the Department of Management & Organization, NUS Business School, National
University of Singapore. He concurrently holds a joint appointment in the University Scholars
Program, National University of Singapore.
Prof. Dr. Henk Thierry (1938) is professor emeritus in work and organizational psychology.
He got his degree in psychology at the Free University in Amsterdam. In 1971, he joined the
University of Amsterdam in a new chair in work and organizational psychology. In 1993, he
joined the Human Resource Science Department at Tilburg University and in 2000 he became
full professor in work and organizational psychology at that university.
His current research interests cover compensation at work, work motivation, and strategic
human resource management. He coauthored and coedited two editions of the Handbook of
Work and Organizational Psychology. His most recent publications stem from 2002 and 2005.
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xxviii ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Juan Antonio Ortiz Valdés, PhD, is a professor and researcher in organizational behavior in the
Economic, Business and Finances Department at Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores
de Occidente, Guadalajara, Jalisco, México. He obtained his MS and PhD degrees at Vanderbilt
University. His current academic activities involve organizational change, quality of work life
and stress management and their relationship with job satisfaction, organizational commitment,
team building, leadership, and organizational culture in Mexican business. Contact information:
Juan Antonio Ortiz Valdés, Jardín de los Tulipanes Sur # 36, Frc. Jardín Real, Condominio (6),
Zapopan, Jal. CP 45019 Mexico. E-mail: ao [email protected].
Jürgen Weibler, PhD, is full professor of business administration, leadership, and organiza-
tion at the University of Hagen (FernUniversität in Hagen), Germany. He received his doc-
toral degree from the University of Cologne with a specialization in organizational behavior.
For many years he was the research director of the Institute for Leadership and Human
Resource Management at the University of St. Gallen, Switzerland, and was professor for
management at the University of Constance, Germany. Dr. Weibler has extensive research
experience in the areas of leadership, human resource management, and organizational
change. He has developed an approach for theorizing leadership at a distance. Dr. Weibler has
been co-editor of the journal Zeitschrift für Personalforschung (German Journal of Human
Resource Research), and served on the review boards or as an advisory reviewer of the MIR
(Management International Review) and the Encyclopedia of Leadership (editorial board)
among others. He is the (co-)author of three books and over 80 (inter)national articles or book
chapters. Dr. Weibler has broad experiences in teaching and served as a consultant to numer-
ous organizations.
Celeste P. M. Wilderom (1956) is a full professor in management and organizational behavior
(University of Twente, the Netherlands). She obtained a PhD from the State University of New
York (Buffalo) in 1987. Her main research focus is on effective organizational change, includ-
ing leadership and culture. She is one of the three editors of the award-winning Handbook of
Organizational Culture & Climate (2000 & 2004, Sage). She is publishing in a variety of out-
lets and serves as an associate editor of the Academy of Management Executive, British Journal
of Management, and International Journal of Service Industry Management.

Rongxian Wu is an associate professor of psychology in the Psychology Department

of Suzhou University, China. His main research interests include industrial/organizational psychol-
ogy, Chinese indigenous psychology, and cross-cultural psychology. He was a visiting scholar at the
Wharton School of Business and worked with Professor Robert House between July 1997 and
August 1998, and again, between July 2002 and July 2003. He is also a consultant for multiple firms,
including Unilever. Contact: Wu Rongxian, Psychology Department, East Campus Box 537, Suzhou
University, Suzhou, Jiangsu 215021, China. E-mail: [email protected].
Rolf Wunderer, PhD, is emeritus professor of business administration, leadership, and HRM at
the University of St. Gallen, Switzerland, where he served as a full professor of business admin-
istration from 1983 to 2001. He was founder and until 2001 director of the Institute for
Leadership and Human Resource Management at the same university. Prior to that, he was a full
professor of business administration, entrepreneurship, and leadership at the University of Essen
(Germany) and an appointed lecturer at the German Military University of Munich and at the
University of Munich, where he received his doctoral degree in management. He was a visiting
professor at the University of California (Los Angeles and Berkeley), Hitotsubashi University
(Tokyo), and Ludwigs-Maximilian-Universität München.
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR xxix

Dr. Wunderer is coeditor of the Zeitschrift für Personalforschung (German Journal of Human
Resource Research), the Handwörterbuch der Führung (Handbook of Leadership), member of the
editorial board of the Zeitschrift für Personalpsychologie (Personnel Psychology), and reviewer of
numerous journals. He is the author of more than 200 articles and book chapters. He published 43
books as (co-)author or (co-)editor—a lot of them in high editions. Dr. Wunderer has experiences
in teaching for 40 years. He served as a consultant to governments and global companies, and was
president or board member of various institutions. His main emphasis in research, teaching, and
consulting has been personnel management, promoting cointrapreneurs, cooperation between
organizational units (lateral cooperation), development of human resources, personnel controlling,
and quality management.
Yongkang Yang is a professor of management and director of the Training Department in
the School of Business in Fudan University. For the past 25 years, he has been teaching and
doing research in the organizational behavior area, and has completed many research projects
supported by the Chinese National Science Foundation, Ministry of Education or various
business organizations. He has published more than 30 papers in the area.
Jun Ye has a PhD in history from Fudan University. She is currently serving as a com-
mentator for “Daily Economic News” in Shanghai, mostly on economics. She has written
over a hundred commentaries, which appeared in various newspapers in Shanghai.
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Preface
This is the second book being published by the Global Leadership and Organizational
Behavior Effectiveness (GLOBE) research program. The purpose of this book is to report the
results of Phase 3 of GLOBE, which is the most recent phase of GLOBE. Phases 1 and 2 are
described in Culture, Leadership, and Organization: The GLOBE Study of 62 Societies,
edited by Robert J. House, Paul J. Hanges, Mansour Javidan, Peter W. Dorfman, and Vipin
Gupta, Sage Publications, 2004.
The evolution and research design of GLOBE are described in that book. The objectives
of GLOBE are to answer the following questions:

1. Are there leader behaviors, attributes, and organizational practices that are universally
accepted and effective across cultures?
2. Are there leader behaviors, attributes, and organizational practices that are accepted
and effective in only some cultures?
3. How do attributes of societal and organizational cultures influence whether specific
leader behaviors will be accepted and effective?
4. How do attributes of societal and organizational cultures affect selected organizational
practices?
5. How do attributes of societal cultures affect the economic, physical, and psychologi-
cal welfare of members of the societies studies?
6. What is the relationship between societal cultural variables and international compet-
itiveness of the societies studied?

Following is a brief description of Phases 1 and 2.

Phase 1 was concerned with the development and validation of data collection methods
including questionnaires and guides for collection of information from interview, focus groups,
and media as well as unobtrusive measures of attributes of cultures. Phase 2 was concerned with
capturing the major cultural attributes of 62 societies. Phase 2 was also concerned with identi-
fying the leadership attributes that contribute to outstanding leadership in each society. The
results of Phases 1 and 2 are reported in the book mentioned earlier edited by House et al.
Results of Phase 3 are reported in the present book. Phase 3 consisted of intensive qualita-
tive and quantitative research in each of 25 societal cultures relevant to the enactment of highly
effective leadership. The results of this intensive study of each of the 25 societies are reported
in a separate chapter for each society. The final chapter describes the major conclusions that can
be drawn from this research.
Phase 3 overlapped with Phase 2. All of the country coinvestigators who participated in Phases
1 and 2 were invited to write a chapter for the present book. Research teams in 25 societies
accepted this invitation. The earliest drafts for country chapters came in 1997 and latest in 2001.
The first four chapters that came in, from India, Colombia, Ireland, and the Netherlands,
were edited by me. This took place concurrently with the final editing of the book by House
et al. (2004). The editing process consisted of having each chapter reviewed and evaluated by

xxxi
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xxxii PREFACE

independent scholars who were knowledgeable about the cultures described in the present
book. These review were summarized and a summary as well as the original reviews were
sent to the authors of each of the chapters. The summary included several suggestions for
revision of the chapters based on the independent reviews. All of the four chapters required
moderate to substantial revision. Upon revision, additional changes were requested of the
authors in order to make each chapter as complete and readable as they possibly could be.
This process required as many as two or three revisions for each chapter.
On completion of the editing of the first four chapters received, I realized that editing this book
would be a substantially larger and more challenging task than originally anticipated. On this
realization, I decided to invite Professor Jagdeep Chhokar to be coeditor for the remaining
chapters. This required me to prepare explicit guidelines for the entire review process. As
Professor Chhokar and I proceeded with the editing of the remaining chapters, we became even
more acutely aware of the complexity of the process of coordinating the effort of chapter authors
from highly diverse cultural backgrounds. About this time, Felix Brodbeck offered to participate
and help us out in the editing process, an offer that Professor Chhokar and I gratefully accepted.
Thereafter, Professors Chhokar and Brodbeck jointly edited the remaining chapters. As with the
first four chapters, the remaining chapters also required moderate to substantial revisions as
suggested by the reviewers. The outcome of this process is the present book. This book consists
of the introductory chapter and the chapter on methodology written by Professor Chhokar and
the conclusion chapter written by Professor Brodbeck. Professors Chhokar and Brodbeck did an
excellent job of editing the chapters of this book, and putting together the entire manuscript. Felix
also undertook the major task of final editing of all the chapters. I was happy to let Professors
Chhokar and Brodbeck do all that needed to be done to bring this book to completion.
This book is a product of collective efforts of about 60 scholars from the 25 countries it
includes. Most of them have firsthand experience with the GLOBE data-collection process and
have participated in many discussions among GLOBE members about development of concepts
and methods, and about how to interpret the results found in Phases 1 and 2 of GLOBE.
This book is addressed to both university teachers and researchers, and practicing man-
agers. It provides in-depth understanding of 25 cultures from multiple perspectives and sug-
gestions for further research in each of these cultures. Reading all the chapters together will
provide a detailed understanding of the similarities and differences of cultural and leadership
practices and values in a broad range of countries across major regions of the world.
Managers who are planning to work, or who are already working, in cross-cultural environ-
ments (which we believe more and more managers will have to do in the coming years) will
find each country chapter to be a source for developing a thorough understanding of the cul-
ture and leadership practices of that country. In addition, they will find practical suggestions,
based on rigorous research and experience rooted in that country, about how to deal with man-
agers of and situations in that country.
Information contained in this book will also be a valuable resource for senior managers
planning to do business with other countries or to set up offices or operations in other coun-
tries. Taken together, the comparative study of 62 countries presented in House et al. (2004)
and the in-depth reports about each of a sample of 25 countries from the present book, con-
stitute a rich source of information for anyone interested in understanding the culture and
leadership of countries and organizations across the world.
Such an undertaking is obviously not possible without the help, cooperation, and contri-
butions of several individuals. I would therefore like to thank everyone who was involved in
the preparation of this book. Foremost, I thank all the country chapter authors for the unstinted
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PREFACE xxxiii

support and patience in the long process of bringing this book to completion. I also acknowl-
edge the generous support of their institutions for providing the resources and facilities to
complete various tasks associated with completing their respective chapters. Kwok Leung
very willingly agreed to write the Foreword and we are grateful to him. The reviewers of the
various chapters made an invaluable contribution in ensuring the high quality of scholarship
and accuracy in the country chapters, and I am grateful to all of them. Contributions of all the
participants in the GLOBE program involved in the processes of data collection, analysis, and
writing are reflected in this book in several ways and I thank them for all their efforts. On the
final stretch, it was Anne Duffy of Lawrence Erlbaum Associates who ensured that every
detail came together for publishing the book in its present form, and therefore her contribution
is acknowledged with gratitude.

—Robert J. House

REFERENCE

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. J., Gupta, V. (Eds.), & GLOBE Associates. (2004). Culture,
leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
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1
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Introduction
Jagdeep S. Chhokar
Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad

Felix C. Brodbeck
Aston Business School, Aston University, Birmingham, England

Robert J. House
Wharton School of Management, University of Pennsylvania

Culture and leadership are probably among the most written about and the least understood
topics in the social sciences. This is not only because social scientists find these two topics
very challenging, even seductive, but also because these two seem necessary for satisfying
human existence. The Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness
(GLOBE) Research Project has studied these popular topics afresh and in a simultaneous
breadth and depth that has never before been attempted. The comprehensive quantitative find-
ings of all the 61 countries studied are described in an earlier volume (House, Hanges,
Javidan, Dorfman, Gupta, & GLOBE Associates, 2004). This book reports the results of the
in-depth analyses of culture and leadership in 25 of the 61 countries, each of which is pre-
sented by scholars and researchers from those countries, who integrated the quantitative and
qualitative GLOBE findings.
This book is addressed to both university teachers and researchers on the one side and
practicing managers on the other side. For the former, it provides in-depth understanding of
25 cultures from multiple perspectives and suggestions for further research in each of these
cultures. Reading all the chapters, together with the last chapter of this volume (“Integration,
Conclusions, and Future Directions”), will provide a detailed understanding of the similari-
ties and differences of cultural and leadership practices and values in a broad range of coun-
tries across major regions of the world. For the latter, for example, managers who are
planning to work, or who are already working, in cross-cultural environments (which we
believe, more and more managers will have to do in the coming years) will find each country
chapter to be a source for developing a thorough understanding of the culture and leadership
practices of that country. In addition, they will find practical suggestions, based on rigorous
research and experience rooted in that country, about how to deal with managers of and situ-
ations in that country. Information contained in this book will also be a valuable resource for

1
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2 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

senior managers planning to do business with other countries or to set up offices or operations
in other countries. Taken together, the comparative study of 61 countries presented in House
et al. (2004) and the in-depth reports about each of a sample of 25 countries from the present
book, constitute a rich source of information for anyone interested in understanding the cul-
ture and leadership of countries and organizations across the world.
This chapter starts by explaining the need for country-specific understanding of culture
and leadership, goes on to define the constructs used in the research, and is followed by an
overview of the history and a description of the GLOBE project. The general structure of
country chapters is then described, followed by the plan of the book itself. It closes with a
brief comment on the unique contribution the content of this book makes to the domain.

1. COUNTRY-SPECIFIC UNDERSTANDING

This book focuses on detailed and specific understanding of culture and leadership in the 25
countries represented here. Although there is a need for theories about leadership and organi-
zation that transcend cultural boundaries because the goal of science is to discover and con-
struct universally valid theories, laws, and principles, there are however inherent limitations
in transferring theories across widely varying cultures. What works in one culture may not
work in another culture. As Triandis (1993) suggests, leadership researchers will be able to
“fine-tune” theories by investigating cultural variations as parameters of those theories. In
addition, a focus on cross-cultural issues can help researchers discover new relationships by
suggesting that investigators include a much more encompassing range of variables usually
not considered in contemporary theories, such as the prominence of religion, language,
ethnicity, history, and political systems (Dorfman, 1996).
Although the quantitative data of the GLOBE research program allow comparisons and
contrasts among cultures, they do not allow for culture-specific descriptions of the societies
studied. That is why the authors of the 25 country chapters represented here have described
selected culture-specific attributes and entities of the national setting in which the middle-
management informants are embedded. The attributes and entities are those that the authors
have judged as having nontrivial influences on the interpretation and practice of leadership
and organizational practices of the cultures studied. Although the authors were given a
suggested overall structure for country chapters, they were also free to decide how best to
present the specific information pertaining to the country about which they were writing. On
the one hand, this gave them the freedom to deviate from the set structure in order to repre-
sent cultural and leadership peculiarities more adequately. On the other side, this freedom
resulted in chapters where the structure and presentation style differs to some extent. The
structure suggested to the authors and that has generally been followed in several, but not all,
chapters is described in a later section of this chapter.

2. DEFINITIONS OF CONSTRUCTS

The three major constructs of interest in GLOBE are culture, organizational practices and
values, and leadership. Definitions of these, as used in GLOBE, are given in the next subsec-
tions, along with those of the dimensions that form or contribute to these constructs. These
are described here in this chapter to avoid the need for repeatedly defining them in every
country chapter. It is recommended that readers refer to this section as they come across these
constructs in the country chapters.
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1 INTRODUCTION 3

Culture

There is no universally agreed-upon definition of culture among social scientists. Social

scientists generally use the term to refer to a set of parameters of collectivities that differen-
tiate the collectivities from each other in meaningful ways. The focus is on the “sharedness”
of cultural indicators among members of the collectivity. The specific criteria used to differ-
entiate cultures usually depend on the preferences of the investigator and the issues under
investigation, and tend to reflect the discipline of the investigator. It was also decided to
develop a GLOBE definition of culture.
In August 1994, the first GLOBE research conference was held at the University of
Calgary in Canada. The participants consisted of 54 researchers from 38 countries. They met
to develop a collective understanding of the project and to initiate its implementation. Time
was spent generating definitions of leadership that reflected the diverse viewpoints held by
GLOBE researchers; time was also spent defining and describing culture. Culture was
defined as “shared motives, values, beliefs, identities, and interpretations or meanings of
significant events that result from common experiences of members of collectives and are
transmitted across age generations” (House & Javidan, 2004, p. 15). It is worth noting that
these are psychological attributes and that the definition can be applied at both the societal
and organizational levels of analysis.

GLOBE Dimensions of Societal Culture. Culture, being one of the major phenomena
of interest in GLOBE, was operationalized at multiple levels. First, cultures were opera-
tionalized in terms of quantitative dimensions: (a) Assertiveness, (b) Future Orientation, (c)
Gender Egalitarianism, (d) Humane Orientation, (e) Institutional Collectivism (Collectivism
I), (f) In-Group Collectivism (Collectivism II), (g) Performance Orientation, (h) Power
Distance, and (i) Uncertainty Avoidance. These dimensions were selected on the basis of a
review of the literature relevant to the measurement of culture in prior large-sample studies
and on the basis of existing cross-culture theory, such as the works of Hofstede (1980),
Hofstede and Bond (1988), Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961), McClelland (1961, 1985),
and Putman (1993) among others. The definitions of these dimensions adopted by GLOBE
are as follows:

1. Assertiveness is the degree to which individuals in organizations or societies are

assertive, confrontational, and aggressive in social relationships.
2. Future Orientation is the degree to which individuals in organizations or societies
engage in future-oriented behaviors such as planning, investing in the future, and
delaying individual or collective gratification.
3. Gender Egalitarianism is the extent to which an organization or a society minimizes
gender role differences while promoting gender equity and the equality of genders.
4. Humane Orientation is the degree to which individuals in organizations or societies
encourage and reward individuals for being fair, altruistic, friendly, generous, caring,
kind to others, and exhibiting and promoting altruistic ideals.
5. Institutional Collectivism (Collectivism I) reflects the degree to which organizational
and societal institutional practices encourage and reward collective distribution of
resources and collective action.
6. In-Group Collectivism (Collectivism II) reflects the degree to which individuals express
pride, loyalty, and cohesiveness in their organizations, families, circle of close friends,
or other such small groups.
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4 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

7. Performance Orientation refers to the extent to which high level members of

organizations and societies encourage and reward group members for performance
improvement and excellence.
8. Power Distance is the degree to which members of an organization and society encour-
age and reward unequal distribution of power with greater power at higher levels.
9. Uncertainty Avoidance is the extent to which members of an organization or society
strive to avoid uncertainty by relying on established social norms, rituals, and bureau-
cratic practices to decrease the probability of unpredictable future events that could
adversely affect the operation of an organization or society, and also to remedy the
potential adverse effects of such unpredictable future events.

Six of the culture dimensions had their origins in the dimensions of culture identified by
Hofstede (1980). Power Distance and Uncertainty Avoidance reflect the same constructs as
Hofstede’s dimensions labeled Power Distance and Uncertainty Avoidance. Collectivism has
been broken into two dimensions: the Institutional Collectivism (Collectivism I) dimension
measures societal emphasis on collectivism, with low scores reflecting individualistic empha-
sis and high scores reflecting collectivistic emphasis; and the In-Group Collectivism (Collec-
tivism II) scale measures pride in and loyalty to smaller groups such as family, organization,
circle of close friends, and organizational cohesiveness. In lieu of Hofstede’s Masculinity
dimension, it was decided to develop two dimensions labeled Gender Egalitarianism and
Assertiveness, because these attributes are stressed in Hofstede’s discussion of his
Masculinity dimension. These two dimensions represent the theoretical construct of mas-
culinity better, and avoid the confusion and interpretation difficulties of Hofstede’s measure.
Future Orientation is derived from Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s (1961) Past, Present, Future
Orientation dimension, which focuses on the temporal mode of a society. Performance
Orientation was derived from McClelland’s work on need for achievement (McClelland,
1961, 1985).
Humane Orientation has its roots in Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s (1961) work on the
Human Nature Is Good vs. Human Nature Is Bad dimension, as well as Putnam’s (1993) work
on the Civic Society, and McClelland’s (1985) conceptualization of the affiliative motive.

Culture “As Is” and Culture “Should Be.” Culture is often manifested in two distinct
ways. The first is as values, beliefs, schemas, and implicit theories commonly held among
members of a collectivity (society or organization), and these are variously called the attrib-
utes of culture. Culture is also commonly observed and reported as practices of entities such
as families, schools, work organizations, economic and legal systems, political institutions,
and the like. The GLOBE program measured all of the nine dimensions of culture in both
these manifestations. The former are expressed as response to questionnaire items in the form
of judgments of what should be, and the latter as assessments of what is with regard to com-
mon behaviors, institutional practices, prescriptions, and proscriptions.

Societal and Organizational Culture. The third and final level of operationalization
focused on the unit of analysis. Because the GLOBE project was designed to assess the
impact of societal culture and organizational culture on perceptions of effective leadership,
society and organizations within society were considered as separate units of analysis.
Therefore, culture has been measured in GLOBE at both these levels.
The preceding approach to culture is illustrated in Fig. 1.1.
The intention with the design of Fig. 1.1 was to take into account varying perspectives on cul-
ture and its measurement. McClelland (1985) distinguished between the implicit (unconscious)
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1 INTRODUCTION 5

Figure 1.1 GLOBE’s multilevel approach to measuring culture

and explicit (conscious) motives. Implicit motives reflect learned emotional and pleasurable
association with a select set of stimuli as well as possible genetic disposition. Explicit motives
reflect conscious values. Because the GLOBE societal culture dimensions are based on ques-
tionnaire responses, at the individual level they are likely to reflect explicit values and motives.
When aggregated to the level of the society or organization, the aggregated scores reflect norms
of society, which serve to motivate, direct, and constrain behavior of members of cultures. In
this manner, aggregated implicit questionnaire responses may reflect powerful incentives, much
like implicit motives. The fact that they measured cultural practices (“As Is” measures), and
these practices correlated quite highly (>0.60) with unobtrusive measures suggests that aggre-
gated individual responses are analogous to individual implicit motives, at the organizational
and societal levels of analysis (Hanges & Dickson, 2004, in press).

Leadership
Leadership has been a topic of study for social scientists for much of the 20th century (Yukl,
2006), yet there is no universally agreed-upon definition of leadership (Bass, 1990). A large
number of definitions have been advanced by scholars. The core concept of almost all such
definitions concerns influence—leaders influence others to help accomplish group or organi-
zational objectives. The variety of definitions is appropriate, as the degree of specificity of the
definition of leadership should be driven by the intentions of the research. Smith and Bond
(1993) specifically note: “If we wish to make statements about universal or etic aspects of
social behavior, they need to be phrased in highly abstract ways. Conversely, if we wish to
highlight the meaning of these generalizations in specific or emic ways, then we need to refer
to more precisely specified events or behaviors” (p. 58). The GLOBE goals are concerned
with both aspects of leadership and organizational practices that are comparable across cul-
tures and culture-specific differences in leadership and organizational practices and their
effectiveness. It was clear in the Calgary meeting that the evaluative and semantic interpreta-
tion of the term leadership, and the ways in which leadership and organizational processes
are enacted, vary across cultures, and that some aspects of leadership are universally valid.
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6 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

The commonly agreed-upon definition of organizational leadership that emerged at the

Calgary meeting and that was adopted by GLOBE is “the ability of an individual to influence,
motivate, and enable others to contribute toward the effectiveness and success of the organiza-
tions of which they are members” (House & Javidan, 2004, p. 15). The focus was on organiza-
tional leadership, not leadership in general. Simonton (1994), speaking of leadership in general,
defines a leader as a “group member whose influence on group attitudes, performance, or deci-
sion making greatly exceeds that of the average member of the group” (p. 411). Project GLOBE
concerns the phenomenon of organizational leadership and not leadership in general.

3. BACKGROUND OF THE GLOBE RESEARCH PROJECT

GLOBE as a research program concerned with leadership, organizational practices, and national
culture was conceived in the summer of 1991 and initially designed by the third editor of this
book as the Principal Investigator. He was later joined by Michael Agar, Marcus Dickson, Paul
Hanges, and S. Antonio Ruiz-Quintanilla as Co-Principal Investigators. In the spring of 1993, a
grant proposal was written that followed a substantial literature review and development of a
pool of 753 questionnaire items. GLOBE was funded in October 1993. Because cross-cultural
research requires substantially detailed knowledge of all the cultures being studied, a network
of approximately 175 Country Co-Investigators (CCIs) was developed. These are social scien-
tists or management researchers and scholars from the 61 participating countries.
The CCIs, recruited through an extending network of personal contacts and referrals, were
responsible for leadership of the project in a specific culture in which they had expertise. Their
activities included collecting quantitative and qualitative data, ensuring the accuracy of ques-
tionnaire translations, writing country-specific descriptions of their cultures in which they inter-
preted the results of the quantitative data analyses in their own cultural context, and contributing
insights from their unique cultural perspectives to the ongoing GLOBE research. In most cases,
CCIs are natives of the cultures from which they were to collect data, and they also resided in
those specific cultures. Some of the CCIs are people with extensive experience in more than one
culture. Most cultures have a research team of between two and five CCIs working on the pro-
ject. An initial goal of Project GLOBE was to develop societal and organizational measures of
culture and leader attributes that would be appropriate to employ across all cultures. The CCIs
played a critical role in enhancing the generalizability of the GLOBE instruments, and also in
their development. The major criterion for the selection of GLOBE members was that they were
active researchers concerned with cross-cultural issues, leadership, and organizational function-
ing. The CCIs, together with the Principal Investigators and Research Associates, comprise the
members of the GLOBE community. The activities of the project as a whole are coordinated by
the GLOBE Coordinating Team (GCT), which was founded in 1996. Its members—in addition
to the principal investigators named earlier who were also part of the GCT—reflect a multina-
tional body of scholars (in alphabetical order): Staffan Akerblom (Sweden), Felix C. Brodbeck
(Germany at the time, now United Kingdom), Jagdeep S. Chhokar (India), Peter W. Dorfman
(United States), Mansour Javidan (Canada at the time, now United States), Enrique Ogliastri
(Colombia), Antonio-Ruiz Quintanilla (United States), and Marius van Wyk (South Africa).1

1
A more detailed account about how GLOBE operated and developed over time as an organizational and social
entity is given in the preface to House et al. (2004).
Chhokar chapter 01.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 7

1 INTRODUCTION 7

Economic Performance
of Societies

Physical and Psychological

Well Being of Societies

Societal Culture,
Culturally Endorsed Implicit
Norms, and Practices
Leadership Theory (CLT)

Organizational Form, Leader Attributes Leader Acceptance

Culture, and Practices and Behaviors

Leader Effectiveness
Strategic Organizational
Contingencies

Figure 1.2 Theoretical model of GLOBE

The GCT has been responsible for designing quantitative measures and qualitative methods,
performing cross-cultural statistical analyses, and coordinating efforts to present results of the
project to the scholarly community.
GLOBE has been a multiphase, multimethod, multicountry project in which researchers span-
ning the world examined the interrelationships between societal culture, organizational culture,
and organizational leadership. Table 1.1 lists the countries that are part of the GLOBE research.
The list includes at least three countries in each of the following geographic regions that are rep-
resented in the GLOBE sample: Africa, Asia, Europe (Eastern, Central, and Northern), Latin
America, North America, North Africa, the Middle East, and the Pacific Rim. The 25 countries
covered in the present book are marked with an asterisk.

4. THE GLOBE RESEARCH PROJECT

The GLOBE Research Project investigated the relationships between societal cultures, organiza-
tional cultures, and leadership practices in the participating countries, as well as numerous indi-
cators of the economic competitiveness of the societies studied and the psychological well-being
of their members (for details, see Javidan & Hauser, 2004). The independent variables were nine
attributes of culture, identified during the program, which when quantified are referred to as core
cultural dimensions (for details, see Gupta, de Luque, & House, 2004; Hanges & Dickson, 2004).
An overall model guiding the program is shown in Fig. 1.2.
The core of Fig. 1.2 is the relationship between societal culture, norms, and practices, with
organizational form, culture, and practices as well as with leadership. Societal culture both
affects the other core concepts, and also influences the economic performance of societies, the
physical and psychological well-being of the members of societies, and the culturally endorsed
implicit leadership theories. Strategic contingencies of organizations also affect organizational
form, culture, and practices; leader behavior and attributes; and leader effectiveness.
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8 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

TABLE 1.1
List of Countries participating in the GLOBE Research Program
Albania *Hong Kong Qatar
*Argentina Hungary
*Australia *Russian Federation
*Austria *India
Indonesia *Singapore
@
Bolivia Iran Slovenia
Brazil *Ireland South Africa (Black sample)
Israel *South Africa (While sample)
Canada (English speaking) Italy *Spain
*China *Sweden
*Colombia Japan *Switzerland
Costa Rica
@
Czech Republic Kazakhstan Taiwan
Korea, Republic of (South) Thailand
Denmark Kuwait *Turkey

Ecuador Malaysia *United States of America

Egypt, Arab Republic of *Mexico
*England Morocco Venezuela
El Salvador
Namibia Zambia
*Finland *Netherlands Zimbabwe
*France *New Zealand
Nicaragua
Georgia Nigeria
Germany (Former East)
*Germany (Former West) Philippines
*Greece Poland
Guatemala *Portugal

*Countries represented in this book.

@
Due to special data-collection issues with the data from Iran and the Czech Republic, one or both of these countries
could not be included in some of the comparative analyses. This is why in some of the country chapters in this book
the total number of countries is shown as 61.

Globe Objectives

The meta-goal of GLOBE is to develop an empirically based theory to describe, understand,

and predict the impact of specific cultural variables on leadership and organizational proc-
esses and the effectiveness of these processes. Specific objectives include answering the
following fundamental questions:

• Are there leader behaviors, attributes, and organizational practices that are universally
accepted and effective across cultures?
• Are there leader behaviors, attributes, and organizational practices that are accepted and
effective in only some cultures?
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1 INTRODUCTION 9

• How do attributes of societal and organizational cultures influence the varieties of leader
behaviors and organizational practices that are accepted and effective?
• What is the effect of violating cultural norms relevant to leadership and organizational
practices?
• What is the relative standing of each of the cultures studied on each of the nine core
dimensions of culture?
• Can the universal and culture-specific aspects of leader behaviors, attributes, and orga-
nizational practices be explained in terms of an underlying theory that accounts for sys-
tematic differences across cultures?

The preceding questions are dealt with in detail and answered in the first GLOBE book
(House et al., 2004). In the present book, each country chapter describes the country-specific
leader behaviors and attributes and the societal cultural and organizational cultural practices
and values. Moreover, for each country, its relative standing on each of these variables is
reflected, on the one side, in relation to the worldwide distribution of country scores, and on
the other side, in relation to what these actually mean in relation to the cultural background
of the country, its history, its religions, its socioeconomical development, and further relevant
characteristics.

Four Phases of GLOBE

To achieve the aforementioned objectives, the GLOBE research program was designed with
four planned phases. The first phase consisted of two major tasks. The first task was the
specification of a preliminary theory of causal processes and relationships among societal
cultural dimensions and various other variables, to guide the research to be conducted. The
second task of Phase 1 was the development and validation of questionnaires for data col-
lection purposes as well as standardized guides for qualitative research to be conducted in
the societies studied. The questionnaires developed in the second task of Phase 1 have
sound psychometric properties such as high within-culture respondent agreement, high
between-culture differences in aggregated means of individual responses, and high
interitem consistency within scales. The generalizability coefficient (interclass correlation
ICC-KK), which jointly measures the psychometric properties, exceeds 0.85 for all of the
scales developed in this task (Hanges & Dickson, 2004, in press). Further details are
described in Chapter 2 of this book.
The objectives of Phase 2 were to study the participating cultures on the nine core societal
culture dimensions, and to test various hypotheses concerning relationships between the core
societal culture dimensions on the one hand and dimensions of culturally endorsed implicit lead-
ership theories, organizational cultures, and independently collected measures of the psycho-
logical, physical, and economic well-being of the members of the culture studied on the other.
In this phase, data were collected from approximately 17,300 managers in 951 organiza-
tions in 61 countries, and exhaustive statistical analyses were done. The results of Phase 2 are
described in House et al. (2004).
In the third phase (currently under way), the impact and effectiveness of specific leader
behaviors and styles of CEOs on subordinates’ attitudes and job performance, and on leader
and organizational effectiveness to analyze the longitudinal effects of leadership and organi-
zational practices and organizational form on organizational effectiveness is being investi-
gated. A tentative fourth phase will employ field and laboratory experiments to confirm,
establish causality, and extend previous findings.
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10 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

Generalizability Across Cultures

The cross-cultural literature often struggles in dealing with culturally specific and culturally
generalizable aspects. Culturally generalizable phenomena are experienced by all cultures to
some extent. A phenomenon can be so categorized if all cultures can be assessed in terms of
a common metric relating to the phenomenon. Cultures can be compared in terms of such
phenomena. In contrast, culturally specific phenomena occur in only a subset of cultures.
Each of the country chapters in this book describes and discusses, on the one side, the cul-
turally generalizable phenomena by comparing the findings of that particular country with the
61 GLOBE countries and relevant subsets of countries, and on the other side, describes and
discusses country-specific aspects in detail. Overall the objective of each country chapter is
to integrate quantitative-comparative with qualitative-in-depth results about their country into
a coherent picture.
The industries studied were food processing, financial services, and telecommunication
service because these are provided within all nations. The more than 17,300 respondents were
middle managers from more than 950 mainly domestic organizations in the respective indus-
tries. Thus, the sampling strategy for the collection of questionnaire data accounted for nation
(from major cultural regions in the world, see Table 1.1) and industry (food, finance, telecom)
and controlled for occupation (managers) and organizational level (middle management).
Sampling from middle managers permitted us to generalize the subcultures of middle man-
agers in the three industries studied and the cultures studied. This sampling strategy increased the
internal validity of the study by ensuring that the units of analysis were well defined and inter-
nally homogeneous. This is reinforced by the triangulation of the quantitative results with a vari-
ety of other world data sources (Gupta et al., 2004; Javidan & Hauser, 2004) and with the findings
of the various qualitative methods followed (for details, see the next chapter, “Methodology”) in
each country that is represented in this book. The correlation of the aggregate middle-managers
responses with those of unobtrusive measures, which reflect the broader aspects of the society
with respect to each dimension studied, indicate that the middle managers reflect the broader cul-
ture in which they are embedded rather than the culture of middle managers alone. Furthermore,
cross-industry analysis permitted us to gauge the relative impact of strategic imperatives imposed
by industry regulations as well as contributing cultural influences.
Project GLOBE employs a variety of methods to make comparisons across cultures for
culturally generalizable phenomena. The primary method is questionnaire responses of man-
agers in three selected industries. Responses to the questionnaire, when aggregated to the cul-
ture level of analysis, provide measurement of the nine core GLOBE culture dimensions. The
validity of the middle-manager descriptions of the practices in their cultures (As Is responses)
was checked using independently collected unobtrusive measures of the dimensions.

5. BROAD PLAN OF COUNTRY CHAPTERS

The opening section of each country chapter provides a broad and general introduction to the
country and also a brief backdrop and context for, and a lead-in to the GLOBE study in the
country. This is followed by the historical context of the society indicating the major influences
that the societal culture has been through over the years. This usually culminates in a descrip-
tion of the culture in its current state. This is followed by a survey of literature focusing on
leadership as it is understood and practiced in the country. In some cases, the authors have also
given descriptions of some individuals considered to be outstanding leaders of the country.
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1 INTRODUCTION 11

The aforementioned is usually followed by a presentation of the quantitative and qualitative

findings of societal culture and leadership in the country. The quantitative findings usually
consist of the country’s scores on “Society As Is” and “Society Should Be” for all the nine
dimensions of societal culture described earlier. These are often presented in reference to the
maximum and minimum score of these dimensions among all the countries participating in
GLOBE, and the rank of the country on each of these dimensions. These quantitative data are
interpreted in the societal and cultural context of the country. The interpretations involve inte-
gration of the quantitative results, and participant observations and unobtrusive measurements
of the societal culture done by the CCIs. This integration of quantitative and qualitative find-
ings also brings out some country-specific manifestations of societal culture. The outcome is
a combined, overall profile of societal culture of the country. The authors also provide their
own participant observations and unobtrusive measurements of the nine dimensions of soci-
etal culture used in GLOBE. Some of the country chapters present a discussion of the find-
ings of organizational practices and culture following this.
The presentation of the findings on leadership usually follows. This often opens with a
review of literature on leadership in the country, which is followed by a presentation of the
country’s scores on the 21 subscales of leadership that emerged from the GLOBE data and
the six-second order leadership factors. These quantitative indicators of leadership are also
discussed in the context of the society and culture of the country. The presentation of the qual-
itative findings on leadership usually follows. This consists of the findings of focus groups,
in-depth ethnographic interviews, media analysis, and participant observation and unobtrusive
measurement. An integration of all these findings results in a combined, overall profile of lead-
ership in the country. Each chapter usually closes with recommendations of the author(s) for
foreign managers who may have to deal with managers from the country that has been written
about or who may have to work in that country. Several country chapters also include sections
on the limitations of the research on which the chapter is based and possible directions for future
research.
CCIs have collected unobtrusive measures of the nine GLOBE “As Is” and “Should Be”
dimensions. These dimensions reflect the practices and values in the culture. CCIs have also
conducted participant observations of ongoing activities relevant to the interpretation of the
culture, not only with specific reference to the nine GLOBE dimensions but also with respect
to specific attributes and practices unique to the cultures studied. They have also collected and
content-analyzed transcripts based on the predominant printed media (newspapers and mag-
azines) as well as interviews and focus groups conducted with managers in the industries
studied. With these data, CCIs were able to describe and interpret selected unique character-
istics of their cultures. Such interpretations have given recognition to gender, ethnic, and reli-
gious diversity, generational differences, and other possible issues permeating the studied
cultures. Thus the complexity and variability of complex cultures with two or more subcul-
tures have also been described. In essence, these CCIs have written a qualitative analysis of
major variables relevant to leadership and organizational practices in the countries studied.
The attempt has been to ensure at least a moderate level of uniformity and quality of the qual-
itative research, while maintaining the uniqueness of each culture studied. The completed
chapters are based on the combination of the quantitative survey data of the country in focus
in comparison with the data collected in all the countries included in the GLOBE Research
Program, and the qualitative research findings produced by CCIs. An interpretive analysis of
all of the findings is also included. It is hoped that the quantitative-comparative results reported
in GLOBE Book 1 (House et al., 2004) and the more qualitative and in-depth analysis of each
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12 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

of the 25 countries included in this book will provide appropriate conceptual frameworks and
sufficient data for the development of a cross-cultural theory of leadership and organizational
practices.
Project GLOBE employs both quantitative and qualitative methods to provide richly
descriptive, yet scientifically valid, accounts of cultural influences on leadership and organi-
zational processes. Whereas House et al. (2004) provides a comparative understanding of all
the GLOBE participating countries on all the nine societal culture dimensions, 21 leadership
scales, and their relationship with several socioeconomic indicators of these countries, this
book provides much more detailed and comprehensive understanding of the 25 countries
represented here.

6. PLAN OF THIS BOOK

This introduction is followed next by a chapter describing the methodology of the GLOBE
Research Project as a whole and the country-specific methodology followed by most of the
country chapter authors. Then follow the 25 country chapters arranged in 10 clusters based on
combinations of several characteristics of the societies and cultures (see Gupta & Hanges, 2004,
for details of clustering). The clusters in the order presented in the following chapters, with the
countries comprising them, are: Nordic Europe (Sweden, Finland), Germanic Europe (Austria,
Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland), Anglo (Australia, England, Ireland, New Zealand, South
Africa/w, United States), Latin Europe (France, Portugal, Spain), Latin America (Argentina,
Colombia, Mexico), Eastern Europe (Greece, Russia), Middle East (Turkey), Confucian Asia
(China, Hong-Kong, Singapore), Southern Asia (India), and Sub-Saharan Africa. Although there
is no separate country chapter for the Sub-Saharan cluster, the country chapter on South Africa
(included in the Anglo cluster due to its primary focus being on the White population of South
Africa) contains some information about South Africa (Black sample), which belongs to this
cluster. The complete clusters of all the cultures that participated in GLOBE are shown in Table
1.2. The country chapters of each cluster are preceded by a short introduction to the cluster that
follows. This cluster introduction provides a very brief description of the cluster and the coun-
tries comprising it. Unavoidably, the introductions are brief and sketchy, and readers are advised
to refer to the following country chapters and the last chapter of this volume (“Integration,
Conclusions, and Future Directions”) for specifics and details.
The concluding chapter provides summary of some of the more interesting findings of the
country chapters and attempts to integrate some of the common findings. It also focuses on what
is common across all the 25 societies represented in this volume and among the countries com-
prising each cluster. It also describes the reasons for differences wherever differences are found.
It does that for both culture and leadership separately, and then also integrates them. It also dis-
cusses emerging theoretical and methodological issues, and derives questions for future research
and practical implications that will be of use to researchers, students, and practitioners. It takes
an integrative view of societal culture, leadership, and the link between culture and leadership
from a within-country and also a between-country perspective.

7. CONTRIBUTIONS OF THIS BOOK

Practitioners involved in cross-cultural management will find chapters in this book partic-
ularly useful as they prepare for negotiations with managers of a country with which they
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1 INTRODUCTION 13

TABLE 1.2
GLOBE Society/Culture Clusters

Anglo Latin Europe Nordic Europe Germanic Europe

*Australia *France Denmark *Austria
Canada Israel *Finland *Germany
*England Italy *Sweden (Former East)
*Ireland *Portugal Germany
*New Zealand *Spain (Former West)
*South Africa Switzerland *Netherlands
(White sample) (French-speaking) *Switzerland
*United States (German speaking)

Eastern Europe Latin America Sub-Saharan Africa Middle East

Albania *Argentina Namibia Egypt
Georgia Bolivia Nigeria Kuwait
*Greece Brazil South Africa Morocco
Hungary *Colombia (Black sample) Qatar
Kazakhstan Costa Rica Zambia *Turkey
Poland Ecuador Zimbabwe
*Russia El Salvador
Slovenia Guatemala
*Mexico
Venezuela

Southern Asia Confucian Asia

*India *China
Indonesia *Hong Kong
Iran Japan
Malaysia *Singapore
Philippines South Korea
Thailand Taiwan

* Countries included in this book.

are not familiar, in planning for joint ventures, mergers and acquisitions, and collabora-
tions. It will also be useful in comparing the finer nuances of countries belonging to the
same cultural region in order to understand the subtle differences in countries that appear
to be similar on the surface. Such comparisons can be done with several countries in a clus-
ter to get a better understanding of the country one is interested in. An interesting analysis
of country clusters is contained in the special issue of the Journal of World Business (2002)
devoted to the GLOBE project. More details are presented in the conclusions chapter of this
book.
This book makes a significant contribution to the field as it contains rich descriptions of
the culture and leadership practices of the represented countries (a) by researchers and
scholars who have lived in this country for quite some time and are therefore highly knowl-
edgeable about these countries (b) based, in part, on data collected through rigorous
methodologies used across a large number of countries employing instruments with proven
high levels of reliability and validity. The chapters in this book combine the strength of the
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14 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

overall GLOBE study (e.g., by positioning the culture of each country within all the
countries studied in the GLOBE program) with the strength of detailed qualitative and
quantitative accounts of the country being reported on. The rigor of data collection applies
equally to qualitative methods employed. This data collection, supplemented by participant
observation and unobtrusive measurement by the authors themselves, provides a uniquely
rich perspective on the countries being written about. The specific contribution of this vol-
ume therefore is to provide descriptions that are rich and thick while being rigorous and
standardized at the same time.

REFERENCES

Bass, B. M. (1990). Bass & Stogdill’s handbook of leadership: Theory, research, and managerial appli-
cations (3rd ed.). New York: The Free Press.
Dorfman, P. W. (1996). International and cross-cultural leadership research. In B. J. Punnett &
O. Shenkar (Eds.), Handbook for international management research (pp. 267–349). Oxford,
England: Blackwell.
Gupta, V., de Luque, M. S., & House, R. J. (2004). Multisource construct validity of GLOBE scales. In
R. J. House, P. I. Hanges, M. Javidan, P. J. Dorfman, V. Gupta (Eds.), & GLOBE Associates, Culture, lead-
ership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies (pp. 152–177). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Gupta, V., & Hanges, P. J. (2004). Regional and climate clustering of societal cultures. In R. J. House,
P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan, P. J. Dorfman, V. Gupta (Eds.), & GLOBE Associates, Culture, leadership,
and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies (pp. 178–218). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Hanges, P. J., & Dickson, M. W. (2004). The development and validation of scales to measure societal
and organizational culture. In R. J. House, P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan, P. J. Dorfman, V. Gupta (Eds.),
& GLOBE Associates, Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies
(pp. 122–151). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Hanges, P. J., & Dickson, M. W. (in press). Agitation over aggregation: Clarifying the development of
and the nature of the GLOBE scales. Leadership Quarterly.
Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s consequences: International differences in work-related values. London:
Sage.
Hofstede, G., & Bond, M. H. (1988). The Confucius connection: From cultural roots to economic
growth. Organizational Dynamics, 16, 4–21.
House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. J., Gupta, V. (Eds.) & GLOBE Associates. (2004).
Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
House, R. J., & Javidan, M. (2004). Overview of GLOBE. In R. J. House, P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan,
P. Dorfman, V. Gupta (Eds.), & GLOBE Associates, Leadership, culture, and organizations: The
GLOBE study of 62 societies (pp. 9–28). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Javidan, M., & Hauser, M. (2004). The linkage between GLOBE findings and other cross-cultural infor-
mation. In R. J. House, P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan, P. J. Dorfman, V. Gupta (Eds.), & GLOBE
Associates, Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies (pp. 102–121).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Journal of World Business. (2002). Volume 37, Issue 1. Special issue devoted to the GLOBE project.
Elsevier Science Inc.
Kluckhohn, F. R., & Strodtbeck, F. L. (1961). Variations in value orientations. New York:
HarperCollins.
McClelland, D. C. (1961). The achieving society. Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand.
McClelland, D. C. (1985). Human motivation. Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman.
Putnam, R. D. (1993). Making democracy work. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
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1 INTRODUCTION 15

Simonton, D. K. (1994). Greatness: Who makes history and why? New York: Guilford.
Smith, P. B., & Bond, M. H. (1993). Social psychology across cultures: Analysis and perspectives.
London: Harvester Wheatsheaf.
Triandis, H. C. (1993). The contingency model in cross-cultural perspective. In M. M. Chemers &
R. Ayman (Eds.), Leadership theory and research: Perspectives and directions (pp. 167–188). San
Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Yukl, G. A. (2006). Leadership in organizations (6th ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
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2
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Methodology
Jagdeep S. Chhokar
Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad

Felix C. Brodbeck
Aston Business School, Aston University, Birmingham, England

Robert J. House
Wharton School of Management, University of Pennsylvania

“Cross-cultural research is tricky and difficult” (Triandis, 2004, p. xv), in part because
measuring concepts such as culture and leadership is a complex and demanding process. “The
logistics problems are harsh and trying” (Leung, Foreword, this volume, p. xiv). The GLOBE
project took a multipronged approach to this issue, starting with the fundamentals such as
defining the concepts and developing the measuring instruments for them, and deploying
“diverse methodologies, both quantitative and qualitative, to enhance the robustness and rich-
ness of the findings” (Leung, Foreword, this volume, p. xv). This chapter describes first the
methodology of the GLOBE project as a whole and then the country-general and country-
specific methodology followed by the country chapter authors.

1. OVERALL METHODOLOGY OF GLOBE1

One of the major and unique strengths of GLOBE is the combination of quantitative and qual-
itative methodologies. The quantitative methodology consisted of starting without any preex-
isting definitions of concepts. All definitions including those of culture and leadership were
developed ab initio. All the instruments for measuring these concepts were also developed
from first principles starting with item generation and item analysis (across the participating
cultures, e.g., by collaborative development of dimensions and respective Q-sorting of items)

1
The methodology is described here in brief due to space constraints. For full details of methodology, please see
Hanges and Dickson (2004, in press).

17
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18 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

followed by comprehensive and rigorous psychometric analyses to establish properties

such as reliability, validity, and so forth. Generalizability of the instruments across various
cultures and countries was ensured through two pilot studies. The quantitative data were
collected through the administration of the standardized questionnaires to middle managers
in at least two of three industries per country, food processing, financial services, and
telecommunication services. The specification of middle managers and specific industries
was done to ensure comparability of the data across countries. The data thus collected from
all the participating 61 countries were analyzed through a variety of statistical techniques to
test various hypotheses.
The qualitative methodology consisted of focus groups, in-depth ethnographic interviews,
media analysis, participant observation, and unobtrusive measurement within each country. The
findings of the focus groups and ethnographic interviews were used to ensure that various items
and instruments were applicable in all the countries, and that the concepts and definitions devel-
oped were understandable, not culturally offensive, in and relevant to respondents in all the par-
ticipating countries. Media analysis, participant observation, and unobtrusive measurement
were done along with the data collection for Phase 2.
The following section describes the quantitative methodology of GLOBE as a whole,
which is followed by the more specific quantitative and qualitative methodologies that are
also used in the country chapters included in this book.

Quantitative Methodology for GLOBE

Phase 1 of GLOBE concerned the development and validation of the GLOBE questionnaire
scales designed to measure societal and organizational culture variables as well as Culturally
Endorsed Implicit Theories of Leadership (CLTs). The original item pool contained 753
items, of which 382 were leadership items and 371 were societal and organizational culture
items. The initial scales were refined through several techniques, such as double-blind trans-
lation-back translation, item evaluation reports, Q-sorts, and were also tested in two pilot
studies. The final GLOBE scales possess sound psychometric properties, and the findings
indicate justification for the use of the scales as aggregate measures of cultural phenomena.
All 54 GLOBE scales demonstrate significant and nontrivial within-culture response agree-
ment, between-culture differences, and respectable reliability of response consistency. Gener-
alizability coefficients, which are joint measures of these psychometric properties, exceed
0.85 for all the scales. These coefficients indicate that the scales can be meaningfully applied
to measure culture differentiation in terms of societal, organizational, and leadership phe-
nomena. Details of the analytic procedures and results are available in Hanges and Dickson
(2004, in press).
Organizational and societal culture items were written for the nine core GLOBE dimen-
sions, described in the previous chapter at both the societal and the organizational levels.
Items were written to capture two culture manifestations: institutional practices reported “As
Is” and values reported in terms of what “Should Be.” This schema is shown in Fig. 2.1.
Accordingly, items were written for all the nine dimensions of culture, as “quartets” hav-
ing isomorphic structures across two units of analysis (societal and organizational) and
across two manifestations of culture (“As Is” and “Should Be”), as shown in Fig. 2.1.
Though the four items in a quartet are similar in terms of their structure, what is different is
the frame of reference that the respondent is cued to use while responding to each item.
The frame of reference is changed according to the particular manifestation of culture and
the unit of analysis. An example of such a quartet is shown in Fig. 2.2, which contains
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2 METHODOLOGY 19

Figure 2.1 GLOBE’s multilevel approach to measuring culture

essentially the same statement in the following four forms: Society “As Is,” Society “Should
Be,” Organization “As Is,” and Organization “Should Be.” Items representing the nine dimen-
sions of culture were derived from (a) a review of literature on societal and organizational cul-
ture, and (b) interviews and focus groups conducted in several of the participating countries.
Appropriate psychometric analyses showed that grouping the items into nine scales each cor-
responding to one of the dimensions of culture was amply justified (Hanges & Dickson, 2004,
in press).
In generating leadership items, focus was on developing a comprehensive list of leader
attributes and behaviors rather than on developing a priori leadership scales. The initial pool
of leadership items was based on leader behaviors and attributes described in several extant
leadership theories. The theories are described in House and Aditya (1997) and in House
et al. (2004). These leadership items consisted of behavioral and attribute descriptors. Items
were rated on a 7-point scale that ranged from a low of “This behavior or characteristic
greatly inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader” to a high of “This behavior or
characteristic contributes greatly to a person being an outstanding leader.”
Country Co-Investigators (CCIs) made significant contributions in the development of the
quantitative methodology. Starting with Q-sorting of the items, they provided Item Evaluation
Reports, in which they noted any items containing words or phrases that were ambiguous or
could not be properly translated in the target country’s native language. CCIs also identified
questions and items that might be culturally inappropriate. Most of the items that proved to
be potentially problematic were dropped from further consideration. In a few cases, it was
possible to rewrite items to eliminate potential problems yet still retain the original item’s
core intent and dimensionality.
In order to avoid any inherent systematic bias that may be present when respondents com-
plete a survey not in their native language (Brislin, 1986), CCIs were responsible for translating
the survey from English into the respondents’ native language. This was done by the CCI, by
another person fluent in both languages, or by a professional translator. The translation was
then independently retranslated, from the specified culture’s native language, into English. This
back-translation was then submitted to the GLOBE Research Assistants, who compared the
translated survey to the original English-language survey to verify the translation’s accuracy.
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20 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

Figure 2.2 Example of a GLOBE item quartet addressing societal and organizational culture

Through a process of elimination based on sorting, item evaluation, and translation, the item
pool was reduced and also made more relevant and appropriate for the project. CCIs also con-
ducted two pilot studies, the first in 28 countries and the second in 15 countries (different from
the 28 in the first pilot study), which contributed immensely to the refinement of the scales.
Eight hundred and seventy-seven individuals participated in the first pilot study and 1,066 par-
ticipated in the second.
The process just described resulted in nine scales to measure the nine culture “As Is” (cul-
tural practices), and nine “Should Be” (cultural values) dimensions for each culture.
The questionnaire data collected in GLOBE Phase 2 consisted of (a) responses to approx-
imately 17,300 questionnaires from middle managers of approximately 950 organizations in
61 countries, relevant to societal and organizational dimensions of culture, (b) unobtrusive
measures of the societal culture dimensions, and (c) factors facilitating or inhibiting effective
leadership.

Measurement of Organizational Practices and Values. In each organization where the

questionnaires were administered, the respondents were divided into two groups. One group
responded to questions designed to capture the societal-level dimensions described previously
and the other group responded to questions designed to capture the same dimensions, but at
the organizational rather than the societal level.

Samples. Because numerous countries have large and varied subcultures within their
sovereign borders, demarcating cultural boundaries according to sovereign borders may prove
inadequate. It is impossible to obtain representative samples of such multicultural nations as
China, India, or the United States. Nonetheless, the samples drawn from such countries need
to be comparable with respect to the dominant forces that shape cultures, such as ecological
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2 METHODOLOGY 21

factors, history, language, politics, and religion. The country samples also needed to be
relatively homogeneous within cultures. For multicultural countries, whenever possible, that
subculture was sampled in which there was the greatest amount of commercial activity.
More than one subculture was sampled whenever possible, such as indigenous and White
subcultures in South Africa, French and German subcultures in Switzerland, and East and
West subcultures in Germany.
The units of analysis for the GLOBE project consisted of cultural-level aggregated
responses of samples of typical middle managers in at least two of three industries: food pro-
cessing, financial services, and telecommunications services. The food-processing industry
is a relatively stable industry. The telecommunications and financial industries may be
stable or unstable, depending on the country and its economic conditions. By including these
industries, we have obtained a fair number of dynamic industries and high-technology indus-
tries in the overall sample. These three industries were chosen as they are expected to exist
in most countries regardless of their level of economic development. This requirement of
existing in all participating countries precluded the use of industries such as automobile
manufacturing or large chemical refineries as they exist in only a very small subset of the
countries in the world.
Respondents were all middle managers. A middle manager was defined as one who had at
least two levels above and at least two levels below him or her in an organization. In the case
of very small organizations, a middle manager was defined as one who reported directly to
the CEO of the organization or had at least one level below him or her in their organization.
Respondents were asked to use a 7-point scale to describe leader attributes and behaviors
that they believed either enhanced or impeded exceptional leadership. They were also asked
to critique their resident society’s practices and values (in the form of “As Is” and “Should
Be” responses, respectively), and the practices and values of the organizations in which they
were employed, using 7-point scales as illustrated in Figure 2.2. Independent samples of mid-
dle managers completed one of two questionnaires. Half of the respondents in each culture
completed the societal culture questionnaire (Sample 1), and the other half completed orga-
nizational culture questionnaire (Sample 2). All respondents completed the Leadership
Attributes Questionnaire. Thus, the societal culture and the organizational culture question-
naires were completed by independent samples of respondents, thus ensuring no common-
source variance.
Through employing a strategy of obtaining responses of middle managers in two of the
three target industries in each country studied, samples were taken from approximately 40
countries in each of the target industries.
Our research design also permitted an assessment of whether common source response
bias affected our results. Specifically, within each culture, different samples of middle man-
agers completed the two versions of the survey. We were able to compare the responses to the
leadership items for these two samples because the identical leadership items were contained
on both versions of the survey. The means of the leadership item responses of Sample 1 and
Sample 2 within each country were not significantly different. Thus, because separate sam-
ples from each society provided responses about organizational culture (Version A of the sur-
vey) and societal culture (Version B of the survey), and because the mean CLT responses
across the two survey versions in each culture were not different, common-source response
bias was not a factor in the quantitative GLOBE study. Given this result, we averaged the indi-
vidual leadership scale scores for the two samples to produce means on the leadership scales
for all cultures.
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22 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

Phase 2 CLT Scales. One of the objectives of GLOBE is to determine whether there are
dimensions of CLTs that are universally endorsed and dimensions that are differentially
endorsed across cultures. Recall that CLTs are culturally endorsed profiles of perceived
effective or ineffective leader attributes or behaviors about which members within each culture
agree. Profiles of CLT dimensions reflect what is commonly referred to as “leadership styles”
in the leadership literature.
Shaw (1990) suggests that much of the cross-cultural literature indicating differences in
managerial beliefs, values, and styles is parallel to leader prototypes influenced by cultural
differences, which are analogous to CLTs as conceptualized for Project GLOBE. A study by
O’Connell, Lord, and O’Connell (1990) supports the argument that culture plays a significant
role in determining leader attributes and behaviors that are perceived as desirable and effec-
tive. Their study specifically examined Japanese and American CLT similarities and differ-
ences. For the Japanese, the traits of being fair, flexible, a good listener, outgoing, and
responsible were highly rated in many domains, such as business, media, and education. For
Americans, traits of intelligence, honesty, understanding, verbal skills, and determination to
succeed were strongly endorsed as facilitating leader effectiveness in numerous domains.
A study by Gerstner and Day (1994) also provides additional evidence that cross-cultural
variances affect ratings of leadership attributes and behaviors. These investigators identified
three dimensions relevant to distinct CLTs expressed by university students from eight
nations. These dimensions had rank order correlations with Hofstede’s (1980) measures of
power distance, uncertainty avoidance, and individualism of 0.81, 1.00, and 0.70, respec-
tively. The GLOBE Research Project follows in the tradition of these studies.
The data from Phase 2 were used to reconfirm the 21 subscales of the Leader Attribute
Questionnaire. A multilevel confirmatory factor analysis was performed to test for the dimen-
sionality of these scales at the society and organizational level of analysis. The multilevel
CFA has been found to provide unbiased estimates of group-level (e.g., society, organiza-
tional) factor structures because it statistically controls for the biasing influence of the within-
group factor structure (Hanges & Dickson, 2004, in press). During the Calgary meeting, held
after Pilot Study 1 and before Pilot Study 2, it was realized that some leadership dimensions
may have been left out. New items were developed during the meeting and the new factors
were tested in Pilot Study 2. These additional items reflected the findings from ongoing inter-
view and focus group research. The factor analyses in both the pilot studies were conducted on
societal-item responses. Using the societal-level means of these additional items, a societal-level
maximum likelihood exploratory factor analysis with a varimax rotation was conducted of
these CLT items. This analysis resulted in five additional CLT subscales that displayed sound
psychometric properties. Thus, Phase 2 resulted in a total of 21 leadership subscales, which
can be seen in Table 2.1.
The discovery of significant interrelationships among the 21 leadership subscales resulted in
the need to conduct a second-order factor analysis. The second-order factor analysis of the 21
subscales produced four factors: (a) Charismatic/Value-Based Leadership that is Team-Oriented,
(b) Autonomous Leadership, (c) Humane Leadership, and (d) Nonparticipative Self-Protective
Leadership. Assisted by prevailing theory, Factor 1 was divided into Charismatic/Value-Based
Leadership and Team-Oriented Leadership to create two dimensions. Factor 4 was also divided
into two dimensions: Self-Protective Leadership and Participative Leadership (the scores of the
nonparticipative subscales were reversed to reflect participative leadership). Empirically derived
from the second-order factors, these divisions preserved conceptual clarity while possessing
dimensions related to current leadership theory and prior empirical studies.
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2 METHODOLOGY 23

TABLE 2.1
Leadership Second-Order Factors and Their Component Subscales

1. Charismatic/Value-Based 2. Team-Oriented
Charismatic 1: Visionary Team 1: Collaborative team
Charismatic 2: Inspirational orientation
Charismatic 3: Self-sacrifice Team 2: Team integrator
Integrity Diplomatic
Decisive Malevolent (reverse scored)
Performance oriented Administratively competent

3. Self-Protective 4. Participative
Self-centered Autocratic (reverse scored)
Status-conscious Nonparticipative (reverse scored)
Conflict inducer
Face saver
Procedural

5. Humane-Oriented 6. Autonomous
Modesty Autonomous
Humane oriented

The 21 subscales were grouped into six higher order leader behavior/attribute dimen-
sions, which are also shown in Table 2.1. The higher order dimensions are referred to as
global CLT dimensions because they represent classes of leader behavior rather than
specific leader behaviors. The 21 first-order factors are referred to as CLT subscales. These
subscales measure more specific leader attributes and behaviors. Composite profiles of the
six CLT dimensions represent what is generally referred to as leadership styles. Several
studies using subsamples of the GLOBE data have supported the CLT profiles. Brodbeck et
al. (2000), for example, present convincing evidence that clusters of European cultures shar-
ing similar cultural values also share similar CLT profiles. den Hartog et al. (1999) show that
attributes of charismatic-transformational leadership are universally endorsed as contributing
to outstanding leadership.

2. SPECIFIC METHODOLOGY FOR COUNTRY CHAPTERS

Quantitative Methodology

The quantitative methodology for country chapters was the same as described previously
for the overall GLOBE project. CCIs of individual countries contributed to scale development
through item evaluation, Q-sorting, and pilot studies. Several of the CCIs also participated
in the first GLOBE conference at Calgary in 1994 where the operational definitions of culture
and leadership were agreed on. Subsequently, CCIs collected the Phase 2 data in their respec-
tive countries through administration of GLOBE questionnaires.
Although the overall statistical analyses of the quantitative data for all the participating
61 countries were done centrally at the University of Maryland, the data for each country,
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24 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

particularly of those that are included in this volume, were also analyzed at the country level
and in the country by the CCI teams. This included, in some cases, factor analysis,
exploratory or confirmatory or both, or cluster analysis and similar methods. The results of
these analyses are reported in some of the chapters of this volume whereas in some these have
been omitted for a variety of reasons. The decision whether to include these analyses or not
has generally been made by the authors of these chapters primarily depending on what they
considered to be the most appropriate for presenting their country data.
A word of caution is necessary here about the within-society factor analysis of the data
included in several chapters of this book. As discussed in Hanges and Dickson (2004), the
GLOBE scales were designed to measure organizational- or societal-level variability. The scales
were never intended to meaningfully differentiate among individuals within a particular society.
However, even though the scales were not constructed to provide such information, it may be
interesting to assess whether similar factors differentiate individuals within a society. It should
be noted, however, that we expect that the loadings of the GLOBE scales’ items on within-soci-
ety factors should be lower than reported in Hanges and Dickson (2004) (i.e., because the
GLOBE scales’ true-score variability was based on between-society differences and there is
probably restriction of variability within society). Further, one should not interpret these
within-society factor analyses as replications of the GLOBE factor structure. This analysis is
intended as an exploration of the themes captured by GLOBE in a new domain (individual
differences within a society). Finally, the absence of a GLOBE factor within a society should
not be automatically interpreted as the factor being irrelevant to the people in that country.
Rather, a factor may fail to emerge within a society even when that theme is extremely criti-
cal because there was no variability in how the individuals from a single society rated the
items (e.g., they all rated the items a 7). Factor analysis requires variability and so a factor
could fail to emerge because it is extremely critical or completely irrelevant to the people
within a society.

Qualitative Methodology

The qualitative methodology consisted, in the main, of focus groups, in-depth ethnographic
interviews, media analysis, participant observation, and unobtrusive measurement. Although
the CCI teams of all the 61 countries participating in GLOBE collected quantitative data to
some extent or the other, not all of them were able to implement the qualitative methodology
to the same intensity and depth. And though the CCI teams in all the 25 countries represented
in this volume conducted qualitative research in considerable depth, there is a variation in the
extent of using them even amongst the 25 countries represented in this volume. The general
process followed for each component of qualitative methodology is described in the follow-
ing subsections. The specifics of the use of these methods are described in more detail in sub-
sequent chapters.

Focus Groups. The purpose of focus groups was to learn what the middle managers in each
culture thought about outstanding leadership. The focus groups provided participants with an
opportunity to reflect on and formally discuss effective, above-average, and outstanding man-
agers. It was hoped that at the end of the focus group the participants would have greater insights
into various behaviors generally employed by managers when leading organizational work
units. The standard material and process for conducting focus groups was provided to the CCIs
by the GLOBE Coordinating Team. This is summarized in Boxes 2.1 and 2.2.
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2 METHODOLOGY 25

BOX 2.1

Focus Group Exercise

(Given to participants a couple of days before the focus group was actually conducted)
To begin, think of a person whom you know, or have observed several times, who you judge to
be an outstanding leader. If you do not know such an individual personally, select a prominent
leader about whom you have read or one whom you have observed in the media, whom you judge
to be an outstanding leader.
Now visualize an important incident in which the leader has interacted with one or more of
her or his subordinates or followers. Spend a few minutes recalling the incident in detail, and
visualizing the behavior of both the leader and the subordinates/followers.
Please write a short story about the incident using the following questions as guides. Devote
one or two paragraphs to each of the questions. The total story should take no more than about
15 minutes to write.

1. What were the background circumstances which lead up to the event?

2. Who were the people involved? What were their formal positions, relationships to each other?
3. What was said during the incident? Did the leader do anything that was particularly effec-
tive? Ineffective? Please describe.
4. What feelings were experienced by each party?
5. What was the outcome? Was it a successful incident? Did the manager achieve his or her
objective?

Now think of a person whom you know, or have observed several times, whom you judge to be
a competent manager but not an outstanding leader. Visualize an important incident in which the
manager has interacted with one or more of her or his subordinates or followers. Spend a few
minutes recalling the incident in detail, and visualizing the behavior of both the manager and the
subordinates/followers.
Now please write a short story in which you address the earlier questions.
Now please develop a list of attributes (skills, abilities, personality traits, values, behaviors)
that you believe distinguish outstanding leaders from competent managers in general.

BOX 2.2

Process of the Focus Group

At the start of the focus group, inform participants that they are participating in a cross-cultural
research project in which large number of nations is participating. Also inform them that the pur-
pose of the focus group is to understand the meaning of the terms leadership and management in
different cultures, and to gather information concerning the attributes of individuals that are char-
acteristic of effective leaders and managers. Also inform them that this is the beginning step of
the research, and that the information obtained will help ensure that the terms leadership and
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26 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

(Continued)

management will be defined for each nation in terms of the culturally appropriate meaning for
each nation.
Subsequently, request the participants to define the term leadership. List their contributions
and attempt to come to a consensus concerning the definition of the term leadership. Record the
majority definition and also any minority opinions.
Now, conduct the same exercise for the term management.
Then request the participants to share their thoughts concerning the attributes that distinguish
outstanding leaders, above-average managers, and normally effective managers. Follow it up by
a discussion of distinguishing behaviors of each class of managers.
After this, request the participants to describe how managers in their culture differ from man-
agers in another country that is one of their major trading partners. After clearly specifying the
country chosen for comparison, list the differences pointed out by the participants between man-
agers of the two countries. Further request the participants to mention how managers of their
county should behave in order to be effective when dealing with managers of the trading partner.

In-Depth Ethnographic Interviews. The purpose of the interviews was to explore, in some
depth, how managers in each culture defined leadership, explicitly or implicitly. It was recom-
mended to the CCI teams that interviews should be conducted with at least five to seven middle
managers, till some clear and unambiguous patterns emerged. It was also suggested that the
interviews be tape-recorded for subsequent content analysis. Guidelines for the in-depth ethno-
graphic interviews are summarized in Box 2.3.

BOX 2.3

Guidelines for In-Depth Ethnographic Interview

Begin the interview with a brief explanation of GLOBE. Advise the interviewees of the broad
purpose of the interview and that it is part of a multination study.

• Clarify to the interviewees that there are no correct, incorrect, or desirable or undesirable
responses.
• Stress that their responses would contribute to an understanding of leadership and manage-
ment in their culture.
• While the interview should be generally free-flowing and exploratory, following are some
guiding and suggested questions to broadly guide your exploration:

1. What is your personal definition of outstanding leadership?

2. What is the difference between a competent manager and an outstanding leader?
3. What is your perception of the opposite of outstanding leadership? If the person is in the
position of leadership and does not exercise outstanding leadership, what would be the kinds
of behaviors in which he or she is likely to engage?
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2 METHODOLOGY 27

(Continued)

4. Please describe a couple of critical incidents that illustrate outstanding leadership.

5. Were there any obstacles or constraints faced by the leaders in these incidents? Any opposi-
tion, resistance, bureaucratic red tape, or lack of resources, for example?
6. Please name two or three well-known individuals who, you think, are or have been out-
standing leaders.
7. Is there anything that these leaders have in common that makes them outstanding and differ-
entiates them from others who have been in similar positions? How are the behaviors of these
leaders similar?
8. Please describe a specific behavior, something each leader did, that illustrates his or her
leadership.
9. Is there something a leader did that resulted in your strong acceptance of or support for the
leader or resulted in significantly increased motivation on your part, or willingness to go
above and beyond the call of duty in the interest of the leader’s vision, objective, or mission?
Please describe that in some detail.

CCI teams were informed that the guidelines in Box 2.3 were broad and were likely to
enrich the interview and provide more meaningful data about implicit definitions of the
leadership used by the interviewees.
Media Analysis. The purpose of the media analysis was to get yet another inter-
pretation of leadership as it is perceived by members of the society and culture. This
was because the portrayal of leadership by the media is expected to reflect what the
society thinks of its leaders and the phenomenon of leadership. The analysis of media
portrayal and reporting was also expected to provide insights into the process concern-
ing how do the members of the society think about leadership. In order to do this, CCIs
were advised to analyze media coverage and reports of leadership for arriving at the
essence of leadership as reflected in the media. The general process recommended to
the CCIs is described in Box 2.4.

BOX 2.4

Guidelines for Media Analysis

Choose some representative publications from different sections of the media, such as one of the most
well-respected major national daily newspapers focusing on general issues and broad audience; one
of the most well-respected major daily newspapers focusing on business, industrial, and financial
audiences; a major national weekly news magazine reporting general news; a major weekly or fort-
nightly news magazine targeted at the business community. In countries with multiple languages, it is
recommended that the focus be on the dominant language used by the larger managerial population.

1. Choose two time periods (anywhere from 2 to 4 weeks each) with a gap of 1 month between
the two time periods. The time periods should be such when no large, regularly scheduled
event was to happen such as a major public or religious celebration, an important anniversary
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28 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

(Continued)

of a public event, a major political election, or a major political convention. The reason for
avoiding such periods is to get as “normal” representation of the portrayal of leadership in
the media as possible.
2. Select all articles and stories related to or referring to leadership in any way whatsoever,
appearing in the chosen publications during the chosen time periods. Content-analyze these
stories and articles to develop the concepts of leadership relevant to that society, as portrayed
in the media.

Though it was left to the CCIs to do the content analyses in the way most appropriate and suit-
able for them, using the guidelines provided in Agar (n.d.) and Thomas (n.d.), a basic process
suggested to the CCIs was to (a) transcribe the extracts of the stories and articles, highlight-
ing the important phrases containing any verbs, adjectives, and nouns relevant to leadership,
(b) gather all the phrases together and typify the phrases with one word that best described
the event, and (c) sort the phrases by typification categories, leading to a description of how
leadership was portrayed in the media.
Subsequently, this portrayal of leadership was related to the countries’ profiles on the core
GLOBE dimensions. The results of the media analyses also helped provide insights on the
various ways in which the GLOBE dimensions get enacted in the culture, and to elaborate and
explain the findings of the in-depth ethnographic interviews. In addition, the large amount of
information gathered during the media analyses also helped in understanding the findings of
the quantitative analyses.
Some countries performed a specific media analysis, such that job advertisements for lead-
ers were analyzed (e.g., the characteristics that were required); for example, see the chapter
about Sweden or Germany. Some did extensive analyses of the ethnographic interviews, for
example, the chapter on Colombia.

Unobtrusive Measurement and Participant Observations. Given that most of the CCIs
were residing in the cultures that they were to study, they were requested to collect data rele-
vant to unobtrusive measurement of the theoretical dimensions of culture. Unobtrusive mea-
sures and participant observations of the researchers were used in conjunction with other
qualitative data and questionnaire measures to triangulate measurement of culture dimensions.
Power stratification may be reflected by the number of hierarchical levels in a particular
kind of organization, such as in a sample of organizations included in the quantitative data
collection. The number of titles and hierarchical levels of domestic help hired by wealthy
individuals in the society might also reflect power stratification. It could be expected that
there would be more such titles in highly power-stratified society and fewer in societies char-
acterized by low power stratification. The number of status-relevant occupational titles (or
other relevant samples) found in the industries in which quantitative data were to be collected
could also reflect the power stratification of the society.
The average age of top executive officers in industry might be an unobtrusive measure of
tolerance of uncertainty. The higher average age of high-level managers was expected to
reflect low tolerance of uncertainty. Some of the sample unobtrusive measurement items are
presented in Table 2.2.
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2 METHODOLOGY 29

TABLE 2.2
Sample Unobtrusive Measurement Items

Uncertainty Avoidance: Existence of laws concerning minimum age for marriage

Power Stratification: Prevalence of conspicuous use of symbols of authority
Collective Orientation: Prevalence of extended families
Gender Differentiation: Proportion of women in top two levels of organizations studied
Humane Orientation: Existence of laws to ensure safe employment conditions
Future Orientation: R & D expenditures in the three GLOBE target industries (controlling for GNP)
Achievement Orientation: Frequency of awards for outstanding student performance at universities

CCIs were also requested to look for unique rituals, myths, and ceremonies in their culture
that may have relevance to various societal culture dimensions. History of the society includ-
ing the political and social history, history of leaders, of the economy, of the industries stud-
ied, and of the organizations from which the quantitative data were obtained, could also be a
very rich source of information about the culture being studied. The CCIs were requested to
develop a description of each of the societal culture dimensions based on their unobtrusive
measurements and participant observations. Given the experience and skill of the CCIs in
social sciences research, this was expected, and indeed turned out, to be a rich source of
developing insights into the cultures studied.

3. RESPONSE BIAS

Triandis (1995) has noted that the various cultures have conflicting response patterns when
responding to questionnaires. The presence of these different response patterns can poten-
tially compromise cross-cultural comparisons. Thus several different statistical techniques
have been developed to eliminate the contamination of survey responses.
The intercorrelations of the unobtrusive measures and the core “Should Be” scale scores
for each dimension range from .38 to .88 (all significant, p < .05 and less). The intercorrela-
tions of the unobtrusive measures and the core “As Is” scale scores for each dimension range
from .51 to .65 (all significant, p < .05 and less) (Gupta, de Luque, & House, 2004, pp. 153,
171). These intercorrelations indicate validity of the GLOBE societal questionnaire measures.
The middle-manager responses to the societal questionnaire also demonstrate that these inter-
correlations reflect the society at large in which the managers also exist and not just the
specifically defined culture of middle managers. Statistical analyses were also performed for
response bias (for details, see Appendix B of House et al., 2004).

4. INTEGRATION OF QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE FINDINGS

Authors of the country chapters included in this book were requested to develop culture spe-
cific interpretations of local behaviors, norms, and practices based on the qualitative research
methods listed earlier in this chapter, and integrate those interpretations with the findings
derived from the quantitative analyses comparing the results of that particular country with
all the countries participating in GLOBE. This integration of the findings of quantitative and
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30 JAGDEEP S. CHHOKAR

qualitative research methods is one of the unique features of this book, and provides a rich
and in-depth understanding of the culture of the 25 countries represented in this book.
The integration of the quantitative and qualitative findings of each country is followed by
an overall integration in the concluding chapter of this volume which takes an integrative view
to point out particularly interesting findings, to identify commonalities among culture-
specific findings, and to discuss emerging theoretical and methodological issues. It also
derives questions for future research and practical implications, from which researchers,
students and practitioners can benefit; for societal culture, leadership, and the link between
culture and leadership from between-country and multiple within-country perspectives.

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Agar, M. (n.d.). Qualitative research manual, I and II. GLOBE Research Project.
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Brodbeck, F. C., Frese, M., Akerblom, S., Audia, G., Bakacsi, G., Bendova, H., et al. (2000). Cultural
variation of leadership prototypes across 22 European countries. Journal of Occupational and
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den Hartog, D., House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Ruiz-Quintanilla, S. A., Dorfman, P. J., & GLOBE
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Gerstner, C. R., & Day, D. V. (1994). Cross-cultural comparison of leadership prototypes. Leadership
Quarterly, 5(2), 121–134.
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Oaks, CA: Sage.
Hanges, P. J., & Dickson, M. W. (2004). The development and validation of scales to measure societal
and organizational culture. In R. J. House, P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan, P. J. Dorfman, V. Gupta, &
GLOBE Associates (Eds.), Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies
(pp.122–151). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Hanges, P. J., & Dickson, M. W. (in press). Agitation over Aggregation: Clarifying the development of
and the nature of the GLOBE scales. Leadership Quarterly (forthcoming).
Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s consequences: International differences in work-related values. London:
Sage.
House, R. J., & Aditya, R. N. (1997). The social scientific study of leadership: Quo vadis? Journal of
Management, 23(3), 409–473.
House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. J., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates. (Eds.). (2004).
Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
O’Connell, M. S., Lord, R. G., & O’Connell, M. K. (1990, August). Differences in Japanese and
American leadership prototypes: Implications for cross-cultural training. Paper presented at the
meeting of the Academy of Management, San Francisco.
Shaw, J. B. (1990). A cognitive categorization model for the study of intercultural management.
Academy of Management Review, 15(4), 616–645.
Thomas, J. (n.d.). The effective leader as portrayed in the US popular media. GLOBE Research Project.
Triandis, H. C. (1995). Individualism and collectivism. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Triandis, H. C. (2004). Foreword. In R. J. House, P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan, P. Dorfman, & V. Gupta
(Eds.), Leadership, culture, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies (pp. xv–xix).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
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▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼
I
NORDIC EUROPE CLUSTER

The Nordic Europe cluster in the GLOBE Research Program consisted of Denmark, Ireland,
and Sweden. In this volume, the cluster is represented by Finland and Sweden. This region is
generally considered to consist of the Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway,
and Sweden. These countries are called Nordic because the word Nord means “North” in sev-
eral languages. Therefore these countries are also referred to as Northern European countries.
In terms of cultural dimensions, this cluster is high on Future Orientation, Gender
Egalitarianism, Institutional Collectivism, and Uncertainty Avoidance. This cluster falls in the
middle range of scores on Humane Orientation and Performance Orientation. Its scores on
Assertiveness, In-Group Collectivism, and Power Distance are low (House et al., 2004).
In terms of Leadership, the Nordic European cluster endorses a blend of high
Charismatic/Value-Based and high Team-Oriented leadership with considerable elements of
Participative leadership. Although Self-Protective leadership is strongly rejected, there is toler-
ance of Autonomous leadership.
Although the Scandinavian or Nordic countries are often referred to as a region of cultur-
ally similar countries, there are significant variances among these countries. For example,
Finland and Sweden, the two countries represented in this volume, differ on how Humane
Oriented leadership is enacted. Whereas personal sensitivity and development support are the
main means of achieving Humane Oriented leadership in Finland, it is the egalitarian
approach in Sweden that grants individual autonomy and hence enables enactment of
Humane Oriented leadership.

REFERENCES

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates.
(2004). Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

31
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3
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

“Primus Inter Pares”: Leadership and

Culture in Sweden
Ingalill Holmberg & Staffan Åkerblom
Centre for Advanced Studies in Leadership, Stockholm School of Economics

Swedish leadership is vague and imprecise … in giving an order a Swede

will typically say “See what you can do about it!” What does this mean? It
is obviously connected with the extensive delegation of authority. Managers
who say “See what you can do about it!” are demonstrating trust in their
co-workers. It is also a question of exercising control through a common
understanding of the problem, rather than through giving direct orders. This
must be regarded as one of the strengths of Sweden’s egalitarian society.
—Edström & Jönsson (1998, p. 167)

The opening quotation provides a significant image of the enactment of leadership in Sweden:
Vagueness, equality, and consensus are three of the notions that are crucial to (an understand-
ing of) established leadership in the Swedish context. They are all rooted in an ideology that
evolved over a period of many years between the late 1930s and the 1990s, permeating most,
if not all, aspects of life in Sweden, and to a large extent in the other Nordic countries. This
ideology, with its strong emphasis on the notion of the collective, emerged from attempts to
combine economic growth with democracy and extensive programs for social development.
During the 1990s a conviction arose in many quarters that this ideology no longer had a part
to play in the increasingly globalized context of the day. In business management, for instance,
traditional stakeholder perspectives were often being replaced by a focus on shareholder val-
ues, whereas in the management discourse organizations now take second place to the indi-
viduals who populate them. This shift is perhaps most clearly expressed in the economic
vocabulary subsumed under the label of the “New Economy,” a phenomenon that has attracted
enormous attention in the public space in recent years (Holmberg & Strannegård, 2002). As
Sweden entered the new millennium, the ideological dissonance between the old and the new
was reaching its peak. The implications of this ideological shift from the perception, enact-
ment, and evaluation of leadership, is one of the several themes that is examined in this chapter.
The aim of the present chapter is to explore leadership and culture in Sweden, and to see
how they are interrelated. The exploration is based on a number of empirical studies carried
33
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34 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

out between 1994 and 1998 within the framework of the GLOBE project. We start with some
general facts about Sweden, its history, and its development as a modern welfare state, after
which these studies are presented in separate sections.

General Facts About Sweden

Sweden has an area of 450,000 square kilometeres, which makes it slightly larger than the
state of California, USA. The relatively small population of 9 million (Statistics Sweden,
2005) is by no means evenly distributed: About 85% live in the southern half of the country.
One in every four Swedes lives in one of the 10 biggest cities, of which the capital Stockholm,
Göteborg (Gothenburg), and Malmö are the largest.
Sweden’s economy is highly international, albeit heavily dependent on a limited number
of very large international corporations. Swedish companies were quick to recognize the
importance of being represented in foreign markets, and global free trade has been extremely
important to the growth of Swedish industry and prosperity. Sweden’s main trading partners
are the other Nordic countries and the major countries in the rest of Europe. Sweden joined
the European Union (EU) on January 1, 1995, and more than half of Swedish exports are to
other EU members. In 2003, exports accounted for 44% of the gross domestic product (GDP;
Swedish Institute, 2004b).
Sweden is becoming a postindustrial service-oriented society, but manufacturing still dom-
inates foreign trade. The engineering industry accounts for some 40% of all Swedish exports,
the main products being machinery, telecommunications, electrical equipment, and motor
vehicles. Other important exports are pulp, paper, paper and wood products, chemical prod-
ucts, and pharmaceuticals (Swedish Institute, 2003a).
The Swedish service sector is dominated by public organizations. Services such as child
care, health care, and education are all supplied under public auspices in order to guarantee
equally high standards for every citizen.1 In 2003, nearly a third of the total labor force were
employed in central and local2 public agencies, including the social insurance sector (Swedish
Institute, 2004b).
Sweden is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary form of government. The King,
Carl XVI Gustaf, has ceremonial functions only as head of state. Parliament consists of a sin-
gle chamber, whose members are directly elected by proportional representation for a 4-year
term. Sweden has universal suffrage and the voting age is 18. Voter turnout has traditionally
been very high, 85% to 90%, but was only just above 80% in the last two elections, which has
led to an intensive debate as to whether democracy is in crisis (Müller, 2002).

Some Historical Notes

It is rather difficult to select a few historical fragments to say anything significant about the
Sweden of today that we are about to explore in this chapter. It can be argued that “history”
is in itself always a gross oversimplification of immensely complex and irreducible processes,
constantly being rewritten and edited for contemporary interests and purposes. Then, in a
chapter like this one, we have the added challenge of reducing and simplifying further what
is already oversimplified, while also trying to say something meaningful. What selection cri-
teria should be used? We decided to take the historical themes and events that the Swedish
Institute3 uses in presenting Sweden to other countries, and that most Swedes would refer to
1
A minority of private alternatives coexists with the public services.
2
Municipalities and county councils.
3
The Swedish Institute (SI) is a public agency “entrusted with disseminating knowledge abroad about Sweden
and organizing exchanges with other countries in the spheres of culture, education, research, and public life in gen-
eral.” Sources for the historical notes can be found on their Web site at http://www.si.se.
Chhokar chapter 03.qxd 10/4/2007 3:34 PM Page 35

3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 35

in everyday talk (self-representation). In other words, the selection itself may say as much
about contemporary Sweden as its actual content does.
The Viking Age, 800–1050 AD, was a period of expansion directed primarily eastward.
Many Viking expeditions set off from Sweden for the combined purposes of plunder and trade
along the coasts of the Baltic Sea and up the rivers extending deep into present-day Russia.
The Vikings active in the east traveled as far as the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, where they
developed trading links with the Byzantine Empire and the Arab dominions. The Vikings
were thus the pioneers in establishing Sweden’s foreign trade and international relations.
In the Middle Ages, the loose federation of provinces constituting Sweden became part of
the cultural sphere of Catholic Europe. In 1397, Scandinavia was united under Queen
Margaret in a union that lasted until the early years of the 16th century, when the Danes
besieged Kalmar and Stockholm. Gustav Vasa (1523–1560), one of the most prominent polit-
ical leaders in Swedish history, regained control over the country and was proclaimed King.
The foundations of the Swedish national state were laid during the reign of Gustav Vasa,
who gave Sweden a strong central government in an administration reorganized along
German lines, and established Protestantism as the state religion.
In 1818, Jean Baptiste Bernadotte, a French Marshal and opponent of Napoleon, was
crowned King of Sweden. The present Swedish Royal Family, which is greatly respected by
Swedes but that has no formal political influence, are his direct descendants.
During the later part of the 19th century Sweden was one of the poorest countries in
Europe. The majority of the population, 90%s earned its livelihood from agriculture. One con-
sequence of this situation was emigration, mainly to North America, which in relative terms
was very substantial: Out of a population of a mere 3.5 million in 1850, and approximately
6 million in 1930, about 1.5 million Swedes emigrated between 1850 and 1930.

Late but Rapid Industrialization

The technical advances achieved during the 16th and 17th centuries were mainly attributable
to the immigration of skilled craftsmen, merchants, and professionals—among them many
Germans, Scots, Dutch, and Walloons.
In the late 19th century, the Swedish engineering industry entered into a period of rapid
industrialization and expansion, unparalleled before or since. Sweden had rich domestic sup-
plies of iron ore, timber, and waterpower. The next few decades witnessed the creation of a
number of companies that were to attain a dominant role in Swedish industry through a suc-
cessful combination of inventors, entrepreneurs, and financiers (Jönsson, 1995a). Industry did
not begin to grow until the 1890s, but then developed very rapidly between 1900 and 1930.
After the World War II, Sweden became one of Europe’s leading industrial nations.
With pride, Swedes recall the achievements of engineers and entrepreneurs like Lars
Magnus Ericsson (1846–1926), who together with a partner started a company manufactur-
ing telephones and telephone equipment in 1878. As early as the 1890s, the company estab-
lished subsidiaries abroad, and the products attracted international attention. Ericsson
developed into one of the leading telecom companies in the world today. Other inventors
and/or entrepreneurs who started important enterprises at about the same time included
Alfred Nobel4 (1833–1896), the inventor of dynamite (Nobel Industries); Nils Gustav
Dalén5 (1869–1937), who invented the automatic maritime beacon (AGA); Gustaf de Laval

4
Alfred Nobel’s will created the Nobel Prizes in physics, chemistry, medicine/physiology, literature, and peace,
to be given to those who had “conferred the greatest benefit on mankind” the preceding year. The Nobel Prizes were
awarded for the first time in 1901.
5
Dalén was awarded the Nobel Prize for physics in 1912.
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36 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

(1845–1913), who invented the cream separator (Alfa Laval); and Sven Wingquist (1876–1953),
who is the father of the modern ball-bearing and founder of AB Svenska Kullagerfabriken
(SKF), which remains the world’s leading producer of industrial bearings.6
Because Swedish companies commanded a small domestic market, they were forced into
international expansion at an early stage. Today, Swedish-owned multinational firms account
for about half of total Swedish exports and manufacturing output. Many of these firms are
extensively global, with almost 90% of sales in foreign markets and with more than 60% of
their staff employed outside Sweden.
Access to raw materials, skilled workers, and innovative talent helped Sweden achieve the
same level of per capita income as Great Britain by the outbreak of the Second World War.
Sweden was fortunate enough not to be drawn into the war. Its industry and infrastructure thus
remained intact and were well equipped to take advantage of the upswing in world trade dur-
ing the postwar period.
Nineteenth-century Sweden was also characterized by the emergence of strong popular
movements such as the free (i.e., nonstate) churches, the temperance and women’s move-
ments and, above all, the labor movement. The latter, which grew concurrently with the indus-
trialization of the later 19th century, became reformist in its outlook after the turn of the
century and by 1917 the first representatives of the Social Democratic movement joined the
government. Universal suffrage was introduced for men in 1909 and for women in 1921, and
this later date also marked the breakthrough for the principle of parliamentary government.

Building the Welfare State: Folkhemmet and the Swedish Model

An important concept in describing the evolution of Sweden as a modern welfare state is the
political Utopia of a “People’s home”—or Folkhemmet—as envisioned around 1930 by the
Social Democratic Party, which was the ruling political party for more than four decades after
1932.7 Folkhemmet is a metaphor of society as the good home, a nationwide community in which
“equality, concern for others, co-operation and helpfulness”8 (as in any good home) should pre-
vail. It was a vision of a decent and socialist society, entailing economic and social justice, and
equality. It proved possible to realize these plans in all their essentials after the World War II.
Important figureheads during the postwar Folkhemmet period were the Social Democratic
leaders Per Albin Hansson, Tage Erlander, and Olof Palme, all of them prime minister in
turn.9 Hansson and Erlander in particular became national father figures, with powerful leader
profiles. Palme enjoyed similar status but was much more controversial, partly because his
political focus stretched well beyond the domestic arena. Palme became famous internation-
ally for his strong commitment to the Third World and the struggle for the right of the emerg-
ing nations to self-determination.10
These developments in Sweden in general, and the evolution in the country of the modern
universal welfare state in particular, are often described in terms of “the Swedish model.” As
6
For more comprehensive descriptions of the evolution of seven dominant Swedish companies, see Jönsson
(1995a).
7
The Social Democratic Party held power alone or in coalition during 1932–1976 and 1982–1991, whereas the
nonsocialist parties formed coalition governments during 1976–1982 and 1991–1994. After the 1994, 1998, and 2002
elections, the Social Democratic Party has ruled the country with a minority government.
8
The future prime minister Per-Albin Hansson in a speech in the Swedish Parliament in 1928, appealing to the
home-sweet-home sentiments of the general public (Hirdman, 1989, p. 89).
9
Hansson was prime minister 1932–1946, Erlander 1946–1969, and Palme 1969–1976 and 1982–1986 (opposi-
tion leader 1976–1982).
10
In foreign affairs Olof Palme embarked on new directions, such as disarmament, building global security in a
Cold War world full of confrontations, and narrowing the gap between the rich and poor nations. For good or worse,
Sweden developed the role of a kind of “world conscience” in international relations. The assassination of Prime
Minister Palme in February 1986 has been dubbed by many as Sweden’s loss of virginity.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 37

the name suggests, the model embraces certain factors that, taken together, are typical of
Swedish society and unique to it. Although the Swedish model has been more or less aban-
doned today, it is important to offer a brief description of some of its main characteristics in
any account of the development of Swedish society and culture since the Second World War,
and of the institutional context that this has provided for managerial leadership in Sweden
over more than half a century. If typical management styles are seen as sediments of experi-
ence over time, then the collective experience of the Swedish model can certainly be said to
have permeated the minds of Swedish managers (Jönsson, 1995b).
The Swedish model should not be interpreted as a precise or unambiguous concept.
Nevertheless, a 5-year interdisciplinary research program, “The Study of Power and Democracy
in Sweden,”11 did identify a number of distinctive and partially interlocking features that had
developed between the end of 1930 and the beginning of 1970, a period coinciding with the
years of Social Democratic rule in Sweden. These features can be summarized as follows:

• A non-interventionist stance on the part of the state in the industrial relations system.
The labor market actors avoided the threat of state intervention in conflicts, and it is
probable that this threat helped to promote cooperation among the actors.12 In the
Swedish model, this cooperation soon became the norm.
• Centralized collective negotiations between the actors on the labor market. This central-
ization facilitated the pursuit of a wage policy that exhibited solidarity with low-paid
workers, in the sense that the general wage level was adjusted and increased to that of
the most internationally competitive industries, thus forcing unproductive enterprises
either to improve or to close down.
• The potential problem of lay-offs resulting from this wage policy was dealt with by an
active governmental labor market policy, aimed essentially at promoting the movement
of the labor force from low-productive to high-productive sectors.

To this can be added a unique political climate between the different actors in the labor
market, a culture of consensus that prevailed for several decades following World War II. The
1938 “Saltsjöbaden-agreement” was a historical compromise between the two main actors,
the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen, LO) and the Swedish
Employers’ Confederation (Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen, SAF).13 This agreement marked
the starting point for a period of relatively peaceful industrial relations, cooperation, and
mutual trust. The spirit of Saltsjöbaden became the cultural frame within which the Swedish
model developed and “signaled the end of worker-employer hostilities and paved the way for
the economic basis of the welfare state” (Trädgård, 1990, p. 48; cited in Berglund &
Löwstedt, 1996). Economic growth was thus rapid during the postwar period and up to the
mid-1970s, during which time Swedish export industry was highly competitive and the
Swedish economy was enjoying an exceptional rate of growth.
Sweden’s development as a welfare state was thus due, to a large extent, to the Swedish
model and its middle-of-the-road strategy between capitalism and socialism, a strategy
accomplished in a joint effort by a triad consisting of the state, the labor unions, and the
employers. Berglund and Löwstedt (1996) suggest that the Swedish model can be seen as an
attempt at realizing a Gesellschaft within a Gemeinschaft (cf. Tönnies, 1963).

11
Maktutredningen. Huvudrapport: “Demokrati och makt i Sverige” (SOU, 1990, p. 44).
12
Cf. Jönsson (1995a, p. 125).
13
Besides LO (which represents blue-collar and some clerical occupations) and SAF (representing private-sector
employers), there are also several national confederations of white-collar employees and employers covering
workplaces in both the private and public sectors.
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38 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

Although the Swedish model is a crucial feature of any attempt to describe the institutional
context in which industry (and managerial leadership) developed in Sweden during this period,
it is naturally not the only one. In his comprehensive work on the historical development of a
number of large Swedish companies, Jönsson (1995a) indicates several other contributory insti-
tutional conditions. Early internationalization was one factor that has already been mentioned.
Swedish companies were quick to adapt to foreign markets and different cultures. A second fac-
tor was the strong influence of three dominating banking interests,14 which, as well as supply-
ing risk capital, also provided active long-term ownership, industrial competence, and a network
of industrial leaders and directors from companies within their own spheres and representing a
major part of Swedish industry. A third factor consisted of the collaboration between the parties
on the labor market aimed at combining modernization (new technology) and rationalization
with various enriching and participative models of work organization.
In recent decades, like many other Western countries, Sweden has been evolving as a
service-oriented and knowledge-intensive society. In the Swedish case, a service-oriented
society meant an expanding public sector, because such key services as medical care, child
care, and education were provided predominantly by public organizations. As the country
moved into the 1990s the economic trends took a downturn, and as the recession deepened
unemployment rose from a very low rate in the 1970s and 1980s toward a more average
European level15 (Swedish Institute, 2004b). The public sector, previously a bastion of
employment for women, suffered major cutbacks and family policies became less generous.
In the second half of the 1990s, the economy recovered. Unemployment was reduced to
the government’s target level of 4% by late 2000. Part of the explanation lay in increasing sup-
port to local governments (schools, health care, and social services) and national programs
such as the Adult Education Initiative (kompetenslyftet) to promote higher adult education
(Swedish Institute, 2004b). Primarily, however, the reduction was due to the creation of new
jobs, mainly within the pharmaceutical and telecommunications industries.
A number of indicators bear witness to the transformation of Swedish businesses into knowl-
edge-intensive operations. These are the only kind of operations to show a growth in jobs during
the last two decades (mainly in services and knowledge-intensive manufacturing), and Sweden is
established among the top countries on research and development (R&D) spending16 (Swedish
Institute, 2003a). The transformation is also evident in that Sweden was among the leading infor-
mation technology (IT) nations in the world by the beginning of the 21st century. The excep-
tionally high rate of IT usage has made a powerful contribution to economic growth overall, to
the rapid expansion of IT and the Internet companies, and to the fact that Sweden has become an
important test market for international IT companies (Ilshammar, 2000). This expansion has
made waves internationally. In 1999, for instance, Newsweek magazine devoted a special edition
to Stockholm as the proclaimed Internet capital of Europe with regard to its IT industry.

A New Landscape for Swedish Leadership

The institutional context for business management in Sweden has thus changed significantly
compared to the situation only a few decades ago. For instance, the increasing dominance of
financial investors in the capital market has removed the crucial function of industrial ownership

14
Most notably the Wallenberg sphere of interest.
15
In 1996, unemployment averaged 8.0%. In addition, 4.5% of the labor force was engaged in employment
training, public relief work, and other activities supported by the government.
16
R&D investments in 2001 equaled close to 4.0% of GDP, with industrial R&D accounting for the lion’s share
of 3.3% (Swedish Institute, 2003a).
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 39

(Jönsson, 1995a, 1995b). This has placed a new emphasis on short-term economic performance
and on shareholder values, diverging from the traditional long-term stakeholder perspective that
has hitherto prevailed for decades in Swedish businesses. Furthermore, the economic base is now
concentrated on large enterprises whose foreign operations represent a considerable share of their
activities. Naturally, the interests of a global enterprise are not always compatible with those of
the Swedish state, a situation that has generated certain tensions and has reduced the mutual trust
that had prevailed for so long. This new landscape obviously shapes the way leadership is
enacted, determines what leader qualities are most valued in recruitment situations, affects the
expectations and ideals associated with leaders in the public discourse, and so on (House, Wright,
& Aditya, 1997). New leadership models and ideals are constantly evolving as an adaptive
response to a changing environment, while at the same time they are also actively shaping this
environment themselves (Gergen, 1999).
But the landscape is not constituted only by institutional arrangements. Swedish culture in
the sense of norms, values, and shared understandings is an equally important component in
the landscape that shapes (and is shaped by) the images of leadership as well as the execution
of leadership in practice. Before embarking on an exploration of leadership in Sweden (the
Images of Leadership section in this chapter), we look first at Swedish culture in this sense,
as we analyze the results of the GLOBE study conducted in Sweden.

1. SWEDEN IN THE GLOBE STUDY

The GLOBE project has collected data using multiple methods (cf. House et al., 2004; chap. 1,
this volume). This section reports the results that emerged from quantitative data collection, more
specifically from a survey of observations and values regarding Sweden as expressed by middle
managers in terms of the nine GLOBE culture dimensions. This presentation of results is fol-
lowed by an elaboration of each dimension drawn from qualitative data such as interview mate-
rial, public information, and nonobtrusive observations relevant to the different dimensions.
The Swedish questionnaire was distributed among middle managers in 14 business
organizations active in three different industries:17 finance, food processing, and telecommu-
nications. Altogether 896 middle managers answered the questionnaire. Male respondents
constituted 82.3%, whereas 17.7% represented female participation. Ages ranged between 25
and 64 years, with a median of 46. As regards cultural conditioning, 97.1% were born in
Sweden. Methodological details relevant to this section and an elaboration of the basic
demographics of the sample group can be found in the Appendix.

Results for the Swedish Sample

Table 3.1 presents the societal culture dimensions for Sweden. Starting at the higher end, the
results show very high aggregated scale scores and rankings (indicated here in parentheses) on
the three following dimensions in perceptions of societal cultural (“As Is” scale scores):
Institutional Collectivism (Mean [M] = 5.22, Rank 1), Uncertainty Avoidance (M = 5.32, Rank
2), and Gender Egalitarianism (M = 3.84, Rank 8). In an international comparison, we can there-
fore clearly identify Sweden as a very collectivist society, where equality between men and
women is relatively high. The country is further characterized by a large number of institutional
arrangements and structures, such as rules and procedures that serve to reduce uncertainty.

17
The data set in the three industries is distributed as follows: finance (4 organizations, N = 373), food process-
ing (6 organizations, N = 301), and telecommunication (4 organizations, N = 222).
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40 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

TABLE 3.1
Results for Sweden for the Nine GLOBE Cultural Dimensions at the Society Level

Society Culture Society Culture Diff.

“As Is” “Should Be”
“Should
Banda Banda Be”−
Cultural Dimension Score (Rank)b Score (Rank)b “As Is”

Institutional Collectivism 5.22 Ad (1) 3.94 Cd (58) –1.28

Uncertainty Avoidance 5.32 Ad (2) 3.60 De (58) –1.72
Gender Egalitarianism 3.84 Ac (8) 5.15 Ad (2) 1.31
Future Orientation 4.39 Bd (9) 4.89 Cd (56) 0.50
Humane Orientation 4.10 Cd (28) 5.65 Ae (9) 1.55
Performance Orientation 3.72 Bc (48) 5.80 Ce (42) 2.08
Power Distance 4.85 Bd (51) 2.70 Ce (31) –2.15
In-Group Collectivism 3.66 Cc (60) 6.04 Ac (11) 2.38
c c
Assertiveness 3.38 C (61) 3.61 B (38) 0.23
a
Bands A > B > C > D > E are determined by calculating the grand mean and standard deviations across all scales.
These means and standard deviations are used to calculate high, medium, and low bands of countries (Test Banding,
cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). bNumbers in parentheses (Rank) indicate rank order for Sweden among the 61
GLOBE countries. cThree group bands identified ranging from A to C (high–low). dFour group bands identified rang-
ing from A to D (high–low). eFive group bands identified ranging from A to E (high–low).

In terms of values, or “Should Be” scale scores for the same high-end dimensions, the results
show that the middle managers would like to see less emphasis on solutions and practices
expressing Institutional Collectivism (M = 3.94, Rank 58) and Uncertainty Avoidance (M =
3.60, Rank 58). In the case of Gender Egalitarianism, there is clear evidence of support for pro-
moting this societal issue even more. Although it is high, it should be even higher
(M = 5.15, Rank 2).
At the lower end of Table 3.1, we find very low “As Is” scale scores and rankings on the
three following dimensions: Performance Orientation (M = 3.72, Rank 48), In-group
Collectivism (M = 3.66, Rank 60), and Assertiveness (M = 3.38, Rank 61). In an international
comparison, Swedish society is not apparently organized for emphasizing or rewarding per-
formance. A striking and particularly interesting result is that whereas Sweden is ranked as
the most collectivist society in the GLOBE study (Institutional Collectivism), it is also ranked
as extremely individualist in terms of the In-Group Collectivism dimension. Finally, Swedes
emerge as a very timid and nonassertive society by international comparison.
“Should Be” scale scores for the same low-end dimensions reveal a wish for this to be higher
on all three dimensions in absolute terms, but the difference is small for Assertiveness (0.23
score points). The rather big shift in ranking for Assertiveness from 61/61 (“As Is”) to 38/61
(“Should Be”), is thus largely a relative one. The opposite effect is evident for the Performance
Orientation score. There is a big difference of more than two points between the “As Is” and
“Should Be” scores for this dimension, but the shift in international, relative ranking is a mod-
est one only: from 48/61 (As Is) to 42/61 (Should Be). In other words, although there is a clear
desire for an increase in emphasis on performance, this follows a universal pattern. Finally, the
equivalent results for In-Group Collectivism demonstrate a major shift both in absolute and rel-
ative terms, moving from an “As Is” ranking of 60/61, to a “Should Be” ranking of 11/61.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 41

Future Orientation (M = 4.39, Rank 9), Humane Orientation (M = 4.10, Rank 28), and
Power Distance (M = 4.85, Rank 51) are the three remaining dimensions where the Swedish
scores and rankings do not diverge markedly in any direction, especially with regard to the
absolute “As Is” scores. Although the rankings show that Future Orientation is rather high and
Power Distance low, with Humane Orientation in the middle, Sweden is still positioned in the
middle country clusters on all three dimensions (see Table 3.1, rank columns).
The “Should Be” score for Future Orientation points in two directions, depending on the per-
spective. The absolute direction is positive: The middle managers think that more attention should
be paid to future-oriented activities such as planning and preparing for future events. In relative
terms, however, the direction is negative. Ranking for Future Orientation drops from a position-
ing of 9/61 (As Is) down to 56/61 (Should Be). In other words, Swedish middle managers think
there should be more focus on Future Orientation than there is in what they conceive as the pre-
sent state. This is in line with their colleagues in most other countries, but to a much lesser degree.
Swedish middle managers think there should be less Power Distance and the difference in
absolute numbers between “how it should be” and “how it is” is among the greatest within
the sample. Yet the shift is only modest in an international comparison. The ranking is thus
actually higher for the “Should Be” score (M = 2.70, Rank 31), than for the “As Is” score
(M = 4.85, Rank 51). In other words, values regarding Power Distance seem to follow an
international pattern in such a way that a (much) lower Power Distance is universally desired,
but to a lesser extent in Sweden relative to most other countries.
Finally, the “Should Be” scores and rankings for Humane Orientation show Swedish
middle managers to have a relatively strong preference for increasing arrangements and activ-
ities that promote an even more humane society. The “Should Be” ranking is 9/61, which
qualifies Sweden for membership in the top country cluster.

Illustrations and Elaboration of the Study Dimensions

In this section, we illustrate and elaborate the results presented previously, using additional
data from two sources. One of these entails non-obtrusive measurements using public sources
and expert knowledge collected by the Swedish GLOBE team. A second involves direct
observations of local expressions relevant to the GLOBE culture dimensions at the society
level. These data were collected primarily by the Swedish research team during the spring of
1995, and subsequently supplemented by interviews and observations during 1996–1997.

Institutional Collectivism. In the preceding section, we found that Sweden was the most
collectivist society of all the participating countries. Institutional Collectivism refers here to
social arrangements at the societal level that promote conformity and interdependence among
(groups of) individuals, and a concern for collective rather than individual interests.
One good indicator of this dimension and the promotion of collective interests is repre-
sented by the labor unions, for example, their political influence and their level of member-
ship. Sweden is in fact the leading example in a group of countries including members such
as Denmark and Finland, which all have a very high unionization rate. Almost 9 out of 10
(87%) of the wage earners in Sweden are members of a union. Some comparable figures are
one out of three (34%) in the UK, and one out of four (24%) in Japan. In France, only 9% of
the wage earners are members of a union.18
18
Sources are: Sweden: Statistics Sweden (SCB); UK and France: Visser (1996), Trends in Union Membership
and Union Density in OECD Countries 1970–1994, Centre for Research on European Societies and Industrial
Relations, February 1996; and Japan: Japan Institute of Labor. Reported in Kjellberg (1997).
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42 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

Another expression of Institutional Collectivism is the relatively high-tax situation in

Sweden. The public sector, that is, the national government (the state) and the local govern-
ment (the municipalities and county councils), have assumed extensive responsibility for
many services such as education, labor market, and industrial policies, the care of the sick and
elderly, pensions and other types of social insurance, environmental protection, and so on.
The tax system is thus a key institution for the realization of political goals regarding collec-
tive interests. Although this is true for any country, the high level of taxation in Sweden is in
line with the high score for Institutional Collectivism.
A third example of Institutional Collectivism is expressed by the Right of Public Access
(Allemansrätten, which literally means “Every Man’s Right”). The law grants each and every
individual the right, under responsibility, to enjoy the countryside for recreation and tourism,
for example, the right to visit other people’s property (and to pick wildflowers, mushrooms,
berries, etc.), and to bathe in and travel by boat on other people’s water. The individual
landowner’s interests are thus subordinated to collective interests. The Right of Public Access
is unique to Sweden and is a very important base for recreation. It also has an important cul-
tural/historical value as a right going back to medieval traditions.19 The Right of Public
Access with its delicate balance of freedom and responsibility captures something essential
in the relationship between the individual and the collective.
One last example illustrating the concern for collective rather than individual interests is
the “Principle of public access to official records” (Offentlighetsprincipen) that is inscribed in
the Swedish Constitution. According to this principle, all official records are to be accessible to
the citizens, unless specifically stated otherwise. Openness should be the rule and secrecy the
exception. For instance, civil servants and others working for the public authorities are obliged
to disclose what they know and to give information to the media, unless the information in ques-
tion is officially confidential. Court proceedings, parliamentary, and local or regional authority
sessions are open to the public and the media. Even the computer logs that track the prime min-
ister’s surfing on the Internet, and all of his e-mail correspondence, are publicly accessible.

Uncertainty Avoidance. Uncertainty Avoidance is defined as the extent to which a

collective strives to avoid uncertainty by relying on social norms, structural arrangements, rit-
uals, and bureaucratic practices to alleviate the unpredictability of future events. The mean
value scored by Sweden was 5.32, which positions it second out of the 61 countries in this
dimension. This result indicates very high Uncertainty Avoidance. Protecting the rights of
individuals in their contacts with the authorities is fundamental to the process of law in
Sweden, and it is one of many expressions of uncertainty reduction. In this context, the
Swedish ombudsman system is a guarantee against oppressive measures and misgovernment
in the judiciary or the public administration. The parliamentary ombudsmen investigate sus-
pected abuses of authority on the part of civil servants. Other ombudsmen protect the public
by keeping a watchful eye on consumer rights, ethnic and sex discrimination, press ethics, and
the rights of children, young people, and those with disabilities.
Another example under this heading is that all residents in Sweden are covered by the
national health insurance. If someone is ill or has to stay home from work to care for sick
children, they receive a taxable daily allowance: 75% to 85% of lost income, depending on the
length of the absence. Finally, the social norm that calls for people to be “on time” is related to

19
The right was originally designed to protect people traveling through the vast forests by granting them the right
to gather what they needed for survival during their journey (e.g., nuts, berries, wood, or grass for their horses). This
was regulated in the provincial laws.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 43

Uncertainty Avoidance, and sticking to an agreed-on time is important to the maintenance of

good social relations in both working life and private life. Only deviations by a few minutes are
accepted as being “on time”: 10 minutes after the agreed-on time counts as being “late.”

Gender Egalitarianism. In the dimension of Gender Egalitarianism—the extent to which

a society minimizes gender role differences—Sweden ranks eighth, scoring 3.84. The score
indicates that men and women are attributed almost equal status, although there is a slight bias
toward the male side.
The 1994 elections in Sweden resulted in a substantial increase in the proportion of women
in Parliament. Of the 349 members, over 40% were women.20 This world record in women’s
participation was maintained at the subsequent election 1998. The latest election, in 2002,
gave women 45.3% of the places in Parliament. Another breakthrough for equality occurred
in the cabinet created by former Social Democratic Prime Minister Ingvar Carlsson in 1994,
in which half the members were women. The present cabinet headed by Prime Minister Göran
Persson also breaks even, with 11 female and 11 male ministers (January 2004). These
figures are obviously highly symbolic of the gender-equality ambitions in the Social Democratic
movement.
However, the situation in working life in general is still far from equal—at least by
Swedish standards. Though labor force participation is more or less equal between men and
women,21 the labor market is segregated, despite a general political consensus on the princi-
ple of gender equality.22 Of all the women in the labor market, 51% are active in the public
sector and 49 percent in the private. The equivalent figures for men are 19% and 81% respec-
tively. Although women have gained power over the last decade and hold influential positions
more than ever, men still dominate in certain domains. For instance, 56% of the people hold-
ing a management position in public organizations are women, but only 19% in the private
sector (Statistics Sweden, 2004).
The main statute governing the practical realization of equality between women and men
is aimed at working life. The Act on Equality between Men and Women at Work, generally
known as the Equal Opportunities Act,23 came into force in 1980. A new and stricter Equal
Opportunities Act replaced the existing one on January 1, 1992.
A separate Equality Affairs Division (Jämställdhetsenheten) was established at the central
governmental level in the early 1980s. The Office of the Equal Opportunities Ombudsman
(Jämställdhetsombudsmannen, JämO) is an independent government authority under the
Ministry of Labor. It was set up when the first Equal Opportunities Act came into force in
1980. The main purpose of the Act is to promote equal rights for men and women with respect
to employment, working conditions, and opportunities for personal development at work. The
rules are of two types: those prohibiting an employer from discriminating against a person on
account of gender, and second, those requiring an employer to take active steps to promote
equality at the workplace.

20
Comparable figures for some other countries are Denmark 37%, Switzerland 25%, United States 15%, and
Japan 7% (Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, 2005).
21
In 1999, 78% of all women aged between 16 and 64 were in the labor force, although many worked part-time.
In the same year, 84% of men in the same age group belonged to the labor force. Women accounted for approxi-
mately half of Sweden’s total labor force (Swedish Institute, 2004a).
22
These principles are also incorporated in to the Swedish Constitution.
23
It is interesting to note that gender equality policy is fundamentally concerned with creating equal conditions
for every individual, to achieve economic independence through gainful employment regardless of gender. The actual
redistribution of power, for instance, does not seem to be an end in itself.
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44 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

One last example concerns an institution that promotes equality in the private domain.
When a child is born, its parents are legally entitled to a total of 15 months paid parental leave
from work. This leave can be shared between them and can be taken any time before the
child’s eighth birthday. One of the months is reserved specifically for the father, and is for-
feited if he does not use it. Surveys show that more than 50% of fathers utilize their right to
paid parental leave during the child’s first year. In addition to these benefits, all fathers are
entitled to a 10-day leave of absence with parental benefit in connection with the child’s birth.
About 80% of fathers take advantage of this opportunity (Swedish Institute, 2004a).

Future Orientation. Future Orientation is the degree to which an organization or society

encourages and rewards future-oriented behaviors such as planning, investing in the future,
and delaying gratification. Sweden’s Future Orientation ranks fairly high (9/61), with a scale
score of 4.39. This result suggests a leaning toward a long-term rather than a short-term focus.
One obvious expression of Future Orientation is represented by the investments into
various kinds of education and personnel development (competence development, postgraduate
education, conferencing, etc). Sweden has been among the leading countries in the world for
many years in terms of investment in education (Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development, 2005), and the educational attainment of the population is high. In 1996, only
30% of the population had left school after the primary/lower secondary level. Furthermore,
Swedish employees spend more time at internal conferences than their counterparts in any
other country in Europe,24 and the market for executive education such as MBA programs and
similar postgraduate courses is growing.
Another expression of a strong Future Orientation is that Sweden is among the top coun-
tries in terms of spending on industrial R&D as a percentage of GDP. In 2001, industrial R&D
expenditures alone corresponded to 3.3% of GDP (Swedish Institute, 2003a).

Humane Orientation. Humane Orientation is the degree to which an organization or

society encourages and rewards individuals for being fair, altruistic, friendly, generous,
caring, and kind to others.
The social concern that is characteristic of Swedish culture is captured in part by this
dimension, where Sweden scores 4.10 and ranks 28/61. This result is rather surprising at a
first glance, because Sweden is internationally famed for being a very humane society.
However, the dimension as defined here focuses on individual humane characteristics rather
than on the institutional arrangements that are the primary source of Sweden’s reputation.
These can be exemplified by the arrangements instituted in Sweden for two groups, namely
criminals and disabled people.
The Swedish Prison and Probation Service is the public institution responsible for people
sentenced to imprisonment or probation.25 The basic ideas underlying their operations are
summarized in their own words as follows (our translation):

• As little intervention as possible, probation and parole being the best way of rehabilitat-
ing offenders.
• Care in prison should be designed to promote the rehabilitation of inmates, to prepare
them for their return to society and to mitigate the harmful effects of incarceration.
24
According to Björn Strömberg, manager at a publishing house that publishes the periodical The Conference
World (Konferensvärlden).
25
In 2004, about 10,700 people passed through the institutions of the Prison and Probation Service, with and aver-
age of 4,500 people incarcerated on any given day (Kriminalvårdsstyrelsen, 2005).
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 45

• During the period in care, time is spent on persuading the inmate to live a life free of
crime and drugs on release.
• The regular resources of the community, for example, medical care and the social ser-
vices, are to be utilized as far as possible. (Kriminalvårdsstyrelsen, 2005)

These ideas or principles for the Prison and Probation Service are clearly rooted in an explicit
Humane Orientation. With regard to the conditions of prison life, prisoners work while serv-
ing their sentences and are paid for it; they have their own TVs in their personal cells; and
they have easy access to a physician when necessary.
Another example of the Humane Orientation in Sweden can be seen in the policies regard-
ing disabled people. The very interpretation of the “handicap” concept, which naturally plays
a central role in any disability policy, is fundamentally humane. In Sweden a handicap is
viewed not as a characteristic of a person, but as something that arises when an inaccessible
environment confronts a person with a functional impairment. Thus, a common theme in the
various policies is to place the responsibility on all organizations to create and sustain envi-
ronmental conditions as such that an individual disability is not transformed into a handicap.
Apart from various rights to financial support and personal assistance, disabled people have
their own ombudsman, the Office of the Disability Ombudsman (Handikappombudsmannen),
an authority that monitors their rights and interests.

Performance Orientation. Performance Orientation refers to the extent to which an orga-

nization or society encourages and rewards group members for performance improvement
and excellence. Sweden was ranked rather low in the international comparison: 48/61, with a
score of 3.72.
The relatively low score reflects the Swedish approach in relation to this dimension, which
is to focus on the performance of organizational units rather than specific members of those
units. For instance, a common procedure at universities is to provide regular feedback to fac-
ulty departments about their scholarly performance in terms of research projects and publi-
cations. On the other hand, the teaching performance of faculty members is generally not
evaluated, nor are individual students with the best grades generally honored.
This general observation does not exclude a number of practices for encouraging and
rewarding individual performance excellence, for instance, in major companies where pro-
motion is given to individuals on the basis of such excellence. Furthermore, if politicians at
the top three levels of the national government happen to have kinship ties with other politi-
cians at the same level, this depends solely on coincidence: What counts is competence in the
performance of the duties concerned, and not social connections or any other such criteria.
Nonetheless, most organizations avoid applying formal, explicit performance appraisal
systems to individuals. Again, the organizational department or equivalent group is the nor-
mal unit for performance evaluation.

Power Distance. Power Distance is defined as the degree to which members of an orga-
nization or society expect and agree that power is unequally shared. Sweden scored a mean
of 4.85 in the Power Distance dimension and was ranked 51/61, thus being perceived as a
low–Power Distance society.
Non-obtrusive measures provided eloquent examples of various characteristics relevant to
Power Distance. For instance, most business organizations lack any dress codes based on
employee status, and titles are seldom listed on door signs (the door sign for Sweden’s prime
minister simply gives his name, Göran Persson, on a plain label). Nor are titles generally used
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46 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

when addressing people. Eating places at work are not generally segregated on a basis of posi-
tion, although certain privileges such as special parking places or bigger offices are allocated
to senior managerial levels.
Outside the sphere of work, low Power Distance can be revealed in various ways. Burial
grounds, for instance, are generally similar for everyone regardless of family wealth or status.
Nor is ability to get on a bus or any other public transportation helped by personal status, as
everybody is obliged to queue.
Also significant in this context is the absence of pictures of living political leaders in any
public place or on symbolic artifacts such as stamps (apart from members of the royal
family—but then again they have no formal political influence). Only in very special cir-
cumstances is there any symbolic recognition of political, business, or religious leaders in
public places. One such case occurred after the murder of the former Prime Minister Olof
Palme in 1986, when the name of the street at the end of which the lethal shot was fired, was
changed to Olof Palme Street. In general, if a street name acknowledges an individual at all,
it is most likely to be of historical origin.
Two phenomena that demonstrate reductions in Power Distance in Sweden are the
country’s system of progressive income tax, and the contents of the 1976 Codetermination
Act (Medbestämmandelagen), which guarantees the unions the formal right to membership
of company boards.

In-Group Collectivism. According to Table 3.1, Sweden ranks as one of the most indi-
vidualistic nations investigated in GLOBE (60/61), in terms of the In-Group Collectivism
scale. This result is very noticeable together with the high Institutional Collectivism score
reported earlier.
Modal values in Sweden stress individual independence and strength. The strong need for
independence can be expressed not only as a wish to be left alone, to “be spared other people,”
but also as a desire “not to be beholden to anyone.” The word ensamhet (solitude) has a
positive connotation. It suggests inner peace, independence, and personal strength.
Hendin (1964) explains the relation to solitude by reference to the Swedish way of bring-
ing up children. Swedish children are encouraged to become independent at an early stage:
the earlier in life, the greater the sign of what the Swede regards as maturity. It is certainly no
coincidence that the world-famous character Pippi Longstocking (Pippi Långstrump) was
created by a Swedish author, Astrid Lindgren. Being able to take care of oneself independent
of a family, as Pippi always does, is regarded as something positive. Consequently, the family
does not occupy a significant role in Swedish society in an international comparison.
It is not therefore surprising that the proportion of single households is the highest in the
world. One reason is that the different generations do not as a rule live together. Widowed par-
ents or older family members do not live with their relatives. Instead, residences for old
people are common in Sweden. It is certainly rare to find unmarried adults living with their
parents, but even the youngest offspring are encouraged to leave the family home early, sup-
ported by state loans. In Sweden a 22-year-old person still living with his or her parents is
regarded as being slightly odd.
In 2003 approximately 74% of all Swedish children aged 1 to 3 years, and 96% of all
children aged 4 to 6 years, were spending (at least part of) their day at a child-care institution
of some kind (Skolverket, 2004). In the typical Swedish family, both parents are thus work-
ing and their children are either at a child-care institution or at school. The grandparents live
on their own. This means that in Sweden family life, as usually understood, is enacted almost
exclusively at the weekends.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 47

Assertiveness. Assertiveness refers to the degree to which individuals in a society are

assertive, confrontational, and aggressive in their relationships with others. Sweden has the
lowest international ranking in this dimension (61/61), with a scale score of 3.38. This result
suggests that Swedes are typically nonassertive, that is, timid, nondominant, and nonaggres-
sive in social relationships.
This result confirms the findings of previous studies and informed accounts on Swedish
culture. Foreigners often regard Swedes as shy, reserved, and “cold-hearted.” This does not
necessarily mean that Swedes are actually feeling less emotion than other nationalities. It is
the way of expressing feelings that is culture-specific, and the subtle signals can be very dif-
ficult for foreigners to interpret. Swedes do not reveal their emotions as often or as overtly as
people from most other countries, and the importance of keeping control over one’s feelings
is introduced early, as part of a child’s upbringing. In this respect, Swedes are strikingly
similar to the Japanese (Daun, 1986). For instance, it is rare to use car horns in traffic unless
it is to ward off danger. To blow your horn is generally considered to be an unnecessary,
aggressive act. Swedes are internationally famed for their desire to avoid conflict.
Furthermore, there are relatively few hugs and kisses, or verbal expressions of emotion among
Swedes. Because strong emotions are rarely expressed openly in Sweden, indirect forms are used
instead—something that finds expression in the special love of rituals. For instance, the well-pre-
pared speech made by the managing director to the accountant on retirement, complete with its
almost obligatory little joke, may well be the only way of expressing affection and gratitude to a
loyal employee, but one that is recognized and appreciated by the recipient as being just that.

Cultural Themes for Sweden

In the following analysis, we synthesize the quantitative and qualitative results presented pre-
viously into a number of empirically grounded cultural themes applicable to Sweden:
metaphors that together seem to us to capture some particularly important aspects of Swedish
culture. We also present some additional information about Swedish society and Swedish cul-
ture drawn from a number of ethnographic and sociological accounts.

Two Life Worlds: Socially Concerned Individualism. The extreme positions of Sweden
relative to other countries in the two dimensions Institutional Collectivism (Rank 1) and In-
Group Collectivism (Rank 60) are certainly striking and puzzling results. Sweden is at one
and the same time an extremely collective and individualistic society. How can we make sense
of this paradoxical finding? It can be compared with the result reported by Hofstede (1980),
whereby Sweden was labeled an individualistic culture26 according to the author’s IDV (indi-
vidualism) index. One explanation of this difference is that Hofstede did not distinguish
between the small in-groups and the much wider anonymous, institutionalized collective that
constitutes society as a whole. This distinction is obviously important in the Swedish case,
and Hofstede’s measure and definition (which most closely correspond to In-Group
Collectivism) reveal only half of the picture.
In ethnographic descriptions of Sweden, it is often asserted that Swedes draw a strict line
between public and private life, whereas in many other parts of the world the two are insep-
arable (Daun, 1989). In many respects the two spheres are very different, and blending them
could be problematic. As we have noted, independence and solitude are two concepts with a
strong and positive charge among Swedes in general, but they are associated mainly with the

26
Sweden ranked 10th among the 53 countries on the IDV scale in Hofstede’s study (1980).
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48 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

private sphere. One function of the strict borderline between public and private could be to
defend the individual’s integrity, and guarantee that much-valued feeling of independence
vis-à-vis the outside world. The two life worlds are preferably kept apart, in both time and
space. It is rare, for instance, for Swedes to socialize with their work colleagues in their spare
time—workmates belong to the public sphere.
In a seven-country27 comparison, Hampden-Turner and Trompenaars (1993) assert that
“more than any other culture examined in this book [Swedes] begin with the individual, his
or her integrity, uniqueness, freedom, needs, and values, yet insist that the fulfillment and des-
tiny of the individual lies in developing and sustaining others by the gift of his or her own
work and energy” (p. 239). This energy is translated almost exclusively into engagement in
organized activities. We have also found that Sweden is a humane society, first and foremost
in terms of institutional arrangements rather than interpersonal (in-group) relationships. We
therefore believe that Swedes are fundamentally individualists, with a great concern for fair-
ness and the well-being of others that is expressed in organized activities and institutional
arrangements. This delicate balance between, and optimization of, individual and collective
interests is captured in the common little word lagom28 or “just right.” We have encapsulated
it in the notion of the socially concerned individualist.
It is also necessary to note the striking difference between the “As Is” and “Should Be”
scores for the middle managers when it comes to the two Collectivism dimensions. Judging
from the results, our respondents have a strong preference for replacing socially concerned indi-
vidualism by stronger social ties within the family or organization, and are much less inclined
toward collectivistic solutions on the society level. Should this pattern apply to the population
at large, it would mean that Sweden was undergoing a major transformation of the basic foun-
dations of the Folkhemmet, affecting all areas of social life and particularly that of working life.

Coping with an Uncertain Future—Rationality and Pragmatism. A second result that

stands out distinctly from the quantitative data is the extreme position on the Uncertainty
Avoidance dimension29 (Rank 2) and the high position on Future Orientation (Rank 9).
Because uncertainty is by definition connected with the genuinely uncertain future, avoiding
uncertainty seems to suggest avoiding the future. In this sense, the results appear contradic-
tory. How are we to understand a culture with a strong Future Orientation that at the same
time ranks high on Uncertainty Avoidance? More interestingly, how does such a culture
resolve this apparent paradox?
In the ethnographic literature on Sweden a recurrent theme is the pronounced emphasis on
reason, objectivity, matter-of-factness, and order. Everything lying beyond reason is awkward,
and possibly even immoral (Daun, 1989). Only rational-pragmatic arguments that are straight
to the point are legitimate in discussion: “Irrelevant” emotive associations are out- of-bounds.
Not surprisingly, the pragmatic Swedes are often regarded as earnest and boring in the eyes of
foreigners (Philips-Martinsson, 1991). We thus conclude that the typical Swede is very ratio-
nal, even though “rationality” can be defined to mean different things. According to Daun
(1989) Swedish rationality means putting the emphasis on practical solutions, on action
appropriate to the goal pursued, on aiming at one objective at a time. Swedes adopt a practical

27
United States, Japan, Germany, France, Britain, Sweden, and the Netherlands.
28
The origins of lagom are to be found in Viking times, when a bowl of a beerlike drink was shared among these
seated around the table. Doubts arose about how much to sip: not too much (which would upset the others by not
leaving enough drink for them), not too little (as one also wanted to enjoy the drink). A lagom sip is “just right” for
fulfilling the two conflicting interests.
29
A comparison of our results with those by Hofstede (1980, 1991) shows the two sets to be contradictory.
Sweden was ranked 46/50 in Hofstede’s Uncertainty Avoidance index (UAI), indicating low Uncertainty Avoidance.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 49

orientation that some other authors encapsulate in the term pragmatism (Czarniawska-
Joerges, 1993). We believe that these rational and pragmatic attitudes are an expression of the
culture of high Uncertainty Avoidance observed in our study. Rationalism and pragmatism are
“solutions” to the problem of coping with uncertainty. Moreover, they offer a perspective that
resolves the apparent paradox. Viewed through a rational and pragmatic lens, the focus on the
future is narrowed down to the manageable aspects and paying less attention to the unknown.
Thus, the future does not appear uncertain; rather, it seems predictable and manageable, and
something toward which one can quite easily orient oneself.
On the other hand, rationalism and pragmatism are perhaps going to be less important, judg-
ing from the big difference between the middle managers’ Uncertainty Avoidance “As Is” score
(very high) and their “Should Be” score (very low), at least in terms of the “social engineering”
culture that prevailed for many decades while the Swedish welfare state was being created.

Consensus—Egalitarianism, Equality, and Timidity. The Swedish population is unusu-

ally homogenous, compared to other countries. Sweden is a low-context culture, a culture in
which the situation (context) is not acknowledged as having any significance with regard to
the way people act and react. Swedes share the same history, the same language, and the same
religion, and the differences between various groups in the country are comparatively small
(Daun, 1989). This facilitates communication between different societal groups and opens up
the possibility of wide agreement and collective action (Berglund & Löwstedt, 1996).
A third distinct theme to emerge from our findings concerns attitudes to power and influ-
ence. Sweden was found to be a relatively equal and egalitarian society (low on Power
Distance and high on Gender Egalitarianism). This result is in line with the findings in
Hofstede (1980), where Sweden was classified as a low–Power Distance culture (Ranking
43/50) according to the author’s Power Distance Index, PDI. One feature of those countries
where Power Distance is modest is that everyone is regarded as being “just like everyone
else” and status differences are not desired.
From this powerful equality norm, there has emerged a special set of Swedish cultural
practices (and rituals) that are often referred to in the relevant literature (Daun, 1989; Jönsson,
1995a; Phillips-Martinsson, 1991). One manifestation is that everyone’s opinions, ideas and
experiences are respected and listened to, because people are all potential contributors to the
accomplishment of the task at hand or to finding a solution to the current problem. Mutual
understanding, collective consideration, and compromise solutions are favored. Consensus,
albeit regarded primarily as a condition for dialogue (Czarniawska-Joerges, 1993), is also
seen as one of its desirable outcomes. Such an attitude enables a search for creative solutions
before the decisions are made, and wide support once they have been taken.
There is a link here with the earlier discussion about assertiveness and conflict avoidance.
Rather than seeing conflict avoidance as an end in itself, we believe it is intimately connected
with the idea of consensus. Conflict is obviously a threat to the strong norms regarding good con-
ditions for dialogue, so people are consequently expected to be kind to each other and not to quar-
rel. A kind, polite and neutral attitude is preferred, whereas strong and spontaneous expressions
of emotion are regarded as ridiculous and childish (Daun, 1989). As we have noted previously,
Assertiveness rates extremely low in Sweden in an international comparison. It seems to us that
the egalitarian, equality-oriented, and timid qualities all converge in the consensus concept.

2. IMAGES OF LEADERSHIP IN SWEDEN

In this section, we will explore images of leadership in Sweden using multiple sources of
data. A central theoretical construct in the GLOBE project consists of implicit leadership
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50 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

theories. A basic premise from a social-constructivist perspective (Berger & Luckmann, 1966,
1991; Burr, 1995; Gergen, 1999) is that the understandings of leadership, as reflected in
implicit theories, are the result not only of individual experiences, but also, and more impor-
tant, of the interaction between individuals and social networks in the joint construction of the
leadership phenomenon. In line with this approach, we see it as important in this chapter to
use different sets of data together with a number of comparative results from multiple sources
and various types of actors, and to adopt a number of methodological approaches in order to
obtain triangulation of data (Alvesson & Sköldberg, 1994).
We start by presenting the data collected from the GLOBE survey of middle managers at
the national level. To check for consistency, we also conduct an industry-level analysis. The
Swedish data are then analyzed and compared with the global data in a between-country
analysis. Together these three analyses enable us to offer a preliminary image of outstanding
leadership, to point out variations between different industries, and finally to distinguish such
traits as are typical of Sweden from those that are universally endorsed and therefore express
globally preferred leadership ideals. The quantitative analyses are then contrasted with an
analysis of focus groups and ethnographic interviews with organizational leaders active in
widely varying contexts. Finally, we present an analysis of leadership images as constructed
by the media, which play an important role in shaping people’s views of leadership.

The Implicit Leadership Model Prevailing Among Middle Managers in Sweden

One objective of the GLOBE study was to collect data on attitudes and values relevant to
“outstanding leadership,” and the country profiles of the leadership scale scores represent the
respondents’ aggregated implicit leadership model (cf. Lord & Maher, 1991). The Swedish
results thus provide a preliminary answer to the question: What is the dominating ideal image
of leadership in Sweden?

Swedish Conceptions of Leadership From Within. In the leadership section of the ques-
tionnaire, 112 leadership traits and behavior attributes were presented to the respondents.
Using several multinational samples from these items, 21 first-order leadership dimensions
were extracted that represent the different aspects of leadership (cf. Dorfman, Hanges, &
Brodbeck, 2004; House et al., 2004).
The leader dimensions that were rated very high or high30 by the Swedish middle managers
(i.e., factors contributing to outstanding leadership), starting with the highest were: (1)
Inspirational, (2) Integrity, (3) Visionary, (4) Team Integrator, (5) Performance Orientation,
(6) Decisive, and (7) Collaborative Team Orientation (see Table 3.2).
At the other end of the spectrum we find the dimensions that are rated low or very low31
(i.e., factors inhibiting outstanding leadership): (18) Autocratic, (19) Face-Saver, (20) Self-
Centered, and (21) Malevolent (see Table 3.2).
The survey result suggests that, according to the middle managers, an outstanding leader
should inspire and engage the organization members to do their best to achieve a visionary
future, and she or he should be honest and trustworthy. Such a leader should work, not for his
or her own self-interest, but for the common good, and should also be highly capable at creat-
ing a team spirit within the organization. Although these notions clearly portray an influential

30
The operationalization of very high ratings is a total mean > 6.0, and of high ratings is 6.0–5.5, on a 7-point
Likert-type scale.
31
The operationalization of very low ratings is a total mean < 2.0, and of low ratings 2.0–2.5, on a 7-point Likert-
type scale.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 51

TABLE 3.2
Swedish Results on Attitudes to Leadership Traits and Behavior

Dimension Example Item Key Words Score

Inspirational Enthusiastic, Positive, Encouraging, Motivational, 6.31

and Morale booster
Integrity Honest, Sincere, Just, and Trustworthy 6.29
Visionary Future-oriented, Anticipatory, Inspirational, 6.05
Visionary, and Intellectually stimulating
Collaborative Group-oriented, Collaborative, Loyal, Consultative, 5.98
Team Orientation Mediator, and Fraternal
Performance Improvement-, Excellence-, and 5.96
Orientation Performance-oriented
Decisive Willful, Decisive, and Intuitive 5.59
Team Integrator Communicative, Team builder, Integrator, and Coordinator 5.50
Administratively Orderly, Administratively skilled, Organized, and 5.44
Competent Good administrator
Diplomatic Diplomatic, Win/win problem solver, and Effective bargainer 5.27
Humane Generous, and Compassionate 4.96
Self-Sacrificial Risk taker, Self-sacrificial, and Convincing 4.81
Modesty Modest, Self-effacing, Calm, and Patient 4.59
Autonomous Individualistic, Independent, Autonomous, and Unique 3.97
Conflict Inducer Normative, Secretive, and an Intragroup competitor 3.33
Status-Consciousness Status-conscious, and Class-conscious 3.30
Procedural Ritualistic, Formal, Habitual, Cautious, and Procedural 3.19
Nonparticipative Nondelegater, Micromanager, Nonegalitarian, and 2.51
Individually oriented
Autocratic Autocratic, Dictatorial, Elitist, Ruler, and Domineering 2.41
Face Saver Indirect, Avoiding negatives, and Evasive 2.39
Self-Centered Self-interested, Nonparticipative, Loner, and Asocial 1.79
Malevolent Hostile, Vindictive, Cynical, Noncooperative, and Egotistical 1.52

and willful person, the preferred working mode is team working with collaboration and con-
sultation. This implicit model of leadership is the interpretation that emerges directly from the
definitions of the dimensions, the total sample means, and the relative rankings. Thus, accord-
ing to a large majority of the Swedish middle managers, an outstanding leader possesses qual-
ities that are associated with a charismatic and team-oriented leadership style.

Industry Differences in the Swedish Sample. By sampling three qualitatively different

industries and collecting a larger data sample from each one, more than that which was
required for the purposes of the GLOBE between-country analyses, we were able to analyze
the homogeneity of the results presented previously in greater detail in the Swedish sample.
Data were collected from all three industries studied in the GLOBE project: finance, telecom-
munications, and food processing. In other words, we were able to investigate whether the
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52 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

image of (outstanding) leadership in Sweden as it emerged from the sample on a national

level was consistent with that at the industry level.
Spender (1989) proposes the existence of industry recipes for leadership. He argues that in
any given industry there is a recipe, or a prevailing professional “common sense,” that guides
leaders in their assessments, choices, and so on. Spender shows that leaders in a particular
industry share similar cognitive images of that industry and of its particular dynamics and
logic, and that this affects leader behavior (cf. Hellgren & Melin, 1992: “industrial wisdom”;
Porac, Thomas, & Baden-Fuller, 1989: “cognitive communities”). Thus, industry variations
within the Swedish sample would be a plausible finding.
In order to perform the industry level of analysis, we had to obtain scales with sufficient
reliability for our purposes. The original GLOBE scales were constructed for maximizing reli-
able and valid scales for between-country analyses. We therefore had to redesign the collection
of scales somewhat to serve our particular ends (within-country analyses). The final result
includes 12 of the original 21 GLOBE leader scales, and 3 additional scales that are modifica-
tions of original GLOBE scales: friendly (modification of humane), independent (modification
of autonomous), and close supervisor (modification of nonparticipative). The redesign of the
scales, based on reliability analyses, is described in further detail in the Appendix.
Table 3.3 further explores the implicit leadership model obtained among Swedish middle
managers. An evaluation of the total means naturally re-creates the original model: A leader
who is being inspirational, visionary, and performance oriented contributes to outstanding
leadership. Strong personal integrity is another important contributing feature, as is the abil-
ity to integrate teams. Characteristics inhibiting outstanding leadership are an autocratic atti-
tude, malevolence, and self-centeredness. Furthermore, the exercise of close supervision is a
factor that is strongly rejected. However, by analyzing the industry results and by making sta-
tistical comparisons, we are able to identify an industry-specific emphasis on various factors
that extends and modifies the original model.
The telecommunications industry is conspicuous for rating collaborative team orientation
significantly higher, and administratively competent, procedural, autocratic, and self-centered
significantly lower, in relation to the other two industries. The finance industry, on the other
hand, is conspicuous for rating performance oriented, independent, and visionary signifi-
cantly higher than the two other industries. Finally, the food-processing industry has a signif-
icantly lower rating for the inspirational dimension than the other two, and a higher rating for
close supervisor. In brief, the clearest differences between the industries are associated with
(a) the degree of formalization, order and systemization, (b) the relation to performance, and
(c) with motivation and encouragement.
The profiles, based on the results by industry, produce rather interesting variations of the
original implicit leadership model. For instance, middle managers in the telecommunications
industry emphasize such things as teamwork, cooperation, personal freedom (no close super-
vision), and flexibility (nonprocedural, less administration). A metaphor for outstanding lead-
ership in this industry could be the team leader or team coach. This certainly makes sense in
an industry that is characterized by the rapid rate of change in its business environment,32 such
as the deregulation of the telecom markets and the opening up of new business opportunities,

32
In brief, this market was characterized by a complete restructuring in combination with rapid technological
development, especially for the mobile phone business area. The state-owned operator Televerket enjoyed monopoly
status until mid-1980, when deregulation came up on the political agenda. In 1993, Televerket was corporatized and
the first Telecommunications Act established, as a stable regulatory framework for greater competition (Kaplan,
1997). As a consequence of the Act, the market became open to any applicant “obviously capable of pursuing oper-
ations on a permanent basis” and a stream of new operators entered the market (Kaplan, 1997). In 1998, there were
17 operators covering telephone services, as well as mobile and fixed telephone.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 53

TABLE 3.3
Modified Leadership Scale Means per Industry (Finance, Food, Telecom) Compared

Total Finance Food Telecom z Value z Value z Value

N = 896 N = 374 N = 301 N = 221 (1) (2) (3)

Inspirational 6.31 6.36 6.20 6.37 –4.36** –0.33 –4.19**

Integrity 6.29 6.28 6.30 6.29 –0.07 –0.13 –0.06
* *
Visionary 6.05 6.11 6.00 6.02 –2.46 –2.14 –0.05
Team Integrator 5.98 6.00 5.93 6.00 –1.63 –0.27 –1.67
Performance Oriented 5.96 6.08 5.89 5.85 –3.61** –4.35** –0.98
Collaborative 5.50 5.46 5.47 5.61 –0.03 –3.24** –3.15**
Team Oriented
Administratively 5.44 5.50 5.55 5.19 –0.76 –5.27** –5.65**
Competent
Friendly 4.68 4.67 4.62 4.77 –0.90 –1.38 –2.18*
Independent 4.33 4.55 4.17 4.19 –3.13** –2.87** –0.05
Status-Conscious 3.30 3.34 3.31 3.23 –0.43 –1.31 –0.92
Procedural 3.19 3.24 3.28 2.95 –0.52 –5.08** –5.10**
**
Autocratic 2.41 2.52 2.42 2.22 –1.24 –4.09 –2.90**
Malevolent 1.97 2.00 1.96 1.91 –1.31 –2.96** –1.72
*
Close Supervisor 1.89 1.88 2.01 1.75 –1.28 –2.42 –3.33**
Self-Centered 1.79 1.84 1.84 1.65 –0.57 –4.22** –3.32**

Note. z value (1) Mann–Whitney U test between Finance and Food sectors; z value (2) between Finance and
Telecommunication sectors; z value (3) between Food and Telecommunication sectors.
*
p < .05. **p < .01.

and the increasing rate of its technological development. A common way of coping with the
turbulent environment in this industry is through the adoption of project organization, and cer-
tainly our results suggest that team leadership is of key importance.
In contrast to the telecommunications industry, there is an emphasis on performance and
independence in the finance industry, combined with high preference for a visionary and
inspirational leadership style. In the middle of the 1990s, when this survey was carried out,
the industry had recently undergone a crisis and was just starting to recover.33 The preferred
traits and behavior attributes go hand in hand with this situation, with a focus on performance
to achieve recovery in the present, and on the visionary in order to determine the future direc-
tion. A metaphor for outstanding leadership in this industry is the leader as a high-scoring
professional.

33
To add to this market situation, a new wave of mergers was also seen during this period. In 1997 alone, the Swedish
bank Nordbanken merged with the Finnish Meritabank, whereas Sparbanken merged with Föreningsbanken, and S-E
Banken with the insurance company Trygg Hansa. Furthermore, a number of small banks also started up. They are
known as “niche banks,” because they concentrate on selected types of services. Internet banking, insurance companies,
and start-up banks with a very lean structure are a few of several examples. Within their selected segments, these banks
offered serious competition to the major banks (Swedish Bankers’ Association, 1995).
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54 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

Finally, the image of outstanding leadership in the food-processing industry emphasizes

direct control more than vision. Given the nature of the industry,34 with its heavy production-
process investment and economies of scale, a focus on efficiency and attending primarily to
existing operations certainly makes sense. Perhaps the metaphor of a careful gardener best
captures the essence of leadership in the food-processing business: creating the space for
some variation at the team level, while always bearing in mind the viability of the whole.
From the industry-level analysis, we can thus conclude that the basic components of the
Swedish middle managers’ implicit leadership model holds across industries, although we also
find support for some variants in the model depending on the industry-specific characteristics.

Swedish Conceptions of Leadership in a Global Perspective. We now turn to a compari-

son between the Swedish and the total GLOBE data. Such a comparison enables us to under-
stand the Swedish data from a global perspective, and to identify dimensions that are typical
and culture-specific for Sweden. From Table 3.4 we note that all high-end dimensions in the
Swedish middle managers’ implicit model of leadership (within country) as found in the pre-
ceding section, are included in the high-end clusters in the between country analysis: inspi-
rational, integrity, visionary, performance-oriented, decisive, and collaborative team
oriented. However, all these dimensions belong to the universally endorsed dimensions con-
tributing to outstanding leadership (House et al., 1999). Though clearly being important traits
and attributes also in the Swedish context, those dimensions do not distinguish any charac-
teristics typical for the implicit leadership model in Sweden.
What instead typifies Swedish outstanding leadership in an international comparison is
found in the extreme high-end clusters: autonomous, humane, and team integrator35—a humane
orientation and the capability for creating and sustaining teams, and also a relatively high
degree of autonomy in the sense of being individualistic and independent. Taken together, this
result appears contradictory at first sight but as we show later, they give an important cue to
the particular meaning of teamwork in the Swedish context—and more specifically to the
relationship between the individual and the collective (team).
Table 3.4 shows further that Sweden is relatively low or very low in the eight following
dimensions: autocratic, face saver, administratively competent, procedural, conflict inducer,
self-centered, status conscious, and malevolent. Four of these dimensions are universally
viewed as inhibiting outstanding leadership: autocratic, face saver, self-centered, and malev-
olent (House et al., 1999). This result suggests that the negative perceptions of these four
dimensions are indisputable among Swedish middle managers and among their counterparts
in most other countries. The four remaining dimensions (administratively competent, proce-
dural, conflict inducer, and status-conscious) are culturally contingent dimensions and are
34
The Swedish food industry was subject to far-reaching regulation from the 1930s until the beginning of 1990,
when a system of deregulation was proposed by the government and accepted by Parliament. The reform entailed the
slow successive phasing out of the rules, with a view to adapting the farmers’ production to the internal demand for
their products. The new policy implied that the state would abandon its traditional price-setting role. Of the four areas
included in the Swedish GLOBE project—slaughterhouses, dairy products, bakeries, and breweries—the first two
were still protected, whereas the second two were included in EFTA (European Free Trade Agreement) and EU free-
trade agreements (Industriförbundet, 1992). Another characteristic of food industry is its high degree of concentra-
tion at the owner, the regional, and the distribution levels. Political restrictions on trade and agriculture have limited
the opportunities for growth in this already mature market. Production companies consequently have become fewer
but bigger and have been concentrated to the most densely populated regions (Industriförbundet, 1992).
35
The Diplomatic dimension is a fourth variable that belongs to a high-end cluster (A). The variable simple splits
the international sample in two halves, however. It has been removed from this analysis because its cluster member-
ship does not tell us anything typical or modal for Sweden. Rather, being diplomatic is reckoned to be a universally
endorsed leader trait (House et al., 1999; 2004).
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 55

TABLE 3.4
Swedish Results on Attitudes to Leadership Traits and Behavior Compared
With All GLOBE Data

Leadership Scale Band Membershipa Ranking Rankingb

(GLOBE) (between countries) (between countries) (within country)

Autonomous Ac, Very high 24 Medium high

Humane Ad, Very high 26 Medium high
Team II: Team Integrator Ad, Very high 32 High
Diplomatic Ab, Very high 47 Medium high
Integrity Be, High 17 Very high
Charismatic II: Inspirational Be, High 18 Very high
d
Team I: Coll. Team Oriented B , High 32 High
Charismatic I: Visionary Be, High 38 Very high
c
Nonparticipative B , High 37 Low
Performance Oriented Bd, High 41 High
Charismatic III: Self-Sacrificial Bd, High 45 Medium high
Decisive Bd, High 50 Medium high
c
Modesty B , Medium 50 Medium high
Autocratic Cd, Low 43 Low
Face Saver Cd, Very low 52 Low
Administratively Competent Cc, Very low 51 Medium high
d
Procedural C , Very low 55 Medium high
Conflict Inducer Cc, Very low 56 Medium high
d
Self-Centered C , Very low 58 Very low
Status-Conscious Cd, Very low 59 Medium high
e
Malevolent D , Very low 56 Very low
a
Bands A > B > C > D > E are determined by calculating the grand mean and standard deviations across all
scales. These means and standard deviations are used to calculate high, medium, and low bands of countries
(Test Banding, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). bRank order of the GLOBE variables in the Swedish sample
(cf. Table 3.2).c Three group bands identified ranging from A to C (high–low) d Four group bands identified
ranging from A to D (high–low). eFive group bands identified ranging from A to E (high–low).
therefore more pertinent when it comes to distinguishing the typical character of outstanding
leadership in Sweden. The results show that these dimensions are rated higher in most other
countries. Hence, in a comparative perspective, outstanding leaders in Sweden are not asso-
ciated with different expressions of formality and order such as administration, organization,
routines, and procedures.36 Nor should they provoke conflict by being secretive or bringing
about competition within the team. In addition, the results show that outstanding leaders
should not be status- or class-conscious, but should rather play down or even transcend exist-
ing differences within the group, the organization, or the community.

36
Administratively competent is a special case, because it is classified as a contributing factor. Though not reject-
ing administrative competence in absolute terms (M = 5.44), the results show that this variable is rated lower in
Sweden than in most other countries, and this result therefore does indicate something typical about outstanding lead-
ership in Sweden.
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56 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

Leadership Images in Focus Groups and Ethnographic Interviews

As part of the GLOBE study in Sweden, we also worked with focus groups and interviews
collecting data on the conceptions and various expressions of leadership (see Interviews and
Focus Groups within the Appendix for further details of these studies). One way to capture
the essence of an interviewee’s conception of leadership is to let them describe what they
mean by it in relation to other concepts. The two concepts of management (chefskap) and
leadership (ledarskap) are often used interchangeably in the literature, but for practitioners
there seems to be distinct differences. Consider the following selected quotations from the
ethnographic interviews, describing the perceived differences between managers and leaders:
For me, leadership is about having this rather more overall view … and to lead the com-
pany or in this case the theater in a certain direction with a well worked-out idea or philos-
ophy about how it may be developed as a unit. … I am of course a manager in the sense that
people come to me and say “Paul, what do we do in this situation” … But, what really interests
me is the leadership thing, that is, to lead one great company as a whole—and much more
in fact than these managerial functions—and that is why to a large extent I go for what’s called
delegated responsibility … I fiddle about with details very little. … (theater director)
I think that leadership for me is something more than management. Management, that
means making certain decisions. It’s about being superior to others, [dealing with] systems
of rules. Leadership is something more. It contains many, many elements. It’s a question of a
kind of holistic picture. It is to have an experience to offer. It is a question of having an inter-
est in looking a bit further ahead. (bishop)
It’s having a vision about how to develop your company, your workplace or your organi-
zation, to lift your eyes, kind of seeing what it takes for us to get there. To look at the paths
of change you have to follow. … (secretary of political youth organization)
Someone who is formally a manager does not necessarily become a leader. As a manager
you may not have that natural authority for leadership or you are not able to build your role
as a leader. … to be a leader is a way of being as a person, while a manager is something
you are formally. (general manager)
This is really compressed as you can see [referring to a policy document]. Leadership is
the will and ability to build enthusiasm and to cooperate. To share your knowledge. To be
focused on goals and results. Develop and change. (regional director)
The quotations show that the Swedish conception of management is described almost
exclusively in fairly technical terms: It is little more than functional responsibilities, an
administrative task. A manager is a person who is formally responsible for a work group or a
unit. The conception of the competent manager is of someone who has good professional
skills and administrative competence. Being a competent manager also includes social com-
petence. When describing desirable interpersonal traits, the interviewees used words like pro-
fessionally competent, empathetic, fair, informative, trustworthy, friendly, enthusiastic, good
at listening, showing respect for others—traits that, taken together, describe a supportive
management style. Competent managers are expected to give feedback—both positive and
negative—to their employees, and to support them socially and technically in their work.
When people need advice, a competent manager should always be available.
When it comes to describing outstanding leadership, it is clear that this is something that goes
well beyond the call of duty and the formal organization (role, goals, methods, etc.). The intervie-
wees mentioned several of the traits and behaviors of competent managers, such as trustworthi-
ness, enthusiasm, respect, and professional competence, but outstanding leaders are also expected
to be holistic, visionary, good communicators, team builders, and change agents. This image is
clearly consistent with the basic components of the implicit leadership model outlined earlier.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 57

Different Beings: Managers are the Present, Leaders the Future. An important clue to an
enhanced understanding of the different construction of the two related concepts, managers and
leaders, was the subtle difference in meaning regarding the notion of the “role model.” In the
interviews, a competent manager was referred to as a föredöme, that is, someone who affects
their coworkers’ attitudes and behaviors within the present paradigm by their own way of act-
ing.37 An outstanding leader, on the other hand, was referred to as a förebild, that is, someone
who demonstrates an attractive, alternative future by their personal way of being and who can
thus perhaps shape other people’s identity, values, and sense of direction. Outstanding leaders
are visionaries in that they challenge the existing paradigm in terms of beliefs, common goals,
structures, institutions, and so on. In creating something new, it is necessary to cross borders and
break the rules. “Well … I think that an important part of leadership is also to be adequately go-
ahead or unafraid when it comes to rule systems and money” (director-general).
In short, narratives about management are situated to a large extent in the present, whereas
leadership is situated in a desired future. In this sense, leaders “come from” the future and
give attractive direction in the present. Even if the descriptions of the two related concepts
partly overlap, they are apparently expressing two fundamentally different ideas. In the con-
struction of outstanding leaders, for instance, building a team means building a strong com-
mitment to a specific future rather than building a strong and loyal group (management).
Likewise, high integrity for leaders means being loyal to the vision rather than, for managers,
being loyal to the team (or organization).
However, it is important to note that according to the interviewees the notion of visionary
leadership has a variety of possible expressions in practice. We were presented with several
different ideas about the exercise of visionary leadership, and about the origin of the vision:
It could be a case of visions created by the leader, visions created by the leader in dialogue
with a vital few, visions expressed as a mission or an assignment (indicating a strong influ-
ence of external stakeholders), and visions created collectively.
To summarize, the analyses of the focus groups and the ethnographic data revealed a sim-
ilar pattern with regard to the basic components of the implicit leadership model in Sweden,
and thus gives support to the quantitative findings. In addition to this validation, the data
enrich the previous analyses by suggesting that the construction of outstanding leadership is
situated in the future, as well as indicating nontrivial variations in the actual enactment of the
implicit leadership model.

Leadership Images in the Swedish Media

In the introduction to this section, we stated that images of leadership are the result of an
interaction between individuals and social networks in the joint construction of the leadership
phenomenon. As many social scientists have pointed out, the media is clearly an important

37
The subtle difference between the two Swedish concepts förebild and föredöme is difficult to translate into
English. Literally, a förebild means “preimage,” which is not really communicated by the English translation “role
model.” The concept föredöme is much closer to this translation, namely, someone who acts as a model for someone
else in terms of a specific role (e.g., formal position). Föredöme is expressed as a more rationalistic view of role mod-
eling, for instance:
We [i.e., managers/leaders] never do understand clearly enough that we become föredömen (role models)
in our organizations, whether we like it or not, or whether we are aware of it or not. “The boss does it,
therefore it’s all right for me to do it.” It really is important to be aware of this, I believe. The way I am dressed … the
time I come to work in the morning. If I come in at nine, it somehow becomes legitimate to come in at nine. (general
manager; cf. Kallifatides, 1998)
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58 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

actor38 in the shaping of people’s views on various social phenomena39 such as leadership
(e.g., McLuhan & Fiore, 1967). This does not necessarily mean, however, that everyone’s
contributions to such construction processes carry equal weight. Rather, an adaptation of the
Orwellian approach to equality gives us a better representation of the implications of a con-
structivist approach: “All accounts are equal, but some are more equal than others” (Grint,
1997). Perceptions of social phenomena like leadership and organizing as reflected in the
implicit theories are thus likely to be determined by interactions with the social agents who
affect the availability, salience, and value of the information received (Chen & Meindl, 1991;
Salancik & Pfeffer, 1978). The various media are consequently important actors in molding
our views of ourselves and of the world we live in. According to Chen and Meindl, the
implicit leadership theories produced by the media are an expression of the national culture
as a whole. It was thus strongly motivated to undertake a media study as a complement to the
studies already pursued as part of the GLOBE project.
In a third study, the images of outstanding leadership as expressed in the Swedish print
media were therefore analyzed, using an ethnographic-semantic approach.40 More than 8,000
articles relevant to the understanding or perception of leadership were collected from five dif-
ferent newspapers and business magazines over two separate periods (for methodological
details, see Analysis of Swedish Media within the Appendix). In brief, images of outstanding
leadership were distilled from a process of categorization of the data via the selection of key
phrases and key words (examples of collected key phrases and key words are exhibited in
Table A.2 in the Appendix). Two analyses were performed, the explicit model of outstanding
leadership in the Swedish media, and the implicit model of outstanding leadership.
The first analysis generated 853 key words relevant to leadership extracted from key
phrases in the many articles in Swedish newspapers and magazines. The key words were
classified into 60 “typification categories” (see summary in Table A.4 in the Appendix). The
10 typification categories with the highest rating among the 60 represent 301 of the 853 key
words (35%). These categories obviously describe important aspects of leadership as
expressed in the Swedish media, in terms of the way “outstanding” leaders should be, or the
way they should act. The top 10 typification categories are “action-oriented,” “cooperative,”
“works for equality,” “communicates and has verbal ability,” “enthusiastic and inspiring,”
“accountable,” “delegates,” “trustworthy,” “control,” and “humane.” These 10 typification cat-
egories constitute what could be regarded as the dominant explicit model of outstanding lead-
ership in the Swedish media.
In order to explore the data further and to distinguish the possible implicit model(s) of
leadership in the media, we decided to search for underlying themes in the material or for any
patterns in the data related to different contexts. We conducted an iterative process of fram-
ing, testing, and reframing the semantic links between the 60 typification categories (cf. the
explicit model) produced at the level of the articles and the key phrases, and finally arrived at
several clusters, each of which were bound together by an underlying theme relevant to the
understanding of leadership (Table 3.5).
According to these themes, an outstanding leader should be performance and action oriented,
charismatic and visible inside and outside the organization, honest, modest, pragmatic, procedural,
a good team builder, and entrepreneurial, and should work for egalitarianism and consensus. These

38
Other important producers of explicit and implicit leadership models are business schools or leader-training
institutions (Engwall, 1992; Trollestad, 1994), management gurus (Huczynski, 1993; Furusten, 1995), and manage-
ment consultants and firms (Brulin, 1997; Czarniawska-Joerges and Joerges 1988; 1990).
39
For a comprehensive review, see Roberts and Maccoby (1985).
40
For a full report on this study, see Holmberg and Åkerblom (2001).
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 59

TABLE 3.5
Underlying Themes Relevant to the Understanding of Leadership

Leadership Theme Brief Explanation

Performance Orientation Found in articles describing leaders as goal oriented,

hard-working, ambitious, and acting with self-confidence
Action Orientation Found in articles describing leaders as decisive,
demanding, and action oriented
Charisma Found in articles describing leaders as visionary,
inspiring, charismatic, enthusiastic, and having
unusual verbal ability
Visibility Found in articles describing leaders as accessible,
visible, figureheads, and role models
Team Building Found in articles describing leaders as cooperative,
relational, loyalty inducing, personnel
oriented, and network builders
Egalitarianism Found in articles describing leaders who
give fair and equal treatment to others, work
for equality, delegate, and are nonauthoritarian
Consensus Found in articles describing leaders as willing
to compromise and seek consensus, and as
being empathetic, humane, and good listeners
Pragmatism Found in articles describing leaders as rational,
reasonable, pragmatic, patient, and tolerant
Honesty Found in articles describing leaders as
honest, trustworthy, ethical, and moral

qualities could be regarded as a preliminary dominant model of leadership (re)produced in the

Swedish media—a culturally grounded image of leadership that defines leadership in the Swedish
context, and that constrains, moderates, or facilitates the exercise and evaluation of leadership.

Comparing the Media Image With the Implicit Leadership Model. How does this image of
outstanding leadership as expressed in the Swedish media compare with the previously pre-
sented quantitative results, that is, the Swedish middle managers’ implicit leadership theories?
To enable such a comparison we first needed to calibrate the concepts from the two studies for
equivalence in meaning. Because the studies used different methodological approaches—a
deductive approach (the questionnaire) and an inductive approach (the media analysis)—this
calibration could only be done post hoc by comparing the underlying basic units (items and key
words, respectively) that constituted the concepts used in the two studies. Table 3.6 summarizes
our analysis of equivalence between the themes generated by the media analysis and the lead-
ership dimensions used in the questionnaire. Of the 12 leadership themes generated by the
media analysis and listed in Table 3.5, 6 were immediately found to have equivalent leadership
dimensions. Three themes were found to have equivalent meaning to pairs of leadership dimen-
sions (charisma, team building, and consensus). Finally, three themes had no equivalent leader-
ship dimension, and thus qualify as concepts that say something important about leadership—at
least in a Swedish context—and that were not covered in the leadership questionnaire (egalitar-
ianism, pragmatism, and visibility).
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60 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

TABLE 3.6
Comparing Meanings Between Leadership Themes (Media Analysis) and
Leadership Dimensions (Questionnaire)

Leadership Themes From Leadership Dimensions From GLOBE

Media Analysis Questionnaire Data

Charisma Visionary + Inspirational

Honesty Integrity
Team Building Collaborative Team Oriented + Team Integrator
Performance Orientation Performance Oriented
Action Orientation Decisive
Procedural Administratively Competent
Consensus Humane + Diplomatic
Modesty Modesty
Entrepreneurial Self-Sacrificial
Egalitarianism No equivalent dimension
Pragmatism No equivalent dimension
Visibility No equivalent dimension

In conclusion, we find that the results from the two separate studies are mutually support-
ive, insofar as they are comparable. The media analysis also enabled us to identify three addi-
tional themes that are essential to an understanding of leadership in Sweden.

Context-Bound Variations. The greater majority of the selected articles contained

information on leadership in two specific and different settings, namely the political and the
business domains. By employing this context-based distinction in the analysis, the common
assumption of one dominant model of leadership was called into question (see Holmberg &
Åkerblom, 2001). The analysis clearly showed the existence of multiple coexisting models.
For instance, in the political context the emphasis on action and the maintenance of a com-
mon purpose rather than results (performance) and team building is very striking. The expres-
sion “a man of action” frequently occurs in articles that discuss outstanding political
leadership, and lack of action is equally often proposed as an explanation for an observed fail-
ure in political leadership (see Table A.3 in the Appendix).
In summary, the images of political and business leadership clearly differ in a number of
nontrivial aspects. And yet they evidently share a core of leadership attributes that are
revealed repeatedly across our studies.

Conclusions

We have reported on results and analyses from three studies, all concerned with images of
leadership in Sweden. Overall, we found mutual support for the results across the studies, but
some interesting variations were also noted. We now summarize the findings so far.
From the within-country analysis, we concluded that the contributory traits and behavior
attributes to outstanding leadership in Sweden are the following dimensions: inspirational,
integrity, visionary, team integrator, performance orientation, decisive, and collaborative
team orientation. At the other end of the spectrum, the dimensions inhibiting outstanding
leadership were found to be autocratic, face saver, self-centered, and malevolent.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 61

It is important to keep in mind, however, that this image of outstanding leadership is not
restricted to Swedish managers only. All these dimensions belong to the (almost) universally
endorsed implicit model of outstanding leadership reported by GLOBE (Dorfman et al.,
2004; House et al., 1998). Nevertheless, it gives essential input to the conception of out-
standing leadership in Sweden. Indeed, the importance of our findings was verified in our
subsequent study of leadership images in the Swedish media.
Subsequent analyses, putting the Swedish data in contrast with the international compara-
tive data, shed light on dimensions that capture something typical or culture-specific about
leadership in Sweden, because “typicality” can best be distinguished in relation to other
instances. Team integrator, autonomous, and humane were concluded to be contributing fac-
tors and administratively competent, procedural, conflict inducer, and status-conscious were
the inhibiting factors. In addition, the media study supplemented this result by introducing
egalitarian, pragmatic, and visible as important concepts to be included in the culturally spe-
cific version of outstanding leadership.
Drawing from several data analyses and results from different methodologies, we have cap-
tured both the important and, in an international perspective, distinguishing characteristics of the
implicit model of outstanding leadership in Sweden. The findings are summarized in Table 3.7.
Our findings can be compared with those reported in Tollgerdt-Andersson (1989), which
among previous studies is the one most closely related to ours. The author investigated naive (or
spontaneous) leadership theories, a concept very close to the notion of implicit theories used in
GLOBE. She surveyed the spontaneous leadership theories of approximately 100 top managers,
in terms of “important” leader characteristics and behaviors. Generally speaking, the qualities that
these managers considered important for a good leader were an ability to be enthusiastic, deci-
sive, cooperative, honest, and able to delegate. This result is very much in line with the general
implicit leadership model proposed here (cf. Table 3.2), suggesting that Swedish top and middle
managers are in agreement on the most important characteristics that make an outstanding leader.
Further comparisons with previous studies are quite encouraging. Distinguishing charac-
teristics of Swedish leadership as reported in previous results, include an ability to create
commitment to a communicated vision (Jönsson, 1995a; Källström, 1995), a strong focus on
performance and a preference for teamwork and cooperation (Zander, 1997), the acceptance
of challenges and risk taking (Edström, Norbäck, & Rendahl, 1989), and consensus as
a condition for and a preferred outcome of direct dialogue with organization members
(Czarniawska-Joerges, 1993; Edström & Jönsson, 1998).
Altogether, we find that the implicit model of outstanding leadership is an informative and
useful analytical construct for which there is wide support not only across methodologies and
managerial groups, but also across research projects and studies. Nontrivial variations
depending on contexts such as industries or the political and business domains respectively
have also been shown previously. We would argue that the images (notions) of outstanding
leadership are always defined from and within the specific context.

3. “PRIMUS INTER PARES”: THE IMPLICIT LEADERSHIP

MODEL IN RELATION TO SWEDISH CULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS

The next issue addressed is the relation between the cultural characteristics (see the section
Sweden in the GLOBE study) and the dominant implicit model of leadership in Sweden (see
the section Images of Leadership in Sweden). Before embarking on a more detailed discussion
of this relationship, we need to clarify the view of culture that we have adopted in our study. It
is not possible to separate the implicit leadership theories from societal culture. Rather, we have
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62 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

TABLE 3.7
Summary of the Implicit Model of Outstanding Leadership in Sweden From Both a
Within- Country and Between-Country Perspective

Important Dimensions Distinguishing Dimensions

Contributing Someone Who Is … Contributing Someone Who Is …

Attributes Attributes

Inspirational Enthusiastic, Positive, Autonomous Individualistic,

Encouraging, Independent,
Motivational, and Autonomous, and Unique
Morale booster
Integrity Honest, Sincere, Just, Humane Generous, and
and Trustworthy Compassionate
Visionary Future oriented, Team Integratora Communicative, Team
Anticipatory, builder, Integrator, and
Inspirational, Visionary, Coordinator
and Intellectually
stimulating Treating others fairly
Team Integrator Communicative, Team Egalitarianism and equally, Works for
builder, Integrator, and equality, Delegates and
Coordinator is Nonauthoritarian
Performance Improvement, Visibility Accessible, Visible,
Orientation Excellence, and a Figurehead, and
Performance oriented Role model
Decisive Willful, Decisive, Pragmatism Rational, Reasonable,
and Intuitive Pragmatic, Patient, and
Tolerant
Inhibiting Someone Who Is … Inhibiting Someone Who Is …
Attributes Attributes

Autocratic Autocratic, Dictatorial, Administrative Orderly, Administratively

Elitist, Ruler, and Competencyb skilled, Organized, and
Domineering Good administrator
Face Saver Indirect, Avoiding Status Status- conscious, and
negatives, and Evasive Consciousness Class-conscious
Self-Centered Self-interested, Procedural Ritualistic, Formal,
Nonparticipative, Habitual, Cautious, and
Loner, and Asocial Procedural
Malevolent Hostile, Vindictive, Conflict Inducer Normative, Secretive,
Cynical, Noncooperative, and an Intragroup
and Egotistical competitor
a
Team Integrator is found to be both important and typical and is therefore included on both lists. bThough
Administrative Competence is not rejected as inhibiting in absolute terms, our findings show that this variable is
rated lower in Sweden than in most other countries and should therefore typically be less pronounced.
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 63

regarded these theories as cultural expressions. Our analysis thus has to focus on the linkages
between typical expressions of the cultural characteristics and the implicit leadership model
found in this study, that is, the enactment of leadership in organizational settings.
We distinguished three important cultural themes in the second section: socially concerned
individualism as a summary notion for the relationship between the individual and social
groups (collectivities), rationality and pragmatism as means for managing the future and cop-
ing with uncertainty, and consensus as an expression of egalitarianism, equality, and timidity.
The first two cultural themes in particular were found to be in the process of revision, refor-
mulation, and possible transformation, which we elaborate on in the concluding section.
In order to discuss how the implicit leadership model is enacted in organizational settings,
we use the arena of project teams as an illustration. A reason for this choice is that through-
out our studies and analyses the concept of “team” has shown importance for Swedish man-
agers and also a remarked typicalness in an international comparison.
In a project team, and in the preferred leadership that goes with it, several aspects of the
cultural theme of socially concerned individualism are expressed. There is a strong statement
of belief in the power of teams and the indispensability of team leadership. Leaders should be
able to build, integrate, and coordinate teams, and to create an empowering team spirit
(cf. team integrator and collaborative team orientation). At the same time there is a relatively
high preference for autonomy that complements—and seemingly complicates—this picture.
Leaders must allow for individuality and independence even in a team setting (cf. autonomous).
However, this seemingly paradoxical picture with a combination of autonomy and team inte-
gration can be understood as a mirror of the Swedish combination of individualism and inde-
pendence on the one hand, and collectivism and cooperation on the other.
A distinctive feature of teams in Sweden, allowing for the paradox to dissolve, is that the
social ties within a work team stem from a common commitment to some particular cause or
goal, rather than from strong interpersonal ties between the team members. The unifying
component in the team is a common desired future. We have found that leadership necessi-
tates an exceptional ability to communicate the vision (cf. visionary and inspirational), or
alternatively to manage its collective creation. This is a way for a leader to promote the sense
of unity, and yet not to stand out as a commanding person (i.e., being assertive).
A challenge for any leader in Sweden is to balance the desire for bold vision, direction, and
inspiration with the deeply rooted end values of egalitarianism and equality. These last are inter-
twined with the established tradition of consensus, our second cultural theme, and with the norm
of low power distance. The notion of consensus as a condition for dialogue as well as its desired
outcome is directly relevant to the understanding of team leadership in Sweden. The commit-
ment and consent of all the members of a Swedish organization are valued equally. Thus,
according to Swedish managers and to others commenting on their leadership style, decision
making in Sweden is naturally participative (cf. egalitarian and status-conscious; neg.). The
ideal of participative leadership is expressed as a readiness to listen to others, and willingness
to compromise when necessary. It is rare that decisions are enforced on a basis of formal author-
ity. Instead, there is a marked preference for informal, consensual decision making without
“unnecessary” tensions or conflicts (cf. conflict inducer; neg.).
One way for leaders to handle potential conflicts is to separate the factual from the personal,
thus paying heed to both pragmatism and timidity. Leaders are expected to be able to translate
emotional issues or arguments into matters of fact. The depersonalization of an issue makes it
much easier to handle, and the sense of consensus is preserved. Reasoning based on facts and
logic, and the ability to enact practical solutions are celebrated leader qualities (cf. pragmatic).
This obviously links up with the third cultural theme, rationality and pragmatism, but there is also
an interesting departure from the cultural framework when it comes to the procedural aspects.
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64 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

We have learned that Swedish society ranks high on Uncertainty Avoidance, with an incli-
nation to create rules and routines for almost any issue of social importance. One might there-
fore assume that the leader role would automatically include accommodating and managing
uncertainty by administrative means. But not at all: According to our findings outstanding lead-
ers are regarded particularly informal (cf. procedural; neg.), and order and structure being typ-
ically less pronounced in the Swedish context (cf. administrative competence). One possible
interpretation, supported by the ethnographic interviews, is that Swedes perceive their lives to
be somewhat restricted by laws, regulations, rules, and procedures. However justified these
may be as symbolizing and re-creating important achievements from the past, the possibility
in the present of building for the future is nonetheless limited. Hence, the implicit notion of the
leader, who personifies the better future, is of someone with the willingness, the courage, and
the ability to break with the existing rules and procedures, rather than reinforcing them.
Leaders are expected to show determination and support the team to deliver results (cf. per-
formance orientation and decisive), and should not let established procedures get in the way.
By preference, new ideas are first approached in quite general and vague terms, in order to
invite others to join the process. In other words, Swedes are generally very suspicious of
ready-made ideas or solutions. It is also a question of the “ownership” of the idea. If Swedes
have not been involved in the generation process, then no one should take it for granted that
they will involve themselves in the implementation process either. It would be a sign of a lack
of confidence to tell another person how they should perform a certain task, and leaders are
certainly aware of this norm. When situations occur that require some sort of specific instruc-
tion, good leaders are expected to show great skill in providing the necessary information, but
subtly and without being too specific. In light of these qualities—rationality and pragmatism,
and consensus—vagueness (in the sense of a lack of ready-made ideas or solutions) is enacted
as a way not only of inviting others to participate actively but also of rendering status differ-
ences invisible. Vagueness thus has a positive connotation in the Swedish language, because
it creates a freedom to act and to take initiative by oneself (autonomous).

In Essence: First Among equals

The strong egalitarian values, preferences for pragmatic solutions, and socially concerned indi-
vidualism thus suggest that the Swedish version of a team is a group of equal individuals, in
which everyone expects to be consulted. The role of a leader is to skillfully balance between act-
ing as a team member and simultaneously taking the lead by communicating visions, guiding
sense-making processes, representing collective ambitions and interests, and framing the chal-
lenges ahead. This implies an idea of the leader as the primus inter pares, or first among equals.

Discussion—Swedish Leadership in Transition?

What are the likely future directions for leadership in Sweden, and what contemporary issues
can provide us with further insights into this matter? We have already noted that the institu-
tional context for leadership in Sweden is undergoing some rather dramatically changes (see
the section Sweden in the GLOBE study). The social welfare system is still considered to be
of great importance but it is apparently challenged by a more individualistic ideology,
captured by the extreme positions and shifts for the cultural dimensions Institutional
Collectivism and In-Group Collectivism. Another noticeable value change deals with the
mind-set regarding the future, portrayed in the less pronunciation of arrangements to reduce
uncertainty. The rational and pragmatic approach to uncertainty is still viable, but inspira-
tional leader qualities are apparently offering a refreshing alternative. We conclude this
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 65

chapter on culture and leadership with a more speculative discussion on changes in the
Swedish value and belief systems, and possible implications for leadership.
In the late 1990s, people preaching the message of a new economic order invaded the pub-
lic space. Much of the talk about “the new economy” was concerned with the new business
logic due to rapid IT development and the breakthrough for Internet. By the end of the mil-
lennium, a new generation of business leaders emerged as figureheads. Despite their indus-
try’s relatively small share of the total economy, this new breed of leaders had a tremendous
impact on the public discourse, as well as on the political agenda (Holmberg, Salzer- Mörling, &
Strannegård, 2002).
The kind of leadership that these figureheads expressed and promoted was extraordinary
in the Swedish context. They were young, energetic, and bold individualists with an
entrepreneurial spirit recalling the heroes who transformed Sweden into an industrial nation
over a century ago (an image that was actually used in their rhetoric in order to attract polit-
ical interest and investor capital). Entrepreneurship became almost synonymous with out-
standing leadership (Holmberg & Strannegård, 2002). One of the figureheads published a
book41 in 1999, proclaiming this attitude in its very title: Nothing Can Stop Us Now! A New
Generation Takes Command. The ideological tension between this new generation of entre-
preneurs stressing individual talent and success, and the established business leaders repre-
senting corporate collective action, was obvious.
How can we understand the enormous attention that these leaders received in the media,
and the admiration they generally received from the public? We believe that one explanation
lies in the vision of a future for Sweden as an advanced and affluent information society. This
was very attractive, given the harsh economic situation of the 1990s. As already mentioned,
the young business leaders paid tribute to the historical heritage by rhetorically linking their
visions to the entrepreneurial and innovative spirit of the early 20th century. Though admit-
tedly individualistic and egocentric when speaking of a visionary and compelling future for
the IT industry in general and for their own companies in particular, they also included
society as a whole in their vision. This new bread of leaders expressed an alternative way of
running business, reformulating individualistic interests and yet preserving collectivistic
ideals on the society level. Thus they timely articulated and embodied the values shifting
toward a more individualistic ideology in organizational life.
By 2001, the IT hype was over, and many renowned dot-com companies suddenly went
bankrupt. As we write these words Sweden, with its heavy dependence on the world eco-
nomic situation, is under pressure from a new recession. The figureheads of the large cor-
porations have regained the available space in the media, as the experimental and
expansionary period is over. But leadership as a cultural expression was certainly not unaf-
fected by this short yet intensive period. Although the momentum may have been inter-
rupted, we believe that Swedish leadership is undergoing a process of transition in the
directions outlined here.
The IT hype surfaced not only a transition in the leadership ideals, but also a new set of
organizational ideals. A perspective emphasizing shareholder value challenged the stake-
holder model that had prevailed for many decades. Remuneration policies were called into
question and modified to meet the criteria of a new economic order, resulting in individual
bonus systems with practically no limits. The rationales were often adjustments to interna-
tional remuneration standards and acknowledgment of individual talent. In several infamous
cases, these new ideals reached a limit in relationship to the Swedish norms of reasonableness

41
von Holstein, J. S. (1999), Inget kan stoppa oss nu! En ny generation tar plats. Stockholm: Ekerlid.
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66 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

and fairness however. Although there is a growing acceptance for individualistic values, per-
ceptions of sheer greed are not well received in the public space. This example shows that
working life ideals are still very much rooted in the Swedish social welfare system, and the
process of cultural change in the balance between individual and collective interest that we
have identified is slow and leads to obvious tensions.

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Appendix A

Notes on Methodology
THE GLOBE QUESTIONNAIRE

As part of the preparation for collecting our data, we translated the preliminary version of the
English questionnaire into Swedish. We then translated our Swedish version back into
English, a process that meant that problematic items could be identified and either modified
or removed completely in the final version. Two independent professional translators did most
of this work under our supervision. The translators and the Swedish GLOBE team also had
the expert support of a social scientist with extensive experience of business surveys. English
was his mother tongue, but he was also fluent in Swedish.42
The data were collected during the first 5 months of 1996. A contact person at each par-
ticipating organization handled the distribution of the questionnaires, in order to reduce dis-
tribution costs while also increasing the legitimacy of the questionnaire. The responses were
returned directly to the research team by mail. Because we wanted to enable within-country
analyses as well as international comparisons (between-country), the Swedish sample was
considerably larger than that required for the GLOBE purposes (House, 1994).
The final version of the Swedish questionnaire was distributed to middle managers in 14 busi-
ness organizations active in three different industries: finance (4 organizations, N = 373), food
processing (6 organizations, N = 301) and telecommunications (4 organizations, N = 222).
Altogether, almost 900 middle managers responded to the questionnaire. The overall response
rate was 75% which was very satisfactory for a study of this type. All questionnaire responses
were coded into a computer with the help of six research assistants during May and June 1996.

BASIC DEMOGRAPHICS OF THE SWEDISH SAMPLE

The most important demographic characteristics of the sample of middle managers can be
summarized as follows:

• Gender: 82.3% of the respondents were male; 17.7% were female.

• Age: The respondents were aged between 25 and 64 years, with a median of 46.
• Cultural conditioning: 97.1% were born in Sweden and 85% had never lived abroad for
more than a year.
• Working experience: The full-time working experience of the middle managers ranged
from 4 to 49 years with a median of 25; 12 years was the median for holding a management
position. Managers who had worked for a Swedish or foreign multinational corporation
at some point accounted for 26.4%.

42
Associate Professor Peter Docherty at the Stockholm School of Economics. We are very grateful for his gener-
ous contribution to the development of the Swedish GLOBE questionnaire.
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70 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

• Education: Around 23% had received the basic compulsory education only (9 years) and
37% had the equivalent of a college diploma (12–13 years of formal education), or less.
The remaining 40% had gone on to earn a university degree. Around half the middle
managers reported that, regardless of the educational level concerned, they had special-
ized in business and administration, and an additional 25% had studied engineering.
• Training: 90% of the managers reported that they had participated in formal manage-
ment training of some kind.
• Staff: The median number of people directly reporting to the manager was six, and the
average number of subordinates was 55.

REDESIGNING THE SCALES FOR INDUSTRY COMPARISON PURPOSES

In order to make the industry comparison (within-country) we had to obtain scales with suf-
ficient reliability for our purposes. The original GLOBE scales were constructed for maxi-
mizing reliable and valid scales for between-country analyses. We therefore had to redesign
the collection of scales somewhat to serve our own ends.
The following original scales were retained in the industry comparison: administratively
competent, autocratic, charismatic I: visionary, charismatic II: inspirational, integrity,
malevolent, performance oriented, procedural, self-centered, status conscious, team I: col-
laborative team oriented, and team II: team integrator. Reliability (Chrombach’s alpha mea-
sure) for these scales varied between 0.56 and 0.80, with an average of 0.66.
Three additional scales (included items in parentheses) were constructed, using reliability
analyses as a basis for detecting items that had great influence on low alpha values, and factor
analysis to investigate the within-country factor structure: friendly (generous, compassionate,
sensitive, caring: 0.56), independent (independent, autonomous: 0.72), close supervisor
(micromanager, nondelegater: 0.71).

INTERVIEWS AND FOCUS GROUPS

During the first phase of the project we operated with two focus groups, one made up of man-
agers and one of students (February and March 1994). The manager group consisted of four
men and two women. The group members represented different industries (mainly telecom-
munications, food, banking, and insurance) and held various managerial positions (one man-
aging director, two general managers, one project manager, and two functional managers).
The second focus group comprised of seven final-year students of business administration.
All reported that they had at least 2 years of work-life experience.
The participants of both groups were asked to carry out a preparatory assignment, reflecting
on their personal experiences of outstanding leaders and competent managers respectively.
The focus group interviews lasted about 2 hours each and concentrated on three themes
defined in the GLOBE study: the definitions of (outstanding) leadership and (competent)
management, the difference (if any) between the two concepts, and examples of outstanding
leadership.
Four semistructured interviews were also conducted at the start of the project with
individuals in managerial positions in different industries. They were asked about their per-
ception and experience of outstanding leadership, and if there was any difference between
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 71

outstanding leaders and competent managers. The average duration of the interviews was 1.5
hours. The guiding questions covered the same three themes as in the focus groups.
At a later stage in the project, we also conducted ethnographic interviews, in line with the
GLOBE qualitative research manual (Agar, 1995). Six high-ranking officials from very dif-
ferent formal organizations were asked to develop their views on leadership and on what con-
stitutes successful leadership, and to give their views on how their organizations work. The
interviewees were chosen to represent a wide range of societal sectors, all of them outside or
on the margins of the sphere of privately or publicly owned corporations. The interviewees
were: a bishop in the Swedish Church, a director-general in a national authority, a secretary
of a political party’s youth organization together with one of her colleagues, a general man-
ager of a nationwide lobbying organization, a regional director of another national authority,
and a theater director. The duration of the interviews varied from 1.5 to 2.0 hours. Every inter-
view consisted of the interviewee’s own account of leadership and leadership behavior, com-
bined with stories from their own experience of successful and unsuccessful leadership. The
six interviews were tape-recorded and the interviewer subsequently typed full transcripts
(Kallifatides, 1998).
The four semistructured interviews and the six ethnographic interviews were transcribed
and structured into text segments covering different ideas/topics. All the interviews were first
analyzed individually, before frame building was conducted at the group level. The data were
analyzed in to different sets of categories: the person-specific characteristics (traits and
behavior), leader–follower relations (values and norms regarding leader–follower interac-
tions), and organizational issues (the leader’s role within the organization, and organizational
practices).
The interviews were checked for intrapersonal consistency between what the interviewee
said about leadership in general and what they described in the stories about good and bad
leadership.

ANALYSIS OF SWEDISH MEDIA

The research strategy and methodology for the analysis of the media were described in three
internal GLOBE project documents, namely two research manuals (Agar, 1995, 1996a) and one
document describing a pilot study which applied the methodology to the media in the United
States (Thomas, 1996). The approach is referred to as “ethnographic semantics” (Agar, 1986,
1996b). Ethnographic semantics belongs to semantics because it deals with word meanings, and
to ethnography because the aim is to create and resolve “rich points,” empirical observations that
do not make sense from the researcher’s point of view and that therefore suggest a surfaced gap
between two worlds of knowledge. A rich point represents an opportunity to learn something
about the view of the world that is held by the studied group of people (Agar, 1996). Central to
this approach is the idea that an understanding of a particular culture emerges from an explo-
ration of the system of concepts within that culture, and of the links that tie the concepts
together. In language, concepts are expressed in linguistic labels, mainly words. Thus, words
label concepts, and the system of concepts (relevant to leadership) is the primary focus for this
type of study. In short, the aim of the procedure described is to help the researcher to extract the
most important strings of words from a large volume of text. Concepts and relationships
between them can then be further explored from this extracted data.
The Swedish newspapers and magazines that best fitted the criteria given in the research
manual (Agar, 1996) were (a) Dagens Nyheter (Daily News), the largest and most respected
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72 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

national daily newspaper with an average daily circulation of 357,000, (b) Dagens Industri
(Business Today), the only general business newspaper distributed nationally (100,000), (c)
Expressen (The Express), at the time of data collection the largest daily national newspaper
aimed at the general public (339,000) and with a reputation as one of the main newspapers
prone to sensational journalism, (d) Veckans Affärer (Business Weekly), the largest weekly
magazine aimed at the general business community (33,000), and (e) Månadens Affärer
(Business Monthly), a glossy business magazine often containing specials on management
issues, as well as leader profiles. Circulation is based primarily on the magazine’s position as
a monthly supplement to subscribers of Veckans Affärer.
Data for this study were collected over two periods (weeks): March 15–23, 1996, and July
12–18, 1996. The periods were determined in advance, and to our knowledge at the time of
the selection these could be expected to be two very “normal” weeks with no major national
events such as political elections, nor any important anniversaries that would take up a large
proportion of the news space or the journalistic focus.
During the month of July Dagens Industri was published only on Fridays, due to the sum-
mer season (vacations). Thus only one issue of Dagens Industri was collected during the sec-
ond collection period. Veckans Affärer was not published at all during July, so the latest issue
from June was collected instead as a replacement. Table A.1 displays a frequency summary
of the empirical material resulting from the chosen collection periods.

TABLE A.1
Summary of the Empirical Material That Was Analyzed for Images of Leadership

Dagens Dagens Veckans Månadens

Nyheter Industri Expressen Affärer Affärer Total

Newspapers/journals 14 8 14 2 2 40
Articles 4,732 744 1,575 363 650 8,064
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3 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWEDEN 73

TABLE A.2
Examples of Key Phrases Collected and Key Words Subsequently Highlighted
From the Five Swedish Newspapers and Journals

DI 960315, p.5 He was seen as a visionary and someone who initiated a number of projects.
He aroused enthusiasm in his coworkers but, according to DI sources, was
dependent on having competent people around him.
DI 960316, p. 40 Women are less prestige-minded than men. It is easier for them to delegate
than it is for men, and they are often good organizers.
DI 960318, p. 3 [The Prime Minister] Göran Persson is a brilliant pedagogue. He has realized
that he needs co-operation to succeed.
DN 960317, p. B4 There is a big editorial staff working at high tempo, and decisions are being
taken by the minute. Not everyone can handle it. The personal confidence of
the journalist in you as the manager is also needed, if things are to work.
DN 960317, p. B5 I want to give this plan for gender equality, with all its elegant words, a real
meaning. The mission is to make sure the measures described in the plan are
accomplished.
EXP 960317, p. 2 The problem troubling the new chairman is that he has been so convincing in
his previous roles.
MA March, 1996, [As a leader] you also have to know the business you are leading, and to care
p. 78 about the people at the workplace, and to have the ability to recruit good
people who work well together. A good leader must be interested in people
and must not be self-centered.
VA week 12, p. 6 Many people have great hopes, but if [Prime Minister] Persson is going to suc-
ceed it will chiefly be a matter of changing old attitudes.
Note. Text is originally in Swedish and was translated by the authors.

TABLE A.3
Two Emergent Implicit Models of Leadership, Depending on
Context

Political Leadership Business Leadership

Charisma Charisma
Pragmatism Pragmatism
Procedural Procedural
Action orientation Performance oriented
Egalitarianism Team building
Consensus Entrepreneurial
Modesty Visibility
Honesty
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74 INGALILL HOLMBERG & STAFFAN ÅKERBLOM

TABLE A.4
Summary of the 60 Typification Categories Generated From the Media Analysis,
Together Representing 853 Key Words

Typification Category Freq. Typification Category Freq. Typification Category Freq.

Action oriented 43 Good listener/Sensitive 16 Providing guidelines 9

Cooperative 38 PR/image figurehead 16 Strategic & tactical 9
Works for equality 32 Visionary 16 Humorous 8
Communicates & verbal 31 Performance oriented 15 Popular/common 8
ability touch
Enthusiastic & inspiring 31 Relational 15 Patient & tolerant 8
Accountable 26 Network builder 14 Prone to risks/Bold 8
Delegates 26 Flexible & change 13 Coordinator and 7
oriented organizer
Trustworthy 26 Informing 13 Cultured 7
Control 25 Charismatic 12 Induces loyalty 7
Humane 23 Autonomous 11 Competent 6
Compromise & consensus 22 Determined 11 Creative 6
Risk avoiding/careful 22 Accessible & visible 10 Effective bargainer 6
Ethical/moral 21 Careful & orderly 10 Self-confident 6
Humble, low-key, modest 20 Encouraging/motivational 10 Empathic 5
Elucidate & simplify 20 Respectable & respectful 10 Family oriented 5
Fair/equal treatment 18 Balanced/harmonic 9 Planning 5
Honest 18 Entrepreneurial 9 Informal 4
Nonauthoritarian/hierarchic 18 Generalist 9 Evaluate 3
Reasonable & pragmatic 18 Long-term oriented 9 Personnel oriented 3
Ambitious 16 Open 9 Role model 2
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4
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Culture and Leadership in Finland

Martin Lindell
Swedish School of Economics and Business Administration

Camilla Sigfrids
Center for Leading Competence Oy, Helsinki, Finland

A salient feature of Finnish society is its position between West and East. One of the prerequisites
for understanding leadership and culture in Finland is to understand the historical development of
Finnish society with its influences from both directions. The country’s geographic vicinity to both
Sweden and Russia has also had an impact on Finnish politics and the economy. A nation derives
its culture from four principal sources: history, language, religion, and climate (Lewis, 1997). In the
following section, a brief description of the Finnish historical background is given.

1. THE BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT OF FINNISH CULTURE

Early History

The first inhabitants of Finland lived along the coast in the south and west of the country.
From the Middle Ages Sweden exerted the strongest and most immediate influence. The
Åland Islands (between Sweden and Finland) were inhabited around 500 A.D. by settlers
from Sweden and ever since have had a Swedish-speaking population. Swedes ruled Finland
for about 500 years. Finland was incorporated into Sweden in 1155 under the leadership of
the Catholic St. Hendrick, Finland’s first Bishop of Turku. During that period Nordic institu-
tions and traditions, religious practices, education and public administration were introduced
in Finland (Häikiö, 1992). Also, the Swedish civil and criminal codes, approved at a meeting
of the Swedish-Finnish Estates in 1734, remained in force during the period of Russian rule
(Häikiö, 1992).
But at the beginning of the 19th century Russia and France wanted to form an alliance against
Britain, wanting Sweden to be included in that alliance. Sweden, however, refused and Russia
declared war on Sweden. Finland was occupied in 1809 and became a Grand Duchy of
Russia. Alexander I, the Russian Emperor, was the first Grand Duke.

75
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76 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

In order to increase Russian influence, the capital of Finland was moved from Turku to
Helsinki in 1812, and the university followed in 1828. Generally, however, Finland maintained
a high degree of autonomy. Russia’s leaders relied on the Finnish language and way of think-
ing to act as a barrier against the West (TAT Group, 2001). The Finns’ feeling of national pride
grew ever stronger. The Finnish national epic, the Kalevala, written by Elias Lönnrot, was pub-
lished in 1835. J. L. Runeberg became Finland’s national poet and the author of the national
anthem. At that time J. V. Snellman was one of the most visible statesmen and he advocated
that the Finnish language should gradually become an official language alongside Swedish.
But the situation in Europe changed in the 1860s and 1870s. Russia’s leaders felt the need
to impose more direct control over the countries on their borders. In Poland and the Baltic
countries Russian became the official language and the countries Russian provinces. In
Finland the strongest Russification period occurred in 1899–1917. A long range of measures
was implemented. Finns had to serve in the Russian army, and Russian became an official lan-
guage in Finland. It was also planned to bring Finland’s laws into line with those of Russia
and that any new laws would have to be approved by the Russian Emperor. Russian opinions
were published in new Russian newspapers in Finland. Many Finnish newspapers were with-
drawn from circulation. Russian stamps had to be used on mail sent abroad. There were also
plans to eliminate the customs border between the two countries and Finnish money (Nyberg,
1995). Under the plans Finland was to become an integrated part of Russian society. When
Russification was stepped up, resistance also increased. The most serious event was the assas-
sination of the Russian Governor General Bobrikov in 1904. Finland never became an integrated
part of Russia, but 100 years did not pass without leaving a mark.

Independence

The military setbacks of the First World War led to several changes in Russian top leadership.
The Russification drive in Finland ceased at the beginning of 1917 and finally Lenin and the
Bolsheviks seized power. The Finns then saw their chance to gain independence and on
December 6, 1917, Finland was declared independent. The Parliament approved a declaration
earlier made by the Senate. Although a high point in Finnish history, the situation was unsta-
ble. There was a civil war lasting three months between a right-wing loyal to the government
and a communist left-wing. The war ended in May 1918 with victory for the government
troops led by General Gustaf Mannerheim. About 30,000 people died in the war and also in
the executions following it (Häikiö, 1992). In 1919, Finland became a republic and K. J.
Ståhlberg was elected as the first President.
Economically, Finland developed rapidly between the two World Wars. However, the posi-
tive trend was broken by the world depression at the beginning of the 1930s, but became a boom
by the end of the decade. The most rapid growth took place in the paper and metal industries.
In 1939 a non-aggression pact was signed between the Soviet Union and Germany, and in
November 1939 the Soviet Union invaded Finland in the so-called Winter War. After the
Second World War the basis of the new foreign policy was the Treaty of Friendship, Co-oper-
ation and Mutual Assistance signed in 1948. Finland was once more integrated more closely
into the Soviet Union’s security sphere. However, any assistance from the Soviet Union was
to be agreed upon separately and Finland could in fact be considered a neutral country. The
military agreement remained in force for more than 40 years. In September 1990 the
Government declared the Treaty of Paris (1947) obsolete. The Treaty imposed restrictions on
the size of the armed forces and military hardware. In 1992, following the changes in the
former Soviet Union, a new Treaty on cooperation between Finland and Russia was signed.
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 77

This new Treaty did not contain any military provisions and the previous Treaty on
Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance was rescinded.

Finland Integrates Closer Into Europe and Attains Greater Sovereignty

After the Second World War a period of stronger internationalization and orientation towards
Europe started. The first steps were slow and minor. It was not until the end of the century
before a real breakthrough took place. Below some of the important international organiza-
tions that Finland has joined during the last six decades are mentioned.
Finland joined the International Monetary Fund in 1948 and became a member of GATT
(General Agreement on Tariff and Trade) two years later. The trend of internationalization
and alignment with other countries continued and Finland became a member of the
United Nations and the Nordic Council in 1956, followed by the joining of the OECD (the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) in 1969. Finland was recognized
as a neutral country both by East and West and therefore acted as host to many large interna-
tional conferences. In 1975 the Conference on Security and Co-Operation in Europe (CSCE),
with 35 heads of state from Europe and North America, was held in Helsinki where the
Helsinki Final Act was signed.
Rapid and perhaps most significant international integration, however, took place at the
end of the 1980s and in the 1990s. In 1986 Finland became a full member of EFTA (European
Free Trade Agreement, consisting of Finland, Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Switzerland, and
Austria) and in 1989 the country also became a member of the Council of Europe. In 1992
Finland applied for full membership of the EU (European Union). The European Parliament
voted in favor of Finnish membership two years later. The European integration continued
with the European Monetary Union (EMU) at the beginning of 1999, with Euro notes and
coins being introduced in 2002. From the start, eleven EU member countries (including
Finland) joined EMU. As a result several positive effects of EU membership have been evident:
food prices, inflation and interest rates have decreased (Torvi, 1999). Finland has also been
active in European cooperation. From July to December 1999 Finland held the presidency of
the Council of the EU for the first time.
To conclude, the influence of Sweden has been significant over the last eight centuries. The
Russian influence was notable and had both a direct and indirect effect on the period begin-
ning from the 19th century until around 1990. After that Western influences have held sway
of Finland, mostly from Central Europe.

Finland Today

The foundations of a Scandinavian welfare state system in Finland were lain in since the
beginning of the 1960s, with services being provided by public funds. Welfare and social
security are guaranteed for all citizens. But welfare has also brought with it a high level of
taxation. The gross tax ratio is higher than in most other OECD countries. In Sweden it was
53% in 1998, in Denmark 49.3%, in Finland 46.9% and in Norway 43.6% (Statistical
Yearbook of Finland, 2000). Taxes are channeled to provide health care, social services and
free education. More and more Finns become dependent on social income transfers in order
to maintain their standard of living. In 1998, 28% of household incomes consisted of social
benefits (Salonen et al., 2001). One of the most important parts of the social service system
is the pension system. The basic national pension system guarantees everyone an equal
minimum income.
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78 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

Generally, the prosperity of the Finnish population has improved significantly. If 100 are
used as the real purchasing power of wages in 1964, the index was 1838 in 1999 (Statistical
Yearbook of Finland, 2000). The life expectancy of women is 81 years and for men 73.7 years
(Salonen, Kääriäinen, & Niemelä, 2001, p.16). But in society as a whole the development has
not always been as positive as outlined above. In the 1980s the unemployment rate in Finland
was rather low at about 5%. However from 1991 unemployment went up very rapidly, reach-
ing a peak of 16.6% in 1994. Since then unemployment has decreased slowly and was around
8% in August 2001.
Finland has gained a reputation in a number of areas. The country is perhaps best known
today for its rally, Formula 1 drivers and the sauna (there are 1.5 million saunas in Finland,
one for every four inhabitants). But Finland is also known for Lapland (as being the home-
land of Santa Claus), for its architects (e.g., Eliel Saarinen), composers (e.g., Jean Sibelius),
and designers of elegant fabrics, furniture, silver, ceramics, and glassware. The environment
is clean. In a 122-nation study by the Earth Institute’s Center for International Earth Science
Information Network (CIESIN), Finland, Norway and Canada were ranked highest in envi-
ronmental sustainability (CIESIN, 2001).
Industry is putting in a strong performance at the end of 1990s. Finland today is seen as a
high-tech country. A scoreboard found that Finland and Sweden outstrip the U.S. and the rest
of the EU in applying for patents for high-tech applications (Hargreaves, 2000). Those two
countries also score highest on business expenditure on research and development as a per-
centage of gross domestic product (GDP)—3% percent in Sweden and just below 3% in
Finland. Over the last decade the Finns have been best known for their advances in electron-
ics and mobile communications. Nokia is recognized all over the world as the largest and
most profitable manufacturer of mobile phones and Linus Torvald as the inventor of the Linux
operating system. Nokia accounts for almost a fourth of Finland’s exports (Annual report of
Nokia, 2000, Statistical yearbook of Finland, 2000).
At the end of 1999, there were 121 personal computers (PCS) with an Internet connection
per thousand citizens. Around half of all households have a PC and 78% a mobile phone
(Salonen et al., 2001). In the UN Human Development Report (UNDP) for 2001, Finland is
ranked as the most highly developed country technologically. As early as in 1896–1897 the
Spanish Consul in Finland, Axel Ganivet, devoted an entire chapter of his book on Finland to
the “excessive” interest Finns had with technology. Phones were almost as common as
kitchenware. In the 1920s and 1930s there were more than 800 separate telephone companies
in the country (Leonard, 2000).

Educational System

The majority of the population was already literate during the nineteenth century, and compre-
hensive schooling became compulsory more than 150 years ago. The first university was
founded in 1640 (Häikiö, 1992). In the early 1970s a uniform system of basic education was
implemented. There is a 9-year comprehensive schooling system. Children begin their formal
education at the age of 7. After completing comprehensive school, there are two alternatives.
Either pupils continue in a vocational school for 2 to 6 years or they attend a 3-year upper
secondary school. About half of the school-leavers select vocational school and the other half,
upper secondary school. A large number of those selecting upper secondary school continue at
universities and polytechnics. Of the total population, 57.7% have some form of qualification
other than a comprehensive school leaving certificate. In 2000, the universities had 157,000
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 79

TABLE 4.1
Members of Different Religious Communities in Finland at the End of 1999

Percentage of
Religion Absolute Numbers Total Population

Lutheran 4.40 million 85.3

Orthodox 0.05 million 1.1
Other communities 0.05 million 1.0
No religious community 0.63 million 12.6

Note. From Statistical Yearbook of Finland (2001).

students at different levels. In addition, there were 88,000 Open University students and 105,000
executive education students. That means that more than 10% of the active population is partic-
ipating in university level education each year (Ministry of Education, 2001). In comparison
with the Nordic and other European countries Finland had the most students at higher level per
100,000 inhabitants in 1994 and 1995 (Statistical Yearbook of Finland, 2000).
The education policy of the state is that education should be equal for all citizens, and that
means that education is largely free of charge. Finland invested 5.7% of its GDP in education
in 1998. In this respect Finland’s position is towards the average of the OECD countries
(OECD, statistics).
As already mentioned, national cultures are defined besides history, by language, climate,
and religion (Lewis, 1997). These three factors are briefly discussed next.

Religion

Finland was largely Roman Catholic until the Protestant Reformation. Lutheranism became
the state religion in 1593. In 1923, freedom of religion was guaranteed. Citizens were then
free to found religious denominations (H. Heino, 1998). They also had the right not to sub-
scribe to any denomination at all. The state took a neutral attitude to religion. Schools give
religious education according to the confession of the majority of the pupils.
The Finns have a positive attitude towards the church; 64% of the Finns are of the opinion
that the church is necessary. But the Finnish population does not take a very active part in the
activities of the church. Only half of the population attends the church at least once a year
(Salonen et al., 2001). Active members of the Lutheran church attend services at least once a
month and vote in parish elections. The majority of Finns prefer to marry in church, have their
children baptized, and have them confirmed. They also want a Christian burial for themselves
and their relatives (H. Heino, 1998). For frequency distributions of the various Religions in
Finland, see Table 4.1.
Although most of the population is Lutheran the Finnish society is mostly secular. Over
the last 30 years the numbers of those belonging to no religious denomination have increased
by almost 10% (Salonen et al., 2001).
The Finnish Orthodox church is strongest in the east of Finland, with the monastery at
Valamo as its center. When Finland became independent the administrative links to the church
were broken, but reestablished in 1923. In Helsinki, the Uspenski Cathedral is a monument
from the Russian era. It was consecrated in 1868 and is well known and visited by Finns and
foreigners even today.
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80 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

Language and Climate

Unlike most European languages, Finnish is neither a member of the Indo-European language
family nor is it related to the other Nordic languages (Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish).
Finnish belongs to the language family known as Uralian, whose two branches include Finnish
and Estonian in the Finno group and Hungarian in the Ugric (TAT Group, 2001). Finnish is
also related to several minority languages in Russia, such as Karelian, spoken along the
Finland - Russian border (Gordon, 1991). About 94% of the population of Finland speaks
Finnish as their main language and 6% Swedish. During the Swedish era, soldiers, officials,
and priests stationed in Finland settled in the country. Swedish businessmen and artisans
migrated to Finnish towns. Swedish continued to be the official language and kept its posi-
tion as the language of cultural life. Swedish was used in official bodies during the 19th
century. In 1902, Finnish also became an official language.
In the 1880s, more than 14% of the population had Swedish as their mother tongue
(Nyberg, 1995). But emigration to Sweden in the 1950s and 1960s significantly reduced the
rank of the Swedish speaking population. Traditionally there has been tension between the
two language groups and there is still a Swedish party defending the rights of the Swedish-
speaking Finns.
The climate in Finland is characterized by great variety. The summers are warm and beau-
tiful, the winters often very cold. Of the world’s populations, only the Finns have settled an
entire population of more than five million above 60 degree N (Lewis, 1997). The mean tem-
perature in Finland is several degrees (as much as 10°C in winter) above that in other areas at
the same latitude, e.g., Siberia and south Greenland (R. Heino, 2001). The main reason for
this is the airflows from the Atlantic are warmed up by the Gulf Stream.
According to Lewis (1997), the effects of the climate are that these latitudes engender
sturdy, resilient people with an inordinate capacity for self-reliance and an instinct for
survival. Arctic survivors need stamina, tenacity, self-dependence, and resourcefulness that
the Finns are well known for (see, e.g., Laine-Sveiby, 1987; Simon, Bauer, & Kaivola, 1996).
The temperature can vary between more than plus 30°C in July to minus 30°C in January. The
country is large, with a surface area of 338,000 km2.

2. THE COMPETITIVE POSITION OF FINNISH INDUSTRY

The historical background and the present situation of Finland today were outlined above.
In the following, attention is focused on the development of industry and economic life within
the country. Systematic industrial policy dates back to 1616, when Finland was still under
Swedish rule. In that year an iron foundry was built in the western part of Uusimaa (Laakso,
2000). However, the first modern factory was a cotton-spinning mill in Tampere. In the 1850s
it was the biggest industrial company in Scandinavia. There was an industrial breakthrough
in the 1860s and 1870s. Growth was spearheaded by the sawmill industry, and was initially
slow in gaining momentum. The pulp and paper industry took off at a later stage. The wealth
generated by the forest industry was reflected in society at large and propelled the develop-
ment of other industries, notably textiles, metals and engineering. Finland was being changed
more and more from an agricultural country to an industrial one. Järvinen, Korkala, and
Åman (1978) identify the existence of three cultures in the 1800s; (a) a farming culture, (b) a
trade culture and (c) an artisan culture.
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 81

At the turn of the 20th century, and in spite of her geographical and Russian connection,
Finland was surprisingly international in outlook. From 1890 to Finnish independence in
1917, the eastern Baltic was one of the most international areas in the world. Helsinki, Viipuri
(Vyborg) and St. Petersburg were lively centers of artistic excellence and multilingualism. In
Viipuri many people spoke four languages (Lewis, 1997). In those days foreigners contributed
significantly to the development of Finnish industry, including names such as Fazer
(German), Hackman (German), Finlayson (Scot), Gutzeit (Norwegian), Sinebrychoff
(German from St. Petersburg) (Alho, 1961).
The years since the Second World War to the beginning of the 1990s were years of contin-
uous growth. War reparations to the Soviet Union in the form of industrial products contributed
to a transformation in Finnish industry (Laakso, 2000). A strong metal and engineering indus-
try grew up alongside the traditionally powerful forest industry. Shipyards and especially ice-
breakers were success stories of this period. Finland’s trade with its eastern neighbor smoothed
out the effects of worldwide fluctuations within the forest industry (Laakso, 2000). Metal prod-
ucts, textiles and clothing were exchanged for raw materials from the east. In particular, declin-
ing oil prices in the 1980s were the first danger signals of the vulnerability of Finland’s trade
with the Soviet Union.
A new and modern era started at the end of the 1980s with closer integration into Western
Europe. The emerging positive trend was broken by the deep recession at the beginning of the
1990s. Waves of bankruptcy swept through industry; many small and medium-sized enter-
prises went under. The banking system was saved only by substantial government support.
The national debt grew rapidly during the recession. It has since decreased somewhat, but was
still 47.1% of the GDP at the end of 1999.
However, in spite of the difficulties, the process of deregulation and privatization contin-
ued both in Europe and North America. There were major regulatory changes affecting air-
lines, financial services, public transport, and telecommunications, to mention just a few
(Lindell, 1998). One of the key events for the Finnish economy was the early deregulation of
telecommunications. Competition in the mobile network started in 1990 when the Finnish
firms Radiolinja and Sonera obtained licenses to build their own GSM (Global system for
mobile communications) networks alongside the existing networks. Competition on long-dis-
tance calls began in 1994. Nowadays there are 13 different operators (Ahonen, 2001).
According to Ahonen, all the European Union countries have followed Finland’s example in
the development of data communications infrastructure and deregulation of the telecommu-
nications sector. He also argues that in these areas Finland has been, and will be, at the lead-
ing edge of developments. The globalization of markets and the drive for European
unification have enlarged the market of Finnish companies and created new possibilities, but
it has also increased competition and risks and stressed the need to develop new ways to
respond to free competition.
The successes in the telecommunications sector are best illustrated by the success of the
Finnish flagship Nokia. The group has gone through a transformation from an unfocused con-
glomerate to a global leader. A couple of decades ago, its product range included rubber
boots, cables, lavatory paper and televisions. CEO Ollila explained Nokia’s success to the
Financial Times in the following way: “We were earlier than most in understanding the ben-
efits of focusing the business portfolio in a global world, that in order to be really successful
you have to globalize your organization and focus your business portfolio. We have also been
able to grow and be global and maintain our agility and be fast at the same time” (Brown-
Humes, 2001, p. 4). Nokia has adapted to the market more effectively than its competitors.
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82 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

Productivity in industry has improved substantially. A productivity index that stood at 48

in 1975 had increased to 159 in 1998 (Statistical Yearbook of Finland, 2000). This is a better
performance than that for the USA, Japan, Germany, France, the UK, and Sweden. Exports
have become more diversified. Earlier exports consisted mainly of forest products, but in the
1970s the share of metal products increased significantly to around one-third of total exports
and now telecommunications is one of the fastest growing export sectors. According to the
World Economic Forum, Finland was the most competitive country in the world in 2000
(Takala, 2001).
In this section, we have described the history of Finland and some data on economic per-
formance. This description will serve as a setting for understanding and interpreting the quan-
titative and qualitative GLOBE results which, are based on systematic evaluations of Finnish
societal culture, organizational cultures and leadership ideals (cf. House et al., 2004).

3. THE GLOBE STUDY IN FINLAND

Sample and Procedure

A questionnaire was distributed to middle managers in the financial services, food production
and telecommunications companies in Finland. In all, 438 managers in seven companies com-
pleted the questionnaire (telecommunications, 2 companies, n = 108; food production, 2
companies, n = 187; financial sector, 3 companies, n = 143). The companies chosen were all
large and important in their respective industries. Although the industries chosen are central
in most countries, they employed no more than about 7% to 8% of the labor force in Finland
in 1999 (Statistics Finland, Labor Force Survey, 2000).
The GLOBE questionnaire measured social and organizational cultural norms and leader-
ship concepts. The cultural norms were built around Hofstede’s (1980) four cultural dimen-
sions: Power Distance, Uncertainty Avoidance, Gender Differentiation and Collectivism. In
the GLOBE study, Gender Differentiation was subdivided into Gender Egalitarianism and
Assertiveness and Collectivism was subdivided into Institutional Collectivism and In-Group
Collectivism (see House et al., 2004). Further dimensions were developed, namely Future
Orientation, Performance Orientation and Humane Orientation. In the leadership part of the
questionnaire managers responded to 112 items by rating the degree to which each listed lead-
ership attribute facilitates or impedes “outstanding leadership.” All items were rated on a
7-point Likert-type scale that ranged from low to high. A contact person was nominated by a
top manager in each participating company in order to increase legitimacy and motivation for
the GLOBE research project. She or he handled the distribution and collection of the ques-
tionnaires and sent them to the researcher. Further mostly qualitative methods were used for
data collection.
The following sections detail the findings of the survey of middle managers’ opinions
about outstanding leader behavior and attributes and existing and ideal values in Finland. The
presentation of the quantitative data is elaborated by adding qualitative data and observations
relevant to the different GLOBE dimensions.

Demographics

Following, some demographic characteristics of the sample of middle managers used in this
study are given:
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 83

• Gender: 74.5% of the respondents were male.

• Age: The age of the respondents varied from 25 years to 68 years, with a mean age of
42.3 years and a median of 42 years.
• Cultural background: 99.9% were born in Finland and 85.3% had not lived abroad for
more than a year.
• Religious affiliation: As much as 24.2% said that they did not belong to any religious
affiliation, 75% were Lutherans, 0.4% Orthodox, 0.2% Catholics and 0.2% Baptists.
• Working experience: The full-time working experience of the middle managers ranged
from 0 to 43 years, with a mean of 18.8 years and a median of 18 years. The median for
occupying a managerial position was 11 years. The managers had been in their current
company for a long time. The median period with their current employer was 10.5 years.
Around one-fourth (25.8%) had experience with a multinational corporation.
• Education: The median length of formal education was six years. Around 40% of the
respondents mentioned their educational specialization. Education in business and
administration accounted for 50% of respondents, 40% were educated as engineers and
the remaining 10% had education in many different areas.
• Training: Middle managers that reported they had participated in formal management
training of some kind consisted of 60%.
• Hierarchy: The median number of people reporting to the managers was six and the aver-
age number of subordinates was 56. There were two organizational levels between middle
managers and chief executives and one level to non-supervisor personnel.

4. GLOBE RESULTS ABOUT SOCIETAL CULTURE

Table 4.2 presents the Finnish country score (mean of individual ratings) for societal culture
“As Is” and societal culture “Should Be” and its rank on each dimension compared to the
other 61 participating countries.
Finnish society scores highly on societal culture “As Is” in comparison with the other
GLOBE countries on Uncertainty Avoidance (Rank 8, Band A)and Institutional Collectivism
(Rank 10, Band A). Finnish society relies on social norms and procedures to alleviate the
unpredictability of future events. Finland is a collectivist society where equality between men
and women is relatively high.
Finnish society scores low on In-group Collectivism (Rank 54, Band C) and Humane
Orientation (Rank 35, Band C) and medium to low on Assertiveness (Rank 47, Band B),
Power Distance (Rank 47, Band B) and Performance Orientation (Rank 46, Band B). The
family unit (In-Group Collectivism) ranks low by international comparison, which is contrary
to the general requirement of high Institutional Collectivism. Although group behavior is gen-
erally stressed, in the family context (In-Group Collectivism) strong individualistic behavior
is highly valued. Humane Orientation describes the degree to which a society encourages and
rewards individuals for being fair, altruistic, generous, caring, and kind to others. Despite the
comparatively low rank in Humane Orientation, Finns perceive themselves as low on
Assertiveness. Also Power Distance is relatively low, which means that according to the mid-
dle managers, society mostly maintains equality among its members with respect to power,
authority, prestige, status, wealth, and material possessions. Finally, low Performance
Orientation means that society does not encourage or reward groups for performance
improvement and excellence.
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84 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

TABLE 4.2
Societal Culture “As Is” and “Should Be”

Perception (“As Is”) Values (“Should Be”)

Dimensions Scorea Bandb Rankc Score Band Rank

Uncertainty Avoidance 5.02 A 8 3.85 C 53

Institutional Collectivism 4.63 A 10 4.11 C 55
Future Orientation 4.24 B 14 5.07 C 51
Gender Egalitarianism 3.35 B 31 4.24 B 45
Performance Orientation 3.81 B 46 6.11 B 20
Assertiveness 3.81 B 47 3.68 B 35
Power Distance 4.89 B 47 2.19 D 60
Humane Orientation 3.96 C 35 5.81 A 2
In-Group Collectivism 4.07 C 54 5.42 B 47
a
Country score for Finland based on mean of individual ratings.
b
Letters A to D indicate the “Band” of countries Finland belongs to (A > B > C > D). Countries from different bands are
considered to differ significantly from each other (GLOBE test banding procedure, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004).
c
Finland’s position relative to the 61 countries in the GLOBE study; Rank 1 = highest; Rank 61 = lowest.

On further two dimensions, Finland scores in the higher middle out of the GLOBE coun-
tries that participated. These are Future Orientation (Rank 14, Band B) and Gender
Egalitarianism (Rank 31, Band B). Future Orientation refers to the extent to which a society
rewards future-oriented behavior such as planning, investing in the future and delaying grat-
ification. Gender Egalitarianism measures the extent to which a society minimizes gender role
differences.
In terms of values (societal culture “Should Be”) the most sought-after positive changes in
culture compared to the existing situation, both absolutely and relatively, were in Performance
Orientation (change in ranking from 46 to 20) and Humane Orientation (change in ranking
from 35 to 2). The most sought-after negative changes in ranking were found in Future
Orientation (from 14 to 51), Institutional Collectivism (from 10 to 55), and in Uncertainty
Avoidance (from 8 to 53). The ranking moved in a negative direction, but somewhat less, for
Power Distance (from 47 to 60). A minor difference between the “As Is” and “Should Be”
was observed for the three dimensions Assertiveness, Gender Egalitarianism and In-group
Collectivism. We discuss the changes below in connection with the various dimensions.

Performance Orientation

The current level of Performance Orientation in the study [Mean (m) = 3.81, Rank 46] is rel-
atively low, but Finnish managers would like to see this reversed in the future (m) = 6.11,
Rank 20. The explanation for the current low level is that, although results are stressed, there
are many counteracting factors, especially at the society level. There is a desire to even out
differences in earnings through a re-distributive taxation system and high rates of taxes. The
social security system is good and guarantees a minimum standard of living.
There is now a general desire to reduce government expenditure and that will probably
mean the result for orientation will be higher in the future. Because Finland is a member of
EMU, it will not be possible to use monetary policy tools such as devaluation to correct future
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 85

setbacks in the economy. Therefore the pressure to achieve will be much greater in the future
(cf. “Should Be” in Table 4.2). Another feature of the 1990s already mentioned is deregula-
tion, with many state-owned companies being privatized (Kivikko, Lindell, & Naukkarinen,
1997; Lindell, 1998).
Some changes producing greater efficiency can already be observed. In an investigation of
84 large Finnish companies during the 1990s, only 5 companies produced economic value-
added to their owners in 1992, when including industry risks and a 4.5% risk premium in the
calculations. By 1996, the number had increased to 25 companies (Veranen & Junnila, 1997).
Since 1994, unemployment has improved gradually but is still quite high. It was 8.7% in
September 2001, whereas on average 7.6% in all of the other 15 EU countries.
The wide use of telecommunication aids has helped to facilitate and speed up government
services. According to Kahila (2001), Finns spend less and less time trudging to government
offices and dealing with bureaucrats. About a decade ago Finns made 7 million trips a year to
central registry offices for things like registering address changes, filling out pension forms,
and replacing lost ID cards. That figure is now down to about half a million visits. Advances
in telecommunications have allowed Finland to cut its national civil service headcount while
increasing the service’s productivity by 3.5% per year.

Future Orientation

The absolute direction for Future Orientation is positive, with a change in the mean from 4.24
to 5.07. Managers at the middle level are of the opinion that more forward planning is
required. Future Orientation is at a high level in Finnish society compared to many other
countries, but planning for the future still needs to be improved. Central government ran a
deficit during much of the 1990s. Government subsidies to municipalities have been cut, and
this has also stressed the need for more achievement orientation but above all more future
planning.
The political stability of Finland means that societal forecasts can be made. Therefore
there has been a need for long-range 3-year wage agreements between employers’ associa-
tions and employees’ representatives in order to increase the ability to make reliable forecasts.
On the other hand, one can argue that the increased turbulence in society in general, and the
faster and more radical changes taking place, will make it perhaps less possible to plan for
many years ahead. That might be one reason why the sought-after increased mean on Future
Orientation is not more than 0.77.
However, it is interesting to note that on an international comparison the direction has been
negative for Finland. Although in absolute terms the mean has increased from 4.24 to 5.07,
Finland’s ranking has dropped from 14 to 51. While Finnish managers believe that more
emphasis should be placed on Future Orientation, when compared to the present, they act like
middle managers in the other countries that took part in the study, but to a much lesser degree.
The most obvious explanation for this is deregulation, the decrease in tax rates, and the objec-
tive of keeping the national budget at a relatively low level. This means that there is not much
scope for large future investments at the society level.

Assertiveness

Finland scored 3.81 on Assertiveness and ranks 47th among the 61 GLOBE countries,
indicating that the Finns are rather nondominant and non-aggressive in their social relation-
ships. Lewis (1993), who has studied cultures in many different countries, has characterized
Finland as a “cultural lone wolf.” According to Lewis, Finns are a warm-hearted people who
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86 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

long for loneliness. He stresses too that Finnish men do not speak very much and they are
slow in their communication. Perhaps this is because Finland is a large, sparsely inhabited
country. They admire a peaceful mentality, are introverted and tolerant. They are also truly
democratic. Against the above background, we can understand the score indicating nonag-
gressiveness.
The “Should Be” score is 3.68 and ranks 35. This means that Finnish middle managers
want to see a change toward less dominance and aggressiveness in social relationships.
However, this wanted change is quite minor in comparison with many other Globe countries.

Institutional Collectivism

Finnish managers score highly on Institutional Collectivism (m = 4.63, Rank 10), which is
explained by a number of factors. Firstly, Finland’s centralized economy was not immediately
aligned with the decentralized market economies in the immediate post-war years due to its
geopolitical context (Steinbock, 1998). Instead an economy was developed largely behind pro-
tective and regulatory barriers, dominated by a few big companies. It also had influences from
the east European command economies. There was strong pressure for consensus, which gave
rise to conformism and intolerance toward differences of opinion. The gross taxation rate is
among the highest in the Western countries, at 46.9% in 1998 (OECD, revenue statistics).
Secondly, Finland still has quite strong labor unions. The current system was established
after World War II. Significant importance was placed on a stabilization agreement made in
March 1968, and was largely adhered to throughout the 1970s. The period starting in 1968 is
known as the “period of incomes policy” in the Finnish industrial relations system (Lilja,
1983). The labor market organizations and political forces have essentially remained
unchanged to the present day. A system of exchanges between the government and interest
organizations has contributed to the stability of the macromanagement of Finnish society.
Thirdly, teamwork has been highly valued throughout the 1990s, both in firms and in gov-
ernment bodies. Cooperation, teamwork and shared decision-making are seen as desirable
(Simon et al., 1996). In fact a law exists on cooperation within companies too. Employees
have the right to influence decisions affecting them, their work, and working conditions.
A strong top manager is looked for only in a crisis situation (cf. the strong Finnish heads of
state in history). Mutual respect, direct communication, discussions, and flat organizational
structures are features of Finnish industry today.
Fourthly, Finland is a small country, which facilitates consensus. It is possible for all the
influential people in different spheres of society to know each other and meet personally both
in an official and unofficial capacity. The discipline of political groups is strong. Sometimes
members are excluded from a political party if they vote against the party line on an impor-
tant issue.
But although Institutional Collectivism is strong in Finnish society, bringing prosperity
and an acceptable standard of living to most Finns, there are also signs of individuality. In par-
ticular, Finns value heroes in different areas. Finland has produced leading personalities in
sport, architecture, art, and music. A long line of Finnish athletes has become world-famous
figures, from Paavo Nurmi in the 1920s, to Lasse Viren in the 1970s. Among musicians,
painters and architects, Sibelius, Kajanus, Saarinen, Järnefelt, Gallen-Kallela, and Alvar Aalto
have assured the country’s position at the highest artistic levels. The prospect of reduced
Institutional Collectivism in the future supports this view; cf. the “Should Be” mean of 4.11
and rank of 55. An investigation by Salonen et al., (2001) suggests that a change took place
in the middle of the 1990s in the Finns’ feeling of community and that the attitudes changed
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 87

in favor of more individuality. Hofstede´s study (1980) indicated rather high individuality
among Finnish managers.
Institutional Collectivism seems, at least to some extent, to go in waves. When times are
good in society individuality will be stronger, and in bad times collectivism is stronger.

Gender Egalitarianism

On Gender Egalitarianism, Finland’s position is situated in the middle of the GLOBE coun-
tries (“As Is” m = 3.35, Rank 31). Its score is also in the middle of the scale, but somewhat
more on the masculine side. That is interesting because in Hofstede’s study (1980), Finland
was in the most feminine cluster. The most likely reason for this deviation would appear to
be that in the GLOBE study, egalitarian aspects are stressed more, whereas in Hofstede’s
study the whole scale of masculinity and femininity was used. Finnish society has for a long
time striven for equality between the genders and that trend has also continued since
Hofstede´s study.
Universal suffrage was introduced for men in 1902 and for women in 1906. Finland was
the first country in Europe to grant women the right to vote in parliamentary elections. Social
justice, solidarity, and egalitarianism are valued as part of the Scandinavian way of thinking
(Nurmi, 1989). Finland now has its first female President. Equality is based on history but is
also enshrined in law (The Equality Act).
The emancipation of women has been moving in a more equal direction between the sexes
for many decades. The share of women elected at the last General Election was 36.5%. The
share of female professors increased from 14.6% in 1992 to 20.1% in 2000 (Ministry of
Education, 2001). The gap in earnings between men and women has also decreased some-
what. In 1980, the monthly earnings of salaried industry employees were FIM 5,276 for men
and FIM 3,210 for women. The corresponding figures in 1999 were FIM 16,633 for men and
FIM 12,108 for women (Confederation of Finnish Industry and Employers, 2000).
However, it is a fact that there are still relatively few women in top positions in either soci-
ety or business. Our interpretation is that the demands of domestic tasks, education of
children etc., have an effect here. Although Finnish women work much more outside the
home, they still perform most of the domestic tasks, which seems at least to some extent to
prevent them from pursuing a career in society and business. In 1998, women made up 48%
of the total work force out of 2.5 million (Statistical Yearbook of Finland, 2000). The trend is
clearly in a more equal direction. But there is still some way to go. The legislation in place is
appropriate, but efforts have to be made on the practical side and in terms of changing atti-
tudes. The ideal society would require a higher feminine input (m = 4.24, Rank 45). So,
Finnish society has still to be improved in terms of gender egalitarianism.

Humane Orientation

When it comes to Humane Orientation, Finland has an average ranking among the GLOBE
countries (m = 3.96, Rank 35). In an investigation by the Finnish Tourist Board (1988),
tourists found Finnish people friendly and ready to help.
Interestingly, Finnish managers would like to see a very significant increase in Humane
Orientation: Finland scored second highest on the “Should Be” ranking (m = 5.81, Rank 2).
Why this desire for more Humane Orientation? There have been cuts in social welfare, and
society is not felt to be as generous as it once was. The gap between the rich and the poor has
widened.
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88 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

Earlier high unemployment has contributed to this perception of a less Humane Orientation.
Temporary employment too is a phenomenon that increased dramatically in the early 1990s.
According to an investigation of the work environment, almost one in five employees was still
on temporary contracts in 1997 (Salonen et al., 2001). Since then the situation has improved
but many people are still stigmatized by the past. Within 10 years, however, it has been fore-
cast that there will be a labor shortage in Finland.
Migration from rural areas into the cities has also increased insecurity and people’s ability
to plan for the future. Secularization and increased stress may have added a perception that
people do not matter. Idyllic rural life and large family units are mainly things of the past. The
number of households on a very small annual income has increased. In 1995, 121,000 per-
sons lived in households with a very low income. By 1998 the number of such persons had
increased to 196,000 (Salonen et al., 2001). The majority of this group consisted of students
and unemployed persons. Many young people who tend to move away from their parents
more or less immediately after matriculation at the age of 18 or 19 naturally are on a low
income when studying. These may be some of the reasons behind the desire for a radical
improvement in Humane Orientation in the ideal society.

Power Distance

Power Distance in Finland is in the middle (but at the lower end of that category) compared
to the other GLOBE countries (m = 4.89, Rank 47). Power Distance was found to be short in
Hofstede’s (1980) investigation, somewhat shorter than the GLOBE study indicates.
However, the results of these studies support each other. The general trend in very many coun-
tries seems to be towards less and less distance between levels in organizations and society.
In a recent study, Lindell and Arvonen (1996) found that a dominant feature of the
Scandinavian management style is delegation of responsibility. The interesting point here is
that in spite of the rather low ranking (Rank 47), Finnish managers would like to see a signif-
icant decrease in Power Distance (from 4.89 to 2.19, and in ranking from 47 to 60).
There was a trend toward more decentralization in society before Finland joined the EU,
and before the recession at the beginning of the 1990s. There was more teamwork in society.
Managers were no longer venerated as before. All members of firms and other organizations
were important for the achievement of results, and managers were not necessarily the ultimate
authority on every matter. Networks, project groups etc., were appreciated more and more.
People were well educated, and the authority inherent in a position meant less and less. The
distance between managers and their subordinates was short and communication was direct.
That trend was interrupted when many decisions had to be made quickly at the center. For
instance, when the entire banking system was at risk at the beginning of the 1990s and the
national debt was rising steeply. A fairly large gap appeared between expectations and real-
ity, which explains the desire for a significant improvement in Power Distance.
Recently, it has furthermore become established that Finnish governments are broad-based
and that they govern for the whole term. Nowadays it is rare for there to be a mid-term change
of government. It is difficult for the opposition to have any real impact on the work and deci-
sions made by the government. The relatively strong labor unions and collective bargaining
agreements lasting several years compound this trend. Membership of the European Union
and the transfer of decision-making in some issues to Brussels might be perceived by the
Finns as meaning more centralization. All of this might have influenced perceptions of a
relatively high Power Distance.
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 89

In-Group Collectivism

Middle managers rate Finnish society as low on In-group Collectivism (m = 4.07, Rank 54).
The migration from rural areas to the cities has had the effect that different generations no
longer live together. Dwellings are now much smaller than they had been previously in rural
areas, which places a lot more pressure on families. Both parents have to work in order to
maintain the family’s finances and standard of living, and most children of pre-school age
spend a half or full day in some kind of child care institution. Family unity has decreased.
Cohabiting partners has also become more commonplace. In 1999 there were 68.2% of
couples married, 18.2% were cohabiting partners and 13.2% of families were single-parent
units (Statistical Yearbook of Finland, 2000). Many marriages end in divorce. Therefore it is
not at all strange that the Finns would like to see an improvement in family loyalty (“Should
Be” m = 5.42, Rank 47). Family loyalty is a quality that will be more appreciated in future.

Uncertainty Avoidance

Finland scores high on Uncertainty Avoidance (m = 5.02, Rank 8). In many sectors such as
banking, insurance, and food manufacturing competition has been limited. A deregulation
process has started and many state-owned companies have been privatized or are in the
process of privatization. But the Finns are also time-conscious and therefore punctuality and
keeping appointments is important. Prior appointments are necessary for business visits.
Finnish managers also like to have their responsibilities and authority well defined.
There is a substantial difference in the ideal society or “Should Be” position (m = 3.85,
Rank 53). Finnish managers at the middle level are of the opinion that risks should be
increased dramatically. The welfare system has been generous and living standards are at an
acceptable level even for those without a job. The Government has taken steps to reward
work. Income tax has been reduced by a few percentages. There has also been some reduc-
tion in social welfare. The first steps toward higher risk-taking have been taken. These actions
are in accordance with Hofstede’s (1980) investigation, which ranked Finland toward the
middle on Uncertainty Avoidance.

Conclusions

The general observation that can be made is that a change in a more individualistic and risk-
taking direction is desired and that a more rewarding society is required. Culture at the soci-
ety level should be changed to make it more demanding. Deregulation seems to have had
some impact here. To counterbalance this, a significant increase in Humane Orientation is
desired. Finnish people should be more caring and kind to one another.
In comparison with the other GLOBE countries, Finnish society scores highly on
Uncertainty Avoidance, Future Orientation, and Institutional Collectivism. That indicates that
forward planning is an important feature, but working in teams is important too. The show-
ing of a higher need for Institutional Collectivism in this investigation is interesting. In
Hofstede’s study (1980), Finland scored quite high on individuality, which is contrary to the
findings of the GLOBE study. What is the reason for this difference? Either there has been a
radical change in values since Hofstede’s investigation or there are differences in the studies’
operationalization of individuality and collectivism. The more likely explanation is the latter,
because the Finns rate relatively low on In-Group Collectivism “As Is” and much higher on
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90 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

Institutional Collectivism “As Is.” Evidence for this comes from the GLOBE validation
studies, showing that GLOBE’s Institutional Collectivism “As Is” scale does not correlate
with Hofstede’s Individualism scale (R = .15) whereas GLOBE’s In-Group Collectivism scale
“As Is” correlates highly (R = –.82, cf. House, et al., 2004, p. 475).
The greatest improvement sought after in the ideal society, relative to the current situation,
is in Performance Orientation and Power Distance. Finnish managers feel that in the future
competition will be tougher and that more efficiency and innovation will be required to meet
future challenges. Finns want to see a flat societal structure and want to be involved in deci-
sions with hardly any Power Distance. Important problems and issues should be discussed,
planned, decided on, and implemented together.

5. FINNISH LEADERSHIP CHARACTERISTICS AND LEADERS

The study of societal cultural practices and values has outlined the environment in which
companies operate. Below, a more detailed study is described concerning leadership charac-
teristics central for leader acceptance and leader effectiveness in Finland. We search for
answers to the question how an outstanding leader might behave in Finland and his attributes
and characteristics.

Previous Research on Finnish Leadership

Finnish leadership attributes were not studied very systematically before the 1980s and 1990s.
Below some of the main findings from some studies over the two latest decades are reported.
Airola, Kulla, Lumia, Nyström, and Snow (1991) concluded a study among the 250 largest
industrial and trading companies in Finland. They interviewed 128 leaders. In answer to the
question asking what are the three most important tasks managers had to learn in order to ful-
fil their role as a leader, the ranking of the five most often mentioned ones was as follows: (a)
leading people, (b) capacity to cooperate, (c) the creation of a holistic vision, (d) goal-ori-
ented business, and (e) delegation. According to the study the most important factor that a
leader has to learn is how to motivate and manage people. Lewis (1993) also found that the
Finns do not lead by giving orders, but by motivating and setting an example to subordinates.
In order to commit Finnish managers, the following factors were important:

• Tasks which correspond to the managers’ own abilities.

• Participation in decision making.
• Loyalty between foremen and top management.

In the Airola et al., (1991) study leaders were also asked to describe “effective leaders” they
know in two or three words. The ranking of the most important features was (a) goal-
orientation, (b) mastering of a complex entity, (c) motivating, (d) visionary, (e) charismatic,
(f) diligent, (g) experienced, (h) able to make decisions, (I) capacity to cooperate, (j) capac-
ity to communicate, (k) controlling, and (l) delegating.
Kivistö (1989) studied the behavior of around 1,000 Finnish foremen. Four factors
emerged from the data: (a) taking care of human relations, (b) performing the tasks of a
foreman, (c) flexibility, and (d) manager’s ethics. The two most important factors explaining
44% and 13% of the variance were the two well-know behavior dimensions relations-
orientation and task-orientation (cf. for instance Yukl, 2002). Lindell and Rosenqvist (1992)
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 91

question the exclusive use of task- and relations-orientation that has dominated leadership
research. In a study of 439 Finnish managers, they identify a third dimension, development
orientation, using confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation modeling (LISREL 7).
In a small study, Simon et al., (1996) interviewed 20 Finnish managers with international
experience. They found three characteristics for Finnish companies:

• Clear and simple ways of doing business.

• Fast decision-making process.
• Fairness and responsibility in business.

Their research findings also show that Finnish leaders are characterized by traits such as integrity,
energy, reliability, and straightforwardness, and foster a corporate culture of openness and respect
for individuals. Apart from honesty, characteristics such as stamina, professionalism, reliability,
a high level of education, and perfectionism also describe the Finns. Finnish leaders value
cooperation, teamwork, and participatory decision-making. They emphasize the development
of skills, creativity, and networks of collaborative relations between different organizational
levels (Simon et. al., 1996).
Zandler (1997) surveyed the leadership preferences of 17,000 employees from a Swedish
multinational, with a substantial sample from Finland. Zandler’s results show that the Finnish
results differed from the Scandinavian nations in respect of a desire for a lower frequency of
interaction with superiors. This preferred interpersonal leadership is characterized by low
intensity. Employees prefer their managers to focus on coaching. To make individuals and the
department perform to their outmost, managers should encourage cooperation and teamwork.
However, managers need not communicate frequently, unless it is about personal matters. In
addition, employees have only limited interest in being empowered and supervised. Zander
named the preferred profile “silent coaching.”
Aaltonen (1998) has analyzed descriptions of leaders in the national epos Kalevala and
other historical books illustrating Finnish leadership. The most important features in this
study were acceptance of subordinates, friendship, setting an example, and avoidance of giv-
ing more orders than necessary. A universal feature was the importance of paying attention to
subordinates as human beings and individuals, and valuing their feelings and opinions.
Lewis (1996) associates Finns with many positive attributes. He states that Finns have high
standards of cleanness, honesty, stamina, workmanship, reliability, hygiene, safety, and education.

Outstanding Finnish Leaders

Three people were seen as outstanding leaders in the political life of independent Finland:
The Presidents Carl Gustaf Mannerheim (1867–1951), Juho Kusti Paasikivi (1879–1956),
and Urho Kaleva Kekkonen (1900–1986). Can we learn something about outstanding leader-
ship from them?

Carl Gustaf Mannerheim. Mannerheim came from a Dutch merchant family. He was ambi-
tious and purposeful, graduating as an officer in the cavalry from a riding academy in St
Petersburg. He continued to serve there for 14 years. In order to gain experience of war he
volunteered for the Japanese War of 1904–1905. He attained the rank of General in 1911 and
returned to Finland in 1917 (TAT Group, 2001). In 1918, Mannerheim was selected as
commander-in-chief of the government troops and also stood as a presidential candidate in the
election of 1919. He was unsuccessful and thereafter concentrated on civilian tasks. He was
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92 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

elected as President of the Finnish Red Cross and the Central Union of Child Welfare, founded
in 1920. He was given the title Marshal of Finland on his 75th birthday in 1942. During World
War II he was elected President and retained that position until March 1946, when he resigned
owing to poor health. Mannerheim was a highly respected man in Finland (TAT Group, 2001).
He had a vast all-round education and was well versed in languages. He was flexible, adaptable,
diplomatic, and a political realist. He had the ability to rise above the everyday political argu-
ments and distance himself from his original reference group. Even after Word War II he was able
to refocus himself and see new opportunities, and had the capacity and flexibility to make others
see things his way. He became an institution; a great man in the history of Finland.

Juho Kusti Paasikivi. Juho Kusti Paasikivi was quite the opposite of Mannerheim. He
was the son of a farmer and his mother died when he was only 4 years of age. After his
mother’s death his father moved to Lahti where he founded a draper’s shop. The father wanted
his son to continue with the shop and sent his son to school. Juho was a brilliant pupil and
moved on to high school. But his father had financial problems and quite soon after he too
died. In spite of that, Juho Kusti succeeded in graduating with the highest grades and went on
to university, where he studied languages, literature, philosophy, and law. Even at school he
was interested in Russian history and its impact on the historical development of Finland. He
made several trips to Russia early on and got a thorough picture of the country from a grass-
root perspective complemented later on with the perspective of diplomats and politicians.
During World War II Paasikivi was involved in the political negotiations between the Soviet
Union and Finland. In 1944, Paasikivi was elected Prime Minister of Finland, although he
was already 74 years old, and 2 years later President. Paasikivi was a pragmatist. He under-
stood that politics are the art of the possible and that recognition of the facts is the beginning
of all wisdom (Vihavainen, 2000). He realized that Finland was powerless to confront the mil-
itary superiority of the Soviet Union. For a very long time the Treaty of Friendship,
Cooperation and Mutual Assistance signed in 1948 was one of the cornerstones of Finnish
foreign policy. Paasikivi was one of the chief architects of that agreement.

Urho Kaleva Kekkonen. In his early days, Kekkonen showed gifts both as a writer and a
sportsman. He realized that sports could be a strength, which could be used to unite and
strengthen the country, a political potential to be used. He felt strongly for the Finnish lan-
guage, and that colored his actions both in sports and politics. He obtained his PhD in Finnish
Law in 1936. Kekkonen was elected President on March 1, 1956, and continued as President
for 25 years. Kekkonen was very popular among the country’s citizens. The presidential term
is normally 6 years. However, in 1973 Kekkonen was “selected” for a further 6 years by spe-
cial legislation, which required a two-thirds majority in Parliament.
Finnish foreign policy became more active. One of the fundamental insights of Kekkonen’s
policy was the “Finnish paradox”: the closer Finland’s relationship with the Soviet Union, the freer
it was to develop relations with the West (Vihavainen, 2000). Kekkonen and others took the initia-
tive of declaring the Nordic countries a nuclear weapon-free zone. In 1975 Finland hosted the
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Soviet archives have shown that the initiatives
were developed in cooperation with representatives of the Soviet Union (Vihavainen, 2000).
Kekkonen used his power and possibilities to influence very actively. He controlled the
composition of governments and the appointments of high officials. He also intervened in
labor disputes. He sent letters to other politicians and important people in order to influence
their decisions and opinions.
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 93

In summary, all of the above-mentioned leaders were strong, but in different ways. They
were appropriate for the situation in Finland at the time. When Finland was struggling for its
independence and was involved in several wars, a President with a military background was
needed. Mannerheim was head of the Finnish armed forces in the World Wars I and II. He had
a military eye. After the wars it was important for Finland to build up and regain the confidence
of the Soviet Union. Both Paasikivi and Kekkonen were both appreciated for their foreign pol-
icy and good relationships with Soviet politicians although they were different as leaders. Their
foreign policy approach is called the Paasikivi-Kekkonen line and centered on: (a) good rela-
tionships with the Soviet Union, (b) cooperation with the Nordic countries, (c) economic con-
nections with the Western market economies, (d) work within the United Nations.
Without any doubt Mannerheim had a military strategy competence, Paasikivi a more
social competence, whereas Kekkonen was an individualist who could handle the political
game. To summarize this review of outstanding Finnish leaders, we could say that the politi-
cal leaders acted differently, but were outstanding in particular situations and were able to
understand the demands of the surrounding environment. Linna (a very well known author in
Finland) wrote literary classics in which Finnish leaders are portrayed. He strongly suggests
that leaders are respected solely on the basis of their own achievements rather than because
of their title or position. Thus independence may be valued over deference. This short review
also indicates that little systematic evidence is yet available regarding distinctive Finnish
attributes.

6. GLOBE STUDY ABOUT LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND

A comprehensive questionnaire was used to collect data for this study on Finnish leaders’
behavior and attributes (cf. House, et al., 2004). In total, 438 completed questionnaires
were received from three industries: food production (n = 187), telecommunications (n =
108) and the financial sector (n = 143). The respondents were asked to evaluate people (out-
standing leaders) who are exceptionally skilled at motivating, influencing, or enabling
themselves and others. A 7- point scale was used, 1 indicating behavior or characteristics
that greatly inhibit a person from being an outstanding leader, and 7 behavior or character-
istics contributing greatly to a person being an outstanding leader. Results for Finland are
summarized in Table 4.3, which lists the country’s scores for each dimension from the highest
to the lowest.

GLOBE Leadership Dimensions

On four leadership dimensions Finns scored very highly, both in absolute and relative terms
(in comparison with the other GLOBE countries): Integrity, Inspirational, Collaborative Team
Oriented and Visionary. Most of these features are elements of transformational leadership,
especially the “charismatic” factor, but also to some extent the “individualized consideration”
factor (cf. Bass, 1985; Burns, 1978).

Integrity. The Finns value integrity; an outstanding leader should be honest, sincere,
just, and trustworthy. A good leader means what he or she says. The proverb “honesty is the
best policy” is valid for outstanding leaders. Honesty seems to be a feature of a good leader
in many cultures. Tollgerdt-Andersson (1996) conducted a European-wide investigation and
found that honesty is also a very important attribute for leaders in Germany and the UK.
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94 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

TABLE 4.3
Leadership Scales

21 First-Order GLOBE
Leadership Dimensions Score Rank

Integrity 6.52 4
Inspirational 6.42 6
Collaborative Team Oriented 6.35 3
Visionary 6.29 9
Performance Orientation 6.04 35
Decisive 5.97 23
Team Integrator 5.54 27
Diplomatic 5.4 40
Administrative Competency 5.32 55
Modesty 4.52 53
Self-Sacrificial 4.22 59
Autonomous 4.08 18
Humane 4.06 54
Status-Conscious 3.15 60
Conflict Inducer 3.10 60
Procedural 2.87 60
Autocratic 2.11 52
Nonparticipative 2.08 57
Face Saver 2.05 61
Self-Centered 1.55 61
Malevolent 1.47 59

Note. Country scores are listed from highest (contributes outstanding leadership greatly = 7, somewhat = 6,
slightly = 5, via no impact = 4) to lowest (inhibits outstanding leadership slightly = 3, somewhat = 2, greatly = 1).

Inspirational. An outstanding Finnish leader should also inspire his or her subordinates,
i.e., be enthusiastic, positive, encouraging, and build confidence. In addition he or she should
encourage and give advice and support, provide feed-back on successful work and show con-
fidence in subordinates. An outstanding Finnish leader generates energy in the organization
and cooperates with subordinates in order to attain goals at an even higher level.

Collaborative Team Oriented. Outstanding Finnish leaders have to be good team integra-
tors, i.e., be able to build teams, integrate and coordinate teams, and communicate within
them. Teams are considered to be responsible for their own tasks and therefore a leader is
expected to be able to integrate and cooperate. As Lewis (1997) stresses, the Finns like the
idea of profit centers and accountability. However, creating a good team demands a lot of the
leader because there may be tension between teamwork and individuality. Laine-Sveiby
(1987) found that the Finns are keen on spontaneity and value consensus at the society level,
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 95

but individuality at the personal level. Therefore there should also be scope for individuality
in teams. Lewis (1997) says that when working with Finns one should set clear goals, define
objectives, and appeal to the inner resources of individuals to achieve the task within their
own team and to be fully accountable for it.

Visionary. Besides being inspirational, a good Finnish leader is also required to be visionary,
i.e., to have foresight, be intellectually stimulating, and plan ahead. Visionary leadership does
not resort to orders or coercion. The more subordinates are aware of the vision, the less exter-
nal supervision is needed. Visions generate creativity, motivation, and thus efficiency.
In summary, it is worth noting that integrity, inspiration, collaborative team orientation,
and vision are all features that apply to good leaders universally (House et al., 1999), not only
to Finnish leaders. In addition to these four attributes, two other attributes received high
scores internationally: “performance orientation” and “decisive.” The scores by Finnish mid-
dle managers were average by international comparison: “performance orientation” (m =
6.04, Rank 35) and “decisive” (m = 5.97, Rank 23).
There were also several leadership features on which the Finns score very low, both in absolute
and relative terms, compared to the other GLOBE countries. They are Malevolent (i.e., hostile, dis-
honest, vindictive, irritable, cynical etc), Self-Centered, Face Saver, Nonparticipative, and
Autocratic. Aaltonen (1998) characterizes poor leaders as being unable to put themselves at the
level of the subordinates, get close to them, or understand them. Good leaders, on the other hand,
interact with their subordinates and employees, tell them where the organization is going, encour-
age subordinates in their tasks, and build up a working team and organization structure. Good lead-
ers also seem to create both a positive climate and positive values in the organization. As argued
above, the Finns have a high level of education and are good on innovation and technology. That
means that subordinates are knowledgeable people and hence the leader cannot be the one with
the best knowledge in all issues. It is up to him or her to support subordinates and inspire them in
order to bring out their best. For Finnish firms this is extraordinarily important because Finland is
very dependent on exports and international trade. The competence of the employees of compa-
nies must be utilized in order to be internationally competitive. The previously mentioned factors
are attributes, which are not connected with outstanding leadership internationally.

Leadership Perceptions in Different Industries

In Table 4.4, the similarities and differences in leadership dimensions between the three
industry sectors, Finance, Food, and Telecommunications, are described. Generally, the
results for all three sectors mirror quite closely the results for all sectors together. The most
important attributes for an outstanding leader are still integrity, inspirational, collaborative
team oriented, and visionary. Behavior styles to be avoided in all sectors are malevolent, self-
centered, face saver, autocratic, and nonparticipative. However, some significant differences
do exist between the three sectors. These differences seem to be caused by industry-specific
factors more than by culture factors. In the finance sector customer-orientation and external
effectiveness are stressed, while in food production and telecommunications internal
efficiency is of greater importance. Against that background it is not at all strange that integrity
and a leader’s capacity to inspire and function as a collaborator and team-builder are
emphasized more in finance than in the other two sectors. Similarly, bad attributes such as
malevolent, self-centered, autocratic, and procedural are rated even lower than in the other
two sectors. Therefore, the industry context as well as the country culture seems to have quite
a strong impact on leader behavior too.
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96 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

TABLE 4.4
Leadership Scores in Different Industry Sectors (Test of Differences, One-Way ANOVA)

Total Finance Food Telecom.

Attribute (n = 438) (n = 143) (n = 187) (n = 108) F-value Sig.

Integrity 6.52 6.52 6.47 6.50 (2.34)

Inspirational 6.42 6.50 6.33 6.41 (11.13) p < .001
Collaborative, Team Oriented 6.35 6.43 6.27 6.36 (5.03) p < .01
Visionary 6.29 6.33 6.27 6.27 (0.61)
Performance Orientation 6.04 6.07 6.03 6.01 (2.32)
Decisive 5.97 6.09 5.90 6.03 (4.71) p < .01
Team Integrator 5.54 5.57 5.49 5.57 (1.16)
Diplomatic 5.41 5.38 5.36 5.47 (0.61)
Administrative Competent 5.32 5.25 5.36 5.37 (2.88)
Modesty 4.52 4.46 4.47 4.58 (2.04)
Self-Sacrificial 4.22 4.11 4.20 4.37 (3.76) p < .05
Autonomous 4.08 4.12 4.14 4.20 (1.06)
Humane 4.06 4.29 3.98 4.10 (1.34)
Status-Conscious 3.15 2.97 3.31 3.17 (1.16)
Conflict Inducer 3.10 2.88 3.17 3.07 (1.31)
Procedural 2.89 2.77 2.94 2.85 (3.03) p < .05
Autocratic 2.11 1.90 2.26 2.29 (9.51) p < .001
Nonparticipative 2.08 2.00 2.15 2.07 (1.81)
Face Saver 2.05 1.90 2.03 2.14 (1.21)
Self-Centered 1.55 1.54 1.61 1.63 (3.19) p < .05
Malevolent 1.47 1.42 1.53 1.47 (3.23) p < .05

7. QUALITATIVE RESULTS ABOUT LEADERSHIP

To deepen our understanding of the characteristics of Finnish leaders, two additional studies
were performed media analysis, several interviews, and focus group discussions.

Finnish Leadership Behavior Based on Media Analysis

In the media analysis a sample of data was taken from the leading Finnish daily financial
newspaper Kauppalehti and the leading Finnish weekly financial magazine, Talouselämä.
The first period was in May 1996 and the second in May and June 1997. The magazines and
newspapers were read in full. Extracts were selected which illustrated what leaders do, but
also how they are evaluated. Our aim was to locate verbs and adjectives describing leaders
who influence others in an organizational and societal context. A total of 163 text extracts
were selected. The important verbs, adjectives, and phrases relevant to leadership were high-
lighted. The highlighted phrases were typified with one word which best described their con-
tent. The following characteristics were derived from the texts and the frequency at which
they were used is expressed a percentage (see Table 4.5).
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 97

TABLE 4.5
Leadership Attributes: A Brief Description

Theme Description Relative Frequency

Visionary Describes a leader as far-sighted, or as being able 17.7

to project the future position of the company
several years ahead, or a picture of the company
or unit several years ahead
Performance Ideas about how to improve performance, 12.9
Oriented results, and efficiency
Action Oriented A leader who undertakes actions, e.g., making 12.9
decisions, giving speeches, communicating,
making changes
Organized A leader who demonstrates good 9.5
administrative skills and order
Clear A leader who is explicit and clear about rules, 9.5
values, and policies in the company
Cooperative Networking, cooperation between 8.2
companies and leaders
Decisive Strong statement by the leader what is to be done, 7.5
and how to behave in the firm
Team Oriented Team builder, team creator, organizes projects 4.8
Self-Developer Activities through which he or she develops 3.4
him or herself mentally or physically
Inspirational Leader encourages, rewards his or 2.7
her subordinates, is enthusiastic
Sensitive Leader shows his or her feelings 2.0
Risk-Avoiding Leader avoids risky steps or 2.0
positions for his or her company
Communicator Leader communicates his or her ideas and/ 1.4
or creates good conditions for meeting with
subordinates and customers
Autocrat A leader dictatorial and not open to criticism 1.4
Others 4.1

The most frequent leadership issue mentioned in Finnish business publications analyzed was
“visionary.” The notion that managers are forward-looking is not at all strange. The very deep
recession at the beginning of the 1990s followed by continuous growth for many years meant that
speculating about the future and one’s company’s position in the market had a high priority.
A second frequent theme was performance and action oriented. A recurrent issue was how
to improve the efficiency of companies by means of investments, for example. The link
between results and methods of rewarding people was also often discussed and stressed. More
generally, the importance of a healthy financial structure and cash flow was underlined. The
speed of change seemed to be increasing continuously. Therefore leaders had to be very active
and appear to be undertaking some form of initiative at all times.
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98 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

Leaders were organized; they had ideas about what a good organization should be. Organizing
comprised decentralization, participation, teamwork, and flexibility, and creating networks and
an open organizational climate. Finns want to work in small groups or individually; compare the
quantitative study. Nurmi (1989) states that Finns are satisfied with their work when their entitle-
ments and responsibilities are defined and they can work undisturbed. Their self-discipline is
high, and they dislike being closely monitored or ordered about. Thus they are happy to enjoy
their independence in a structure that gears their work to the objectives of the organization or
society at large. This characteristic of the Finns may explain the many references to organizing.
Another strong feature in the media analysis was clear. Leaders knew how to be success-
ful in their sector and what values to project to their subordinates. They seemed to govern
more through values than through orders. Therefore they were also decisive. They followed
principles that were critical for development of their company.
Finally cooperation and networking were words that characterized Finnish managers in
many articles. For Finnish firms, which are small internationally, cooperation and sometimes
also acquisitions and mergers were a necessity. Cooperation was mentioned much more often
than competition, competitiveness, and competitive advantage. All in all these features seem
to indicate a low organizational structure that is held together with values and visions.
Of the leader attributes identified in the media analysis, several are also included in the
GLOBE questionnaire, such as visionary, performance oriented, administratively compe-
tent (organized), decisive, team oriented, inspirational, and autocrat. However, there are
also several attributes with no equivalent dimension. These are action oriented, clear, coop-
erative, self-developer, sensitive, communicator, and avoids risks. There are several reasons
for the differences identified. One is that the leader attributes identified in the media analy-
sis were characteristic of leaders in general, and not only outstanding leaders. Another rea-
son might be that not all important leader attributes are included in the GLOBE
questionnaire. Finally, a third reason could be that some of these attributes might be emic
Finnish attributes.

Interviews and Focus Group Discussions

The second part of the qualitative research was to conduct six interviews and two discussions
with focus groups on what is understood by the terms leader, manager, competent manager,
and outstanding leader, with particular emphasis placed on the characteristics of outstanding
leaders and their behavior. All the interviews were tape-recorded and the transcripts analyzed
in full. The interviewees comprised three men and three women aged between 30 and 60. All
had at least profit center responsibility and therefore management experience. The interviews
lasted an average of 1½ hours and were conducted in an office environment.
The focus groups were of two different types. The first consisted of middle managers at a
large insurance company, six women and two men aged between 40 and 50. The second was
a group of managers participating in an 8-week management education course. There were 15
managers in that group with varying positions and functions, several presidents of their com-
panies. All the managers were from different companies and aged between 40 and 60, most
of them men. Both focus group discussions lasted 2 hours.
In the interviews Finnish managers were characterized as people who do not easily give
in. They are hard-working. Work has been, and still is, a central value for the Finns. This obvi-
ously stemming from Finnish roots in the agrarian society, when hard work was a necessity
to survive, earning a living from the land. Finnish Manager’s ideas may be questioned and
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 99

decisions are increasingly being taken at lower levels in organizations. Finns are also quite
good at improvising.
It also emerged that Finns experience difficulty in showing their feelings. Their ego tends
to be vulnerable and they are below average when it comes to small talk. They are serious,
somewhat “gray,” and reserved. They are not good at establishing close personal relationships
with customers in other countries, which in some parts of the world is considered very impor-
tant. They are more authoritarian than Swedish managers. Swedish mangers are better able to
discuss, and want to establish contact by talking first about other things than business. The
Finns tend to go straight to the matter at hand during meetings.
As regards to competent managers, in particular it was stressed that they have a thorough
knowledge of their own areas and build on that. They communicate their ideas to subordi-
nates, that is, they mediate, inform, and translate the ideas of top management in an under-
standable form to employees. Competent managers are above all task managers. They
implement the strategies of the firm, supervise, and ensure that things get done. They work in
teams and therefore also have to be people oriented. They select subordinates and have to rely
on them. They give feedback and can, if necessary, also change their own views.
Compared to the Swedes, the interviewees thought the Finns to be more flexible and able
to improvise. In Sweden it is important to have clear rules, norms and systems. Hierarchies
are lower in Finland and it is hoped that they will be even lower in the future. In comparison
with Central European managers the interviewees thought the Finns to be more specialized.
Central European managers were thought to have a broader humanistic education.
The features that characterized outstanding Finnish leaders in the interviews and focus dis-
cussions are shown in Table 4.6. The marks indicate in which interviews and focus discus-
sions, and how often the different behavior traits and features were stressed. In some
interviews and focus discussions the same feature was encountered several times, but the
number of times within an interview or a focus discussion is not specified.
The three most important personal characteristics raised in the interviews were to get
subordinates involved and develop their “self-esteem,” “integrity and honesty,” and “ability to
make fast decisions.” An outstanding Finnish leader should be honest, just, reliable, trustwor-
thy, and enthusiastic, but also be able to make decisions fast. The first group of characteristics
has to do with commitment and development of subordinates, together with personal features
and behavior traits of the leader. The second important group of qualities concerns especially
relations with subordinates: “good listener,” “gets people to do more than expected,” “inspires
the subordinates,” “has communication skills,” and “gets people to follow him or her.” An out-
standing Finnish leader should above all have excellent skills in handling relationships with his
or her subordinates.
The ability to make fast decision is an interesting feature. Especially in comparison with the
Swedes, Finnish leaders are known for making decisions faster and more individually (cf.
Laine- Sveiby, 1987). Finnish society has previously been quite authoritarian. Finland has been
involved in two world wars and one civil war. Many of the military leaders in the wars subse-
quently became managers of companies. Källström (1995) argues that Finnish business leader-
ship is characterized by a military culture that was formed during the two world wars. In many
sectors of industry officers and noncommissioned officers were supervisors, which had an effect
on the style of management and organization. The former CEO of the Swiss-Swedish industrial
group ABB, Percy Barnevik, also gives quite an authoritarian picture of Finnish management.
He said in an interview (Källstrand): “When you arrive in Finland, you are expected to say how
things should be, the employees like to know where they are going and what the top manager
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100 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

TABLE 4.6
Features of the Outstanding Finnish Leader

Focus
Interviews Groups

Themes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Total

Gets subordinates involved x x x x 4

and develops self-esteem
Honesty and integrity x x x 3
Ability to make fast decisions x x x 3
Charisma x x 2
Reliable x x 2
Good listener, knows and x x 2
notices his or her subordinates
Communication ability x x 2
Gets subordinates to follow x x 2
him or her
Capacity to take calculated risks x x 2
Inspires subordinates x x 2
Gets people to do more than expected x 1

wants, because the manager makes the final decision.” (p. 141) But this authoritarian picture has
gradually changed over the last two decades. As one interviewee said: “We try to get people to
understand that everyone is a specialist in his own area, and that he has to present his own ideas
and thoughts about the work that is very important for the firm. Subordinates may question the
way things are done; indeed it is their duty to do that”.
For older generations that are more used to the authoritarian era it has not always been easy
to adapt their behavior and way of thinking. Nowadays delegation is strongly encouraged.
In conclusion it can be said that the quantitative and qualitative studies produced fairly
similar results. Integrity and charisma were emphasized in both types of studies. An outstand-
ing Finnish leader is inspirational and instills a positive and creative climate in which to work.
She or he sets an example and selects the right people. Nurmi (1989) stresses that failure in
this figurehead role makes leaders also appear untrustworthy in their other roles. The “vision-
ary” factor was supported strongly both in the media analysis, focus group discussions and
the quantitative studies. The term team integrator was mentioned in the qualitative study, but
not emphasized as strongly as in the quantitative part. One reason for this could be that the
interviewees were mostly managers at the middle level who do not work with the “charis-
matic,” “visionary” top leader on a daily basis. Also the “team integrator” factor is quite a
complicated concept with many different dimensions of team working. The qualitative studies
indicate that an outstanding Finnish leader works in a group, selects the right employees,
utilizes the ideas of the team, and blends them with his or her own ideas to produce good
proposals and plans.
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 101

8. EFFECTIVE FINNISH LEADERSHIP, IMPLICATIONS

FOR CROSS-CULTURAL PRACTICE AND RESEARCH

In summary, the personal features of outstanding leaders are integrity, inspiration, team inte-
grator, and visionary. An outstanding leader stays at a high ethical level, encourages his or her
subordinates, is good at coordinating the efforts of different teams and is future-oriented.
Authority can be delegated, creating the conditions for positive and creative work. Ken Olsen,
the founder and CEO of Digital Equipment Corporation, illustrates some of the behavioral
qualities of successful leaders (Savage, 1990): “From our point of view, the companies that
will survive are going to move from an environment of management control to one that allows
a large number of people, all using their creative ability, their education, and their motivation,
to take part” (p. 72).
According to House, Wright, and Aditya (1997), Americans appreciate two kinds of lead-
ers. They seek empowerment from leaders who grant autonomy and delegate authority to sub-
ordinates. But they also respect bold, forceful, confident, and risk-taking leaders as
personified by John Wayne. That seems to be very much the case for Finnish employees also.
They want both autonomy and authority at the same time. Leaders have to be some sort of
figurehead and be in the forefront. Such as in wars, the top leader has to make the risky and
final decisions. But outstanding Finnish leaders bring forth energy in to the organization and
cooperate with subordinates.
The implementation of ideas and plans is decentralized to the middle and lower levels. The
actions and behavior of an outstanding leader at those levels will be to select good employees,
inspire subordinates, set an example to them, get them involved and get them to follow the
leader, pay attention to the subordinates and be a good listener, develop subordinates’ self-
esteem, get them to go beyond the call of duty, and finally, to implement ideas by being recep-
tive to others’ ideas and motivating subordinates. At the lower levels of organizations,
outstanding Finnish leaders are good at managing people and have superior social skills. Issuing
orders and direct supervision are to be avoided since Finns expect to have freedom in their tasks.
The quantitative questionnaires did not catch all the central emic Finnish characteristics.
In the qualitative studies the poor communication capability was emphasized several times.
However, in the questionnaire there was only one item about communication ability.

Finnish Leadership Between West and East

The history of Finland has very clearly placed the country borderline between the west and
east. Finnish societal culture has been influenced, and to some extent created, by the culture
of Sweden. The Swedish and Nordic influence has been very strong lasting over more than
800 years. Finns have moved especially to Sweden, but also moved back again. There has
been an intensive interaction between Finland and Sweden. But the influence of the east
should not be neglected. This influence was direct over more than 100 years before World War
I. After World War II, the influence was more indirect up until the 1990s. The Finns had to
take into consideration the opinion of Soviet leaders. After the disintegration of the Soviet
Union relations have been normalized. Nowadays Russian tourists are one of the largest
visitor groups to Finland. But what has the effect been of Finland’s position between Sweden
and Russia, between West and East?
The figures from the quantitative study in the GLOBE project indicate larger differences
between Finland and Russia than what exists between Sweden and Finland. For instance,
checking the figures for society “As Is,” Future Orientation is very low, Uncertainty Avoidance
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102 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

is also very low, Power Distance is higher, and Collectivism higher in Russia than that for
both Finland and Sweden. The very significant differences might have to do with the large
changes going on in Russian society.
The dilemma for Finns is that they have Western values but an Asian communication style
(see next paragraph). Lewis (1997) stresses that the Finns’ strengths lie in their values and code
of behavior, not in their expressiveness. The two are in a sense incompatible. European values
are determinate, logical and often Hegelian (idealistic). In Northern Europe in particular, the
values tend to be “black and white.” Asian values are less cut-and-dried, and are more ambigu-
ous. The communication style is more Asian in character. Nurmi (1989) describes it as follows:

“Finns do not think aloud as much as in Anglo-Saxon cultures, they are less open and slower to
communicate, and they are relatively more synthetic than analytic in their thinking. What is com-
municated is meant to be more certain, serious and reliable than in more fluent cultures.” (p. 12 ff)

Why are the social skills of Finns perhaps weaker than those of Nordic and European lead-
ers? Nurmi (1989) emphasizes that a decade ago Finland was a relatively closed country on
the European scene. One other factor is the Finnish language. It is very different from almost
all other languages except Estonian, which can be understood at least partly by Finnish speak-
ers. Language has been one reason for the historical isolation of the Finnish-speaking Finns.
Another explanation is that Finland is a relatively large country with a small population (the
surface area of Finland is 338,000 km2, and the population density is 15 persons/km2). The
large area and small population contributed to a situation where remote settlements lived in
isolation with little contact with people from other countries.
In Table 4.7 a summary from Lewis (1997) work about the values and communication
styles used in the West, the East and in Finland is given.

Practical Implications

What should a foreign leader expect and how should s/he behave when dealing with Finnish
leaders? Foreign leaders should find employees hard-working if they are correctly motivated.
They are honest, reliable, punctual, quite modest, and have the ability to take initiatives. But
their social competence is at a lower level.
The Finns are quite individualistic. In most Finnish companies the culture is open and indi-
viduals are respected. The distance between leaders, managers and subordinates is short.
Many firms have open-plan offices, which facilitate direct communication. Finns are well
educated and do not like close supervision. Finnish managers and subordinates want to have
their responsibility and authority well defined. Simon et al. (1996) point out that Finnish man-
agers will be committed if they receive work tasks according to their own capabilities, they
are involved in the decision-making, and if there is a loyalty between the top management and
management at lower levels in the organization. However, Finns are also able to work in a
team, but the teams are to combine teamwork and individuality. Lewis (1997) stresses that
you should try to appeal to the inner resources of individuals to achieve the task under their
own stream and to be fully accountable for it.
Leaders should state clear goals and generate visions, but let the subordinate find the
means of how to reach those goals. The leader should discuss the decisions with the subordi-
nate, but the leader makes the decisions and is also responsible for them. The decision mak-
ing should be fast. Status and hierarchy mean less than in many other Central and Latin
European counties.
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4 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN FINLAND 103

TABLE 4.7
Finnish Values and Communication Style

U.S.A./Western EU Values Finnish Values Asian Values

Democracy Democracy Hierarchies
Self-determinism Self-determinism Fatalism
Equality for women Equality for women Males dominate
Work ethic Work ethic Work ethic
Human rights Human rights Inequality
Ecology Ecology Exploits environment
Western Finnish Asian
Communication Style Communication Style Communication Style
Extrovert Introvert Introvert
Forceful Modest Modest
Lively Quiet Quiet
Thinks aloud Thinks in silence Thinks in silence
Interrupts Doesn’t interrupt Doesn’t interrupt
Talkative Distrusts big talkers Distrusts big talkers
Dislikes silence Uses silence Uses silence
Truth before diplomacy Truth before diplomacy Diplomacy before truth
Overt body language Little body language Little body language

Note. From Lewis (1997, p. 4). Copyright 1997 by Lewis and The Institute of Cross-Cultural Communication.
Adapted and modified by permission.

The managers have usually taken great responsibility for their employees. However, dur-
ing the most recent years the globalization of many branches and introductions to the inter-
national stock exchange market have forced the Finnish companies to stress more the
financial results than has been known earlier. Internationalization has increased significantly
during the 1980s and 1990s. The Finnish managers are positive towards the European Union
markets. The strategic goals are customer oriented and are based on good technology and a
high quality level (Simon et al., 1996). Generally Finns are quite technology and innovation
oriented but perhaps are somewhat weaker on the marketing.
Källström finds the national culture stronger in Finland than in Sweden. Therefore it is
harder for Swedish leaders, for example, to be leaders of Finns.

Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research

This is a research project investigating the perceptions and views of middle managers in
Finnish firms. The results might be somewhat different when investigating CEOs in Finnish
organizations, because the tasks are different and the view of a CEO is more holistic and
usually also more global. Also their experiences as managers are different. One could expect
that culture differences might be somewhat less pronounced at the highest level. Managers at
the highest level travel widely and have been influenced by many cultures. Their understand-
ing of other cultures might be greater.
Our study did not cover all of the significant industries in Finland. The paper and metal
industries are two of the largest employers in the country. There is a need for further research
in order to gain a complete picture of Finnish management behavior and Finnish culture and
outstanding leadership in Finland.
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104 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

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Nokia. (2000). Annual reports. Available at http://www.Nokia.com
Nurmi, R. (1989). Management in Finland (Report 29/1989). Turku, Finland: Turku School of
Economics and Business Administration, Institute of Administration and Marketing.
Nyberg, F. (1995). Autonomi och självständighet: Det moderna Finlands tillkomst [Autonomy and inde-
pendence: The birth of the modern Finland]. Borgå, Finland: Söderström & CO Förlags AB.
Salonen, K., Kääriäinen, K., & Niemelä, K. (2001). Kyrkan inför ett nytt årtusende: Evangelisk-luther-
ska kyrkan I Finland åren 1996–1999 [The church on the eve of a new millennium: Evangelilcal-
Lutheran church in Finland the years 1996–1999]. Jyväskylä, Finland: Gummerus Kirjapaino Oy.
Savage, C. M. (1990). Fifth generation management: Integrating enterprises through human network-
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Simon, H., Bauer, B., & Kaivola, K. (1996). Europpalainen johtaja johtamiskulttuurit ja menestymistekijät
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Steinbock, D. (1998). The competitive advantage of Finland: From cartels to competition. Helsinki,
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Takala, P. (2001, October 18). Suomi maaliman kilpailukykyisin [Finland the most competitive country
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TAT Group. (2001). The story of Finland. Helsinki, Finland: Vartia, P., Ylä-Anttila, P., & Hämäläinen, U.
Tollgerdt-Andersson, L. (1996). Svenskt ledarskap I Europa [Swedish leadership in Europe]. Malmö,
Sweden: Liber-Hermods.
Torvi, K. (1999). EU membership has benefited Finnish economy: Virtual Finland. Retrieved May 21,
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Veranen, J., & Junnila, P. (1997). Lisäarvoa tuo vain joka neljäs yritys [Only every fourth company gen-
erate value]. Talouselämä, 20, 28–31.
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106 LINDELL AND SIGFRIDS

Vihavainen, T. (2002). Finland’s relations with the Soviet Union 1944–1991. Retrieved November 7,
2000, from http://ww.finland.org/after.html
Yukl, G. (2002). Leadership in organizations. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Zandler, L. (1997). The licence to lead—an 18 country study of the relationship between employees’
preferences regarding interpesonal leadership and national country. Stockholm, Sweden:
Stockholm School of Economics, Institute of International Business.
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II
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

GERMANIC EUROPE CLUSTER

Austria, Germany (former East and former West), the Netherlands, and Switzerland (German-
speaking) formed the Germanic Europe cluster in the GLOBE Research Program. All four of these
countries are included in this volume. The use of the German language is an obvious commonal-
ity that runs through these countries, with the exception of the Netherlands, which has a distinct
language of its own though a basic grasp of German is usually found in the Netherlands also.
The Germanic Europe cluster scores high on Assertiveness, Future Orientation,
Performance Orientation, and Uncertainty Avoidance. It is in the mid-score range for Gender
Egalitarianism, and Power Distance. It scores low on Human Orientation, Institutional
Collectivism, and In-Group Collectivism.
This cluster endorsed Participative leadership very positively, the highest among all 10 clus-
ters. Participative leadership is seen to be as important as Charismatic/Value based leadership
and more important than Team Oriented leadership. Countries in this cluster view Self-
Protective leadership more negatively than in all other cultural clusters. Autonomous leader-
ship is viewed positively except in the Netherlands (House et al., 2004). Participation seems to
be a key value in the countries of this cluster. The middle managers’ view of their society and
ideal leadership seems to be considerably influenced by the current models of cooperation
between “labor” and “capital” of these countries (Szabo et al., 2002). These countries also
show the strong impact of societal culture in preference to political or economic philosophy.

REFERENCES

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates.
(2004). Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Szabo, E., Brodbeck, F. C., Den Hartog, D. N., Reber, G., Weibler, J., & Wunderer, R. (2002).
The Germanic Europe cluster: Where employees have a voice. Journal of World Business,
37, 55–68.

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Culture and Leadership in Austria

Erna Szabo
Gerhard Reber
Department of International Management,
Johannes Kepler University,
Altenberger Strasse 69, A-4040 Linz, Austria

1. SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN AUSTRIA

Introduction

Based on several extensive image studies in 30 countries, Schweiger (1992) presented

Austria’s image in the world: Austria is considered the country of classical music and world
famous for the Viennese Waltz. In response to the question “Which famous Austrians do you
know?” most respondents (above 20% in all countries, 75% in the United States) named the
composer Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756–1791), followed by Johann Strauß, Senior
(1804–1849) and Johann Strauß, Junior (1825–1899). Historical and contemporary political
leaders, business leaders, and famous Austrian scientists fell far short.1
Indeed, Austria is famous as the land of music and a tourist attraction with its Vienna Boys’
Choir (founded in 1498 by Emperor Maximilian I), the Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra, and
the Vienna State Opera. Yet is Austria just a pure country of culture, in the sense of art and
literature? What about the second aspect of culture originating from anthropology, that is, the
shared way people in a society feel, think, and behave? Who knows which forces have shaped
Austrian societal culture, which practices and principles make Austrian organizations work,
and which leadership styles are accepted and preferred among Austrians? The following

1
Historical leaders most frequently mentioned were the Emperor of the Austrian Hungarian Empire, Kaiser Franz
Joseph I (1830–1916) and Adolf Hitler (1889–1945). According to the study, contemporary well-know Austrian lead-
ers and Bruno Kreisky (former federal chancellor of Austria; 1911–1990) and Kurt Waldheim (former secretary gen-
eral to the United Nations and former federal president of Austria; born 1918). The one Austrian scientist named
repeatedly was Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), founding father of psychoanalysis.

109
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110 SZABO AND REBER

chapter sheds light on these issues. We start with a brief summary of Austria’s history and its
contemporary economic and social structure (Appendix A gives basic information on Austria)
and then report findings of the GLOBE project related to societal culture and business lead-
ership in Austria.

Historical and Political Developments

Settlements in the Alpine region and the fertile plains of the Danube date back to prehistoric
times: The Celts prospered from the rich mineral resources (most notably salt and iron); the
Romans conquered the region around the birth of Christ; up to the late 8th century waves of
migrating peoples, among them Germanic tribes, Huns, and Slavs, repeatedly crossed the
land; toward the end of the 10th century Charlemagne established the Carolingian Mark in the
area of present-day Austria.
From the 10th century onward, Austria’s history was dominated by two dynasties: the
Babenbergs, who died out in the middle of the 13th century, and the Habsburgs, who originated
from Switzerland. The Habsburgs were very successful in enlarging their territories, for exam-
ple, by strategic marriages. At the beginning of the 16th century, the dynasty split into a Spanish
and an Austrian line and the Austrian Habsburgs added Bohemia and Hungary to their empire.
Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, the dominant theme of Austrian history was con-
frontation with the Ottoman Empire, whose vast armies twice laid siege to Vienna.2 After these
threats were over, Austria acquired new territories and emerged as a major European power. Its
lands, which were inhabited by a rich body of different peoples, extended from the Netherlands
to the West to Sicily in the South and to Poland in the East. Austria in this period covered a
region that largely overlapped with today’s European Union (EU), but without the British and
Irish Isles and Scandinavia. Conquests in Central America under Karl V led to the notation of
the empire in which “the sun never sets.” In the second half of the 18th century, Empress Maria
Theresia and her son Joseph II implemented massive programs of reform, laying the founda-
tions for a modern state administration. The General School Regulations decreed by the
Empress in 1774 laid the cornerstone for Austria’s education system; mandatory school atten-
dance for children starting from the age of 6 years was introduced.
In the 19th century, Austria suffered a succession of defeats against other European pow-
ers; at the same time the Habsburg administration was forced to make concessions to both the
rapidly growing nationalist and democratic movements. In 1867, Emperor Franz Joseph I
acceded to demands for the creation of the Double Monarchy of Austria-Hungary.
Meanwhile, Germany was founded after Prussia won a military victory over France. Austria,
that is, the House of Habsburg, was excluded from this new construction of a “Little German
Solution” and remained a nation of many peoples (Vielvölkerstaat) with increasing national-
ist conflicts, which finally led to the beginning of World War I (1914–1918). The war had
started as an internal Austrian issue, triggered by the assassination of the successor to the
throne by a Serbian nationalist.3 The main rivals in the war were Austria and Germany on one
side and the “Triple Entente” (Great Britain, France, and Russia) on the other side. After the
victory of the Entente and the end of the war, the Habsburg empire was dissolved under the
Versailles Treaty and Austria was proclaimed a republic in 1918.

2
What remained of this time is the traditional Viennese coffee house.
3
In 1919, the Austrian writer Karl Kraus (1874–1936) finished the drama “Die letzten Tage der Menschheit”
(“The last days of mankind”), which gives a critical record of the events leading to and during the war.
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 111

The so-called First Republic provided the foundation for today’s democracy. However, in
1933 unstable economic and political conditions led to the imposition of a dictatorship under
Engelbert Dollfuss, whereas civil war in 1934 resulted in suppression of the Social
Democratic Party and Dollfuss’s assassination by National Socialists.4 Hitler “invaded”
Austria in March 1938 and formally incorporated its territory into the German Reich. Hitler
was welcomed by a large part of the Austrian population. However, historians have been
debating since whether the invasion was a hostile annexation by Nazi Germany or a volun-
tary joining (Anschluß) by the Austrians.
What followed was World War II and Austria’s probably darkest period in history, includ-
ing the Holocaust with the murder of 66,000 Austrian Jews. Even today, this period of
Austrian history has not been completely overcome and “healed up.” In particular, Austrian
citizens’ active role in the holocaust still leads to defensive reactions among parts of the pop-
ulation. Decades after the fact, some Austrians still view Austria as the first victim of Adolf
Hitler and have therefore, compared to Germany, never really accepted the culpability or
responsibility of their country.
In 1945, after the victory of the Allied Powers (Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and the
United States) over Nazi Germany, Austria was revived as a republic (the so-called Second
Republic) but remained occupied by the Allied armies for another 10 years. The economy was
stimulated with international help; in particular the Marshall Plan5 enabled a successful recovery.
In 1955, the Austrian State Treaty was signed, reestablishing Austria as a sovereign nation.
In accordance with the treaty, Austria became a permanently neutral state after adopting a law
in parliament that ruled out military bases on Austrian soil and the accession to any military
alliance. Austria followed a policy of active neutrality and joined the United Nations (Sully,
1995b, p. 67). The Austrian capital, Vienna, became one of the permanent seats of the UN
(United Nations), hosting the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency), the UNIDO
(United Nations Industrial Development Organization), and several UN departments. Vienna
was also selected to host the OSCE (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe)
and OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries). Vienna has frequently been cho-
sen as the venue of key superpower summit meetings and of other important international
negotiations. For many years now Austria has made an active contribution to the United
Nations’ peace- keeping missions.
Coalition governments between the Social Democrats and the People’s Party endured
under a succession of chancellors until 1966, when the People’s Party won a legislative major-
ity and organized a single-party government. In 1970, the Social Democrats came to power
as a minority government under Bruno Kreisky. Subsequent elections in 1971, 1975, and
1979 yielded majority mandates for Chancellor Kreisky. International negotiations, for exam-
ple, between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), took place in Austria
and social reforms were undertaken. Their focus was on full employment rather than bud-
getary consolidation: “If you were to ask me how I feel about public debt, I would say over
and over that a couple billion Schillings of public debt causes me fewer sleepless nights than
to think of the hundred thousands of unemployed” (Bruno Kreisky, quoted on Austrian
television, 1990).

4
Former chancellor Bruno Kreisky is quoted saying, “If we had known of the dangers threatened by Germany in
1930, history would have taken a different turn” (Österreichischer Rundfunk [ORF], 1990).
5
The plan was initiated by U.S. Secretary of State George Catlett Marshall.
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112 SZABO AND REBER

The 1980s were again characterized by coalition governments between the Social
Democrats and the People’s Party. The election of October 1994, however, radically altered the
parameters of the postwar system. For the first time since 1945, the two main parties failed to
secure a two-thirds majority of the seats in Parliament; the old two-party system gave way to
a pentagonal model: Overall five parties secured parliamentary seats (Sully, 1995a, p. 219),
among them the Green Party and the Freedom Party (FPÖ), whose chairman at that time Jörg
Haider is by some considered a mere populist, by others a far-right nationalist (Banks, Day, &
Muller, 1997).
After the 1999 election, the Freedom Party became even stronger and was able to form a
coalition government with the People’s Party. This constellation led to criticism and protests
nationally and internationally and the EU imposed sanctions on Austria. In an EU report cov-
ering the new Austrian government’s commitment to the common European values and the
evolution of the political nature of the FPÖ, Ahtisaari, Frowein, and Oreja (2000, p. 27) state:

The FPÖ has been described as a “right wing populist party with extremist expressions.” This
description is, according to our judgement still applicable after the party joined the Federal
Government. This must give rise to concern, since Governments are the organs of the European
states which have the direct responsibility to implement their positive obligations concerning the
protection and promotion of human rights, democracy, and the suppression of any kind of ethnic
or racial discrimination.

It is ironic that at the formal level Austria had become a less “corporate state” (see the sec-
tion on social partnership later), and thus had moved closer to other European democracies’
political realities. The irony is that the move obviously needed a party that leaves doubts as
to their own democratic principles.
After 1999, local and provincial elections saw continuous losses for the Freedom Party. It
became obvious that a large number of Austrians had been in favor of strengthening the
Freedom Party as a form of protest against the old party system, yet they did not approve the
new political course in similarly large numbers as the federal election would have suggested.
What followed were better fights and intrigues within the Freedom Party, which finally led to
the breakup of the coalition government. The following elections saw the Freedom Party
reduced to one third and fewer of the votes the party had managed to secure in 1999.
In summary, Austria has, over time, moved from a world power to a small country, from a
monarchy to a democratic republic. In this sense, Austria might be considered a social con-
struction rather than an entity and has a background that concerns issues and territories that
are no longer part of the modern state: “Austria as an entity that spans centuries, religions,
classes, dynasties, regions, and ethnic groups is an invention naturally: a ‘Kopfgeburt’ (a fig-
ment of your imagination), projected from the present to the past, with sites set on the future.
Of course, in this respect Austria is no different from France or Portugal or the Netherlands
or Switzerland. All ‘nations’ are political inventions” (Pelinka, 1995, p. 8).
On a humorous note, Austrian-born Paul Watzlawick concluded that Austria’s history has
brought about very special people:

In the heart of Europe there was once a great empire. It was composed of so many and so widely
different cultures that no common sense solution to any problem could ever be reached, and
absurdity became the only possible way of life. Its inhabitants—the Austro-Hungarians, as the
reader may already have suspected—thus were proverbial not only for their inability to cope
reasonably with the simplest of problems, but also for their ability to achieve the impossible
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 113

somehow almost by default. Britain, as one bon mot claimed, loses every battle except the
decisive ones; Austria loses every battle except the hopeless ones. (Small wonder, since the high-
est military decoration was reserved for officers who snatched victory from the jaws of defeat by
taking some action that was in flat contradiction to the general battle plan.) The great empire is
now a tiny country, but absurdity has remained its inhabitants’ outlook on life. For all of them,
life is hopeless, but not serious. (Watzlawick, 1983, p. 9)

We conclude this excursion into history with a recapitulation of the leaders who have most
significantly shaped the history and development of Austria:

• Various emperors of the Habsburg dynasty: The most popular ones were Maria Theresia,
the first woman to the throne, her son and successor Joseph II, and Franz Joseph I, a
well-liked father figure.6
• Adolf Hitler: Born and raised in Austria,7 Hitler began in Germany to transform his ideas
for the Third Reich into deeds. Later, his charisma had a similar effect on Austrians as it
had on the Germans; disillusioned by the political and economic situation, the Austrian
population was more than ready to accept his promises for a reconstruction of the
Austrian economy. Hitler also successfully constructed images of national pride and
power that were based on the institutionalization of schemes of racism and anti-
Semitism in public culture and political action.
• The first generation of politicians in the Second Republic: Among them were survivors
of the concentration camps as well as returning emigrants, described as possessing hon-
esty and integrity rather than political expertise. Across political party lines they were
united in the conviction that social unrest based on economic inequality (which had
enabled Hitler’s success in Austria) had to be avoided in the future, and that cooperation
in economic matters was an effective means to grant stability.
• Bruno Kreisky: Of Jewish descent, Kreisky was a young member of the Socialist Party
when the Second Republic was established. He is described as a strong-willed person
acting on socialist ideology. He was federal chancellor from 1970 to 1983, built the
Austrian welfare state, shaped the European Social Democratic landscape together with
Willy Brandt in Germany and Olaf Palme in Sweden,8 and was internationally highly
respected for his mediation in peace negotiations, in particular in the Middle East.

The Current Economic and Societal Situation

The Economy
The primary sector (agriculture) accounts for 1.8% of Austria’s gross domestic product,
whereas the secondary sector (industry) makes up 30.4%, and the tertiary sector (services)
accounts for 67.8% (2004 estimate; World Factbook, 2006). Austria has a per capita GDP of
about U.S.$32,500 (2005 estimate; World Factbook, 2006) and ranks 14th place on the human
development index9 (Human Development Report, 2006).

6
After a journey to Europe in 1910, the American President Theodore Roosevelt is quoted saying that apart from
the Austrian Emperor no other European leader of state had impressed him (Kleindel, 1978).
7
Hitler wanted to become an artist but was not accepted as a student by the Art Academy of Vienna.
8
Both Kreisky and Brandt lived in exile in Sweden during World War II.
9
This index is measured by life expectancy, educational attainment, and adjusted income per capita in purchas-
ing power parity U.S. dollars.
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114 SZABO AND REBER

Austria draws on the following resources: timber, few metals and minerals, salt, a dense
river network serving as the base for hydroelectric power10 and mass transportation, and the
beauty of the different Austrian regions. Altogether this is a rather poor basis, making Austria
heavily dependent on foreign trade. Education and the quality of the workforce are Austria’s
most valuable assets. For instance the LD process,11 invented in Austria, has dominated steel
production around the world. Two thirds of the steel production worldwide (about 800
million tons per year) are based on the LD process.
During World War II, the Nazis had taken over all industry of significant size. In 1946, this
former Third Reich industry became state owned to avoid a transfer of assets to the Soviet
Union (Dana, 1992, p. 127). Most of these firms remained in the ownership of the state until
the beginning of the 1990s, when privatization programs were started. Recent trends have
included deregulation and privatization of many sectors, such as that of major industries,
including steel, oil, chemicals, as well as the railroads and major banks.
One of the areas in the tertiary sector that reports especially high rates of foreign-currency
earnings is tourism. In contrast to countries where hotels tend to be large and parts of chains
(e.g., Holiday Inn, Hilton), most of Austria’s thousands of hotels are family owned and oper-
ated, in some cases for decades or even centuries; for instance, the Ortner family has owned
the Hotel Weisses Kreuz in Innsbruck since 1465 (Dana, 1992, p. 129).
As in tourism, the predominant feature of Austria’s overall economy is its high proportion
of small and medium-size enterprises. Most firms are traditional small businesses that employ
a substantial portion of the population: 97% of Austrian businesses have fewer than 50
employees; 46% of the labor force works for such firms. Most small firms are unincorporated
sole proprietorships (Dana, 1992, p. 126). Other countries’ governments have encouraged
mergers of existing firms into larger units; in contrast, Austrian business did not go through a
“big is better” stage. Only in the wake of EU membership have mergers taken place in some
sectors, for example, the financial sector.

Austria and Neighboring Germany. The two countries are characterized by populations
of predominantly Germanic origin, sharing a common language. Thus, it is not surprising that
the Austrian economy is closely tied to its German neighbor. This link goes back to the time
between the two world wars, when Germany’s economic influence on impoverished Austria
grew substantially; by the 1930s, commercial law in Austria and Germany had become almost
identical. The close ties to the German market economy remain today and facilitate business
transactions between the two countries. To eliminate foreign exchange risk, to facilitate trade
and to support the small-business sector, the Austrian government ensured that the Austrian
schilling had a stable exchange rate with the German mark (Dana, 1992, pp. 127–128) long
before the euro was introduced as the common currency. Germany’s leading export to Austria
is the automobile, essential parts of which are manufactured in Austria, for example, the
Diesel engines for the BMW models. Germany’s main contribution to Austria’s economy is
in tourism.12

10
In a referendum in 1978, a close majority of the Austrian population voted against the use of nuclear power.
11
LD stands for Linz and Donawitz, the two Austrian cities hosting steel plants.
12
The year 2004 saw 117.3 million overnight stays of foreigners in Austria, among them 51.0 million stays by
guests from Germany (Statistisches Jahrbuch Österreichs, 2006).
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 115

The Fall of the Iron Curtain. With the collapse of Eastern European communism in
1989, Austria was favorably positioned to regain its role as an economic power in the region.
During 1990 alone, exports to Czechoslovakia increased by 72%. In addition, Austrian
exports to Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia more than doubled during the first 3 years
after the fall of the Iron Curtain (Smith, 1992, p. 108). In the years immediately following the
opening of the borders, some 40% of all direct foreign investments in the former communist
countries came from Austria (Bundeskanzleramt, 1996). Austrian businesses began taking
advantage of cheaper labor (e.g., in Austria the average monthly salary was about seven times
higher than the equivalent in Hungary); many manufacturers shifted their production sites
across the borders. Vienna’s proximity to the Central and Eastern European markets also
meant that many international firms began to use the city as a base from which to coordinate
Central and Eastern European operations (C. Smith, 1992, p. 108).

Austria in the European Union. Austria joined the EU in 1995 after a national referen-
dum had produced a solid positive result of 66.6% “Yes” votes. From the start the “Yes” cam-
paign had significant advantages: It was better organized and financed, the two coalition
parties were at leadership level for membership, and the social partners (see next subsection)
were also in favor (Fitzmaurice, 1995). Although Austria trades with some 150 countries, the
countries of the EU account for about two thirds of foreign trade, which made the step to join
the union even more reasonable. The transition has not been a completely smooth one, how-
ever: Hundreds of laws have had to be changed, protection of industries had to be given up,
concessions to lower environmental standards had to be made, and dealing with the EU
bureaucracy had to be learned.

Social Partnership and Codetermination

Consensus politics has been one of the hallmarks of postwar Austrian life, its predominant
manifestation being the social partnership model. This model was created after World War II,
mainly as a result of a lack of confidence in the political extremes on the capitalism/social-
ism continuum (Child, 1981). The model substantially contributed to the social peace that was
essential for the reconstruction of Austria after the destruction of the war and Austria’s sub-
sequent development into a modern industrialized country (Bundeskammer für Arbeiter und
Angestellte, 1996, p. 5). Specific contingencies supported the success of the model: the dis-
tribution of economic and political power among the two camps of the Social Democrats and
the Conservatives, the smallness of the economy, and the high percentage of state ownership
(Nowotny, 1991).
The social partnership model is a system of economic and social cooperation at the
national level between the representatives of employers (Chamber of Commerce), employees
(Chamber of Labor), farmers (Chamber of Agriculture), unions, and government. This coop-
eration is at the top level (“Parity Commission”) based on the principle of voluntarism and
carried out in an informal way. The general idea of the system is that the basic aims of eco-
nomic and social policy are recognized by all partners and can be better realized through
cooperation and coordinated action rather than through confrontational means such as strikes
or lockouts. Social partnership is not a means of denying conflicts of interests; it is a model
that aims at mutual problem solving and balancing interests through achieving mutual strate-
gies and through its readiness to compromise and find consensus (Bundeskammer für
Arbeiter und Angestellte, 1996, p. 7).
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116 SZABO AND REBER

This form of partnership could not function unless the sections of the working population
concerned belong virtually en bloc to their representative organizations (Bundeskanzleramt,
1996). Membership to the Chambers of Commerce, Labor, and Agriculture is obligatory (in
1996 the members of the different chambers voted in large numbers for a retention of oblig-
atory membership), whereas trade union membership is voluntary (about 43% of the work-
force were union members in 1999; Österreichischer Gewerkschaftsbund, 2001). Austrian
unions are closely linked to political parties and are influenced by social ideologies, includ-
ing Catholic and socialist ones (Tannenbaum, Kavcic, Rosner, Vianello, & Wieser, 1974). The
centralization of the Austrian political system together with the cooperation with the (also)
centralized social partners fits Crispo’s (1978) term of a “corporate state.”
Ever since Austria became a member of the EU, the role of the social partnership has been
continually changing because some responsibilities/decisions that were at the discretion of
Austria and its social partners before are now handled at EU level. Also, since the federal
election in 1999 (see the earlier discussion on political development) the role of the social
partners is being further debated, in particular originating from the Freedom Party. However,
despite these attempts to keep the social partners at distance, or even eliminate them from
decision-making processes, we can state that the ideas of the social partnership model are still
very much anchored in the Austrian system. In addition, nothing has changed in terms of
arrangements concerning codetermination and works councils (see the following).
As in Germany, Luxembourg, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, legally mandated codeter-
mination is in place within Austrian organizations. The Austrian form of codetermination in
large enterprises takes the form of two-tiered management structures: Workers’ representa-
tives sit on the supervisory board, which sets corporate politics, approves major investments,
mergers, expansion and plant closures, and also appoints members to a management board,
which actually manages the enterprise (Hammer, 1996, p. 1923).
Works councils in Austria are given three kinds of rights: the right to information, the right
of consultation in economic and financial matters, and the right of consent in social and per-
sonnel affairs. Works council members are elected by the workers; in practice, they often have
close union ties (Hammer, 1996, p. 1923).
Codetermination and works councils are the logical consequences of the social partnership
idea at the national level as it filters down into the individual organization. However, recent
developments (e.g., the transfer of operations across the border to decrease labor costs) also
show that the stable foundation on which employer–employee relations were built so far
might have already developed its first cracks. In the wake of increasing competition, purely
economic interests are sometimes given higher priority than long-term social partnership
ideas. However, such changes are not restricted to Austria. The following quote regarding
management in Europe confirms this opinion:

Despite the Europolitical tradition of social protection of “the weak” at the government level, in
the 1990s there is not as much protection of weak workers within organizations as was common
in Europe’s recent past (in contrast with North American labor practices). In response to inten-
sified competition, major reorganizations are continuously carried out, and a fairly consistent
rate of 10 percent unemployment can be observed for the European work force in the 1990s.
(Wilderom, Glunk, & Inzerilli, 1997, pp. 5–6)

2. METHODOLOGY OF GLOBE RESEARCH IN AUSTRIA

The GLOBE research in Austria consisted of questionnaire-based data collection, focus

groups, semistructured as well as ethnographic interviews, and a qualitative media analysis.
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 117

TABLE 5.1
Demographic Characteristics of the Manager Sample

Attribute Mean Range

Age 40.03 25–59

Years of formal education 13.44 9–22
Years in managerial position 9.62 0–31
Number of subordinates 9.56 0–99
Native speakers of German 100%
Female managers 11.8%

Only a triangulation of different data (Webb, Campbell, Schwartz, & Sechrest, 1966), quan-
titative as well as qualitative, allows for the interpretation of holistic concepts such as culture
and leadership. This strategy has been at the core of the GLOBE project from the beginning
(House et al., 1999). In this sense, the Austrian research team applied specific ethnographic
principles, in particular bringing in various types of data, collecting and analyzing these data
in several rounds, and gradually narrowing the focus (Agar, 1996). This strategy assured that
patterns in the data could be found, frames could be built, and an Austria-specific model of
leadership could be generated.

Questionnaires

The questionnaire-based data included the three standard GLOBE Phase II questionnaires for
the three levels under study: societal culture (“As Is” and “Should Be” items), organizational
practices (“As Is” and “Should Be” items), and leadership attributes. We report the findings
of the societal culture and leadership attributes questionnaires in this chapter.
A total of 169 Austrian middle managers completed the questionnaires in 1995. Table 5.1
shows their demographic characteristics. All participants completed the leadership attributes
questionnaire, whereas about half of the managers (N = 91) filled out Version A of the ques-
tionnaire including the organizational practices items, and the other half (N = 78) completed
Version B containing the societal culture items. The managers were members of 18 organi-
zations within the two industries financial services and food processing.

Focus Groups

In early 1994, we conducted two focus groups, one with managers and professionals, the
other with part-time students. The managerial group consisted of six alumni (two women,
four men) from Johannes Kepler University, three of whom also held an MBA degree from a
North American university. They represented various industries and functional areas. The
second focus group comprised of eight part-time students (one woman, seven men) studying
business administration. These students worked in different fields; none of them reported any
managerial experience. Participants of both groups were asked to complete preparatory
assignments concerning their personal definition of leadership. The actual focus group dis-
cussions lasted about 2 hours each and focused on three themes as defined by the GLOBE
team: the definition of management and leadership, the difference (if any) between these two
concepts, and finally, examples of outstanding leadership.
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118 SZABO AND REBER

TABLE 5.2
Demographic Characteristics of the Interviewees

Interviewees
Attributes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Industry:
Banks x x x
Food x x
Other x x x x x
Hierarchical level:
Top management x x
Middle management x x x x x
Employee x x x
Sex:
Female x x x
Male x x x x x x x
Age:
Younger than 35 x x
35–50 x x x x x
Older than 50 x x x
Type of interview:
Ethnographic x x x x x
Semistructured x x x x x
Number of interviews:
One interview x x x x x x
Interview and follow-up x x x x

Interviews

Semistructured interviews took place right at the start of the project in early 1994. Five inter-
viewees (two women, three men), in managerial as well as nonmanagerial positions in
different industries, were asked about their perception of management and leadership. The
average duration of the interviews was about 40 minutes. The guiding questions covered the
same three themes that were used in the focus groups.
Ethnographic interviews were conducted during a later phase of the project, namely in
1995. They were based on the Qualitative Research Manual prepared for the GLOBE
researchers by the anthropologist Michael Agar. Based on the strategy of maximizing differ-
ences,13 five managers were asked to participate in the interviews. Table 5.2 shows their
demographic characteristics. The duration of the interviews ranged from 45 minutes to 1.5
hours. Interview themes focused on the interviewees’ concepts of leadership in general as
well as on stories of successful and unsuccessful leadership from their own experience. Four
interview partners also described their industry. Furthermore, four of the participants agreed
to participate in follow-up interviews (see the following discussion on validation process).

13
According to this strategy, the benefit of selecting interviewees who are different from each other in some
important ways is “to force differences to show up; if they don’t, then you know that the patterns that are common
across all interviewees are more likely to be common to managers, however else they might differ from each other”
(Agar, n.d., Qualitative Research Manual I, p. 27).
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 119

TABLE 5.3
Austrian Media Analysis Data

Circulation
Name of Print Media Frequency Readership (in 1,000s)
Die Presse Daily General 88–143
Der Standard Daily General 87–191
Profil Weekly General 105
Trend Monthly Business 90
Wirtschaftswoche (initial sample) Monthly Business 48
Gewinn (validation sample) Monthly Business 95

Note. Gewinn was sampled in addition to Wirtschaftswoche, as Wirtschaftswoche was no longer in print in
September 1997 when the validation data were collected. The two journals are comparable in terms of topics
and readership.

The five semi-structured interviews and the nine ethnographic interviews (five initial, four
follow-up) were transcribed and the resulting texts were restructured into text segments cov-
ering one idea each. All interviews were first analyzed individually, before frame building was
applied during the subsequent group analysis. The interview data were analyzed separately
for person-specific characteristics (character traits and behavior), leader–follower relations
(values and norms concerning the followers as well as leader–follower interactions), and
organizational issues (the leader’s role inside and outside the organization as well as organi-
zational practices).
The interview data were validated in four ways:

1. About a month after the initial transcribing process the tapes were listened to again
and necessary modifications made.
2. The interviews were checked for intrapersonal consistency between what the intervie-
wee said about leadership in general and what she or he described in the stories as
good or bad leadership. Consistency was found in all 10 cases.
3. During the follow-up interviews, the managers were confronted with the researchers’
analysis of the initial interviews and were asked to make corrections and improve-
ments. Some minor adjustments were necessary, but overall the interview partners
were satisfied with the way their statements had been interpreted.
4. The interview data were assigned to theme-specific categories. These categories were
not predefined by the researchers but emerged from the data. The transcripts were
recoded a couple of weeks after the original coding and the results were compared
with the initial categories.

Media Analysis

The media analysis covered material from the Austrian print media and consisted of three
types of data: (a) articles related to the nine GLOBE societal culture dimensions, (b) articles
concerning the two industries under study (financial services and food processing), and (c)
articles referring to leaders and/or leadership.
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120 SZABO AND REBER

Articles for inclusion in the media analysis were collected from six print media during one
week in December 1996 (December 9–15) and one week in September 1997 (September
8–14). The data of the second week comprised the validation sample. Table 5.3 describes the
selected media in more detail. The sampling strategy followed Michael Agar’s guidelines for
qualitative data analysis. Overall, 443 articles were selected (229 in the initial sample, 214 in
the validation sample) and organized into 2,960 distinctive text segments. The analysis was
conducted separately for the three types of data.
The media data were validated in the following ways:

1. Data collection consisted of two samples. The second sample was used to verify pat-
terns that had emerged from the original sample.
2. About two months after the initial data collection, the chosen issues were scanned a
second time to check whether the selection of relevant articles had been complete.
Some additional articles were added to the sample.
3. Within the three large categories (societal culture, industry characteristics, and leader-
ship) the text segments were assigned theme-specific codes, which were not prede-
fined but emerged from the data. The coding of the initial sample was reexamined and
adjusted after the collection of the validation sample.

3. FINDINGS

We first present the findings concerning societal culture and then continue with the descrip-
tion of the leadership results. In each of these two subsections, the results of the question-
naire-based data collection are introduced followed by the findings of the qualitative part of
the study (focus groups, interviews, and media analysis) whenever applicable. Results and
conclusions from other research are brought in as well.

Societal Culture

The questionnaire-based results for the nine societal scales for Austria are displayed in
Fig. 5.1 and Table 5.4. The “As Is” scales represent the perception of how the respondents
view societal culture, whereas the “Should Be” scales indicate their values, that is, how the
managers think their society ought to be. These two types of scales are not unrelated. For
instance, the higher a person values gender equality, the more critical she or he will perceive
actual gender equality practices, which might lead to lower scores on the “As Is” scale.
Likewise, if a person perceives a dimension, for example, Power Distance, to be unsatisfac-
torily high, she or he will rate the “Should Be” dimension even lower. In other words, the per-
son will value power egalitarianism even higher.
Where applicable, we compare our findings to Hofstede’s (1980) results, although his data
concerning Power Distance, Uncertainty Avoidance, Individualism, and Masculinity tap at a
mixture of perceptions and values. In other words, Hofstede does not explicitly distinguish
between “As Is” and “Should Be” scales. For instance, two of the three items used to calcu-
late the Power Distance score are parallel items concerning the real-life (“As Is”) versus the
ideal (“Should Be”) boss.
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 121

Figure 5.1 Societal Culture GLOBE Dimensions

TABLE 5.4
Societal Culture Dimensions

Perceptions (“As Is”) Values (“Should Be”)

Dimensions Score Band Rank Score Band Rank

Future Orientation 4.46 A 6 5.11 C 50

Uncertainty Avoidance 5.16 A 6 3.66 D 57
Assertiveness 4.62 A 6 2.81 C 60
Performance Orientation 4.44 A 14 6.10 B 21
Institutional Collectivism 4.30 B 27 4.73 B 31
In-Group Collectivism 4.85 B 42 5.27 C 51
Power Distance 4.95 B 44 2.44 D 48
Gender Egalitarianism 3.09 B 45 4.83 A 18
Humane Orientation 3.72 C 46 5.76 A 4

Note. Score: Country mean for Austria on the basis of aggregated scale scores. Band: Letters A to D indicate
the country band Austria belongs to (A > B > C > D). Countries from different bands are considered to differ
significantly from each other (GLOBE test banding procedure, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). Rank:
Austria’s position relative to the 61 countries in the GLOBE study; Rank 1 = highest; Rank 61 = lowest score.
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122 SZABO AND REBER

For the description of the results, we grouped the nine GLOBE scales (cf. House et al.,
2004) in accordance with Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s (1961) classification of value orienta-
tions: time orientation (Future Orientation), human–environment orientation (Uncertainty
Avoidance), relational orientation (Power Distance, Gender Egalitarianism, Humane
Orientation, Institutional Collectivism, In-Group Collectivism), and activity orientation
(Performance Orientation, Assertiveness).

Time Orientation
The scale Future Orientation (axis FUT in Fig. 5.1) shows that the Austrian middle man-
agers reported a medium level of perceived Future Orientation (4.46), whereas they expressed
a preference for higher scores on the value dimension (5.11). However, compared to other
countries Austria is positioned high on the “As Is” scale (Band A, Rank 6), yet relatively low
on the “Should Be” scale (Band C, Rank 50).
The Austrian media data parallel the quantitative findings: 9 out of 13 text segments relat-
ing to this dimension give accounts of initiatives that target an actual or planned increase of
Future Orientation. An example is the foundation of an agency for innovation that specializes
in helping start-up companies by providing funds for the market entry of innovative new prod-
ucts, by bringing together investors and entrepreneurs, and by offering assistance with the
structuring of the new organization.

Human–Environment Orientation
Figure 5.1 shows a high level of Uncertainty Avoidance (axis UNC) for the “As Is” scale
(5.16) and a considerable gap to the “Should Be” scale (3.66). In addition, Austria’s position
relative to the other GLOBE countries is in the top group for the “As Is” results (Band A,
Rank 6). This finding corresponds with Hofstede’s (1980, 1993) research that placed Austria
in the upper third country cluster (Uncertainty Avoidance score of 70) among 53 countries and
regions. Concerning the “Should Be” scale, Austria ranks very low (Band D, Rank 57), mean-
ing that the middle managers in the Austrian sample indicate a preference for an increase in
flexibility and risk taking.
A high level of Uncertainty Avoidance is usually reflected in the desire to control one’s
environment, in high levels of standardization, in regulations and laws even for specific
details, and in bureaucracy. Drastic examples that exist in Austria are the bureaucratic hurdles
entrepreneurs usually face during the start-up of a company, or the necessity of people visit-
ing Austria, including tourists, to register with the police within 48 hours after entering the
country. It is interesting that the findings for Uncertainty Avoidance seem to somehow con-
tradict those for Future Orientation. Whereas on the one hand initiatives such as starting one’s
own business are encouraged (high Future Orientation), the actual process is then very for-
malized (high Uncertainty Avoidance). The Austrian media data reflect these general obser-
vations: 12 out of 26 text segments concerning Uncertainty Avoidance present a picture of a
somewhat slow and complicated bureaucratic process, illustrated by the first and second of
the following quotes. However, the media data also provide some examples of active appeals
to change the current situation, as the third quote shows:

Bureaucracy and mentality barriers are the largest handicaps for the economic site of Austria,
revealed an opinion poll by the economic forum of executives. (Die Presse, December 12, 1996, p. 19)
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 123

Well, there is a problem I am struggling with: the omnipresent bureaucracy. It is really not
easy for an entrepreneur in Austria. There are the authorities, red tape, licensing proceed-
ings, requirements and so on. This paralysis, costs a lot of time and money. If the time,
energy and money required by bureaucracy is too high, an enterprise is no longer competi-
tive. That’s the point. (Frank Stronach about his plans to establish Magna’s European head-
quarters in Austria, his birth country; Wirtschaftswoche, December 5, 1996, p. 54)

Let us find the courage to not regulate everything, but rather let us find the courage for
planned omission. (Statement by the President of the Austrian Lawyers Association; Die
Presse, September 10, 1997, p. 6)

In addition to bureaucracy, manifestations of high Uncertainty Avoidance in Austria

include for example:

• A comparison among the OECD (Organization for Economic Development and

Cooperation) countries shows that the savings rate14 for Austria is 26.0, as compared to
the United States at 14.4 or Japan at 34.6. Within Europe only the Swiss show a higher
rate (33.0). A low-interest, low-risk savings account (Sparbuch) is the traditional and
common way for many Austrians to invest their money. Only recently have other and
more risky forms of investment, such as stocks, become more popular.
• There are explicit laws regulating the workplace. Examples include the Arbeit-
nehmerschutzgesetz (law regulating working conditions), the Arbeitszeitgesetz (law set-
ting working hours), the Mutterschutzgesetz (law protecting mothers-to-be and nursing
mothers), and Kollektivverträge (collective agreements) negotiated between employers
and unions at industry level. In addition, the Unternehmensverfassung (governance
structure) defines, based on the type of organization (private vs. public), whose interests
have to be represented in the decision-making bodies (management and supervisory
boards) and what the procedures have to look like. Also, the rights given to the works
councils are stated explicitly, as mentioned earlier.

Relational Orientation
The dimensions Power Distance (axis POW), Gender Egalitarianism (axis GEN), Humane
Orientation (axis HUM), Institutional Collectivism (axis CO1), and In-Group Collectivism (axis
CO2), all concern social relations: among people at different levels in the social hierarchy; among
women and men, the poor/disadvantaged, and groups. In general, the data suggest a strong pref-
erence for more democracy in society: Whereas the perception represented in the “As Is” scales
is one of inequality, the “Should Be” scales show that power should be distributed more equally
(“As Is” 4.95, “Should Be” 2.44), women given more opportunity (“As Is” 3.09, “Should Be”
4.83), and the poor/disadvantaged provided with better support (“As Is” 3.72, “Should Be” 5.76).
Only the two collectivism scales show small gaps between “As Is” (Institutional Collectivism:
4.30, In-Group Collectivism: 4.85) and “Should Be” (Institutional Collectivism: 4.73, In-Group
Collectivism: 5.27), both reflecting a slightly collectivistic rather than individualistic orientation.

14
Gross national income minus public and private consumption, in percentage of the gross domestic product.
Statistics by the OECD, published in Der Standard, October 4, 1994.
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124 SZABO AND REBER

A possible explanation for the wide gaps could be that political correctness and social
desirability accounted for the results. Maybe the managers in our sample reported espoused
rather than enacted values (cf. Argyris & Schön, 1978). In order to answer this question, we
need to look at the dimensions in more detail and bring in additional findings from the qual-
itative part of the study.

Power Distance. Hofstede (1980) reported a Power Distance score of 11 for Austria
(ranking Austria as the country with the lowest score overall). The GLOBE data give Austria
a medium score on the “As Is” scale (Score 4.95, Band B, Rank 44), and place Austria in a
low group for the “Should Be” scale (Score 2.44, Band D, Rank 48). When the “As Is” and
“Should Be” scales are taken together, our findings do not contradict Hofstede’s earlier
results. Low Power Distance also goes along with Trompenaars’s (1993) findings concerning
the reason for having an organizational structure. Respondents in this multicountry study
were offered two alternative explanations:

Option A: “The main reason for having an organizational structure is so that everyone knows
who has authority over whom.”
Option B: “The main reason for having an organizational structure is so that everyone knows
how functions are allocated and coordinated.”

Austrian respondents opted for Option B by 94%, thus following a rational and coordinative
logic of subordination, in contrast to looking at the organization as a legitimization for power
differences.
However, the low level of Power Distance found in research is still puzzling Austrian
scholars as well as Austrian students of cross-cultural management. Examples for and against
the low level of Power Distance are usually produced without hesitation: On the one hand,
participation in decision making is accepted and expected among Austrians; it is represented
at the societal level in the social partnership model as well as at the organizational level
through codetermination. On the other hand, Austrians are familiar with the importance of
status symbols, in particular titles. Both participation in decision making and status symbols
are believed to be indicators of a society’s level of Power Distance, the former for a low level,
the latter for a high level. How can such inconsistencies be explained? A possible explanation
could be that societal changes take place over time and what we observe today might be arti-
facts of the past. During the monarchy ranks and titles were awarded by the Emperor. Those
awarded a title most likely felt very proud and displayed the new title as an extended and audi-
ble symbol of the recognition given to them. Examples can still be found in the older parts of
Austrian cemeteries, where titles such as “k.u.k. Hofbäckermeister”15 are listed on grave-
stones. Also, traditional store owners still display these titles in their logos. More than 80
years after the end of the monarchy, titles in recognition of seniority and status (Amtstitel, e.g.,
Hofrat) are still awarded in public institutions, to the amusement of other parts of the popu-
lation (Corti, 1994, p. 135). However, times are changing. The younger generation, in partic-
ular, do not honor titles as much nowadays. Also, the majority of today’s titles are no longer
awarded, but achieved, especially in the form of academic degrees. Whereas with the older
generation achieved titles are treated similarly to awarded ones, titles do not have the tradi-
tional connotations for the younger generation as they had earlier. In more general terms, a

15
The term stands for kaiserlich and königlicher Hofbäckermeister, which in translation means “the exclusive
baker to the Austro-Hungarian Emperor’s Court.”
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 125

change might have taken place from status by ascription to status by achievement
(Trompenaars, 1993); that is, it is today a person’s own achievement that accounts for a high
status rather than one’s affiliation with a particular group.

Gender Egalitarianism. Austrian women account for 64.1% of the official labor force,
mainly in sales, agriculture, and unskilled manufacturing. Whereas only 4.2% of all employed
men work part-time, women constitute 28.8% (Bundespressedienst, 2000). Women have held
about 10% of Federal Assembly seats in recent years, with more than twice as many serving in
provincial government (Banks et al., 1997, p. 52). These numbers support the low level of
Gender Egalitarianism found in the quantitative “As Is” data (Score 3.09, Band B, Rank 45).
Similar to Power Distance, a wide gap exists between the “As Is” and the “Should Be” data
(Score 4.83, Band A, Rank 18). The GLOBE “As Is” data show the same tendency as Hofstede’s
(1980, 1993) Masculinity scale, although less pronounced. This earlier research had placed
Austria in the upper third country cluster (score of 79) among 53 countries and regions.
In recent years, gender-related topics have been hot issues on the public agenda. In 1997,
a referendum16 was held for more rights for women (“Frauenvolksbegehren”). It was initiated
by a committee of women, including politicians, artists, and journalists, who claimed the right
for women to 50% of the public influence, power, and money. The referendum was success-
ful: It received 645,000 votes. However, from today’s (2006) perspective, it has to be said that
despite the referendum’s success, hardly any of its claims have been put into practice by sup-
porting legislation.
Participant observation confirms that there is much talk about equal chances for women.
However, practices often show a different picture. The following example illustrates this
point. One of the few female Austrian university professors is quoted as saying at a confer-
ence on gender equality at Johannes Kepler University in 1997: “We’ve done a wonderful job
in training our male colleagues. They have become experts on gender-neutral language.
Unfortunately, their behavior has not changed a single centimeter.”
All data considered, one might assume that what our (predominantly male) respondents
(N = 68) articulated in the questionnaires is likely to be espoused rather than enacted values.
The female sample is too small to conduct a comparative empirical analysis, but a compari-
son of the mean scores gives a rough impression. The mean score of the 10 female respon-
dents is 3.52 for the “As Is” scale (male sample: 3.02), and 5.40 for the “Should Be” scale
(male sample: 4.74). Thus, although we might find some lip service on behalf of the male
respondents, the female managers opt for even higher levels of gender equality.

Humane Orientation. This dimension shows similar patterns to Gender Egalitarianism,

namely a medium level for the “As Is” scale (Score 3.72, Band C, Rank 46), and a very high
one for the “Should Be” scale (5.76, Band: A, Rank: 4). Similar to Gender Egalitarianism,
there is a lot of public and private discourse considering humane issues. A good example is
the treatment of refugees. In the past, the official Austria as well as individual citizens often
helped beyond the call of duty, for example, during the Hungarian crisis in 1956 (when
152,000 refugees came to Austria). The opening of the borders to the former communist
neighboring countries and the civil war in the former Yugoslavia has recently brought
refugees to Austria once again. This time, however, there is increasing resentment against the

16
A referendum is a form of direct democracy anchored in the Austrian Constitution. If a referendum exceeds
more than 100,000 votes, it has to be dealt with in the Federal Parliament.
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126 SZABO AND REBER

(temporary) newcomers, which goes along with changes in legislation that make it more
difficult for refugees to attain political asylum.17
Espoused values concerning Humane Orientation are usually numerous in preelection
times. The following quotes are taken from media reports on campaigns for provincial elec-
tions: “Fighting unemployment, homelessness, and poverty is our primary goal” (People’s
Party); “In addition to ecology, women and humanitarian issues are the main topics on our
agenda” (Green Party); “No one should be discriminated against because of a disability”
(Social Democratic Party). Thus, there are proclamations for Humane Orientation, yet
enacted values often show the contrary. The media even provide a pattern of decreasing sol-
idarity:

• “It is increasingly difficult to get active support for foreigners in need” (Die Presse,
December 10, 1996, p. 2).
• Another headline says: “We are unable to cope. The state tends to look away and leave
charity assistance to private organizations such as Caritas [Caritas is a private charity
with close links to the Catholic Church]” (Die Presse, September 11, 1997, p. 11). In the
article itself, the director of Caritas warns readers about the “privatization” of distress
and about the increasing economization of all areas, which leads to a “loss of humanity.”

Collectivism. The two dimensions Institutional Collectivism and In-Group Collectivism

show corresponding results. In both cases the “Should Be” scales (Institutional Collectivism
4.73, In-Group Collectivism 5.27) are slightly higher than the “As Is” scales (Institutional
Collectivism 4.30, In-Group Collectivism 4.85). Hofstede (1980, 1993) also positioned Austria
on the more collectivistic side of the individualism–collectivism continuum (score of 55).
Collectivistic societies are characterized by an economic system that is designed to maxi-
mize collective interests. The Austrian model of social partnership fits with this concept.
Citizens of collectivistic societies also take pride in being members of their society and it mat-
ters to them that their country is viewed positively by people of other societies. Wodak
et al. (1998) conducted an extensive discourse analysis concerning national identity. They
located distinct national pride and patriotism in Austria: “Preferred objects of national pride
are the Austrian landscape, political, social and ecological achievements, political security,
cultural and scientific achievements, victories in sport, and national symbols like the anthem
and the Austrian flag” (p. 345).
Traditionally, there have been long-lasting employer–employee relationships in Austria. It
is not uncommon for someone to begin work for a company as an apprentice and then retire
from the very same company. A curriculum vitae indicating a number of different employers
is still looked on with suspicion. Unlike countries such as the United States where a change
of workplace indicates flexibility, Austrians accentuate loyalty, although the situation is
slowly beginning to change.

17
The number of refugees seeking asylum in Austria went down from 27,306 in 1991 to a mere 6,719 in 1997. It
increased again in the following years, mainly because of large numbers of refugees from former Yugoslavia
(Statistisches Jahrbuch Österreichs, 2006). However, Amnesty International Österreich (2001) criticizes the restricted
asylum policy of Austria, with only one third of all applications being accepted, often only after a very lengthy
process.
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 127

Moving from the workplace to the families, pride exists at this level, too. In a representa-
tive survey among the Austrian population,18 60% of respondents stated that family and
children are very important for them. A typical Austrian manifestation of family ties is the
Sonntagsausflug: Parents and their children, frequently accompanied by grandparents or
other family members, use Sundays to make an outing to the countryside, hike or go for a
walk, and have lunch or dinner together. Adolescents often dislike this tradition, but it is a
“must” in many Austrian families.
The fact that the “Should Be” scales are higher than the “As Is” scales, meaning more
collectivism is preferred, is interesting: According to Triandis (1994), modern and complex
societies become increasingly individualistic; Hofstede and Bond (1988) note that individu-
alism follows economic success. Both factors apply for Austria, yet the trend at the individu-
alism–collectivism dimension points to the opposite direction. What shows in our data might
be the fear of loss of even more of the collectivistic values and therefore the respondents
expressed heightened awareness to keep what is left.

Activity Orientation
The Austrian results show a high level of Performance Orientation (axis PER) at the “As
Is” scale (Score 4.44, Band A, Rank 14) and an even higher level at the “Should Be” scale
(Score 6.10, Band B, Rank 21). This comes as a surprise, because other studies (e.g.,
Trompenaars, 1993; Zander, 1997) do not report on similarly high levels of Performance
Orientation for Austria. An indicator of a society’s orientation to performance and achieve-
ment is entrepreneurship. We described earlier that some initiatives exist to support com-
pany start-ups, whereas bureaucracy clearly provides major barriers. Dana (1992, p. 126)
concluded that although innovative entrepreneurship has occurred in Austria, for example,
the invention of modern skis, one cannot describe the Austrian society as extremely entre-
preneurial. Moreover, entrepreneurship is not as highly valued in Austria as in many other
countries. One might add that conditions in Austria have indeed never been very favorable
for entrepreneurs and inventors. What is commonly known as the österreichisches
Erfinderschicksal (Austrian inventors’ fate) stands for the fact that in the past inventors were
usually not given credit for their work while still alive; many of Austria’s most remarkable
inventors died in poverty.
However, recent developments in business organizations indicate a trend toward more
Performance Orientation, in particular in the form of new incentive systems and performance-
based pay structures. They are already common for Austrians working for multinational com-
panies and are becoming increasingly popular in Austrian businesses as well.
Finally, the dimension Assertiveness (axis ASR) shows for Austria a relatively high score
on the “As Is” scale (Score 4.62, Band A, Rank 6), yet a very low score on the “Should Be”
scale (Score 2.81, Band C, Rank 60). Assertiveness was a part of Hofstede’s (1980)
Masculinity index, where Austria also ranked very high (score of 79). It is treated as a sepa-
rate dimension by the GLOBE study. The low level of “Should Be” Assertiveness might hint
at a possible trend toward a more egalitarian society, as was discussed in the section
concerning relational orientation.

18
The survey was conducted in 1994 and published in Der Standard, December 19, 1994, p. 5.
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128 SZABO AND REBER

TABLE 5.5
Translating the Terms Leader and Follower into German

German Term Closest English Translation Frequency Percent

Manager Manager 114 84

Führungskraft Person in a leading position 19 14
Führer Leader 3 2
Mitarbeiter Coworkers 99 86
Arbeitnehmer Employees 14 12
Bedienstete Employed persons 2 2
Untergebene Subordinates 0 0

Leadership

A chapter on leadership and leaders in a German-speaking country would not be complete

without a discussion on the translation of these two terms into German. The direct translation
of the English word leader into German is Führer. It carries a heavy weight because it refers
to Hitler and Nazi Germany. The word root “führ” is present in Austrian German but the noun
Führer is cut out of the language, in particular when referring to an individual. Words includ-
ing Führung (leadership), however, are frequently used, for example, Führungsstil (leader-
ship style), Führungskultur (leadership culture), Führungsteam (managerial team); and so are
words including Führer when referring to organizations, for example, Marktführer (market
leader) or Branchenführer (industry leader).
The stigmatization of the term Führer opens a gap for alternative terms. The questions then
are: (a) Which terms do people use when they talk about leaders, (b) do these terms bear the
same or similar connotations as in English, and (c) is there a difference between the English
manager and leader? An analysis of our two media samples provided the terms listed in the
upper part of Table 5.5.
The media data might present a slightly distorted distribution of language use, because
they mostly talk about top managers. Our interviewees, for instance, used the term
Führungskraft much more frequently than the media analysis suggests. However, both data
types suggest that the gap left by the stigmatization of the term Führer is filled with the two
terms Manager and Führungskraft. Is there a difference in concept between a Manager and a
Führungskraft? This question was asked to the focus group participants and the five managers
with whom we conducted semistructured interviews. Their answers do not provide a clear
picture: Some of the interviewees matched “task orientation” with the Manager and “leading
people” with the Führungskraft; others considered the two terms to be synonymous. Among
those to whom the terms differed there was no consensus as to whether an outstanding
Führungskraft had to be a good Manager at the same time. Some considered Führungskraft
the overarching concept, whereas others assumed that an outstanding Führungskraft did not
necessarily have to be professionally competent at the same time. Some concluded that an
outstanding Führungskraft is needed in exceptional situations only and a competent Manager
is required to run daily operations (cf. Appendix B for the different definitions of outstanding
leadership).
Similar translation difficulties as those found with leader occurred for the English term
follower. The direct translation into German is Geführte, again, a word hardly ever used by
the media or our interview partners. The term Mitarbeiter is the one word most frequently
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 129

TABLE 5.6
Leadership Factors and Subscales

Second-Order Leadership Scales Rank Between Rank Within

First-Order Subscales Score Band Countries Countrya

Participative leadership 6.00 A 3 2

Nonparticipative (reverse scored) 2.11 55 (3)
Autocratic (reverse scored) 1.90 60 (1)
Autonomous leadership 4.47 A 6 5
Autonomous 4.47 7 13
Charismatic leadership 6.02 B 12 1
Integrity 6.46 9 1
Inspirational 6.34 13 2
Performance Orientation 6.23 15 4
Visionary 6.13 29 6
Decisive 5.96 24 7
Self-sacrificial 5.03 29 10
Team Oriented leadership 5.74 B 38 3
Diplomatic 5.43 36 3
Team Integrator 5.34 42 5
Administratively Competent 5.80 32 8
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.67 46 9
Malevolent (reverse scored) 1.54 55 (4)
Humane leadership 4.93 B 28 4
Humane 4.80 30 11
Modesty 5.05 30 12
Self-protective leadership 3.07 F 49 6
Status-Conscious 3.86 43 14
Conflict Inducer 3.57 49 15
Procedural 3.36 51 16
Face Saver 2.56 40 18
Self-centered 1.99 40 20

Note. Score: Country mean for Austria on the basis of aggregated scale scores. Band: Letters A to D indicate
the country band Austria belongs to (A > B > C > D). Countries from different bands are considered to differ
significantly from each other (GLOBE test banding procedure, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). Rank:
Austria’s position relative to the 61 countries in the GLOBE study; Rank 1 = highest; Rank 61 = lowest score.
a
A scale’s score position compared to the other scales on the same level.

used; the media as well as the interview data suggest that this is the correct word to address
followers in a business context. In the past, employees were frequently called Untergebene
(subordinates), a term that is not common any more. The lower part of Table 5.5 shows the
frequency of language use in the two media samples.

Questionnaire-Based Data Collection

Table 5.6 gives an overview of the six second-order leadership factors and their corre-
sponding 21 first-order subscales. They are based on an overall 112 leadership items that were
ranked by the middle managers in our sample (N = 169) on a scale between 1 (attribute greatly
inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader) and 7 (attribute contributes greatly to a
person being an outstanding leader). Data were collected in two industries, namely food
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130 SZABO AND REBER

processing and financial services. However, comparative analyses did not reveal any major
differences in the managers’ responses (for a discussion of the industry-level results, see
Brodbeck, Hanges, Dickson, Gupta, & Dorfman, 2004).
Among the contributing second-order leadership factors (Mean > 4.5) are Charismatic
(6.02), Participative (6.00), Team Oriented (5.74) and Humane Leadership (4.93). These four
factors include four facets of leadership, namely personality (e.g., integrity), cognitive skills
(e.g., administratively competent), leadership style (e.g., participative), and concern for the
team (e.g., team integrator). This suggests that the managers in the Austrian sample view lead-
ership as a holistic concept, and do not, for instance, focus exclusively on personality or lead-
ership behavior. Compared to many other countries in the GLOBE study, it is in particular the
scale Participative leadership that stands out (Band A, Country Rank 3). These findings are
in line with the relatively low power distance scores we found earlier in the discussion of soci-
etal culture, and also with the results of research based on the Vroom–Yetton (1973) model
for managerial decision making.19 The model has recently been employed to compare leader-
ship styles between seven European countries (Reber, Jago, Auer-Rizzi, & Szabo, 2000),
between Polish, Austrian, and U.S. managers specifically (Maczynski, Jago, Reber, &
Böhnisch, 1994), and of country samples over time (Reber & Jago, 1997). The studies con-
sistently show Austria as very participative, similar to its neighbor countries Germany and
Switzerland (Brodbeck et al., 2000; Szabo, Reber, Weibler, Brodbeck, & Wunderer, 2001),
and significantly different from Finland, France, the Czech Republic, Poland, Turkey, and the
United States.
Autonomous leadership is neither clearly contributing to nor clearly hindering from out-
standing leadership (4.47). However, Austria ranks higher on this dimension than most other
countries (Band A, Country Rank 6).
Self-protective leadership is the one clearly inhibiting second-order leadership factor
(3.07). This holds true in absolute as well as relative terms (Band F, Country Rank 49). The
five scales comprising self-protective leadership suggest consistency with the contributing
factors mentioned previously: A self-centered person would not be open for participation but
would rather act autocratically, and face saving would inhibit the open discussion of prob-
lems and conflicts that participative interactions require.

Media Analysis
Table 5.7 gives an overview of the most frequency occurring leadership categories in the
two Austrian media samples. Most of the categories concern person-specific characteristics,
whereas two categories relate to leader–follower relations, in most cases in the specific form
of negotiations between employers and works councils. The categories give a hint as to the
areas of media focus. Much is said about the leaders themselves and the role they play in the
organization and the outer environment. However, little is said about how leaders actually
relate to and interact with their followers on a daily basis.

19
The Vroom–Yetton (1973) model is based on a problem set containing 30 decision-making situations, which
are administered to managers who are unfamiliar with the model at the time of data collection. Respondents are asked
to choose their behavioral responses to each of the 30 situations; their answers are from a set of five alternative strate-
gies (ranging from highly autocratic to highly participative). The model also consists of seven diagnostic questions
that help the manager to understand the situational characteristics of a decision-making situation. Finally, the model
comprises behavioral rules. The application of these rules calls for the exclusion of certain strategies and thereby
assures decision quality and decision acceptance.
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 131

TABLE 5.7
Leader Descriptions in the Media

Person- Leader- Frequency: Ranked by Austria’s Score Ranked

Leadership Specific Follower Articles/ No. of on Leadership by Scale
Categories Characteristics Relation Segmentsa Articles Scales Scoreb

Decisive x 37/70 1 5.95 7

Integrity x 28/47 2 6.46 1
Negotiations and x 24/45 3 no equivalent
conflict solving at
the org. level
Visionary x 21/37 4 6.13 6
Technical/factual x 20/43 5 no equivalent
competence
Working as a team/ x 15/24 6 6.14 5
team integrator
Performance oriented x 12/18 7 6.23 4
Social competence x 12/18 7 no equivalent

Note. The table includes only the leadership categories most frequently mentioned in the media.
a
Frequency refers to the number of articles (initial sample and validation sample taken together) and text segments
in which a particular category occurred. bScale Rank is taken from Table 5.6.

Table 5.7 allows for a comparison between the media data and the questionnaire-based
data. It ranks the frequency of categories retrieved from the media and the means of the cor-
responding leadership scales. The rankings show that the most frequently mentioned media
categories are at the same time among the top seven leadership scales. It follows that what is
considered highly contributing to outstanding leadership in the questionnaires also finds a
high representation in the media.
Because the media texts concerned all types of leaders, we checked for possible differ-
ences between business and other types of leaders: Most findings were in accordance. The
only major difference was that integrity was significantly more often mentioned in a political
than a business context. Recent scandals in different political parties may explain the
wish/request for more integrity as part of political leadership.

Interview Analysis
In contrast to the media data, the interview data provide more insights into the daily inter-
actions between managers and their employees. Table 5.8 gives an overview of how the inter-
viewees described the leader as a person: Descriptions of specific personality traits are rare.
Rather, more general descriptions are the norm, ranging from the possession of integrity and
personality (without going into more detail) to the necessity of the leader to serve as a role
model and possess social competence. Another theme related to the individual concerns
the managerial side of behavior, namely technical/factual competence as a prerequisite for
success. However, there was no consensus among the interviewees whether this type of
competence really contributed to a good leader. This finding parallels the initial description
of the diffuse difference between Führungskraft and Manager.
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132 SZABO AND REBER

TABLE 5.8
Person-Specific Characteristics in the Interviews

N of Content of Shared Versus

Categoriesa Intervieweesb Consentc Differing Opinion(s)

Technical and factual 7 No Competence required vs. not

competence necessarily; broad knowledge vs.
expert knowledge.
Integrity 6 Yes Essential set of values, includes
honesty, trustworthiness, ethical
behavior.
Personality (unspecified) 6 Yes Considered essential.
Role model 5 Yes Values and behavior of leader
influence followers, in the positive
as well as negative sense.
Social competence 5 Yes An absolute must for successful
leadership; includes the ability to
solve conflicts and the knowledge
of employees’ problems.
a
Topics mentioned by five or more interviewees. bRefers to the number of interviewees who mentioned a particular
category. cConsent: Yes = the interviewees had similar opinions concerning a category; No = the interviewees were
of differing opinions.

The leader–follower relationship was what the interviewees talked about in great detail
(compare Table 5.9). This may have to do with the format of the interviews, because we had
asked for events of successful versus unsuccessful leadership.
The different categories tie into one another and include orientation to people as well as
task orientation, with communication being the “vehicle” and trust and respect being the
underlying prerequisites. Whereas decisions are preferably made as a team, the leader is
expected to coordinate and supervise the work. It is interesting how well these results (derived
from interviews with managers) fit with Zander’s (1997)20 profile of Austrian employees’
preferences regarding interpersonal leadership (derived from questionnaires):

The employees in Austria prefer their managers to communicate with them more frequently and
they are not as uninterested in personal communication as the employees in the Germanic-Latin-
Japanese cluster. In addition, the employees in Austria also prefer that their managers supervise,
review and make them proud of their work more frequently than the employees in the countries
in the [Germanic-Latin-Japanese cluster]. This preferred profile of [interpersonal leadership] is
nicknamed “communicative directing.” (Zander, 1997, p. 289)

4. PATTERNS IN AUSTRIAN BUSINESS LEADERSHIP

In this section, we are going to integrate the findings from the different sources concern-
ing leaders and leadership obtained so far: questionnaire-based data, media analysis, and

20
This study explores how employees in 18 countries prefer to be managed (named license to lead), and whether
culture affects their preferences.
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 133

TABLE 5.9
Leader–Follower Relations in the Interviews

N of Content of Shared Versus

Categoriesa Intervieweesb Consentc Differing Opinion(s)

Communication 10 Yes Frequent communication is necessary

and helpful, requires a small group size.
Handling problems 10 Yes The leader should initiate the solving of
task specific problems (supervision,
followed by coordination) as well as
personal problems (by using social
competence).
Decision making 9 No The more participation, the better vs.
autocratic behavior would sometimes be
more efficient, but will most likely not
be accepted by employees.
Motivation 9 Yes Leader should motivate employees,
give support.
Goal setting, planning, 8 Yes This function is with the leader, not the
supervision at work team.
Respect 6 Yes Leader should respect followers.
Trust 6 Yes Trust in followers is essential (is a
requirement for the “long leash”
concept, innovations); has to be enacted
and not just talked about (role model).
Coordination of a team 5 Yes The leader is the process agent of the team.
Room for action 5 Yes Supervision is important, but within the
(long leash) given boundaries employees should be
allowed to do their work quite
independently.
a
Topics mentioned by five or more interviewees. bRefers to the number of interviewees who mentioned a particular
category. cConsent: Yes = the interviewees had similar opinions concerning a category; No = the interviewees were
of differing opinions.

interview data. To start with, if there were a prototypical type of Austrian business leader,
what would such a person look like?

Characteristics of a Leader

Demographics. In terms of demographic characteristics, the person would most likely be

male (as suggested by the findings concerning Gender Egalitarianism at the societal practices
level) and of middle age (as suggested by the media and also reflected in our sample of mid-
dle managers itself), although both gender and age are contingent on the industry (the primary
and secondary sectors are traditionally male dominated, whereas the services sector allows
for better chances of women) and the level within the organizational hierarchy (the higher up
in the ranks, the fewer women).
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134 SZABO AND REBER

Education. As for education, this person’s curriculum vitae would likely provide for a
sound education and possibly a university degree. However, there is a shift in focus.
According to media and interviews, continuing training is becoming increasingly important.
But whereas until about 20 years ago the area of concentration was not extremely important
(there are, e.g., many lawyers among Austrian business leaders) and Tannenbaum et al. (1974)
concluded that “Austria lacks training facilities for managers,” the focus today is on business
studies. A large number of public and private training programs supplement university edu-
cation. Most management training occurs in the area of technical/factual competence,
whereas less consideration is given to personality development and social competence. An
analysis of course offerings for “more success in business” (based on our media samples) con-
firms this pattern: About 70% of all offered courses focus on the person (about 50% of the
courses aim at an increase in the manager’s competence through technical/factual knowledge;
20% concern personality factors and behavior), whereas only 30% aim at an improvement of
the manager–employees interaction. Is the basic assumption then that a leader is “born” as
compared to “trained/educated?” According to the data, a leader is required personality (as
was stressed in the interviews), in particular integrity and trustworthiness (as questionnaire-
based data and media data indicate). Vision, decisiveness, and social competence also seem to
be important. Let us look at these attributes in a little more detail before we come back to the
question concerning “born versus “trained/educated” leaders.

Integrity. Integrity is the characteristic scoring the highest in the questionnaire-based

data. It was also mentioned as a preferred leader attribute in 30% of all media articles describ-
ing leader characteristics, as well as by 6 of our 10 interviewees. The relevance of integrity
shows in particular in leader–follower relations and in references to negotiations. The term
“eine Person mit Handschlagqualitäten” (“a person with handshake qualities”) refers to the
symbolic act of finalizing a deal by shaking hands and then sticking to the agreement. The
following quote from the media provides a good example: “They both have an extremely
polite and extremely pleasant way of dealing with people, they are exceedingly correct and
reliable. They are just the way business partners should be” (quote from a portrait of the two
“managers of the year”; Wirtschaftswoche, December 1996, p. 40).
Having said that, the interview and focus group data also suggest that there are not too
many leaders in Austrian business, let alone in politics, who indeed possess personality and
integrity. Focus group discussants had problems naming suitable contemporary leaders; con-
cerning politics, the men founding the Second Republic after World War II were attributed
integrity, whereas today’s politicians are not as well respected.

Vision. Vision, according to the questionnaire-based data, is another highly favorable

leader attribute. Along the same lines, discussants of both our focus groups and part of our
interviewees (implicitly) included vision into their definitions of outstanding leadership (cf.
Appendix B). Also, most of the success stories in the media contain one or the other aspect
of visionary thinking. Vision is described as a characteristic that someone possesses or does
not; there are no references that visionary thinking could be trained in any way. Interestingly
enough, however, none of the real-life examples described by our interviewees was labeled as
visionary, not by the interviewees themselves or by us, the researchers, when we sorted the
text segments into categories. The media data indicate that there are three kinds of barriers
that hinder Austrian leaders from being visionary or prevent the translation of a leader’s vision
into deeds:
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 135

• The high level of Uncertainty Avoidance found at the societal level: A substantial major-
ity of Austrian business leaders seem to be plagued by a fear of new situations: “‘A
strong fear of anything new’—for more than one third of 1000 managers questioned by
Fessel+Gfk on behalf of the economic forum of executives (WdF) this is the main reason
why there are so few Austrian enterprises with international business relations” (Die
Presse, December 12, 1996, p. 19).
• The general assumption that leaders must be realistic: The data suggest that being
visionary and being realistic are two extremes of the same dimension. If someone is real-
istic, the thinking is, she or he is probably lacking vision. This pattern was first detected
in the initial media sample and later confirmed in the validation sample. It is illustrated
in the following two quotes: “It is my task to find practicable solutions. This has noth-
ing to do with a lack of creativity” (statement by a political leader; Profil, December 9,
1996, p. 28); and “[He lacks] visionary imagination. He is a mere administrator of the
city budget, unable to set clear, forward-looking major points of emphasis” (Criticism
aimed at the political leader quoted previously; Profil, December 9, 1996, p. 29).
• Organizational structures, which might not be adequate for and supportive of the
leader’s vision, and/or followers who might not go along: “The regulations set by
Minister E. are boycotted by a xenophobic bureaucracy” (Der Standard, December 12,
1996, p. 5).

To summarize, visionary thinking seems to be an ideal in Austria, according to the questionnaire-

based data more so than other attributes, yet there is a wide gap between the “Should Be” and
the “As Is.” In other words, visionary thinking is considered an important ingredient of out-
standing leaders, yet only few of them fit the ideal, for either personal reasons or constraints
posed by the environment.

Decisiveness. This is yet another characteristic for which consistency between the media
and the quantitative results was found. In the media sample, leaders were often characterized
as being dynamic, determined, and making decisions and defending them. The media sample
also included a couple of course offerings to gain more decisiveness, among them a workshop
specifically for women. Our interviewees, on the other hand, did not explicitly define deci-
siveness as prerequisite for good leadership. Their examples, however, indicate that the
attribute is desired and that real-life cases also exist:

I think it’s crucial that the leader of such a project is very, very convinced of the project from the
very beginning. Maybe even more than the team members who work on the project with great
enthusiasm. If this is the case the leader also endures criticisms and opposition from the outside.

We [solved the problem of the unbalanced cash account] within two days, together with the teller,
the area coordinator, and the branch manager. You don’t “fiddle around” at different hierarchi-
cal levels, you do it directly. You have to solve it and that’s what we did.

Social Competence. With Austrian society placing heavy weight on the family and the
economy, characterized by small to medium-size companies often owned and run by families,
it is no surprise that the data frequently refers to existing or hypothetical family ties; one of
the media articles, for instance, described the relationship of fellow business leaders “as if
they were brothers.” Along the same lines, our interviewees also stressed trust, reliability, and
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136 SZABO AND REBER

support, that is, attributes very similar to the ones described for actual family relations, and
used these concepts in their stories of good leadership, as the following quote by one inter-
viewed manager shows:

There was our senior boss, the late Engineer S. He possessed personality and technical skills, but
you also could come to see him when you had private problems, and he sat down with you and
said, “Listen, it’s gonna be all right.” He supported us in whatever way he could. S. really moti-
vated us.

Let us now return to the initial question concerning “born” versus “trained/educated” leaders.
It seems from the data that the basic assumption is that leaders are “born.” Decisiveness and
social competence are the attributes one can learn to a certain extent; the other factors
(integrity and vision), however, are considered to be within the person and therefore have no
connection to education and training.

Preferred Leadership Behavior

After this exploration of what a prototypical business leader in Austria could look like, the
follow-on questions would of course concern likely leader–followers relations: How could the
leadership style be described? How are decisions made?

Decision Making. The questionnaire-based results suggest which style Austrians are def-
initely not in favor of, namely an autocratic style. Likewise, the autocratic style was the one
style repeatedly described in the media as being rated negatively by followers and having neg-
ative consequences for the climate of the group, as the following quote shows: “Since Mr. H.
put this man in charge in 1991, the internal climate has steadily worsened. He won’t have any
argument; everything is dictated from the top” (statement by a member of the Freedom Party;
Profil, December 9, 1996, p. 40).
The interviewees talked about different styles they preferred and also exercised. Among
them were the democratic, the participative, and the collegial style. The latter style was
described with possible downsides, as the following quote by a middle manager
shows:“When the collegial leadership style is concerned, it’s sometimes a bit difficult, so to
say, to come up with a peremptory order and to say, ‘Friends, OK, from now on we’ll do
things differently.’ But I’m still convinced that this style is the better one.”
The interviewees used different terms, but what these terms have in common is a focus on
democratic relations. From the interviews and other research we know that traditionally lead-
ership in Austria was often paternalistic, sometimes autocratic. Today, however, more coop-
erative ways to lead are in favor, at least at the level of espoused values. The German term
Mitarbeiter (coworker) is another indicator, as was already suggested earlier. The trend goes
along with the societal shift toward more democracy as described in the section about soci-
etal culture.
Our findings fit well with the findings for Austria in the Vroom–Yetton (1973) studies, as
mentioned before. Interpreting detailed findings, Maczynski et al. (1994) suggest the follow-
ing reasons why Austrian managers prefer participative strategies:

1. Austrian managers seem to use participation to bring greater information and different
perspectives to bear on the substantive problems they face; they are tapping subordi-
nate “resources” for what they believe will be a benefit to the organization.
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 137

2. Austrian managers typically respond to conflict among subordinates by becoming

more participative; thus, they seem to assume that participation provides the opportu-
nity for a conflict to be expressed and resolved.21

That the group is seen as a forum that allows for conflict resolution shows in the GLOBE data
as well. The item “intragroup conflict avoider” in the leader attributes questionnaire was rated
as hindering a person from being an outstanding leader (Mean = 2.05). Why is conflict not
considered negative in Austria? The German word Streitkultur (culture/norms stating how to
handle disagreement/conflict to reach a positive result) comes to mind. Conflict is not a threat
to the leader or the group and there is confidence that it will not escalate, but be solved in a
cultivated manner. The leader plays a significant role here, because, as the interview data
shows, it is the leader who is responsible for initiating and coordinating problem solving.
Is there more to be learned about participation? Participation seems to be contingent on the
type of decision and this pattern of “contingent” participation shows in the interviews as well
as in the media:

1. Whenever followers are directly affected by a decision they want to be involved in all
relevant aspects of the decision-making process; if this does not happen, conflict/frus-
tration is the consequence.
2. If group internal matters are concerned but the leader interferes, problems may arise
as well.
3. Certain topics, in most cases strategic decisions, seem to be considered in the sole dis-
cretion of management. The characteristic decisive was often mentioned in this
context.

Supervision. This type of behavior was part of neither the questionnaire-based data col-
lection nor the media data. However, it came up repeatedly in the interview data. For the
majority of the interviewees, it seemed to be an integral part of their managerial role. The
degree of supervisory behavior differed from story to story and from interviewee to intervie-
wee, but it was there in any case. One interviewee called it “leading on the long leash.” This
metaphor refers to a person walking a dog on the leash. A long leash gives the dog some free-
dom and space to explore its environment, but obviously only within a certain radius. Applied
to the work life, a “long leash” means giving the employees space to come up with their own
ideas and solutions. It does not mean, however, to let them work without any control, as the
following quote by an interviewee shows: “The long leash to me does not mean that I lean
back as a leader and just watch what’s gonna happen”.
The overall process, from planning to results, is steered and coordinated by the leader,
although allowing some input from the employees. In other words, although employees are
supposed to work relatively independently, coordination and control seem still necessary, but
with a benevolent touch: Mistakes on behalf of the employees can occur and then it is the
leader’s role to steer toward the right direction again.
Likewise, the degree to which employees participate in the process also varies and ranges
from hierarchical control behavior on the one hand, to a common effort of manager and team

21
The Austrian managers’ behavior is in contrast to French, Finnish, U.S., Polish, and Czech managers, who become
more autocratic when conflict is likely to arise among subordinates (Maczynski et al., 1994; Reber et al., 2000).
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138 SZABO AND REBER

on the other. Responsibility for the outcome was in all cases described as the individual
responsibility of the leader, never as the group’s responsibility. Because the leaders are per-
sonally held responsible for the projects/tasks that are undertaken by their group, the basic
assumption probably is that they better control the process, in their own and the group’s inter-
est. Supervision in this form then is no contradiction to participation and to low Power
Distance as found at the societal level, because it is part of the managerial role and not a
means to exercise power.

Communication Style. As the interview data show, communication is one of the func-
tions considered highly important by the interviewees, most of them in leading positions
themselves: “[An open conversation] allows you to bring an argument to the open, so to say,
I can fight the argument or come up with better ones myself.” Or, “We have these weekly
talks, where we say, OK, what have we accomplished, where do we stand, what are we going
to do next week?” And, “If people never come and say, I would like to know about this or
that, or, could we talk about this, it’s an extremely bad sign.”
In addition to that described previously, Zander (1997) found that Austrian employees pre-
fer their managers to communicate with them frequently and show interest in personal com-
munication. Thus, the focus on communication exists on both sides: It is stressed by superiors
as well as expected by subordinates. The Vroom–Yetton (1973) studies confirm this pattern.
The data show that Austrian managers, along with Germans and Swiss, have a stronger pref-
erence for CII (consulting with the group) and GII (group decision) strategies compared to
the other countries in the study. And even when the normative model does not recommend the
GII group strategy, as is the case when organizational goals are not shared by the group (goal
congruence rule), Austrian managers still have a high tendency to go for GII (Reber et al.,
2000). Staying within the framework of the Vroom–Yetton model, one may argue that
Austrian managers seem to assume that by bringing the group together they might be able to
convince them of the goals to share. Coming together as a group and talking things over might
also be such a habit for the participants that it overwrites the question whether in a particular
case a group discussion makes sense at all.

Consensus Orientation. Communication patterns as described previously serve as a

basis for this final pattern that emerged from the data. A saying in Austria is “Durch’s Reden
kommen d’Leut zsamm” (talking brings people together; meaning communication solves
problems). In this sense, the pattern described in the following has to do with negotiating and
problem solving. The questionnaires included a couple of items that tackle these matters. The
Austrian respondents rated these items as contributing greatly to a person being an outstand-
ing leader: diplomatic (6.43), worldly (6.11), win/win problem solver (6.22), and effective
bargainer (6.34).
But what do consensus-oriented negotiations “made in Austria” actually look like? The
following two summaries are examples as found repeatedly in the media:

• The Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra was described as having a dispute with the director
of the prestigious Salzburg Music Festival. The musicians threatened not to participate
in the festival. The dispute was covered extensively by the media. The musicians were
described as clever negotiators, the festival director as having brought himself into a
weak bargaining position. Politicians stepped in and took part in the negotiations.
Finally, the festival director gave in and the orchestra was ready to play. The papers cited
both sides as being satisfied: the musicians because all their conditions were met, the
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 139

festival director and the politicians because the result was “in the best interest of Austria”
(Die Presse, December 10, 1996, p. 21).
• The members of the supervisory board of Bank Austria met to give their approval to
place a take over offer for the CA, another large Austrian bank, which was to be priva-
tized. The general director brought the topic to the agenda; the board followed his advice
by a majority vote. One board member abstained from voting. The majority of the board
members was described as being affiliated with the Social Democratic Party; the presi-
dent of the Vienna Chamber of Commerce, who was against the deal and abstained from
voting, was the only representative of the Conservative Party (Der Standard, December
12, 1996, p. 19; Die Presse, December 12, 1996, p. 15).

Both stories hint at consensus orientation and long-term orientation. In the first case, a com-
promise was found that satisfied both sides. In the second story, a bank’s board member dis-
agreed with a decision, yet did not vote against it. In both examples, the parties likely wanted
to “keep their doors open” for the future.
Consensus orientation is not an isolated pattern found in the leadership data. As described
earlier, we also found evidence for consensus orientation at the societal and organizational
level, that is, in the form of the social partnership model and codetermination.

5. CONCLUSION

Limitations of the Study and Suggestions for Future Research

Data were collected in 1995. Since then the political landscape in Austria has changed con-
siderably. The consistency that shows in our data, that is, consensus and partnership orienta-
tion, seems to have been replaced by contradictions. If these values are indeed so deeply
ingrained in Austrian society, then why did so many Austrians in the federal election of 1999
vote for the Freedom Party with an autocratic leader like Haider? Why are there today so
many voices criticizing the social partnership model? Would the results of the survey look dif-
ferently today? We think they would not, for the following reasons:

1. The election likely reflects protest against the status quo rather than the desire for fun-
damental political change, as was argued in the section on historical and political
development. Maybe the pendulum will swing back, as the elections at the local and
provincial levels indicate.
2. Cultural data do not change easily and quickly, as Reber and Jago’s (1997) longitudi-
nal study of leader behavior in several countries indicates. Very likely it is way too
early to tell whether the recent political developments will have an impact on Austrian
societal culture at all. It would be highly interesting to conduct a follow-up study in a
couple of years from now.

Managers are specific populations of any society. The question is whether the results they pro-
duce also hold true for other cohorts of a society. An initial comparison of managers and
students in Austria and Ireland (Keating, Martin, & Szabo, 2002) suggests that similarities as
well as differences exist between cohorts. The study indicates that the country effect is more
dominant than the cohort effect in respect of both practices and values. However, there are
also significant differences between the two cohorts, in particular concerning the dimensions
Future Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism, and Collectivism. These differences may be
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140 SZABO AND REBER

attributed to cultural change, generational differences, and/or an idealized worldview of the

younger population. Further studies are needed to explore these within-country variations and
their underlying causes.
At the current stage, the GLOBE research concentrates on leadership ideals. These con-
cepts are distant from actual leadership behavior and do not seem to be the best predictors for
action. Future studies need to examine the link between values and practices in more detail
(Szabo et al., 2001). What is also missing is contextuality, that is, the definition of the context
under which leaders display particular behaviors (P. B. Smith et al., 200222).

Practical Implications

As described in the section on patterns in Austrian business leadership, leaders are expected
to be consensus oriented, place a focus on communication, and practice a participative leader-
ship style. It follows that employees are frequently involved in the leadership process, not just
because it is the personal decision of the leader, but also because the structure of the Austrian
system (social partnership model, codetermination, works councils) calls for it. The system
gives Austrian employees “a voice” (Hirschman, 1970), similar to how the systems in
Germany, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, that is, the other countries of the Germanic
Europe cluster (Szabo et al., 2002), operate.
At a more general level, one can argue that there will most likely be a good understanding
between Austrian managers and business partners from abroad at the managerial skills level,
because technical/factual knowledge is in Austria, as in many other countries, influenced
by Western management competence, often popularized by the United States. When person-
specific or interpersonal issues (social skills) are concerned, however, differences should be
expected, because it is in this area that culture comes into play. In a world of continuous glob-
alization and convergence toward professionalism of managers, one should not underestimate
cultural diversity. The goal should not be to try to harmonize the differences in the values
area, or in an extreme case to allow that one type of value orientation dominates divergent
views (Reber, 2001). It is not acceptable (and likely to be impossible anyway) to train man-
agers to completely change their values and behavioral leadership pattern. Rather, managers
with different cultural backgrounds should be allowed to stay like they are, but should ideally
be equipped with an increased awareness of their differences. Training is useful and possible
in the area of cultural awareness: Cultural patterns reside in the unconscious, but making them
explicit is a step toward improved interactions of people of different origin, in business as well
as in political and social interactions.

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Appendix A

Basic Information on Austria23

LOCATION

Austria is located in Central Europe and has a land surface of 82,730 square kilometers
(31,942 square miles). Austria is topographically dominated by the Alps in the south and
west, whereas its eastern provinces lie within the Danube basin. Although small in size,
Austria shares borders with eight countries, namely Germany, the Czech Republic, Slovakia,
Hungary, Slovenia, Italy, Switzerland, and Liechtenstein.

POPULATION

The Austrian population totals 8.19 million (July 2006 estimate; World Factbook, 2006),
some 98% of whom are German-speaking, the official language of the Republic of Austria.
There are six ethnic and linguistic minority groups officially recognized in Austria. These
groups are concentrated in the eastern and southern parts of the country and have been
accorded specific rights by federal law. In terms of religious allegiances, 74% of Austrians are
Roman Catholic, a further 5% Protestant. About 9% of the population belongs to a different
faith, 12% to no religious group at all (2001 census; World Factbook, 2006). Life expectancy
is 76 years for men and 82 years for women; the fertility rate amounts to 1.36 (2006 estimates;
World Factbook, 2006).
Austrians are stereotypically described as gemütlich (sociable), having a communication
style that includes Schmäh (a concept in between humor and biting irony; in particular the
Schmäh of the Viennese population is legendary) and sudern (similar to complaining, finding
a negative aspect in even the brightest situations), and sometimes showing behavior that is
called durchwursteln (muddling through).24 We would like to stress that these factors, like all
stereotypes, might not apply to the individual Austrian, however, a little truth might still be
found in these stereotypical attributes.

CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT

Austria’s constitution provides for a federal democratic republic embracing nine provinces
including the capital Vienna; that is, Vienna is a city and a province. The national government
consists of a president whose functions are largely ceremonial, a cabinet headed by a chancellor,

23
Unless otherwise state, the information in Appendix A is taken from the statistical profile of the GLOBE soci-
ety sample (House et al., 2004) and World Desk Reference (2000).
24
A wonderful example of this type of Austrian is “Der Herr Karl,” a satiric figure portrayed by the late Austrian
actor Helmut Qualtinger (Merz & Qualtinger, 1961/1988).
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5 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN AUSTRIA 145

and a bicameral legislature. The chancellor and the cabinet members are appointed by the
president usually from the party with the strongest representation in the lower house, the
National Council (Nationalrat). The upper house, the Federal Council (Bundesrat), represents
the provinces and is restricted to a review of legislation passed by the National Council. Its
decisions have only delaying powers. The two houses together constitute the Federal
Assembly (Bundesversammlung), whose approval in full sitting is required in certain contin-
gencies, for example, the recall of the federal president prior to the end of the term of office.
Although most effective power is at the federal level, the provinces have some latitude in local
administration. Each province has an elected legislature (Landtag) and an administration
headed by a governor (Landeshauptmann) designated by the legislature. The judicial system
is headed by the Supreme Judicial Court (Oberster Gerichtshof) and includes two other high
courts, the Constitutional Court (Verfassungsgerichtshof) and the Administrative Court
(Verwaltungsgerichtshof). There are four higher provincial courts (Oberlandesgerichte),
seventeen provincial and district courts (Landes-und Kreisgerichte), and numerous local
courts (Bezirksgerichte).

EDUCATION

Total government expenditure spent on education is close to 8%. Compulsory schooling lasts
nine years. Austria’s school system is governed by uniform regulations nationwide. No fees
are charged for attendance at state-run schools. Austria has nineteen universities, including
the University of Vienna, which was founded in 1365. The successful completion of the final,
rather comprehensive and demanding high school examination (“Matura”) gives the student
the right to study at any national university she or he selects. As of the 2001/2002 academic
year, students are required to pay a modest tuition fee for each term they attend university.
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146 SZABO AND REBER

Appendix B
Definitions of Outstanding Leadership

Focus Group 1 An outstanding leader is a charismatic person who possesses high social
competence and is able to lead her/his people with less direct motivation
and control than a competent manager needs. An outstanding leader
has to be a competent manager at the same time. Every organization
needs an outstanding leader intermittently to survive in the long run.

Focus Group 2 An outstanding leader is a visionary, a charismatic person who acts

according to her/his principles. Her/his time horizon is wider.
Whereas a competent manager integrates the tomorrow, an
outstanding leader shapes the day after tomorrow as well.
Interviewee 1 An outstanding leader has to possess technical/factual
knowledge and also the capability to lead people.

Interviewee 2 An outstanding leader is competent in his subject. He lets

subordinates participate in his decisions and do their own work
rather independently, but intervenes whenever necessary.
He has to possess absolute integrity.

Interviewee 3 An outstanding leader possesses high inter-personal competence,

whereas technical/factual competence is not so important.

Interviewee 4 An outstanding leader is an outstanding personality and

more than just an expert is his field.

Interviewee 5 Outstanding leadership and competent management are ideally

combined in one person, including personality and technical/factual
competence. An outstanding leader is a role model for his subordinates
and interacts with them in a climate of trust and openness.
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6
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Societal Culture and Leadership in Germany

Felix C. Brodbeck
Aston Business School, Aston University, Birmingham, UK

Michael Frese
University of Giessen, Germany, and London Business School

“The Germans make everything difficult, both for themselves and for
everyone else.”
—J. W. Goethe

“The German Riddle: Is it Solvable?” is the title of the epilogue in the German 1991
translation of Hofstede’s (1980) Culture’s Consequences. In their epilogue, the translators
point toward the potential usefulness of cross-cultural studies to overcome the typical diffi-
culty of Germans in not being able to describe who they are: a difficulty, the French, the
Italians or the Britons never had with their identity. Historians and authors, from Tacitus to
Thomas Mann, have meticulously pondered the difficulties they had when attempting to
describe Germany and the Germans—so had we! However, instead of pondering about the
difficulties, we set out the present chapter to help solving the German riddle by using empir-
ical cross-cultural studies.
We provide an analysis of culture and leadership in Germany based on the GLOBE study
and relevant data from other sources. The first part describes the German societal culture by
considering the German population, economy, political system, history, the reunification in
1990, and the GLOBE questionnaire survey (conducted in the second half of the 1990s) about
societal cultural practices and values based on a total of N = 471 German middle managers in
three different industries (food, finance, and telecommunications). The second section con-
centrates on leadership perceptions in Germany. It begins with a description of leadership
practice and research in Germany. Then, leadership prototypes (i.e., culturally endorsed per-
ceptions of outstanding leadership) are described, again on the basis of the German GLOBE
questionnaire survey. In addition, results from content analyses of print media, semistructured
interviews, focus group discussions, job-postings analyses, and biographical analysis of pop-
ular leaders in Germany are used to complete the picture. In the final section, commonalties
and differences among East and West German societal culture and perceptions of excellent

147
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148 BRODBECK AND FRESE

leadership are summarized and discussed. The chapter ends with an integrative account of
culture and leadership in Germany, limitations of our studies, practical implications and sug-
gestions for future research.

1. CONTEMPORARY GERMANY

Contemporary Germany lies at the heart of Europe. With a population of 82 million citizens
(80% West, 20% East Germany), it is the most populated country in Europe. Ninety percent
of the population is German. About 28 million people belong to the Roman Catholic Church
(predominantly inhabiting the southwest of Germany) and another 28 million follow the
Protestant doctrine (predominantly inhabiting the northeast). The rest are Moslems and oth-
ers, or with no confession.
Germany is heavily dependent on foreign trade due to a lack of natural resources. The
strongest industrial sectors are automobiles, engineering, electronics, and chemicals. In the
year 2000, Germany was the world’s second largest exporter after the United States (World
Economic Forum, 2000). That year the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) amounts to
over U.S.$2 trillion and its GDP per capita of U.S.$ 23,742 is one of the highest in the world.

Germany’s Current Dilemma

Germany is the biggest economy in the European Union (EU). However, its economy, edu-
cational system, and social fabric are slipping. In 1990, the American economy was 3.7 times
bigger than the German one, but in 2002 the American economy has become five times big-
ger than the German one (“An Uncertain Giant,” 2002). Following the postunification boom
in 1994, growth has slowed averaging only 1.6% a year—the lowest rate in the EU (“An
Uncertain Giant,” 2002). Hourly labor costs are higher than in the United States (13%) or
Britain (43%) and productivity is reducing. “Germany has far too many rules and regulations”
(“An Uncertain Giant,” 2002, p. 10). Germany spends more on pension than most other devel-
oped countries; its regulations of the labor market are stronger and more ossified than those
of other countries.
Still, poverty is low and people live comfortably in modern Germany. In addition, compa-
nies are able to compete on the market. Much of Germany’s strength is due to small and
medium-size firms (Simon, 1996). Though managers of medium-sized firms are often com-
plaining that government is not helping them, they still prove to be quite resilient even in bad
times. “With so much to complain about, how do so many German firms still manage to
do so well? The answer lies in good old-fashioned hard work, efficiency, attention to detail and
precision, and high standards, particularly in engineering” (“An Uncertain Giant,” 2002, p. 10).

Germany’s Social Market Economy

In Germany, as in the other Germanic countries of Austria and Switzerland (Szabo et al.,
2002), the relationship between “labor” and “capital” is shaped by the fundamental assumption,
enshrined in law, that economic prosperity and growth can be best attained through coopera-
tion between labor and capital. The labor–management system is designed to give employees
a “voice.” The doctrine of social market economy (“soziale Marktwirtschaft”) defines obliga-
tions of government, trade unions, and companies to maintain public welfare, social justice,
and cooperative industrial relations. The free-market capitalist system is constrained by the
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 149

principle of social responsibility, which is anchored in the German Constitution. An important

element of the labor–management relations is codetermination. Regulated by law, it takes the
form of a democratic management structure with presence of both the employer and the labor
side on supervisory boards of large enterprises, which set corporate policies and approve major
investments, mergers, expansion, and plant closures. The employer side can only overrule the
resistance of the labor side in deadlock situations. Another important feature of the German
system is the workers’ councils. These councils are elected by the employees and often have
close union ties. They enjoy three types of rights: the right of information, the right of consul-
tation, and the right of consent, depending on whether or not economic, social or personnel
affairs are concerned. (For more information on these issues see Appendix A.)
In recent years, the social nature of the market economy has been subject to criticisms
from within and outside Germany as being too cost intensive, idiosyncratic, and too con-
straining for management, thereby impeding Germany’s economic development. Is the
German culture prepared to cope with the necessary changes in the social welfare principle
considering its current profile in societal values? Moreover, are German managers prepared
for taking up leadership roles that support such a change from a state-granted social market
to a private- initiative-based system? These are questions we address in the present chapter as
well. For a deeper understanding of the answers suggested later in the chapter, a brief
overview of the geo-cultural history of Germany is given.

2. GEO-CULTURAL HISTORY OF GERMANY

Where Germans Live

Writers from the Roman Empire acknowledged Germania about 2,000 years ago; for example,
Gaius Julius Caesar mentions the Germans in his book De bello gallico (51 BC) and Tacitus, the
Roman historian, writes about the origin and habitat of the Germans in his book De origine
et situ Germanorum (AD 98). The German words nowadays used to decipher German (Deutsch)
and Germany or German Nation (Deutschland) underwent considerable semantic changes in his-
tory. Their changing meanings document the various roots of the idea of a German Nation
(Berschin, 1993). In 786, theodiscus (German) is first documented to mean the language spoken
by ordinary people in contrast to the Latin language spoken by the scholars at the court of Karl
the Great. In 1090, diutischin liute (German People) is first documented to mean the German
people that live in the East Franconian Empire. The idea of a singular German State appears quite
late in history. In the 15th century, Germany and Austria became the Heiliges Roemisches Reich
Deutscher Nation (Holy Roman Empire of German Nation). But this Empire is a lose federation
of states that falls apart rapidly. Usually the plural form, “Deutsche Lande” (German Countries),
is used. It means people of German language and the regions where they live. Until the nineteenth
century, Deutschland (Germany) and Deutsche Nation (German Nation) meant the geographical
area inhabited by German-speaking people. In combination with German the word Nation did
not refer to the idea of a political unit or a singular state. It rather meant the cultural unity of
German-speaking people in various central European states.
During the 19th century the cultural concept of German changed into a political one, partly
because German territory was defended in the Napoleonic Wars and partly due to the German
National Movement against feudalism that resulted in the Constitutional Convention in
Frankfurt in 1848. The practical impossibility of a German Nation as a cultural and political
unit became apparent when the German Empire was founded in 1871. Many people of
German culture and language were not part of it (e.g., Germans in Switzerland or in Austria)
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150 BRODBECK AND FRESE

DN

NL
Berlin
Warsaw

Cologne
Poland
B
Germany
L
Krakow
Prague

Czech -
Slovakia
France
Munich
Vienna
Switzer -
land Austria

Figure 6.1 Germany with Central Europe, before 1945 (adapted from Schäfer, 1989)

and some people other than those of German culture and language formed ethnic minorities
within the geographical boarders of the German Empire (e.g., French, Danish, and Polish
minorities).
During the first three decades of the 20th century, the concept of a German Nation was
highly ambiguous and allowed for interpretations in various directions. First, it could mean
the narrow German state that was enforced after World War I (Weimarer Republic,
1919–1932). Second, it could mean the territory of German culture, including the geograph-
ical areas that belonged to the German Empire before World War I. Third, it could mean the
even greater territory inhabited by people of German language and cultural background, and
fourth, it could mean the extended territory inhabited by people of German descent, a princi-
ple that became popular in the Wilhelmenian period of the German Empire (1890–1918). The
ideal of an extended German nation became more and more popular when the ethnic and ter-
ritorial interpretations of German were combined—“Ein Volk, ein Reich” (“One Nation, one
Empire”). This became particularly virulent in the megalomaniac political program of the
Third Reich promoted by the Austrian-born Adolf Hitler—Der Führer (The Leader)—which
resulted in the Holocaust.
The strong geopolitical position of Germany in central Europe before 1945 is illustrated in
Fig. 6.1. The state territory showed a regional unity in the west and a large extension toward
the east, where German and Slavic populations mixed. The capital city, Berlin, was mainly
oriented toward the east and southeast (Schäfer, 1989).
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 151

The 2,000 years of geo-cultural proximity of the “German people and culture” should have
left its traces in the countries of today’s Central Europe and indeed cross-cultural research
from the 1960s to the late 1990s suggests the existence of a Germanic cultural cluster in
Central Europe (Brodbeck, Frese et al., 2000; Hofstede, 1980; Jago et al., 1993; Ronen &
Shenkar, 1985; Szabo et al., 2002), comprising Austria, former East and West Germany,
Switzerland, and in some studies also the Netherlands. Even though cultural differences
between these countries are identifiable, their citizens seem to share cultural characteristics,
work attitudes, and leadership perceptions to a considerable extent, especially when com-
pared to other cultural entities, so that they are distinguishable as a cultural cluster within
Europe (Brodbeck, Frese et al., 2000) and worldwide (Gupta & Hanges, 2004; Gupta,
Hanges, & Dorfman, 2002).

Chronically Torn and Divided

We want to argue that Germany is a country that has been torn apart in history several times
and, therefore, has a history of division. We think that one effect is that Germans tend to be
anxious about the future, uncertainty avoidant, and uncomfortable with their identity. Some
of the more powerful divisions were between uneducated barbarism and civilization, between
Catholicism and Protestantism, between the eastern states and the western states, and between
Romanticism and Rationality. Furthermore, Germany has been torn between an overenthusi-
astic Germanic identification to feelings of inferiority to the other large European countries—
France and England.
Uneducated barbarism has existed beyond the Limes—a wall that the Romans built to keep
the barbarian Germans out and to demarcate their empire (roughly the regions of Bavaria,
Baden-Württemberg, Palatinate, and a large part of Hessia—farther north the border followed
the Rhine—were part of the civilization of the Roman empire). The Limes went through the
middle of what is Germany today. Some of the same divisions appear again and again
between the eastern German states, which were less influenced by Western countries, partic-
ularly France and Britain. Therefore, it was mostly the western states that followed French
revolutionary and democratic ideals and that led the revolt for democratic Germany in 1848
(and chose the western city of Frankfurt as their capital). The eastern states of Germany were
less influenced by democratic and revolutionary ideas and idealized the state and its influence
(particularly in Prussia).
Although there was an east–west divide in this sense, there was a north–south divide along
the lines of Catholicism and Protestantism. After Luther started his revolt against the Pope,
Protestantism became a powerful force. (Incidentally Luther also developed High- German as
the language that he created to produce a German Bible; High-German would eventually be
understood by all Germans.) Many states became Protestant (it was usually the decision by
the ruler of the state who decided whether a state would be Protestant or Catholic). In 1618,
the 30-year war started between the Catholics and Protestants; it was mainly fought on
German soil with an influx of powerful forces from Spain, France and Scandinavia; the sol-
diers lived off the land through which they passed. Famines, killings, foraging, destruction,
and the plague decimated and destroyed much of Germany during these 30 years—historians
estimate that a third of the population was killed during this time. Those states most affected
suffered tremendous causalities. Württemberg’s population was reduced from 400,000 to
48,000; Palatinate lost four fifths, and Bohemia’s 3 million were reduced to 780,000 people
(Craig, 1991). German angst (anxiety) may well be related to this period of time, which left
traces in many sayings, for example, “Schwedentrunk” (peasants were given boiling hot
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152 BRODBECK AND FRESE

manure to drink until they divulged where they had hidden their money). This might also have
contributed to a certain degree of xenophobia, which resulted in anxiety of other surrounding
countries.
After the 30-year war, 300 sovereign states were to exist. The nobility reigned and the
power of the commercial cities was reduced. Any threat to upset the order produced high anx-
iety in the populace because of the experience of the 30-year war. Obedience was, therefore,
important to uphold social order. These 300 German states were powerless vis-à-vis their
neighbors but a high degree of differentiated cultural development resulted from the compe-
tition between these states (e.g., many dukes employed their own orchestra or a composer).
On the other hand, most of Germany was provincial with little knowledge about the world. It
was against this background of backwardness that anti-Semitism flourished, supported by
Luther’s diatribes against the Jews.
Quite some time later and after many wars (particularly between Prussia in the northeast
and Austria in the south) Germany started to become a nation. In 1866, Prussia defeated
Austria, leading to the North German Confederation under Prussian control. In 1870, Prussia
went to war with France, defeating her, leading to the declaration of the first German nation
in 1871 (after the southern German states Barvaria, Würtemberg, Baden, and the Palatinate
were cajoled and bribed into the new German Empire). Thus, national unity was achieved by
the state with military might, not by popular will and revolt. Similarly, industrialization was
set off, supported, and channeled by active interventions from the state. Though Germany had
a free-market economy, the state’s power was strong and influential in every area of industrial
activities at a time, when industry was much freer in Britain and the United States. The state
also subsidized newspapers, which made them dependent on state support. Similarly, the state
organized schools and universities. Thus, there were few private initiatives that were not at
least condoned by the state. Therefore, the general concept of the all-powerful state was
developed and underpinned philosophically (e.g., by Hegel). We assume that the post-30-
year-war importance of the local princes, the romantic notion of community, and the de facto
importance of the modern (Prussian) state all reinforced a traditional power distance and insti-
tutionalized uncertainty avoidance.
Although Germany managed to develop its industry after the forced unification by Prussia,
it was unsure of itself and its position in Europe. Up to Wilhelm II—the emperor who started
World War I in 1918—Germany had the impression that it had come too late to get its rightful
place as a part of Europe’s imperialism (e.g., by accumulating colonies in other continents).
Another conflict issue was the tradition of Romanticism versus Rationalism. German
literature, arts, and music were heavily romantic (e.g. in literature, early Goethe, Schlegel,
Tieck, Brentano, the Grimm brothers, E. T. A Hoffmann, von Eichendorff). Romanticism
emphasized the irrational, mystical, and emotional, the imaginative and the visionary. And it
was directed against enlightenment and materialism. It was past oriented and against moder-
nity (cf. the importance of fairy tales and German sagas). Romanticism was also related to
nationalism in Germany. There were romantic notions of leadership and state (Hegel), which
may have contributed to the acceptance of high power distance (and which were important
for the development and rise of National Socialism in Germany). Romantic authors also used
the German language systematically (instead of Latin or French) and started a literature
for the normal population. Romanticism was in stark contrast to a rational approach, which was
the basis of science and technology that bloomed during the same period of the 19th
century. National Socialism has been described to make use of “high technology romanticism”
(Thomas Mann).
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 153

The German readiness to romanticize the state and to be obedient to the state may look like
collectivism but this is not correct. We follow Dumont (1994), who argues that Germany did
not develop a modern concept of organized society because Germans were individualistic.
However, their concept of the collective togetherness was one of Gemeinschaft (community).
Thus, there was a romantic notion of togetherness that went alongside a keen interest in indi-
vidual development and individual self-improvement. Luther’s reformation strengthened indi-
vidualism. A community was one that did not allow conflicts and that served as an immediate
reference point to which one had to be subservient. The Nazis used this when they talked
about the Volksgemeinschaft (people community). German culture was already integrated into
this idea of community. The community developed spontaneously; it was not developed as a
social contract. Thus, Germans are easily organizable: Dumont (1994, p. 41) quotes Troeltsch,
“the liberty of the German is willed discipline, advancement and development of one’s own
self in a whole and for a whole” (the whole being the people community).
From this short historical introduction, we assume that German culture is state oriented
and the default expectation of Germans is a high degree of activity by the state instead of indi-
vidual activities (e.g., in the area of general welfare or entrepreneurial activities). This may
translate into moderate to high power distance. The uncertainties and divisions may have
increased and supported high uncertainty avoidance (to avoid anxiety) and high future orien-
tation; that is, people save to be able to deal with future problems.
A discussion of Germany cannot be complete without pointing to the significance of Adolf
Hitler, anti-Semitism, and World War II. Although the Second World War was of obvious sig-
nificance for every German, Hitler and National Socialism was not really worked through
until the 1960s in which the German youth revolt included a revolt against the elders’ obedi-
ence and “organizability” during the Third Reich. From foes and defenders alike, the 68-
generation revolt is seen as a cultural watershed. In our view, it means that a Westernization
has taken place, increasing individualism, reducing the romantic notions of community (how-
ever, keeping romantic notions of the changeability of humans), and increasing values of risk
taking, innovation, cultural heterogeneity, and disobedience. Cultural changes are slow and,
therefore, we expect to see smaller changes in the culture as it is perceived (societal culture
“As Is”) but steeper changes in what people aspire to (societal culture “Should Be”).
The cultural revolution of the 1960s did not take place in East Germany, which in spite of the
communist regime displayed a higher cultural continuity from Hitler’s time to the late 1980s. All
the more, was there a cultural break and shock when the Eastern part of Germany was integrated
into the West in 1990. The shock waves of this reunification are still with Germany today.
Separated in 1949 and Reunited in 1990
The separation and the ready acceptance of separation into East and West was only the latest
of the divisions of Germany. As a result of the Second World War and the beginning of the
Cold War between the communist and the Western world, two German states emerged with
different economic and political systems: the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG,
Bundesrepublick Deutschland, also called West Germany), embedded in the Western eco-
nomic system and the NATO military alliance, and the German Democratic Republic (GDR,
Deutsche Demokratische Republick, also called East Germany), embedded in the communist
economic system (COMCON) and the Warsaw pact.
In 1949, both the Federal Republic of Germany (May 24, 1949) and the German
Democratic Republic (October 7, 1949) were founded. Figure 6.2 illustrates to what extent
the powerful geopolitical positioning of Germany within central Europe before 1945 (see
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154 BRODBECK AND FRESE

DN

NL
Federal Berlin Warsaw
West East

Cologne German Poland

B Democratic
Bonn
Republc
L Prague
Republic Krakow
Czech Rpl.
of Germany
Slovakia
France
Munich
Vienna

Switzer -
land Austria

Figure 6.2 Germany within Central Europe 1949–1990 (adapted from Schäfer, 1989)

Figure 6.1) had dramatically changed by 1949. A major geopolitical border, the “iron curtain”
between East and West, separated Germany into two different states, which were part of very
different geopolitical and economic systems.
In 1949, the goal to unite Germany again was made part of the West German Constitution.
This constitutional law formed the legal basis of reunification (October 3, 1990), which was
initiated by popular uprising and the highly symbolic act of the fall of the wall in Berlin
(November 9, 1989). Since East Germany joined the West German Federal Republic, there
has been little apparent change for West Germans, but dramatic changes for East Germans in
their political, economical, and social environment. For a more detailed description of former
West and East Germany and the German reunification process, see Appendixes A, B, and C,
respectively.
We argue that East Germany did not have the same cultural developments and breaks in
the 1960s as West Germany. The present chapter therefore also explores the extent to which
differences in societal culture and leadership perceptions between former East and West
German managers exist.

Still Carrying the Costs of Reunification

The process of rebuilding the economy in the eastern part, which has yet to be completed, has
been very expensive and laborious (see Appendix C). Between 1990 and 2001, more than 800
billion euro (a trillion dollars; “An Uncertain Giant,” 2002) were transferred from the West to the
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 155

new eastern states. The infrastructure was modernized, private-sector economy was established,
and the West German health care and social welfare systems were installed in the East. It is now
clear that the time frame and the costs of updating the collapsed former East German economy
and social systems were initially drastically underestimated. Moreover, the West is still develop-
ing faster than the East. East German unemployment was between 18% and 22% with some areas
higher than 30% at the end of 2002. Moreover, productivity was 70% of the West in 2002
(“Abbruch Ost,” 2003); GDP per person is 27,000 euros per person in the West and 16,500 euros
in the East (“Europe Has a Problem,” 2002). Thus, improving the economy and reducing high
unemployment rates in the East are set to be major challenges in the years to come.
It can be assumed that the unsettling times following German reunification based on
Germany’s comparatively high level of uncertainty avoidance (Hofstede, 1980) contributed to
cultural practices of consolidation, risk avoidance, and overregulation.
In the present chapter, characteristics of the societal culture, work attitudes, and leadership
perceptions in contemporary Germany (East and West) are investigated on the basis of the
GLOBE data and further sources.

3. METHODS, SAMPLES, AND PROCEDURES

The empirical approach taken here is both quantitative and qualitative in nature. Quantitative
data based on the GLOBE questionnaire survey (see chaps. 1 and 2, this volume; House,
et al. 2004) are supplemented with qualitative data from content analyses of print media, job-
postings analyses, semistructured interviews, focus group discussions, biographical analysis
of popular leaders in Germany, as well as from unobtrusive measures, participant observation,
and reviewing the literature about German culture and leadership.

GLOBE Questionnaire Study in Germany

Samples from former East and West German territory were drawn during the years 1995 and
1996. Using the German companies by industries listing, a random sample of 500 organiza-
tions (including the 50 top organizations) was contacted by mail, fax, and telephone (in this
sequence). Thirty organizations agreed to participate in the study. Eighteen of these delivered
sufficient data for further analyses (see Table 6.1). Twelve companies continued to collabo-
rate after results were available. They received written evaluation feedback about perceptions
of culture and leadership concepts within their organization in relation to the aggregated
results for Germany.
The sample of respondents comprises altogether 471 middle managers (East German:
N = 54; West Germany N = 417, see Table 6.1). With 11.5% of the total sample, East German
managers are somewhat underrepresented because the former East German population con-
stitutes about 20% of the total population in contemporary Germany. All respondents are mid-
dle managers with substantial work experience (on the average about 22 years) and leadership
experience (average about 11 years). The sample in former East Germany shows a higher
average age (46 years) and a higher percentage of female managers (30% women) than the
sample in former West Germany (43 years, 12% women). Although the East German man-
agers sampled have more work experience (26 years) and more leadership experience
(15 years) than their West German counterparts (21 years and 10 years respectively), the level
of hierarchy and responsibility they had approached by the time of the study is somewhat
lower (average levels to top = 1.3, average levels to bottom = .07, average number of report-
ing staff = 8.2, average size of unit = 106. 5) than for West German managers (see Table 6.1).
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156 BRODBECK AND FRESE

TABLE 6.1
Sample Characteristics of the GLOBE Questionnaire Study in Germany

West East Total

Organizations in the Samplea Germany Germany Germany

N in food industry 5 3 7
N in finance industry 6 1 6
N in telecom industry 5 1 5
Total N of organizations sampled 16 5 18
Individual respondentsbc N = 417 N = 54 N = 471

Percent female** 12 30 14
Age (in years)* 42.6 45.6 42.9
Years education** 14.1 16.1 14.3
Years work experience** 21.0 25.6 21.6
Years as manager** 10.5 14.6 10.9
N of hierarchy levels to top 1.1 1.3 1.1
N of hierarchy levels to bottom* 1.2 0.7 1.1
N of direct reports 11.1 8.2 10.9
Average size of organizational units 131.1 106.5 128.3
Respondents stating that their 67 % 67% 67%
organization is multinational

Note. Significant differences between East and West Germany: *p < .05, **p < .01
a
In each industry, one organization had subsidiaries in East and West Germany. Two organizations (both from the
food industry) originated in East Germany. bAll West and East German respondents were born, socialized, and
educated in West or East Germany respectively. A total of 75% of East German and 74% of West German
respondents held leadership positions before the reunification in 1990. cWest German sample: highest N = 417,
lowest N = 408; East German sample: highest N = 54, lowest N = 50, depending on variables analyzed.

There are several possible reasons for disparities in sample size and sample characteristics.
Many East German companies were still in the process of being closed down after the German
reunification in 1990. We encountered several instances in which the willingness to cooperate
with the GLOBE program was signaled, however, top management felt that enduring collabora-
tion may not be maintainable because negotiations with potential new owners were in progress
and considerable redundancies had to be made—especially among the senior workforce. Further
disparities in sample characteristics are partially due to differences in the formal education and
career systems. Note that in the average, East German managers have 2 more years of formal edu-
cation than West German managers. However, this does not fully account for the difference in
work and leadership experience of about 5 and 4 years respectively. The remaining disparities are
likely to be due to the higher promotion rates for West German as compared to East German man-
agers. After the reunification mainly West German companies “took over” (see Appendix C), and
the predominant assumption was that East German managers were not experienced enough with
Western market economy principles. Hence their prospect for promotion was reduced. The gen-
der difference described in Table 6.1 finds an explanation in the traditionally larger representa-
tion of the female workforce in East Germany as compared to West Germany.
In order to protect the GLOBE results from potential sampling bias, the previously
described differences in demographic variables were taken into account in our statistical
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 157

analyses. First, the respective variables were used as covariates when comparing questionnaire
data from East and West. Second, a West German twin sample was drawn by matching West
German with East German managers one by one on the basis of the aforementioned variables.
As is shown in the results section, all comparative results remain stable after the demographic
differences were taken into account.
Industry (finance, telecommunication, food) had no significant effects on the GLOBE
results neither for societal culture, nor for organizational culture and leadership in Germany.
On the one side, this increases our confidence in the sample to represent the perceptions and
values of German middle managers fairly well, and on the other side, it makes it obsolete to
engage in detailed subgroup analysis with respect to industry and organizational culture. The
reader who is interested in overall relationships between industry, societal culture, and orga-
nizational cultures (organizational culture mainly is predicted by societal culture) may find
the respective GLOBE results informative that are reported by Brodbeck, Hanges, Dickson,
Gupta, and Dorfman (2004). The case of how societal and organizational culture are linked
in contemporary Germany has recently been addressed empirically by Armbrüster (2005).
The GLOBE standard questionnaire was used (cf. House et. al., 2004; see also chap. 1, this
volume). Note that for evaluating perceptions of societal culture, respondents were asked to
rate the GLOBE questionnaire items about societal culture by considering the reunited con-
temporary Germany and not with reference to either of the two former German states alone.
In our interpretations of the results this peculiarity is taken into account.

Content Analysis of Print Media

East and West German print media were analyzed during the 25th and 29th week of 1996. The
following print media were chosen: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (daily newspaper, mainly
West German staff), Bild Zeitung (daily popular press, mainly West German staff), Die Zeit
(weekly newspaper, mainly West German staff), Wirtschaftswoche (weekly business maga-
zine, mainly West German staff), Handelsblatt (weekly business paper, mainly West German
staff), Wochenpost (weekly newspaper, mainly East German staff), and Freie Presse
Chemnitzer Zeitung (daily newspaper, mainly East German staff). The sections of news, pol-
itics, economy, society, comments, and so on, were used for content analysis. Sports, travel,
theater, cinema, and foreign issues were disregarded. Job advertisements for executives were
analyzed separately (see next subsection). Every article’s headline was read and classified
whether leadership issues were mentioned. Texts concerning either business leadership or
political leadership were selected. The selected articles were read and central phrases that
contained information about what leaders “should do” or “should be like” or about leader
attributes and actions that were identifiably as an “accepted standard” were typed into a data
file. A list of all phrases was created, and to each phrase the central verb or adjective, repre-
senting the predominant leadership attribute, was added. Beginning with the list of phrases
from East German print media (N = 189) categories were inductively generated. The same
was done for the West German sample (N = 360 phrases). Most of the categories were found
in both samples, so that a common category system could be employed comprising altogether
13 categories (see Appendix D). Two trained individuals (the first author and a postgraduate
student) independently rated all 549 phrases according to the 13 categories resulting in high
reliability coefficients (Cohen’s κappa: East Germany = .96; West Germany = .98).1

1
The contributions from Markus Schmidt are thankfully acknowledged.
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158 BRODBECK AND FRESE

Job Advertisement Analysis

Leadership requirements for German managers in 1981 and 1996 were compared by using
content analysis data from executive-level job postings published in three major German print
media (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Die Zeit, and Handelsblatt). For the year 1996, we
used the print media that were text analyzed (see previous subsection). For the year 1981,
issues from the same weeks (25th and 29th) as in 1996 were chosen. Comparison with East
German print media in 1981 and 1996 were not possible. In 1981, job offerings for executives
were not announced in public print media, and in 1996 the number of identifiably East
German job advertisements was too small. The comparison of 1981 and 1996 allows estab-
lishing the degree of stability and change in job requirements over a period of 15 years in
West Germany. Only advertisements from domestic companies offering an executive position
in Germany were selected. Up to 20 advertisements per print media were randomly chosen so
that an approximately equal sample size could be drawn for the years 1981 and 1996.
Analyses were conducted by a group of postgraduate students in the social science depart-
ment (Institute of Psychology) at the University of Munich. They attended a course in cross-
cultural research methods conducted by the first author. The students were unaware of the
GLOBE dimensions and hypotheses at the time of conducting the study. On their own, they
developed a categorization system to classify the total of N = 402 executive job requirements
obtained. Sixteen categories emerged (see Appendix E).2

Interviews and Focus Groups

Six semistructured interviews with West German managers (two female, four male) from var-
ious branches and two focus group discussions involving nine experienced managers and con-
sultants from different West German companies and branches were conducted. It was
intended to use the contacts to East German managers that develop during the course of the
acquisition of organizations in former East Germany to set up interviews and focus groups
with East German managers as well. However, it was not possible to obtain a satisfactory
number of cooperating managers within the set time window for the GLOBE study.
The interviews and focus groups were conducted to evaluate expectations about unusually
effective leaders versus average managers. Heterogeneity among respondents, for example, in
organizational background, gender, and age, was purposefully maximized. This decreased the
likelihood that prototypical attributes for excellent leadership overlap among respondents due
to similar background. Written protocols from the tape-recorded interviews were analyzed
and interpreted by an ethnologist who was unaware of the GLOBE dimensions and hypothe-
ses.3 Her task was to identify and categorize characteristic attributes for an unusually effec-
tive leader versus an average manager. Group discussions were tape-recorded and all
attributes and examples given were listed and subsequently classified according to the cate-
gorical system developed on the basis of the interviews.

Bibliographical Data About Popular Leaders

Twelve persons (West Germans) of various ages, gender, and social and educational back-
ground were interviewed in 1998 to create a list of unusually effective and commonly known

2
The contributions from Silvia Specht de Huber, Gabriele Kessler, Oswald Moosmann, Alexandra Muz, and
Nadja Töpper are thankfully acknowledged.
3
The contributions from Natalie Goeltenboth are thankfully acknowledged.
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 159

leaders in politics and business from the end of World War II until today. For three approximate
time periods (from 1945 to mid-1960s, from mid-1960s to early 1980s, and from the mid-
1980s to the 1990s) the most often mentioned leaders were selected for biographical analy-
sis. Biographical books and articles were used to derive predominant leadership attributes
commonly attributed to these persons.4 Note that the process of generating the list of popular
leaders is based on West Germans’ perspectives. Therefore, the results are not meant to rep-
resent East German views in any way.

4. SOCIETAL CULTURAL PRACTICES AND VALUES IN GERMANY

Box-plot statistics are used to show the distributions of societal cultural practices scores (“As
Is,” Fig. 6.3) and societal cultural values scores (“Should Be,” Fig. 6.4) for all GLOBE coun-
tries (see Appendix F and chap. 1 and 2 of this volume for more detailed descriptions of the
GLOBE dimensions; cf. House et al., 2004). Differences between societal cultural practices
scores (Fig. 6.3, “As Is”) and values scores (Fig. 6.4, “Should Be”) reflect the discrepancy
between the perceived (“real”) societal culture and the desired (“ideal”) societal culture.
Each figure allows for a direct comparison of East and West Germany’s societal culture
scores with the distribution of scores within the GLOBE sample of countries. In the cylinder-
shaped box-plots, four quartiles are distinguished (lowest 25%, low 25%, high 25%, highest
25%) and the median is given (vertical black bar indicating the midpoint of the distribution
with 50% above and 50% below). The range of country scores is represented by the total
length of the cylinders. In cases where societal cultural practices are similarly perceived by
East and West German managers, an oval-shaped blimp is shown for Germany, as in the case
of Uncertainty Avoidance cultural practices (see Fig. 6.3). Here East and West Germany rank
among the top 25% of all countries. In cases of differences between East and West (e.g.,
Future Orientation, Fig. 6.3), the blimp’s thick end represents the perceptions of West
German managers (80% of the total population) and the blimp’s thin end represents the per-
ceptions of East German managers. Country scores, test banding positions, and ranks for
Germany East and West are given in Table 6.2.

Power Distance in Decline

The GLOBE results on Power Distance point to an interesting overall finding: The “As Is” cylin-
der (Range 3.9–5.8, Fig. 6.3) and the “Should Be” cylinder (Range 2.0–3.7, Fig. 6.4) don’t over-
lap at all. Quite understandably middle managers in all GLOBE countries seem to prefer lower
levels of power distance than they actually experience. Germany’s moderate to high ranking on
Power Distance “As Is” (above the median of box-plot in Fig. 6.3) is in line with our historical
analysis in which it was assumed that the post-30-year-war importance of the local princes, the
romantic notion of community, and the de facto importance of the modern (Prussian) state all
reinforced a strong state orientation with traditional power distance. However, the noticeably low
positioning on Power Distance “Should Be” (below the median of box-plot in Fig. 6.4) seems to
indicate that there is a preference for a more egalitarian approach to status in the modern German
society, which is more pronounced than the global trend. The desire for less privilege for people
in position of power is reflected in a report in the February 22, 2001, issue of Business Week that
discusses the sudden departure of BMW’s CEO and the no. 2 executive:

4
The contributions from Claudia Sold are thankfully acknowledged.
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Figure 6.3 East and West Germany’s societal culture, “As Is” dimensions, within box-plot distributions of 61 GLOBE countries (Brodbeck, Frese & Javidan,
2002, p. 18. Reprinted with permission from Academy of Management).
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Figure 6.4 East and West Germany’s societal culture, “Should Be” dimensions, within box-plot
distributions of 61 GLOBE countries (Brodbeck, Frese & Javidan, 2002, p. 19. Reprinted with permission from Academy of Management)
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162 BRODBECK AND FRESE

TABLE 6.2
Country Means for Societal Culture Dimensions “As Is” And “Should Be”

West Germany (W) East Germany (E)

Dimensions Society “As Is” Score Banda Rank Score Banda Rank Sig. Diff.b

Power Distance 5.25 B 29 5.54 A 13 W<<E

Uncertainty Avoidance 5.22 A 5 5.16 A 7
Assertiveness 4.55 A 10 4.73 A 4
Future Orientation 4.27 B 13 3.95 B 25 W>E
Performance Orientation 4.25 B 22 4.09 B 33
Institutional Collectivism I 3.79 C 54 3.56 C 59
In-Group Collectivism II 4.02 C 54 4.52 B 46 W<<E
Humane Orientation 3.18 D 61 3.40 D 56
Gender Egalitarianism 3.10 B 44 3.06 B 47
Society “Should Be”

Power Distance 2.54 C 44 2.69 C 34

Uncertainty Avoidance 3.32 D 59 3.94 C 52 W<<E
Assertiveness 3.09 C 55 3.23 B 53
Future Orientation 4.85 C 57 5.23 B 42 W<<E
Performance Orientation 6.01 B 29 6.09 B 22
Institutional Collectivism I 4.82 B 28 4.68 B 34
In-Group Collectivism II 5.18 C 55 5.22 C 53
Humane Orientation 5.46 B 30 5.44 B 33
Gender Egalitarianism 4.89 A 15 4.90 A 14
a
Bands A > B > C > D are determined by calculating the grand mean and standard deviations across all society “As
Is” and “Should Be” scales respectively for the GLOBE sample of countries. These means and standard deviations
are than used to calculate low, medium, and high bands of countries (GLOBE standard procedure, cf. Hanges,
Dickson, & Sipe, 2004).
b
Symbols “>” or “<” indicate the direction of significant differences between Germany East and West (one-sided
test, p < .05) obtained by MANOVA and MANCOVA (i.e., differences in demographics are statistically controlled
for) and for sibling samples (samples with equal distributions in demographics are used). Symbols “>>” or “<<”
indicate a match in significant differences between East versus West and differences in bands.

Unceremoniously axing a top exec just wasn’t done—till now. In the old days, a CEO practically
had to steal money from the company to lose his job, says Frank F. Beelitz, head of Lehman
Brothers Inc.’s German unit. “Now, the life expectancy of an underperformer is getting shorter.”

High Uncertainty Avoidance in Decline

Germany’s scores for societal culture practices (“As Is”) are particularly high on the dimen-
sions Uncertainty Avoidance (Fig. 6.3). West Germany ranks fifth highest and East Germany
seventh highest in Uncertainty Avoidance among the 61 GLOBE countries (see Table 6.2).
These findings are higher than what Hofstede (1980) reports. In his study, West Germany
ranks only 29th among 53 nations. The GLOBE findings for Uncertainty Avoidance “As Is”
are in line with our assumption that Germany’s long history of many divisions may have
increased and supported high Uncertainty Avoidance (to avoid anxiety), which contributed
to cultural practices of consolidation, risk avoidance, and overregulation. Furthermore, the
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 163

traditionally Prussian state orientation, resulting in formalization and institutionalization,

constitutes a means of reducing uncertainty through structures. Similarly, Warner and
Campbell (1993) conclude that Germany’s “desire to be grounded in clear and unambiguous
principles may be seen as a cultural response to the uncertainties which have characterized
German history” (p. 91). Contemporary Germany is again facing uncertainties due to the
unsettling times following German reunification and increasing globalization.
High Uncertainty Avoidance means that Germans prefer their lives to be structured, well orga-
nized, and secure. They rely on rules and institutionalized procedures to reduce stress and anxi-
ety when facing ambiguity and uncertainty. These findings are quite consistent with other studies.
In its comparative study of 59 countries, the World Economic Forum (2000) ranked Germany
43rd (the higher the number the more pronounced the issue) in terms of burdensome regulations,
49th in terms of the negative impact of the tax system on business investment, 48th in terms of
inflexibility of employment rules, and second to last in terms of employer discretion in hiring and
firing decisions. The country is ranked 42nd for its low flexibility and adaptability.
Interestingly, in the GLOBE sample, although Germany ranks among the highest 25% on
Uncertainty Avoidance “As Is” (Fig. 6.3), it ranks among the lowest 25% on Uncertainty
Avoidance “Should Be” (Fig. 6.4). In other words, compared to the GLOBE sample as a
whole, German managers would like to get rid of the many rules, regulations, and constraints.
The stark differences between “As Is” and “Should Be” are an example of the divergence
between the traditional culture and recent changes in cultural aspirations. The meaning of a
disparity between “As Is” and “Should be” country scores is further discussed in chapter***
(i.e. the final Chapter Brodbeck, Chhokar, House, in this Volume).

High Assertiveness in Decline

Germany shows a high degree of Assertiveness, which is similar to Hofstede’s (1980) finding
of high masculinity in Germany. East Germany is the 4th highest and West Germany the 10th
highest amongst the 61 GLOBE countries (see Table 6.2). Note that the GLOBE empirical
data suggests partitioning Hofstede’s masculinity dimension into Assertiveness and Gender
Egalitarianism (House et al., 2004). Apparently, there is a high degree of stability of
assertiveness from Hofstede’s study time to GLOBE. High Assertiveness means that Germans
are more confrontational in their relationships with others than members of most other soci-
eties. Interpersonal interactions at work tend to be aggressive and assertive. The language
tends to be straightforward and stern. This also means that conflict and confrontational debate
are acceptable approaches at work. There is a story of Siemens CEO, Dr. Henrich von Pierer,
who yelled at his teammate in a tennis match: “You have to hate your opponent!” (The Wall
Street Journal, February 2, 2001). It seems that open verbal aggression and confrontational
behavior is tolerated in German society more than in many others.
On the “Should Be” Assertiveness dimension, Germany ranks very low (Fig. 6.4), which
is considerably lower than the respective “As Is” score for cultural practices (Fig. 6.3). The
downward trend from “As Is” (top quartile) to “Should Be” Assertiveness (bottom quartile) is
considerably stronger than the global trend. This may reflect a strong desire for a less con-
frontational approach to interpersonal relations in Germany. It seems that German managers
wish to abandon the traditional “tough on the person” approach.

Zeitgeist of Consolidation

Traditionally, high Performance Orientation has been seen as an “ideal” in Germany society.
This view is still reflected by the highest score for Performance Orientation “Should Be”
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164 BRODBECK AND FRESE

compared to the scores of all other cultural dimensions in Germany (see Fig. 6.4). However,
Germany ranks around the median in Performance Orientation “As Is” (see Fig. 6.3). It seems
to be no longer or (not yet again) a leading country in that respect. Middle managers in
Germany perceive the current “real” society to be lower in Performance Orientation than it
“Should Be.”
West Germany’s Future Orientation “As Is” ranks among the highest 25%, whereas the
“Should Be” score ranks within the lowest 25% of all GLOBE countries. This trend is actu-
ally opposite to the global trend of a higher “ideal” than “real” future orientation (the range
of the future orientation “Should Be” cylinder shown in Fig. 6.4 is placed considerably higher
on the scale than the range of the “As Is” cylinder in Fig. 6.3). It seems that middle managers
in West Germany believe that a nonrisky attitude of delayed gratification, planning, and
investment into the future should be reduced. Interestingly, East German managers perceive
less Future Orientation “As Is” and more Future Orientation “Should Be” than West German
managers. In German history, many uncertainties and divisions have supported an ideal of
high future orientation, which was most prominent during the post–World War II period. The
current discrepancy between high “As Is” and low “Should Be” scores on Future Orientation,
which is against the trend among all GLOBE countries, suggests a culture of hesitation and
consolidation that is rather recent in nature, possibly a consequence of the post-reunification
period (see Appendix C).

Individualism With Collectivistic Elements

Germany’s comparatively low ranking on In-Group Collectivism and low to moderate rank-
ing on Institutionalized Collectivism speak to a mainly individualistic society. Differences
between cultural practices (Fig. 6.3) and values (Fig. 6.4) on these dimensions are not partic-
ularly pronounced. The Institutionalized Collectivism “Should Be” score for West Germany,
which is slightly above the median, relates well to the ideal of a “Gemeinschaft” and the
social welfare state in Germany (see earlier discussion and Appendix A, respectively). Low
scores on collectivism scales are typical for highly developed Western societies, such as the
United States or the UK. Individualism means that resources and rewards tend to be distrib-
uted on the basis of individual rather than collective achievements, that individuals express
pride in their individual achievements rather than in group achievements, and that they value
individual self-esteem higher than group loyalty, cohesiveness, or group viability.

Advancement of the Female Workforce

A comparison between this dimension’s cylinders in Figs. 6.3 and 6.4 reveals an interesting
global trend. Gender Egalitarianism is more highly valued than actually practiced in almost
all societies studied. The “As Is” cylinder in Fig. 6.3 is positioned at the lower end of the scale
whereas the “Should Be” cylinder in Fig. 6.4 is positioned considerably higher. Germany’s
“Should Be” Gender Egalitarianism ranks in the highest 25% of all countries whereas the “As
Is” score ranks in the low 25%. The difference between “ideal” and “real” for Gender
Egalitarianism in Germany exceeds the magnitude of the global trend. German middle man-
agers seem to be particularly strongly in favor of a society that is more equal in opportunities
for men and women than it currently is, perhaps favoring a degree of reverse discrimination.
Thus, in the decades to come women will probably experience a steeper social advance in
Germany than in most of the other GLOBE countries. This seems timely because although
the first female leader in a German parliament appeared in 1919 (seventh rank among the
GLOBE countries), there are only 5% female representatives in German government today
(50th rank among GLOBE countries). Perhaps it is a case in point, that about 8 years after the
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 165

GLOBE data was sampled, the Germans voted a political constellation into parliament in
September 2005, which resulted in a female Bundeskanzlerin (chancellor or premier) for the
first time in Germany’s history.

Lowest on Compassion

Germany ranks surprisingly low on Humane Orientation “As Is” (see Fig. 6.3, West Germany
being the lowest among the 61 countries) and not higher than moderate on Humane
Orientation “Should Be.” A more detailed inspection of what “Humane Orientation” actually
means seems appropriate. The GLOBE concept of Humane Orientation measures the degree
to which a society is perceived (“As Is”) and expected (“Should Be”) to encourage individu-
als to be fair, altruistic, generous, caring, and kind to others. The items in the GLOBE scale
address mainly prosocial behavior in interpersonal situations (e.g., concern about others,
tolerance of errors, being generous, being friendly, and being sensitive toward others). Social
interaction in German companies tends to be more task oriented, straightforward, and less
“kind” than in many other countries. Germans tend to be perceived by other countries as
being driven by abstract principles. The principles are used as (often absolute) guidelines that
need to be executed even if individual cases merit another treatment. This decreases a flexi-
ble approach toward personnel issues. The low level of humane orientation is in line with the
high Assertiveness cultural practices reported for Germany earlier. Getting the task done,
minimizing errors, and achieving high-quality standards seem to be more important at work
than compassion and interpersonal consideration.

The Paradox of Low Compassion and Social Welfare

The findings here seem to present a paradox. On the one hand, Germany scores low on inter-
personal humane orientation and compassion at work. On the other hand, Germany enjoys
institutions and legal practices, tracing back to the pioneering social welfare laws introduced
in the late 19th century, that take care of people’s social welfare to a much larger extent than
in many other countries (see previous discussion and Appendix A). The German approach to
humane orientation seems to be manifested in institutionalized societal caring for people
(Solidargemeinschaft, or solidarity community), especially the working class and the disad-
vantaged, rather than in the nature of interpersonal relations at work. The strong tendency to
avoid uncertainty in people’s lives may have prompted the development of very elaborate
institutionalized social systems to take care of people and to reduce risks to individuals and
institutions (e.g., the country ranked second in the world in terms of total expenditures on
health as a percentage of GDP in 2000). Apparently, there is an institutionalization of altru-
ism, generosity, and caring in Germany that in other countries tend to be taken care of on an
interpersonal level. In Germany, humane orientation is seen to be taken care of by state insti-
tutions (as part of the Solidargemeinschaft) and it seems that therefore, humane orientation on
an interpersonal level is perceived (and “Should Be”) of lesser importance.

East Meets West

Overall, the societal cultural similarities found in this study of East and West German man-
agers outweigh the differences. Only a few significant differences were found (see Table 6.2).
As compared to West German managers, East German managers perceive the reunited
German culture to be significantly higher in Power Distance “As Is,” In-group Collectivism
“As Is,” Uncertainty Avoidance “Should Be,” Future Orientation “Should Be,” and signifi-
cantly lower in Future Orientation “As Is.”
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166 BRODBECK AND FRESE

When interpreting these differences, we should keep in mind that both East and West
German managers were asked to evaluate the culture in contemporary Germany as a whole
and not the respective subcultures (East or West German, respectively) they were part of at
the time of the study. This leaves us with some ambiguity for interpretation.
The differences in perceptions of Power Distance may be related to historical East–West
differences; for example, the (Prussian) East has traditionally shown a higher degree of Power
Distance than the West. Moreover the differences may be due to the fact that a cultural change
toward Western ideals of liberty and self-actualization took place only in West Germany in
the 1960s which, for example, reduced Power Distance. A third reason for differences may be
related to current perceptions of discrimination on the part of the East Germans as a conse-
quence of the inequalities of the reunification. East Germans receive lower wages, and many
of the East German leaders were not promoted or were even downgraded and many were fac-
ing unemployment at the time of the GLOBE study. Obviously, we cannot test these different
hypotheses with our data set. However, we think that the first two reasons are more likely to
explain sustained cultural differences between East and West Germany than the third.
The same three reasons may have contributed to differences of In-Group Collectivism
leading to higher “As Is” scores in the East. Note that no differences were found for In- Group
Collectivism “Should Be.”
We assume that differences in the “As Is” dimensions are probably based on long-term dif-
ferences in culture (either because of culture change of the 1960s or because of historical
East–West differences) whereas differences in the “Should Be” category are more likely to be
related to current issues of East–West relations after the reunification. Thus, the higher “Should
Be” Uncertainty Avoidance in the East may be the result of the higher objective economic
uncertainty that affects East Germans and has contributed to higher levels of anxiety. Higher
“Should Be” Future Orientation in the East may similarly be related to higher anxiety levels, as
planning for the future (e.g., differed gratification) is one way to reduce anxiety and uncertainty.
Finally, a specific methodological dilemma of a comparison of East and West German
managers (still in office) has to be pointed out. Managers from former East Germany, who
where still active after the reunification (and thus responded to the GLOBE questionnaire),
may not be representative for the typical East German manager before reunification (because
many Communist Party members among the managers were fired or demoted—and many of
them were party members), whereas the post-reunification West German managers are most
likely to be representative of the West German management before reunification.
Overall, the substantial societal cultural overlap found for the East and West German sam-
ples investigated by our study is in line with the Germanic cultural cluster that has been con-
sistently reported in cross-cultural studies from the early 1960s to the late 1990s (e.g., Gupta
et al., 2002; Ronen & Shenkar, 1985; Szabo et al., 2002). Therefore we feel confident in say-
ing that the contemporary East and West German societal cultures are strikingly similar
despite 40 years of separation into rather different economical and political spheres.

The Paradox of Germany’s Twin Accomplishments in the Past

The paradox of West Germany’s twin accomplishment in the second half of the past century,
high economic success and high standards in social welfare, may be related to the paradox of
low interpersonal compassion at work and high institutionalized social welfare described ear-
lier. It is quite possible that West Germany’s past economic success resulted from high per-
formance orientation and assertiveness paired with low interpersonal compassion at work.
This combination allows for higher levels of conflict and controversy at work and such
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 167

task-focused conflict is likely to contribute to high performance and quality. It is known that,
if constructively used, task conflict is productive and does not turn into dysfunctional rela-
tionship conflict (Simons & Peterson, 2000), especially when mutual trust is maintained, in
Germany, for example, via the institutionalized cooperative capital–labor relationships.
Anxiety and stress, usually resulting from interpersonal conflict and controversy, should not
have surfaced in Germany to the expected extent because it is counteracted by the institu-
tionalized social welfare systems and labor protection laws, which satisfy personal needs for
security and job safety in Germany’s high Uncertainty Avoidance culture.
An interesting question is whether Germany can reproduce its historic twin accomplish-
ment in the future. Since the late 1990s, Germany has received much criticism from many
corners. Otmar Issing, the European central bank’s chief economist, has criticized German
policymakers for their failure to tackle the overly generous welfare system. The magazine the
Economist identified the causes of Germany’s recent economic malaise as “a Byzantine and
inefficient tax system, a bloated welfare system, and excessive labor costs” (“The Sick Man
of the Euro,” 1999, p. 21). The report also complained about the country’s excessive regula-
tions: “Germany is still smothered in regulations that crimp markets. Many prices are regu-
lated and consumers remain ‘protected’ in bizarre ways” (p. 21). Similarly, the World
Economic Forum reported the German tax system and regulations as a major source of com-
petitive disadvantage for German firms. The Economist’s recipe: “In the longer term, … it is
still more vital that Germany, along with most of Europe, attack the high taxes, over-generous
welfare benefits, onerous labor market restrictions and red tape that are choking growth in
output and jobs” (p. 21).
Is the German culture prepared to cope with the necessary changes in the social welfare
principle considering its current profile in societal values? The GLOBE societal culture find-
ings presented here support the conclusion that the Economist’s recipe may not be easy to
implement in Germany. Underpinning the high taxes, the excessive regulations, the high labor
costs, and the expensive social safety net is a set of cultural values and practices (e.g., high
uncertainty avoidance, high assertiveness, low interpersonal humane orientation, high institu-
tionalized social welfare, and strong labor representation). These cultural practices and val-
ues have not changed very much over the last four decades. Even more important, these
characteristics of the German culture may have actually contributed to Germany’s economic
and social success in the past, in close interaction with factors such as high performance
orientation and high tolerance for conflict and controversy among the workforce.
The apparent trends in Germany’s societal culture “Should Be,” the declining Power
Distance, Uncertainty Avoidance, and Assertiveness, and the advancement of the female
workforce and interpersonal Humane Orientation justify some optimism. However,
Germany’s traditional high Performance and Future Orientation have declined in the 1990s
and the previously described cultural practices and values, still endorsed in contemporary
Germany, show a better fit in stable times dominated by large industrial companies and labor
unions and a stable environment. How will German firms compete in a faster changing global
environment? Even more important, is the German leadership culture prepared to promote the
necessary changes?

5. LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY

A direct translation of the English term leader into the German word Führer is inadequate (see
also the respective discussion in chap. 5, this volume). The word Führer is very negatively
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168 BRODBECK AND FRESE

connoted in German-speaking countries, and worldwide, because it is associated with Hitler and
the Nazi regime in World War II. Interestingly, today there are many German words used in busi-
ness that contain Führung (“leadership,” the depersonalized version of Führer) and are positively
connoted, for example, Führungskraft (someone who leads), Führungseigenschaften (leadership
characteristics), Führungsanspruch (attempting to lead), or Führungsposition (leadership posi-
tion). Moreover, German citizens who receive a good Führungszeugnis (official document stat-
ing that a person had not been in conflict with the law) can hope to be hired as a state employee,
and German prisoners who have shown gute Führung (good conduct) can hope for an early
release to liberty. As Brodbeck (2004) has pointed out, leadership terminology that uses the
depersonalized and deindividualized term Führung is favored in Germany over the simple word
Führer, which is semantically the most precise word for a person who leads. Does this mean that
“Leadership Made in Germany” is seen as less personal and less interpersonal and more institu-
tionalized and more depersonalized then leadership elsewhere in the world? The GLOBE results
can give an answer to this question.
Before we address the respective GLOBE results, we reflect on what the literature has to
say about German leadership practice and research, which can be classified according to three
phases of economic and cultural development in Germany: (a) the classic period of econom-
ical growth and strength in the 1950s, for West Germany as one of the leading economies in
the world and for East Germany as a leading economy in the COMCON, (b) the rise of post-
materialistic values and the intake of Anglo-American management philosophies in West
Germany with the early 1970s, as compared to no detectable developments with respect to
leadership in East Germany, (c) the period of a perceived mismatch between East and West
German approaches to work and leadership after the reunification in 1990.

The Post War Period

Research about the relationship between leader attributes and leadership effectiveness was not
as strongly endorsed within Germany (Müller, 1995) as, for example, in the United States
(e.g., Yukl, 2005). Wunderer explains this with reference to the existence of a Führerallergie,
which means that German management plays down the positive impact of the leader (cited in
Martin et al., 2004, p. 47). This is in contrast, for example, to British and Americans who
praise leaders for “single-handedly turning around a company’s fortunes” (Stewart, Barsoux,
Kieser, Ganter, & Walgenbach, 1994, p. 187). Such a perspective must be seen within its his-
torical context. Since the Holocaust, the term Führer (leader) has a negative connotation—
worldwide and especially in Germany.
The stereotypical German business leader of postwar Germany is described as a person
with a formal interpersonal style and straightforward behavior, technically skilled, a special-
ist rather than a generalist, neither bureaucratic nor authoritarian, and one who emphasizes
Technik (i.e., technical excellence) as both means and ends. He or she is a believer in the
motto that “well-made products will be eagerly bought” (Lawrence, 1994).

Westernization of Management Principles in the 1970s and 1980s

Since the mid-1970s, concepts like interpersonal skills, delegation, participation, inspiration,
and empowerment have become popular among German managers (Wiendick, 1990), which
reflects the broader changes in West German attitudes from materialistic to postmaterialistic val-
ues and their consequences for leadership practice. The more traditional work values, for exam-
ple, the fulfillment of materialistic needs, discipline, and orderliness declined and values such
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 169

as self-fulfillment, life satisfaction, and personal growth became more popular (Maier, 1990;
von Rosenstiel, 1995; Zander, 1995). Also apparent is the acceptance of more generalist
“Anglo-American” competencies in management, such as social competency, delegation, and
participation, together with a focus on motivating and inspiring followers (Lawrence, 1994;
Regnet, 1995; Wiendick, 1990).

Post-Reunification Leadership Research

Despite these developments, post-reunification German management style has lately been
characterized by the “competence first” principle again (Glunk, Wilderom, & Ogilvie, 1997).
Similarly, Hammer (1999) reports on the basis of case studies of German and Swiss managers
in which emphasis is still put on the technical expertise of leaders and the bureaucratic rule-
setting role of management, than on the communicative and interactive processes of people-
oriented leadership.
The importance of participation through systems such as codetermination is emphasized
in the German leadership literature. For the whole Germanic cluster (Austria, Switzerland, the
Netherlands, East and West Germany), Szabo et al. (2001) report acceptance of the fact that
participation “serves as a good means to achieve individual and organizational goals”
(p. 239). In Reber, Jago, Auer-Rizzi, and Szabo’s (2000) multicountry comparison, participa-
tion is identified as a central attribute of German leadership style. Bass (1990) suggests that
West German participative leadership is based on the subordinates’ expectation to be con-
sulted about decisions. Once the leader makes the decision, subordinates prefer to carry it out
autonomously to the best of their ability. This is consistent with the negatively perceived
Führerprinzip (Bass, 1990, p. 786), and also with the subordinates’ preference for high auton-
omy. German employees are relatively autonomous in carrying out work and have compara-
tively high job discretion (Glunk et al., 1997; Warner & Campbell, 1993), which is matched
with their usually high levels of education, knowledge, and skill.
The centrality of technical competence seems to go hand in hand with a wide span of con-
trol in German management, which provides both leaders and subordinates with the level of
autonomy necessary to bring technical competency to bear on the task. The principle of par-
ticipation seems to play a central role in that it delivers the means by which autonomous and
technically competent leaders and followers negotiate their contributions to performing the
tasks at hand to the highest standards possible.
Empirical research of East German leadership prior to German reunification is difficult to
retrieve (cf. Andersch-Niestedt & Lilge, 1981) and to West Germans even more difficult to
interpret. Independent leadership research was suspended by the East German SED
(Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschland, or the Socialist Unitary Party of Germany) in
1971, because leadership was perceived to be an intimate and exclusive task of the SED
(Zwarg, 1995). The difficulty in appropriately contextualizing the meaning of “business lead-
ership” in former East Germany becomes apparent when considering its political role. The
major requirement for East German “leaders” was educating the work force in the political-
ideological (SED) doctrines of a socialistic society (Andersch-Niested & Lilge, 1981;
Hiebsch & Vorwerg, 1978; Zwarg, 1995). Hiebsch and Vorwerg report empirical data that are
in line with this view. Based on factor analyses of leadership functions, they identify three
major leadership tasks: “interpersonal cooperative tasks,” “technical cooperative tasks,” and
“political-ideological maturity.” The first two factors match with the classic dimensions of
“consideration” (people orientation) and “initiating structure” (task orientation) that were
popular within the behavior-oriented tradition of Anglo-American leadership research (for a
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170 BRODBECK AND FRESE

review, see Yukl, 2005). The third factor implies the willingness to indoctrinate others into
socialist principles. It may be an intriguing research program to explore the Western capital-
istic counterpart to socialist “political-ideological maturity.” It probably would focus on
Western leaders’ willingness to indoctrinate others into capitalist principles.
In general, research about leadership values and practices in former East Germany is dif-
ficult to interpret from a West German perspective. We therefore point out a few highlights
about pre- and post-reunification research comparing East and West German leadership that
seem valid because they are derived from multiple sources, part of which are from East
German and non- German scholars.
Overall, it seems that within the East German system, leadership tasks were more con-
cerned with maintenance and implementation as opposed to initiation and goal setting, which
is more predominant within market-economy-driven organizations. Lawrence (1994)
describes the former East German ethos as one of “bureaucratic inefficiency,” and Warner and
Campbell (1993) write of a culture that was “bureaucratic, disciplined and oriented toward
control” (p. 90).
In the post-reunification years, some research has focused on comparisons between East
and West German work attitudes and leadership styles. The literature seems to converge on
only a few characteristics that distinguish East and West German leadership. The majority of
findings are in line with the previously described influx of Anglo-American management
principles into West Germany during the 1970s and 1980s. Generalist competencies such as
motivating followers were considered more important leadership attributes by West German
as compared to East German respondents (e.g., Wuppertaler Kreis, 1992). Schulz-Gambard
and Altschuh (1993) report higher authority orientation and lower levels of competition
among East German managers. Frese, Kring, Soose, and Zempel (1996) show in a longitudi-
nal study that personal initiative and organizational spontaneity are lower among the former
East German workforce, providing evidence that bureaucratic socialism can produce work
conditions that constrain the development of personal initiative.
More interestingly, a number of studies (Boehnke, Dettenhorn, Horstmann, & Schwartz,
1994; Heyse, 1994; Macharzina, 1993) have demonstrated that East and West German work
attitudes and value systems are surprisingly similar in spite of the strong polarization between
the East and West evident during the 1990s. Very shortly after the reunification in 1990, the
Wuppertaler Kreis (1992) conducted an interview study with N = 95 managers from 10 East
German organizations near Magdeburg (mean age 47, in occupation 27 years, leadership
functions 16 years) and N = 104 managers from 35 organizations in North-Rhine-Westphalia
(mean age 45, in occupation 23 years, leadership functions 14 years). They reported techni-
cal competency and task orientation to be leadership values dominating both East and West
German companies. This is in line with recent characterizations of German leadership as
being guided by the “competence first” principle (cf. Glunk et al., 1997).
In summary, contemporary leadership research in Germany indicates the enduring impor-
tance of technical competence and a strong task/product commitment. Although there seem
to be some differences between East and West German leadership values, the principle of par-
ticipative leadership seems to unite the Germanic cultural cluster in Central Europe, which
includes former East and West Germany. What we see within Germany is an institutionaliza-
tion of leadership, with the existence of systems and structures for participation to deperson-
alize leadership (Martin, Keating, & Brodbeck, 2004).
In the following, we present the findings from the GLOBE quantitative and qualitative
studies about leadership perceptions and prototypes in East and West Germany that were
conducted in the second half of the 1990s.
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171
Figure 6.5 East and West Germany on second-order GLOBE leadership dimensions (Brodbeck, Frese & Javidan, 2002, p. 23. Reprinted with permission
from Academy of Management)
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172 BRODBECK AND FRESE

The Six Second-Order Leadership Dimensions From GLOBE

Figure 6.5 shows the box-plot cylinders representing the scores of all GLOBE countries for
the six-second order leadership dimensions. Germany’s scores are again represented as
blimps (see note to Fig. 6.3). In all GLOBE countries, Charismatic/Value Based and Team
Oriented leadership are perceived as clearly facilitating outstanding leadership. And these
dimensions are rated highest in Germany as well. However, Germany ranks just below the
median in Charismatic/Value Based leadership (low 25%) and even lower on Team Oriented
leadership (lowest 25%). The latter finding corresponds with the comparatively high individ-
ualistic societal cultural values in Germany.
The relatively high ranking on Participative leadership sets German leadership cultures
apart from most other countries. This finding corresponds with prior research about the
Germanic cultural cluster as was described earlier. Participation can be seen as a leadership
style that responds to high individualism on the one hand (by making negotiations between
high-autonomy parties manageable), and to the institutionalized systems of social justice and
labor representation giving employees a “voice,” on the other hand. In an interview with the
Wall Street Journal (“Boss Talk,” 2001), in response to the question, “What aspects of the
American business model would you say are not worth adopting?” Dr. Von Pierer, the CEO
of Siemens responded:

The way one deals with people. One example is the German co-determination. Today I met with
30 representatives of works councils from all the operations in Berlin. In Anglo-Saxon world that
always sounds so nice. But today the discussion focused on large drives, which we are restruc-
turing.… The works council representative came and said, “We’ve taken a look at the master plan
and we have suggestions from our plant, which is where our know how lies, about where we could
develop new business.” That’s great. That’s part of codetermination that the people come with
their own suggestions.… You have to understand, you come into a German board meeting and
there you have 10 capitalists and 10 labor representatives. That demands different behavior.

On Humane Oriented leadership Germany ranks comparatively low (lowest 25%) whereas
on Autonomy it ranks particularly high (highest 25%). This pattern corresponds very well with
the high levels on assertiveness and the low levels on humane orientation reported earlier for
Germany’s societal cultures. Self-Protective leadership is perceived to clearly inhibit effective
leadership in Germany. High self-protective behavior of a leader would inhibit open conflict
and controversy (to the benefit of saving face), and thus would also undermine true partici-
pation. Interestingly, East German managers (they rank around the median) seem to be some-
what more lenient toward Self-Protective leadership attributes than West German managers
are (they rank in the lowest 25%). This is probably a consequence of the East Germans not
having been exposed to institutionalized codetermination and participation. Interestingly,
Self-Protective leadership attributes (e.g., face saving) are overall more popular among (for-
mer) planned economy systems within East European countries (and also in, e.g., China, see
chap. 24, this volume) than they are in market economy systems within Western European
countries (Brodbeck, Frese et al., 2000) and others (e.g., the United States, Canada, etc.).
In summary, in line with the global trend, effective and outstanding leadership in Germany is
perceived to be charismatic/value based, which includes high performance orientation and deci-
siveness. What sets the German business leadership culture apart from the leadership cultures in
most of the other GLOBE countries is the combination of high participation, high autonomy, and
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 173

low self-protection along with relatively low interpersonal humane orientation. Altogether, the
German profile of attributes and behaviors associated with ideal leadership matches substantially
with the profiles of societal culture in Germany. Hallmarks of German cultural practices are high
levels of performance orientation, uncertainty avoidance, and assertiveness, along with low
levels of interpersonal humane orientation, all soothed by institutionalized participation and
social welfare. Compassion is low and interpersonal relations are straightforward and stern—not
only at work. It seems that conflict and controversy moderated by institutionalized participation
and social welfare are part and parcel of the German societal and leadership cultures.

The 21 First-Order Leadership Dimensions From GLOBE

Differences between East and West German leadership concepts emerge only when a detailed
analysis based on the 21 first-order GLOBE leadership dimensions is undertaken (see Table
6.3). Note that the 21 leadership scales formed the basis for the six second-order leadership
dimensions (cf. House et al., 2004).
In a two-step process, we established the basis for comparing the samples of East and West
German managers on these 21 scales by using individual-level variance.5 First, we conducted a
confirmatory factor analysis (individual level of analysis) in order to establish scale reliability
and construct validity for the leadership scales across the East and West German subsamples.
Sixteen out of the 21 GLOBE leadership scales were retained (indicated by superscript a in
Table 6.3) because their reliabilities and factor loadings were satisfactory (see Appendix F).
Second, we compared East and West German scores on these 16 scales by using an analysis of
variance (ANOVA) for comparing the original East and West German samples, a multiple analy-
sis of covariance (MANCOVA) (statistically accounting for the demographic differences
between the two samples reported in Table 6.1), and an ANOVA based on the original East
German sample plus the West German twin sample of similar size, in which West German
respondents were matched with East German respondents on the basis of the previously identi-
fied demographic variables that differed between the two samples (see Appendix G).
Note that the GLOBE scales were designed to measure organizational or societal level vari-
ability (Hanges & Dickson, 2004). The scales were not intended to meaningfully differentiate
among individuals within a particular society. However, even though the scales were not con-
structed to provide such information, in some cases it is interesting to assess whether similar
factors differentiate individuals within a society especially when subcultures are assumed to exist.
However, it should be noted, that because of the within-society restriction of the GLOBE scales
true-score variability (which was based on between-society differences) the loadings of the
GLOBE scale’s items on within society factors should be lower than between societies (cf. Hanges
& Dickson, 2004). Furthermore, one should not interpret the within-society factor analyses as
replications of the GLOBE factor structure. And the absence of a GLOBE factor within a society
should not be automatically interpreted as the factor being irrelevant to the people in that country.
Rather, a factor may fail to emerge within a society even when that theme is extremely critical,
because there was no variability in how the individuals from a single society rated the items (e.g.,
they all rated the items a 7). Factor analysis requires variability and so a factor could fail to emerge
because it is extremely critical or completely irrelevant to the people within a society.

5
The contributions from Oswald Moosmann in calculating and drafting the tables in Appendixes F and G as part
of his diploma thesis supervised by the first author are thankfully acknowledged.
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174 BRODBECK AND FRESE

TABLE 6.3
Country Means and Ranks for First- and Second-Order GLOBE Leadership Dimensions

Mean: Germany Rank: Germany

Dimensions Subdimensions West East West East

Charismatic/Value Based 5.84 5.87 42 39

Performance Orientationa 6.11 6.33 26 12
Visionarya 5.99 5.86 43 47
Inspirationala 6.15 6.10 31 34
Integritya 6.12 6.11 30 32
Self-Sacrificial 4.87 5.08 41 26
Decisive 5.78 5.81 37 34

Team Oriented 5.49 5.51 56 55

Team Integratora 5.05 5.08 57 56
Collaborative Team Orienteda 5.48 5.37 53 56
Administratively Competenta 5.51 W < E 5.74 48 34
Diplomatic 5.08 5.10 57 56
Malevolenta 1.68 1.71 38 34

Self-Protective 2.96 3.32 53 38

Self-Centereda 2.10 W < E 2.20 31 24
Status-Consciousa 3.72 W << E 4.45 49 27
Conflict Inducer 3.59 4.14 48 26
Face-Saver 2.36 2.46 53 48
Procedurala 3.00 W << E 3.40 58 50

Participative 5.88 5.70 9 14

Autocratica 1.95 2.06 57 55
Nonparticipativea 2.28 2.53 51 35

Humane 4.44 4.60 53 49

Humanea 4.27 4.36 49 48
Modestya 4.61 4.81 49 41

Autonomous 4.30 4.35 10 8

Autonomousa 4.30 4.35 10 8
a
Indicates the first-order scales that were found to be reliable and valid on the individual level of analysis of the
German sample (see Appendix F). > / < indicate the direction of significant differences between Germany East and
West obtained by MANOVA, MANCOVA, twin sample (see Appendix G). >> / << indicate a match in significant
differences between East and West and respective differences in ranks and test bands.

The most significant difference (effect size η2 > .03) is that East German managers perceive
outstanding leadership to be more positively associated with Status Consciousness than do West
German managers. Three further significant differences of weaker effect sizes (η2 range
between .01 and .02) were identified: East German managers perceive outstanding leadership to
be more positively associated with attributes of Administrative Competency, Self-Centeredness,
and Procedural leadership (see Appendix G). All four significant differences relate to an
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 175

officious leadership concept in the sense of Max Weber’s bureaucratic organization, which
matches other reports about leadership in East Germany (e.g., control orientation, Warner &
Campbell, 1993; authority orientation, Schulz-Gambardt & Altschuh, 1993).
The here established differences between East and West German leadership perceptions
are also in line with GLOBE findings across 22 European countries. There, bureaucratic-type
leadership attributes (administrative skill, face saving, procedural, status consciousness) are
more positively perceived in Eastern European (formerly planned economy) countries, than
in Western European market economy countries (Brodbeck et al., 2000). This is indicative of
a specific divide in leadership perceptions at the interface between East and West Europe
where Germany is located.
Overall, however, the GLOBE results for Germany demonstrate that the leadership proto-
types of contemporary East and West German managers are highly similar to each other. This
is in line with several other post-reunification studies of leadership and work values in Germany
(Boehnke et al., 1994; Heyse, 1994; Macharzina, 1993; Wuppertaler Kreis, 1992). According to
the GLOBE results, in both parts of Germany middle managers perceive outstanding leadership
as high in Performance Orientation, high in Autonomy, and high in Participation, as well as
medium in Team Orientation, and low in Self-Protection and Compassion.

Profiles of Leadership Types in East and West Germany

In order to better understand particular types of leadership within Germany, we undertook fur-
ther analyses. On the basis of the 16 leadership scales that were identified to be reliable and
valid within the total German sample, profiles of leadership types were empirically formed
by using a combination of multidimensional scaling (MDS) and cluster analysis (e.g.,
Brodbeck et al., 2000; Smith, Dugan, & Trompenaars, 1996). First, MDS was conducted
with the 16 scales for each of the two German samples. A two-dimensional structure with
an almost perfect fit was obtained for East Germany (R2 = .998) and for West Germany
(R2 = .996). The MDS results for East and West Germany are nearly identical (see Appendix
H). Dimension 1, termed “Positive vs. Negative,” represents the extent to which leadership
attributes are perceived to facilitate or inhibit outstanding leadership. Dimension 2, termed
“High Independence vs. Low Independence,” represents the extent to which leadership attrib-
utes are related to social independence on the one side (autonomy, individualistic, indepen-
dent, unique), and to sociability on the other side (concern about others, tolerance, generous
and sensitive toward others). Second, a cluster analysis (average linkage method) was per-
formed to identify groups of leadership scales that are related to each other and distinct from
those in other clusters.
Each circled cluster in Fig. 6. 6 represents a leadership type for West Germany. Altogether
five leadership types are distinguishable. We termed them (from right to left in Figure 6
Charismatic, Humble Collaborator, Individualist, Bureaucrat, and Oppressive leadership.
In Fig. 6.7, the clusters and their interrelationships for East Germany are displayed. These
differ from the West German clusters in three particular respects: (a) the link between Status-
Conscious leadership and the Humble Collaborator cluster, (b) the link between Procedural
leadership and the Oppressive Leader cluster, and (c) the Bureaucratic Leader is not per-
ceived as a distinct leadership type among East German managers. They connote Status
Consciousness (note it resembles “class consciousness” in communist societies) more posi-
tively than West German managers do.
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176 BRODBECK AND FRESE

Figure 6.6 West German leadership types (Brodbeck, Frese & Jaqvidan, 2002, p. 25. Reprinted with
permission from Academy of Management).

Figure 6.7 East German leadership types (Brodbeck, Frese & Javidan, 2002, p. 25. Reprinted with
permission from Academy of Management)
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 177

The Charismatic Leader

The most positive leadership type in East and West Germany comprises the attributes of
integrity, inspiration, performance orientation, vision, administrative competence, and team
integration. We termed this type charismatic because three of the attributes listed are
described in various theories of transformational and charismatic leadership (inspirational,
visionary, performance orientation; e.g., Bass, 1985; an overview is given in Yukl, 2005). The
respective clusters shown in Fig. 6.6 (West Germany) and Fig. 6.7 (East Germany) seem to
represent a particularly German version of charismatic leadership, which incorporates admin-
istrative competence and team-integrative behaviors. As was pointed out by Martin et al.
(2004), the importance of these attributes links in with Gurowitz’s (1998) assertion of a lin-
gering presence of notions such as authority and position within German society, which are
incompatible with newer Anglo-American concepts of leadership that focus on inspiring oth-
ers via an appealing vision. Another explanation of the administrative and team-oriented
blend of charismatic leadership in Germany can be derived from Stewart et al.’s (1994) asser-
tion that—compared with its British and American counterparts—German management
downplays the leader’s impact. This may be due to the historically negative associations of
the concept of Führer (a dark charismatic with an evil vision). The consequence is a marked
absence of truly charismatic business leaders in contemporary Germany. This was put in clear
terms by Swatch founder Nicholas Hayek: “We have too many managers, in other words,
people who can conduct a good orchestra and play Mozart or Beethoven clinically and with-
out emotion. However, we no longer have any Mozarts or Beethovens” (Gurowitz, 1998,
p. 135, translated by Martin et al., 2004). There seems to be deep fear and constant suspicion
in Germany that a visionary leader may turn out to be a dark charismatic.

The Humble Collaborator

The second and also positively perceived leadership type comprises collaborative orientation,
modesty, and humane orientation as its central attributes. We termed this type humble col-
laborator because the attributes emphasize leadership on an equal basis with followers, be it
in team collaborative work (e.g., group oriented, loyalty, fraternal, consultative, mediator), in
personal temperament (modesty, self-effacing, patient), or in interpersonal humane orienta-
tion (concern about others, tolerance, generous, sensitive toward others). In contrast to West
Germans, East German managers perceive status consciousness to be a positive leadership
attribute and they perceive it to be part of the humble collaborator cluster (see Fig. 6.7).
Although the humble collaborator leader is not as positively perceived as the charismatic
leader, this type is clearly desirable in Germany. The perceived importance of humility and
collaboration reflects the German value of participation. A humble collaborator leader
encourages participation and collaboration in organizations. It is noteworthy that attributes of
Humane Orientation are the least positive in this leadership type (they are positioned nearest
to the midpoint of the positive–negative scale in Figs. 6.6 and 6.7). This can be seen as reflect-
ing the low scores on Humane Orientation in Germany’s societal culture (see Table 6.2) and
second-order leadership dimensions (cf. Fig. 6.5 and Table 6.3).
The low endorsement of humane orientation as compared to high performance orientation
indicates that among German managers, task orientation is still perceived to be more impor-
tant than people orientation. This does not mean that inhumane leadership behavior is toler-
ated. It rather means that Germans treat interpersonal relationships at work in a distanced and
institutionalized way. A strong task orientation does not necessarily denote an eschewal of
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178 BRODBECK AND FRESE

human relations. As Stewart et al. (1994) have pointed out, in Germany a different approach
to motivating workers is taken. If employees hold the same assumptions about interpersonal
conduct then “no one feels hard done by when feelings take second place to task” (p. 185).
We have already pointed out the positive aspects of low levels of interpersonal compassion at
work. For example, task conflict is less likely to turn into dysfunctional relationship conflict.
If constructively handled, task conflict is likely to result in high quality and efficiency at
work. The humble collaborator seems to be the perfect leadership type for managing such a
process in German culture.

The Individualist

Not surprisingly, individualistic leadership (autonomous, individualistic, independent,

unique) ranks highest on the independence scale. Despite the fact that the individualist pro-
totype is opposite the previous type of the humble collaborator, it is still viewed somewhat
positively by West German managers and even more so by East German managers. It repre-
sents the unique, independent, and individualistic manager who stays apart from the crowd.
A typical representative of an individualist leader can be seen in Alfred Herrhausen, former
president of the Deutsche Bank, who was murdered in 1989 by German terrorists (he was
also named as one of the most prototypical German business leaders; see Table 6.8). His
impressive career began in 1970 when he became a member of the board of directors. In
biographies and the public press reports of his time, he is described as a courageous
risk taker, rational in thinking and straightforward, energetic, enforcing, and purposive
in temperament, with high performance and power orientation. Most prominently, he was
described as an individualist, an outsider, often reserved and distanced with a high need
for recognition. Interestingly, he claimed to waive the debt for the poorest developing coun-
tries, which was, in his time, for a banker, a quite exceptional position that stood against
popular views.
The positive endorsement of autonomous leadership in both parts of Germany is in line
with individualism (opposite of collectivism) as a marker of German societal culture (see
Table 6.2). On the surface, it seems to conflict with the strong endorsement of participation
in the German (work) culture. However, as was noted earlier, institutionalized participation
offers a mechanism to attain individual and group goals while monitoring leaders’ actions
closely (thus allowing for more autonomy) and giving employees a voice in the process (the
principle of codetermination). The emphasis on technical competence leads to a wider con-
trol span and greater autonomy on part of the employees. However, as Warner and Campbell
(1993) note, professionalization on all levels within German organizations reflects (and
requires) a considerable degree of self-discipline and self-programming. Independence within
agreed-on parameters characterizes the preferred mode of working or managing in Germany
(cf. Warner & Campbell, 1993, pp. 99–100). Thus, autonomy granted for leaders in Germany
finds its counterpart in the expectation that autonomy is also granted for employees.
Institutionalized participation, technically competent personnel, and low self-protection on
part of the leaders (and followers) seem to be necessary ingredients to make autonomous
leadership (and followership) work effectively in Germany.

The Bureaucrat

The bureaucratic leader, comprising the attributes of status consciousness and procedural (rit-
ualistic, formal, habitual, and cautious), seems to exist as a leadership type only among West
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 179

German managers. East Germans perceive, on the one side, procedural leadership nearer to
the oppressive leader and on the other side, status consciousness as part of the humble col-
laborator. The bureaucratic leader is perceived by West German managers to slightly inhibit
outstanding leadership. This leadership type scores in the middle of the independence scale.
Leaders who are visibly attracted to status and privilege, and are focused on rules and proce-
dures, are seen neither as outstanding, nor as particularly ineffective in West Germany. In con-
trast, status and privilege seems to be part of a more positive leadership image among East
German managers. The dislike for procedural leaders in both East and West Germany seems
to be rooted in the strong desire for performance orientation and the desire for reduced preva-
lence and intrusion of rules and procedures that is apparent in the low Uncertainty Avoidance
societal cultural values (“Should Be,” see Table 6.2).

The Oppressive Leader

The oppressive leader unifies the attributes of a German leader who is neither trusted nor
loved by the followers. An oppressive leader tends to be nonparticipative, a micromanager,
autocratic, elitist, vindictive, cynical, and hostile, among other attributes. The oppressive
leader does not recognize the followers’ views or contributions, partly due to his or her com-
plete self-absorption, and partly because of his or her cynical and malevolent views toward
others. Oppressive leaders are disliked by followers partly because of a negative impact on
their emotional well-being and partly because they are the ultimate representations of high
self-protection and low participation.

Mixed Leadership Types

The GLOBE data about leadership cannot give direct evidence for actual prevalence rates of
these leadership types in Germany (or any other country) because the managers’ ratings in the
GLOBE questionnaire focused on “outstanding leadership”; that is, they described “very
effective” leaders, not necessarily “average” leaders. A perceived “outstanding” leadership
style fits the implicit leadership concepts held by followers. Leadership is most effective
when the fit between attributes of a leader and the followers’ leadership concepts is high
because followers are more motivated and committed when their leadership expectations are
met and misunderstandings and reluctance against influence attempts are less likely (cf. Lord
& Maher, 1991).
For Germany, the charismatic leader (also administrative competent and team integrative)
and the humble collaborator (also encouraging participation and compassion) seem to fit the
leadership concepts held by middle managers best. However, leadership types are seldom
found in purity. They overlap with each other and their relationships to societal cultural val-
ues are of particular relevance to predicting which leadership style will be successful—even
if not all too positively valued.
For example, some of the oppressive leader’s attributes resemble attributes of an individu-
alistic leader (e.g., loner, asocial). The latter is perceived to contribute to outstanding leader-
ship; the former is not. However, oppressive leaders can gain some emotional and
motivational commitment from followers due to the conceptual overlap with individualistic
leadership. This overlap can raise the likelihood that East and West German middle managers
are tolerant toward oppressive leaders. In contrast, this conceptual overlap can also lead to
unjustified intolerance toward individualistic leadership styles (e.g., misperceived as dark
charismatic).
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180 BRODBECK AND FRESE

For another example, a person with high Assertiveness and low Humane Orientation may
still be perceived as a charismatic leader in East and West Germany (and may get away with
poor interpersonal behavior) because interpersonal humane orientation is less highly valued in
German society and organizations than, for example, performance orientation and decisiveness.
In other countries, where humane orientation is more highly valued than in Germany, a manager
displaying a lack of compassion will never be perceived a charismatic leader.

Leadership Perceptions in East and West German Print Media

Altogether 13 categories were used (see Appendix D) to analyze leadership perceptions evi-
dent in a sample of German print media in 1996 (for details, see section 3 in this chapter).
The relative frequencies and rankings per category for business leaders in West and East
German print media are presented in Table 6.4.
In the predominant West German print media, the three attributes described most often for
business leaders are “determined” (13.1%), “high integrity” (9.6%), and “future orientation”
(8.8%). For East German print media the three highest ranking categories are “evaluating”
(14.0%), “rational” (11.6%), and “confronting” (11.6%). Values and behaviors of business
leaders that imply personality characteristics of determination, assertiveness, and masculinity
(altogether 21.9%) are about four times more often expressed in West German than in East
German print media (altogether 4.7%). In contrast, values and behaviors that imply rational-
ity, evaluation, and opinion expression (altogether 34.9%) are about two times more often
expressed in East German than in West German print media (altogether 14.4%). It seems that

TABLE 6.4
Relative Frequencies and Rankings of Leadership Attributes (in 13 Categories) From West
and East German Print Media (Business Leaders)

West Germany East Germany

Characteristics % Rank % Rank

Determined 13.1 1 4.7 9

High Integrity 9.6 2 9.3 4
Future Oriented 8.8 3 7.0 7
Firm 6.4 6 0.0 13
Communicating 6.4 6 9.6 4
Confronting 6.4 6 11.3 3
Rational 6.4 6 11.6 2
Evaluating 5.6 8 14.0 1
Visionary 5.6 8 2.3 10
Collaborating 4.0 10 7.0 7
Optimistic 3.2 11 0.0 13
Opinion Expression 2.4 12 9.3 4
Masculine 2.4 12 0.0 13
Total % 80.3 85.5
N Phrases (125) (43)
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 181

prototypes for business leadership in West German print media are expressed in terms of
personal characteristics referring to high task commitment (e.g., leaders are determined,
assertive, masculine). In East German print media, business leadership seems to be more a
matter of interpersonal exchange and rationality (e.g., leaders express their opinions, evaluate
the opinions of others, and confront others with their views).
West German print media portrait business leaders as individuals with high task commit-
ment and determination (cf. charismatic leader); East German print media portray business
leaders as individuals who express opinions within certain contexts of interaction (cf. humble
collaborator). The latter can also be related to the significantly stronger endorsement of sta-
tus consciousness in East as compared to West German leadership prototypes. East German
print media seem to be more inclined to attribute leadership to an ascribed status, a position
within a social system, rather than to a self-determined individual. On the part of the West
German press, the results indicate a partial neglect of the dialectical nature of exchanging
opinions in search for higher levels of rationality in business. On the part of the East German
press, the results indicate a partial neglect of the business leader as a self-determined person.
For political leadership (see Table 6.5) the differences between East and West German
print media are less pronounced. Political leaders are most often described to be
“Confronting” (West 18.6%; East 13.6%) and “Determined” (West: 13.6%; East: 12.7%), fol-
lowed by “Communicating” (9.0%) and “Collaborating” (8.1%) in West German print media,
and by “Collaborating” (12.7%), and “Evaluating” (12.7%) in East German print media. The

TABLE 6.5
Relative Frequencies and Rankings of Leadership Attributes (in 13 Categories) From West
and East German Print Media (Political Leaders)

Political leaders

West German East German

Category % Rank % Rank

Confronting 18.6 1 13.6 1

Determined 13.6 2 12.7 2
Communicating 9.0 3 3.4 8
Collaborating 8.1 4 12.7 2
High Integrity 8.1 4 5.1 6
Firm 7.2 6 1.7 10
Evaluating 5.4 7 12.7 2
Future Oriented 5.0 8 1.7 10
Rational 4.5 9 7.6 5
Masculine 4.1 10 1.7 10
Opinion Expression 3.6 11 4.2 7
Visionary 1.8 12 3.4 8
Optimistic 0.9 13 0.0 13
Total percent 92.4 80.5
Total N (221) (118)
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182 BRODBECK AND FRESE

higher commonality of East and West German print media in describing political leadership
as compared to business leadership may be due to the fact that the leaders being described
were most often federal politicians of predominantly West German descent, whereas the busi-
ness leaders were more likely to be of regional origin. It is also possible that in the public
arena of politics task commitment (i.e., determination) and the exchange of ideas in search
for better solutions (e.g., confronting) are more evidently displayed for both East and West
German print media than in the business arena.

Leaders Versus Managers in West Germany: Interviews

On the basis of content analyses of interview transcripts (see Section 3 for details) altogether
eight categories were derived that describe outstanding leaders (left-hand column in Table
6.5) and eight categories that describe average managers (right-hand column in Table 6.6).
The two halves of the table read like the “do” and “don’t do” of leadership because respon-
dents were asked to contrast attributes of leaders to attributes of managers. The latter turned
out to be uniformly seen as “average” and the former as outstanding in at least some respect
(as is reflected in the column headlines of Table 6.6).
Outstanding leaders are expected to develop and attain higher order goals (visionary). In
comparison, average managers are expected to attain proximate or small goals set by others
(administrative). Leaders are described to be convinced and convincing (inspirational), man-
agers to hide (or not act in accord with) their personal convictions (procedural). Usually high
personal integrity of leaders can be contrasted to self-centered motives and behaviors ascribed
to managers (self-protective). The remaining contrasting categories are: collaborative team
orientation versus autocratic and power orientation, self-critical versus face saving, and con-
sideration versus task orientation. So far, all the categories associated with leadership match
well with the leadership dimensions GLOBE has identified throughout the world (Dorfman,
Hanges, & Brodbeck, 2004). Note that, in the interviews, no category was evident for inter-
personal Humane Orientation, comprising attributes like generous, compassionate, or being
fair, altruistic, caring, or kind to others. This is in line with the GLOBE questionnaire results
according to which interpersonal humane orientation is not particularly strongly associated
with outstanding leadership in Germany.
Two categories were identified that have not been used in the overall GLOBE study: high
transparency (which includes straightforwardness, open communication, and explaining deci-
sions) and a broad knowledge base, for example, knowing the essentials or a wide mental and
educational horizon. Both can be related to the central role of autonomy, technical compe-
tency (also not part of the GLOBE leadership dimensions), and participation in German orga-
nizations, which requires low self-protection (i.e., straightforwardness, transparency, and
open communication) and high professionalism (knowing the essentials of the job and a broad
knowledge and education).
When asked for publicly known persons who exemplify excellent leadership in their
domain, some personal characteristics (e.g., future oriented, visionary, disciplined) and many
interpersonal behaviors (e.g., inspirational, motivating, transparency, straightforward, social
welfare orientated) were mentioned. When asked for critical incidents from the respondents’
personal experience, leadership attributes that are relevant to interpersonal relationships were
most often given, for example, open-mindedness, combines job and private life well, moti-
vating, sensitive, convinces others, overcoming hierarchy, trusting, and showing weakness
and errors.
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 183

TABLE 6.6
Attributes of Outstanding Versus Average Leaders—Interviews

Outstanding Leader Average Manager

Visionary Administrative
• attains higher order goals • attains proximate goals
• has personal convictions & charisma • has small goals and plans in mind
• knows a lot about recent trends • sticks to rules and traditions
• sensitive for new developments • passes the pressure from above to his
• can abandon old structures and or her employees
secure paths
Inspirational & motivating Procedural
• convincing, shows and gives security • not really convinced about goals
• supports employee identification • doesn’t display personal convictions
• raises intrinsic motivation • problems in own decision making
• presents him or herself positively to others
High integrity Self-centered
• stable self-concept, calm, self-possessed • emotionally unstable
• sure of him or herself, not fearful • insensitive, superficial, inflexible
• modesty, high integrity, trustworthy • switches “chief”/“companion” role
• a strong soul and mind • tries to attribute responsibility for
• disciplined in work and private errors to others
Collaborative and team oriented Personal power oriented
• delegates responsibility • no critique of higher management
• participative • leads by command, status oriented
• able to compromise • doesn’t or can’t delegate
• empowering • non-participate, feels as a “king”
• social responsibility • wants to do by him or herself
• solves conflicts win/win • no trust in others doing job right
Critical about him or herself Face saving
• can take criticism, shows weakness • hides errors
• admits errors or deficiencies • changes direction without explicitly
• knows his or her limits telling, is indirect
Considerate of people Task oriented on cost of people
• committed to his or her employees • seldom time to talk to employees
• doesn’t give employees a feeling of • instrumentalizes employees
being used for something • puts pressure on employees
• defines attainable goals
• backs one up, caring, sensible, open
• personal interest, sympathy, respect
Transparency Unclear
• clear communicator, explains decisions • doesn’t explain decisions/motives
• straight forward, relentless when necessary • unclear, distanced
• openly communicates task criteria and • keeps information secret
controlling mechanisms • low on feedback
• displays the paths to the goal clearly • actions not clear to understand
Broad knowledge Specialized knowledge
• high competence in field of expertise • knows much about company
• knows the essentials right away • knows much about market
• wide mental and educational horizon
• talented, genius
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184 BRODBECK AND FRESE

Leaders Versus Managers in West Germany: Focus Groups

The attributes of leaders versus managers from two focus group discussions are described in
Table 6.7 (details about the procedures are described in Section 3). They were categorized
using the schema that was developed on the basis of the semi-structured interviews described
previously. The average manager is perceived as a somewhat autocratic, task-oriented spe-
cialist who controls a complex system by attaining the goals specified (“does things right”).
A leader is mainly perceived to be “more” than a competent manager, by being wise and
visionary (“doing the right thing”), by dealing especially well with people (considerate,
empowering), and by being an outstanding person in character (integrity, authentic), in dedi-
cation and vision (enthusiastic, innovative), and in education (broad knowledge). These
results are very much in line with the results found in the semistructured interviews.
Overall, the focus group discussions resulted in a somewhat narrower range of attributes
than in the semistructured interviews. Also, fewer negatively valued attributes of an average
manager were given. In particular, negative attributes of interpersonal relations, for example,
self-centeredness, being unclear, face saving, and personal power orientation, were more
often reported in the “private” context of the semistructured interviews than in the somewhat
more “public” context of the focus group discussions. In the focus group setting, the average
manager was described to be basically a good person who is trying to do things right, who is
personally responsible for the correct procedure, but who does not feel personally responsi-
ble to develop a vision of what the right things are (and forms no aspirations that contradict
higher management). In the interview setting, the average manager was mainly described as
a person who is “doing things right,” however, also as a person of questionable personal char-
acteristics (e.g., self-centered, emotionally unstable) and of questionable interpersonal quali-
ties (e.g., nonparticipative, using others for own purpose), that is, not treating people
particularly well.
Particular care should be taken when interpreting findings elicited by just one qualitative
evaluation method. For example, we contrast findings from the interviews and the focus
groups. One can distinguish all attributes found into two broad categories: intrapersonal or
personality characteristics like traits or abilities, and interpersonal characteristics, like social
competency, motivating others or being considerate of others. By counting the number of
attributes per category, a ratio of about 60% interpersonal attributes to 40% intrapersonal
attributes resulted from the interview setting. In the focus groups, the ratio was the reverse:
40% interpersonal and 60% personality attributes. It seems that personal and interpersonal
attributes of leaders are differentially salient depending on the social setting imposed by the
evaluation method. To go one step further, we also computed the relative frequencies of inter-
personal (e.g., communicating, collaborating) and intrapersonal categories (e.g., rational,
optimistic) from the results of the print media analysis. A ratio of about 35% to 65% respec-
tively was found. Thus, interpersonal aspects of leadership seem to be least salient in print
media (35%) and less salient in focus group discussions (40%) than in semistructured inter-
views (60%). The more intimate (or the less public) the social setting the more likely it is that
interpersonal attributes of leaders are reflected and discussed.
In summary, the interview and focus group data, which was categorized by individuals
naive to the GLOBE hypotheses, replicate nearly all GLOBE dimensions for Germany.
Interestingly, Humane Orientation did not emerge as a category in the qualitative analyses,
which is probably due to the comparatively low salience of interpersonal conduct at work in
Germany. Some further categories for outstanding leadership, namely high transparency and
broad knowledge base, were found. High transparency fits well with the ideal of participation
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 185

TABLE 6.7
Attributes of Outstanding Versus Average Leaders—Focus Groups

Outstanding Leader Average Manager

Visionary Administrative
• clear vision • organizes and commands
• knows about new trends • encourages new ideas but not against
the higher management
Inspirational & motivating Procedural
• enthusiastic • keeps things going
• charismatic • controls a complex system
High integrity
• trustworthy, authentic, modest
• high discipline
• can deal with chaos while not being
chaotic
• brave
• non-materialistic orientation
Collaborative and team oriented Personal power oriented
• delegates by task and not by • dominating
formal procedures • a person who wants power
• doesn’t rely on formal power
• cnflict resolving
• a servant of the company
• teamwork competency
• empowers others
• committed to others
Considerate of people Task oriented on cost of people
• sensitive • some social competency
• supports ideas of employees • delegates
• trusting employees • not very good in criticizing
• loyal toward employees • flexible
• open, tolerant, and fair
• communicative
Transparency
• shares vision with others
Broad knowledge Specialized knowledge
• broad education • specific knowledge
• creative • specialist
• multiculturally oriented • knows his or her own culture quite well
but not other cultures
• wise
• spirited when it becomes difficult
Does the right thing Does things right

and constructive conflict and broad knowledge base fits well with the ideal of autonomy
requiring professionalism and high task competency. When asked to describe public leaders
or leaders the respondents have firsthand experience with, interpersonal attributes dominate
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186 BRODBECK AND FRESE

over personal attributes. They comprise aspects of charismatic leadership, high transparency
in communication, and humane orientation (e.g., inspirational, motivating, open communica-
tor, straight forwardness, social welfare orientated). Differences in relative proportions of
intrapersonal versus interpersonal attributes seem to be a result of the evaluation method used.
The more direct and face-to-face the evaluation method is (print media–focus group–personal
interview), the more interpersonal attributes for describing leaders are elicited.

Job Requirements for Executive Positions in West Germany

Table 6.8 lists the relative frequencies of job requirements published in job advertisements
in West German print media for the 16 categories identified (see Appendix E, for details
about the procedures used, see Section 3). From 1981 to 1996, the average number of attrib-
utes listed per advertisement increased from 2.57 to 3.84. Despite this quantitative increase,
the relative frequencies and rankings are remarkably stable. In 1981 and 1996, West
German leaders are mainly expected to take initiative (13.5%, 11.8%), to be purposive
(12.8%, 12.2%), and to communicate effectively (11.5%, 10.2%). The demand for
collaborative qualities has increased significantly, from the fifth position in 1981 (7.7%) to
the first position (14.2%) in 1996. In contrast, “responsibility” is less often listed in 1996
(2.0%) than in 1981 (6.4%). A similar negative trend exists for administrative skills (1981:
9.6%; 1996: 7.7%).
It seems that the old-fashioned leadership ideal of individual responsibility within a clear
hierarchy (bureaucratic, administrative orientation) is changing toward a leadership ideal of
interpersonal competencies and team orientation. Furthermore, “firmness” and “future orien-
tation” are listed nearly twice as often today (6.5% and 6.9%) than 15 years ago (3.8% and
3.8%). Finally, “willingness to learn” (2%) has emerged as a new characteristic that was not
listed in 1981.

Commonly Known Leaders in West Germany

Sixteen outstanding business leaders were suggested by a convenient sample of 14 West

German respondents (basically random people on the street). Table 6.9 (right-hand side)
describes the three most frequently suggested persons, Axel Springer (for the postwar period
and somewhat later), Alfred Herrhausen (for the 1970s to late 1980s), and Leo Kirch (for the
mid-1980s to the late 1990s—his company went bankrupt in 2002 several years after the
GLOBE evaluation took place). Twelve outstanding political leaders were mentioned. Table
6.9 (left-hand side) describes the predominant attributes for the three most frequently men-
tioned political leaders: Ludwig Erhard (for the postwar period), Willi Brandt (for the 1970s
to early 1980s) and Helmut Kohl (for the mid-1980s to the mid-1990s; at the time of evalua-
tion he served as Bundeskanzler, i.e., chancellor or premier).
The leadership attributes described in Table 8 cannot be viewed as representative; however,
each person seems to exemplify a “Gestalt” of an outstanding leader in a certain historical and
contemporary period of Germany.
With the exception of Alfred Herrhausen (see the subsection Individualist Leader), all
leaders in politics and business were reported to have a vision. The vision was either very
appealing to all (“combining economic growth and social justice” by Ludwig Erhard, or the
“ideal of peace and reconciliation” by Willy Brandt, or “supporting social economy” by Axel
Springer), or it was appealing to a very large proportion of the public (e.g., “reunification of
Germany and its integration in Europe,” by Helmut Kohl), or it was a vision of some
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 187

TABLE 6.8
Percent of Attributes per Category in West German Executive Job Advertisements

1981 1996

Characteristics % Rank % Rank

Initiative 13.5 1 11.8 3

Purposive 12.8 2 12.2 2
Communicating 11.5 3 10.2 4
Administrative Skill 9.6 4 7.7 5
Inspirational 7.7 5 6.9 7
Collaborative 7.7 5 14.2 1
Leader Experience 7.1 7 6.9 5
Responsible 6.4 8 2.0 12
Motivating 5.8 9 3.3 11
Firm 3.8 11 6.5 9
Flexible 3.8 11 4.9 10
Future Oriented 3.8 11 6.9 7
Rational 3.2 13 2.0 12
Enthusiastic 1.9 14 1.2 15
Directive 1.3 15 0.8 16
Willingness to Learn 0.0 – 2.0 12
N of categorized attributes 156 246
Total N of attributes 177 261
Total N of advertisements 69 68
Attributes per advertisement 2.57 3.84

self-grandiosity (“creating a media monopoly in Germany,” by Leo Kirch) that provoked dis-
trust and harsh criticism from various groups in society. All leaders were admired or at least
respected for mainly three different classes of personal leadership characteristics:

• Purposive goal attainment, high performance orientation.

• High expertise, realism, rationality, and reliability.
• Courage and straightforwardness.

Positively valued interpersonal attributes were mainly associated with Willy Brandt, who was
said to have displayed the “most human form of power” (Eppler, 1992), including trustwor-
thiness, collaborative, and humane orientation, and somewhat associated with Ludwig Erhard
(the “father” of Germany’s social market economy) for his social justice and social welfare
orientation. Most of the interpersonal leadership behaviors ascribed to the remaining political
and some of the business leaders were pointed out in the biographical publications to be
questionable to at least some extent, for example, they were said to instrumentalize personal
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188 BRODBECK AND FRESE

TABLE 6.9
Leader Attributes of Publicly Known Leaders in West Germany

Political Leaders Business Leaders

1945 to 1960s: Post World War II, a Period of Privation and Beginning Economic Growth
Ludwig Erhard (1897–1977): German Minister Axel Springer (1912–1985): Most successful
of Economy (1945–1963) as a member of the publisher (popular press, e.g. Bild-Zeitung)
conservative party (CDU). Known as the father during the German postwar area and the 1960s
of the “soziale Marktwirtschaft” his (social and 1970s. Known for his conservative attitudes,
economy) and the German “Wirtschaftswunder” fight for German Reunification, reconciliation
(engl., economic mystery). with Israel, and supporting the social economy.

Leader attributes: Leader attributes:

• Visionary, “highly prognostic in economics” • Visionary, missionary
• Realistic and constructive optimist • Moralist, religious
• Performance orientation • Patriarchal, micromanager
• Social justice orientation, “Gemeinwohl” • Seeking for harmony
• Firm, imperturbable • “Publishers task … of ‘grounding’ ideals
• High expertise in economics • often excludes materialistic thought and
action.”

1960s to 1970s: A Period of Social Change (e.g., Student Revolt) and Steady Economic Growth

Willy Brandt (1913–1992): German Chancellor Alfred Herrhausen (1930–1989): Known as

(1969–1974) as a member of the social president of the Deutsche Bank who was
democratic party (SPD). Known for his murdered in 1989. He became member of the
“Versöhnungspolitik” (politics of reconciliation) board of directors, Deutsche Bank, in 1970. His
with East Germany. Received the Nobel Peace high rise (“high profile,” “sharply rising”) career
Prize in 1971. extended until the late 1980’s when he became
president of the Deutsche Bank.

Leader attributes: Leader attributes:

• Visionary, “ideal of peace,” inspirational • Risk taker, courageous, straightforward
• High integrity, trustworthy, loyalty • Energetic, enforcing, purposive
• Collaborative, cooperative, mediator • Peformance oriented, individualist, outsider
• Social and humane orientation • High need for recognition and confirmation
• Convincing speaker, excellent listener • Micromanager, power oriented, autocratic
• Ambitious, highly self-critical • Rational, reserved, distanced.

1980s and 1990s: A Period of Geopolitical Change (Reunification) and Reduced Economic Growth
Helmut Kohl (1928): German Chancellor Leo Kirch (1927): Known as “media tycoon”
(1982–1998) as a member of the conservative who created an empire consisting of several
party (CDU). Known to be the driving force of private TV stations and several TV-production
the Reunification of Germany in 1989 and its and trading companies. His activities were
integration in the European Union. Despite subject to public suspicion in the early 1990s. He
intense investigations, he was never sentenced lost his whole empire right after the turn of the
for obvious deception. century.

(Continued)
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 189

TABLE 6.9 (Continued)

Political Leaders Business Leaders

Leader attributes: Leader attributes:
• Politically instinctive and far-sighted • Vision of himself as a media monopolist
• Purposive, enforcing, “a doer” • Instrumentalizing personal relationships
• Firm, consistent, reliable, autocratic • Firm, hard, smart, cunning
• Ambitious, micropolitician • Personal power and status oriented
• Realistic with common sense • Patriarchal, autocratic, micromanager

relationships, play micropolitics, be autocratic, display patriarchal behaviors and high power
orientation at the expense of people orientation. However, the popularity of these leaders and
the fact that they were commonly chosen as examples for outstanding leadership underlines
the quantitative GLOBE results for Germany, which indicate a leniency toward leadership
that displays deficiencies in interpersonal conduct and humane orientation. This view is also
in line with the argument described earlier, that leadership in Germany seems to be deper-
sonalized and institutionalized (Martin et al., 2004).

6. SUMMARY

The GLOBE program has demonstrated that characteristics attributed to outstanding leaders
match closely with cultural values and practices (cf. House et al., 2004). Our analysis shows that
this holds true for Germany as well. Hallmarks of German cultural practices are high levels of
Uncertainty Avoidance, Assertiveness, and Performance Orientation, along with low levels of
interpersonal Humane Orientation, all moderated by institutionalized social welfare and code-
termination of capital and labor. Effective German leaders are characterized by high Performance
Orientation, high Autonomy, high Participation, low Self-Protection, and low Compassion.
Conflict and controversy seem to be built into the German work culture, soothed by institution-
alized participation and social welfare. In short, the phrase, “tough on the issue, tough on the per-
son, participative in nature,” appears to best characterize the GLOBE findings for leadership
“Made in Germany” at the turn of the 20th century (Brodbeck, Frese, & Javidan, 2002).
Is the German culture prepared to cope with the necessary changes when considering its
current economical profile? The GLOBE societal culture findings presented here can lead to
the conclusion that the Economist’s recipe, “attack the high taxes, over-generous welfare ben-
efits, onerous labor market restrictions and red tape that are choking growth in output and jobs”
(“The Sick man of the Euro,” p. 21) is not easy to implement because a set of historically
rooted cultural practices and values (uncertainty avoidance, assertiveness, performance orien-
tation, institutionalized welfare, and strong labor representation) underpins the status quo that
the Economist suggests to “attack.” The decline of Germany’s traditionally high performance
and future orientation in the 1990s—Zeitgeist of consolidation—worsens the case. We assume
that it is much more difficult to change national culture than organizational cultre. Since the
issues of high uncertainty avoidance, high assertiveness and low humane orientation may be
more important in the companies because it makes it difficult to manage change, we suggest
that organizations should work hard on changing their organizational culture. Managers in
Germany should not wait (or hope) for societal changes to happen any time soon.
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190 BRODBECK AND FRESE

What is on the positive side then? Apparent positive trends in Germany’s societal culture
(“Should Be”) indicate, on the one hand, declining levels of power distance, assertiveness,
and uncertainty avoidance and, on the other hand, an increased popularity of gender egalitar-
ianism and interpersonal compassion at work. These trends justify some optimism. Altogether
we think that our analysis can serve as a first step toward a societal cultural SWOT (strengths,
weaknesses, opportunities, threats) analysis for another twin accomplishment for Germany
(world-class economy and social welfare) in the new millennium.
Are German managers prepared for taking up leadership roles that support the necessary
changes? The current “tough on the issue, tough on the person” leadership approach in com-
bination with institutionalized participation appears to explain Germany’s twin accomplish-
ments of economical and social welfare in the second half of the 20th century. However,
whereas this period was dominated by large industrial companies and labor unions and a sta-
ble environment, the present and the future look different. The old-fashioned “tough on the
issue, tough on the person” leadership approach is unlikely to be effective in a future that
requires to respond to the challenges of globalization and to change the “Germany AG” from
a state-granted social market to a private-initiative-based modern social economy.
What can be done? A “tough on the issue, soft on the person” leadership approach seems to
be a better recipe for future generations of German managers. It requires a careful development
of Germany’s business leaders that enables them to promote and effectively manage declining
levels of power distance and uncertainty avoidance, on the one hand, and to capitalize on the
increased popularity of gender egalitarianism and the apparent request for more compassion,
interpersonal competence, and team orientation at work, on the other hand. It also requires the
preservation of the traditional benefits of constructive conflict at work by keeping the balance of
high autonomy (for leaders and employees), high participation (codetermination), and low self-
protection on part of the leaders, as well as working toward even improving levels of profession-
alism, technical competency, and broad knowledge on the part of both leaders and followers.
A lot can be learned, not only from the West, where business leaders are portrayed in the
public press as determined, future oriented, and assertive, but also from the East, where busi-
ness leadership is portrayed as dialectical in nature, a constant exchange of opinions in search
for higher levels of rationality and effectiveness. Overall it seems that the valuable principles
of codetermination and humane orientation, which traditionally have been institutionalized in
Germany, need to find their way onto the interpersonal levels of face-to-face social behavior
in small groups, company networks, and international partnerships, guided by principles of
direct participation and compassion.

7. PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS

The strong relationship between societal culture and leadership perceptions, which are evi-
dent across all GLOBE countries and in Germany as well, finds an explanation in the fol-
lowing processes: Culture defines a set of acceptable and unacceptable behaviors. Individuals
learn to conform to these norms through acculturation and socialization. Over time, individ-
uals become particularly skilled at acceptable behaviors. Successful managers are well social-
ized and acculturated. They tend to be good at acceptable behaviors.
Cultural adaptation can also be dysfunctional, for example, when managers are placed in
a different cultural environment or when change is forced on organizations or whole societies.
Successes (and failures) in the past generate experiences and formerly successful behaviors
will be repeated elsewhere—even when change is required.
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 191

Considering Cultural Differences

GLOBE has produced a database that can help us identify the similarities and differences among
countries and organizations. When two cultures are relatively similar in content, that is, their
dimensional profiles have considerable similarities (rather than markedly different), transacting
business is easier with not much change in behaviors (for a detailed discussion of GLOBE results
in relation to knowledge transfer across cultures, see Stahl, Javidan, Brodbeck, & Wilderom, 2004).
However, even when it comes to apparently very similar cultures, we have learned that it is
useful to take a more detailed look. For an example, the GLOBE data show the cultural profiles
of Austria, German-speaking Switzerland, and Germany to be highly similar to each other and
dissimilar to 19 other Pan-European countries (Brodbeck et al., 2000). To a manager from Japan
or any other culture distant to the Germanic cultures, representatives from these three Germanic
countries appear very much the same. However, there can be subtle but disturbing differences
when representatives from highly similar cultures are working together. Closer inspection of the
GLOBE database revealed that leadership concepts of German-speaking Swiss managers differ
in some subtle ways from their German counterparts. They rank slightly lower on autonomy and
somewhat higher on modesty, diplomacy, and team orientation than their German counterparts.
Although the differences on each dimension are small, their combined effects may have severe
consequences in particular situations (Weibler et al., 2000). According to the author’s observa-
tions, German-speaking Swiss managers find it disturbing when German managers tend to pre-
sent their views in a confrontational manner (low compassion, low modesty, low team
orientation, high straightforwardness), thereby stressing the differences between others and their
own position (high autonomy) by making statements like, “Yes! But I think X and Y.” In German-
speaking Switzerland, different views are usually presented in a compromising way (higher com-
passion, modesty, and team orientation) stressing the common basis (lower autonomy) by a
statement like, “Yes! And we should also consider X and Y.” The same factual issue, introduced
with a “Yes, but I …” approach, is less likely to be impartially considered by Swiss managers
than when it is introduced with a “Yes, and we …” approach.
When cultures are different in content, that is, their dimensional profiles are significantly
different, adjustment is generally necessary in proportion to the cultural distance. It will be
more difficult to adjust to another culture if the cultural differences are large and manifold
because it implies that people need a higher amount of cognitive and behavioral restructur-
ing, especially when larger cultural regions are trespassed (the 10 cultural regions identified
by GLOBE; cf. House et al., 2004). This can be attained via training, coaching, and experi-
ence within the country. Knowledge about specific cultural characteristics (e.g., the type of
constructive conflict and controversy at work endorsed in Germany) can help expatriate man-
agers to better anticipate potential benefits (constructive controversy leads to high quality)
and potential problems (interpersonal conflict leads to stress and emotional strain) in cross-
cultural interactions. The knowledge derived from GLOBE about the particular leadership
profiles that most strongly differentiate two or more target countries can be used for the devel-
opment of cross-cultural management training and coaching.
For example, the empirical evidence for German managers being perceived as lower in
humane orientation and as higher in autonomy than UK managers can be used to tailor-make
trainings for the managers from these two countries by identifying and developing critical
role-play situations that embody the particular differences GLOBE has identified.
Another implication is that a manager successful in one culture may not be able to adjust
well to another culture. Or the other way around, a technically well-qualified manager who is
socially maladjusted at home might actually be a good fit in another culture.
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192 BRODBECK AND FRESE

For example, assertiveness in Germany is associated with straightforwardness, tolerance

for conflict, and controversy. Paired with low interpersonal humane orientation, this might
lead to a manager humiliating an employee from a higher humane orientation culture like the
UK. In contrast, the same set of factors paired with high performance orientation can be
highly efficient with employees from a high performance orientation culture like Germany.
A UK manager with high tolerance for conflict and controversy and high performance orien-
tation, who is not the perfect fit within his or her mother culture, can actually be a successful
manager in Germany, particularly if he or she is not easily disturbed when facing conflict and
low compassion in interpersonal behavior.

Considering Change

Germany may have to change its culture to be able to compete successfully in the global markets
of the 21st century. However, societal culture is difficult to change. Some cultural dimensions are
so deeply rooted in history and society that any change will take a long time and require widely
distributed efforts. Germany’s high uncertainty avoidance, high individualism, high assertiveness,
and reliance on state intervention seem to be deeply rooted in its history. Both parts of Germany
rank similarly on these dimensions in various studies from the early 1960s to the late 1990s.
However, prompted by the demands of the free-market economy and globalization in the 1990s,
Germany has witnessed a questioning of the ideals of a welfare state in favor of neo-liberal con-
cepts of self-reliance and of individual commitment to smaller, organically grown units such as
family, work groups and networks. The country has entered a postmodern type of democracy, in
retreat from state intervention and disenchanted with the welfare state (Hahn, 1995). First steps to
such a change are visible; Germany is currently reducing resources to its social programs by using
additional private pension schemes (Private Zusatzrente) and increasing private contributions to
the health care system. Note that the 2005 elections in Germany resulted in a pat situation for the
two major political parties (the socialist SPD and the conservative CDU), which the media cur-
rently interpret to promote stagnation rather than reforms. If major reforms can be brought on their
way at all, it seems it will take a broad consent within society and across political camps.
Our own data support the view that some cultural aspects are already valued differently
than some decades ago. German society and organizations want to advance more female par-
ticipation in work and management. This could even change the comparably low levels of per-
ceived humane orientation because a more feminine ideal of leadership could bring more
interpersonal compassion to work. The German Zeitgeist of consolidation, in part a conse-
quence of the tremendous monetary and psychological costs of the reunification process,
seems to be a major obstacle. A critical challenge is how to restructure the traditionally insti-
tutionalized mechanisms for maintaining social welfare, cooperative capital–labor relation-
ships, and personal safety while at the same time cutting down on high taxes, high labor costs,
and a cumbersome bureaucracy.
Last but not least, there are consequences to tolerating managers who are insensitive to the
feelings of employees and are so task focused that learning and development are not on their
agenda. Especially in these times of globalization and multicultural work forces, the so-called
soft skills (e.g., consideration of people, compassion in interpersonal conduct, team orienta-
tion, and cross-cultural flexibility) become critical attributes for success. Though conflict and
controversy have their merits in a highly task-focused and performance-oriented society,
German managers need to be aware of the pitfalls of their current “tough on the issue, tough
on the person” approach. This is particularly true when institutionalized systems to deal with
social welfare and the peoples’ angst are in decline.
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6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 193

Developing the perceived strength of outstanding leadership Made in Germany (i.e., high
performance orientation, low self-protection, high participation, high autonomy, open com-
munication, technical competency, and a broad knowledge base) and changing the weak-
nesses (medium team orientation, low interpersonal humane orientation) seems to be the
route to go. The benefits of developing leaders to be “tough on the issue, soft on the person,
and participative in conduct” need to be intensively explored in future practice and research.
Further practical implications for doing business with Germans, which relate to GLOBE find-
ings, are described by Schroll-Machl (2005). The author looks at two sides of business
partnerships—on the one hand, when people are working from their home country or as expa-
triates with Germans; and on the other hand, when Germans have business relationships with
people from all over the world, wether face to face or at a distance.

8. LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH

Though ambitious in scope and design, the GLOBE project has set clear limitations on the
samples and methods used within each country. The strengths of the quantitative and com-
parative design of GLOBE sets clear limits to the study of a particular country’s societal and
leadership cultures because data from only three industries and only middle managers were
obtained. Clearly this does not constitute a representative sample. However, note that, in the
overall GLOBE study, in fact all the societal cultural and leadership dimensions have been tri-
angulated on the country level of analysis with a whole variety of additional data about the
countries studied (cf. House et al., 2004). With the additional qualitative analyses, using a
whole range of respondents (e.g., managers, journalists, and ordinary people from different
strata in society) and several different methods for data gathering, at least some triangulation
was possible for Germany. The quantitative and qualitative findings about Germany described
in the present chapter converge in nearly all respects. This increases our confidence in the
validity of the findings and the conclusions.
Even more ambitious is the attempt to describe a nation’s history, economy, societal cul-
ture, and leadership concepts in just a couple of pages while not being an expert in the rele-
vant disciplines of political science, history, economy, management, anthropology, and
sociology. The reader who is an expert in one of these disciplines may accept our apologies
for not being aware of further relevant resources. We can only hope that the results described
and the interpretations given stimulate further and improved quantitative and qualitative
research into the issue of how leadership concepts held in Germany relate to its societal cul-
ture, the effectiveness of its organizations, and the economic situation as a whole.
The following suggestions for future research are based on our psychological background
in the subdisciplines of basic and applied social, cross-cultural, work, and organizational
psychology.
First, obviously the GLOBE data generated to date does not allow stringent predictions
about actual leadership behavior in organizations and cross-cultural situations. This requires
further in situ investigation of how a particular cultural background influences leadership
behavior and effectiveness within and across certain cultures’ boundaries.
Second, an intriguing consideration about leadership made in Germany becomes evident
when considering that the interpersonal dimension of leadership is becoming more critical
around the world. Traditional power distance, competition, and conflict-based models of how
human beings relate with each other are no longer functional in a highly interconnected world
(Clark & Matze, 1999). Thus, members of certain cultures may be better suited to the new
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194 BRODBECK AND FRESE

challenges of global leadership than others are. For example, Martin et al. (2004) argue that
German managers (as compared to Irish) may be less geared to operating as multinational exec-
utives because of the very specific cultural context of their country’s success (cf. Warner &
Campbell, 1993). Also, too few of them have worked or studied abroad. Assuming that a global
company’s success is clearly linked to the emotional intelligence of its leaders (cf. Adler, 2002),
comprising empathy and social skills for successfully managing relationships, the German lead-
ership concept with its dominant task focus and low interpersonal humane orientation does
indeed not seem to match particularly well to the future global challenges.
However, our outlook to the potential of international success of leadership made in
Germany is actually less grim than that reported in Martin et al.(2004). There are clear
strengths in German leadership concepts, as there are particular leadership strengths to dis-
cover within any societal culture. Within Germany, outstanding leadership is associated with
high performance orientation, technical competency, autonomy, straightforwardness, con-
structive controversy, and participation. When adequately managed (e.g., soft on the person),
these attributes can provide for work outcomes of the highest ambition and quality—any-
where in the world. These and similar hypotheses, which emphasize the notion that there is a
grain of “truth” (about what makes people live well) in every viable societal culture and lead-
ership approach around the world, seem worthwhile to be further investigated by sound
empirical testing and practice.

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Appendix A

West Germany
The political system of the Federal Republic of Germany was—and still is today—a consti-
tutional, representative, and pluralistic democracy, similar to other Western democracies. In
the early days after World War II, the Western allies, especially the United States of America,
took a major part in helping the West Germans to build a modern democracy. The GARIOA
scheme (Government and Relief in Occupied Areas) and, most well known, the Marshall Aid
(ERP, i.e., the European Recovery Program) granted financial aid, stability, and favorable
conditions for building a constitutional democracy granting the basic rights of freedom of
opinion, freedom of the press, liberty, and protection of the private sphere and their recover-
ability by law. The German constitution, though not specifying any particular economic sys-
tem, constrains a free-market economy with the doctrine of the social market economy
(Soziale Marktwirtschaft). It defines legal obligations for the government, the trade unions,
and the companies for maintaining public welfare (e.g., education, health, retirement), social
justice (e.g., social security, equal opportunities, protection of minorities), and cooperative
industrial relations (e.g., codetermination, industrial democracy). A key feature of industrial
relations is exemplified in the wage-bargaining process. It is simple in structure, only two
partners, one trade union and one employer. It is predictable—a timetable of industries and
states is sequentially followed—and it is stable—wage bargaining has the force of law and
strikes inevitably occur in particular seasons of the year (cf. Lawrence, 1994). Another key
feature of industrial relations is the system of codetermination that is regulated by law. It
grants mutual control and participation for employees by defining rights and duties for worker
representatives in the companies’ supervisory boards and for elected employee representa-
tives on the work council. The social market economy is one important factor for the stable
and solid economical and social development in post–World War II Germany. To some for-
eigners this system appears to be overburdened with formal procedures. However, the
strengths are its high reliability, straightforwardness, and legally enforced procedural justice,
criteria that meet the formal and task-oriented interaction style maintained in West German
companies (cf. Lawrence, 1994).
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Appendix B

Former East Germany

The constitution of the German Democratic Republic (according to its revision from October
7, 1974) described a socialistic state of workers and farmers under leadership of the
Marxistic- Leninistic unitary party, SED (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschland). Legally,
this party was constructed according to the principle of “democratic centralism”; practically,
centralism dominated, although officials from other parties (CDU, Christian Democrats,
LDPD, Liberal Democrats) were also involved. The political bureau of the SED-party
(Politbüro) and its first secretary, decided about the political, economical, educational, and
cultural life in former East Germany. It controlled the trade unions, the so-called “transmis-
sion belt” of the party, in which 95% of German workforce were members, the German youth
organization (FDJ) in which about 70% of German 14- to 17-year-olds were organized, the
people’s own companies (VEBs and combines), the educational system (university entry was
based on a subject quota basis, graduates were located to jobs by the state), and the media
(e.g., no foreign print media and no foreign TV or radio was officially allowed to be con-
sumed). The basic rights, freedom of opinion, freedom of the press, liberty, and protection of
the private sphere were constitutional, however, practically they were not fully recoverable by
law (e.g., no free traveling abroad). In contrast, however, the basic social rights (e.g., the right
to work, the right to health protection, the right to education) were highly effective in princi-
ple and in practice.
The planned economy system determined the level of productivity to be fulfilled by the
VEBs and the aggregates of VEBs (combines) in all industries. Research and development
activities were also performed in VEBs and combines. The structure was centralistic, mean-
ing groups of combines reported to industry ministers and the ministers in turn reported to the
Plan Commission, which was an organ of the SED political bureau. The planned market was
controlled the reverse way; the Plan Commission defined the expected productivity output per
industry and the combines and VEBs had to fulfill the plan. About 98% of the industries were
“publicly owned” in this manner and only some private economy was allowed for a very small
proportion of entrepreneurs (e.g., craftsmen) and private gardeners.
East German authors tend to describe the economic system as “double headed” (R. Lang,
personal communication as part of a written review of an earlier draft of this chapter, 2000),
that is, bureaucratic and tayloristic at its surface, but informal, bargaining oriented, with
strong emphasis on informal contracts and pacts in its real functioning.
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200 BRODBECK AND FRESE

Appendix C

The German Reunification

As a result of the German reunification in 1990, East Germany stopped existing. The two
“Germanies” did not merge; rather, East Germany joined West Germany and, therefore,
adopted the legal system, fiscal policy, employment policy, external trade policy, and so on
from West Germany (Brockhaus Encyclopaedia, 1997, pp. 289–290). Aside from the geo-
political situation and the Russian Perestroika, one reason for the reunification is seen in the
near collapse of the East German economy in the late 1980s. After the reunification the pro-
ductivity levels of East German companies dropped again and unemployment—unknown in
the former East Germany—rose sharply. A significant problem was the privatization of the
state-owned companies; this led to the closing of many companies. By the end of 1994 more
than 20,000 organizations were privatized.
From 1991 to 1995, West Germany transferred about a trillion German marks (about 500
billion euro/dollar to East Germany), from which 25% went into the economy and 11% were
spent for developing infrastructure (e.g. transport, telecommunications, etc.). The largest pro-
portion, however, went into unemployment, health care, and social welfare funds. On the one
hand, German reunification triggered a consumer boom (which actually masked the begin-
ning structural crisis of the West German economy). On the other hand, it exhausted West
Germany’s economy to considerable extent.
The cultural change and social psychological consequences of the reunification concerned
mainly East Germans, who carried the primary share of change (“modernization shock”).
They gained the basic constitutional rights of a Western democratic society and they gained
in living standards. However, the reunification also resulted in disillusionment and the expe-
rience of high uncertainty. Furthermore, the markedly lower income level of East Germans as
compared to West Germans (47% in 1991; 67% in 1994; 77% in 2002) led to feelings of
injustice and unfairness among East Germans (however, household income is higher in East
Germany because of higher female participation in the labor market).
Additional hard feelings were produced by criminal activities in the changeover process
from state ownership into private hands and the mass restitution of those possessions that had
been expropriated by the communist regime (2.7 million titles had to be processed). For
example, renters of flats suddenly had to deal with different owners or owners of houses were
expropriated in favor of the original owners. Women, who were highly integrated in the for-
mer East German workforce, saw an end to their favored status (e.g., the well-developed East
German kindergarten system was completely destroyed). One of the darkest chapters in East
German history was that millions of secret personal files collected and used by the former
East German state security system (Stasi = Staatssicherheit) were released to the people who
had been subject to prosecution. Thus, in addition to the modernization shock, many East
Germans learned that their best friends, neighbors, coworkers, and so forth reported private
and personal details to the Stasi. In short, the whole past and future life of many East Germans
was called into question—for some of them totally—virtually overnight.
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd 10/4/2007 3:36 PM Page 201

6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 201

The dramatic changes in East Germany have not led to instant adaptation of the Western
culture. Expressions of an East German cultural identity can be seen in their voting behavior.
The PDS, a successor party of the former Communist Party, used to be rather strong in the
East and practically nonexistent in the West. Furthermore, as part of the GLOBE survey in
1995–1996, East German managers tend to disagree with questionnaire statements like,
“Citizens of the former East Germany should learn as quickly as possible from West
Germans,” whereas West German managers tend to agree. On the other side, East German
managers tend to agree to statements like “Citizens of the former East Germany should
consider the strengths of the former East German culture”; West German managers tend to
disagree.
An East versus West polarization became apparent that is still existent today. Stereotyped
attributions of responsibility for the social and economical problems were often expressed in
public media. West Germans stereotyped East Germans as showing little initiative, being
unproductive, and exhibiting a welfare mentality of “taking from but not actively giving to
society.” On the other hand, East Germans stereotyped West Germans as pretending to know
everything better (Besserwessis) and as highly individualistic and self-centered.
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd 10/4/2007 3:36 PM Page 202

202 BRODBECK AND FRESE

Appendix D

Categories for Content Analysis of Print Media

Category Name Text Phrases Containing the Following Characteristics

Determined behaviors and expressed attitudes that imply determined

decisions and actions.
Firm behaviors and expressed attitudes that imply firm defense or
resolute execution of goals, plans, ideas and beliefs.
Masculine attributes like strength, courage, fighting, fatherly or paternal.
High integrity attributes like modesty, socially responsible, humane, loyalty,
trustworthiness or sense of responsibility.
Future oriented behaviors and expressed attitudes that aim towards the future,
planning for the future, anticipation of future events, or
preparing for the future.
Visionary behaviors and expressed attitudes that inspire or stimulate
others, e.g. to surpass their limits, to change their attitudes and
behavior.
Optimistic behaviors and expressed attitudes that imply confidence in, or
generally positive views of facts, events and future developments.
Confronting attitude expressions in a highly confronting or agitating manner.
Rational behaviors and expressed attitudes that imply objectivity,
pertinence, rationality, realism, analytical competency
and being well informed.
Evaluating attitude expressions in an assessing or evaluative manner.
Opinion expression attitude expression in a neutral manner.
Communicating behaviors and attitudes that imply communication
with others, informing oneself and others, and maintaining
good relationships.
Collaborating behaviors and attitudes that imply cooperation, or
stress common goals, win/win situations and compromise.
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd 10/4/2007 3:36 PM Page 203

6 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN GERMANY 203

Appendix E

Categories for Content Analysis of Executive

Job Posting

Category Name Text Phrases Containing the Following Characteristics

Initiative engagement, entrepreneurship, intrinsic and performance

motivation.
Purposive high energetic impetus and strength in goal attainment.
Communicating effective interaction and bargaining, affiliation motives,
intercultural interests.
Administrative skill structuring and controlling complex systems,
implementing goals and plans.
Inspirational convincing, being a positive model and thus influential,
“a real personality.”
Collaborative cooperative, participative, social competency and team
orientation.
Leader experience experience in leadership.
Responsible willingness and awareness of taking responsibility seriously,
committed, liable.
Motivating motivating, supporting and developing employees.
Firm persistence and stress resistance.
Flexible adaptability, creativity, being nimble and movable.
Future oriented planning ahead, prepared, modern, being a “signpost.”
Rational thinking analytically, critical and realistic, broad knowledge.
Enthusiastic enjoying to work.
Directive straight, strict, and controlling leadership style.
Willingness to learn motivation to learn, to acquaint with new tasks.
 Appendix F

204
Factor Analysis Results of the 21 GLOBE Leadership Scales for
Germany, East and West, and a West German Twin-Sample
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

Germany (total) East Germany West Germany West (twin sample)

(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)
10/4/2007

No. GLOBE-Scale Item # Item Attributes— Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen-
Descriptions (in German)c α/rb value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1

1 Administrative 2-19—Administrationstalent—Kann die .607 1,873 .632 2,038 .599 1,842 .562 1,837
Competency * Arbeit einer großen Anzahl von Personen
3:36 PM

(mehr als 75) planen, organisieren,

koordinieren und kontrollieren
2-34—Systematisch—Ist organisiert
und methodisch bei der Arbeit
Page 204

4-2 —Organisiert—Gut organisiert,

methodisch, systematisch
4-52—Guter Administrator—Hat die Fähigkeit,
komplexe Büroarbeit und
Verwaltungseinrichtungen zu handhaben

2 Autocratic * 2-4 —Herrisch—Sagt MitarbeiterInnen .778 2,904 .757 2,860 .780 2,907 .871 3,669
auf gebieterische Weise, was zu tun ist
2-36— Selbstherrlich—Trifft
Entscheidungen diktatorisch
4-33— Herrschsüchtig—Bestrebt,
andere zu beherrschen
4-37— Elitär—Glaubt, daß eine kleine
Zahl von Leuten mit ähnlichem
Hintergrund höherwertig ist und
Privilegien genießen sollte
4-48—Herrscher—Hat das Sagen und
toleriert Widerspruch oder Nachfragen
nicht, erteilt Befehle
4-54—Diktatorisch—Zwingt seine/ihre Werte
und Ansichten anderen auf
3 Autonomous * 2-7 —Autonom—Handelt selbständig, verläßt .555 1,823 .356 1,885 .577 1,837 742 2,268
sich nicht auf andere (1,118) (1,130)
 APPENDIX F (CONTINUED)

Germany (total) East Germany West Germany West (twin sample)

(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

No. GLOBE-Scale Item # Item Attributes— Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen-
Descriptions (in German)c α/rb value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1

2-8 —Selbständig—Verläßt
sich nicht auf andere, ist autonom
2-29—Einzigartig—Eine ungewöhnliche Person,
10/4/2007

hat Verhaltensmerkmale, die sich von den

meisten anderen unterscheiden
4-55—Individualistisch—Verhält sich anders als
vergleichbare Personen (ITEM DELETED)a. .6441,816 .614 1,807 .643 1,816 .739 1,975
3:36 PM

4 Charismatic I– 2-12—Anregend—Inspiriert Gefühle, Meinungen, .751 3,213 .653 2,874 .763 3,318 .848 4,280
Visionary * Werthaltungen und Verhalten anderer; (1,088) (1,434) (1,097) (1,116)
inspiriert andere, zu harter Arbeit (1,081)
motiviert zu sein
Page 205

2-13—Vorausschauend—Versucht Ereignisse
vorherzusagen, bedenkt, was in der
Zukunft passieren könnte
2-35—Vorbereitet—Ist bereit für bevorstehende
Ereignisse
2-56—Intellektuell stimulierend—Ermutigt andere
zum Denken und zum Gebrauch ihres
eigenen Verstandes; fordert Meinungen,
Klischees und Einstellungen anderer heraus
4-10—Voraussichtig—Antizipiert zukünftige Ereignisse
4-11—Plant im voraus—Antizipiert und trifft
Vorkehrungen im voraus
4-19—Fähigkeit zu antizipieren—Fähigkeit, zukünftige
Anforderungen erfolgreich vorauszusehen
4-46—Visionär—Hat eine Vision und eine Vorstellung
von der Zukunft
4-51—Zukunftsorientiert—Macht Pläne und ergreift
Maßnahmen auf Basis zukunftsorientierter Ziele

205
 APPENDIX F (CONTINUED)

206
Germany (total) East Germany West Germany West (twin sample)
(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

No. GLOBE-Scale Item # Item Attributes— Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen-
Descriptions (in German)c α/rb value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1

5 Charismatic II 2-5 — Positiv—Im allgemeinen optimistisch und .735 2,856 .663 2,602 .744 2,927 .788 3,417
–Inspirational * zuversichtlich (1,128) (1,302) (1,150) (1,171)
10/4/2007

2-31—Ermutigend—Macht Mut, gibt Zuversicht und (1,212)

Hoffnung durch Bestätigung und Ratschläge
2-32—Stärkt die Moral—Erhöht die Moral der
Mitarbeiter durch Unterstützungsangebote,
3:36 PM

Lob und/oder durch seine/ihre

Zuversichtlichkeit
2-48—Begeistert—Zeigt und vermittelt
starke positive Gefühle für die Arbeit
4-20—Spornt an—Mobilisiert und aktiviert eine
Page 206

Gefolgschaft
4-26—Schafft Vertrauen—Erweckt Vertrauen bei
anderen durch starkes Vertrauen in andere
4-35—Dynamisch—Stark engagiert, tatkräftig,
voller Begeisterung, motiviert
4-42—Motivierend—Spornt andere dazu an, sich
über ihre normale Pflicht hinaus anzustrengen
und persönliche Opfer zu bringen

6 Charismatic III 2-14—Risikobereit—Ist gewillt, größere Ressourcen .088 1,080 –.168 1,118 .117 1,105 .354 1,379
Self-Sacrificial in Bemühungen zu investieren, die keine große (1,017)
Erfolgswahrscheinlichkeit haben
4-22—Überzeugend—Ungewöhnlich begabt im
Überzeugen anderer von seinen/ihren
Standpunkten
4-30—Selbstaufopfernd—Übergeht Eigeninteressen
und bringt persönliche Opfer im Interesse
eines Zieles oder einer Vision
 APPENDIX F (CONTINUED)

Germany (total) East Germany West Germany West (twin sample)

(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

No. GLOBE-Scale Item # Item Attributes— Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen-
Descriptions (in German)c α/rb value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1

7 Conflict Inducer 2-6 —Wettbewerbsorientiert—Versucht die Leistung .243 1,222 .471 1,479 .194 1,181 .356 1,374
anderer in seiner oder ihrer Arbeitsgruppe (1,062)
10/4/2007

zu übertreffen
2-37—Geheimniskrämerisch—Neigt dazu, anderen
Informationen zu verheimlichen
4-12—Normenkonform—Verhält sich gemäß den
3:36 PM

Normen seiner oder ihrer Gruppe

8 Decisive 2-44—Entscheidungsfreudig—Trifft Entscheidungen .372 1,439 .483 1,687 .357 1,413 .455 1,587
entschlossen und schnell (1,095)
4-8 —Logisch—Denkt folgerichtig
Page 207

4-15—Intuitiv—Hat Fingerspitzengefühl
4-47—Eigenwillig—Willensstark, entschlossen,
resolut, hartnäckig

9 Diplomatic 2-1 —Diplomatisch—Ist geschickt in .058 1,555 .033 1,847 .054 1,515 .187 1,502
zwischenmenschlichen Beziehungen, taktvoll (1,032) (1,252) (1,046) (1,153)
2-17—Weltoffen—Interessiert sich für aktuelle
Ereignisse, hat einen sehr umfassenden
Horizont
2-18—Konfliktmeider—Weicht Auseinander .349 1,372 .470 1,584 324 1,350 .394 1,429
setzungen mit anderen Mitgliedern seiner
oder ihrer Gruppe aus (ITEM DELETED)
2-21—Gewinn/Gewinn-Problemlöser—Kann
Lösungen ausfindig machen, die Individuen
mit verschiedenen und widersprechenden
Interessen befriedigen
4-5 —Effektiver Verhandlungsführer—Kann wirksam
verhandeln, kann Geschäfte mit anderen zu
günstigen Bedingungen abschließen

207
 APPENDIX F (CONTINUED)

208
Germany (total) East Germany West Germany West (twin sample)
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)

No. GLOBE-Scale Item # Item Attributes— Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen-
Descriptions (in German)c α/rb value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1

10 Face Saver 2-2 —Ausweichend—Sieht davon ab, negative .404 1,375 .319 1,294 .419 1,393 .253 1,251
10/4/2007

Kommentare zu machen, um gute Beziehungen (1,073)

zu erhalten und das Gesicht zu wahren
4-16—Indirekt—Kommt nicht direkt zum Punkt,
benutzt Metaphern und Beispiele
3:36 PM

beim Kommunizieren
4-45—VermeidetNegatives—Tendiert dazu, etwas
nicht abzulehnen, auch wenn er/sie es nicht
erfüllen kann

11 Humane 2-40—Selbstlos—Ist gewillt, anderen Zeit, Geld, r = .423 1,422 r = .563 1,563 r = .407 1,407 r = .648 1,648
Page 208

Orientation* Ressourcen und Hilfe zu geben

2-51—Mitfühlend—Hat Einfühlungsvermögen,
ist bereit zu helfen, zeigt Barmherzigkeit

12 Integrity* 2-15—Aufrichtig—Meint auch was er/sie sagt, ehrlich .806 2,562 .827 2,696 .805 2,553 .823 2,644
2-16—Vertrauenswürdig—Hat Vertrauen verdient,
man kann ihm/ihr glauben und
seinem/ihrem Wort trauen
2-20—Gerecht—Handelt danach, was richtig
und fair ist
4-32—Ehrlich—Spricht und handelt aufrichtig

13 Malevolent* 2-43—Intelligent—Klug, lernt und versteht schnell .747 3,181 .699 3,011 .754 3,250 .748 3,802
2-46—Reizbar—Launisch; leicht aufgebracht (1,197) (1,682) (1,182) (1,292)
2-50—Rachsüchtig—Nachtragend; trachtet nach
Vergeltung, wenn ihm/ihr Unrecht getan wurde
4-6 —Selbstgefällig—Eingebildet, von den eigenen
Fähigkeiten überzeugt
 APPENDIX F (CONTINUED)

Germany (total) East Germany West Germany West (twin sample)

(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

No. GLOBE-Scale Item # Item Attributes— Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen-
Descriptions (in German)c α/rb value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1

4-7 —Nicht kooperativ—Nicht bereit,

gemeinschaftlich mit anderen zu arbeiten
10/4/2007

4-39— Zynisch—Neigt dazu, das Schlechteste über

Leute und Ereignisse anzunehmen
4-49—Unredlich—Betrügerisch, unaufrichtig
4-50—Feindselig—Bewußt unfreundlich, handelt
3:36 PM

anderen zuwider
4-53—Verläßlich—Zuverlässig

14 Modesty* 2-26—Ruhig—Gerät nicht so leicht in Besorgnis .561 1,744 .744 2,284 .524 1,669 .495 1,749
bzw. in Verzweiflung
Page 209

2-42—Bescheiden—Prahlt nicht, präsentiert sich

selbst in zurückhaltender Art und Weise
4-18—Zurückhaltend—Präsentiert sich auf
zurückhaltende Art und Weise
4-31—Geduldig—Hat und zeigt Geduld

15 Nonparticipative* 4-13—Individuell ausgerichtet—Interessiert sich .518 1,709 .338 1,554 .539 1,742 .609 1,853
mehr für die Erfüllung seiner/ihrer eigenen (1,135) (1,047) (1,156) (1,134)
Bedürfnisse als für die der Gruppe
4-14—Nicht egalitär—Glaubt, daß nicht alle .523 1,600 .487 1,547 .523 1,600 .455 1,492
Menschen gleich sind und nur einigen
dieselben Rechte und Privilegien haben sollten
4-43—Mikro-Manager—Extrem detaillierte
Supervision; jemand, der/die darauf besteht,
alle Entscheidungen zu treffen
(ITEM DELETED)
4-44—Nicht delegativ—Nicht bereit oder nicht
fähig, die Kontrolle über Projekte oder
Aufgaben abzugeben

209
 APPENDIX F (CONTINUED)

210
Germany (total) East Germany West Germany West (twin sample)
(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

No. GLOBE-Scale Item # Item Attributes— Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen-
Descriptions (in German)c α/rb value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1

16 Performance 2-11—Verbesserungsorientiert—Strebt nach .571 1,622 .634 1,749 .562 1,610 .589 1,689
Orientation* kontinuierlicher Leistungsverbesserung
10/4/2007

4-24—An excellenter Leistung orientiert—Bemüht

sich um hervorragende Leistungen
bei sich selbst und bei Anderen
4-40—Leistungsorientier—Setzt hohe
3:36 PM

Leistungsstandards

17 Procedural* 2-41—Förmlich—Handelt gemäß Regeln, .663 2,190 .642 2,168 .667 2,210 .720 2,474
Konventionen und Zeremonien
4-1 —Vorsichtig—Geht mit großer Sorgfalt vor,
Page 210

geht keine Risiken ein

4-17—Gewohnheitsorientiert—Neigt zu
gleichbleibender, fahrplanmäßiger Routine
4-25—Regelfixiert—Folgt etablierten Regeln
und Richtlinien
4-56—Rituell—Geht nach festgelegten Ordnungen vor

18 Self-Centered* 2-23—Eigennützig—Verfolgt eigene Interessen .594 1,867 .588 1,821 .596 1,877 .591 1,884
am stärksten (1,184) (1,023)
2-38—Ungesellig—Meidet Menschen und
Gruppen, bevorzugt das Alleinsein
2-47—Einzelgänger—Arbeitet und agiert getrennt
von anderen
4-29—Nicht partizipativ—Beteiligt andere nicht

19 Status- 4-9 —Statusbewußt—Ist sich des gesellschaftlichen r = .443 1,441 r = .303 1,299 r = .445 1,443 r = .578 1,575
Conscious* Status anderer bewußt
4-28—Klassenbewußt—Ist sich
Klassenunterschieden und Statusgenzen
bewußt und handelt entsprechend
 Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

APPENDIX F (CONTINUED)

Germany (total) East Germany West Germany West (twin sample)

(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)

No. GLOBE-Scale Item # Item Attributes— Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen-
10/4/2007

Descriptions (in German)c α/rb value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1

20 Team I: 2-3 —Vermittler—Interveniert, um Probleme .626 2,192 .674 2,394 .623 2,182 .390 1,629
Team zwischen Individuen zu lösen
3:36 PM

Collaborative 2-28—Loyal—Hält zu Freunden und unterstützt (1,073) (1,330)

Orientation* sie, wenn sie große Probleme oder
Schwierigkeiten haben
2-30—Kooperationsbereit—Arbeitet bereitwillig
gemeinsam mit anderen
Page 211

2-39—Brüderlich—Ist bestrebt, ein guter Freund

seiner/ihrer MitarbeiterInnen zu sein
2-45—Ratsuchend—Berät sich mit anderen, bevor
er/sie Pläne macht oder in Aktion tritt
4-27— Gruppenorientiert—Kümmert sich um das
Wohlergehen der Gruppe

21 Team II: 2-22—Klar—Gut und leicht zu verstehen .456 2,313 .442 2,528 .536 2,322 .444 2,457
Team 2-25—Intergrativ—Fügt Menschen oder Dinge
Integrator* zu einem eng verbundenen, funktionierenden
Ganzen zusammen
2-52—Ist kontrolliert/ beherrscht—Hält an .631 2,155 .629 2,330 .651 2,156 .648 2,283
sich, ruhig (ITEM DELETED)

211
212
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

APPENDIX F (CONTINUED)

Germany (total) East Germany West Germany West (twin sample)

10/4/2007

(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)

No. GLOBE-Scale Item # Item Attributes— Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen Cronbach Eigen- Cronbach Eigen-
Descriptions (in German)c α/rb value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1 α/r value > 1
3:36 PM

4-4 —Informiert—Gebildet, gut unterrichtet bzw

weiß Bescheid
4-23—Kommunikativ—Kommuniziert gern
häufig mit anderen
Page 212

4-36—Koordinator—Integriert und organisiert die

Arbeit der Mitarbeiterinnen
4-38— Teambildner—Kann Gruppenmitglieder zur
Zusammenarbeit bewegen
*
Scales marked with *are kept for further analyses (Cronbach a > .50 or Pearson r > .40).
a
(ITEM DELETED) means that the scale statistics were calculated without the respective item.
b
Pearson r is calculated when N of Items per scale equals 2.
c
Items are listed in full German wording in order to stimulate future research. The numbers indicate item location in the GLOBE Questionnaire (parts 2 & 4). Items were devel-
oped in collaboration with Erna Szabo (chap. 5, this volume) and Jürgen Weibler (chap. 8, this volume).
d
Eigenvalue of first emerging factor is listed. Eigenvalues of further factors that emerged are given in brackets.
 Appendix G
Comparison of East vs. West German Leadership Scores (16 Scales
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

from Factor Analysis, see Appendix F)

Germany East West West-twin East/West East/West-twin East/West
(n = 471) (n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53) (ANOVA) (ANOVA) (MANCOVA)
10/4/2007

Reliable leadership scales M SD M SD M SD M SD F = 2.81** Eta2 = F = 1.18 Eta2 = 0.19 F = 2.32** Eta2 = 0.08
for Germany (1,450) 0.09 (1,98) (1,428)

Administratively Competent 5.53 .71 5.74 .74 5.51 .71 5.60 .69 7.84** .017 2.15 .021 4.26* .010
3:36 PM

Autocratic 1.95 .77 2.07 .79 1.94 .77 2.03 .99 1.05 .002 .02 .000 2.34 .005
Visionary 5.98 .50 5.91 .49 5.99 .50 6.05 .56 .69 .002 1.38 .014 2.46 .006
Inspirational 6.15 .48 6.11 .49 6.15 .48 6.15 .51 .12 .000 .01 .000 2.65 .006
Page 213

Humane Orientation 4.26 1.09 4.27 1.14 4.25 1.09 4.39 1.14 .00 .000 .15 .002 .73 .002
Integrity 6.11 .81 6.03 .87 6.12 .81 6.13 .79 .32 .001 .16 .002 2.48 .006
Malevolent 1.68 .48 1.70 .47 1.68 .48 1.68 .48 .00 .000 .00 .000 .79 .002
Modest 4.62 .75 4.69 .91 4.61 .73 4.67 .72 .69 .002 .06 .001 .20 .000
Self-centered 2.15 .70 2.33 .78 2.13 .69 2.10 .67 4.09* .009 2.93 .029 6.46* .015
Performance Oriented 6.13 .60 6.29 .58 6.11 .60 6.21 .62 6.36* .014 1.27 .013 2.39 .006
Procedural 3.03 .74 3.28 .81 3.00 .73 2.97 .76 5.22* .011 3.22 .032 5.32* .012
Nonparticipative 2.12 .72 2.21 .78 2.11 .71 2.17 .76 .85 .002 .06 .001 1.82 .004
Status-Conscious 3.79 1.09 4.37 .95 3.72 1.09 3.91 1.22 16.43** .035 4.48* .044 15.95** .036
Team Collaboration Oriented 5.04 .65 4.98 .70 5.05 .65 5.09 .56 .88 .002 .77 .008 2.72 .006
Team Integrator1 5.95 .52 5.91 .61 5.96 .51 5.93 .53 .01 .000 .08 .001 .78 .002
1
Autonomous 4.39 1.39 4.71 1.35 4.35 1.39 4.43 1.47 3.51 .008 1.28 .013 .15 .001
1
Scales were shortened by one item to improve reliability (see Appendix F).
Country means may differ from the country scores obtained by GLOBE (House et al., 2004) because sample sizes differ for methodological reasons.

213
*
p < .05. ** p < .01 (two-sided tests).
 Appendix H

214
Regression Analysis for Two Dimensional MDS Solutions in East
Chhokar chapter 06.qxd

and West Germany, and West German twin sample

East Germany West Germany West Germany (twin sample)
10/4/2007

(n = 53) (n = 417) (n = 53)

16 Leadership Scales DIM 1 DIM 2 Adjusted DIM 1 DIM 2 Adjusted DIM 1 DIM 2 Adjusted
(Germany) (β
β)1 (β
β) R2 (β
β) (β
β) R2 (β
β) (β
β) R2
3:36 PM

Malevolent –.85 .07 .76** –.84 –.05 .67** –.87 –.11 .65**
Self-Centered –.74 –.13 .49** –.63 .04 .41* –.63 .18 .54**
** **
Autocratic –.72 .20 .63 –.65 .22 .58 –.63 .25 .63**
Page 214

Nonparticipative –.71 .11 .54** –.75 .11 .64** –.78 .06 .65**
** **
Inspirational .69 –.01 .46 .76 .15 .50 .80 .20 .46**
Team Integrator .69 .07 .42** .79 .22 .52** .84 .25 .50**
** **
Visionary .63 .24 .34 .72 .28 .43 .85 .59 .46**
Performance Orientation .62 .40 .37** .59 .33 .29** .63 .29 .24**
** **
Administratively Competent .55 .16 .24 .47 .23 .18 .62 .42 .22**
Integrity .54 –.44 .62** .66 –.17 .55** .55 –.22 .48**
** **
Procedural –.40 –.30 .14 –.48 –.17 .18 –.47 –.03 .17**
Autonomous .13 .86 .67** .25 .91 .69** .29 .92 .60**
** **
Humane Orientation –.10 –.63 .34 .23 –.48 .38 .30 –.37 .33**
Modest .39 –.50 .50** .33 –.37 .35** .32 –.32 .30**
** **
Team Collaborative Orientation .24 –.46 .30 .51 –.20 .38 .30 –.36 .32**
Status Conscious –.07 .36 .11** –.25 .30 .22** –.31 .40 .37**

Note: The β-weights for each leadership scale are highly similar between the East and West German samples indicating a high model fit across Germany
1
β-weights of multiple regression with the two MDS-dimensions used as predictor variables for each leadership scales (cf. Smith et al., 1996).
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7
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Culture and Leadership in a Flat Country:

The Case of the Netherlands
Henk Thierry
Tilburg University, the Netherlands

Deanne N. den Hartog

University of Amsterdam

Paul L. Koopman
Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam

Celeste P. M. Wilderom
University of Twente, the Netherlands

Summary

Dutch GLOBE data are presented in this chapter with an overview of the history of Holland
and later the Netherlands. From the Middle Ages onward, Dutch cities had substantial local
autonomy, which led their educated citizens and merchants to rule themselves to a large
extent. This relative autonomy stimulated independent thought and judgment, a climate that
helped Protestantism to gain much ground. Foreign trade facilitated the rise of a liberal cul-
ture. Later on, religious denomination became an important societal organization principle.
After the Second World War industrial relations were characterized by an economic order that
emphasized mixed capitalism (in which the government has a strong role), consultation
among major parties, and a welfare state.
GLOBE data on societal and organizational culture show that collective economic inter-
ests, low power distance, gender egalitarianism, and group loyalty are still endorsed in the
Netherlands, although values like performance and assertiveness are gaining ground. This
reflects a process of cultural transition in which individualization and flexibility become
increasingly dominant values. Dutch middle managers’ perceptions of outstanding leaders stress
the importance of consensus building, support, and power sharing, but also of visionary,
motivating, and decisive qualities.

215
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216 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

This chapter ends with 10 “commandments” on what leaders from abroad should and
shouldn’t do in the Netherlands.

1. OVERVIEW

When descending by aircraft toward Amsterdam airport (Schiphol), the traveler gets a char-
acteristic view of The Netherlands, regardless of the direction of the approach. Green mead-
ows are orderly intersected by rivers, canals, and lakes; growing cities and towns surround
agricultural areas; roads and highways expose heavy traffic; and the country is clean and flat.
In fact, a large part of the country is below sea level: The Dutch are well known for their tech-
nical expertise in building dikes and dams to protect vulnerable areas and in gaining land from
the sea. Additionally, some parts of the country are slightly hilly, but that feature is not visi-
ble to the air passenger: It reveals itself only to the traveler with a slower pace of transport.
All in all, the country looks very organized.
Having read KLM’s in-flight magazine, the air passenger is informed that the Netherlands
covers 13,433 square miles. It houses slightly more than 16 million inhabitants and it is con-
sequently the country with approximately the highest population per square mile in the world.
The Dutch language is spoken throughout the country, but there are remarkable differences
between regions with regard to pronunciation. Even bordering villages or towns may sizably
differ from one another in their vocabulary. Often, historical and cultural factors explain most
of these differences, for example, the extent to which a community was exposed to French
influences during the French Revolution, or the religion (Protestantism or Roman
Catholicism) most inhabitants (used to) adhere to. Dutch is also spoken by the Flemish people
in Belgium. Not only their pronunciation, but also their construction of sentences is different;
some “Dutch” words originate in Belgium, and are only used in Flemish. When somebody
from South Africa (speaking “Afrikaans” rooted in 17th-century Dutch) is interviewed on
Dutch TV, subtitles are shown. In one of the 12 counties, Friesland, the “Fries” language is
spoken besides Dutch, and the names of towns in that county are spelled in both Dutch and
Fries. Major current minority languages are Turkish, Moroccan, Surinam, and Papiaments
(originally from the Dutch Antilles). Larger cities, like Amsterdam and Rotterdam, are home
to former inhabitants of more than 130 countries, resulting in many other languages being
heard as well, making Dutch culture in these areas increasingly multicolored and pluriform
in nature.
The Netherlands is also the home base for several large multinational enterprises in dif-
ferent sectors, including Philips, Shell, Unilever, AKZO/Nobel, DSM, CORUS (former
Hoogovens), KLM, ING Bank, ABN/AMRO Bank, and Ahold. Yet, company (and political)
leadership is not often a hot item in the country. Many people even find it difficult to mention
an outstanding Dutch leader, not because good leaders are lacking, but much more because a
leader tends not to be recognized as such. As a well-known saying goes “a leader should
remain to be an ordinary person.” Dutch organizations emphasize training and educating the
workforce, and keeping people “employable.” Many commercial and noncommercial training
institutions are active on the Dutch market. Many companies make extensive use of the help
of organizational consultancy agencies. The average productivity level (combining both labor
and capital productivity) was comparatively high in the past two decades, but the level of
growth is gradually decreasing. Also, a sizable part of the employable population is partly or
fully disabled and cannot work. Only around 40% of the people aged between 55 and 65 years
are still employed. The country was successful in reducing its unemployment rate to less than
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 217

5% (effective 1998 onward), primarily through increasing the amount of part-time jobs.
However, the slowing down of the economy has recently caused many organizations to reduce
their labor force.
Characteristic to the country is having an organized, businesslike climate rather than a
powerful leader-oriented atmosphere. To a certain extent there is even an antihero attitude.
Dutch prime ministers usually do not present themselves as stars, but tend to emphasize trust-
worthiness, thoroughness, and commonness (such as “shopping like the next-door neighbor”)
in their behavior. Often, they stress the general interest (in terms of “being the prime minis-
ter of all inhabitants of the country”) rather than favoring the interests of the political party
they adhere to. The relative inexperience with stardom in politics surfaced in 2002 as a charis-
matic opposition leader “Pim Fortuyn” challenged the dominant “purple” coalition (consti-
tuted by the Conservative and the Social Democratic parties). He was killed briefly before the
parliamentary elections in that year (which evoked distress on a national level), and even after
his death his party still got the largest turnout of votes that any new party ever gained in Dutch
parliamentary history.
The air passenger, with whom this introductory overview started, made the ground suc-
cessfully. Inside and outside the airport the country looks orderly and clean; the Dutch lan-
guage provides the passenger with mysterious feelings as it sounds so unfamiliar, but luckily
most people master the English language. The country looks flat, and the passenger wonders
whether this impression holds beyond its literal, geographical meaning.
Let’s expose our guest first to an essay about some historical features of Dutch societal cul-
ture, (Section 2). Next, the industrial relations system is described (Section 3), focusing espe-
cially on how it developed itself after the Second World War. Section 4 highlights current
characteristics of societal culture, including the data assembled in the GLOBE study, whereas
Section 5 describes results relevant to the culture of the organizations participating in the Dutch
GLOBE study. Section 6 returns to the theme of leadership, and presents the Dutch GLOBE
data on this theme. Section 7 deals with several specific manifestations of Dutch societal cul-
ture, some limitations of the current study, as well as some suggestions for future research.
Section 8 addresses some current challenges for Dutch organizational leadership. Finally, in
the concluding Section 9 the guest should have at least learned which behaviors leaders from
abroad should engage in, and abstain from, when exposed to Dutch employees.

2. DUTCH SOCIETAL CULTURE AND POLITICS: A BRIEF

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

The Dutch are not known as people who regularly commemorate figures of historical impor-
tance. Suppose you as a reader were to ask a Dutch citizen living in one of the cities, which
of his or her past or current countrymen is considered to be a person of historical importance?
Probably, the first reply would be in terms of another question: “What is meant by ‘histori-
cal’ importance?” Assuming that this problem would be solved satisfactorily, the second reply
would probably also embody a question: “Why commemorate him or her?”
One of the “solid” ways to commemorate historical figures and to support the societal val-
ues they modeled would be to erect a statue for them. Such statues in the Netherlands are scarce,
but there are several, such as the one for William, Prince of Orange, murdered in 1584 in Delft;
Van Oldenbarnevelt, an influential legal consultant to the Counties of Holland, also murdered
(1619); Michiel de Ruyter, a famous Navy Commander in the 17th century; William III, King
of the Netherlands, 19th century; and Van Heutsz, Army General and colonial ruler in the Indies,
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218 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

19th and 20th century. Perhaps because of her role during the Second World War, Queen
Wilhelmina, grandmother of the current Queen Beatrix, received more than one statue.
Interestingly, some influential philosophers are also “petrified,” including Erasmus (Rotterdam),
Spinoza, and Comenius (the latter from Czech decent). Quite a few statues are found along the
Dutch coast, such as the one showing a small boy keeping his thumb in the hole of a dike, thus
preventing the inundation of a larger part of the country. Some other statues show an old woman,
sadly stretching her arm to the vast waters. Such statues express the constant concern of the “low
countries” with the North Sea: a fishing area for some, a graveyard for too many, and an unpre-
dictable nibbler of the coastline, causing a continuous fight for land.
Yet, the “harvest” of statues commemorating historical figures is modest. This is not
because there weren’t Dutch persons of historical national or international importance: Time
and again Dutch inhabitants gained prominence in whatever domain, and painted portraits of
some of these people are found in museums and castles. Rather, in Dutch culture outstanding
individuals are usually not identified as a hero: It runs counter to important values and habits
that attribute unusual performance mainly, let alone exclusively, to individual characteristics.
The root of this conception probably dates back many centuries. To gain more insight into
such roots we briefly need to review the political and economic culture of “Holland,” from
the early 14th century onward (cf.; Blonk, Romein, & Oerlemans, 1967, 1978; Braudel, 1979;
Koeningsberger, 2001; D. Langedijk, 1948a, 1948b; Rijpma, 1952; Schama, 1987).

Citizens and Merchants

Although the terms “Holland” and “the Netherlands” are nowadays used interchangeably to
identify the same nation-state, there is a vast historical difference. Holland refers to the western
part of the country, roughly encompassing the current counties North-Holland (capital:
Haarlem) and South-Holland (capital: The Hague). During previous centuries Holland some-
times went to war against neighboring counties, but more often cooperated with them (such as
Friesland, Zeeland, and Utrecht), and established a small nation - state for quite a long period
of time. Some counties that currently belong to the state of Belgium joined the cooperation with
Holland for a while, but other counties opted for temporary liaisons with “enemy states” such
as France or Spain. Holland got its fair share of wars, against or in cooperation with England,
Prussia, France, and, for quite a period, Spain. During Napoleon’s regime Holland and other
counties were made part of France for several years. Shortly afterward, as King William I was
inaugurated (1814), the Netherlands was established as a country, also encompassing current
parts of Belgium (the so-called South - Netherlands) as a consequence of the ruling by the
Viennese Congress (1815). Later Belgium received its independence in 1831.
Around AD 1300 the cities of Holland got municipal rights. These rights allowed a city to
govern itself and to determine its own jurisdiction. If a plan for action was very expensive,
good custom held that citizens were consulted. Generally, merchants favored the high extent
of the cities’ “local autonomy.” As merchants became more prosperous through effective trad-
ing, they asked the count for protection against gangs of robbers or foreign invasion. Perhaps
because of this, but also because an increasing number of counties became involved (Holland
and other counties including French Burgundy), a strong centralized government was
installed at the time Jacoba van Beieren was countess (early 15th century). Each region got a
stadtholder (the word probably being a combination of the Dutch stad [city] and the English
holder), representing the authority of the count. The nobility, the clergy and the cities were
consulted in the Regional Estates (Gewestelijke Staten). All counties together convened every
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 219

now and then in the Estate General (Staten Generaal).1 The Dutch Estate General is among
the oldest democratic institutions in Europe, established in 1464 by representatives of the
Regional Estates (Koeningsberger, 2001).
These developments strengthened the position of the citizens (and the farmers) at the
expense of the power of the nobility and the clergy. Trade and commerce flourished. The posi-
tion of merchants was an issue of debate, however, because some people held that the price
of a product would be lower if it were to be established without the interference of a “third
(merchant) party.” So the government took care that products were bought and sold for a fair
price. This early form of capitalism was also practiced in the early 16th century in Northern
Italy. Dutch trade focused on fishing (in particular herring), whereas freight was taken when
the fishing season was over. Gradually, Dutch merchants started to trade independently (e.g.,
in grain). Also, wage laborers were attracted to the clothing industry (cloth was purchased in
Calais from English merchants). As the art of printing was developed (Gutenberg, in
Germany, 1450), citizens in the wealthy cities founded their own schools, and reduced the
power the clergy traditionally enjoyed in this domain. Pupils were educated in bookkeeping
and other applied subjects, which prepared them for a merchant career. Wealthier cities also
raised their own mercenary armies, thus controlling the power the nobility usually possessed
there. It is small wonder that the onset of the Renaissance met fertile soil in the cities in
Holland with their relatively wealthy, educated, and independent citizens. These citizens were
used to carry personal responsibility and to making their own judgment, as they were rather
independent from the clergy and the nobility.
Yet, it is not so much the Renaissance but more so the onset of Protestantism that is most
important to the further development of Holland. Early in the 16th century Luther attached his
95 “statements” to the Chapel of Wittenberg, Germany (1517). In Holland and adjacent coun-
ties, the assumptions and ideas of Calvin (“Calvinism”) became more influential, as these
diffused from Switzerland to France and other European countries from 1550 onward. During
that period, Roman Catholic Spanish kings ruled Holland: Karel V reigned for a rather long
time, and was succeeded by his son Philips II. A nobleman, William, Prince of Orange, became
the leader of the opposition in Holland. Lower nobility joined with this opposition, because they
too had adopted the Calvinistic faith. Moreover, the Bartholomew night (1572) that had taken
place in France in which many Protestants were killed, had brought quite a number of those
Protestant survivors to Holland. Major issues for the opposition to contest were:

• The introduction of new (Roman Catholic) dioceses.

• A change in civil administration.
• The presence of the Spanish army.

A long period of strenuous fights followed, partly underground. Groups of Geuzen2 battled
repeatedly with the Spanish army. When a city joined the Orange opposition, it meant that
its citizens would adopt Protestantism. Usually this implied that a new government was

1
Up to the present day, the Dutch Parliament (which is composed of two chambers) is called the “Estate General.”
Each of the current 12 countries is ruled by the “County Estate” (whereas each city or town is headed by the City
Council).
2
The word geus probably stems from the French term des gueux, which means “beggar” or “vagrant,” a term per-
haps used by an underling in the Spanish court to identify the “Protestants” from Holland. Interestingly, the English
word for geus is Protestant. In Dutch, geus has the connotation of a courageous person.
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220 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

appointed from the lower classes, which did not tend to obey the nobility and the Catholic
Church. William, Prince of Orange was excommunicated by the pope in 1580, and was mur-
dered in 1584. His son Maurits became the new stadtholder. Battles with Spain continued
every now and then until the peace treaty of Münster in 1648.
Let’s briefly recap the key ideas from the preceding sections. The cities in Holland already
enjoyed a large amount of autonomy by the end of the Middle Ages. They took care of their
administration as well as of their jurisdiction. Trade prospered, accompanied by a concern to
achieve fair prices. Wealthier cities founded their own schools and raised mercenary armies.
The role of the Catholic Church and of noblemen was much weaker than in many other coun-
tries: the educated citizen was capable of judging for him or herself how to behave and what
to think, and was not inclined to accept somebody else’s authority. Protestantism, in particu-
lar the Calvinistic faith, was very much in line with most of these values: Each citizen should
read the Bible him or herself, should make his or her own judgment, and can practice faith in
the local parish where “Presbyters,”3 and not priests, should have influence.
It is this background against which the 17th century—the Dutch Golden Age—took off. The
Republic of Holland had by and large prospered during the war against Spain. Merchants estab-
lished trading societies with shares for each participant, thus sharing profits and losses with one
another. In 1602, the East Indies Company was founded, followed by the West Indies Company
in 1621. Their shares were traded at the stock exchange. New Amsterdam (the later New York)
was established in 1625. Holland was the sole country with a permanent foothold in Japan
(Decima). The Northern Company ruled the whale fishery around Scandinavia. Sea traders
sailed the world seas.4 Sciences, arts, and literature were cultivated at a high level (e.g.,
Huijgens, Spinoza, Vondel, and Rembrandt van Rijn). The Republic ruled itself through the
Estate bodies mentioned earlier: The county of Holland had the most power (interestingly, the
clergy was not represented in the States of Holland; the nobility had one vote). It is a matter of
debate whether the Estate General of the Republic or the stadtholder wielded most power; any-
way, they repeatedly struggled about the delineation of the other party’s and their own rights and
responsibilities (cf. Koeningsberger, 2001; van Deursen, 2004). In the domain of religion, a
strongly debated and divisive subject related to the extent to which the Bible should be under-
stood “literally,” for example, as to whether personal salvation is predetermined by God.5 Yet,
many pleas were made to be tolerant and “liberal” to people with other beliefs or opinions
(among those the people without a particular faith or religion), and “equal rights” were advo-
cated for the “common people,” the handicapped, and the poor. Such pleas were even more
important as the seizure of the Edict of Nantes in France (1685) expelled many French
Protestants. As many of these “Huegenots” were skilled craftsmen, the economies in the coun-
tries to which they fled profited sizably (e.g., parts of Germany and Holland).
In the 18th century, the Republic showed a tremendous amount of decay in many domains
that had flourished during the Golden Age. Wealthy merchants showed off their possessions
and lived off the interests and rents. Regents divided the best jobs and positions among them-
selves and their offspring. The army was corrupt, and a debate continued about the required
size of army needed. Moreover, many foreign countries became strong economic competitors,
outperforming the Republic in many ways. Yet, trade remained a strong sector. Humanism
strengthened the dislike of authority. Rousseau’s ideas about the people’s sovereignty and

3
Senior, recognized church members, appointed or elected by the parish community.
4
Even nowadays a strong characteristic of the Dutch economy is the transport sector for international trade.
5
The so-called “predestination.”
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 221

Montesquieu’s conception about the “trias politica”6 were attractive to many regents. Then
France occupied the Republic in 1794–1795, shortly before Napoleon started to battle with
many other European countries.
Holland lost its independence for quite a while. The country—called the Batavian
Republic until 1806—had to pay heavy duties to France. Trade collapsed, civil administration
changed drastically, and the country became engaged in a war against England. Yet, various
innovative laws were enacted, such as those on taxes and basic education. Between 1806 and
1810, Napoleon’s brother—Lodewijk Napoleon—was King of Holland. From 1810 onward,
Holland became a part of France. But in 1814, King William I of Orange was inaugurated and
a new Constitution was introduced: The country of the Netherlands was born, which also
incorporated major parts of Belgium until 1831. Trade started to flourish again. This new-
found unity did not, however, lead to a centralized power structure. Most important for the
administrative structure of the country was the new Constitution of 1848, primarily designed
by the Liberal politician Thorbecke, who was appointed prime minister shortly afterward. It
marked the onset of the parliamentary aristocracy (cf. Blonk et al., 1978). The Constitution
addressed, for instance, direct election of the Second Chamber (Parliament), the rights and
responsibilities of both Chambers, the public (open) character of all governmental institu-
tions, and the inviolability of the king. Counties and cities again acquired substantial auton-
omy in the administration of their own affairs. Besides the Liberal Party, there was a
Conservative, a Protestant, and a Roman Catholic Party. In the second part of the 19th
century, social and socioeconomic issues became main points of concern, for example, child
labor, industrial nuisance, and the self-organization of workers in labor unions.
Manufacturing industries were innovated, and transport by train and by boat was provided
with a better infrastructure. Farm produce was not protected against cheaper foreign imports,
because the government favored free world trade.
In the next two sections, some main trends and characteristics of the 20th century are high-
lighted. First, the foreign policy of the Netherlands continued with its neutrality in international
conflicts. This kept the country largely outside World War I, but it didn’t offer protection against
German occupation in World War II, which left the country devastated in 1945. Second, the life
and work of many were organized along denominational segregation lines. This applied pri-
marily to the Protestant and to the Roman Catholic denominations: Many societal organizations
and institutions belonged to a particular denomination, implying, for instance, that citizens
selected retail shops, leisure-time pursuits, health care, their political party, cultural events, their
union, and even their employer more or less according to their “religious” color. Such segrega-
tion was previously thought to have hindered societal development, as the principles of “sover-
eignty in one’s own circle” (Protestant) and “subsidiarity” (Roman Catholic: What is better done
down the hierarchical chain should not be handled at a higher level) would make citizens less
open to developments in other societal domains. Nowadays, the perspective is taken that denom-
inational segregation may not only have facilitated the “emancipation” of minority movements,
but may also have contributed to balancing parties in conflict and integrating citizens into
society. Denominational segregation has probably played a key role in the development of a
large middle class, which helped to stabilize the country and led to continued modernization.
After a period of desegregation in recent decades, some new denominational categories have
surfaced in Dutch society, like the Islamic, Liberal, Christian (Roman Catholics and Protestants
combined), and Socio-Democrat movements.

6
The “trias politica” holds that the legislative power, the judicial power, and the executive power should be
independent from one another.
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222 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

No Heros?

Why is it that the Dutch usually do not tend to recognize countrymen of particular “histori-
cal” importance as heroes, or even manifest an antihero attitude? Why is it that they fre-
quently detest observing outspoken symbols of officialdom, resent prerogatives of leaders,
and sometimes even question the acceptability of persons in more powerful positions?
Furthermore, why did they tend to disregard high performers or discourage outstanding
achievers (as is highlighted in the typically Dutch saying: “Being ordinary is sufficiently
awkward.”)? There is, of course, not one, single, fully adequate answer to these questions.
However, the historical perspective taken in the preceding section identified some core
themes, which may jointly apply:

1. From at least the Middle Ages onward, cities possessed or gained much power to set-
tle their own affairs in various respects. They were most often not subject to a strong,
single-person type of leadership structure: the count or the king usually resided abroad
and left affairs to be handled by a remplacant, for example, a stadtholder. The more
educated citizens were thus accustomed to a relatively large amount of autonomy and
shared their power, to a certain extent, with others. Thus, these citizens were never
very dependent on emperors, the clergy, and/or the nobility. In addition, Holland never
had very distinct class differences although in later centuries, a large middle class
developed.
2. Merchants created a lot of wealth for the cities. This strengthened the opportunities for
cities and their citizens to regulate their own affairs, for example, through founding
their own schools or setting up an army of mercenaries. As merchants very often went
abroad and foreign traders frequently visited the Republic of Holland, a liberal, toler-
ant climate developed, open to different views (and, sometimes, some variety in reli-
gion).

• This culture of self-determination, of decentralized administration and of relative wealth

for the “cultured,” educated citizens was open to the Protestant faith, in particular as
represented by Calvin. It is probably a bit too simple, as Weber (1947) tended to say, that
Calvinism provided fertile ground for capitalism (also as many other, non-Protestant
countries adopted capitalism). Rather, a certain embarrassment with the visible prosper-
ity of many may have been more characteristic (Schama, 1987). Schama coined the term
“moral ambiguity of prosperity” to refer to the problem of how to reconcile a luxurious
lifestyle with the endorsement of the values of soberness and charity.
• Children were usually raised at home and not in a boarding school. Generally, women
aspired to be housewives, including taking on the full-time care of their children. As for
a boarding school, this would be typical of a more masculine environment (stressing val-
ues like disciplined behavior, obedience, courage, achievement, etc.), but such values
were not dominant. Moreover, the people of Holland were not used to royal courts with
pomp and circumstance.

3. Taken together, these core themes may have cradled the “germs” of the shared per-
ception, in Dutch society, that a “person of historical importance” should be looked
upon in terms of the social network—the context—she or he is embedded in.
Favorable situational conditions rather than outstanding individual qualities should be
considered crucial to their accomplishments.
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 223

4. The emphasis on decentralization and local autonomy got reestablished in the

Constitution inspired by Thorbecke in the midst of the 19th century. This “tradition”
was markedly changed immediately after World War II. The national government
gained a very important role in rebuilding Dutch society and contributed to a “mixed
economy” in which capitalism met government interference. The next section, on
industrial relations, highlights some of these features. However, the last decade of the
20th century witnessed a gradual changeover. A retreating government, favoring a
stronger role of market forces was seen, along with an emphasis on “intermediary
societal institutions” (like the family and the local community) that should provide for
the integration of citizens in a “multicultural” society. These ideas are to a large extent
in line with the principles that governed Dutch society in previous centuries.

Translated to the dimensions of GLOBE research (cf. House et al., 2004), the preceding
description suggests the following dimensions to be characteristic of the developments in
Dutch society during the second part of the 20th century:

• (Societal and organizational) culture: relatively higher scores on individualism, feminin-

ity, tolerance of uncertainty, power egalitarianism, and humane orientation, and a rela-
tively lower score on the performance orientation can be expected. There is no particular
expectation regarding future–present orientation.
• Leadership: higher scores on attributes such as being humane, diplomatic, having
integrity, and a collective orientation are expected along with lower scores on autocratic
and status conscious behavior.

3. DUTCH INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS AFTER WORLD WAR II

The First Part of the 20th Century: Some Features

The kingdom of the Netherlands—with Queen Wilhelmina and the two chambers of
Parliament—was not strongly affected by the First World War, because the nation had main-
tained its neutral foreign policy. During the 1929 Great Depression, many people suffered
from unemployment, sudden loss of wealth and property, and a gloomy outlook for the future.
For sure, the government provided some relief work projects. Vocational guidance was started
(also initiated by some nongovernmental institutions and groups) to facilitate job openings for
unemployed people through additional education, and to match abilities and skills of those
who entered the labor market with the requirements of available jobs (e.g., Van Strien, 1988).
However, the country did not have much industry. Of course, there were exceptions, like the
ship-building sector, agriculture, textiles, and the Philips company. But many employers were
traders rather than industrial entrepreneurs.
The country suffered severely from the German occupation during World War II
(1940–1945). The Royal Family and the Dutch cabinet went abroad. During the last years of
the war, representatives of different political parties secretly met to consider opportunities for
joint political action when the war would end.
A new era began in May 1945 after the country was liberated: The government got a strong
“centralized” position in rebuilding the country, in reshaping civilization, and in raising
a strong industrial infrastructure, the latter with the help of the U.S. Marshall Funds.
Mixed capitalism (in which governmental control and market forces are the main factors), a
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224 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

consultation economy7 (which means that major interest groups are frequently consulted
about their views), and a substantial welfare state were to be the main characteristics of Dutch
(socio- )economic policy for many years to come.

Industrial Relations

Dutch industrial relations after World War II were strongly influenced by the need to rebuild
society. The government, the major political parties, the employers’ federations, and the
unions worked together (initially harmoniously) to achieve rapid industrialization
(cf. Industrial Democracy in Europe International Research Group, 1981). The government
played a dominant role, first through its authority to control wages and prices: For more than
15 years wage and price increases were set (and usually controlled and maintained) at a
national level. Second, the government enacted legislation in various domains, such as that
concerning industrial democracy at the level of the enterprise. Yet, most decisions that were
eventually taken at the national, sector, or individual organization level went through a dis-
cussion and preparation phase in councils and committees, which were composed of employer
federations and union representatives. During the 1950s some of the major characteristics of
Dutch Industrial Relations were (Industrial Democracy in Europe International Research
Group, 1981):

1. Differentiation: Both employer federations and workers’ unions were patterned

according to their industrial sector, and, in addition, also split into three segregated
“denominations”: Roman Catholic; Protestant; nondenominational (employers),
respectively Social Democrats (union).
2. Integration and consensus: Despite the segregation, the unions and the employer fed-
erations cooperated closely, and rather harmoniously, with one another. They held
similar, or at least compatible, views on the goals of socioeconomic policy as well as
on the objectives and the ways to implement industrial relations.
3. Centralization: A rather unique feature was the emphasis on (collective labor) agree-
ments at the national level, in which the government was a powerful party (mostly
mediating between employer federations and unions).

Objectives in the Post–Second World War Period

These included rebuilding the national economy, achieving full employment, and strongly
expanding social legislation to further the development of a welfare state. The latter led to a
comparatively high level of social security coverage, for example, a base pension for all citi-
zens of 65 years or over and allowances in the case of sickness, unemployment, disability, and
so forth. The consensus on objectives caused discussions and bargaining to focus primarily
on ways and means. The three parties maintained frequent and intensive communication, in
particular in the Social and Economic Council (SER) and the Foundation of Labor. This foun-
dation was established in 1945 by employer federations and unions, and was accepted by the
government as an important advisory body on socioeconomic subjects. The SER took shape
in 1950 and became the main institution for advising the government on social and economic

7
Some favor the term consensus economy.
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 225

problems.8 It is composed of 45 members: Employer federations and unions account for 15

members each respectively, and 15 independent experts are appointed by the government.
Major conflicts were rare during the 1950s and early 1960s; if one occurred, a solution was
reached by consultation. In order to establish the level of wages for the next year, a govern-
ment planning bureau performed econometric calculations and estimated the wage increase
the national economy could afford (e.g.,Windmuller, 1968). Institutions and industrial firms
were stimulated to adopt a system of job evaluation (cf. Thierry & De Jong, 1998) that would
facilitate company-internal equity as well as conformity to market rates (external equity).
Instead of free bargaining, government control (and consultation with parties concerned)
prevailed.
At the level of the enterprise, two formats for workers’ participation prevailed. In 1950, the
first Works Council Act was enacted. This Act describes the Works Council as a consultation
body, primarily concerned with the general, common interests of the enterprise, having the
managing director as its chairperson. The second format referred to the introduction of job
consultation (werkoverleg; cf. Koopman & Wierdsma, 1998) at the shop-floor level in an
increasing number of work organizations.
The early 1960s saw the onset of a drastic change in the industrial relations climate. The
national economy did rather well. The standard of living had risen sizably. The labor market
was very tight, in particular in areas of the country bordering (former West-)Germany: The
economic boom in the rebuilt German industry allowed companies in that country to pay
rather high wages, which attracted many Dutch workers. The former forces pressing for inte-
gration, like rebuilding the economy and providing for full employment, were burning out.
Industrial relations became slightly more decentralized. Unions adopted a more independent
attitude, were less concerned about economic growth, and focused more on workers’ inter-
ests. This was apparent not only in the field of wages and employment conditions, but also in
the domain of participation and power relations within the company. Moreover, around 1966,
employer federations and unions agreed to eliminate the traditional distinction between
white- and blue-collar workers and, consequently, to “harmonize” the differences in employ-
ment conditions. The growing diversification in jobs (and job requirements) had blurred this
distinction, though it was widely held that most employment differences9 did not keep up with
the shared conceptions of social justice.
In France, a “cultural revolution” surfaced around 1968, primarily among students at uni-
versities (e.g., Paris and Nanterre). It reverberated rather strongly at Dutch universities: The stu-
dent movement protested against what they perceived to be authoritarian attitudes and rigid,
bureaucratic structures (Albeda, 1984). The new ideology called for “democratization” and a
less unequal power distribution. The Dutch government reacted rather quickly and enacted
a new law on the administration of the university—which ruled that students would be

8
The Social and Economic Council is an example of the so-called cooperate industrial organization (CIO;
Publiekrechtelijke Bedrijfsorganisatie), which was implemented at the level of an (industrial) sector. Its aim is to let
the relevant employer federations and unions concerned arrange the “infrastructure” of that sector. Like the SER,
some of the CIOs are still in existence. Some people expect that the increasing socioeconomic interdependence
among countries within the European Union (EU) will make the CIO obsolete.
9
White-collar employees got a monthly salary, whereas blue-collar workers were paid a weekly wage. White col-
lars usually got a flat salary, whereas blue-collar pay was often partly based on performance. Regulations on absen-
teeism, pension schemes, and so forth also differed sizably. This harmonization movement took off much later in
other European countries (Thierry, 1998).
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226 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

represented in committees and boards—an effect of which was that the aftermath of the
“revolution” took much longer (until the mid-1990s) than in any other European country. But
the new ideology also affected industrial relations. Unions placed more emphasis on activities
at the shop-floor level, consequently at the expense of the role they played at the industry and
national level. The notions about a more equal distribution of power geared to the widely shared
idea that income differences should be less steep. Remarkably, unions bargained with many
industries in order to expel pay for performance, and achieved success (cf. Koopman-Iwema &
Thierry, 1981). Job evaluation was considered to be a more fair strategy. In the 1970s, the gov-
ernment enacted a law to further the use of job evaluation, extending its application not only to
higher management and senior executives in work organizations, but also to the free professions
(like lawyers, accountants, medical doctors, etc.) and self-employed people. It sought to achieve
both nationwide control of incomes and a fairer income distribution.
These developments can be characterized as a change in industrial relations from a “har-
mony model” to a “coalition model” (Peper, 1973). A harmony model is known for its con-
sensus on goals, a large degree of cooperation, a low level of conflict, and the use of
consultation as the main mechanism for the resolution of a conflict. A coalition model fea-
tures partial consensus, some cooperation in a few restricted domains, a moderate level of
conflict, and the use of bargaining as the main vehicle to solve conflicts. Some evidence in
support of this change during those years is (Industrial Democracy in Europe International
Research Group, 1981):

• A larger number of employees and firms were involved in the strikes.

• The content of collective labor agreements was shifting, as noneconomic issues got more
emphasis (e.g., the “quality of work”).
• The process of bargaining was becoming tougher.
• The demand was made that the managing director should no longer be a member, let
alone the chairperson, of the works council.

The new Act on the Works Council (1971) stated in particular that the task of the council was
consultation, and representation of employees’ interests. Research in the 1970s showed that a
considerable number of works councils had potential influence on the company’s decision-
making process. However, this influence proved to be rather limited in practice (cf. Hövels &
Nas, 1976; Industrial Democracy in Europe International Research Group, 1981). Decisions
about appointments of senior executives, investments, and reorganization were hardly influ-
enced by these councils (Andriessen & Coetsier, 1984; Koopman, 1992; Andriessen, 1998).
Yet, most key informants at all levels of organizations believed that the works council had
made a contribution to informing people better about what was going on in their organization.
Also, they held that decisions were more easily accepted after having been discussed by the
council (Industrial Democracy in Europe International Research Group, 1993).
The Works Council Act was amended in 1979, and again in 1982. The 1979 amendment
made works councils more independent of the employer in organizations that totaled 100 or
more employees: The managing director was no longer the chairperson, and the works coun-
cil got more discretionary power on some subject matters. In 1982, the works council was
made obligatory for organizations that employed 35 or more employees. Job evaluation
schemes were still very much in use, if not at an increasing rate. Yet, the objective changed:
Rather than effecting distributive justice, the acceptance of its results by employees (and their
representatives in the works council) was emphasized. Consequently, the order of job values
(and of corresponding basic salaries) that was considered to be acceptable in one organization
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 227

could be seen as unfair in a neighboring company. This was one of the early signs of the need
for decentralization, deregulation, and “company-tailored” conditions, which would manifest
itself more strongly in the years to come.
Also in 1982, the coalition of political parties represented in the Dutch cabinet of minis-
ters changed: The Christian Democratic Party constituted a new government jointly with the
Liberal Party, whereas the Social Democrats went into the opposition. The new government
was less interested than its predecessors in regulating industrial relations and furthering
industrial democracy. As in several other countries, the era of “no-nonsense policymaking”
took off. The economy—which faced a severe recession in that period—was stimulated by
cutting back government spending and decreasing state intervention in trade and industry
(Industrial Democracy in Europe International Research Group, 1993). In practice, it proved
to be hard to reduce the role of the government in the industrial relations domain. Cabinets
in later years did not drastically alter the main line of policy set during the 1970s.
Remarkably, the coalition of Liberal and Social Democratic parties that ruled the country at
the end of the 20th century and the onset of the 21st century strongly favored a market econ-
omy, in which the role of the state is modest (more facilitating in nature), service organiza-
tions and state firms were privatized as much as possible, flexibility in employment
conditions (and various other areas) was pursued (e.g., “employability”), and decentraliza-
tion and deregulation were enacted. As stated earlier, these values seem to be reminiscent of
some of the major themes in Dutch history until the early 20th century, implying that the
post–World War II period with a strong centralized position of the government may have
been an exception to the rule.

Interpreting Evidence

How should Dutch industrial relations in the last 15 years of the 20th century be character-
ized? Hofstede’s data (1984) on national culture show that the Dutch, in the early 1980s,
scored high on individualism, and low on power distance and masculinity. Average scores
were reached on tolerance of uncertainty, and long-term orientation. The “leader” was seen
as somebody who is modest, favoring consultation of employees, work autonomy, training,
the use of skills, the support of his or her group, and the contribution of all toward the suc-
cess of the organization. Interestingly, these observations are in support of the GLOBE
dimensions suggested to be characteristic for the Dutch in the historical overview (Section 2,
No Heros?).
As previously outlined, centralized control prevailed until the early 1980s: The govern-
ment was active in enacting new legislation on employees’ participation in decision making.
Pleas and initiatives to increase the opportunities for participation also came from companies,
unions, and academics. However, one of the consequences of the economic recession in those
times was a severe weakening of the position of the main unions in the Netherlands as an
effect of both the loss of many members and diminishing bargaining power. Also, “compet-
ing” unions (e.g., for executives and managers) were gradually gaining power, sometimes at
a sector level, but mostly at the organizational level. Democratization and participation lost
their position on the public agenda. Nationwide agreements and initiatives regarding indus-
trial relations subjects became scarce: Formerly held societal values were wearing out and
getting fragmented or were replaced by norms and values of interest groups operating at all
levels of the society. Yet, research evidence showed that the extent of participation in practice,
both direct and representative, was not smaller in the 1980s than in the 1970s (cf. Pool,
Drenth, Koopman, & Lammers, 1988).
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228 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

In the 1990s, the industrial relations climate was becoming more of an intense issue at the
sector and organization level. The use of job evaluation (advocated in an earlier decade with
an eye on nationwide objectives and values) was recommended, because it allowed ordering
jobs (and thus base salaries) in accordance with the particular, if not unique, “strategic” con-
ditions of each company. Employer’s federations merged, and attuned their activities much
more to local companies, regional markets, and international conditions. Also, major trade
unions were in a merging process. Collective labor agreements were more often set at the
company level, containing “boundary conditions” the framework of which was to be elabo-
rated within a firm or business unit: It is here that the role of the (local) works council was
emphasized. Some firms, for example, in the commercial services branch, tended to do with-
out the involvement of unions, favoring individual labor contracts. Indeed, an important ques-
tion is whether the Dutch industrial relations system can be characterized as a consultation
economy since the 1990s.
In terms of GLOBE research, this overview suggests that the following dimensions char-
acterize the postwar period until the early 1990s:

• Cultural practice: relatively high scores on collectivism, gender egalitarianism, uncertainty

avoidance, and humane values; and a very high score on power egalitarianism; and a mod-
erate score on performance orientation as well as on future–present orientation.
• Leadership preferences: a relatively high score on attributes like team orientation, diplo-
matic, and humane, and a rather low score on autocratic, self-centered, and status-
conscious.

The next three sections deal in particular with data from different sources—most of which
were gathered in the context of the GLOBE study—on how societal culture, organizational
culture, and outstanding leadership were perceived to be in the Netherlands during the second
part of the 1990s.

4. CONTEMPORARY SOCIETAL CULTURE

During the pilot phase the provisional GLOBE questionnaires were carefully translated into
Dutch and back-translated into English. The final questionnaires were administered to 287
middle managers, randomly selected from three companies in the food sector, and three com-
panies in the banking/insurance sector. All items appeared to be clear and provided no observ-
able problems of interpretation. The six companies had cooperated on an earlier occasion in
a project with a member of the CCI team. Within each sector the three companies differed
greatly from one another in size, location, products and services, and the like. A total of 146
managers filled out the national culture questionnaire and 141 completed the questionnaire on
organizational culture.
In the first column of Table 7.1, the mean scores of Dutch managers on current societal
culture practices are shown. The second column lists the group category: The scores of all 61
countries sparticipating in GLOBE were assigned to so-called Bands (cf. Hanges, Dickson, &
Sipe, 2004). Band A is the highest, Band C (or D) the lowest. The third and fourth columns con-
tain the maximum, and respectively, minimum scores given to any country. Thus, the first row
indicates that Dutch managers rate Performance Orientation in their societal culture as slightly
above the midscale point (running from 1 “very low” to 7 “very high”) positioned in Band B.
Table 7.1 reveals that Dutch managers consider societal cultural practices as higher on
Uncertainty Avoidance, Future Orientation, and Institutional Collectivism, and lower on
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 229

TABLE 7.1
Societal Culture Scales (“As Is”)

Mean Band a Maximum Minimum

Performance Orientation 4.32 B 4.94 3.20

Future Orientation 4.61 A 5.07 2.80
Assertiveness 4.32 A 4.97 2.79
Institutional Collectivism 4.46 B 5.22 3.25
Gender Egalitarianism 3.50 B 4.33 2.50
Humane Orientation 3.86 C 5.23 3.18
Power Distance 4.11 C 5.80 3.59
In-Group Collectivism 3.70 C 6.36 3.18
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.70 B 5.37 2.85
a
Bands A > B > C > D are determined by calculating the grand mean and standard deviations across all society “As
Is” and “Should Be” scales respectively for the GLOBE sample of countries. These means and standard deviations
are than used to calculate low, medium, and high bands of countries (GLOBE standard procedure, cf. Hanges,
Dickson, & Sipe, 2004).

Humane Orientation, In-Group Collectivism, and Gender Egalitarianism. They understand

Dutch society as being characterized by rules and orderliness, planning ahead, collective eco-
nomic interests, and group loyalty, but not so concerned with sensitivity toward people—a
society, moreover, in which individual accomplishments of children are favored, and moder-
ately equal opportunities exists for female citizens. The comparative scores add to this picture
that Dutch people are seen as relatively dominant and tough (Assertiveness), and not so
strongly inclined to accept hierarchy (Power Distance). The emphasis on self-reliance and
individual autonomy (Participant Observation Questionnaire [POQ], Items 9 and 10), collec-
tive economic interests, and consensual decision making is in accordance with a part of Dutch
history (Section 2) and the industrial relations system described earlier. The data on Gender
Egalitarianism are to some extent in contrast with Hofstede’s study (1984), in which Dutch
society was found to be feminine. Also, the results from the POQ (items 40, 60, and 88) indi-
cate that occupations of women are predominantly of a lower status, like homemaking, child
care, and serving others. National heroes, on the other hand, are predominantly male. Yet, the
percentage of women among politicians at the highest two levels of government is increasing
(currently around 25% to 30%).
It is interesting to compare these results with the middle managers scores on societal cul-
tural values, which reflect what they feel the dimensions should look like. Table 7.2 contains
these data.
According to Table 7.2 Dutch managers have higher scores on Performance Orientation,
Humane Orientation, In-Group Collectivism, and Future Orientation, and lower scores on
Uncertainty Avoidance and in particular Power Distance. Thus, they value in their society an
emphasis on innovativeness and effective performance, a sensitive and tolerant concern for
people, loyalty to family and organization, an eye on future events and longer term planning,
a climate of experimentation and freedom, and a concern for sharing power. The comparative
scores show in addition that Dutch managers stress the importance of feminine opportunities,
but less so of dominance and toughness.
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230 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

TABLE 7.2
Societal Culture Scales (“Should Be”)

Mean Banda Maximum Minimum

Performance Orientation 5.49 B 6.58 2.35

Future Orientation 5.07 B 6.20 2.95
Assertiveness 3.02 C 4.94 2.40
Institutional Collectivism 4.55 B 5.65 3.80
Gender Egalitarianism 4.99 A 5.17 3.18
Humane Orientation 5.20 B 6.09 3.39
Power Distance 2.45 D 4.35 2.04
In-Group Collectivism 5.17 B 6.52 4.06
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.24 D 5.61 3.16
a
Bands A > B > C > D are determined by calculating the grand mean and standard deviations across all society “As
Is” and “Should Be” scales respectively for the GLOBE sample of countries. These means and standard deviations
are than used to calculate low, medium, and high bands of countries (GLOBE standard procedure, cf. Hanges,
Dickson, & Sipe, 2004).

When cultural practices (Table 7.1) are confronted with cultural values (Table 7.2) it
appears that values like sharing power, feminine values, family and organizational loyalty,
experimentation and freedom, sensitivity to people, and achievement should be emphasized
more than they are now.10 These results suggest that Dutch society is involved in a process of
cultural transition, in which more classical values, such as collective economic interests, loy-
alty, being humane, sharing of power, and gender egalitarianism, are still endorsed, whereas
values of individual achievement and autonomy are gaining prominence. Let’s see whether
the perspectives on organizational culture reflect a comparable dual emphasis.

5. ORGANIZATION CULTURE

As previously mentioned, 141 managers completed the questionnaire on organizational culture.

Table 7.3 contains the scores given based on practices in both the financial and food sectors.
Table 7.3 shows that the scores of managers in the financial sector are not very different
from those of managers in the food sector. The largest difference occurs with regard to Gender
Egalitarianism. Thus, organizational culture practices are characterized by higher scores
on Future Orientation, In-group Collectivism, Assertiveness, Humane Orientation, and
Performance Orientation, and a lower score on Power Distance. In other words, to some
extent middle managers describe cultural practices within their organization to be in accor-
dance with societal culture practices, as a comparison with Table 7.1 reveals. Yet, more
emphasis is put on future events, longer term planning, and humane values, and less on power
distance and uncertainty avoidance. Table 7.4 lists the middle managers’ scores on organiza-
tion culture values.
Again, the scores of managers in both sectors hardly differ from one another, as Table 7.4
shows.

10
All t values concerned are significant.
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 231

TABLE 7.3
Organization Culture Practices (“As Is”) in the Financial and Food Sector

Financial Sector Food Sector

Performance Orientation 4.56 4.29

Assertiveness 4.63 4.38
Future Orientation 5.20 5.29
Gender Egalitarianism 3.71 3.01
Humane Orientation 4.77 4.57
Institutional Collectivism 4.33 4.63
Power Distance 3.14 3.07
In-Group Collectivism 4.90 4.92
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.85 3.91

TABLE 7.4
Organization Culture Values (“Should Be”) in the Food and Banking/Insurance Sector

Financial Sector Food Sector

Performance Orientation 5.99 5.76

Assertiveness 4.15 4.51
Future Orientation 5.65 5.70
Gender Egalitarianism 5.22 5.12
Humane Values 4.50 4.82
Institutional Collectivism 4.54 4.57
Power Distance 3.07 3.12
In-Group Collectivism 5.72 5.60
Uncertainty Avoidance 2.98 3.30

The results indicate that Performance Orientation, Future Orientation, and In-Group
Collectivism get higher scores, whereas Power Distance and Uncertainty Avoidance get lower
scores. In comparison with Table 7.3 on organization culture practices, it appears that values
such as Performance Orientation, family and organization Collectivism, and Gender
Egalitarianism receive higher scores, whereas Uncertainty Avoidance gets a lower score.
Thus, middle managers prefer their organization’s culture to be more focused upon innova-
tion and effective performance, on planning for the future, on equal opportunities for women,
and on loyalty to the family and their own organization. With a view on the relatively high
scores on a humane as well as a collective orientation, the suggestion put forward at the end
of the preceding section is supported: Dutch societal and organizational culture seems to be
in a transitional phase. Classical values concerning loyalty, collective economic interests,
being humane, sharing of power, and gender egalitarianism are still endorsed, whereas indi-
vidual achievement and innovation are becoming more important. This transition occurs
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232 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

against the background of the changeover from the post–Second World War political and
industrial relations climate—which was rather “collective” in nature—toward the contempo-
raneous more “individualized and flexible” climate (as described in Sections 2 and 3). An
interesting question is which leadership attributes are considered to qualify outstanding lead-
ers in this transitional phase. This is the subject of the next section.

6. ON LEADERSHIP

In this section the results from some qualitative and quantitative data on leadership are
discussed. First, the outcomes of Dutch media analysis are presented. Then the main themes
from a series of interviews in a major Dutch daily newspaper with Dutch CEOs on decision
making and leadership are summarized. Next, the responses given in individual as well as
focus group interviews on characteristics of outstanding leadership are highlighted.
Subsequent to this, data on GLOBE questionnaires relating to preferred attributes of out-
standing leaders are analyzed. In conclusion, some data from another Dutch study on leader-
ship characteristics are discussed.

Media Analysis

One of the qualitative sources for learning more about contemporary leadership values and
required leader characteristics is provided by the analysis of media. Data for this analysis
were collected in Week 32 (August 4–11) of 1996. It started with NRC/Handelsblad (a promi-
nent national newspaper, with a liberal character). Then Het Financiële Dagblad (the Dutch
equivalent of the Wall Street Journal) was added, as well as Intermediair (including its post-
ings of management vacancies), Elsevier, HP/De Tijd, and Vrij Nederland (four weekly mag-
azines with a wide distribution throughout the Netherlands). Finally, a monthly glossy
management magazine was included called Quote. All these weekly and monthly magazines
are especially popular among people in middle-managerial positions.
In these media we hardly found any articles on good leaders; moreover, in Dutch media
very few leaders are associated with events in society or in organizations. Probably, this
observation relates both to Dutch culture in general and to the prevailing Dutch media cul-
ture. Most journalists tend to be factual and fairly neutral in their reporting style with little
speculation about possible managerial or leadership influences. Also, details about a leader’s
private life are not made public or at least only to a moderate extent (a similar reserve is taken
by most media regarding the private life of the Queen and the Royal Family).
The media portray good Dutch leaders/managers as fulfilling a modest role; they tend to
be trustworthy, down-to-earth, well-organized, hard-working, competent, and inconspicuous.
At the same time, they are strong-willed, ambitious, inspirational, pragmatic, and demanding
on their personnel and on suppliers. They feel they should take time to consult major parties
before implementing plans; they tend to mediate well between various stakeholders and they
attribute success to teamwork. Some consider many Dutch leaders to be intellectually
mediocre and some such critics think they should say that in public. Often, leaders get more
public criticism than praise in the Netherlands. Perhaps that explains, in part, why most lead-
ership figures are slightly inconspicuous or nonflamboyant.
Table 7.5 lists leadership attributes that are specified in managerial job postings. Three
frequency categories are distinguished: (a) all postings, (b) often listed, and (c) mentioned
several times.
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 233

TABLE 7.5
Leadership Attributes Listed in Intermediair’s Managerial Job Postings

Listed in All Postings Often Listed

Leadership experience Good communicator

Expertise (that fits the particular job) Flexible

Mentioned Several Times

Consideration Achievement orientation

Motivator Self-confidence
Empathy Independent, yet
team player
Convincing Commercial skills
Tactful/diplomatic Hard-working
Coach Entrepreneur
Trustworthy Strong personality
Change/Innovation Decision maker
Creative negotiator Planning & Control
Innovator Risk controller
International experience/interest Planner
Experienced change manager Organizing talent
Vision implementer Eye for detail
Initiating capacity
Inspiring

Table 7.5 shows that “expertise” is emphasized as a major leadership attribute required.
Managers need to have a particularly strong background in the contents of the jobs they will
be managing. In addition, they should have gained some managerial experience, to show they
are capable of leading others. Moreover, they need to be socially astute. Less frequently men-
tioned attributes relate to consideration, achievement orientation, change and innovation, and
planning and control.
It should be kept in mind that the postings refer to a rather large variety of leadership posi-
tions and managerial jobs. Many of the requirements just mentioned change from time to time
and are prone to (especially Anglo-Saxon managerial) fads and fashions. After all, Dutch
people have a great interest in (popular English) managerial literature, which has, of course,
an impact. Yet, this impact does not seem to pervade the media culture very strongly, as these
requirements are rather general in nature. Let’s see how Dutch CEOs are characterized by
several journalists.

Interviews With Dutch CEOs

In the spring of 1994, NRC/Handelsblad, the daily newspaper, ran a series of feature articles
titled “The Decision Makers.” This 15-part series consisted of 14 interviews with Dutch CEOs
of diverse and rather large companies. The smallest organization, DTZ Zadelhoff, is a brokerage
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234 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

agency, at that time still led by the entrepreneur who had started the business in 1961. When
the interview was held it consisted of 1,700 employees in nine different countries. With 96,000
employees at the time of the interview KPN, the Dutch telecommunications and postal giant
(later privatized), is the largest independent employer on the Amsterdam Stock Exchange.
Other well-known companies whose CEOs participated in the series include Heineken (beer),
KLM (Royal Dutch Airline), ING (banking), and Akzo-Nobel (chemicals).
The interviews highlight the opinion of Dutch business leaders on topics such as unem-
ployment, government regulations, and competition from low-wage countries. It was also
intended to give an impression of how these CEOs lead their own organization. The series
concluded with one final article by journalists and business consultants that comprised of
more general comments based on Dutch business leaders and outlined the demands faced by
Dutch business leadership in the past and future decade.
In general, several points are noteworthy. First, it is remarkable that the articles do not give
much personal information about CEOs. Some prior work experience is mentioned for all
CEOs, their educational background and age for most, but further personal details, income, or
family are hardly discussed. This seems consistent with Dutch tradition (as we also noted in
the media analysis in the previous section), where even royalty and public figures are “enti-
tled” to some privacy and in which leaders are not considered or treated as heroes (Section 2).
All CEOs interviewed are men. This still reflects the current situation in which only a very
few women are found in the higher echelons of large corporations. Recent figures also show,
for instance, that Dutch universities are among the lowest ranking in the world with regard to
women holding a full professorship. Most of the interviewed CEOs commented on political
issues in the interviews and several were actively involved in national politics and political
decision making, mainly through their role in political parties or employers federations. All
14 have a university degree. However, they were educated in diverse fields such as economics
and business, engineering, or law. Most started their career in another organization, earning
their merits before taking over as CEO in their current organization. Two of the CEOs are
entrepreneurs who started their own business and are still in charge.
Another striking aspect in the articles is the strong international focus of all CEOs and of
the company strategies they represent. Asia and especially China are seen as offering many
new and important business opportunities; the same goes (to a lesser extent) for Central or
Eastern Europe. It is not surprising that Dutch business often has an international orientation;
the Netherlands is a small country with a limited domestic market. The tradition of intensive
trade with many other nations started many centuries ago (Section 2). Also, an international
orientation seems to be a typical feature of the Netherlands, which is reflected, for instance,
in the fact that most Dutch speak two or often even three languages to a certain degree (Dutch,
and usually English and/or some German). The educational system emphasizes the impor-
tance of learning these different languages. Also indicative of this international focus is that
newspapers and broadcasts present a lot of international news, especially regarding other
countries in Europe, the United States, Asia, and the Middle East.
The interview with each CEO includes many company-specific situational elements. For
instance, in companies that had recently experienced a crisis, restructuring, or turnaround in
which many employees had to be made unemployed, this provided the background for the
interview. In companies that recently merged or were taken over by others, this constituted
the main setting.
CEOs often referred to the company in terms of a collectivity: “we at …” Other elements
that were often mentioned regarding leadership and decision making were the necessity of
support, consensus, and acceptance by lower level managers and employees. Remarks such
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 235

as “consensus is an important prerequisite to realize goals” and “ideas need acceptance, oth-
erwise they will not be realized” reflect this concern. This emphasis on a combination of
autonomy and consensus is a feature strongly associated with the way in which the Dutch
have been governed for many years. Hofstede (1984) has also described this Dutch emphasis
on consensus (see Section 3 as well).
If an organization faces a crisis, leaders need to show optimism, vision, decisiveness, and
credibility, need to care about the people they work with, and should emphasize team build-
ing. Examples of remarks made are:

In crisis a leader must be energetic and decisive and be the one to see the light at the end of the
tunnel. Such a period of restructuring is always unpleasant. The credibility of leadership is
increased immensely by pulling an organization through a crisis. One must display a certain opti-
mism; for if the organizations feels their leaders don’t believe in the future, you cannot expect
them to believe in it.

In such a period you have to brace yourself. Eat in the works canteen with everyone. Show inter-
est in the people they work with. One should not lock oneself in an ivory tower to be pampered,
but show you are one with the organization. Demonstrate trust. We do it together.

Other remarks on the demands that a crisis places on management were: “A clear agreement
on goals of the reorganization is very important, and so is making people responsible for goal
attainment.” This was followed by the remark: “A second element is working as a team, gain-
ing consensus.” Another translated quote: “In the team we listen well and keep talking until
everyone agrees. That goes for the board of directors but also for the levels below that. Of
course knots must be cut [hard decisions made]. That is my role. Everyone understands that
at a certain point talk is over.”
According to the CEOs, visioning is part of the job. Many talk about their ideas for the
future, new markets, a new strategy, as well as what they learned from the past. A more gen-
eral remark reflecting the importance the CEOs put on vision is:

Having a certain vision is an important asset for leaders and entrepreneurs: where is my organi-
zation positioned on the market, what is my dream. You also need tenacity, like a terrier and love
people a little. Do not only sit in your room, but get out there, motivating they call that. You can’t
motivate people if you do not care about them.

People skills, motivating, and social responsibility are also mentioned several times as impor-
tant leadership skills.
In the concluding article, the journalists show that until recently the top echelon of Dutch
business was recruited from a small “reservoir,” a sort of old boys network. Many companies
were also still run by the family that had once started the corporation. However, in the 1980s
the situation changed. The barriers of the “silent ruling class” in business were broken and the
influence of families in their businesses diminished to make way for what one of the CEOs
describes as “professional management.” The appealing entrepreneurs, the immensely com-
mitted heads of the family business, and the social reformers in top administrative positions
were replaced with hard-working, analytical, and careful problem solvers. These new top
managers had an almost mathematical method of leading, in which communicating with the
outside world is hardly done except where company figures and acquisitions are concerned.
However, according to the journalists the coming years will place new demands on leaders.
These ever faster changing times call for more inspirational “stimulators” who are willing to
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236 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

take risks and have a vision that integrates the activities of the many business units the mod-
ern corporation is composed of. The writers summarize their impression with remarks such
as “after the shepherds, technocrats and caretakers we now need pioneers to run large busi-
nesses in The Netherlands.”
We assume that the final conclusions of the journalists concerned are in accordance with
the ideas expressed by the CEOs. Remarkable, then, is the agreement with the results of the
media analysis (Section 6) regarding managerial job postings. It seems that in addition to tra-
ditional practices and values concerning consensus, acceptance, support, and work autonomy,
an outstanding CEO is expected to be a decisive team player, tenacious and dreaming, moti-
vate people, and pioneer the organization. In Section 3, several leadership dimensions were
suggested as characteristic for the Dutch postwar period until the early 1990s. The preceding
qualitative findings are only partly in agreement with these. Against the background of the
transition in Dutch societal and organizational culture (Sections 4 and 5) these findings may
suggest the beginning demise of a leadership pattern that seems to have been developed dur-
ing the postwar period. This pattern combined two distinct, though interrelated, features:

1. Leadership behavior is not very “personalized”: The leader’s behavior is not particu-
larly outspoken, and not primarily attuned to a group member’s particular behaviors
or attitudes. Rather, the leader’s actions are usually oriented toward creating condi-
tions for influencing the group members. The behaviors of many leaders are focused
on fairness for the group members and equality in treatment; as a consequence, lead-
ership behavior is often a bit bureaucratic in nature. Power is obviously enacted, but
subdued, not blatant; rule making and rule enactment prevail rather than personal
views and preferences. The new emphasis on the tenacious, motivating, and pioneer-
ing leader signals perhaps that “personal” qualities are perceived to be more needed
nowadays and are thus becoming more valued or “acceptable.”
2. Leadership behavior (and policymaking in institutional settings) is oriented at com-
bining different viewpoints. Balancing between opposite stands, compromising
between different plans, making a coalition with an opponent party, socializing with
“the enemy”—these themes seem to qualify many acts of leaders. Such behaviors
serve, to some extent, to make leadership less based on “personal” choices and
decisions. These behaviors are legitimized by the “constituents” to the extent that they
recognize some of their own interests and goals. Yet, a balancing leadership style that
encompasses the making of compromises also “softens” the countervoice. Perhaps the
new emphasis on risk taking, decisiveness, creative negotiation, and vision indicate a
trend toward less compromising and more assertive leadership behaviors.

Focus Interviews and Questionnaire Data

Individual interviews were held with five middle managers. Focus group interviews involved
an additional 15 managers. Table 7.6 indicates which aspects are mentioned more and less fre-
quently as characteristic of outstanding leadership by all 20 respondents.
Almost all respondents say that an outstanding leader should have a clear vision of the
direction in which the organization ought to go, including the way to achieve the objectives
and goals set. The leader should moreover continuously adapt to the organization’s internal
and external changes, solving occurring problems creatively. In doing so the leader must be
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 237

TABLE 7.6
Characteristics of Outstanding Leadership Assembled by Interviews and Focus Groups

Mentioned Attributes of Outstanding Leadership Frequency

Visionary 19
Creativity/innovative behavior 17
Inspiring 12
Risk taking/courage/nerve 11
Self-insight/knowing one’s limitations 11
Open communication 10
Calm 9
Open to situation/environment 8
Creating group feeling 8
Attention to private life of follower 7
Long-term oriented 7
Trustworthy 7
Expressiveness/radiating 7

able to inspire followers, motivating them to work hard and to give 100% in their job. That
also requires the courage to stick out one’s neck, accompanied by a good self-insight and a
sense of one’s own limitations. Half the respondents refer to open communication, which
includes the discussion of policy matters with followers, the clarification of difficult issues,
the ability to listen, and honesty toward followers. In summary, the outstanding leader should
be a visionary and a decent person who involves his or her followers incisively. Remarkably,
an attribute like integrity was not mentioned at all: When asked, respondents indicated that all
human beings should show integrity (and not only outstanding leaders). Also, achievement
was hardly stressed. Slightly different from the results of the media analysis (Section 6), it
appears that change/innovation is strongly emphasized, whereas achievement is not.
The same respondents also rated 10 leadership characteristics (derived from performance
appraisal instruments) regarding their importance to outstanding leadership. Table 7.7 lists
these characteristics and the mean scores.
Creativity and innovation are considered to be most vital to outstanding leadership, accord-
ing to the results of Table 7.7. Interpersonal relationships is rated second (as is quality of out-
put), getting a slightly more prominent place than open communications in Table 7.6. Reliability
is among the less outspoken dimensions (as is trustworthy in Table 7.6). All in all, these out-
comes support the main conclusions derived from the interviews with middle managers.

GLOBE Questionnaire Results

As indicated earlier, 287 middle managers from the food and the banking/insurance sector
took the questionnaire on leadership attributes. Table 7.8 shows the results, also in compari-
son to the scores of all other countries. This table shows that Dutch managers consider
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238 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

TABLE 7.7
Importance Ratings of Leadership Characteristics

Dimensions Mean

Creativity and innovative behavior 3.0

Quality of output 3.3
Interpersonal relationships 3.3
Planning 5.1
Cooperative attitude 5.9
Cost control 6.0
Expertise 6.1
Reliability 6.3
Quantity of output 7.3
Work habits 8.7

Note. N = 20 managerial raters. 1 = most important.

characteristics such as integrity, inspirational, and visionary as crucial for success as a leader.
On the contrary, attributes such as malevolent, self-centered, and autocratic get very low
scores. In comparison with all other countries, the attributes team integrator, decisive, diplo-
matic, and humane orientation also characterize Dutch perceptions of outstanding leaders.
Malevolent, Autocratic, and Face saving get comparatively low scores.
Table 7.9 shows the results of an exploratory factor analysis11 on the Dutch data. Jointly,
these four factors explain 55% of the variance. The higher loadings on Factor I reveal that a
generous, group-oriented, modest, and sincere style characterizes one pattern of leadership.
A second pattern combines foresight, mission orientation, willfulness, enthusiasm, and a con-
cern for excellence. Interestingly, the attribute face saving (which represents evasive, indirect
behaviors) has a negative loading on this second factor. The third pattern is characterized by
a nonparticipative, individualistic, domineering style. The fourth pattern reflects a formal,
cautious, and orderly style of leadership. Some attributes have rather high loadings on more
than one factor (like self-sacrifice and face saving); other attributes (e.g., status-conscious)
have rather low loadings on all factors.

11
Principal components analysis with Varimax rotation was used. Note that the GLOBE scales were designed to
measure organizational or societal level variability (Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). The scales were not intended
to meaningfully differentiate among individuals within a particular society. However, even though the scales were
not constructed to provide such information, in some cases it is interesting to assess whether similar factors differ-
entiate individuals within a society. Country-specific factor analysis is intended as an exploration of the themes cap-
tured by GLOBE in a new domain, that is, individual differences within a society. It should be noted, that because of
the within-society restriction of the GLOBE scales true-score variability (which was based on between-society dif-
ferences) the loadings of the GLOBE scale’s items on within-society factors should be lower than between societies
(cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). Furthermore, one should not interpret the within-society factor analyses as
replications of the GLOBE factor structure. And the absence of a GLOBE factor within a society should not be auto-
matically interpreted as the factor being irrelevant to the people in that country. Rather, a factor may fail to emerge
within a society even when that theme is extremely critical because there was no variability in how the individuals
from a single society rated the items (e.g., they all rated the items a 7). Factor analysis requires variability and so a
factor could fail to emerge because it is extremely critical or completely irrelevant to the people within a society.
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 239

TABLE 7.8
Outstanding Leadership Attributes

Dimension Mean Band Maximum

Integrity 6.52 A 6.79

Inspirational 6.38 A 6.63
Visionary 6.30 A 6.50
Team Integrator 6.01 A 6.43
Performance Orientation 5.95 B 6.64
Decisive 5.87 A 6.37
Diplomatic 5.43 A 6.05
Admin. Competent 5.43 C 6.42
Team Orientation 5.42 B 6.09
Humane Orient. 4.98 A 5.68
Self-Sacrifice 4.79 B 5.99
Modesty 4.71 B 5.79
Status-Conscious 3.93 C 5.93
Autonomous 3.53 B 4.65
Conflict Inducer 3.26 C 5.01
Procedural 3.22 C 4.89
Nonparticipative 2.41 B 3.68
Face Saving 2.23 D 4.53
Autocratic 2.08 D 4.16
Self-Centered 1.75 C 3.41
Malevolent 1.62 D 2.67

Note. N = 287.

TABLE 7.9
Four Leadership Factors: Attributes and Factor Loadings

I II III IV

Humane .75 Visionary .76 Self-Centered .72 Procedural .79

Orientation
Team .73 Decisive .72 Autonomous .71 Administratively .73
Orientation Competent
Modesty .71 Inspirational .69 Autocratic .71
Integrity .53 Performance .67
Orientation
Diplomatic .50
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240 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

In the typical Dutch polder model,12 a group-oriented leadership style is important, in

which consultation with other parties and integration of different opinions stands out.
Therefore, a relatively low score on the orderly leadership style (which represents a focus on
attributes as autocratic, self-centered, and nonparticipative) could be expected. Also, status
consciousness is not very helpful to become an excellent manager in the Netherlands. Sharing
visions and being a team player are more required. Observations in line with these results can
also be found in the Unobtrusive Measurement Questionnaire (UMQ) and the Participant
Observation Questionnaire (POQ); for example: Burial places are not separated according to
the status of the deceased (Item 3). Pictures of living political leaders are not normally dis-
played in bars during nonelection times (Item 4), nor displayed on postage stamps (Item 16).
Eating places in large companies are mostly not separated according to the status of the
employees (Item 22). Also, individuals are generally expected to voice their personal opin-
ions, even when in disagreement with the majority of the people with whom they interact.
A separate study done in the Netherlands (den Hartog, 1997; den Hartog, Koopman, & Van
Muijen, 1998) asked a nationwide sample (N =2,161, at least 19 years of age, with work expe-
rience) on characteristics seen as important for Dutch top and middle managers. Results show
that the most important characteristics for top managers in the Netherlands are: eye for inno-
vation, long-term orientation, vision, convincing, trustworthy, communicative, confidence
builder, and courage. Dominant, formal, but also modest behaviors are not considered as char-
acteristics of successful top leaders. For good Dutch middle managers, important character-
istics are: trustworthy, communicative, concern for subordinates’ interests, team builder,
participative, and confidence builder. Again, dominant and formal behaviors have very low
scores.
In other words, this confirms again that the Dutch culture appears to be a bit aversive
against a large power distance and strong leaders. Formal leadership does not guarantee com-
mitment. Leaders have to consult, and to convince in order to be trusted and followed. As was
shown in Table 7.6, characteristics mentioned most in the interviews and the focus group
interviews were: visionary, creativity/innovative behavior, and inspirational leadership.
Dominant, formal, and authoritarian leadership is less accepted in the Netherlands, perhaps
unless special situations, such as a crisis or a decline of operations, are faced. Yet, it is impor-
tant to keep in mind that a trend in Dutch societal and organizational culture seems to be
emerging in which increasing emphasis is placed on values like individualism and flexibility
(Sections 4 and 5). Apparently, outstanding leaders with a strong group orientation and an
emphasis on intellectual stimulation, orderly in nature but low on individualism, are consid-
ered to be able to cope with these upcoming changes.

7. SPECIFIC MANIFESTATIONS OF DUTCH SOCIETAL CULTURE

One way to characterize the dominant current culture in Dutch society is its egalitarian
nature. Leaders of companies and institutions ought to satisfy pretty high requirements in
order to be qualified for their job, but should still behave as their next-door neighbor, without
pretense, pomp, particular prerogatives, or a high income. Good leaders are expected not to
behave distinctively, and their style of living should be kept a rather private issue, according to

12
The term poldermodel refers literally to pieces of land gained from the sea. Symbolically, it reflects a concern
for consultation and joint decision making in the industrial relations area.
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 241

many citizens. Dutch people tend not to monitor individuals in high-power positions,
excellent performers, or talented youngsters. Rather, their heart goes out to human beings in
deprived conditions (abroad or at home), to mediocre or poor performers, to students at school
staying behind: These people should get supportive aid within a climate of “equal opportuni-
ties for all.” Many citizens hold the strong belief that the creation of facilitating conditions
results in better, more mature personal development of individuals. The enactment of rules
and regulations at different societal levels helps to further these conditions as well as a cli-
mate that favors humane, social values.
One of the manifestations of egalitarianism is the dislike for authority within Dutch soci-
ety. Obviously, a few officials with some authority are needed to get society moving, but the
authority sources should not be too personalized. Dutch citizens favor a high degree of indi-
vidual autonomy: They tend to follow only those rules (e.g., in traffic) that they consider to
be worthwhile and “relevant” to their personal situation. The need for autonomy is apparent
in the tendency not to accept “directives from above,” but to engage in discussion and delib-
eration in order to better negotiate personal and group interests. On a societal level this ten-
dency is exemplified during the past two decades by the poldermodel, the Dutch term for
“consensual” decision making between (socio) political parties with diverging interests. The
poldermodel is built on the assumption that parties concerned are willing to form coalitions
with one another, to make compromises, to give and to take, thus achieving their objectives
and interests eventually better than through pushing these separate from each other. As a con-
sequence, the poldermodel absorbs countervoices to some extent: It smoothes extreme points
of view. But it has also enabled Dutch industry from the early 1980s onward to create an
unprecedented increase in employment—for instance, through introducing flexible working
conditions on a large scale, part-time jobs, and the like—jointly with very moderate annual
wage and salary increases.
A particular characteristic of Dutch societal culture is the belief that Dutch culture is not
so important. Many citizens in the Netherlands are not very well informed about the history
of their country or major achievements (and failures) in earlier ages, let alone heroes of the
past. They doubt moreover whether it is necessary to teach Dutch history extensively at
school. Various new developments and trends have often been rapidly accepted and intro-
duced, as the high average rate of Internet facilities at home and cellular phones shows. Some
feel this reflects the traditional liberal climate in the country: open to innovations and imports
from abroad, tolerant of different beliefs and habits of immigrants, and thus exemplifying the
features of a modern, multicultured society. Others tend to interpret this development as
“nihilistic,” betraying a loss of shared values and norms without the occurrence of a coherent
set of new and different beliefs and ideals. Dutch people’s self-image stresses their being
open, friendly, and hardly discriminatory.
In earlier sections, the suggestion was made that Dutch culture is in a process of transition
from a focus on classical values (like collective interests) toward more emphasis on modern
values such as individualism, flexibility, and autonomy. Because many people do not esteem
their culture in high terms, this process is probably creating quite some ambivalence.

8. LIMITATIONS OF THE CURRENT STUDY AND

SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

The GLOBE project is unique in its scope and the number of countries and researchers
involved. Aiming to compare countries almost inevitably means that some of the uniqueness
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242 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

of different cultures is lost. Some features—sometimes those that are very central to specific
cultures—are moreover hard to translate (a Dutch example is the word gezelligheid, a very
common term describing a cozy, pleasant, rather “intimate” social climate within a group). To
ensure that GLOBE also captures some of the culture-specific elements, qualitative research
was done alongside the quantitative study. This combination of methods offers a rich data set
that is explored in this volume. However, the emphasis in most publications from the GLOBE
study is on the quantitative data gathered with questionnaires, with all the associated method-
ological advantages and drawbacks. We do not go into general methodological issues, but
describe a few limitations of the GLOBE study (as a whole and the Dutch part) and provide
some suggestions for future research.
GLOBE focuses on universals and culture-based differences in preferred leadership attrib-
utes by asking middle managers to rate whether showing certain leader characteristics and
behaviors would help or hinder a person in being an outstanding leader. A possible bias in this
study stems from the fact that when middle managers rate characteristics for effective lead-
ership, they are likely to think of top management, as those are the leaders from the middle-
management vantage point: “The perceptual processes that operate with respect to leaders are
very likely to involve quite different considerations at upper versus lower hierarchical levels”
(Lord & Maher, 1991, p. 97). As demands, tasks, and responsibilities at different hierarchical
levels are quite diverse, it seems likely that preferred leader attributes also differ for the dif-
ferent levels. Thus, more research on perceptions of different types of leadership (including,
e.g., political and military leadership) may also be of interest. Also, all respondents in the
GLOBE study are currently employed within middle management in organizations from two
industries. This leads to a restriction regarding variables such as age, gender, and education.
A specific problem with the Dutch sample is that the managers were virtually all men.
Although women are underrepresented in the samples from many countries, this is obviously
extremely so for our sample. There may well be differences in the perceptions and prefer-
ences of women and men where culture and leadership are concerned.
To illustrate the possible biases resulting from the chosen sample, another study was done.
The aforementioned study on perceptions of top and middle managers used a representative
sample of the Dutch population older than 19 years of age. The study shows there are clear
differences in preferred leadership attributes for leaders at top-management level and man-
agers at lower levels in the hierarchy. It also explores whether there are greater gender differ-
ences. Some gender differences were indeed found; for example, women rated the importance
of characteristics such as concern for subordinates’ interests, compassionate, and participative
higher than men, and characteristics such as dominant and rational were scored higher by men
than by women (den Hartog, 1997). Besides the gender diversity, the ethnic diversity of the
workforce is also rapidly changing in the Netherlands. Future research, using different and
diverse samples, can help create more insight into the expectations that different groups
within our society have of their leaders. A related question is the extent to which perceptions
of people from different ethnic backgrounds are influenced by both the norms and values of
their former “home” country and the country they currently live in. Are their views typically
“Dutch” or have such groups perhaps developed a unique hybrid culture, combining Dutch
norms and values with those from their home country?
As stated, GLOBE focuses on leadership perceptions: What are characteristics that
people associate with highly effective leaders? Future research should also take actual leader
behavior into account. An interesting question is whether leaders need to match their behav-
ior to cultural expectations to be effective. House, Wright, and Aditya (1997) advanced three
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 243

propositions in this area. First, they propose that leader behaviors that are accepted, enacted,
and effective within a collective are the behaviors that most clearly fit within the parameters
of the cultural forces surrounding the leader. They also suggest that leader behavior that
deviates slightly from dominant cultural values will encourage innovation and performance
improvement, as such behaviors are nontraditional and unexpected. Finally, they hold that
some leader behaviors may be universally accepted and considered effective, regardless of
the specific cultural values of the collective. More research in this area is needed in order to
shed more light.
The Dutch GLOBE data were gathered at one specific point in time. They present a snap-
shot of perceptions of leadership and culture in the Netherlands, seen through the eyes of a
very specific group in organizations (middle managers). In addition to studying the percep-
tions of other groups, as suggested earlier, repeating data collection every few years might
yield interesting information on how the perceptions of leadership and culture changes over
time. Given the changing organizational landscape in the Netherlands (due to, e.g., techno-
logical developments, more flexibility and less hierarchy, and increased globalization), the
demands placed on leaders of and within organizations may well change too.

9. CURRENT CHALLENGES

The trend toward more individualism and flexibility confronts Dutch society with values and
practices that are slightly at odds with the dominant societal and organizational culture out-
lined in previous sections. This trend is briefly discussed next under two headings: Flexibility
and Action Organizations. Some potential implications for outstanding leadership values and
practices are touched on.

Flexibility

This term has gained momentum in the past 20 years. The original meaning of flexibility is
that the core of something remains unchanged, whereas the particular form or application of
that something is tailored to specific, local conditions or requirements. Current usage is quite
different: Flexibility has become some “container” concept, referring to many domains of
what is commonly understood to be “organizational change.” At least seven areas of flexibil-
ity in organizations may be distinguished and are described in the following subsections.

Work Content. This area is often referred to as work structuring, job redesign, quality of
work, and the like. It covers changes in the content of somebody’s work as a result of job rota-
tion, job enlargement, and job enrichment, but also as a consequence of moving toward a sec-
ond or third career. It highlights the management of competences and of multiskills, intending
to increase and support employability.

Workplace. This area literally bears upon the geographical location of somebody’s
place(s) of work. In addition to the fixed or stable location, we distinguish the mobile work-
place (such as when technical maintenance is carried out at a client’s home), the “flying
brigade” (whose members are assigned to units with a temporary shortage of manpower),
tele-work (where the employee or manager is working at home or at a particular shop, com-
municating electronically with his or her company), and the “flexible bureau” (in which
employees plug in their PC at a spot that happens to be available in their organization).
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244 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

Labor Relations. Both internal and external relations constitute this domain. Internally, it
covers themes like the less hierarchical organization chart (with fewer layers than previously)
and self-steering units (semiautonomous work teams). These examples reflect that the locus
of power, in particular concerning knowledge, is moving downward in many organizations.
Externally, we refer to what was said earlier regarding collective labor agreements: They tend
to become decentralized (toward the firm level), deregulated (defining merely boundary con-
ditions), or even “traded” for individual agreements. Increasingly, company-internal and -
external groups tend to negotiate about working conditions that are tailored to their own
interests.

Work Time. Many changes are occurring in this area, for instance, an increase in the
application rate (and the diversity) of shift work and irregular working schedules (Thierry &
Jansen, 1998), of part-time arrangements, and of compressed schedules (working more hours
per day and fewer days per week). There is also a slight increase in flexitime schedules (core
and optional work hours), in permanent night and weekend shifts, in work hour budgets that
specify the annual amount of hours (allowing much variation per day or week), and the like.

Labor Contract. This area borders the preceding one. For decades, contracts mirrored the
tradition of having permanent employment (in most cases after a probation period).
Increasingly, contracts are made that limit employment to a fixed period, for example,
the min–max contract (in which merely the minimum and the maximum amount of hours per
week or other time period are specified), and the zero hours contract (a worker may work no
hours at all in one week, and work full-time with overtime the following week), and so forth.
Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) figures show that “flexi-
ble” contracts apply to around 12% of the employed people in the Netherlands.

Work Conditions. Flexible pay usually concerns employee benefits, allowing employees
and managers some choice on how to spend part of their income, such as in the cafeteria plan
(M. C. Langedijk, 1998; Thierry, 2002). Yet, a more recent usage also includes gain sharing
(making a relatively large proportion of base salary dependent on the organization’s financial
results), performance - related pay, and reducing social security provisions to a slightly
smaller core package.

Personal Career. As an outcome of changes in the preceding areas, the working life of
the individual executive, manager, and employee is increasingly showing a diversified pattern.
Continued education and training are necessary to make up for the increasingly rapid obso-
lescence of acquired skills and abilities. Periods of work and care taking (e.g., parental leave)
will alternate. Two or more careers per individual are going to be the rule rather than the
exception.
This “flexibilization of work and private life” occurs in some sectors (as well as in some
countries) much faster than in others. Yet, it will probably pervade industrialized countries to
a greater extent in the years to come. Flexibility seems to be the visible, manifest outcropping
of incisive, partly latent societal changes. These changes necessitate at least a partly different
legitimation process of leadership decisions on both company strategy and policy implemen-
tation. Related to this is another factor: Markets are becoming more global, competition is
increasingly on an international basis, and technological innovations occur more frequently,
one of the consequences of which is the need for flexible organizational adaptation, involving
one reorganization after another.
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 245

It is far from evident which outstanding leadership practices and attitudes are required to
manage this flexible life. Probably, they differ according to different segments of an organi-
zation’s workforce. Thus, it might be argued that a visionary, change-oriented, and consult-
ing style would apply to the core, highly educated employees in organizations facing high
levels of uncertainty. Transactional leader behavior would best suit the temporary managers
and employees, who are hired from employment agencies. A more formal, orderly oriented
style would qualify the approach to workers on a hire-and-fire basis. Career planning would
be facilitated by a humane, collaborative style. This theme—the mix of outstanding leader-
ship practices—is hopefully a major subject for comparative future research, in which one
important question would be whether outstanding leadership should be conceived in terms of
simultaneously needed, contradictory practices (e.g., visionary and transactional, change ori-
ented and an emphasis on more formal control).

Action Organizations

In the mid-1990s, the Dutch—British multinational Shell Petroleum Company intended to

dump the worn-out oil platform Brent Spar at the bottom of one of the deep seas. Greenpeace,
very well known because of its stands and actions to protect the ecological environment,
objected heavily. Greenpeace held, for instance, that the platform would severely pollute sea-
water, and that Shell greatly underrated the amount of oil and other substances left in Brent
Spar. Shell management disputed Greenpeace’s point of view, with among other things expert
data, but Greenpeace maintained its stand, supported by much publicity in various countries.
Gradually, members of Parliament started to pose critical questions; regular customers of Shell
(i.e., at gas stations) changed to competing oil companies, and so forth. Eventually, Shell gave
in and agreed to search for another solution for Brent Spar, while a joint Shell–Greenpeace
committee of experts would reanalyze the debris within the former platform. This was widely
acclaimed as a Greenpeace victory; incidentally, the joint committee reported later that data
initially published by Shell were in fact correct.
Of course, this account does not “accuse” or “applaud” any of the parties mentioned. It serves
as an illustration of what seems to become a major change in the (Dutch) industrial relations
system and climate since the early 1990s: the onset of action organizations confronting larger
enterprises with their points of view (cf. Tieleman, Van Luijk, Van Noort, & Van Riemsdijk,
1996). Current action organizations cover a great variety of themes, such as, human rights, the
policy toward a particular developing country, social policy, child labor, anti-racism, baby nutri-
tion, DNA manipulation, peace keeping, the aged, and so forth. Of course, action or interest
groups are nothing new: Olson (1982) made the intriguing argument that the decline of large
nations—such as the Roman or the British Empire—might have been brought about by the
falling apart of the society in a multiplicity of action groups. What appears to be new is that
more and more action organizations13 voice very particular concerns against larger companies—
such as protesting against specific policy measures or putting pressure in favor of a stand or
action—as a consequence of which they become involved in bargaining processes with compa-
nies. An action organization expresses a particular concern (e.g., genetically manipulated soy
beans) as a theme of general interest (i.e., health risks for the population at large). It has a
smaller or larger constituency whose members are usually well educated. The action organiza-
tion embodies and expresses to some extent the countervoice (cf. Section 6).

13
The term action organization stems from Cor. J. Lammers (Organiseren van bovenaf en van onderop
[Organization downwards and upwards], 1993, Utrecht: Het Spectrum.
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246 HENK THIERRY ET AL.

Although action organizations deal primarily, until now, with larger companies, medium-size
organizations may be affected as well in the near future. Traditionally, a large (multi-)national
enterprise enters into agreements with the government and the unions of one or more countries
(and, obviously, with banking corporations and perhaps transnational political authorities). This
continues to be the case. But it doesn’t suffice anymore: Agreed-upon plans for action (e.g., invest-
ments or a new plant) do not reach the operational phase; more bargaining is needed. Why? The
national government occupies a more peripheral position than in the 1970s and 1980s, and has lost
quite a bit of power and legitimizing authority. The same argument applies to many unions: They
have moved from a natural countervailing power position toward the role of discussion partner (cf.
Tieleman et al., 1996). Action organizations—sometimes called single-issue nongovernmental
organizations—question indeed the credibility of the company in some particular subject matter,
and require at least public recognition of their particular concerns. As a consequence, the company
enters new territory: facing particular actions, being engaged in tense debates, negotiating for an
agreement with one or more counterparties who are able to commit many resources. In other
words, the company has to search for legitimation of its policy and activities from other, and more,
sources than they were used to.
How should the company go about achieving this? Should they act quickly, and engage
immediately into negotiations with action organizations’ representatives? Or is it better to
avoid rapid action? Is one governance structure (e.g., the divisional form; cf. Mintzberg,
1983) more suited than another? Tieleman et al. (1996) suggest that a company should not
focus its business plan exclusively on financial results: This implies, of course, a serious dis-
cussion with the shareholders about their concerns. Rather, major subject matters of action
organizations could be made part of the company’s business policy (cf. Ackerman, 1975).
Shell’s former CEO seems to have followed Ackerman’s advice: He testified in 1996 that his
company had been rather arrogant in reaction to environmental, and other, concerns of action
organizations. Thus, Shell enacted early 1997 an ethical statute, outlining norms and lines of
conduct applying to top managers in any country where Shell has economic interests. Many
other organizations followed Shell’s example.
Why has the government lost much of its power and legitimizing authority? Various per-
spectives may be taken here: One line of explanation holds that the increased role of the
market economy, combined with the globalization and internationalization of doing business,
has more or less caused the decrease in governmental authority. Self-steering work teams are
the contemporaneous expression of the historical trend of Dutch educated citizens to rule
themselves as much as possible. As a consequence, the government’s primary role is being
reduced to facilitate this. Another explanation stresses changes that reverberate at both the soci-
etal and the individual citizen level: The increasing individualization (and flexibilization)
reflects that almost no values and norms are shared by the whole society, but rather by mem-
bers of interest groups, clubs, committees, action organizations, and the like. Moral behavior,
according to Tieleman et al., is democratized. Thus, there is hardly any moral authority left for
the government. At the individual level, people are usually engaged in many different activi-
ties; yet, these activities are kept separate. The loyalty felt for one activity (e.g., being an
employee of a construction firm) does not relate to the loyalty felt for another activity (e.g.,
being a member of an action organization fighting the construction firm’s activities in a par-
ticular neighborhood). Moral behavior is thus individualized.14 Within this perspective, action
organizations are filling a ‘moral gap’.

14
It is an interesting question whether individualized behavior can acquire a moral quality by definition.
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7 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN A FLAT COUNTRY 247

10. IN CONCLUSION: 10 COMMANDMENTS

This chapter started with presenting the views of an air passenger descending into
Amsterdam airport. One concern of the passenger proved to be whether the initial impression
of a flat country would also apply to its culture, politics, leadership, and achievements. The
journey through the preceding sections has shown how misleading first impressions might be.
As a summary of the discoveries made during that journey, the passenger has some clear
notions on what she or he, as a foreigner, should (not) do, were she or he planning as a next
step in his or her career to manage and to provide leadership to Dutch employees and super-
visors. Having learned quite a bit about Dutch history, she or he voices these notions in the
form of 10 commandments.
As a leader from abroad; thou should:

• Consistently try to reach consensus with all stakeholders.

• Act as a team player with an open style of supervision, willing to share power with col-
leagues and employees.
• Recognize the strong need of Dutch employees and workers to experience autonomy.
• Balance the development of employees’ personal growth plans with the design of situa-
tional conditions facilitating a permanent learning process.
• Reward your employees primarily according to the value of their job without applying
steep pay differentials.
• Recognize that agreements and decisions made on courses of actions will probably be
interpreted merely as one of the contributions to a still ongoing discussion.

As a leader from abroad; thou should not:

• Take pride in status symbols, extravagant spending, and manifest use of power.
• Control closely the behavior of coworkers.
• Publicly announce and list the top achievers.
• Engage in joking on gender discrimination.

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8
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Leadership and Culture in Switzerland—

Theoretical and Empirical Findings1
Jürgen Weibler
University of Hagen (FernUniversität in Hagen),
Chair of Business Administration,
Leadership and Organization, Germany

Rolf Wunderer
University of St. Gallen,
Institute for Leadership and Human Resource Management,
Switzerland

Nothing is more fragile and questionable than judging and assessing a

culture or a mentality.
—Rüdiger Görner

In the following chapter, we seek a closer look at the understanding of leadership and how
this understanding relates back to the specific culture in Switzerland. Because being Swiss
does not mean to belong to a special ethnic group that has a distinct religion or language and
because Switzerland is—under a historical perspective—a multicultural gathering of people
from its neighboring countries with the will to form an own nation (“a nation of will”) as the
only common grounds,2 we concentrate our analysis especially for the empirical findings on
the German-speaking area of Switzerland, which accounts for nearly two thirds of the popu-
lation.3 This allows us to focus our statements on a comparatively cohesive part of the Swiss
population. Although we are aware that every country conceives leadership in many different

1
We concentrate our analysis on the German-speaking area of Switzerland.
2
This later discussed fact had already been meritoriously emphasized by a reviewer.
3
1990: 63.6% (Bundesamt fü Statistik, 1998) and 1997: 71.7% of the resident population (oral information
obtained from the Bundesamt für Statistik in 1998). Also 73.26% of the national income for 1995 can be ascribed to
the German-speaking area (authors’ own calculation after consultation with the Bundesamt für Statistik). Cantons
were classed according to the linguistic majority. Thus any statements and comments are valid only for this part of
the country and do not apply to the three other language areas (French, Italian, and Rhaeto-Romanic).

251
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252 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

ways, we are trying to illustrate the core elements. The objective of our reflections is to
discover what characterizes an outstanding leader in Switzerland and what, in particular,
might be the cultural reason for this. The answer to this question is based on two assumptions:
(a) Leadership is an attribution process that itself depends on implicit theories about leader-
ship in the mind of the observer, and (b) These so-called “leadership prototypes” and mani-
festations do not occur in a vacuum but are developed and shown in a broader cultural context.
These assumptions, which are dominating features of the GLOBE study (for details,
House, Hanges, & Ruiz-Quintanilla, 1997; House et al., 1999; Lord & Emrich, 2001), are
based on research findings by Shaw (1990) and Lord and Maher (1991). Their theoretical
work suggests that individuals have implicit theories of leadership in their minds.
Experimental evidence in various settings has shown that these implicit leadership theories
(which culminate in the picture of an outstanding leader) guide the construction and evalua-
tion (attributes and behavior) that define an outstanding leader. They define the path on which
varying forms of leadership can be accepted and tolerated, and moderate relationships
between leadership attributes, behaviors, and effectiveness. The more a leader appears and
acts in congruence with the expectations of the attributing observer, the more the observer is
willing to recognize his or her leadership. Although it cannot be assumed that national culture
alone has an influence on leadership (e.g., Bass, 1990; Dorfman & Howell, 1988; Haire,
Ghiselli & Porter, 1966; House, Wright, & Aditya, 1997; Reber & Jago, 1997; Smith &
Peterson, 1988), various authors demonstrate impressively that implicit theories of leadership
are culturally endorsed (House et al., 1999) and we know “that even very subtle differences
can complicate a cross-cultural encounter” (Szabo, Reber, Weibler, Brodbeck, & Wunderer,
2001, p. 241). Therefore, as leadership researchers we need to set out for a better understand-
ing of culturally specific implicit leadership theories, in our case, Switzerland.
The cultural context in which leaders operate can be described both by shared values
(Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck, 1961), measured by indicators assessing what “Should Be,” and
by observed perceptions of modal practices, measured by indicators assessing “what is” or
“what are” (“As Is”) common behaviors, prescriptions, and institutional practices inside a
nation. In sum, we call this “national culture.” So, “Should Be” and “As Is” data on culture
both may be helpful in interpreting this ideal leadership construction.
Despite the demonstrated effect of national culture on the perception of outstanding lead-
ership, it is unclear to what extent culture affects the impact of certain leadership
behaviors/attributes on performance and to what extent it is the outcome of other factors such
as organizational culture, task environment, and market situation.4 However, we mainly focus
our study on the level of national culture because research has been widely neglected in this
field. Where it seems necessary, we add other factors.
The chapter is divided into four principal sections. After the presentation of some interest-
ing and useful facts about Switzerland, we start on our tour to explore the concept of leader-
ship in Switzerland with a brief introduction to the long history of this country, then add some
general economic and political information, thereby providing a context in which to present
the GLOBE study. The second section informs about the methodology of GLOBE research in
Switzerland. Section 3 investigates its societal culture on the basis of GLOBE’s findings. We
then concentrate on specifically the Swiss attributes and behaviors of outstanding leaders with

4
For example, compare House, Hanges et al. (1997), Weibler (1996, 2001), Wunderer and Grunwald (1980), and
Wunderer (2001, 2006).
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 253

reference to the empirical research conducted within the framework of GLOBE. Conclusions
are presented in the final section.

2. EVOLUTION AND SALIENT CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SWISS NATION

Geography/Demography

Switzerland is a country of about 41,300 square kilometers in the center of Europe, sur-
rounded by Germany, Austria, Italy, France, and Liechtenstein. The country consists of three
geographical areas: the Alps (60%), the Midlands (30%) and the Western Jura region (10%);
the two big chains of mountains account for more than half of the country’s surface. There
are four different linguistic areas in Switzerland (German, French, Italian, and Rhaeto-
Romanic): In 1990, 63.6% of the population had German as their main language, 19.2%
French, 7.6% Italian, and 0.6% Rhaeto-Romanic (other languages: 8.9%). Switzerland is
divided into 26 autonomous states—so-called cantons. Its capital is Bern. At the end of 2000,5
Switzerland had 7,204,100 inhabitants (women: 51%, men: 49%), among them 1,424,370
foreigners (19.8%), which in comparison with the international average is quite a high pro-
portion, but is in part due to very strict laws for gaining citizenship. Being born in Switzerland
does not lead to Swiss citizenship, a fact that led to a growing second and third generation of
foreign residents. The average age in 1996 was 39 years. The average household consisted of
just under 2.5 persons. As far as the religious denominations are concerned, 46.1% of the
1990 population belonged to the Roman Catholic Church and 40.0% were Protestants (non-
denominational part of the population: 7.4%; other religions: 5.0%; no response: 1.5%;
(Bundesamt für Statistik, 1998).

History

The earliest signs of human activities in Switzerland can be traced back to the Old Stone Age
(cf. Fahrni, 1988; Im Hof 1991a, 1991b). Until the Romans expanded their empire to the
north, the areas of present-day Switzerland were inhabited by different Celtic tribes. The most
important among them were the Helvetians, who lived in the Midlands, and the Rhaetians,
who lived in the Grisons. After their defeat by Julius Caesar in the battle of Bibracte (58 BC),
the Celtic areas came under Roman rule. About 400–600 AD, Germanic tribes conquered the
western part of the Roman Empire. The southern part of Switzerland was inhabited by
Lombardian tribes, the Langobards. In contrast to the Burgundians and the Langobards, who
adopted Christianity and the Roman language, Latin, the Alemanns, who made up the largest
part of the immigrants, retained their culture and language. However, they did not succeed in
conquering Rhaetia; the Roman Rhaetians who were resident there successfully resisted
them. Over time, they withdrew into the high alpine valleys of the Grisons, where they could
live without any great outside interference. Thus the foundations of Switzerland’s multilin-
gualism were laid.
In the Middle Ages, Switzerland became part of the Holy Roman Empire. Assisted by the
decline of the Emperor’s power, some Swiss dynasties succeeded in taking larger areas
and acting as sovereigns up to the 13th century. The founding of cities was an important

5
If possible up-to-date data are used. Deviations are due to delay of publication.
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254 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

instrument of aristocratic territorial policy. Though trade and craft in the cities provided the
cities’ rulers with new sources of revenue, the cities also served as garrisons and places of
jurisdiction. Acquiring more economic power, the cities succeeded in becoming more and
more independent, and finally, they attained the position of free imperial cities.
The small and remote valleys in the Alps had always been autonomous and free. This sit-
uation seemed to be endangered when the Austrian Hapsburgs started appointing governors
in order to collect their revenues and secure their rights. So, as the story goes, three represen-
tatives of the so- called Waldstätte, the original “forest cantons” around Lake Lucerne (Uri,
Schwyz, and Unterwalden), gathered on August 1st, 1291, in a field called Rütli to enter into
a mutual assistance pact against imposed administration. This pact is regarded as the birth of
the Eidgenossenschaft or Confederation. August 1st later became a Swiss national holiday
and the Rütli has often served as a place for important national ceremonies.
In the course of the 14th century, some city-states (Lucerne, Glarus, Zug, and Bern) joined
the Waldstätte pact in order to free themselves of the cities’ sovereigns. Niklaus von Flüe
(1417–1487), one of the most prominent figures of the epoch, unified litigant cantons and is
therefore associated with the further enlargement of the Confæderatio Helvetica (see Box 8.1).
As a consequence, a state with a certain degree of independence emerged within the Holy
Roman Empire. Having driven out the Hapsburgs and weakened the local nobility, a civilian
society arose. The power and the land were passed over to cities, guilds, and rural villages.
After its military successes, the Confederation sought to expand its territories. Initially
successful, the Confederates were defeated in 1515 by French and Venetian troops in the
battle of Marignano. As a result of this, they retreated from the international scene, withdraw-
ing their expansionist policies and declaring their neutrality, something that has been prac-
ticed up to the present day (as it was during the two world wars).
At about the same time one of the most famous Swiss precursors of the Reformation in
Europe lived in Switzerland: Huldrych Zwingli (1484–1531). In 1525, the Grand Council of
Zurich adopted Zwingli’s demands for a reform of the church, as well as his demands for
political and economic change, particularly the secularization of monasteries, and the reform
of the interest system and land utilization rights. Another remarkable fighter for religious
reformation was Jean (John) Calvin (1509–1564). His ideas influenced the economic devel-
opment of the Confederation in the centuries that were to follow insofar as he explicitly
related personal success in life to a positive selection by God. Among other things, this belief
led to a very ascetic lifestyle in a large part of the country where investment was valued more
highly than consumption. Despite the fact that the Reformation split Switzerland into two
camps, it had an important positive outcome for the identity of Switzerland as a nation as it
also promoted a gradual separation of the Confederation from the German Empire. After the
Thirty Years’ War, which was caused by religious conflicts, the Treaty of Westphalia (1648)
made Switzerland “de jure” independent.
In the 17th and 18th centuries, the political activities in the cantons of the “Old
Confederation” became more and more ossified. The government was led by a few clans. The
referenda (electoral devices that enables voters to express their opinion directly on an issue),
which were often conducted at the time of the Reformation, totally disappeared. In the social
and economic sectors, however, far-reaching changes occurred. The population quadrupled
(from 400,000 to 1.6 million between 1700 and 1800) and the first industries developed (tex-
tiles, and watch and clock making). Switzerland was the most industrialized country in
Europe (second only to England). Above and beyond this, scientists generated an intellectual
upswing in Switzerland, among them Johann Bernoulli, Leonhard Euler, Albrecht von Haller,
and Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi.
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 255

After the country was occupied by Napoleon in 1798, Switzerland entered a state of crisis
that was to last 50 years. This was the starting point of a long and arduous development
toward the foundation of a federal state in 1848. The Constitution, which came along with the
changes in the political system during that time, introduced a number of new rights: the right
to choose one’s domicile freely, the freedom of association, the principle of equality in law,
and the rights of minorities. The rights of the people were increasingly strengthened, albeit
with differences from canton to canton. In 1874, the Constitution of 1848 was amended. Since
then it remained largely unchanged until recently. A review process was started to modernize
the Swiss Constitution. There was one peculiarity in this process of democratization, which
was also accompanied by many improvements in the sociopolitical sector: Only in 1973, 123
years after the introduction of universal and equal suffrage for men, was female suffrage
introduced at national level. In 1981, equal rights for both men and women were guaranteed
by the Constitution. As far as its commitment to international relations was concerned,
Switzerland remained largely inactive. Switzerland did not join the United Nations for a long
time (2002), yet it has played an active role in UN organizations (e.g., the World Bank, the
International Monetary Fund, World Trade Organization (WTO), Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD), Organizzazione per la Cooperazione Economicae
Per lo Sviluppo (OSCE), and the Partnership for Peace) and currently holds 14th place as a
financial contributor to the United Nations (Edgenössisches Department für Auswärtige
Angelegenheiten [ETA], 2005).
Efforts toward Switzerland’s European integration were not approved by the people, con-
sequently it did not participate in the founding of the European Council in 1949. It also
rejected membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957. However, in
1959, Switzerland, together with other non-EEC states, set up the European Free Trade
Association (EFTA), whose purely economic objectives did not clash with Switzerland’s pol-
icy of neutrality. Switzerland has also actively cooperated in different development aid pro-
grams since the early 1950s. In 1986, the bid to join the UN was narrowly defeated in a
referendum. In 1992, the referendum on the membership of the European Economic Area was
also narrowly rejected. But in 2002, the bid to join the UN was accepted by the Swiss people
and Switzerland finally became a member. Despite its partial reluctance to formally join inter-
national associations, Switzerland is actually among those 10 countries in the world that most
extended their memberships of international organizations between 1980 and 1990
(Schneider, 1998, p. 14). In 1995, Switzerland was a member of 64 intergovernmental orga-
nizations, which gives the country a leading position in the list of OECD states. Switzerland
has sometimes mediated in international conflicts. In addition, it is a member of more than
2,600 international nongovernmental organizations (Schneider, 1998). It also claims the seat
of the International Committee of the Red Cross, founded by the Swiss Henri Dunant in 1863,
which is independent of the government. Its executive members are exclusively recruited
from Swiss citizens, which illustrates its typical conflict between detachment and coopera-
tion. According to Schneider, this was a natural consequence of its geography. South and
North European traders often had to cross the Alps and were dependent on the help of the
people living there. A flourishing barter system developed. This cooperation and the exten-
sive interaction with many cultures resulted in the desire among the natives to retain their own
identity, which simultaneously promoted a degree of detachment. Also, observers should not
forget that Switzerland found—while practicing such an ambiguous behavior—a way to get
the needed protection from the German Empire without being a part of it. Not without reason
did the development of alpine passes give rise to the first myths about the origins of
Switzerland (Schneider, 1998, p. 20).
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256 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

The Current Situation

A detailed characterization of present-day Switzerland is beyond the scope of this chapter, but
we try to go beyond the picture-postcard view, which is influenced by tourists and largely
constitutes Switzerland’s international image.6 More specifically, we concentrate on the polit-
ical and the economic systems.

The Political System

The Swiss Confederation—Switzerland’s official name—has been a federal republic since
1848 (cf. earlier discussion). The basic political values of present-day Switzerland, which
according to Riklin and Möckli (1983, pp. 18, 116) can be characterized in more detail by the
key words security, democracy, rule of law, and welfare state, are already discernible in their
historical genesis. According to those authors, security—a very old Swiss basic value—is
explained as follows: “The alliances of the old federation were mainly held together by the
idea of internal and external security.” The “ancient Swiss freedom” meant the independence
of the collective from the “outside” (Riklin & Möckli, 1983, p. 116). Neutrality was one of
the key instruments supporting the maintenance of independence from the outside (Riklin &
Möckli, 1983, p. 22). On the inside, this meant, at the same time, avoiding extreme positions,
in particular, and an awareness of the fragility of this polyglot country: “The practice of mod-
eration between the extremes, which came to be vital under the Swiss conditions of natural
and historical diversity and difference, can be seen as the central and most general Swiss trait”
(Weiss, 1946, p. 364; cited in Riklin & Möckli, 1983, p. 96, footnote 434, translated). From
this, it is also possible to deduce the necessity of a development that has, at least, not maxi-
mized an orientation toward the individual; rather, “moderation” and “avoidance of extreme
positions” seem more compatible with a collective orientation. Thus “moderation” suddenly
becomes a noble virtue (Bader, 1998, p. 3), nowadays unfortunately an often forgotten insight
(remember the Assertiveness scale), which was already in high esteem in the ancient world.
Switzerland is one of the last countries in the world that has substantial elements of direct
democracy. According to the political scientists Riklin and Möckli “Switzerland is considered
worldwide to be the country with the most extended, differentiated and traditional institu-
tional structure of direct democracy” (p. 39). Combined with the federal principle, this under-
lines the Swiss aversion to central authorities and indirectly accentuates the autonomy of its
citizens. Together with the personal, not only institutional, disapproval of power relations that
are not voluntarily accepted, a strong aversion to power that is not legitimized by qualifica-
tions (power by privileges, e.g.) or reason can be noted. The principle of subsidiary is well
established: “Only what the individual family cannot do, the community should do; only what
the community cannot do, the canton should do; only what the canton cannot do, the Federal
State should do” (Hilb & Wittmann, 1992, p. 526). Apart from elections, there are two possi-
bilities for the Swiss population to exert influence on political decision making: the “initia-
tive” and the “referendum.” The initiative denotes the right of the people—providing that the
necessary number of signatures has been collected to put forward proposals on governmental
enactments and to cause the relevant institutions to vote on these proposals.7 The referendum

6
In a representative survey, 80% of interviewees declared that Switzerland is first of all a long of mountains,
watches, and chocolate; cf. Stamm, Arend, and Lamprecht (1997, p. 17).
7
Having collected 100,000 signatures, Swiss citizens are able to demand a total or partial revision of the consti-
tution at national level withing 18 months. In order to carry out such a revision, there has to be an approving major-
ity in both chambers of Parliament. At the cantonal and local levels, there are possibilities for further initiative rights,
particularly the possibility to initiate laws (cf. Huber, 1988, p. 131).
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 257

is a direct vote by all eligible citizens (plebiscite) on governmental enactments such as

amendments to the Constitution, and laws or issues relating to financial policy.8 Both lead to
continual votes by Swiss citizens on many political issues. These mechanisms provide a rel-
atively high degree of self-determination in political and societal issues (for further details;
see Neidhart, 1970).
A brief characterization of the political institutions suffices for our purposes. The
Bundesversammlung or Federal Assembly consists of two chambers: the Nationalrat or
National Council, whose members represent the population, and the Ständerat or Council of
States, whose members represent the cantons. Decisions by the Bundesversammlung become
law only if both chambers have passed them. The Bundesrat or Federal Council constitutes
the government. Its seven members are representatives of the four biggest political parties.
The Bundesrat is elected every 4 years by the Bundesversammlung immediately after the
elections for the Nationalrat. An unwritten law demands that the linguistic minorities of
Western Switzerland and of the Ticino are always represented. The Bundesrat is a so-called
collegial authority, which means that all important decisions are made by the Bundesrat as a
whole, and that there is no actual head of government in Switzerland. Rather, the president of
the Confederation or Bundespräsident, who is elected from among the members of the gov-
ernment for a term of just 1 year (after which another member will accede to this office), is
not a head of state but a primus inter pares. Switzerland is the only country in the world where
a collegial authority serves as the head of state, as head of the government, and as the gov-
ernment itself. This approach toward an uncharismatic leadership in governance is very char-
acteristic of Switzerland’s leadership culture. The seat of the Bundesrat is Bern.

The Economic System: General Information

Switzerland had 312,449 privately owned companies in 1998; 99.7% were so-called small
and medium-size enterprises with fewer than 250 full-time employees. Nearly 69% of all
employees worked there. However, some of the biggest companies worldwide are Swiss.
In terms of per capita gross national product (GNP), Switzerland is among the world’s
wealthiest nations. In 1998 (2003), the per capita GNP amounted to $39,980 (39.880) which is
much higher than the average of the rest of the world. According to a 1997 World Bank report
(Finfacts, 2005; “Schweiz,” 1998, p.19), Switzerland had even the absolutely highest per capita
gross income in the world ($44,320 as compared with $28,747 in the United States). In terms
of the indicator of “quality of life,” which transcends the one- sided economic orientation of
international comparisons, Switzerland regularly leads the world ratings, too.
Apart from water, Switzerland does not possess any considerable raw materials. For eco-
nomic reasons alone, Switzerland maintains numerous foreign trade relations. Its import and
export quota are among the highest in the world. The lion’s share of cross-border trade is
accounted for by the OECD countries. In 1996, 90% of all imports originated from OECD
countries, and 79% of all exports were sent there. The most important export goods are
machines, electronics, chemicals, precision instruments, watches and clocks, and jewelry.
Tourism is another very important industry in terms of foreign trade. It produces about 8% of
export revenues, thus occupying third place behind mechanical engineering and chemicals.
A look at the financial volume for 1993 illustrates the importance of trade (import and

8
There are two types of referenda at the national level: (a) an obligatory referendum (compulsory in certain situ-
ations) and (b) and optional referendum (takes place if more than 50,000 citizens’ signatures are collected of if eight
cantons demand this within the so-called “referendum term,” i.e., within 90 days after a law has been published in
the Federal Official Journal).
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258 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

export): Amounting to CHF 14,000 (= $9,500) per capita, it was by far higher than in coun-
tries like the United States or Japan (both less than CHF 5,000 = $3,400). The strong interna-
tional commitment of Swiss industry can also be observed in foreign direct investments.
Switzerland is one of the key actors (Schneider, 1998). For instance, it maintains above-
average commitments in the new German Länder (former East Germany).
Yet another typical feature is the fact that many industries successfully managed to cut
themselves off from competition for a long time (cartels, subsidies, etc.). This has led to the
problem that a lot of firms in these sections got into serious difficulties when they were forced
by legislation directly (law) or indirectly (globalization) to open the market. These processes
of adaptation are still going on.
In 2000, an average of 3,879,000 people were employed in Switzerland: 1,707,000 women
(44%) and 2,172,000 men (56%); 908,000 (23.4%) of them had only part-time jobs. This cor-
responds to an employment rate of 53%. Foreigners employed were 25.1% and employment
in the so-called third sector, that is, trade and services, was 69.1%. Industry accounted for
26.4%, and only 4.5% worked in agriculture. Average working hours per week were 41.8
hours in 2000. This is above average compared to most other European states. In 2000,
106,000 people were registered as unemployed. This corresponds to an unemployment rate of
2.7%. After this brief overview of the economic situation in Switzerland, we now pay more
detailed attention to the three industries surveyed in the GLOBE study: financial services,
telecommunications, and food processing.

The Economic System: Specific Information (GLOBE Industries)

Financial Services. The financial services is one of the most important industries in the
Swiss economy. In 2000, there were 375 banks in Switzerland: 24 Cantonal Banks, 3 “big”
banks, 103 regional and savings banks, 17 privately owned banks, 23 affiliates of foreign
financial institutions and, finally, 205 other banks (Schweizerische Nationalbank, 1997,
p. 22). The major banking centers are Zurich, Basel, and Geneva. All in all, Switzerland is
considered to be “overbanked” (one important reason is the bank secret, i.e., no information
about accounts are released; another reason until recently is the cartelization of this industry),
which will lead to a massive increase in competition and concentration in the years to come,
particularly with foreign banks. Since then mergers have happened and in combination with
a more restricted law the process of consolidation has started.
The employment rate has risen above the average in the last few decades. Between 1960
and 1994, there was an increase of 398% in the number of people employed in banks, com-
pared to an increase of 39% in the entire Swiss working population. An unfavorable economic
situation, increased competition, and various mergers of enterprises, however, has caused the
employment rate to fall in the last few years. Thus in 1996, the number of employees fell to
119,771 people (cf. Schweizerische Nationalbank, 1997, p. 49). The biggest employers in the
financial services are UBS and Credit Suisse, which both have their head office in Zurich.
The banking sector’s share of Switzerland’s GNP is relatively high. Between 1988 and
1993, it amounted to an average of 8.6%, whereas in other European countries it
amounted to only 3% to 4%. Only in Luxembourg does the financial sector have an even
larger share of the GNP, namely 33% (Gratzl & Kaufmann, 1996; quoted in Schweizerische
Bankiervereinigung, 1996, p. 12). Of the Swiss working population 3.8% were employed in
the banking sector in 1995 and thus twice as many as that, for example, in Italy, France, and
Great Britain, or around one third higher than in Germany and in Austria (Schweizerische
Bankiervereinigung, 1996, p. 12). The importance of the banking system for foreign trade
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 259

cannot be estimated directly because the relevant values are not listed separately in the
figures of the national accounting. But according to reliable estimates, the banks may well
contribute half of the amount of Switzerland’s foreign trade (Schweizerische ankiervereinigung,
1996, p. 12).

Telecommunications. Switzerland has one of the world’s most efficient infrastructures in

telecommunications. Private users and enterprises have access to the most modern communi-
cation systems. Like many other European countries, Switzerland’s telecommunications sec-
tor is at the moment characterized by deregulation. The years 1992 and 1993 marked the
definite end of the Swiss Radio and Television Company’s (Schweizerische Radio- und
Fernsehgesellschaft [SRG] monopoly; SRG, 1994, p. 8). On July 1, 1995, another step toward
liberalization was taken; since then private suppliers and foreign companies have been
allowed to offer telephone services by renting public wires. Finally, on January 1, 1998, the
telecommunications market was liberalized at a European level.
Swisscom is the market leader in the telecommunications industry. The company has an
annual turnover of around 11 billion Swiss Francs and employs 21,000 people (2002). The
formerly public-sector company was transformed into a joint-stock company under special
law on January 1, 1998—just in time with regard to the total liberalization of the telecommu-
nications industry. The company went public in 1998. Swisscom is the only full-service sup-
plier present in all parts of Switzerland. It is at the same time one of the country’s biggest
employers. In 1998, however, two large private competitors (orange, diAX) entered the mar-
ket (see, for further details, Swiss Federal Office of Communication, 2002).

Food Processing. The Swiss food-processing industry developed out of small trade at the
end of the 19th century. Some enterprises—with Nestlé at the top—have grown considerably
since. Numerous small enterprises survived by pursuing a specific policy of “market gaps.”
In the last few decades, the food-processing industry has developed continuously within a
framework of stable and predictable conditions in Switzerland. The high quality of the prod-
ucts offered by the Swiss food-processing industry was a very central strategic success factor
for international growth (Hodler, 1994, p. 8).
The food-processing industry is primarily oriented toward the home market. In the last few
years, however, there has been a clearly recognizable trend toward growing exports.
Nevertheless, its export share exceeds 50% only in some areas such as soups and sauces,
cheese spreads, and candies (cf. Hodler, 1994, p. 5). The food retail market, to give an
enriched description, constitutes a typically Swiss and unique duopolistic situation that
reduces the possibilities in an already small home market.
With about 70,000 employees, the food-processing industry comes fourth among the
secondary-sector industries (after mechanical engineering, electronics, and the chemical
industry). Some 100,000 jobs in agriculture, packaging, and transportation are indirectly
dependent on the food-processing industry. The biggest food producers are: Migros (head
office: Zurich), the Coop Group (head office: Basel), the Nestlé combine (head office: Vevey),
and Toni Lait (head office: Winterthur) (HandelsZeitung, 1995, p. 3).

3. THE METHODOLOGY OF GLOBE RESEARCH IN SWITZERLAND

The GLOBE research for the understanding of leadership and culture in Switzerland was
based on, and inspired by, the conceptual and methodological framework of the GLOBE
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260 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

study as a whole (for details, se’ House, Hanges et al., 1997; House, Wright et al., 1997; House
et al., 1999, 2004; Javidan & House, 2001; Szabo et al., 2002; see also chap. 1, this volume).
In the GLOBE study, several methods were combined to describe and analyze societal (and
organizational) culture and leadership prototypes. In this respect, we followed Hofstede (1980),
who stressed that every method has its own advantages and disadvantages, and therefore a mul-
timethod approach was employed in order to gain valid insights into culture and leadership.
Specifically, it consisted of a literature analysis, a questionnaire-based data collection, focus
groups, semistructured interviews, ethnographic interviews, and unobtrusive participant observa-
tions. For all the methods and instruments, we relied on the previous work done by the project as
a whole (e.g., an international validation of the questionnaire, ideas and rules for conducting
interviews, etc.; House, Hanges et al., 1997; House, Wright et al., 1997; House et al., 1999).
The questionnaire-based data included the three standardized GLOBE questionnaires for the
three levels under study: societal culture (“Should Be” and “As Is”), organizational culture
(“Should Be” and “As Is”), and leadership attributes/behaviors (“Should Be”).9 For the societal
and organizational level, GLOBE refers to value-belief theories of culture (Hofstede, 1980;
Triandis, 1995), which suggest that the commonly shared values and beliefs held by members of
a collective (e.g., a nation) influence the behavior of individuals and other entities (groups and
institutions). They also influence the degree to which an observed behavior is viewed as legiti-
mate. To describe the culture of a nation, GLOBE investigates the cultural dimensions in accor-
dance with Hofstede’s work: Uncertainty Avoidance, Power Stratification, Collectivism; two
scales are used, the Collectivism scale from Triandis (1995), and Gender Egalitarianism and
Assertiveness (both replaced the former Hofstede scale of Masculinity). In addition to these six
scales, two dimensions derive from McClelland’s (1961, 1985) theories of implicit human moti-
vation and economic development: Humane Orientation and Performance Orientation. Finally,
the dimension of Future Orientation was included, originating from the work of F. R. Kluckhohn
and Strodtbeck (1961). The 21 leadership scales, which were made up of 112 leadership items,
ultimately derive from an intercultural factor analysis.10
Three hundred and twenty-one Swiss middle managers11 completed the questionnaire
(societal culture items: 159; organizational culture items: 162; leadership items: 112). The
middle managers worked in 19 organizations in three different industries (financial services:
26.5%; food processing: 32.4%; telecommunications: 41.1%). The respondents’ sex was pre-
dominantly masculine (91.3% men, 8.7% women), and their age was between 27 and 65 years
(average age: 44.48 years). On average, they had held managerial positions for 12.89 years
(range between 1–35), and had an average of 6.23 subordinates reporting to them.
Three focus groups 12 and several interviews were mainly created to evaluate expectations
about unusually effective leaders versus normally effective managers. Heterogeneity among
respondents, for example, in organizational background (rank, experiences in different indus-
tries) and age (mid-20s to 60s), was maximized deliberately (Agar, 1980). These data-
collecting processes on the occasion of post-graduate seminars (focus groups) and specially
made contacts (interviews) were carried out at the beginning of our project and followed
GLOBE guidelines.

9
No “As Is” evaluations were collected in our context.
10
The 21 leadership scales are presented later.
11
Middle managers in this study are defined as being at least one hierarchical level below the top hierarchical level
and at least on hierarchical level above the first hierarchical level.
12
Focus groups are moderated discussion groups where the participants (experts, representatives of the object in
focus, here managers) talked about and reflected on — in this case — various management and leadership phenomena.
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 261

The three 1-hour focus group discussions were taped, and all the relevant statements and
examples were subsequently listed. During the group session, the 12 female and male partic-
ipants, who were doing this postgraduate course in general management at the University of
St. Gallen, were asked to rank their own answers on special topics on a group consensus basis:
definition of leadership and management, the possible difference between these two con-
structs, and examples of outstanding leadership.
Nine semistructured interviews were conducted with middle managers in different indus-
tries (e.g., insurance companies, financial services, and publishers). The interviews were
taped, and the interviewees were asked about their understanding of management and leader-
ship in a way similar to that used in the focus groups. The average duration of these inter-
views was 45 minutes.
Three ethnographic interviews were conducted at a later stage of the project in the three
GLOBE branches. They were based on a qualitative research manual prepared for GLOBE by
Michael Agar. Written protocols from the taped 60-minute interviews were analyzed and inter-
preted by two people, both experienced in interview analysis. The aim was to identify and cate-
gorize attributes and behaviors that were characteristic of leadership and management, to learn
about the interviewees’ experiences of successful and unsuccessful leadership, and to gain
insights into their hidden basic assumptions about leadership. Stories and illustrative examples
were very helpful in this respect. The categories that were found were not predefined but emerged
from the analyzing process. Thus we wanted to check if any aspect of the leadership phenome-
non was mentioned that we were not aware of, while gaining a deeper insight into the possible
variance of leadership prototypes. In a follow-up interview, all interviewees were asked if they
were able to “recognize” themselves in our analysis. With the exception of very minor changes,
the interview partners were satisfied with our interpretation.
The GLOBE researchers’ very soundly reasoned assumption has been to combine quanti-
tative and qualitative data. Only this offers the possibility for a holistic interpretation of cul-
ture and leadership. To intensify the culture research and to obtain a more in-depth picture of
the leadership ideal in Switzerland, we also collected information by means of unobtrusive
measurement techniques (e.g., House, Hanges et al., 1997; Webb, Campbell, Schwartz, &
Sechresl, 1999). These measures do not rely on people to report data (as do interviews, e.g.)
and are nonreactive to this extent. We decided to concentrate our analysis here mainly on two
unobtrusive measures: street names and statues and legends/myths. However, other forms of
research are shortly mentioned to illustrate the full range of our data collection.
Typically, in street names or in statues, persons are honored who were considered to be
exceptional or outstanding for a society. Thus it might be interesting to see what kind of per-
sons were honored in Switzerland. If one knows more about such people’ thoughts and
actions, then one can get—or so we assumed—more information on the valued aspects with
regard to outstanding leaders in this culture. In addition, this method assumes that the central
aspects of a current culture have developed over centuries or decades. This leads to the final
underlying assumption that knowing more about the past will enable us to gain more insights
into the present. The five biggest (German-speaking) Swiss cities were included in this analy-
sis. The research was done on the basis of street-name registers and travel guides (statues13).

13
This was done in a research seminar at the Institute for Leadership and Human Resource Management at the
University of St. Gallen, Switzerland. Following the GLOBE framework, we conceptualized the procedure in more
detail. The work was done by a student (Roth, 1996). Statues were found in the city guides. Street names were
gleaned from either special registers or telephone directories (for this, cf. Cavalli 1995, p. 20). More detailed analy-
ses were conducted for the cities of Bern, St. Gallen, and Zurich.
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262 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

Another research method was used to assess the impact of culture on leadership: myths
and legends.14 Those standards still hold their own in today’s value structure. “Legends”
means oral tales that sometimes refer to historical events, which were passed on orally in for-
mer days, and are meant to explain, remind, and advise. This points to the significance of the
values and standards presented in those legends, which are preferably packaged in impressive
images. Legends are only worth telling if taboos are broken. Such an instance of taboo break-
ing can easily accommodate a moral lesson, and comprehensive ethical values can be identi-
fied. This makes legends suitable for the identification of culturally rooted leadership ideals.
Also a media study was conducted. The objective of the media study was to find informa-
tion that would help us to continue to build our leadership frame.15 Thus we were interested
in repeated patterns of leadership. The underlying assumption here is that the media very
prominently represent the values of a kind of leadership that is honored in a society, at least
from the viewpoint of people who work in this media industry; however, it may be assumed
that these persons also try to articulate the opinion of other people in society, possibly
even the majority. The analysis focused on three print media (Neue Zürcher Zeitung,
Weltwoche,and Blick). They were selected because of their range with respect to readers and
their particular variety of clients.
Additionally, participant observation—following GLOBE guidelines—was carried out on
the basis of a fully structured questionnaire. First, three persons completed the instrument by
themselves, asking experts for further information, if and when necessary. Afterward, a con-
sensual agreement was made between these persons in respect of the items contained in the
questionnaire so that at the end one version existed. Literature analysis in different fields com-
pleted our efforts to describe and interpret Swiss culture and outstanding leadership during
the whole project.16

4. FINDINGS

After providing a first impression of the Swiss peculiarities and a comprehensive survey of
the methodological basis of our study, we now turn to the findings of our analysis. This sec-
tion is structured according to the two main levels under scrutiny: societal (national) culture
and leadership. In each subsection, the results of the questionnaire-based data collection are
presented first. In the Leadership subsection, we integrate qualitative results additionally.

Societal Culture

Table 8.1 presents the findings in respect of Swiss societal culture in terms of (a) absolute
mean scores on a 7-point Likert-type scale, (b) an indication of country membership clusters
for each country dimension, (means: relative position out of a maximum five distinct country
clusters A > B > C > D > E), and (c) the rank order on each dimension compared to the
other 60 participating countries. An absolute score indicating the difference between the two

14
This was done in a research seminar at the Institute for Leadership and Human Resource Management at the
University of St. Gallen, Switzerland. Following the GLOBE framework, we conceptualized the procedure in more
detail. The work was done by a student (Jäger, 1996) A very good overview of Swiss legends is given in Keckeis (1995).
15
This was done in a research seminar at the Institute for Leadership and Human Resource Management at the
University of St. Gallen, Switzerland. Following the GLOBE framework, we conceptualized the procedure in more
detail. The work was done by a student (Jüstrich, 1996). No separate analysis is given here.
16
No separate analysis is given here. Selected points are integrated into the text as and when useful.
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 263

TABLE 8.1
Societal Culture of Switzerland: “Should Be” and “As Is” Scores

“Should Be” “As Is” Difference

Societal Dimensions Score Band Rank Score Band Rank Delta t Value Sign.

Future Orientation 4.79 B 59 4.73 A 2 .06 .47 ns.

***
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.16 E 61 5.37 A 1 –2.21 –24.06
***
Institutional Collectivism 4.69 B 33 4.06 B 38 .63 7.32
***
In-Group Collectivism 4.94 C 61 3.97 C 56 .97 11.50
***
Power Distance 2.44 D 48 4.90 B 46 –2.44 –27.85
***
Humane Orientation 5.54 B 22 3.60 D 53 1.94 22.94
***
Gender Egalitarianism 4.92 A 13 2.97 B 54 1.95 25.95
***
Assertiveness 3.21 B 54 4.51 A 14 –1.30 –13.51
***
Performance Orientation 5.82 C 39 4.94 A 1 .88 11.88

Note. Score: Country mean for Switzerland on the basis of aggregated scale scores. Band: Letters A to D
indicate the country band Switzerland belongs to (A > B > C > D). Countries from different Bands are considered
to differ significantly from each other (GLOBE test banding procedure; cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). Rank:
Switzerland’s position relative to the 61 countries in the GLOBE study; Rank 1 = highest; Rank 61 = lowest score.
Difference: The difference was computed by subtracting “As Is” scores from the respective “Should Be” scores. A
positive difference indicates that the society wishes to have more of a particular attribute or dimension whereas a
negative score indicates the opposite.
*
p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001, ns. = nonsignificant.

societal culture measures is provided: “Should Be,” the espoused value placed on how the
participants would like it to be, and “As Is,” observations of practices on how it is at present.
The analysis of the statistical significance of the difference is also shown in Table 8.1.
According to F. R. Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck’s (1961) value classification system, we
grouped the nine societal culture scales loosely under four prominent headlines for easier
access (Szabo & Reber, chap. 5, this volume): time, human–environment, relational, and
activity orientation (see also Szabo et al., 2002). Using this classification, we followed a sug-
gestion made by our Austrian GLOBE colleagues. Time Orientation describes the way in
which a society uses time, and whether a society is oriented toward the past, present, or future.
Human–Environment Orientation describes people’s relationship with the world. Relational
Orientation describes the way in which people in a society define themselves and others.
Activity Orientation describes, among other things, the way people try to force things or
influence life (e.g., doing vs. being).

Time Orientation
Future Orientation (similar to the Confucian Dynamism dimension by Hofstede & Bond,
1988) measures the degree to which a society encourages and rewards future-oriented behav-
iors (for all the scale definitions, House et al., 1999). The “As Is” score for Future Orientation
stands at a very remarkable 4.73, ranking the Swiss in second position among all of the coun-
tries participating (2/61). The “Should Be” value for Future Orientation does not differ sig-
nificantly (Mean [M] = 4.79,) but the comparative rank drops to 59/61, suggesting that many
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264 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

other countries are also, and much more concerned about, becoming stronger in future
oriented. With respect to the high level of economic development (which also means plan-
ning, investing, and saving), the predominant educational standards (which also means
delayed material gratification) and the religious roots of a partly Calvinist society (which also
means hard work and less fun in the present), it was to be expected that Switzerland should
have fairly high results here. The “Should Be” data, which could be interpreted as medium to
high, meets this expectation to a considerable extent. However, at first sight, we would have
assumed a higher score. This is reinforced by the fact that the worldwide ranking is extremely
low (see previous discussion). But in contrast to many other countries, the perceived (“As Is”)
orientation to the future is on the same level as the expectation expressed. This result reflects
our theoretical considerations (Wunderer & Weibler, 2002). The expression of the Swiss’s ori-
entation toward the future includes their outstanding thrift. Their saving rate is among the
worlds highest. Money is invested in long-term objects rather than spent on short-term amuse-
ment: “rather on house and a car than for dinner, rather on streets and buildings than on per-
sonal staff” (Bergmann, 1990, p. 364, translated). The Future Orientation manifests also in
investments for education, which have increased to $16.1 billion (Swiss Federal Statistical
Office, 2003).
The reason for the discrepancy of 57 positions between the “Should Be” versus “As Is”
global ranking can mainly be seen in a nonexisting need for a more extreme position on this
dimension. Because every dimension also symbolizes a function for the survival and progress
of society, one has to realize that this problem-solving attitude works pretty well. So why
change it?

Human–Environment Orientation
Uncertainty Avoidance measures the degree to which a society strives to avoid uncertainty
by norms, rules, rituals, plans, bureaucratic practices, and so on. Uncertainty Avoidance in
Switzerland reaches a level of 5.37, the highest of all the “As Is” values worldwide. The
“Should Be” value is much smaller, with a mean of 3.16; no other country has a lower value.
A paradox? Not at all.
On the one hand, the explanation for this finding is that the contemporary willingness to
take risks is rather low (see also Wunderer & Weibler, 2002). One’s own actions are guided
by rules, given structures, and so forth. Hofstede’s work (1980) revealed a comparable result,
although not as pronounced. The reason might be that Hofstede uses a slightly different oper-
ationalization of this dimension. The Swiss work ethic and Swiss values even reinforce this
tendency. For instance, insurance policies for every possible event in life are widely offered
and taken out; a great many laws regulate nearly every sphere of life. If something is not reg-
ulated, regulations will almost certainly be called for as soon as they are required. This
instance, too, is due to historical circumstances: “Switzerland was a poor country for a long
time; today, it is a small country surrounded by big neighbors. Accordingly, one is used to
preventing, neutralizing and avoiding risks” (Bergmann, 1990, p. 364, translated). Owing to
political and economic reasons, Switzerland faced the necessity of making the environment
more predictable and more controllable for centuries. This led to numerous precautions,
norms, and rules, which has obviously had a bearing on the fact that present-day societal cul-
ture is perceived as extremely uncertainty avoiding. This underlying basic position is reflected
in business politics. Swiss companies are commonly less eager to conquer new markets than
they are to enforce quality standards by continuous improvement and thereby maintaining
their hold on the market by means of the “Swiss Quality” label (cf. Bergmann, 1990).
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 265

On the other hand, it can be observed that people want to change this risk-averse orienta-
tion. This can be explained by the fact that for a long period of time, unpleasant “side effects”
(such as inflexibility, the obstruction and delay of innovation) of these Uncertainty Avoidance
strategies occurred to an increasing extent. Switzerland is seen to be inadequately experimen-
tal and innovative, although it holds the highest rate of patents (Bundesamt für Statistik
[BFS], 2005), as well as the highest number of Nobel Prize winners per capita (Kanton
Zurich, 2005) which contrasts sharply with the preceding sentence at a first glance. The point
is obviously that the connection of thinking (inventing) and the acting (implementing) is
insufficient. For instance, too few people try to set up their own businesses. The mental con-
stitution for risk taking is lacking and the excessively regulated environment is a significant
barrier. The impressive wish for a reduction of these constraints is a clear indication of a per-
ceived need for fundamental change. This change can mainly be achieved through improved
background conditions at the societal and economic-political levels. A possible starting point
might be a reduction in unnecessary regulations, the enforcement of self-responsibility, ideo-
logical support for encouraging the willingness to run risks, a reduction in nonfunctional
power in favor of fluctuating hierarchies, and favorable attitude toward training the critical
faculty in good time (Weibler, 1999).

Relational Orientation
The dimensions of Power Distance, Gender Egalitarianism, Humane Orientation, and
Collectivism (subscales: Institutional Collectivism = Collectivism I/In-Group Collectivism
= Collectivism II) belong to this category. They all describe different qualities of social
relations, whether with respect to the relations between those who have or do not have
power, between the sexes, between people in general, or between a single person and a
group. To summarize, the Swiss people prefer a more democratic, humane, and group-
oriented society where men and women play an equal part than that which is perceived right
now. In detail:

Power Distance. Power Distance measures the degree to which a society expects and
agrees that power Should Be unequally shared (or distributed.) The Swiss respondents
express the view that their society has quite a high level of Power Distance (4.90) “As Is” and
that it needs much less, 2.44 “Should Be.” This leads to a difference of nearly 2.5 points.
However, this discrepancy is on average virtually identical in all the other countries so we
must not detect any special cultural reasons that are responsible for it. To us, this represents
a reference to worldwide power stratification where individual wants and societal practices
are at odds. But we are able to add some insights that will nevertheless reveal some cultural
aspects. Because democracy, freedom, and self-determination are known to have been
basic and stable cornerstones of the Swiss national consciousness for centuries, it is explica-
ble that Power Distance—just like in Hofstede’s research (1980)—achieved a low grade on
the “Should Be” scales. This fits clearly with the historical development of Switzerland.
Typically, the best-known Swiss stories—the legends of William Tell and the Foundation of
Switzerland—have as protagonists individuals (like William Tell) or groups (the representa-
tives of the cantons Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden) who successfully revolted against author-
ity and the abuse of power. In 1998, the political commentator Höpli stated, “If we are proud
of anything at all, then it still tends to be the descent from an alpine herdsman and farmer
culture whose leaders knew how to defend themselves successfully in their valleys against the
yoke of foreign lords and judges” (p. 2, translated)—as opposed to the constitution or a
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266 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

republican myth17 (Weibler & Wunderer, 1997). Even today, an emphasis on power differen-
tials—for example, status symbols—is felt to be annoying in many places (Müller, 1990,
p. 374). Accordingly, a leader’s authority is accepted as long as he or she displays competence
and honorable behavior. This presupposes that leaders “have to work as long and as hard as
their employees; they are not supposed to see themselves as more valuable than others
because of their position … they Should Be there for their employees at all times, they should
not ask for any privileges and deference … and they have to be willing and able to help out
if necessary” (Bergmann, 1990, p. 368, translated).

Gender Egalitarianism. Gender Egalitarianism measures the degree to which a society

minimizes gender role differences (a medium score means that masculine and feminine roles
are recognized to the same extent; i.e., differences are minimized). The respondents recognize
a high level of emphasis on the male role “As Is” (M = 2.97), ranked 54/61, but would like to
see significantly more emphasis on gender equality (M = 4.92), ranked 13/61. This reveals
that in fact men still dominate and gain more attention. This was already noted by Hofstede
(1980). This current desire for greater egalitarianism, even slightly preferring feminity,
reflects a shift that can be observed in many GLOBE countries. It fits with basic Swiss val-
ues like autonomy, equality, and loyalty. Yet it must be noted that in the past few decades, a
convergence toward equal rights has been taking place in almost all of Western society.
Thanks to this development, more importance has been accorded to women’s concerns. So
far, it is virtually impossible to point out which results can be traced back to cultural influ-
ences or cross-national trends in the evolution of values.
However, until now basic Swiss values such as self-determination and loyalty have little
influence on an equal gender distribution of important positions in society. Indicators for this
include the extremely late introduction of women’s rights to vote (cf. The discussion in
Section 2) and women’s underrepresentation in public offices. At the Parliamentary elections
in 1995, the proportion of women among the Nationalräte rose to 21.5% (Bundesamt für
Statistik, 1998). However, participant observation confirms that currently, a great number of
discussions and attempts to secure equal opportunities for women are going on; in 1995, an
Equality Act was passed. This Equality Act supports the implementation of constitutional
equal rights designed to protect women against discrimination, mainly in economic life
(Segesser, Sonderegger, & Stampfli, 1996). However, an enormous number of discussions
and publications on the subject of equal rights are concurrent with a recognizably smaller
number of specific actions (Wunderer & Dick, 1997). The central obstacle in the way of
equal rights is an inadequate infrastructure, which if removed would enable the unity of
family and work. The supply of places in kindergarten and day nurseries in Switzerland is
clearly below that of many other European countries. In addition, there is nothing like a
legally guaranteed maternity leave (i.e., vacations for looking after a child during the first
months), and working mothers thus still have to face prejudices (such as being called a “bad
mother”) although this issue has been of public concern for at least two decades.
Switzerland’s position with respect to Gender Egalitarianism is still on a low level. In this
regard, Switzerland, which is otherwise highly developed, has remained an underdeveloped
country (cf. Hollstein, 1989).

17
The nonemotional relationship with the Constitution fits in quite well with the emotional distance many
German-speaking Swiss seem to have toward their national anthem (Sauser, 1998, p. 5).
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 267

Humane Orientation. Humane Orientation measures the degree to which a society

encourages and rewards individuals for being fair, friendly, caring, and compassionate. The
“As Is” score for Humane Orientation stands at a moderate low 3.60, ranking Switzerland at
the absolute lowest quartile of GLOBE countries. The “Should Be” value for Humane
Orientation records a significantly higher 5.54 and the comparative rank rises to 22/61, sug-
gesting that “softer” and “fuller” thinking and behavior might be an asset for this country. The
expressed values in this dimension are closely related to an element of its national identity:
Solidarity, whose importance can be deduced directly from Swiss history.18 This was for
example, demonstrated in Swiss people’s great helpfulness during and especially after the two
world wars (Im Hof, 1991a, p. 268), although as we know today, the solidarity of some parts
of the population during the two world wars was only one side of the medal (the other side
stands for economic interest). Today, tolerance and responsibility are the central educational
goals in Switzerland (Pagnossin Aligisakis, 1991, p. 108)—two virtues that refer to the con-
structs of Humane Orientation and solidarity in functional relationships.
However, it is completely unclear if the values for politeness, generosity, and tolerance will
have a chance to develop at a more intensive quality. We can speculate wildly about the discrep-
ancy between the “As Is” and “Should Be” scores. Presumably, one major instance is the high
score of Performance Orientation for Switzerland, which would be partly opposed to Humane
Orientation although many substantial reforms originated in Switzerland, for example, the main-
tenance of industrial health and safety.19 To make matters worse, the common concentration on
individual achievement supports competition rather than cooperation and solidarity. The tense
economic situation and increasingly fierce competition (the increase in job performance assess-
ment in companies being a case in point) intensify this fundamental problem even more. In addi-
tion, the high degree of institutional Humane Orientation (public welfare) intensifies an
individual’s feeling that the responsibility for any social problem can be passed on to one of the
many public institutions. The attributes of willingness to help, empathy, friendliness, tolerance,
and generosity are obviously more easily propagated than practiced—worldwide. This doubt is
supported by the results from a study by Berthouzoz (1991, p. 162), who showed that 52%
noticed a decrease in people’s willingness to help in Switzerland. Increasing individualism, mate-
rialism, loss of guiding ethical values—which are shared unquestioned by the vast majority—a
domination of economic thinking, also in matters that are not economic in origin, indubitably
erodes the foundations of solidarity. The fact that, as repeatedly reported in the media, it is
becoming increasingly difficult to fill honorary offices, points in the same direction. From a for-
eign affairs point of view, it is remarkable that as in other Western European countries, some
people display resentment toward persons entering the country without official documents.
Changes in legislation have made it more difficult for refugees to be granted asylum in the last
few years. However, one should not forget that Switzerland has the highest rate of foreigners in
the whole of Europe (which is partly forced by the restricted law to get the Swiss nationality) and
is currently very helpful in giving refugees a temporary safe haven.

18
Through mutual solidarity and reciprocal support, the old Confederates often achieved major victories against
supremacy and repression (cf. the subsection History).
19
One of Switzerland’s pioneering works wast eh Federal Law on Factories passed on March 23, 1877, which
contained regulations on working hours. In the area of international industrial health and safety standards,
Switzerland was also the first to take different initiatives, such as the initiative for the first International Labor
Convention (1891) and the proposal for the creation of an international authority for industrial security and health
standards (1896); Switzerland was also a cofounder of the International Association of Industrial Security and Health
Standards (1900). Another pioneering work was collective labor agreements protected by law (cf. Riklin & Möckli,
1983, p. 84).
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268 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

In-Group Collectivism and Institutional Collectivism. In-Group Collectivism denotes

the degree to which individuals express pride, loyalty, and cohesiveness in their organizations,
work groups, or families. Institutional Collectivism refers to the extent to which social insti-
tutions or institutional practices encourage and reward collective distribution of resources and
collective action. A mean “As Is” score of 4.06 (Institutional Collectivism) and 3.97 (In-
Group Collectivism) suggests that Switzerland is neither on the collectivistic nor on the indi-
vidualistic side. In contrast, the In-Group-Collectivism score for Switzerland ranks low (56).
This expresses a comparably stable focus on individuality, which German-speaking
Switzerland has in common with its direct neighbors Germany and Austria as well as with
some Northern European and Anglo-American nations. Therefore, we interpret Switzerland’s
score to be rooted in religious, political, and industrial characteristics that are shared with sev-
eral nations from these country clusters. The respective states are all well known for more or
less appreciating rights of the single person with respect to intended influences from the state.
Nonetheless—and despite some method differences in the scale compositions (House et al.,
2004, p. 461ff), the “As Is” and “Should Be” scores for Collectivism indicate that the partic-
ipants of the GLOBE survey wish to enhance the collectivistic values from a nearly balanced
score to higher levels (Institutional Collectivism: 4.69, Rank 33; In-Group Collectivism: 4.94,
Rank 61), though this raise is undoubtedly not very strong based on the international average.
It appears that Swiss people feel quite comfortable being integrated within groups of manage-
able size, yet they also seem unwilling to give up their identity in this “collectivistic” constel-
lation. This fits in quite well with tendencies that we identified in our historical analysis: the
principle of emotionally favoring affairs that are close at hand, not excessive in size, and
understandable (first the community, then the canton, then the Confederation). In summary,
Swiss people seem to have a clear imagination about being embodied in social entities and
society as a whole while maintaining their own individuality and respecting autonomy and
freedom. The societal cultural practices do not differ from the respective societal cultural val-
ues as much as they do in other nations.

Activity Orientation

Performance Orientation. Performance Orientation measures the degree to which a soci-

ety encourages and rewards group members for performance improvement and excellence.
The “As Is” score for Performance Orientation stands at a high 4.94, ranking Switzerland at
the absolute top position of GLOBE countries (1/61). The “Should Be” value for Performance
Orientation records a significantly higher 5.82, but the comparative rank drops to 39/61,
suggesting that many other countries are also concerned about becoming more performance-
oriented. After all that we have learned about Switzerland’s historical and religious roots, this
high Performance Orientation cannot be surprising.
An important explanation for the high degree of Performance Orientation can be seen in
the traditionally strong work motivation, which is presumably mainly rooted in Protestant
Calvinism:

Endeavoring to show signs to be the chosen one, the Calvinist developed a joy in work, persis-
tence and energy, unknown to the people in the Middle Ages. This inevitably led to success in mat-
ters economic. Because of the strict morality that he was forced to abide by, the Calvinist was
unable to spend his wealth on any sort of enjoyment of life … there was not anything left to do
besides investing the money in his own or in a related company. This was the cause for quick cor-
porate expansion and the foundation of capital investment. (Widmer, 1977, p. 216, translated)
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 269

To this extent, Calvinism was one of the major driving forces behind the distinct Swiss work
ethic (see also Weber, 1972a, 1922/1972b) and we cannot conceive the modern Switzerland
without the immigration of the “huguenotian” watch makers in the 17th century.20
Like scientific research, daily observation also reveals even today that work is valued
highly within Swiss society. “The Swiss are plain, thrifty and have an obsession with work”
(Riklin & Möckli, 1983, p. 95, footnote 432, translated). In a representative survey, 87% out
of 1,400 people stated that work was a very important or quite important part of their lives
(Melich, 1991, p. 6). An initiative to reduce working hours failed in a plebiscite in December
1988 (Pagnossin Aligisakis, 1991, p. 116). These findings alone suggest that Performance
Orientation ranks highly in Swiss society. The distribution of answers to the question “Should
better performance at work command higher pay?” in the aforementioned survey shows this
even more clearly: 72% of the men and 65% of the women interviewed answered in the affir-
mative. Agreement is particularly high among the German- Swiss (men: 77%; women: 71%)
(Pagnossin Aligisakis, 1991, p. 110). Outside the working sphere, Performance Orientation
manifests itself in the great importance ascribed to primary and secondary education. In 1984,
a total of 84% of the interviewed parents regarded performance motivation as an important or
very important educational goal (Sieber, 1984). The level of education in Switzerland is cor-
respondingly high: four out of five 25- to 64-year-olds continued their education beyond the
compulsory number of years; however, only 10% have a university degree (Bundesamt für
Statistik, 1998, p. 417). The importance of education in Switzerland however might not be
reflected in the percentage of university degrees obtained (which actually is quite low as com-
pared to other developed countries). Far more typical is a broadly supported apprenticeship
where Swiss teenagers learn to value professional achievements.21
The high priority given to work by the Swiss can also be traced back to Switzerland’s par-
ticular history. As a poor, barren, and mountainous country, the Swiss had to show a great deal
of effort and skill in their struggle with nature. Like many other countries, Switzerland had its
own special problems with the economic situation and with poverty at the beginning of the cen-
tury. In the reconstruction period after the First World War, hard work and an understructured
industry seemed to be the main driving force behind economic upswing. The Swiss Farmers’
Newspaper announced in January 1924: “Abroad, daily working hours grew longer to over-
come the post-war crisis. Switzerland, with a lack of coal and other raw materials, had to fol-
low this example to survive the pressure exerted by competition on foreign and Swiss markets.
Prosperity of the people through work!” (quoted after Lalive d’Epinay, 1991, p. 18, translated).
During the Second World War, an additional predicament occurred: Surrounded by the
Axis powers, the Swiss workforce became a major source of independence to the Swiss
people. In 1940, the head of the federal office in charge of food logistics in times of war,
Friedrich Wahlen, worked out a survival plan with the goal of “achieve the greatest possible
autonomy in the supply of the country through a gigantic national effort in rational use and
… widely improved management of all reserves and deposits of raw materials and a strict
employment organization, and he went so far as to convert public parks and gardens into
arable land” (cf. Lalive d’Epinay, 1991, p. 40).
Swiss efficiency, always in close connection with security, order, and seriousness in life’s
affairs, comes through in our research. But what might be the reason for the fact that Performance
Orientation tends to be high, but lags behind its own claims (“As Is” vs. “Should Be”)? If we want

20
This was stressed by a reviewer.
21
This was especially mentioned by a reviewer.
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270 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

to explain the results, we have to examine the operationalization of this dimension. The actual
result of Performance Orientation is measured (a) by the extent to which rewards are based on
performance and other factors, and (b) by the extent to which innovative actions that aim to
improve performance are rewarded. Several things have to be mentioned: Performance is
becoming decidedly an important basis for rewards in Switzerland, but it is not the only one.
Informal relationships, for instance, play a major role, as does—or rather did—military rank.
Innovative behavior that aims at performance improvement, and is always also linked with a cer-
tain risk, is definitely not invariably rewarded by the Swiss, who tend to be rather careful (cf.
Uncertainty Avoidance). In addition, existing structures in many places obstruct innovative
behavior rather than supporting it (Wunderer & Weibler, 2002).
A glance at the international “Should Be” ranking with regard to Performance Orientation
reveals that the highest ranks/top positions are occupied by many countries, such as El
Salvador, Zimbabwe, Slovenia, and Venezuela, which rank far behind Switzerland in terms of
economic development and in which a great deal of development work remains to be done.
This is exactly a matter that is bound to require a high level of Performance Orientation. The
need for Performance Orientation is much higher in those countries than in more highly
developed countries with comparatively stable economies like Switzerland. Almost half of the
Swiss interviewees stated that they wished work would become a less important part of
their lives. In particular, the younger generation—the economic beneficiaries of their parents’
hard work—are less ready to make sacrifices for the benefit of work (Ulrich, Probst, & Studer,
1985; Widmaier, 1991).
However, observers might ask how a balanced, egalitarian ideal can cohabit with the high
rewards for performance that leads to social and economic differences inevitably? One explana-
tion could be that Swiss people perceive higher monetary rewards not as an implement to buy
more hierarchical power but as a substitute for it. For instance, Frey and Kucher (2001) demon-
strated that Swiss state employees are better paid in cantons with more direct democracy and
therefore less individual discretionary power. We need more kinds of such approaches to under-
stand paradoxes in societal culture dimensions. We are just at the beginning.

Assertiveness. Assertiveness measures the degree to which individuals in society are

allowed to be dominant, aggressive, and confrontational in social relationships. The Swiss
respondents express the view that their society has just a slightly high level of Assertiveness
(4.51 “As Is”) and that it needs much less, 3.21 “Should Be.” This shift mirrors a tendency in
the international comparison, although the comparative rank of the “Should Be” score at 54/61
suggests that other countries are more focused on the reduction of Assertiveness at this point in
time. We think that the wish to reduce assertive behavior is more related to face-to-face relation-
ships (e.g., leadership relations) than to structural forces that coregulate a working community.
For this face-to-face relationship a lower score, as it is intended for Switzerland, seems to be the
most advantageous in this respect: In a strongly federalist country with largely autonomous can-
tons, diverse ethical groups, and different languages and religions, it is always necessary to
weigh up the various interests, to find compromises, to keep the balance between adaptation and
steamrolling. This is the only way a pluralist society made up of several autonomous entities is
able to continue existence peacefully. On the other side, it is evident that on a more abstract level
this kind of cooperation might be forced by structures to protect it from the unpredictable move-
ments of fate. Swiss people call this “forced consensus.”22 The need to build bridges and to smooth
the edges is omnipresent in Swiss society. Only a few, but remarkable examples of this Swiss way

22
This very helpful example was formulated by a reviewer and partly elaborated independently in a separate
publication by the authors.
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 271

are selected: a multilinguistic school system where every Swiss learns at least one of the other
national languages; a military service where every young Swiss man learns to overcome ethnic,
religious, and especially social barriers and to tie an informal network; an institutionalized
social dialogue between managers, politicians, and workforce unions that Swiss call “work
peace” (for the last point, see Hilb & Wittmann, 1992); a collective “bottom-up” decision mak-
ing in political institutions (which Swiss call “principle of collegiality”). Here, the Swiss quest
for a balance culminates into a regulative called “magic formula,” which enables most ethnic,
religious, geographical, and political fractions to be
represented (Wunderer & Weibler, 2002). This in turn is a very Swiss paradox: Though all major
fractions take part in the decision, each one is a minority by itself.
However, this cooperative behavior is easier to realize in the political section than in the
economical one where competition in and between organizations is still the leading principle.
So you cannot be astonished that the respondents experience Assertiveness in their daily occu-
pational life, primarily on the personal face-to-face basis, as we assume. A shift according to
the value numbers of the “Should Be” dimension seems to be more realistic when more coop-
erative behaviors are practiced on the economic structural level, for example, between firms
and when success of this behavior is seen. The current discussion in management about
“co-opetition” (Brandenburger & Nalebuff, 1996) or “interorganizational cooperation”
(Buckley, 2000) or “networks” (Provan & Milward, 1995) leads to this direction.
So far, we have had an intensive look at societal culture in Switzerland as presented by the
findings of our survey, and discovered a clear relationship between these findings and the his-
torical cultural development in Switzerland. After this inevitably extensive description and
analysis of the basis of Swiss societal culture, we would like to turn the focus on to the kind
of Swiss leadership that is regarded as outstanding.

Leadership

The challenge of this chapter is to outline a picture of an insight into outstanding leadership
in Switzerland in terms of the interpretations of societal culture laid down previously. As we
said in the introduction, we rely on the implicit leadership approach (Lord & Emrich, 2001;
Lord & Maher, 1991; Shaw, 1990). This theoretical work suggests that individuals have
implicit theories of leadership in their minds that distinguish leaders from nonleaders, effec-
tive leaders from noneffective ones, and so on.

Results of the Quantitative Study

As mentioned earlier, the middle managers who formed part of the Swiss sample were asked
to rate various leadership items on a scale between 1 (greatly inhibits a person from being an out-
standing leader) and 7 (greatly contributes to a person being an outstanding leader). The items
were internationally grouped into 21 leadership scales (cf. House et al., 2004).
Figure 8.1 gives an overview of the 21 leadership scales used in our study, which enables
us to have a deeper look at expected leadership attributes and behavior. To begin with,
we would like to note that the vast majority of these leadership scales are not statistically
influenced by industry, age, or sex (N = 321).23

23
In terms of the comparison of industries, it is worth mentioning that in telecommunications, an outstanding
leader scored lower on the leadership scales of conflict inducer, procedural, and status consciousness. The financial
service industry’s “performance orientation” achieved the highest score in both absolute and relative terms. Women
are seen to be significantly more administratively competent, more inspirational, diplomatic, and modest, and less
autocratic.
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272 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

Figure 8.1 Values and positions of leadership scales in Switzerland (prototypes)

Contributing factors: The characteristics of leaders that are deemed by the respondents to
contribute to outstanding leadership are seen as a mixture of personality traits (e.g., perfor-
mance orientation, decisive, administratively competent, modesty, autonomous, and integrity)
and attributes and behaviors that are only or mainly relevant in interpersonal relationships
(inspirational, visionary, diplomatic, self-sacrificial, humane, team integrator, and collabora-
tive team orientation). In this regard, Switzerland does not hold any clearly special position
worldwide, particularly if we take a look at the absolute distinction. One might even say that
the attributes regarded as a characteristic of outstanding leadership in Switzerland are (on
average) compatible with most other countries, especially as there are no extremes to identify
(see Table 8.2). As Weibler et al., (2000) have shown, this does not mean automatically that
the meaning of scales is identical for each culture. However, further research is needed to clar-
ify this point.
Inhibiting factors: At the end of the rating scale, we find self-protective, autocratic, incon-
siderate, lone wolf/unsociable, and anti-innovation attributes and behaviors. They are partly
also judged negatively in an international comparison. Autocratic and nonparticipative behav-
ior in particular prevents leaders from being acknowledged in Switzerland to an extreme extent.
This is in line with our description of Swiss culture, which was generally characterized by the
negative classification of this element.
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 273

TABLE 8.2
Values of Leadership Scales in Switzerland

Leadership Dimensions Score Rank Band

Integrity 6.36 13 B
Inspirational 6.25 26 B
Visionary 6.12 30 B
Performance Orientation 6.08 31 B
Decisive 5.86 30 A
Team Integrator 5.59 50 B
Administratively Competent 5.51 49 C
Diplomatic 5.27 46 A
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.25 49 B
Modesty 4.88 38 B
Self-Sacrificial 4.88 39 B
Humane 4.65 38 B
Autonomous 4.13 16 A
Status-Conscious 3.81 46 C
Conflict Inducer 3.36 54 C
Procedural 3.00 57 D
Face Saver 2.46 49 C
Nonparticipative 2.20 54 C
Self-Centered 2.00 39 C
Autocratic 1.91 59 D
Malevolent 1.60 46 D

Note. Score: Country mean for Switzerland on the basis of aggregated scale scores. Band: Letters A to D indicate
the country band Switzerland belongs to (A > B > C > D). Countries from different Bands are considered to differ
significantly from each other (GLOBE test banding procedure; cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). Rank:
Switzerland’s position relative to the 61 countries in the GLOBE study; Rank 1 = highest; Rank 61 = lowest score.
Difference: The difference was computed by subtracting “As Is” scores from the respective “Should Be” scores.
A positive difference indicates that the society wishes to have more of a particular attribute or dimension whereas a
negative score indicates the opposite.
Scale ranging from 1 = greatly inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader, to 4 = has no impact on whether
a person is an outstanding leader, to 7 = contributes greatly to a person being an outstanding leader (for a detailed
description of the scales, cf. House, Hanges et al., 1997; House et al., 1999, 2004).

As in the GLOBE analysis of all the countries (House et al., 1999), our analysis also
revealed some statistically meaningful interrelationships among the 21 leadership scales,
hence the need to create a second-order factor structure. The second-order solution by House
et al., revealed four factors for the present (1999, p. 210):

(1) charismatic/value-based leadership that is team-oriented, (2) autonomous leadership, (3)

humane leadership, and (4) non-participative self-protective leadership. Guided by prevailing the-
ory, we divided Factor 1 into charismatic/value-based leadership and team-oriented leadership to
create two dimensions. We also divided Factor 4 into two dimensions: self-protective leadership
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274 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

and participative leadership (the scores of the non-participative subscales were reversed to reflect
participative leadership). (GLOBE now uses the six-second order factor structure.)

The aim was to find out if the worldwide second-order factor solution was also valid for
Switzerland or if we could discover some Swiss specialties. So the question was if there are
significant differences, and how could it be interpreted in this case?
We therefore conducted a maximum likelihood exploratory factor analysis with a varimax
rotation (cf. Appendix A).24 The second-order factor analysis produced four factors that were
completely identical with the worldwide factor solution before House et al. (1999) decided to
split two factors to preserve conceptual clarity. However, we did not see this necessity for our
data set, but we preferred to use a different labeling 25 from that employed by House et al.,
(1999, 2004). We focused more strongly on the leader type (cf. later discussion). The single
scales differed slightly in going into one factor or another. The four second-order factors that
were identified explained a total of 56.9% of the variance of the former leadership scales.26
However, we were not satisfied with the semantic consistence of the fourth factor. First, the
autonomous subscale had almost the same high loading—or rather, an equally low loading—
on Factor 1, and the other subscale, self-sacrificial, also had a loading below <.50. Thus we
came to the conclusion that we should enforce a factor solution with only three factors. This
led to a more stable result with respect to our second-order solution (cf. Appendix C). In total,
51.07% of the variance was explained after this revision.27
We labeled the three second-order factors as follows:

• Great Leader 28 (visionary, inspirational, self-sacrificial, performance orientation, deci-

sive, diplomatic, administratively competent, and team integrator).

24
For the complete 21-scale solution, cf. Appendix A. The main point of this analysis is that the fourth second-
order factor found in the worldwide rating was partly corroborated. The other very remarkable point is that the solu-
tion is very much in line with worldwide findings in general. Note that the GLOBE scales were designed to measure
organizational or societal level variability (Hanges & Dickson, 2004). The scales were not intended to meaningfully
differentiate among individuals within a particular society. However, even though the scales were not constructed to
provide such information, in some cases it is interesting to assess whether similar factors differentiate individuals
within a society. Country-specific factor analysis is intended as an exploration of the themes captured by GLOBE in
a new domain, that is, individual differences within a society. It should be noted that, because of the within-society
restriction of the GLOBE scales true-score variability (which was based on between-society differences), the load-
ings of the GLOBE scale’s items on within-society factors should be lower than between societies (cf. Hanges &
Dickson, 2004). Furthermore, one should not interpret the within-society factor analyses as replications of the
GLOBE factor structure. And the absence of a GLOBE factor within a society should not be automatically interpreted
as the factor being irrelevant to the people in that country. Rather, a factor may fail to emerge within a society even
when that theme is extremely critical because there was no variability in how the individuals from a single society
rated the items (e.g., they all rated the items a 7). Factor analysis requires variability and so a factor could fail the
emerge because it is extremely critical or completely irrelevant to the people within a society.
25
At least for the time being.
26
The commonalities are unsatisfactorily weak in part (cf. Appendix A).
27
It is important to stress that these three factors have quite satisfactory reliabilities. To calculate these reliabili-
ties for the second-order factors (the partly insufficient ones for the original scales are shown in Appendix B; here
we have to remember that their well-documented strength is tested on an aggregated international level), we used the
following formula (thanks to Paul Hanges for his support!): reliability = 1 – (a–b)/sigma^2, where a = sum of the
first-order scales variances multiplied by their weight squared (here: 1.0), and where b = sum of the first-order scales
variances multiplied by their weight squared (here: 1.0) and by their reliability, and where sigma^2 = variance of the
second-order factor. Thus the reliabilities are: Factor 1= .72, Factor 2 = .74, and Factor 3 = .83.
28
This labeling is somewhat different in substance from the “Great Leader” by Bales and Slater (1955).
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 275

• Human Leader (integrity, humane, collaborative team oriented, modesty).

• Ego Boss (autonomous, autocratic, malevolent, nonparticipative, procedural, self-
centered, status conscious, face saver, conflict inducer).29

The first two factors contribute towards being an outstanding leader in Switzerland; the third is
a rather powerful inhibiting factor in this respect. With regard to one theoretical assumption of
GLOBE (culture fit and success), one might call him or her a “Failure Generating Leader.” To
us, this factor solution appropriately reflects two main streams in leadership research. First, we
can see support for the often replicated OHIO dimensions (e.g., Hemphill & Coons, 1957)
when we consider the Performance Orientation subscale in the first second-order factor and
the Humane Orientation second-order factor (of course, in a somewhat more modern version).
Second, the whole charismatic leadership discussion, restarted after Weber (1922/1972b) by
House (1977) up to Bass (1985), fits in with the results quite well. Value, performance, and
people orientation (fair, competent, and team oriented) may be the shortest description for an
outstanding leader on the basis of these results. At the same time, outstanding leaders have to
avoid everything which puts them in the center of attention or leads to solitary decision mak-
ing, possibly justified only by formal power sources.30
After analyzing the quantitative part of our study, we now want to look into our qualitative
findings. This is done as briefly as possible. In particular, we are interested in seeing the
extent to which we are able to corroborate our findings and, possibly, add new knowledge.

Results of the Qualitative Study

Focus Groups, Semistructured and Ethnographic Interviews. On the basis of the focus
group research and the content analysis of the semistructured and ethnographic interviews,
several findings are presented in respect of leadership characteristics in Switzerland. To get a
more comprehensive picture of the results we decided to present the findings not separated by
method; also because no significant differences in the perception of leadership could be
revealed between methods. At best supplements could be found. The views expressed in focus
groups and interviews correlated broadly.
The opening question for us to answer was if a difference between leaders and managers
is perceived, like it is often mentioned in leadership literature. For example, Zalesnik (1990,
pp. 14, 22) wrote on this topic:

Whereas managers focus on process, leaders focus on imaginative ideas. Leaders not only dream
up ideas, but stimulate and drive other people to work hard and create reality out of ideas … They
[the managers] brought what they learned from the business schools, namely, principles of bar-
gaining, emotional control, human relation skills, and the technology of quantitative control.
They left behind commitment, creativity, concern for others, and experimentation. They had
learned to be managers instead of leaders.

29
The suggestion by House et al. (1999) to divide the “nonleadership” second- order factor into narcissistic and
participative leadership (the scores for the latter had been reversed before) and to split the team-oriented parts from
the charismatic-value-based leadership in order to obtain a separate scale to preserve conceptual clarity and fit in bet-
ter with existing leadership theories, is not discussed here.
30
However, we have to refer to two remarkable differences with regard to the worldwide solution in this second-
order factor composition. First, “integrity” is classed with the second-order factor, Humane Leader, instead of with
the Value-Based leadership factor. Second, “collaborative team oriented” (group oriented, loyal, consultative) and
“team integrator” (clear, informed, coordinator, etc.) is statistically distinguishable. Thus at least for Switzerland, this
constellation requires further investigation.
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276 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

Indeed, our empirical findings caused us to conclude that the vast majority of people almost
unanimously consider leadership and management to be different, too. When people think
about outstanding leadership, they usually associate leadership with the top of a corporation
or of a political or military organization.31 If you compare an outstanding leader with a man-
ager, the first is spontaneously given a higher rating. Nevertheless, finding examples and sit-
uations of outstanding leadership was generally difficult. The interviewees were of the
opinion that leadership is something more complex and more difficult. Leadership deals with
formulating and achieving goals with people—particularly through the creation of meaning
(sense), whereas management has something to do with shaping frames, resources, and
processes for efficient goal achievement—particularly in the long run. Leaders, in this view,
have a direct impact on followers, whereas managers need not necessarily. A manager’s posi-
tion is more closely associated with goal achievement, technical competence (e.g., problem-
solving skills), and the ability to make decisions and enforce problem solutions. Thus the
main difference between leadership and management is the orientation of leadership toward
people and ideas, whereas the orientation of management is toward objects, processes, and
systems. The essence is that both aspects are included in every organizational position, but the
importance of the aspects changes: With every step up the hierarchical ladder, leadership
becomes more important. However, it seems that this distinction is not always manifest in the
participants’ consciousness. Once people reflect on this issue, however, they often arrive at a
specific distinction between the two terms.
Other questions and emerging topics dealt with attributes and behaviors of outstanding or
worse leaders. It was mentioned consensually that leaders Should Be able to inspire people
(Bass, 1985), act as role models, and possess credibility. Also, they should have a fair amount
of social competence, particularly the ability to communicate, combined with the readiness to
listen to followers. Communication is seen as a duty to inform followers but also as a duty for
followers to inform the leader; it is thus never a one-way system. Another important dimen-
sion of social competence is the ability to work in a team. This means two things: First, lead-
ers must themselves be able to work in a team; keywords in this respect are cooperation,
delegation, and coordination (Humane Orientation and Collectivism; see also Wunderer,
1995; Wunderer & Kuhn, 1992). Second, they Should Be sensitive to team creation, team
development, and team maintenance (Margerison & McCann, 1985).32 This point is quite
interesting because it highlights other descriptions whereby outstanding leadership is not a
“one-man show” (Collectivism). Moreover, leaders are straight (constant over time, direct in
the things they want to communicate) and fair. Important tasks are the motivation of people,
human resource development, and the establishment and maintenance of a culture. Leaders
who do not mainly act in this way will face different problems such as frustration, resigna-
tion, demotivation, and rejection of suggestions, and they will have to cope with declining
acceptance. Such leaders are unable to persuade followers and to produce the feeling that
leader and followers can reach a goal together. They are unable to convey the ideal fact that
everyone is crucial to success and to imbue the follower’s position with meaning.

31
It is interesting that as regards the Armed Forces, interviewees adduced examples that referred to their immedi-
ate superiors, whereas in the working context, they usually mentioned higher positions such as their or another com-
pany’s CEOs.
32
See the significance of Team Orientation on the political level by Bütler (1997), who vehemently supports the
“collegial principle” and explains its function, for example, within Switzerland’s direct democratic tradition.
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 277

The same phenomenon—fascination and mistrust—applies to what is often called a

“charismatic leader.” When we asked people about the attributes of an outstanding leader,
very often “charisma” was a typical answer. Presenting a vision, optimism, and perspectives
evokes admiration but must always be combined with specific goals and steps (Future
Orientation). Then again, people are afraid that charismatic leaders will be too dominating
and lose contact with their followers after some time, or—even worse—try to manipulate
them (Power Distance). This consideration is also reflected, among other things, in the fact
that the head of Switzerland’s federal government changes every year, by the job rotation of
the seven members of the government (this position packs much less power than a “presi-
dency,” it is more that of a spokesperson and representative of the government).
When we asked for prominent outstanding leaders, they were often labeled as people “who
master the art of playing to the gallery,” get something moving, and demonstrate indepen-
dence. Conversely, the followers are afraid that these people may forget their roots and con-
cern for others (Humane Orientation). For this reason, charisma is also viewed in negative
terms in Switzerland, presumably much more so than in other countries.33
The interview results confirm the recent findings whereby integrity (the leader as a sym-
bol; Weibler, 1995), credibility (being a good role model), or general social competencies
rank high. Ideally, leaders Should Be able to demonstrate occasionally what they require from
others in person; this will earn them a great deal of recognition. Three impressive examples
are given next:
During a military ops exercise, the weather changed, and the question arose whether to
leave or to stay. The leader decided to leave and drove the truck through a very muddy and
dangerous terrain himself. In another case, a company’s purchasing department was not very
effective. The CEO then assumed the controlling functions in person and bought goods him-
self. In a very short time, he was able to sharpen employee consciousness in the direction of
effectiveness and demonstrate the importance of their department to the whole company. In a
final example, a leader in a company also worked at weekends because he had also expected
the same of his or her followers for a certain period of time.
Additionally, it is very important that leaders speak the language of their followers and act
in accordance with the situation. Followers in Switzerland are often quite skeptical when a
leader is very eloquent, which may be fascinating but also produces mistrust. The reason
seems to be that a leader who speaks very eloquently tends to be removed from his or her fol-
lowers (Power Distance).
As we have seen, there is a close link between the leader and the led. Outstanding leaders
function as role models. Leaders do not ideally make a distinction between their own person
and their followers. No demonstrative privileges are accepted (Müller, 1990, and his empiri-
cal findings for leadership in Switzerland). A demonstration of power, such as a new leader
moving his or her deputy into a smaller office, would be received very negatively. This result
may be valid independently of rank, function, age, or sex, as Reber and his colleagues found,
relying on a revised Vroom–Yetton model in a different leadership study that also included
Swiss managers. Their empirical findings provide an impressive corroboration of the nonau-
thoritarian and participative style of Swiss leadership (see also Reber, Jago, Auer-Rizzi &
Szabo, 2000; Szabo, Reber, Weibler, & Wunderer, 2001). They found that more than 70%
of the variance could be explained by societal culture factors. However, in contrast to
GLOBE, they did not differentiate between these societal culture factors but treated them as

33
The area of conflict concerning charismatic leadership has been discussed intensively in the literature; compare,
for instance, Weibler (1997a) and Steyrer (1999).
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278 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

an amorphous category (Reber, Jago, 1998; Reber, Jago, & Bönisch, 1993).34 Bad leaders lead
based on their position or formal power, and this form deserves the label of “headship” (Gibb,
1965) at best.35
Leadership as a social function is generally accepted. It seemed to be clear to our intervie-
wees that someone has to coordinate things and to bear the responsibility for them. Yet they
expected leaders to inform their followers in good time, to ensure that communication is open,
and to take the group’s or the followers’ opinions into consideration and—if there is time—
to discuss them. The aim of the discussion process is to find a consensus. However, it is evi-
dent in all the interviews that ultimately there must be economic success (“when all is said
and done, we want to earn money.”). Anything else is a means of reaching this end. Ethic con-
siderations (Kuhn & Weibler, 2003; Weibler, 2001, pp. 395–460) were not mentioned. The
best strategy for leaders and followers is therefore the rational discussion on the basis of facts
and figures, as Wunderer and Weibler (1992) found out in another leadership study with Swiss
managers. This will also enable followers to execute certain leadership functions (“managing
the boss”; Kipnis, Schmidt & Wilkinson, 1980; Yukl & Falbe, 1990; Wunderer, 1992). If this
is possible, a leader may expect acceptance and support.
Leaders can gain additional credit by following the opinion of the group, participants said.
This applies when the group is greatly interested in an objective and has very good arguments
for pursuing a different course (e.g., problem solving). In such a situation, where they follow
the opinion of the group, leaders can gain a great deal of respect for the future. The same
holds true for leaders who are able to change their minds after obtaining better information
than they had previously; an illustrative example (military) was provided by an interviewee:

One squad had bad shooting results. The battalion commander was quite angry and said to
people standing next to him: “I’ll go and let them know what I think about that kind of perfor-
mance.” He then ran over to that particular squad, who were far away from his current position.
When he returned, he said: ”I gave them a rest because they were totally exhausted.”

Consensus is a highly valued maxim and was mentioned fairly frequently. Only when a leader is
unable to accept such a compromise, that is, a different opinion regarding the right way to pro-
ceed, or when a decision has to be made under pressure of time, will assertive behavior be
accepted. But this leader will be expected to explain the reasons afterward. This is another good
example where the history of a country can influence present conceptions: Consensus was always
a necessity for good and sustained cooperation between the relatively high-autonomous but small
states (cantons) of the Swiss Confederation (Collectivism). One is able to underpin this assess-
ment with a slightly different remarkable point. To criticize someone in public—especially in a
destructive manner—is not liked (face saving). This also seems to be true at times after someone
has left a position. For instance, a former member of the government was criticized from differ-
ent quarters because he officially expressed an opinion that ran counter to that of the current
holder of his office.36 Open communication is often required between the leader and the led, but
Should Be restricted to the people who are actually involved. Once a decision has been made, the
result should no longer be commented on in public.

34
Please note that this result is also valid in a longitudinal view.
35
This is the reason why in Switzerland’s most famous legend, the hero, William Tell, fought against what the
authorities had imposed on him and his compatriots, which involved having to do something that made no sense but
required formal obedience only.
36
Compare, for instance, the leader in the newspaper, Tagblatt (1998), regarding a financial problem.
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 279

Generally speaking, outstanding leaders are expected to think along entrepreneurial lines
and in terms of alternative worlds and scenarios. They Should Be ready to put up with incon-
veniences and be capable of overcoming obstacles on the way toward realizing their ideas. We
were told repeatedly that outstanding leaders should have unambiguous opinions.
Outstanding leaders should also react fast and flexibly. They are task oriented (Performance
Orientation), open-minded (Uncertainty Avoidance), and promote innovation (Performance
Orientation). They are expected to bear responsibility, have a clear point of view, be able to
make decisions, and have a modicum of technical competence (more so in lower management
positions). It is regarded as particularly important that leaders should have a clear point of
view. Leaders who are swayed by every idea, act without thinking, change their minds too
often, are judged to be bad leaders. In situations where making a decisions is difficult, lead-
ers are expected to run only moderate risks. We have heard many times that Swiss people—
as mentioned before—are very cautious and have a high need for security (Uncertainty
Avoidance).

Unobtrusive Measures. As mentioned in our methodological discussion earlier, we

decided to concentrate our activities here mainly on two aspects: street names and statues, and
legends/myths.37 Both possess symbolic significance and bear witness to the importance and
appreciation of lead figures and their behavior in and for Switzerland.

1. Street Names: With respect to the street names, it was observed that between 13% and
23% of the streets in selected Swiss cities were named after persons. Of these streets,
between 44% and 64% were identified as being named after leaders. The distribution
for the kinds of leaders (political, religious, military, or intellectual/educational)
varies. It can be assumed that historical reasons are responsible for this (St. Gallen, as
a traditional monastery city, has nearly one third religious leaders; Bern, Switzerland’s
capital since 1848, has one third political leaders; in Zurich, a traditional university
city, we found more educational leaders than in St. Gallen).

The five most prominent leaders (all men) who are immortalized in street names in at least
four of the five cities are the following:

• Henri Dufour (1787–1875, general, politician, engineer, geographer).

• William Tell (legendary figure who refused to salute the hat put up for this purpose by
one Gessler, a Hapsburg governor. A salute would have been a symbol of personal
humiliation or acceptance of this authority by arms. He fought this foreign authority
without fear).
• Arnold Winkelried (died ca. 1386, legendary figure who died for his country by sacrific-
ing himself in a dramatic act, thus enabling the troops of the original Swiss Waldstätte
to defeat a Hapsburg army).
• Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746–1827, educationalist, humanist).
• Werner Stauffacher (ca. 1291, legendary figure, one of the three persons who swore the
original oath binding the first three cantons in faith, truth, and life to driving out foreign
authorities; this oath is regarded as the very beginning of the Swiss state).

37
This was done in a research seminar at the Institute for Leadership and Human Resource Management at the
University of St. Gallen, Switzerland. Following the GLOBE framework, we conceptualized the procedure in more
detail. The work was done by students (Jäger, 1996; Roth, 1996).
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280 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

If we take a closer look at their biographies, we can conclude that these men stand for the
following attributes: They are willing to make personal sacrifices for others; they are oriented
toward other people; they fight against the abuse of power; they serve the community; they show
integrity and are willing to improve the prevailing situation. This also applies to those who were
next on the list: First, General Henri Guisan, who was the great national integration figure and
symbol of resistance in the Second World War and who formulated the strategy of defending
Switzerland, should the need arise, against its enemies from Switzerland’s historical core terri-
tory, which he termed the réduit; Second, Henri Dunant, who fought for humanity and institu-
tionalized the world’s best-known charitable organization, the International Red Cross. Our first
two second-order leadership factors can easily be recognized (great leader and human leader).
This also means that some of the societal culture dimensions discussed earlier (e.g., Humane
Orientation, Power Distance) can be observed in the way we analyzed before.
2. Statues: The analysis of statues was complicated insofar as none of the cities keep a
register of statues of persons. This fact is meaningful in itself because it demonstrates
the relative unimportance of admiring former leaders. On the basis of city guides, 37
leaders were identified. Most of them were politicians and people who had worked in
education.
In sum, it must be noted that, in comparison with France or the former Soviet Union,
Swiss leaders are rarely immortalized in this manner. This is in line with our findings in
the corresponding dimension of societal culture, where a very low degree of Power
Distance was observed. Also, it was stressed several times in our interviews that out-
standing leaders act together with their working groups and Should Be more “one of
them” instead of being remote. The merit they earn invariably depends on the efforts of
all. So why give prominence to one person alone? If this is done, then it is likely to hap-
pen in the case of people who served the community/society in a very important way.
3. Legends/Myths: Before reporting on our findings as regards legends/myths, we would
like to present a very prominent, classical example of a Swiss legend. Its only purpose
is to demonstrate what kind of material was used for this part of the study:

BOX 8.1

Example of a Famous Swiss Legend (Friar Klaus)

After the Burgundy Wars, the Swiss were respected as a nation abroad, but at home, quarrels and
discord were predominant. This was on account of the spoils of war, which proved impossible to
divide peacefully. At the same time, Freiburg and Solothurn desired to be members of the Swiss
Confederation because they had fought on the side of the Swiss. Whereas the city cantons favored
integration, the rural cantons did not because they were afraid of the predominance of the cities.
A peaceful settlement of this dispute should have been brought about by the Tagsatzung or Diet,
a cross between a senate and a confederate government, at Stans in 1481. Instead of an agree-
ment, however, there were heated arguments between the city and rural cantons. Discord was
mounting, and they wanted to break up.
This is why a priest, Imgrund von Stans, hurried to see Friar (i.e., brother) Klaus, a man from
Unterwalden with the real name of Niklaus Leuenbrugger. He had served the country as a soldier
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 281

(Continued)

and a government official. It happened very often at that time that men led a very secluded life to
serve God undisturbed. At the age of 50, Niklaus von Flüe (brother Klaus) became a hermit and
went to live in Ranft, a canyon in Melchtal, where his compatriots built him a cell and a chapel.
Father Imgrund lamented the trouble of their native country to this pious man. In great haste,
Niklaus went to Stans. As the old man in his simple clothes approached the Tagherren (envoys to
the Diet), they rose in awe. In a serious speech, he admonished them to make peace and choose
unity instantly. His words had such an effect that the litigious matters were settled peacefully, and
Freiburg and Solothurn were included in theSwiss Confederation.

A detailed analysis of legends leads to the following results: First, if a leader uses power
at the expense of the led, this is judged negatively.38 We can see a clear reference here to
Humane Orientation. Any selfish exploitation of positional power to increase one’s own
advantage, which implies isolationist behavior, is definitely rejected. Second, the person
who is led is at the same time not presented as completely dependent, but as a subject
that has a separate personality and individuality. The legends positively emphasize native
shrewdness and disrespect as a sign of independent individualism. Third, the mutual
dependency between the leader and the led is emphasized, too. Fourth, the leader’s
behavior must generally be linked to the values and standards of the culture. This is an
obvious reference to the necessity of leaders to behave in accordance with legitimate val-
ues and standards. Previous research did not reveal this integration of behavior in
moral/ethical standards in such an obvious manner.

In conclusion, the profile of societal leadership that emerges from the quantitative study (ques-
tionnaire) strongly echoes many of the results identified within the qualitative study. We found
a lot of indicators that forced our consideration that societal culture has an influence both on sin-
gle leadership scales and on all of the three leadership second-order factors that were distilled
by factor analysis, namely the Great Leader, the Human Leader, and the Ego Boss.
Fortunately, other researchers commendably examined parts of the Swiss leadership cul-
ture in the recent past ( Bergmann, 1986, 1990; Dachler & Dyllik, 1988; Krulis-Randa, 1984;
Müller, 1988, 1990; Wunderer, 1990; Wunderer, 2006; Wunderer & Dick, 2006; Wunderer &
Kuhn, 1992). Their findings are usually a perfect fit for our empirical results. We frequently
integrated their ideas in our reflections. This is not retraced or described in detail here.
Besides, we already expressed our appreciation of their contributions before (Weibler &
Wunderer, 1997).

5. CONCLUDING COMMENTS

We have tried to draw a picture of the specific Swiss understanding of outstanding and suc-
cessful leadership, and have made use of several sources and perspectives. Some findings
result in quite distinct silhouettes, which have been yielded independently by other
researchers in the same way. There is clear evidence for an influence of culture, particularly
concerning how leadership and its context are understood.
38
Compare also our findings from the interviews and the questionnaire data mentioned earlier.
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282 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

Switzerland’s strategic situation in the heart of Europe has always catapulted this country into
a socioeconomical role that usually only big countries can play. Therefore, Switzerland has always
needed to find ways to deal with powerful nations without having the means to defend itself.
The ideal Swiss culture is characterized by a strong orientation toward performance and
people. Behavior Should Be clearly orientated toward the needs of the group without, how-
ever, surrendering individuality in favor of the collective. It is a culture in which, ideally, liv-
ing and thinking are orientated toward a planned future. This includes the willingness to
abstain from short-term hedonistic desires. In this ideal culture, stereotype male and female
patterns of thought and behavior both tend to play an important part. The Swiss desire a cul-
ture that does not overweight the importance of assertiveness. They like a culture that is not
drowned by excessive formalism, rules, and regulations and in which ostentation and the exer-
tion of illegitimate power is not highly appreciated. By an international comparison, in par-
ticular, perceived reality in Switzerland reveals serious differences in interpersonal relations
that are experienced as an excessive power distance, an overly masculine orientation of soci-
ety as a whole and, above all, a perception of society as being dramatically overregulated. The
latter one is concomitant with distinctive safeguarding behavior (Uncertainty Avoidance).
This gap between aspired and actual culture shows a potential conflict that will enhance the
probability for changes in Swiss society in the future.

Practical Implications

Whether modifications in the leadership behavior are likewise probable cannot be illuminated
by our study. We were interested in the expectations middle managers have about outstand-
ing leaders and how these relate to the cultural peculiarities in Switzerland. Knowledge about
similarities and differences to other cultures “can help the parties at ease” (Javidan, Stahl,
Brodbeck, & Wilderom, 2005, p. 72). Swiss leaders as well as expatriates can play a proac-
tive and constructive role in shaping a leadership relation.
Outstanding leadership can be characterized by three second-order factors, which are labeled
as leader types: the Great Leader (particularly charismatic/value-based leadership, including
Performance Orientation), the Human Leader (particularly integrity, team orientation), and the
Ego Boss (nonparticipative/narcissistic leadership, as an inhibiting factor). From this, behaviors
can be derived, that Should Be considered by managers in Swiss enterprises:
Hierarchy as a concept of control is recognized and obeyed, if it is connected to a humane
role taking, minor claim for authority, and very low formal distance. An Ego-Boss is not
favored. In contrast, transformational leadership in terms of Bass and Steidlmeier (1999) is
highly favored, whereby the component of charisma is to be classified ambiguously. Instead,
the new discussion about authentic leadership (Avolio & Gardner, 2005) leads to a more
appropriate description. Outstanding leadership is accepted only if it is connected with high
ability for consent and modest manners. Furthermore, an efficiency-oriented pragmatism is
expected. Leaders as positive “learning models” are appreciated.
A close link between the leader and the led is preferred, where leaders do not forget their
roots and where leaders are striking for goals and decisions, which are accepted by the fol-
lowers. Therefore, harmonizing, ideally consensus, is valued often.
An “alpha leadership” (i.e., dominant “headman”) comprehension, as can be observed in
some cultures, contradicts the general understanding and nature of the Swiss Constitution (here
particularly: direct democracy). Therefore “leadership by delegation” is strongly preferred but
seldom practiced (cf. Weibler & Wunderer, 1997). Ideas of democratic leadership (Weibler,
2004a), for example, avoiding a know-it-all attitude, information sharing, or discussions without
coercion (Weibler, 2004b; Wunderer 2006) are a good path to take in Switzerland.
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 283

It is not a contradiction, rather, one of the existing paradoxes in Swiss leadership (at first
glance), that hierarchy as an accepted control concept is vivid, too and supported by a social
network formation. The small territory of Switzerland, the multiple commitments of the citi-
zens in clubs, training seminars, and so on, as well as the regional roots of citizens, promotes
remarkable social networking. In such networks, one learns quickly of the possibilities of
multiple encounters in life. Those who are not merged into networks are often isolated. Also
in companies, this leads to the creation of visible and reliable connections. Here expectation
exists that clear and long-term regulations guarantee equal treatment, justice, and fairness. For
this reason, conflicts are carried out rarely in the open. Leaders are well advised to act con-
siderately, not too formally and respectfully.

Limitations

There are certain limitations to generalize our findings. First of all, we cannot speak of
Switzerland as a whole, but only for its German-speaking part (which makes up, however,
63.6% of the population, and 71.7% of the resident population). Also, we must concede that
the quantitative data comes from the (dominantly male) middle management (maximal 3% to
5% of the workforce) of medium-size and big enterprises in three industries, whereas typical
for Switzerland are small-scale companies with a share of over 99%. Except for the banking
sector, the investigated industries are not as typical as, for example, insurances, chemistry,
and mechanical engineering.
So, our discussion mainly dealt with economic leadership. Even so, we do not think that our
interpretation has been merely selective. On the one hand, our reflecting remarks on history,
which were used to corroborate the findings, are universally applicable. This is also true for the
evaluation of the two realized unobtrusive measurements. Findings by other researchers who
conducted surveys involving different types of subjects in the economy are not at variance
with our arguments. Even Hofstede’s (1980) study, which was carried out more than 30 years
ago and was based on data mostly, acquired from employees of one company (IBM) and not
from executives, is supported partially by our research (Hofstede, 2001). On the other hand,
there are propositions about the values and views of the Swiss population that have been put
forward by researchers in other disciplines and go beyond the economic sector, thus provid-
ing our results with a wider basis than a mere first impression would suggest. In our opinion,
we have therefore offered a well-founded interpretation, which can be examined and put in a
more concrete form by other researchers.

Future Research

The objective of the analysis of outstanding leadership was twofold: to acquire scientific
knowledge and to determine the importance of leadership prototypes in order to enable people
to lead effectively in a country. With this the question arises another: whether leaders who
conform to cultural values and standards are able to change factors of successful leadership,
such as performance, satisfaction, loyalty, and motivation; and if they are, to what extent
(Wunderer, 2006). This also concerns the evaluation of the relative importance of societal cul-
ture compared to other variables. The GLOBE study will hopefully present further insights
on this in the near future.
We further recognize that there are conceptual schemas of leadership (House et al., 1999,
2004), which do not differ very much anywhere in the world. This means that the idea of a
Global Leader acquires a “gestalt.” This is a very interesting result regarding the globaliza-
tion of the economy. And Switzerland has much to say on this point. Following a recent sur-
vey on this field it ranks worldwide 2 (after Singapore) in globalization, measured by four
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284 WEIBLER AND WUNDERER

hard facts ( e.g. economic integration via trading or direct investments; Schwarz 2007). Thus,
it is evident that special traits and behaviors will produce acceptance and possibly success in
many other countries. However, as “prototypes are seldom found in purity” (Brodbeck, Frese,
& Javidan, 2002, p. 26) leader behaviors and followers reaction will differ from the ideal in
reality. So, leaders will always face uncertainty.
GLOBE was able to answer the “what” questions (integrity, inspirational, performance
orientation, etc.). The question as to “how” remains open. Here, we can assume that there are
significant differences between countries (how to build trust—e.g., Weibler, 1997b); how to
inspire people, how to show Performance Orientation, etc.). However, because we know now
what matters most, we are able to evaluate and integrate the rich literature on intercultural com-
munication in a much more focused manner. Likewise, it is now possible to select international
leaders based on relevant traits and behaviors, for example, in the course of an assessment cen-
ter (with respect to more general training efforts; e.g., Kammel & Teichelmann, 1994;
Sciuchetti, 1994; Stahl, 1998; Dorfman, Hanges, & Brodbeck, 2004). The following considera-
tion would appear to be very important in this context: Global leadership skills may hardly be
acquired by means of training, or only in parts (the global “what” aspect). However, for persons
who possess these skills, leadership-training courses make sense because intercultural transfer
is then—besides, for instance, empathy and willingness—mainly a cognitive problem that can
be solved comparatively easily (the local “how” aspect). Thus, if both these requirements are
met successfully and transferred into practice, we can speak of a Global [sic!] Leader.
Certainly, after answering the “what” and the “how” questions, one is inclined to inquire
about the “why” in even more detail. What are the reasons for the emergence of a specific
culture? Here, joint efforts with exponents of other disciplines, such as ethnologists, philoso-
phers, or historians, are necessary to support the answers found so far, to make them more
precise, or to revise them.
The philosopher Kohler (University of Zurich, 1996), for instance, regards the Swiss
national identity as based on neither ethnic nor linguistic features, but on the will to political
unity. The jurist Schindler (University of Zurich, 1995) underlines this by resorting to the
shared fundamental political beliefs, which led to the Confederation and are responsible for its
durability. According to Kohler, this gave rise to a fundamental susceptibility to interference,
which calls for caution and consideration. According to Schindler, the Confederates therefore
developed early mechanisms for settling disputes between the cantons. Is this the root of the
request for consensus (for ironing things out, finding a compromise) in leadership, too? And is
people’s traditional participation in the decision making of political leaders in Switzerland’s
direct democracy, which is unique in Europe (Neidhart, 1995), also the cause for their request
for participation in leadership decision making that directly affects the individual? Are the
mental reservations about strong leadership, about leadership concentrated in one single per-
son, rooted in history, as we tried to show? Schindler reminds us that the cantons became
Confederates to maintain their independence and not to subjugate themselves to a larger unit.
Is this an explanation for the reservations about strong leaders, which can also be seen in the
rotating position of the president of the Confederation, who has no institutional influence
above and beyond that of his or her colleagues and whose period of office is very short? The
“cantonal clause”39 is another example from a different context, namely the idea of federalism,
of the limitation of power, which once again symbolizes the virtue of considerateness.

39
The “cantonal clause” of the Federal Constitution provides that only one member of the Bundesrat, the federal
government, may be elected from any one canton.
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8 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN SWITZERLAND 285

Concentration of power in the field of leadership evokes similar reservations, although reality
is somewhat different, but the cultural conceptions of what Should Be point in a clear direction.
We are aware that such a macroscopic view cannot embrace all of the details. In case the
view becomes more microscopic, increased inconsistencies and paradoxes occur. These
inconsistencies and paradoxes led Switzerland during the world exhibition in Sevilla 1992 to
present itself under the slogan “La Suisse n’existe pas” (Switzerland doesn’t exist) (Altwegg,
2002, p. 41). If this may be a manifestation of an identity crisis on the level of national cul-
ture, for the “leadership landscape” of Switzerland this means that general estimations can
have their perfidies.
However, the actual function of contributions such as this one is to trigger fundamental
reflections, which necessarily cannot measure up to the complexity involved. When all is said
and done, we are forced to think our own thoughts and find our own way.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We would like to thank Dr. Petra Dick for her contributions to this study, particularly for her
comments on the historical part and her support for the statistical analysis. We also acknow-
ledge our appreciation to Dr. Wendelin Küpers for his comments on an earlier version of this
work. Two anonymous reviewers are thanked for their helpful comments.

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Appendix A
Factor Analysis Based on 21 Leadership Scales

Initial Eigenvalue Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4

Total 5.657 3.332 1.736 1.235

% of Variance 26.94 15.87 8.27 5.88

Rotated Component Matrix

Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4

Administratively Competent .297 .217 .417 –.132

Autocratic –.349 .747 .040 .208
Autonomous –.011 .222 .165 .296
Charismatic II: Inspirational .274 –.240 .644 .048
Charismatic III: Self-sacrificial .114 .040 .169 .373
Charismatic I: Visionary .163 –.265 .717 .101
Conflict Inducer .027 .580 .07 .065
Decisive .126 –.005 .698 .179
Diplomatic .156 .173 .505 .067
Face Saver .007 .508 –.153 .054
Humane .754 –.078 .060 .316
Integrity .541 –.455 .222 –.057
Malevolent –.401 .647 –.291 .161
Modesty .561 –.117 .166 –.030
Nonparticipative –.283 .665 –.104 .108
Performance Orientation –.065 –.040 .642 .103
Procedural .245 .707 –.046 –.185
Self-centered –.112 .716 –.129 .163
Status-conscious –.104 .477 .115 –.225
Team I: Collaborative Team-oriented .661 –.082 .310 .085
Team II: Team Integrator .191 –.172 .636 .053
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Commonalities
Administratively Competent .33
Autocratic .73
Autonomous .16
Charismatic II: Inspirational .55
Charismatic III: Self-sacrificial .18
Charismatic I: Visionary .62
Conflict Inducer .35
Decisive .54
Diplomatic .31
Face Saver .28
Humane .68
Integrity .55
Malevolent .69
Modesty .36
Nonparticipative .55
Performance Orientation .43
Procedural .60
Self-centered .57
Status-conscious .30
Team I: Collaborative Team-oriented .55
Team II: Team Integrator .47

Note. Maximum likelihood, Kaiser rotation.

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Appendix B

Reliabilities of the Leadership Scales (Switzerland)

Scale Alpha

Administratively Competent .66

Autocratic .79
Autonomous .53
Charismatic I: Visionary .76
Charismatic II: Inspirational .70
Charismatic III: Self-sacrificial –.11
Conflict Inducer .30
Decisive .42
Diplomatic .16
Face Saver .34
Humane .48
Integrity .77
Malevolent .73
Modesty .51
Nonparticipative .59
Performance Orientation .57
Procedural .71
Self-centered .57
Status-conscious .63
Team I: Collaborative Team-oriented .53
Team II: Team Integrator .35
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Appendix C

Forced Three-Factor Solution Based on 21 Leadership Scales

Initial Eigenvalues Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3

Total 5.657 3.332 1.736
% of Variance 28.94 15.87 8.27

Rotated Component Matrix

Leadership Scales Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3

Administratively Competent .295 .161 .381
Autocratic –.325 .780 .081
Autonomous .008 .263 .210
Charismatic II: Inspirational .276 –.257 .639
Charismatic III: Self-sacrificial .130 .093 .225
Charismatic I: Visionary .152 –.277 .727
Conflict Inducer –.006 .583 .083
Decisive .130 –.003 .717
Diplomatic .170 .164 .506
Face Saver .025 .516 –.138
Humane .700 –.063 .124
Integrity .541 –.479 .199
Malevolent –.374 .688 –.253
Modesty .565 –.140 .152
Nonparticipative –.256 .688 –.080
Performance Orientation –.076 –.047 .657
Procedural .228 .633 –.067
Self-centered .082 .743 –.096
Status-conscious –.088 .427 .070
Team I: Collaborative Team-oriented .677 –.092 .313
Team II: Team Integrator .197 –.186 .631
Note: Maximum likelihood, Kaiser rotation.
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Commonalities
Administratively competent .33
Autocratic .65
Autonomous .19
Charismatic II: Inspirational .52
Charismatic III: Self-sacrificial .15
Charismatic I: Visionary .55
Conflict Inducer .33
Decisive .47
Diplomatic .36
Face Saver .36
Humane .45
Integrity .55
Malevolent .66
Modesty .34
Nonparticipative .53
Performance Orientation .38
Procedural .46
Self-centered .55
Status-conscious .29
Team I: Collaborative Team-oriented .50
Team II: Team Integrator .44
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III
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ANGLO CLUSTER

The Anglo cluster in the GLOBE Research Program consisted of Australia, Canada (English
speaking), England, Ireland, New Zealand, South Africa (White sample), and the United
States. All of these countries except Canada are represented in this volume with the chapter
on South Africa also representing the Sub-Saharan cluster.
The Anglo cluster scored high on Performance Orientation. It was in the midscore range for
Assertiveness, Future Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism, Humane Orientation, Institutional
Collectivism, Power Distance, and Uncertainty Avoidance. The only cultural dimension it
scored low was on In-Group Collectivism. (House et al., 2004).
The Anglo cluster endorsed Charismatic/Value-based leadership very strongly, the highest
of all clusters. It also endorsed Team Oriented leadership and elements of Participative lead-
ership enacted in Humane Oriented manner quite strongly. Self-Protective behaviors were
viewed rather negatively. A “person oriented” leadership is endorsed in all Anglo countries
where a leader is expected to deliver results by operating as a part of a team or a clan.
However, there are significant differences among countries in how the leaders are expected to
achieve this. In England, for example, a consultative and informed approach is preferred
whereas in Ireland a leader is expected to uphold values with integrity, loyalty, and concep-
tual decision making without flaunting his or her authority. In both Australia and New
Zealand, “tall poppies” usually get cut down. A leader in Australia needs to be seen as “one
of the boys” and be highly egalitarian. A strong autocratic leader seems preferable in New
Zealand to a sensitive facilitator. The United States seems to prefer the “heroic” leader, pro-
moting team spirit and also caring about people. The White population of South Africa seems
to prefer strong, direct, fair, and firm leaders.

297
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298 ANGLO CLUSTER

This cluster is a very interesting example of culture overcoming geographical distances as it is

based on ethnic and linguistic similarities and old migration patterns, among other factors. It is
often said that the cultural distance between England and France or Germany is much higher
than that between England and Australia. This also reflects after-effects of colonization.

REFERENCES

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates. (2004).
Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
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9
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The Australian Enigma

Neal M. Ashkanasy
The University of Queensland, Australia

1. ABSTRACT

This chapter provides an analysis of Australian culture and leadership at societal and indus-
try levels. The chapter is based on the results of the author’s participation in the GLOBE pro-
ject (cf. House et al., 2004), but interpretations are supplemented by reference to the extant
historical and anthropological literature and interviews with key experts in these fields. The
analysis of leadership was supplemented with analysis of text-based media. Results present
Australian culture and leadership as an enigma, full of contradiction and change. For instance,
Australians have traditionally valued egalitarianism, “mateship,” and “a fair go,” but have a
history of discrimination that belies this image; and Australians see themselves as egalitarian,
but seem also to value individual rewards. The GLOBE results support this view, but also
indicate that Australian national culture is strongly performance oriented. Australian leaders
reflect the enigma, supporting the GLOBE hypothesis that leadership is derived from implicit
theories derived from societal culture. Thus, effective Australian leaders must be inspira-
tional, but at the same time must not be seen to be too charismatic. They must be performance
oriented, but still must be “one of the boys.”

2. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA

Australian culture and leadership provides a fascinating study, full of contradictions and
change. In this chapter, I provide an overview of culture and leadership in Australian society,
together with a closer look at culture and leadership in two Australian industries: telecom-
munications and finance. Using anthropological, historical, and industrial literature, I discuss
prominent themes in Australian societal and industry cultural development in the context of
the Australian results from the GLOBE study, supplemented with other relevant data.
This chapter deals first with societal-level analysis, and then with the industry-level data.
In addition, the two foci of the GLOBE study, culture and leadership, are discussed

299
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300 ASHKANASY

separately, although I recognize that the two processes are inextricably linked. Leadership is
born out of and plays a part in maintaining culture (Schein, 1992). The links between culture
and leadership are therefore highlighted where possible. The first section describes the
Australian society, beginning with an outline of Australian history, economy, and society. The
nine cultural dimensions of the GLOBE project are then discussed, together with interview
data from experts in the field of anthropology and economic history. The next section, deal-
ing with societal leadership, begins with a review of recent Australian research on leadership,
followed by an analysis of two notable Australian prime ministers: Sir Robert Menzies and
Robert Hawke. This section ends with a discussion of the results of the GLOBE survey in the
context of data obtained from a national media analysis. Discussion of industry-level results
for the Australian telecommunications and finance industries completes the chapter.

3. SOCIETAL CULTURE

When presenting an overview of Australian society, one cannot help but be struck by the
apparent contradictions that riddle Australian culture: the most sparsely populated inhabited
continent on Earth, yet one of the most urbanized societies; a pluralist nation, but with a
history of restrictive immigration; a humane, democratic developed country, but with a
history of persecution of its Aboriginal people; an island physically distanced from its British
and Irish heritage, but historically distinct from its Pacific neighbors. The short but filled
history of Australia since European settlement in 1788 appears as complex and conflicting as
the current diversity of its society. The Australian national identity is a complex entity, and
different aspects of it have been expressed throughout its modern life (see Melleuish, 1996).
One of the most recurring themes of Australian culture, and of the present chapter, is the
concept of egalitarianism, which has been proposed by Thompson (1994) as fundamental to
the self-concept of Australians. According to Thompson, Australian egalitarianism has at least
two components: sameness and equality. The notion of sameness rests on the belief that
Australians are racially and culturally homogeneous. This has had the dual effect of engender-
ing simultaneously a suspicion of differences and promotion of an illusion of tolerance and
acceptance. Once people have been deemed “Australian,” they are “one of us” (see national
media analysis). Equality refers to a belief in equality of access for all Australians. For exam-
ple, the belief that anyone can have their own home is very important to Australians, although
Thompson, in her book on the phenomena of egalitarianism and all its contradictions in
Australian society, proposes that this belief is changing from an expectation to an aspiration in
contemporary Australia. Reflecting the “enigma,” however, Thompson notes that Australian
egalitarian values are balanced by the widespread use of individual rewards across most
sectors of the Australian economy.

Australian Pre- and Early-Settlement History1

The indigenous population of Australia, arguably the oldest continent in the world geologi-
cally, is the Aborigines. It is estimated that human habitation in Australia commenced some
40,000 to 60,000 years before British settlement, although the current Aboriginal race appears

1
This section was largely based on interview with key figures in the anthropology and history disciplines. Where
appropriate, data have been source from he Microsoft Encarta Encyclopaedia, 1996, World English Edition.
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 301

to have migrated to Australia between 20,000 and 60,000 years ago. They eventually came to
inhabit every part of the (mostly arid) continent, and lived a technologically and economically
simple, but socially complex, life. At the time of European settlement, there were somewhere
between 300,000 and 1 million Aborigines living in Australia.
On January 26, 1788, the First Fleet landed at Port Jackson, bringing the first transporta-
tion of British and Irish convicts. This event marked the beginning of European settlement of
Australia and the start of its modern history. January 26 is celebrated as Australia’s National
Day.2 It is also marked as the beginning of a disastrous period for the Aborigines, culminat-
ing in their virtual extermination from the island state of Tasmania and the southeast of the
mainland. The introduction of diseases and policies further reduced the Aboriginal population
(see Stone, 1974). Since the 1950s, the Aboriginal population has recovered to near the num-
ber at settlement, although most Aborigines today are of mixed race.
Transportation of convicts continued until the mid-19th century. During this time, the free
settlers and emancipated convicts did not settle easily together. This was exacerbated when
the colonial governor of the time, Lachlan Macquarie, began to appoint exconvicts to posi-
tions of authority. The disquiet surrounding these appointments had a profound effect on the
society, but is cited as a source of the nondeferential egalitarianism, which characterizes mod-
ern Australia. These appointments meant an individual’s past and familial heritage were effec-
tively to be forgotten (Thompson, 1994). Other emancipists were given land grants that had
the effect of gradually expanding the colonies. During this period, there were also rapid
changes that set the foundations for Australia’s development: The colonies, later to become
states, achieved distinct identities; large-scale grazing was expanded into the interior; and
gold and other minerals were discovered.
In summary, the scene was set for the Australian enigma in the earliest days of European
settlement. On one hand, Australia’s indigenous inhabitants were subject to discrimination
and near-extinction; on the other, convicts and free settlers from Britain and Ireland forged a
spirit of egalitarianism out of the necessity to survive in a harsh and remote environment.

Government and Politics

The federation of Australia, marking the uniting of the six original colonies under a national
flag, was achieved in 1901. The culmination of several decades of change and political matu-
rity, the process was nevertheless peaceful and gradual. The 1901 Constitution, which under-
pins modern Australia, is based on British parliamentary traditions, but also contains elements
of the U.S. system.3 In particular, a Senate ensures state representation. Australia is now a fed-
eral parliamentary democracy with six independent self-governing states and two territories.
It is currently a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations, and has British sovereign
as head of state. Despite strong moves to achieve republican status, it appears unlikely that
Australia will become a republic in the near future.4
The political parties in contemporary Australia are the descendants of those that were
formed soon after federation (Graetz & McAllister, 1994). The Australian Labour Party

2
This is despite the fact that Australian federation actually took place on January 1, 1901.
3
The Australian Constitution has proved remarkably difficult to amend, requiring both a majority of the voting
population and a majority of the six states. One of the more notable changes to the Constitution was in 1967, when
it was amended to give recognition to the Aboriginal population (Clarke, 1992).
4
Following a constitutional convention in February 1998, a referendum on a republican model was conducted,
and was defeated.
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302 ASHKANASY

(ALP) has dominated the political left, whereas the conservative side of politics has been
represented by a variety of parties, consisting, since the 1940s, of a coalition of the city-based
Liberal Party5 and the rural-based National Party. The social-class basis underlying the dis-
tinction between the two arms of the political system in Australia is similar to that of Britain:
Labour’s base of support issuing from the working class; and the Coalition’s from a coalition
of city-based middle class and country-based graziers and farmers. In particular, support from
Australia’s strong trade union movement has contributed to the ALP being the dominant party
for much of the century. Since the Second World War, however, the two main parties have
been steadily becoming less distinct, which, combined with a national trait of distrust of
politics and politicians, has rendered contemporary Australia an essentially cohesive, but con-
servative, society in which control of wealth is the driving force of politics (Graetz &
McAllister, 1994). The media analysis conducted as a part of the present study (see later dis-
cussion), however, indicates that there are feelings that a more fundamental political philos-
ophy may be needed in Australia to guide it through into the 21st century.

Economy6
Although an industrialized nation with a high standard of living, Australia’s trade profile—
Australia predominantly exports primary products and imports manufactured goods—in
many respects resembles that of a developing nation. The economy is therefore particularly
vulnerable to inflation and commodity price fluctuations (see M. T. Jones, 1990).
Nevertheless, the makeup of the Australian domestic economy has changed substantially
since World War II. Agriculture and mining now play a less central role, and have been largely
displaced by manufacturing and, more recently, service industries. Financial services rival the
extractive industries as the most important economic sector, whereas tourism and education
have flourished since the 1980s. Strangely, though Australia is an archetypal industrial/urban-
ized nation, the image of Australians as tough and silent farmers is still widely maintained and
promulgated (Warwick & Scales, 1996).

Australia as a Pluralist Society

Australia is now widely regarded as a multicultural, tolerant, and pluralist society (Jupp, 1996),
despite the fact that, for most of the time since federation, the history of Australian immigration
has been actively biased against non-Europeans. A discriminatory “White Australia” policy was
effective until 1966, and the multicultural aspect of modern Australia has not been easily
achieved (Jupp, 1996).
The drive for immigration in Australia has consistently followed the need to expand
Australia’s relatively small population, with the admonition “populate or perish.”
Transportation of convicts from Britain and Ireland remained the main source of immigration
for the first 50 years of European settlement until free settlers gradually achieved majority sta-
tus. The gold rush of the 1850s saw the arrival of the first significant wave of
non-British/Irish immigrants. In general, however, these newly arrived cultural groups were
similar in background to the original settlers, so that ethnic conflicts, although present, were
not significant. A notable exception, however, was resentment toward the Chinese, which

5
Despite its name, the Australian Liberal Party, founded by conservative leader Robert Menzies after the Second
World War, is inherently in the mold of the British Tories.
6
Source: Microsoft Encarta Encyclopaedia, 1996. World English Edition.
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 303

would at times erupt into violence on the gold fields in the late 1800s, and with whom
distinctions were almost certainly made based on race (Thompson, 1994). Seemingly in con-
tradiction to these first incidents of racism, nonetheless, the gold rush had the impact of ensur-
ing wide accessibility to wealth across the small population, and thereby acted simultaneously
to reinforce the egalitarian side of Australian society (Serle, 1963; Thompson, 1994).
Despite these periods of population growth, Australia continued to experience labor short-
ages. Consequently, from the mid- to late 19th century, assisted immigration schemes were
put in place, which were still bringing British immigrants a hundred years later. Concern
about non-European immigration directed most of Australia’s immigration policies: most
notoriously with the introduction of the White Australia Policy through the Immigration
Restriction Act at federation. This policy explicitly aimed to assist and to encourage British
settlement; to discourage other Europeans; and to exclude all non-Whites (Jupp, 1996).
A shift in policy after World War II, fueled by the need to expand the population and a view
that insufficient numbers of immigrants were arriving from the preferred British Isles,
retained the exclusion on non-Whites but did mark the first significant number of non-
English-speaking immigrants. This process accelerated with the repatriation of large numbers
of European refugees from World War II (Jupp, 1996).
The White Australia Policy was finally lifted in 1966, and non-White immigration began
in earnest in the 1970s. The makeup of contemporary Australia was then established. In
particular, Asian immigration increased rapidly, and Asians now represent a significant
portion of the Australian population. Statistics from the 1991 census show that Australia’s
population of 18 million represents people from over 160 countries (Costa, 1996), 21% born
overseas, and over 50% of non-British backgrounds.7 The ramifications of these shifts in
immigration reflected a generation that was coming to terms with its racial past. Notably,
there has been a recent awareness of the validity of Aboriginal culture and concerns and, like
other countries with a history of colonization, for the government to address past treatment
(NAC/UNESCO, 1973). In particular, critical High Court judgments in 1992 and 1996 have
finally recognized Aboriginal land rights.8 There has been a recent backlash against Asian
immigration and Aboriginal welfare by vocal sectors of the society.9

Relationships with Other Countries

Despite the early evolution of a distinct national culture, and governmental moves to foster
national development, Australians have traditionally tended to relate closely to their colonial
identity and to focus on their geographically distant British and Irish heritage. This has left
Australia culturally detached, even estranged, from its Asian neighbors.

7
Source: Australian Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research. (1996). Overseas born.
Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service.
8
The High Court is Australia’s Constitutional Court. In 1992, the “Mabo” decision established for the first time
the legitimacy of Aboriginal land rights.
9
Although there have been other advocates for reduced immigration, on of the most talked about politicians at the
time of writing was Pauline Hanson, the leader of the One Nation Party, which launched the nation into a divided
debate on immigration and Aboriginal welfare. Originally, a member of the Liberal Party, Pauline Hanson was
expelled from the party in 1996 and won her seat as an independent candidate. She then formed the One Nation Party,
which was briefly the third most popular party in the country and the leading minor party (Bulletin, July 29, 1997).
The party’s policies on reducing immigration and welfare benefits distributed on race have provoked criticism inter-
nationally (Reuters, July 21, 1997) and bitter disputes and rallies nationally.
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304 ASHKANASY

The British connection prompted Australia’s early entry into two world wars. In World War
I, Australia suffered per capita casualty rates higher than that of most other countries, but
gained an enduring image of national identity with the heroism of the “ANZACs.”10 At this
time, the British heritage was still the driving force of Australia’s international relations and
the attachment between the countries was strong. World War II had different ramifications
however. The absence of British aid during the Pacific War and the threat of Japanese inva-
sion saw Australia establish an important alliance with America. The postwar era saw main-
tenance of a sentimental attachment to Britain, although international relations began to be
more oriented toward the Pacific and America, culminating in participation in the Vietnam
War as an American ally, and Prime Minister Holt’s proclamation in 1969 of “All the way
with LBJ!”
Today, there is more awareness of Australia as a nation. It is seen to be emerging from the
time when the political, social, and economic development of the country was closely tied to
that of Britain and America, to one where national events and achievements are given more
prominence (Mackay, 1993). In its newfound independence, Australia is finally turning
toward neighboring Asia for its economic development (Mackay, 1993). In this respect,
Australia has been significantly affected by the Asian economic downturn of 1997.
Nonetheless, Australians continue to value their colonial identity and to see their political
origins in geographically distant Britain and Ireland. This trend continues, despite the ongo-
ing evolution of a distinct national culture, and governmental moves to foster a unique
national perspective. For instance, Australians in 1999 rejected a referendum on a republican
model that would have cut their last constitutional links with Britain. This has had the effect
of further isolating Australia culturally from its Asian neighbors.
In summary, Australia is a nation with a relatively short history as a modern civilization,
and continues to be in a state of flux. An egalitarian spirit characterizes the country, although
this is contrasted against a history of active discrimination. Australia, by the beginning of the
Second Millennium however, has become a pluralist society, and this trend can be expected
to continue once Australia finally cuts its constitutional ties with Britain.

Australian Culture: Quantitative Results From the GLOBE Study

The societal-level results for Australia from the GLOBE study are presented in Table 9.1.
These results include Australia’s ranking on each of the three assessments and the difference
between these measures. Following presentation of these results is a discussion and interpre-
tation of findings, based on interviews with three experts in Australian society, from the areas
of economic history, commerce, and culture.11 These interviews involved presenting the quan-
titative results from the project to each interviewee, and asking for their views and theories to
provide a context for interpretation of the GLOBE data. There was considerable overlap in

10
The Australian and New Zealand Army Corp. During World War I, these soldiers suffered immense casualties
at Gallipoli, Turkey, and their heroism is marked by a national memorial day. Accompanying the image of bravery is
that of soldiers who refused to give deference to (often British) officers unless they had earned it, a symbol of the
egalitarian nation (Thompson, 1994). Today, people of all ages join the parades and attend dawn services across the
country on the public holiday devoted to the remembrance of the ANZAC’s landing at Gallipoli, Turkey, on April 25,
1915. Contemporary celebrations of ANZAC Day, however, which saw resurgence in the early 1990s, have more to
do with a desire to recognize Australia’s heritage and identity than to remember Gallipoli (Mackay, 1993).
11
Two of the three experts are Australian by birth, with Anglo-Saxon backgrounds. The third arrived in Australia
3 years ago from Germany and has specialized in German–Australian cross-cultural business.
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 305

TABLE 9.1
Australian Societal Culture Scores and Rankings for the Nine Cultural Dimensions

“As Is” “Should Be”

Dimension Scorea Rankb Scorea Rankb Difference Scorec

Performance Orientation 4.36 16 5.89 38 1.53

Uncertainty Avoidance 4.39 19 3.98 51 –0.41
Future Orientation 4.09 19 5.15 49 1.06
Humane Orientation 4.28 21 5.58 19 1.30
Institutional Collectivism 4.29 28 4.40 42 0.11
In-Group Collectivism 4.17 52 5.75 26 1.58
Gender Egalitarianism 3.40 30 5.02 8 1.62
Assertiveness 4.28 22 3.81 25 –0.47
Power Distance 4.74 53 2.78 25 –1.96

Note. N = 144. aItems were rated on a Likert-type scale from 1 (very low) to 7 (very high). bRanks are out of the
61 countries that participated in the GLOBE study and have results available for these dimensions. cDifference is
“Should Be” score minus “As Is” score.

the information obtained, so that the views presented here represent an integration of the
interviews.

Performance Orientation. The quantitative results indicate that compared to other coun-
tries, Australia rates high in the GLOBE study on this dimension. Furthermore, Australians
aspire to even higher levels of performance, although not so much as many of the other coun-
tries in the GLOBE study.
The Performance Orientation of Australians can be understood from a historical perspec-
tive. Despite the image of Australia as an egalitarian nation, there is nonetheless considerable
evidence that a coexisting class system, based on wealth and reward, has existed in Australian
society throughout its history (Thompson, 1994). Performance Orientation, as expressed by
wealth and material gain, is therefore well established.
Most recently, there has been another development of the Performance Orientation of
Australia. Emerging Australian nationalism has led to an increased awareness of a need to
achieve, and to contribute to, the success of Australia as a nation (Mackay, 1993). Economic
structures have been put in place to reward individuals more for high achievement. For exam-
ple, Australia has become a strong advocate for removing international trade barriers, and has
significantly reduced its own tariffs, many of them in place since federation. This is illustra-
tive of confidence in the ability of Australians to compete successfully in the world market.
Although high on present Performance Orientation, Australians do not seem to want this
level to increase as much as many other countries. This may be viewed as an interaction of
the idealism of the country and its belief in fair play (see later discussion), with a history
which has kept away some of the harsher realities of economy. Australians live on an isolated
island continent, and are used to wealth and a high standard of living, largely generated from
the land. This is quite different from the reality that 97% of Australians live in large cities.
The majority of the population, therefore, may not feel the more dire warnings about the
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306 ASHKANASY

vulnerability of the Australian economy, especially to international commodity price fluctuations.

It seems that the mentality of the “lucky country” (Horne, 1965) persists (see Mackay, 1993).

Uncertainty Avoidance. The results of the GLOBE study indicate that Australians feel that
their society ought to take more risks. This result may reflect the present recognition that
Australia needs to change to achieve more as a nation although, historically, Australia has
preferred a risk-aversive strategy (White, 1992). Notable agendas for Australia have been to
imbue the society with security both from other countries (e.g., restriction of immigration from
specific cultures and protection against imports through tariffs) and within the nation itself (e.g.,
minimum wages, welfare, and other mechanisms designed to control volatility and reduce
dissatisfaction). Similarly, as Mackay (1993; see also Karpin, 1995) notes, business sectors of
Australian society have a history of not being prepared to invest in risky or innovative ventures.
Consequently, innovative ideas generated in Australia often need to be exported for the realiza-
tion of their potential. With the move toward service sectors and the need to compete interna-
tionally, however, it may well be that the previous complacency of Australia needs to change.

Future Orientation. Australia’s Future Orientation results show a similar pattern to its
Performance Orientation. Australians would like to see more Future Orientation than is cur-
rently happening, but this discrepancy does not indicate too much dissatisfaction with the
present state. The level of Future Orientation is lower than that of Performance Orientation,
despite the similar rankings of these results compared to other countries.
These results indicate that the traditional emphasis placed by Australians on future plan-
ning is not as strong as it has been historically. In the past, Australia has had a political agenda
based on preparing for the future, with policies focusing on protection against perceived
threats of invasion, protection against internal disturbances through minimum wages, and a
goal of increasing growth through tariffs. Such “nation building” has been an identifiable
policy since the turn of the century, especially since World War II (Clarke, 1992).
With the changing nature of Australian society and its place in the international arena,
however, these policies have largely been overturned. The current move has seen a push to
remove the infrastructure previously so enthusiastically embraced. Instead, the traditional
“planning” mechanisms are now seen as obstacles to a nation that is open to global market
forces. On an individual level, Mackay (1993) has argued that Australians have lost their
strong Future Orientation in their preoccupation with coping with all the myriad changes in
the present society. These changes include a redefinition of gender roles, a high divorce rate,
high unemployment, high retail credit, a shrinking middle class, and multiculturalism. They
are so endemic, claims Mackay, that there is hardly an institution or a convention of
Australian life that has not been subject to revolutionary change in the past two decades.

Humane Orientation. Australia’s moderate results on Humane Orientation may repre-

sent another manifestation of the Australian enigma: interplay between historical and recent
trends of two extremes of Humane Orientation. One aspect of the Australian heritage is the
egalitarian fair nation; the other is the history of exclusion and inhumane treatment of certain
sections of society. Similar contradictions have emerged in contemporary history. Thus,
whereas general affluence may promote a Humane Orientation, the recent backlash against
welfare and immigration suggests another orientation. According to Mackay (1993; see also
Horne, 1965), Australians have traditionally been self-congratulatory over their Humane
Orientation. The societal safety nets protecting the underprivileged, such as the welfare role
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 307

of the government, have been enforced by policies and have largely been successful. For
instance, it is rare to encounter a beggar in Australia, even in the large cities. Australian
vernacular contains prevalent references to this cultural dimension; to be “un-Australian” has
connotations of not giving others “a fair go” (Mackay, 1993).
There is another side to the story, however. First, as noted earlier, a perennial blight on the
history and development of Australia has been its treatment of Aborigines (see Healey, 1998).
There is popular condemnation of the current prime minister’s refusal to issue a national apol-
ogy to the Aboriginal people for their turbulent past and, in particular, for the “stolen gener-
ation” of the 1920s to 1950s (the practice of removing children from their natural parents for
a “better life” with nonindigenous foster parents). At the same time, many people support the
view that reparation is not necessary. Anti-immigration/anti-Aboriginal Welfare movements,
and moves to be less liberal with welfare, reflect the feeling that Australia may be too humane
as a society, to the detriment of the greater good of the majority. More recently, this view has
been reinforced in Australia’s treatment of Middle East asylum seekers. Refused entry to the
country, they are shipped for status assessment to the tiny Pacific nation of Naru.
Nevertheless, many Australians, particularly professionals and managers (representative of
GLOBE respondents), do appear to want their society to be more humane than it is at
present.12 Mackay (1993) has noted that the 1990s have presented a time of unprecedented
change in Australian history, and that there is a need now for integrity and caring from our
political leaders.

Institutional Collectivism. Australia’s score on this dimension indicates that the country
places a moderate level of emphasis on Collectivism, and that, in practice, is fairly close to
national values on this dimension. This is in contrast to scores on the In-Group Collectivism
dimension (see next subsection), where Australians score relatively low in relation to other
countries. These scores would appear to reflect the relatively high levels of social welfare in
Australia (see Mackay, 1993).

In-Group Collectivism. The GLOBE data indicates a low score on the In-Group
Collectivism dimension. Like other secular Western nations, Australia has seen a recent trend
toward individuals making decisions that focus less on the family unit. For example, decisions
not to have children, to marry later, to work from an office rather than home, all have the
effect of decreasing the importance of the family in Australian society. Australia has a well-
developed welfare system and therefore may be seen to disdain the need to be a collectivist
society in order for individuals to survive and thrive (see M. A. Jones, 1996).
The data also indicate that Australia has a relatively wide discrepancy between “As Is” and
“Should Be” scores on this dimension. This may reflect popular disquiet about the effect of
an individualistic society and an acknowledgment that it carries disadvantages. The divorce
rate is higher today than at any other point in Australian history, and unstable marriages mean
unstable families (Mackay, 1993). In his analysis of Australian society, Mackay reports that
even people in favor of easier divorces find it hard to approve of the instability of family life,

12
Like many developed countries around the world, Australia has become a destination for asylum seekers. The
Australian government in 2001, however, instituted a policy of not admitting asylum seekers until after they had
obtained refugee status. Letters to the editor in Australia’s newspapers in 2001 were heavily in favor of admitting the
asylum seekers, in contrast to talk-back radio callers, who supported the government’s stand in an election year (see
The Weekend Australian, September 29–30, 2001, for an analysis of election issues).
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308 ASHKANASY

and there is widespread community concern about the long-term effect of divorces on
children. It appears then that the image of Australia as an ideal country in which to raise a
family is now at risk. Moreover, of course, at the other end of the generations, the Australian
family unit has never specifically included the extended family members, a situation that is
compounded by the increasing mobility of the population and segregation of families through
divorce. These factors all contribute to less contact between family members who do not
cohabit (Mackay, 1993).
The high difference score for Australia on this dimension may be attributed to a wish to
revert to the collectivist underpinnings of egalitarianism that is being lost in the drive toward
the individual success of a developed country. Australian’s egalitarianism rests on a collec-
tivist approach. Government institutions have traditionally been used to achieve equality for
Australians, as manifested by the welfare system, in contrast to the individualistic commit-
ment to equality of opportunity that characterizes America (Thompson, 1994). With recent
Australian governmental moves to reduce welfare and encourage small businesses, the still
pervasive collectivist notion of egalitarianism may have contributed to the discrepancy
between the actual and ideal scores on this dimension.

Gender Egalitarianism. Despite the popular conception of Australia as a male-orientated

culture, the results obtained in the GLOBE study indicate that Australia does not particularly
emphasize male roles in society, although, as with almost all other nations, there would
ideally be an equal stress placed on male and female roles. On the surface, these results are
surprising. Australian language highlights the stereotypes of male “ockers” who once talked
about women as “Shielas” and still like to be “one of the boys.” Certainly, the tough, male
image of rugged farmers is a familiar Australian stereotype (Warwick & Scales, 1996). This
image, however, may not be truly representative of contemporary Australian society, or even
historically true. Australia, for example, was the second country (after New Zealand) to intro-
duce universal suffrage for women.
This apparent contradiction may be associated with the stereotypical image of Australia as
an essentially rural society. In fact, though Australia still relies on primary industry for much
of its wealth, it is also one of the most urbanized societies in the world;13 90% of the popula-
tion lives in only 3% of the land area, especially in the major cities along the eastern seaboard.
The rural- based masculine stereotypes therefore bear little resemblance to the everyday life
of the large majority of Australians.
The trend for an ideally less sexist society is noticeable in Australia, but maybe no more
so than in other Western societies. The ideology of successful Western democracies places
equal stress on male and female roles, and the results indicate that Australians are following
the general trend in this area. For example, since 1990, two women have already achieved the
office of state premier.

Assertiveness. Results in respect of Assertiveness show one of the rare instances of a

negative difference between “As Is” and “Should Be” scores. Australians rank relatively
highly in terms of “As Is” scores on this dimension, but they do not aspire to more
Assertiveness, as represented by the “Should Be” scores. This finding is consistent with the
Australian cultural mores discussed earlier, where Assertiveness is seen to be “showing off”
or putting oneself ahead of others.

13
Source: Microsoft Encarta Encyclopaedia, 1996. World English Edition.
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 309

Power Distance. Relative to other countries, Australia is low on Power Distance. The
relatively large negative difference score shows, however, that more stratification exists in
society than Australians may consider ideal. Again, there are contradictions evident in the
Australian attitudes toward Power Distance. On the one hand, there is the perception of
Australia as an egalitarian society, evident in colloquial language, such as the use of the term
mate as a form of address; and themes and folk heroes in the national literature. Historians
believe that “mateship” may be related to the harsh conditions of life for early male settlers,
which are assumed to have reinforced a complex mixture of collectivist and egalitarian val-
ues, manifest in actions such as loyalty to one’s mates, support during crises, sharing, and
companionship (Feather, 1986). More recently, Ashkanasy and O’Connor (1997) identified
“mateship” as a uniquely Australian dimension of organizational culture.
On the other hand, there is evidence that, in practice, Australian organizations tend to be
stratified and hierarchical in structure (Dunphy & Stace, 1990). Given the evidence that
Australian society is characterized by a class system based on wealth and materialism (Galvin
& West, 1988; Mackay, 1993), this may not be very surprising.

Conclusion. Results from the GLOBE study in respect of societal culture indicate that
Australians see themselves as performance and future orientated, humane, and risk adverse;
and also somewhat collectivist and gender egalitarian. The results also reveal that Australians
do not see themselves as living in either a highly stratified or a collectivist society in the sense
of In-Group Collectivism. Nevertheless, Australians would ideally like to see a trend toward
less stratification, more Gender Egalitarianism, more Performance Orientation, and more In-
Group Collectivism. Several themes emerge when discussing these results. Notably, the per-
vasive impact of the egalitarian myth in Australia seems to be often at odds with the reality
as revealed in the GLOBE results. Overall, Australians are aware of the need for Australia to
adapt to changing economic, cultural, and social environments. Australia appears to be at the
brink of change in many of these dimensions, and will need leaders and leadership to make
this transition. In the following section, I discuss Australian leadership in the context of the
GLOBE results.

4. LEADERSHIP

Current Australian research in leadership has been motivated by the realization that the coun-
try is poised to make some important choices about the future, both politically and economi-
cally. In 1995, the Australian government sponsored a major report on leadership and
management skills in Australian industry, led by industrialist David Karpin. The resulting
report, officially titled “The Report of the Industry Task Force on Leadership and
Management Skills,” is known colloquially as the “Karpin Report.” Although subsequently
shelved by the government, the report has nevertheless been described by Clegg and Gray
(1996) as probably the world’s most comprehensive and recent analysis of leadership and
management needs. Central to the report, and the research on which it is based, is the mes-
sage that Australia needs leaders with a vision for the future to give it an edge in the compe-
tition for the world’s market share (Sarros, Butchatsky, & Santora, 1996).
Contemporary Australian studies in leadership have identified both transformational and
transactional leadership (Bass, 1985; Burns, 1978) as necessary elements in successful
organizational development (see Irurita, 1996; Parry, 1996; Parry & Sarros, 1996). Nevertheless,
the need for transformational leaders has received particular weight (Dunphy & Stace, 1990;
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310 ASHKANASY

Lewis, 1996), reflecting Karpin’s (1995) call for vision and future orientation. A few studies
have indicated distinctive features of transformational leadership in Australia. For example,
Sarros et al. (1996) described a related concept, which they termed “breakthrough leadership.”
This concept stresses innovation and vision, and was developed based on extensive interviews
with Australia’s top business leaders. The authors noted similarities between Australian execu-
tives and their peers in America, Britain, Asia, and Europe, but stressed key differences from the
Asian approach to leadership.
Other research has specifically addressed the issue of intercultural differences in transfor-
mational leadership between Australian and other cultures. These include studies by Ashkanasy
(1997), Parry and Sarros (1996), and Sarros (1992). This work has suggested that transforma-
tional leadership in Australia may be distinct from its American counterpart, based on the ubiq-
uitous value placed on equality by Australians (Feather, 1994a, 1994b). Ashkanasy, for
example, concluded that, compared to Canadians, Australian leaders are achievement oriented
and individualistic, but also value equality.
Studies discussing the distinctive elements of Australian transformational leadership are in
the minority. The trend of most Australian studies is to retain variables that are prominent in
international research, such as credibility, vision, charisma, communication, decisiveness,
role modeling, team building, and collaboration (Parry, 1996). Much of the focus of this
research has been on application in the Australian context of internationally grounded
research, such as feminization (Clegg & Gray, 1996) and relational models of leadership (e.g.,
Ashkanasy & Weierter, 1996; Carless, Mann, & Wearing, 1996; Gardiner, Callan, & Terry,
1996).
Outside the area of transformational leadership, Australian research has more strongly
emphasized the unique aspects of Australian society relevant to perceptions and development
of Australian leaders. Particularly important is the contribution of social psychologist Norman
Feather’s (1986, 1993, 1994a, 1994b) work on Australian social phenomena, including the
notion of the “tall poppy syndrome,” defined as a propensity to denigrate high achievers in
society. Feather’s results suggest that the tall poppy syndrome is prevalent in Australian soci-
ety, but is dependent on a number of contingency variables. These include the leader’s status
(Feather, 1994a), perceived deservingness of the leader’s achievements (Feather, 1993,
1994b; Feather, Volkmer, & McKee, 1991), responsibility for the leader’s fall (Feather, 1993,
1994a, 1994b), and the personal characteristics of those making judgments (Feather, 1994a,
1994b; Feather et al., 1991).
Reflecting the pluralistic aspect of Australia, which features so prominently in current dis-
cussions on Australian society, Clegg and Gray (1996) challenge the translation of a strong
organizational culture to a unified culture. They suggest instead that Australian leaders need
to be able to capitalize on the diversity they have at hand, and that this will lead to innova-
tion. In this case, Australia may have a unique opportunity to utilize its diversity to achieve
the type of innovative leadership identified by Karpin (1995) as necessary for the success of
Australian industry in the next century.
Another theme in Australian leadership literature has been the perceived need for devel-
opment of leadership skills. Karpin’s report (1995) detailed education and training issues for
managers and leaders. Other studies have looked at the role of self-learning and continuous
learning in the development and maintenance of leadership skills (e.g., Dickinson, 1996). It
has been noted that the degree of reform and change in public administration in Australia ren-
ders it essential that leaders continue to learn and update their skills and knowledge. The
results of the national media analysis (see later discussion) indicate that the need for reform
is pervasive across Australian society.
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 311

In conclusion, though Australian leaders have been shown to exhibit some unique
characteristics, especially a belief in equality, it is recognized that there is a need for vision-
ary leadership if the nation is to make its way in the global arena (Karpin, 1995). One result
of this has been the Australian interest in research based on American models of transforma-
tional leadership. A second stream of research has attempted to identify the uniquely
Australian aspects of leadership. In particular, the opportunity available to Australian leaders
to capitalize on the diversity of the society and to incorporate distinctive aspects of Australian
culture, such as the need for equality, presents the key challenge for the future.

Two Eminent Leaders in Australian Society

To illustrate some of the characteristics of leadership in the Australian context, I discuss next
two post–World War II political leaders. These brief vignettes illustrate both the nature of
Australian attitudes to leadership and, especially, present another example of the Australian
enigma.
Australia’s history has several heroic figures, but not in the sense that other countries have
heroes (Galvin & West, 1988). This is a part of the Australian enigma. The strong leveling
tendency among Australians based on their egalitarian and meritocratic heritage has promoted
a cynicism about promoting personalities to the status of heroes. Those who have become
representative of this national identity, such as Ned Kelly and Peter Lalor,14 tended to be
reviled during their lifetime and seen as antiheroes. The exception lies in sporting heroes,
such as Donald Bradman,15 for whom nationalism is allowed to surface.
Nonetheless, Australia’s general reluctance to elevate individuals to heroic status is
particularly manifested in the political arena. The cynicism surrounding Australian politics has
meant there are no recognizable presidential-style heroes and the most well-known politicians
invariably invoke different feelings from different individuals. Politicians are nevertheless
among the most influential leaders in Australian society and politics is the area of Australian
life most replete with figures of national standing. Throughout Australian history, politics has
been the arena for the conversion of statesmen to leaders (Galvin & West, 1988), and the party
leader is now an integral part of the political system (Graetz & McAllister, 1994).
Two politicians who achieved close to heroic status in Australian history are Sir Robert
Menzies and Robert (Bob) Hawke. Together, these leaders capture some of the anomalies that
I argue underlie Australian society and they therefore make interesting study.
Sir Robert Menzies, (prime minister 1939–1941, 1949–1966) was Australia’s longest
serving leader. A self-made lawyer and political leader, he promoted nationalism and the
collective use of the state for economic purposes (Thompson, 1994), and delivered prosper-
ity and stability to Australia (Clarke, 1992). He was also an anglophile who loved luxury and
leisure and was dedicated to the British Royal Family. His nationalism revolved around
Australia as a colony and he was a fierce defender of its place in the British Commonwealth,
rather than a man with great vision for its national future. He was a great orator, and some-
times managed to overturn the traditional two-party rivalry of the Australian system and
persuade his opponents that his policies had merit (Galvin & West, 1988).

14
Kelly was a bandit (“bushranger”) who achieved national hero status before his hanging in 1880. Lalor, the
leader of the “Eureka Stockade” of 1854, Australia’s only armed insurgency, later became a respected legislator.
15
Donald Bradman (1908–2001) was Australia’s greatest cricketer during a playing career that stretched from
1929 to 1953. His batting average of 99.94 is considered so famous that “PO Box 9994” is the official post office
box number of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation!
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312 ASHKANASY

Whereas Menzies preferred the “old school tie network” to being “one of the boys”
(Thompson, 1994), Bob Hawke was the archetypal Australian male. Australia’s second-
longest-serving prime minister (1983–1988), he promoted his drinking prowess,16 male chau-
vinism, sporting preferences, and union allegiances in a personification of Australian-ness.
A populist throughout his term, he gained widespread personal support even while his poli-
cies and party were unpopular, and his contemporary popularity eclipses those of most lead-
ing figures in Australian history (Galvin & West, 1988). In contrast to Menzies, he had
authoritarian tendencies and would often ignore the sensitivities of his party and embark on
actions without consultation.
How can one country have had two leaders so disparate and both have captured the
public’s imagination and support (Thompson, 1994)? I see this as yet another indicator of the
Australian enigma; a manifestation of the fundamental contradictions in the “egalitarian”
nation that values wealth, but has a disdain for deference and recognizes the need for every
individual to find his or her own place in the world.

Australian Leadership: National Media Analysis

As a part of the process of understanding Australian leadership, an analysis was carried out
of media reports on leadership during 1996 and 1997. The results of the media analysis are
used to aid interpretation of the quantitative results from the GLOBE study as well as reveal-
ing other issues discussed here.
The content analyses are proposed to represent espoused values, an assumption supported
by recent study of text analysis research (Kabanoff & Holt, 1996; Kabanoff, Waldersee, &
Cohen, 1995). An advantage of content analyses is it allows qualitative, indirect observations
of organizational values to be combined with the quantification of the data (Kabanoff, 1993),
maintaining the multimethod approach of the GLOBE project.

Methodology. Three collection periods were selected for the national media analysis—
May 1996, October 1996, and May 1997. During each period, four print media sources were
analyzed for articles pertaining to leadership. These were the national Australian newspaper
(The Australian), the national financial newspaper (The Australian Financial Review), the most
popular daily newspaper in the state of Queensland (The Courier Mail),17 and a major business
magazine (Business Review Weekly). Leaders or leadership did not have to be explicitly labeled
in the article, but direct reference of the article to either a person or general characteristic of
Australian leadership was necessary. To ensure Australian leadership only was the subject of
discussion in the articles, world news, other articles focusing on international events or char-
acter, and articles from foreign correspondents were excluded from the analysis. In total, 273
text extracts were selected. During the third collection period, two international raters also
scanned the media for leadership references to obtain a measure of validity for the selection of
articles. Presented with the same newspapers, their interrater reliability was 84%.
The words or phrases in the selected text extracts that pertained to leaders or leadership
were Q-sorted by the two Australian researchers involved in the GLOBE project. A reference
could be coded under more than one category if this was appropriate. Codings were then
cross-checked by the two researchers to optimize validity. These codings were sorted initially

16
Hawke was listed for many years in the Guinness Book Of Records as the world-record holder for downing a
“Yard” (2.5 pints) of beer.
17
The author is based in Queensland.
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 313

into 17 GLOBE leadership dimensions. The remaining extracts were separately categorized
into dimensions of uniquely Australian leadership. In effect, these Australian dimensions
emerged after controlling for the GLOBE categories.
The GLOBE leadership and Australian leadership models and coding for the text refer-
ences were then entered into the Nudist® program for analysis. This allows for the iterative
building and expanding of models during the three separate collection periods. The program
also has the capacity to include text selections, referenced at numerous nodes at once, which
allows detailed analyses of content in subsequent research.

Results of the Media Analysis. The results of the media analysis are presented in Tables
9.2 and 9.3. Table 2 shows the frequency of references in respect of the 17 GLOBE dimen-
sions current at the time of the study.18 Table 9.3 lists the frequency of reference according to
the uniquely Australian dimensions (after removing the references based on the GLOBE
dimensions). Discussion of these results is incorporated into the dimension-by-dimension
results based on the qualitative GLOBE results.

Australian Leadership: GLOBE Dimensions.

The national-level results for perceptions of leadership in Australia from the GLOBE study
are presented in Table 9.2, with the results of the media analysis in column 2. The dimensions
are presented in descending order of frequency of coding in the media analysis. The GLOBE
survey mean scores are given in the third column, with the order of each variable within the
GLOBE dimensions listed in column 4. This permits a direct comparison of the two sets of
results. The final column in Table 9.2 shows Australia’s ranking on each dimension relative
to other countries involved in the GLOBE study. The results of the media analysis were used
to aid interpretation of the quantitative results from the GLOBE study as well as to reveal
other issues warranting discussion.
The national-level GLOBE results for leadership dimensions indicate that effective
Australian leaders are seen to be inspirational, of high integrity and vision, as well as being
decisive and performance oriented. They are not, however, seen to be self-centered, auto-
cratic, procedural, or face saving. Compared to the scores across the other countries in the
GLOBE study, Australian leaders rank high on inspiration, performance orientation, integrity,
vision, and humanity. They rank low on being autocratic, procedural, self-centered, adminis-
tratively competent, and status-conscious. On the surface, this profile appears to be entirely
consistent with the portraits of Australian leaders presented earlier, especially with the notion
of Australia as a society that values egalitarianism. These characteristics were largely
supported in the media analysis, which characterized Australian leaders as decisive, performance

18
Results are presented here in terms of the 17 leadership factors (or dimensions) that were current at the time of
the media analysis. The final GLOBE publications refer, however, to 21 leadership factors. As the media analysis
reported in this chapter was structured around the original 17-dimension model, I have retained this structure in this
chapter. The differences between the 17- and 21-dimension models make no difference to the conclusions that I
reach. For reference, the final 21-dimension model differs from the 17-dimension model in a number of ways. First,
the Malevolent, Conflict Inducer, and Nonparticipative dimensions have been added. Second, Procedural has been
replaced by Administratively Competent, Individualism has been replaced by Autonomous, Equanimity has been
replace by Modesty, Face Saving has been replace by Face Saver, Humane Orientation has been replaced by Humane,
Bureaucratic has been replaced by Procedural, and Charismatic has been replace by Self-Sacrificial. Last, Collective
has been split into two dimensions, Collaborative Team Oriented and Team Integrator.
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314 ASHKANASY

TABLE 9.2
Leadership Results Comparing Rankings from GLOBE Survey and
National Media Analysisa

Frequency of GLOBE Within country GLOBE

Leadership Dimension Codingb Score Rankingc Rankingd

Decisive 73 6.02 5 18
Performance Orientation 58 6.35 3 10
Diplomatic 57 5.56 6 30
Collaborative Team Oriented 56 5.52 7 30
Inspirational 51 6.40 1 7
Integrity 46 6.36 2 12
Visionary 41 6.24 4 14
Autocratic 28 2.28 16 49
Modesty 25 5.09 11 29
Humane 25 5.12 10 15
Face Saver 24 2.67 15 36
Autonomous 23 3.95 12 25
Procedural 20 3.56 14 44
Self-Centered 15 1.91 17 49
Self-Sacrificial 14 5.14 9 20
Administratively Competent 12 5.41 8 53
Status-conscious 8 3.82 13 44
a b
Based on 17-factor model (see Footnote 18). Frequency of coding in media analysis indicates that this dimension
either exists or should exist. cRank order of GLOBE variables within the Australian sample. dRank position within
the sample of 61 GLOBE countries.

orientated, diplomatic, collaborative team oriented, and inspirational. The media analysis also
showed that Australian leaders are rarely described as procedural, self-centered, self-sacrificing,
administratively competent, or status-conscious.
There were some contradictory results evident in the media analyses that provide further
insights into the Australian enigma. These are in respect to the dimensions of face saving, auto-
cratic leadership, and self-sacrificial. Face saving and autocratic leadership scored low in the
GLOBE survey results, but appeared as influential dimensions in the media analysis. By con-
trast, self-sacrifice scored high in the GLOBE results, but ranked low in the media analysis. An
explanation for these contrary findings may once again be found in the enigmatic nature of
Australian leaders. It is clear from the earlier discussion that Australians, consistent with their
egalitarian image of “mateship,” try to avoid criticism and confrontation, and seek to downplay
personal qualities. The stories presented in the media typically involve reports of these sorts of
antagonistic situations. In this case, it is likely that Australian leaders represented in the media
are displaying characteristics that they usually try to avoid. This was also clear from the anec-
dotal evidence provided in the interviews, where it was suggested that Australian leaders could
become tough and aggressive if confrontation does occur. The high scores on decisiveness in
both the GLOBE results and the media analysis also bear relevance here, as does the media
analysis identification of a tendency toward male characteristics in leaders.
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 315

TABLE 9.3
Uniquely Australian Leadership Dimensions from the
National Media Analysis

Dimension Frequency of Coding

Game Metaphor 12
Mateship 10
Work Ethic 7
Caution 5
Adversarial 5
One of Us 5
Tall Poppy 4
Underdog 4
Pragmatic 2

Another characteristic of Australian leaders was also apparent from a qualitative analysis of
the media experts. This was a perception that, whereas many Australian leaders are visionary
and inspirational, others seem to have reached their positions of eminence despite a lack of
vision and inspirational qualities. One explanation for this result is that the vision of many
Australian leaders may be focused on specific problems, rather than on long-term strategic
issues. This was especially apparent in the interviews conducted for the present project, where
there was agreement that Australian leaders often display vision and inspiration, but usually do
so only in respect to short- to medium-term issues. This observation is given credence by
Australia’s impressive track record in research and development innovations, coupled with a
failure in many instances to convert the new technologies into manufacturing success (Mackay,
1993). Similarly, the anecdotal evidence relates examples of leadership distinguished by innov-
ative and often successful solutions to crises, rather than strategic thinking and prediction of
future situations that would avoid the crises. Indeed, successful short-term remedies serve to
reinforce the idea that leadership involves a focus on short- to medium-term solutions. This idea
also links with the historically maintained characterization of Australia as a “lucky country”
(Horne, 1965), where the notion of “she’ll be right” replaces long-term strategic vision.
In summary, the results of the GLOBE analysis, supported by the national-level media
analysis, present effective Australian leaders as people of integrity and vision who are deci-
sive with a strong performance orientation. They tend not to be status-conscious, procedural,
or self-centered. Some anomalies between the GLOBE results and the media analysis, how-
ever, suggest that Australian leaders can become more aggressive and face saving in con-
frontational and crisis situations. Overall, Australian leadership appears to be consistent with
the picture presented earlier of a society that values egalitarianism and “a fair go” for all, but
that lacks a truly long-term future orientation. These themes are taken further in the follow-
ing analysis of the uniquely Australian dimensions that emerged from the media analysis.

Uniquely Australian Dimensions of Leadership From the Media Analysis

The media analysis revealed nine dimensions of Australian leadership that could not be cate-
gorized using the GLOBE dimensions (Table 9.3). Although the frequencies of the Australian
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316 ASHKANASY

dimensions are not as high as the GLOBE dimensions, they indicate distinctly Australian
aspects of leadership that are pervasive and referred to in the national media. For example, the
four distinctive references to “tall poppies” are over and above those that relate to the syn-
drome, but can be categorized under the GLOBE dimension of modesty, such as equanimity
and lack of pomposity.
The uniquely Australian dimensions break down into three categories: (a) dimensions
linked with the traditional Australian concepts of “mateship” and egalitarianism; (b) dimen-
sions linked with leadership and the new work ethic; and (c) dimensions that have surfaced in
response to contemporary issues in Australian political leadership.

Traditional Australian Themes. Four of the unique characteristics can be linked back to
the underlying theme of egalitarianism in Australian society: “mateship,” “one of us,” “tall
poppies,” and leaders as “underdogs.”
This dimension can be conceived as the quintessential expression of egalitarianism
(Ashkanasy & O’Connor, 1997; Thompson, 1994), and has already been discussed as an
underlying characteristic of Australian societal culture.
This dimension is a more general phrase for the more traditional symbol of Australian cul-
ture “just one of the boys,” first used in Capper (1853) (cited in Thompson, 1994). Its impor-
tance to modern leaders is highlighted by Thompson: “It has such potency that some of those
in positions of enormous economic or political power still affect its trappings, drawing on a
wellspring of legitimacy not usually available to them” (p. 2). Bob
Hawke’s leadership was an outstanding example of this trait. Some examples of the
phrases in the media analysis database are as follows:

• “People are soothed by her [a noted female public figure] limitations, reassured by her
inability to articulate. Not for her, the language used by a Prime Minister at the dis-
patch box. She speaks, instead, from the laundry, the kitchen, the barbecue.”
• The boy [another well known public figure] … is the man credited with what one
colleague describes as “an uncanny sense of what the punters think.”

The extracts coded as indicative of the tall poppy syndrome reflect the deeply rooted nature
of this phenomenon, identified by Feather (1994a) and other researchers. The syndrome is
often moderated by other Australian characteristics, and reinforces the enigma of Australian
leadership. Mackay (1993), for example, has noted that Australians do not necessarily dislike
success, and only demonstrate the tall poppy syndrome when success is accompanied by arro-
gance and any inherent implication of superiority.
Finally, Australians have had a traditional tendency to support the weaker party, especially
when that party represents their own position and aspirations (Thompson, 1994). Leaders of
the “underdogs” are traditionally seen to display the characteristics of integrity and forbear-
ance that Australians admire and respect (Mackay, 1993).

Work Ethic. Since the 1970s, unemployment has been a perennial problem in the
Australian economy. The unemployed are reviled in the press as “dole bludgers.”19 This neg-
ative attitude has become further reinforced with the ongoing breakdown of family life and

19
The term dole bludger is derived from dole, a reference to the doling out of welfare payments, and bludger, a
Cockney term for “pimp.”
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 317

redefinition of gender roles, so that work has become more important to most people
(Mackay, 1993). Nevertheless, the harsh reality of structural unemployment has also meant
that the traditional source of identity, dignity, structure, and purpose for many people’s lives
has been taken away. Against this background, leaders are seen to have a special responsibil-
ity to address the issue of work (or the lack of it). The specific references in the media
excerpts make it clear that this is now an important role of Australian leaders.

Contemporary Australian Leadership. Finally, and tied together as a group, are themes
in Australian leadership that are related to contemporary political life. These include the con-
cepts of pragmatic, cautious, and adversarial leadership, and political “game playing.” These
aspects of Australian leadership have received media attention under the general rubric of
public disenchantment with the lack of distinguishable political philosophies in recent years
(Mackay, 1993). In particular, the pragmatic nature of Australian politics appears to have
overtaken an ideological basis to such an extent that Mackay, in his analysis of Australian
society, coined this “the era of pragmatics politics.” It is an era where leadership has more to
do with management and reaction to events than with vision, conviction, or deeply rooted
philosophies. In addition, pragmatic politics appears often to be an end attained through polit-
ical game playing by Australia’s leaders. In the media analysis, these features of Australian
leadership appeared over and above the GLOBE dimensions. Examples of text excerpts from
the media analysis are:

• “The pendulum has swung late and decisively from radical reform to [a] blend of clever
caution, but the pragmatic politics of the Prime Minister’s tariff plan are nonetheless
positive.”
• “Closely connected to pragmatic politics is gamesmanship and game playing, expressed
as game metaphors in the national and regional press.”

A further dimension emergent from the media analysis was the adversarial nature of
Australian leadership, expressed in public verbal abuse, and the aggressive nature of inter-
personal relationships. This behavior is distinct from the GLOBE dimension of decisiveness,
which was identifiable in references to terms such as “tough stand” and “fortitude.” The
adversarial nature of Australian leadership was evident in terms like attack, fight, and vicious
tirade.
A caveat to this interpretation is that these comments resulted from a general awakening
that politics ought to be more than game playing and pragmatism. Australians are instead
expressing the need for debate about ideals, convictions, and policies, hoping that this will
reflect real emotional and intellectual resources in the leaders who are going to lead Australia
at this time of rapid and widespread change (Mackay, 1993). Although there is an admission
that the adversarial nature of politics is born of the two-party system, the blurring of the
parties’ political philosophies has removed this legitimacy, so that Australians appear now to
attribute aggressive leadership to the personality of the individual leaders, rather than to the
system itself.
This need for more vision and integrity from Australia’s leaders is not a mass movement
(Mackay, 1993), and the quantitative results from the GLOBE study on dimensions such as
Future Orientation indicate that many respondents are equivocal. Nevertheless, the national
media analysis, through the definition of the Australian leadership dimensions of caution,
pragmatism, game metaphor, and adversarial, attests to the earlier discussion of a lack of
long-term vision and conviction within Australian society. Fortunately, the results also reflect
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318 ASHKANASY

the Australian enigma. They attest to a general recognition that Australian leaders are still
capable of vision and integrity. The issue is whether they will use these qualities in guiding
the nation in this age of change.

5. INDUSTRY LEVEL ANALYSIS

The two Australian industries involved in the project were telecommunications and finance.
Both these industries are integral to the Australian economy: Finance is the single largest sec-
tor in the Australian economy and telecommunications is one of the fastest growing sectors.20
Moreover, both industries provide services on which so much of business in general depends,
and they are interdependent. For example, the financial sector is heavily reliant on an effi-
cient, sophisticated telecommunications network. The importance of these industry sectors to
Australian business is one reason why they are particularly worthy of study. In addition, they
were ideal for inclusion in the GLOBE project because both have undergone substantial and
fundamental changes in the last decade, and their response to these changes provide insights
into contemporary Australian culture. Both industries have also been through substantial
restructuring in the latter part of the 20th century, sometimes led by powerful expatriate chief
executive officers (CEOs; see Blount, Joss, & Mair, 1999).
Discussion of the backgrounds of the industries, and the results obtained through both the
GLOBE study and subsequent explanatory research appears in the following sections. As with
the societal analysis, the two foci of the GLOBE study, culture and leadership, are discussed
separately, supplemented by the data from interviews with industry experts and an analysis of
industry text media.

Telecommunications Industry

For decades, telecommunications services in Australia have been provided by a government

monopoly. Although telecommunications had seen significant changes, such as the separation
of telecommunications and postal activities in 1975, it is only in the 1990s that the industry
has seen truly fundamental changes. Firstly, in 1989, the regulatory power was taken away
from the telecommunications carrier (then Telecom, now named Telstra) and given to an inde-
pendent body, the Australian Telecommunications Authority. In 1991, Telecom and the
Australian international carrier, OTC, merged. Then, in 1992, the monopoly held by Telstra in
its various forms since the beginning of the century was broken, and Optus, an Australian–
American–British consortium became a new competitor in the field. Deregulation was fully
realized in 1998 with the entry of more competitors. There is, however, general optimism
regarding the future of Telstra and its new competitors, especially regarding the role of
Australia as the leading telecommunications center in the Asia-Pacific region.21
Although no longer the sole national provider, Telstra is still currently Australia’s only full-
service telecommunications provider. Traditionally tied to the government, and operating in
many ways like a public service, Telstra has undergone a series of transitions to render it more
similar to a private-enterprise organization (see Blount et al., 1999). Large-scale restructuring
to centralize the organization and to downsize has, however, led to much unease within
the organization. The downsizing is expected to pare down the corporation to half its 1996

20
Source: Microsoft Encarta Encyclopaedia, 1996. World English Edition.
21
It should be noted, however, that the present analysis was carried out in 1996–1997.
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 319

administrative staff complement of 26,000 (Bromby, 1996). In its present state, Telstra is a
corporation with an independent board and has recently been privatized and listed as a pub-
lic company with a highly successful 30% sell-off.22 Since then, Telstra shares have sagged
after two public share floats, but Telstra management remains optimistic about its long-term
future (Telstra Corporation, 2000).
As part of the deregulation of the industry, Telstra is operating under competition policies put
in place and monitored through a regulatory body, the Australian Communications Authority.
The justification for these regulations has centered on the need to identify the level of competi-
tion needed for the industry and how this can be achieved or maintained (Fels, 1997). Fels has
noted that, in many ways, Telstra is much further ahead than other industries in Australia, offer-
ing full access, whereas others do not even have laws pertaining to such access.
Despite the new competitors, Telstra is generally expected to remain the major telecom-
munications carrier in Australia (Bromby, 1995; Chow, 1997). Currently, Telstra is the largest
integrated telecommunications carrier in the Asia Pacific, and is already Australia’s largest
listed company. Telstra has expressed the goal of being a major driving force in regional and
global telecommunications and is eager to leverage the multicultural makeup of modern
Australia to help achieve that goal.
The second telecommunications carrier in Australia, founded in 1992, is Optus. Optus has
introduced several major technological innovations and has had considerable impact in the
areas of pay TV and the international-call market (Bromby, 1995). Optus, and other operators
such as AAPT, have only recently entered the local-call market.
There are good indications that Australia’s telecommunications industry will continue to
expand its influence as a dynamic sector of the economy. First, Australia’s expertise in design-
ing, implementing, and managing telecommunications networks in the Asia Pacific region
have made it a significant telecommunications center. Second, Australia offers leading-edge
technology coupled with a sophisticated domestic market and a broad range of engineering
skills. It has a very strong base in communications and information technology (IT) support
firms, with the second largest IT market in the region, seven times larger than either
Singapore’s or Hong Kong’s (Chow, 1997). It can be expected, therefore, that there be will
considerable interest from potential international competitors who wish to enter a strong mar-
ket. Such transformations, however, are bound to affect the state and culture of the telecom-
munications industry.

Results

The preceding discussion provides a context within which the quantitative results from the
GLOBE project can be viewed for the Australian telecommunications industry. The telecom-
munications industry culture results appear in Table 9.4. These results were interpreted with
the aid of key individuals from the telecommunications industry. Two experts from the indus-
try were presented with the results and asked to discuss each of the dimensions separately.
The focus of this section is on Telstra because this was the primary area of expertise for the
interviewers and, given the size and dominance of Telstra, the Australian industry is still crit-
ically tied to the fortunes of the national carrier (Eason, 1995).
The industry-level culture results for the Australian telecommunications industry from the
GLOBE study appear in Table 9.4. These results include Australia’s ranking on each of the

22
The present study was conducted 1 year before the share market listing and sell-off.
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320 ASHKANASY

TABLE 9.4
Telecommunications Industry Results for the Nine Cultural Dimensions With Rankings for
Australia Compared to the Scores of 29 Countries

“As Is” “Should Be” Difference

Dimension Scorea Rankb Scorea Rankb Scorec

Performance Orientation 4.04 22 6.42 5 2.38

Uncertainty Avoidance 3.76 23 3.64 23 –0.12
Future Orientation 4.18 22 5.52 17 1.34
Humane Orientation 4.08 24 5.17 12 1.09
Institutional Collectivism 3.97 24 4.53 26 0.56
In-Group Collectivism 4.10 26 5.81 16 1.71
Gender Egalitarianism 2.77 21 5.34 4 2.57
Assertiveness 3.86 18 3.80 21 –0.06
Power Distance 4.52 7 3.25 23 1.27

Note. N = 4 organizations.
a
Items were rated on a Likert-type scale from 1 (very low) to 7 (very high). bRanks are out of the 30 countries that
provided data for the telecommunications industry in the GLOBE study. cDifference is “Should be” score minus
“As is” score.

three assessments: “As Is,” “Should Be,” and the difference between these measures. Table 9.5
describes the telecommunications industry leadership results in conjunction with results from
a media analysis of the 1996 annual reports from the four telecommunications organizations
included in the study. Kabanoff (1993) has shown that annual reports provide an appropriate
source for measuring the espoused organizational values, although only some sections of the
reports were relevant for the present study of leadership. These results have therefore been
presented together with the measures of perceived leadership in the telecommunications
industry obtained by GLOBE. Researchers coded 102 relevant text extractions.

Telecommunications Industry Culture. The GLOBE results show that the Australian
telecommunications industry respondents value a performance orientation, but see it as not
being achieved at the current time. These results need to be taken in the context of the mas-
sive restructuring of the primary telecommunications corporation, Telstra, and the consequent
job insecurity of many employees. Furthermore, most workers in the telecommunications
industry have continually changing portfolios, and are working long hours. As a result, they
feel unable to place a high priority on Performance Orientation.
The industry experts commented that this effect might also be a result of complacency. In
particular, Telstra is expected to profit from deregulation in the long term (Bromby, 1996).
Thus, a short-term effect of deregulation has been to enable Telstra to exploit the new flexi-
bility in the industry, and to dominate at all quarters. Such dominance does little to promote
a need to perform beyond current levels.
The rating of both the existing and the desired measures of Uncertainty Avoidance is low
in the Australian telecommunications industry. Indeed, there seems general satisfaction with
the levels of uncertainty avoidance. This may in part reflect the limitations under which the
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 321

TABLE 9.5
GLOBE Study Leadership and Media Analysis Results for Telecommunications Industrya

Leadership Percentage of GLOBE Variable GLOBE

Dimension Codingb Score Rankingc Rankingd

Performance Orientation 28 6.31 3 =6

Visionary 15 6.29 4 6
Collaborative Team Oriented 10 5.64 6 =10
Decisive 10 5.96 5 =11
Administratively Competent 7 5.42 8 24
Integrity 7 6.54 1 3
Humane 5 5.22 10 7
Autocratic 5 2.11 16 24
Diplomatic 4 5.57 7 =14
Inspirational 4 6.43 2 2
Procedural 1 3.39 14 22
Autonomous 1 3.99 12 =14
Modesty 1 5.27 9 11
Face Saver 1 2.43 15 24
Self-Centered 1 1.75 17 =27
Status-Conscious 0 3.46 13 25
Self-Sacrificial 0 4.86 11 =23
a
Based on 17-factor model (see Footnote 18). bFrequency of coding in media analysis indicates that this dimension
either exists or should exist. cRank order of GLOBE variables within the Australian sample. dRank position within
the sample of 30 GLOBE countries that provided data for the telecommunications industry.

primary telecommunications carrier is operating. Regulatory bodies also restrict the room for
risk taking in the current telecommunications industry in Australia, and any business dealings
are constrained by the rules of fair competition (see Standing Committee on Industry,
Science, and Technology, 1997). The distinction between regulated and nonregulated aspects
requires that these components remain segregated and further reduce potential for change.
The restraint may be in some respect alleviated with the deregulation of the industry and
privatization of Telstra. So long as Telstra’s shares remained 100% government owned, the
leeway for the organization to take risks with uncertain outcomes remained limited.
The telecommunications industry in Australia is largely event driven, with little imple-
mentation of planning in areas other than finance or marketing. This lack of planning is evi-
dent in GLOBE results for current Future Orientation and the desire expressed for more
Future Orientation. The recent introduction of competition to the market has encouraged
more “product planning” and business plans stretch into the next year. Despite this, size,
politics, and novelty of the present industry environment all contribute to render planning less
effective than might otherwise be expected. The high perceived levels for Future Orientation
might be recognition of the very real prospects for capitalizing on an ever-changing market
and technology. In particular, the convergence of technologies (combination of computers,
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322 ASHKANASY

telecommunications, and broadcasting) and broadband services indicates that Australia could
be following the example of America and European countries and developing strategic
approaches to capture the potential of this market (Wilson, 1995). In addition, the likelihood
is that deregulation of the industry will see considerable international competition from inter-
national alliances and mergers that will need to be met with anticipation by Australian carri-
ers (Eason, 1995). Indeed, part of the rationale for deregulation itself lies in the need for
future orientation; that is, that telecommunications reform was necessary to prepare the
national industry for participation in increasingly competitive global markets.
Although the pattern of Humane Orientation is behind what is felt to be ideal, it is still rel-
atively high. This result contradicts the generally expressed belief in the industry that com-
petition has had the effect of substituting a community focus with economic considerations.
Telstra started to centralize its operations before deregulation (Blount et al., 1999), and the
result has been increasing distance between head office and the places where the work is
carried out. Cost cutting was the stated rationale for centralization, but it may well have
resulted in the marginalization of consumer interests (Goggin, 1995). Wilson (1995) has sug-
gested that the competitive nature of the current regulations is reducing the community basis
of the industry. He cites the need for better service to country areas, and for affordability mea-
sures to assist people on low incomes.
Given the strong union culture of the telecommunications industry (see Blount et al.,
1999), it is somewhat surprising that Australia does not rank higher on this dimension. A pos-
sible explanation may be that, through the process of constant structural change that has taken
place in the telecommunications industry over the past 20 years, members no longer see soci-
etal collective values as important (see also Wilson, 1995). Remembering that the GLOBE
respondents were middle managers, these values are likely to be reinforced.
Telecommunications employees believe that their organizations ought to be more loyal
than they are currently. As with many industries, telecommunications firms appear to espouse
team values (see media analysis), but direct the majority of their performance reward mech-
anisms to performance at the individual level. The atmosphere of change and large-scale
restructuring may also have fostered an “individual-over-team” focus. This may therefore
have undermined group loyalty because of the number of individual jobs under threat.
With regard to the industry and the community, there are two opposing views. One is that
the corporatization of the industry has removed the community focus of Telstra. A second,
however, is that competition will, or at least should, serve to increase efficiency and the shar-
ing of these savings between the producers of the service and the Australian consumers (Lee,
1995; Wilkinson, 1995). The Australian telecommunications industry has traditionally been a
male-dominated culture, with a strong engineering, technical background. The results from
the quantitative GLOBE study indicate that respondents see the need for more gender equal-
ity. Although women’s career progression is recognized in the industry, the culture remains
based on assertive, tough behavior. Indeed, the anecdotal evidence from the industry experts
interviewed suggests that female leaders in the industry need to be tougher, and even more
aggressive, than their male counterparts to succeed. This reliance on tough and assertive
behavior therefore appears to be continually reinforced, with the current leader role models
fitting the industry’s traditional roles.
Consistent with the society-level results, Australians view their Assertiveness levels to be
close to their ideal. The telecommunications industry is broadly representative of this.
Interestingly, Australians in this industry score relatively highly in comparison to other coun-
tries on “As Is,” but much lower than the others in terms of “Should Be.” This result,
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 323

however, may be what one could expect, given the highly unionized nature of the industry
(especially at the time this analysis was done), where Australian values of “mateship” and
“one of the boys” is especially evident (see Blount et al., 1999).
The perceived stratification in the telecommunications industry is high, and is seen to be
higher than desirable. It seems that restructuring may not only be affecting collectivism but
also power distance. This is particularly so in view of the difference between those with
knowledge of impending changes and those without. In addition, the threat to the jobs of
executive employees may render the imbalance even more accented; fear may induce
managers to demand more of those who work underneath them.

Leadership in the Telecommunications Industry. It is clear from the GLOBE survey

results that leadership in the telecommunications industry is a derivative of societal-level atti-
tudes. Effective leaders are seen to be inspirational, of high integrity and vision, decisive, and
performance oriented. Effective leaders in the telecommunications industry, on the other
hand, are not seen to be self-centered, autocratic, procedural, or face saving. These findings
are reflected in the media analysis, although the inspirational dimension is notable for its low
ranking. Overall, the leadership results for the telecommunications industry reflect the
cultural emphasis on achievement discussed earlier.
As noted previously, Inspirational leadership ranks incongruously low in the media analysis.
Furthermore, the dimension of Self-Sacrifice ranked low in the GLOBE survey results and did
not rate a mention in the media analysis. This is consistent with the national media analysis, and
reinforces the view of the traditional Australian value of egalitarianism. Thus, although
approval of self-sacrifice is evident at the societal level (Self-Sacrifice scored relatively high
in the societal-level GLOBE results), it appears this leadership trait is not valued at the
organizational level.

Conclusion

The picture emergent from the analysis of the Australian telecommunications industry is
consistent with the analysis of societal culture values reported earlier in this chapter, and
reflects the underlying themes of Australian culture. In particular, the results reinforce the
inherent contradictions within the culture. The telecommunications industry is undergoing an
intense and seemingly unending process of change, which is reflected in a short-term future
orientation and an emphasis on achievement. As a result, effective leaders in the telecommu-
nications industry are seen to be performance oriented and decisive (e.g., see Blount et al.,
1999). At the same time, however, they need to be diplomatic rather than self-sacrificing. In
effect, they need to be inspirational, without being seen to put themselves ahead of their
fellow employees.

Finance Industry

The finance system in Australia is largely accounted for by the banking system, incorporat-
ing government-owned and private commercial banks, savings banks, and special-purpose
banking institutions. Building societies, trustee companies, credit unions, insurance compa-
nies, and merchant banks represent other sections of the finance system.
Before 1980, the finance industry had been relatively stable, with the notable exception of
the successful fight against nationalization of the banking system after World War II (Singh,
1991). In the last 15 years, however, there have been considerable changes implemented
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324 ASHKANASY

that have altered forever the face of the Australian finance industry. First, in 1983, amid an
environment inclined toward deregulation, the AUD was floated. In 1985, there were four
main banks, operating under the supervision and regulation of the Reserve Bank of Australia.
Then, corresponding with deregulation in the total finance industry, the federal government
issued 16 banking licenses, instead of the expected 6. Consequently, the late 1980s saw a huge
growth in employment and competition, riding the wave of an economic boom accompanied
by rising inflation.
In the retail market, the effect of the competition rendered banks more competitive.
Recently, the trend has been for building societies to convert to banks and the market share of
nonbank institutions is becoming smaller. The four main banks (the “four pillars”; see
Willetts, 1999) continue to dominate the market and have actually prospered from deregula-
tion (Singh, 1991). The international banks that have attempted to establish retail arms in
Australia have generally had limited success. In wholesale banking, new entrants had a
notable and lasting impact, especially in corporate lending, in money markets, and in foreign-
exchange operations.23 Today, the wholesale banking industry in Australia is sophisticated and
competitive despite the relatively small size of the Australian market.
The late 1980s and early 1990s, however, was a generally difficult period for the finance
industry. All banks suffered especially because of large loans issued to entrepreneurs and their
ventures, which frequently failed during the recession. In response, the finance industry has
downsized strenuously (Singh, 1991). In recent years, the Australian economy has recovered
and stabilized, yet the finance industry remains very competitive. Margins have continued to
fall, new entrants have kept competition fierce, and the trend has been for greater investment
in technology rather than people.

Results

The industry-level culture results for the Australian finance industry, as measured by the
GLOBE survey, appear in Table 9.6. Following is an interpretation of these results based on
interviews with two experts from the Australian finance industry. These experts from finan-
cial institutions were presented with the results by dimensions and asked to discuss their inter-
pretations of the figures, given their knowledge of the industry, for each dimension in turn. In
addition, the researchers used information from the interviews conducted by Singh (1991) in
his book: The finance industry leadership results (Table 9.7) appear together with information
gathered through a media analysis of the annual reports from key finance industries.
The media analysis was conducted by analyzing the 1996 annual reports of 10 finance
companies for references to leadership. Represented in the analyses are the four main national
banks, smaller banks, insurance bodies, and building societies. As was the case for the
telecommunications industry analysis, the reports largely focused on descriptions of contri-
butions made by various employees or board members to the companies, the codes of con-
duct expected of the board and leaders, and details of leadership schemes being undertaken.
There were only limited sections of the annual reports that were relevant for study. Again,
however, I argue that annual reports provide a useful index of espoused values, and has been
shown to be applicable in the specific instance of the banking industry (see Kabanoff, 1993).
These results have been presented together with the measures of perceived leadership in the
finance industry obtained by GLOBE. Table 9.7 shows the results from this analysis. The
researchers made 129 codings.

23
Source: 1996 annual report of the National Australia Bank.
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 325

TABLE 9.6
Finance Industry Results for the Nine Cultural Dimensions With Rankings for Australia
Compared to the Scores of 52 Countries

“As Is” “Should Be” Difference

Dimension Scorea Rankb Scorea Rankb Scorec

Performance Orientation 4.59 26 6.23 16 1.64

Uncertainty Avoidance 4.03 39 4.49 29 0.46
Future Orientation 4.54 33 5.76 21 1.22
Humane Orientation 4.71 14 4.91 27 0.20
Institutional Collectivism 4.41 12 4.57 41 0.16
In-Group Collectivism 4.36 44 5.75 30 1.39
Gender Egalitarianism 3.28 26 5.03 10 1.75
Assertiveness 3.92 29 3.84 28 –0.08
Power Distance 4.20 19 3.45 34 –0.75

Note. N = 14 organizations.
a
Items were rated on a Likert-type scale from 1 (very low) to 7 (very high). bRanks are out of the 53 countries that
provided data for the finance industry in the GLOBE study. cDifference is “Should be” score minus “As is” score.

TABLE 9.7
GLOBE Study Leadership and Media Analysis Results for the Australian Finance Industrya

Leadership Percentage of GLOBE Variable GLOBE

Dimension Codingb Score Rankingc Rankingd

Collaborative Team Oriented 26 5.49 7 =25

Performance Orientation 16 6.28 3 =13
Diplomatic 13 5.48 8 27
Administratively Competent 10 5.54 6 39
Integrity 9 6.30 2 =18
Humane 8 5.17 9 11
Visionary 6 6.13 4 =26
Inspirational 5 6.35 1 18
Procedural 4 3.83 13 43
Status-Conscious 1 4.07 12 32
Autonomous 1 3.71 14 36
Autocratic 1 2.19 16 =41
Decisive 0 5.91 5 =28
Modesty 0 5.09 10 27
Self-Sacrificial 0 4.88 11 33
Face Saver 0 2.59 15 33
Self-Centered 0 2.02 17 =28
a
Based on 17-factor model (see Footnote 18). bFrequency of coding in media analysis indicates that this dimension
either exists or should exist. cRank order of GLOBE variables within the Australian sample. dRank position within
the sample of 53 GLOBE countries that provided data for the telecommunications industry.
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326 ASHKANASY

Finance Industry Culture. The GLOBE survey results indicate that the Australian
finance industry is achievement oriented, but would like to be considerably more so. Part of
the explanation for such an emphasis on performance may lie in the nature of the finance dis-
cipline: Profit oriented and capitalistic in ideology, the structure of the finance industry
clearly necessitates a performance orientation.
The competitive nature of the finance industry may also contribute to its perceived
Performance Orientation. With so many of the features of financial institutions, such as inter-
est rates, being tightly controlled and regulated, the scope for attracting customers is neces-
sarily limited and must rest on individuals performing optimally in their work capacity.
Performance of individuals may thus be the only way to differentiate between financial insti-
tutions that cannot offer substantially different corporate performance.
Finally, the extent of finance industry regulation may also serve to explain why an even
higher level of performance is desired. Controls would tend to limit the scope for high per-
formance of individuals within institutions, and employees may feel dissatisfaction with this
restriction on their aspirations.
The results on Uncertainty Avoidance for the Australian finance industry are particularly
interesting. The pattern here contrasts with that of telecommunications industry and society;
finance industry respondents expressed a desire for a more conservative environment. This
may reflect the national perception that banking should be a safe industry. This perception in
turn is reinforced by the general practice of Australian banks, differing from international
trends, to profit from the interest and fees transactions generate rather than to speculate on the
market. When the State Bank of Victoria collapsed in 1990, indicating that banks are not guar-
anteed to be safe, the effect was felt throughout the smaller banks, with customers migrating
to the “four pillars.” Risk taking is therefore not a part of the banking culture in Australia, nor
is risk taking perceived to be desired (see also Singh, 1991).
The finance industry results indicate that the future orientation of this industry is perceived
to be higher than either that of the Australian telecommunications industry or of society in
general. The ideal ratings for Future Orientation maintain this pattern.
One distinctive feature of the finance industry is that, at an industry level, it is constrained
by the economic cycle; there is always the fear that the next financial downturn will lead to
organizational failure. Future orientation therefore is an inevitable and necessary component
of the industry.
Another factor affecting future orientation in the finance industry is the increasing empha-
sis placed on technology, rather than personnel. The experts interviewed expressed the com-
monly held industry belief that the future of finance lies in optimizing technology.
The Humane Orientation results from GLOBE indicate that the present level is perceived
to be similar to the desired level of humane orientation. Historically, the finance sector in
Australia has had a very public, caring face (Mackay, 1993). The network has an unusual rural
penetration, born from its growth during the goldfields in the 1850s and the opening of wheat
lands in the 1860s (Singh, 1991). The rural focus gave banks a service orientation toward the
Australian community similar to that recounted by Telstra employees. One effect of the com-
petitive environment of deregulation, however, has been to make personal relationships
between institutions and customers less important in the name of survival. With deregulation,
the caring face of banks is less evident than is the drive for service and more market share.
Customers of Australian banks envision a future with fewer big banks, becoming increasingly
centralized and less personal, with a developing market for the small and medium-size banks
to establish personal relationships and service (Mackay, 1993).
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 327

Rather surprisingly, Australians in the finance sector score relatively highly on this dimension.
This is compensated for, however, by the finding that the “As Is” score is almost the same as the
“Should Be” score. As I have argued previously, this variable is consistent with the union-based
nature of Australian industry and the strong element of welfarism in the Australian economy (see
Mackay, 1993). In the banking sector, the union element remains relatively strong, despite
restructuring (see Blount et al., 1999; Singh, 1991).
The finance industry appears to be replicating the pattern of the telecommunications and
societal results for In-Group Collectivism. More collectivist than individualistic at present,
the ideal appears nonetheless to be that the industry becomes more collectivist in orientation.
The qualitative results indicate that the finance industry operates predominantly on a team
basis, both within and between institutions. The latter is particularly distinctive for the finance
industry, because banks can own other banks, and the larger banks often support building
societies. Furthermore, the introduction of technology has tended to increase collaboration
between banks irrespective of competition, because of the need to use the same technological
infrastructure (Singh, 1991). The needs of the industry therefore can override achievements
of individual enterprises.
Contrary to this impetus for a group orientation, however, are two matters already dis-
cussed. The first of these is the reward for individual performance within the institutions. The
second is the effect of deregulation and competition, which is acting to de-emphasize rela-
tionships in the banking world. As Singh (1991) relates, banks are “competing for business
rather than following old loyalties; once the corporates [sic] learnt to play the game equally
well, they would go for where they got the best price and the best service” (p. 76). This con-
flict may in part explain the perceived wish for more collectivism than is presently practiced.
A 1992 report on the Australian banking market concluded that, as a direct result of deregu-
lation, Australians view their banking system as aggressive and commercial, in marked con-
trast to the community view that survived through the mid-1980s (Mackay, 1993).
The Gender Egalitarianism results from GLOBE suggest that the finance industry is char-
acterized by a medium level of emphasis on stereotypically male characteristics, but would
like to see much more gender equality. Although the industry is largely male dominated in the
upper echelons of management, it is probable that the pervasive impact of technology would
have contributed to mute a strong male emphasis. Technology has brought an increased
emphasis on collaboration and communication, especially within the IT area itself (Clegg &
Gray, 1996).
As was the case for the telecommunications industry, the Assertiveness result mirrors the
societal culture results, in that the finance respondents are generally happy with their level of
assertiveness, although it appears that assertiveness is valued slightly more in this industry
sector. Consistent with Singh’s (1991) observations, finance industry respondents in Australia
take a generally aggressive approach, more so than in other industries.
The finance industry is traditionally replete with hierarchical institutions, so it is not sur-
prising that the GLOBE results show a perception that Power Distance is higher than it should
be. This ties in with the predominance of references to the board and executives in the annual
reports used in the media analysis. It is also notable that the level of reported ideal power dis-
tance is higher than in the telecommunications industry, and the societal results. Possibly, the
high level of regulation necessitates, to some degree, a hierarchical management structure,
and this is therefore seen as more appropriate than in other sections of Australian society. As
automation becomes increasingly a part of banking, it appears that banks will centralize and
the authority and power of local branches decrease (Mackay, 1993).
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328 ASHKANASY

Leadership in the Finance Industry. The results in respect of leadership in the finance
sector, as for the telecommunications industry, reflect the societal results. Effective leaders
are seen to be inspirational, of high integrity and vision, decisive, and performance oriented
(see Blount et al., 1999). Effective leaders, on the other hand, are not seen to be self-centered,
autocratic, autonomous, or face-saving. These findings are reflected in the media analysis,
with the exception that the annual reports place the most emphasis on collaborative team ori-
entation, reflecting the values discussed earlier. In this respect, the finance industry in
Australia appears to be following the trends, discussed earlier, toward a participatory team
approach to management.
An interesting aspect of the finance industry leadership results is the relatively low rank-
ing of the Australian scores compared to other countries participating in the GLOBE study,
with the possible exception of Performance Orientation, Humane, Integrity, and Inspiration.
This is consistent with the results from the telecommunications industry, where the Australian
scores on dimensions such as Integrity and Inspirational were among the highest. This con-
sistency with the telecommunications industry is further supported in respect of the Self-
Sacrificial dimension, which ranked low in the GLOBE survey results and did not rate a
mention in the finance media analysis. This provides additional evidence that overtly
expressed self-sacrifice is not a desirable trait in Australian leaders.

Conclusion

It is clear from the analysis that the finance industry is somewhat different from the telecom-
munications industry, and provides an interesting contrast. The organizational cultures
expressed in the two industries reflect this difference. Employees in both industry sectors are
experiencing a continuing high rate of change, but there appears to be a much higher level of
acceptance of the status quo in the finance industry. The evidence from observers such as
Singh (1991) suggests that this may arise from the high level of regulation in the industry,
which lowers aspirations. Another factor is that the finance industry is subject to the vagaries
of the economic cycle, which promotes a lower level of risk taking.
Finally, the leadership results reflect once more the underlying cultural characteristics of
Australians, but at the same time suggest that the current trend toward higher levels of col-
lectivism are having an effect. This was particularly evident in the finance industry media
analysis, where, in contrast to the telecommunications industry results, collaborative team-
oriented views appeared in more than a quarter of the text excerpts.

Summary of Industry Results

One of the primary hypotheses of the GLOBE project is that leadership is reflected in implicit
theories, which are embedded in national culture. My analysis of the Australian telecommu-
nications and finance industries provides support for this proposition. The patters of cultural
practices and beliefs that were evident from the analysis of societal culture and leadership
were evident in the industry studies. This is despite the differences between the two industry
sectors, which are subject to markedly different environmental pressures (see Blount et al.,
1999).
The results also reinforce the underlying themes of Australian culture, discussed earlier in
this chapter. In particular, Australian leaders need to be performance oriented in a society that
values achievement, but at the same time need to do so in a manner that does not set them too
far apart from their fellow organizational members. Being seen to stand out from peers, for
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9. THE AUSTRALIAN ENIGMA 329

example, was consistently ranked one of the least desirable characteristics of Australian
industry leaders. It seems that the need for leaders to “perform” is at odds with the need for
them to appear to be “one of the boys.”24 In particular, leaders who are seen to over perform
are likely to find themselves in the position of the “tall poppy,” ready to be cut down.
Finally, the industry-level results reinforce the idea of an Australian enigma. Australian
leaders must aim high, but not be “seen” to do so. They must be inspirational, but not too self-
sacrificial. They must be humane, but still prepared to make the hard decisions if required.
They must be recognized as leaders, but still be seen to be “one of us.” Overall, it seems that
successful leadership in Australia is far from easy to achieve.

6. CONCLUSIONS

The title of this chapter is “The Australian Enigma.” This was deemed appropriate because
Australia turns out to be a land of contradiction and paradox. It is a vast and mostly empty
land, where most of the population lives in a small number of large urban centers. It is a coun-
try with a catch cry of “a fair go,” but with a record of discrimination and exclusion that is
anything but fair. Australians see themselves as the embodiment of the egalitarian society, but
at the same time, according to social commentators such as Mackay (1993), they crave wealth
and success. Australians are proud of their egalitarian culture, but at the same time also value
rewards for high achievers. Its leaders are expected to inspire high levels of performance, but
must do so without giving the impression of self-sacrifice or of not being anything more than
“one of the boys.” Australians are inventive and expect their leaders to show visionary quali-
ties, but seem to have little conception of anything more than a short- to medium-term future.
In this chapter, I have presented evidence for these seemingly contradictory qualities, and
attempted to provide some understanding of their origins. Australia is a young country, but
with an eventful history. Many of the reasons for the enigmatic qualities can be traced in
Australian history, starting with the original convict settlements. In particular, Australia has
been influenced by successive waves of immigrants who have shaped a diverse society, which
is only now beginning to deal with many of its more fundamental issues, including relation-
ships with its Aboriginal population, its British/Irish heritage, its role as a political refuge, and
its place in the Asia Pacific region. Nevertheless, Australia is an advanced industrialized
nation, with a well-entrenched work ethic.
Results from the GLOBE survey have shown that Australians value performance orienta-
tion, future orientation, a humane orientation, and uncertainty avoidance, but would like their
society to be less stratified and collective. Australians also see their leaders as being achieve-
ment orientated, visionary, and inspirational.
Some of the more interesting results of the present study were produced in the national
media analysis. Though most characteristics of Australian leaders matched the GLOBE
dimensions, some anomalies provided additional insights into Australian leadership. In par-
ticular, a number of uniquely Australian leadership qualities appeared. Some of these are
related to contemporary events and the new work ethic, but others appeared to relate to the
underling Australian value of egalitarianism. I called these traits “mateship,” “one of us,” “tall
poppy,” and “underdog.” These traits also appeared to underpin many of the findings of the

24
I have deliberately used boys here. The evidence from interview with industry experts was consistent in mak-
ing the point that, to be successful, female leaders needed also to be seen as “one of the boys.”
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330 ASHKANASY

industry-based part of the present study. These findings offer interesting potential for future
research. Indeed, Meng, Ashkanasy, and Härtel (2003) found, in a follow-up study, that “tall
poppy” attitudes directly affect the application of American value-based leadership theory in
Australia. Additional research along these lines holds potential to understand further the role
of unique cultural values and attitudes on leadership and management in Australia.
Finally, I note that this research has some important limitations. The sample of respondents
was limited, only two industries were surveyed, and the research was done as a cross-
sectional study. Indeed, the world, and Australia in particular, is experiencing a state of rapid
change, so that the conclusions presented in this chapter must be taken in the context of the
world as it was in the late 1990s—prior to the Asian financial crisis, the “Tech Wreck” of the
later 1990s, the events that followed September 11, 2001, and the subsequent political and
economic upheavals. Nonetheless, the consistencies of the industry representative interviews
and the media analysis with the results of the survey data, give confidence that the results are
broadly representative of Australian cultural values and leadership.
To conclude, it appears that effective leadership within the context of the Australian cul-
ture may be especially difficult. The principal implication for managerial practice emerging
from the study is that Australian leaders must balance the competing demands of egalitarian-
ism and achievement, and at the same time appear to be “one of the boys.” In addition, and
as Parry (2001) has also noted, Australian leaders emphasize integrity and consideration for
followers while at the same time rejecting American-style grand charisma. The further pri-
mary concern for Australian managers is a need to develop a truly long-term future orienta-
tion; in a changing world where Australia is yet to find its place, this may yet prove to be the
most difficult challenge.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author acknowledges contributions by Sara Falkus, who assisted with data collection.
Also acknowledged with thanks are the members of the GLOBE team and anonymous
reviewers who provided valuable suggestions and ideas for improving the chapter. This
research was conducted with funding from a University of Queensland “Quality” Grant.

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Inspirational Variations? Culture and

Leadership in England
Simon Booth
University of Reading, United Kingdom

Over the last three generations there has been significant cultural change in England as a
result of both external and internal factors. An observer looking at the dominant cultural char-
acteristics of England in the early 1900s would find it very difficult to recognize such char-
acteristics in the early years of this century. To understand the changing culture of England
and its influence on organizations and individuals it is important to look at the historical
context. This will help us distinguish what is unique to the English way of doing things today.
It may help us prescriptively suggest how its leaders need to work in order to be successful.
In the broadest sense, the success of plays such as Henry V may be partly due to how well
Shakespeare understood and described characteristics of outstanding leadership, which
chimed with popular opinion. That this play is equally popular today, despite a very different
cultural context, suggests that there may be some characteristics that have remained constant
over time and during periods of cultural change. We are interested in asking questions about
what people today understand by the term outstanding leadership. Are there still a number of
constant, dominant characteristics, or is this too simplistic in view of the highly cosmopoli-
tan culture we live in?

1. ENGLAND IN CONTEXT

Cultural change in England in the 20th century has been rapid during periods of war and slow
during periods of peace. Change has been influenced, however, not just by war and conflict,
but also by a number of other elements.
First, the arrival of migrants from the Commonwealth and many different parts of the
world led to England becoming a far more multicultural and cosmopolitan society than it had
been before the Second World War. Second, the rise to power of the “baby boomers” (the gen-
eration of children born in the period 1945–1960) provided the conditions in which social and
economic reform was high on the political agenda. This generation was committed to a
welfare state, but not to the dependency relationships that had characterized the first phase of

335
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the welfare state. This generation was more willing than the previous generation to accept a
greater tolerance of difference; they were less xenophobic and more committed to equality of
opportunity.
Third is, the rise of regional and ethnic influences. Regional differences began to grow in
significance (Curtice, 1996). The agreement to establish a new Scottish Parliament in
Edinburgh and an Assembly in Wales spoke of the recognition of the political, social, and cul-
tural importance of these parts of the UK. Similarly, the differences between England and
Northern Ireland have been identified as significant in political and cultural terms (Gallagher,
1992).
There are also differences between many ethnic communities, which make up substantial
populations in some parts of England. There is a need to be cautious, therefore, in making
generalized claims about a uniform English “culture.” Indeed by the start of the 21st century,
any observer of the culture of England would have to take into account the importance of its
multicultural aspects.
Finally, a continuing debate has raged about the importance of science and technology in
the cultural fabric of the nation. The dimensions of this argument go back to C. P. Snow
(1963), who suggested that two mutually exclusive cultures were developing in society. One
culture was made up of an essentially progressive scientific elite. The other culture was based
on the traditional intellectual elite that had no understanding of science or technology and no
interest in promoting the values associated with the scientific endeavor. Writers such as
F. R. Leavis (1972; Leavis & Thompson, 1960) represented the traditional literary elite and
the culture on which it was based. Snow and Leavis represented two poles of this division in
English culture (Johnson, 1979). Mant (1977) developed this argument by suggesting that a
similar division was to be found in business culture.
The influence of these four sets of forces on English culture can be seen in a number of
ways. Some writers have suggested that society is now divided into a number of different
groupings (Johnson, 1979; Storey, 1994), in which there is no clear cultural predominance. In
contrast, the argument explored here is that these forces have had a strong influence that can
be summed up as a battle between progressives and traditionalists. Looking back over the last
50 years we can see that two cultural archetypes have been striving for supremacy.

Traditionalist Culture

Traditional culture was based on social and economic inequality in society that supported and
maintained the idea of class as a differentiating factor (E. P. Thompson, 1978). The tradition-
alist culture had a number of classes within it, including the social elite of the aristocracy and
landed gentry, a significant middle class, and a large working class. This culture was held
together by a general acceptance of inequality, the support of the Church, as well as by law
and custom.
The traditionalist culture showed a tendency toward, or acceptance of, authoritarianism,
high power distance and in-egalitarianism. There was a predominantly masculine, individual-
istic, achieving ,and class-based orientation. Members of this culture preferred the known,
learned, or experienced truths with which they were raised. The precise nature of the social
rules, which governed behavior, depended on the class to which an individual belonged.
Managers and leaders subscribed to middle- and upper-class norms. Some of these included
putting an emphasis on values such as personal discipline and morality, politeness, keeping
to the rules even when no one else is checking, telling the truth, and acting as a “gentleman”
or “lady.” These attributes were at the heart of an “establishment” view of the world,
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10 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND 337

reproduced by the “public school education” system, which was intended to breed the
leaders of society (Leavis, 1972).
Boys were often sent away to boarding school from the age of 7 until 18. Boys had to learn
both formal and informal rules, behaviors, and conventions in order to survive. The result of
this form of education was a class of people who showed a certain reserve, a “stiff upper lip,”
and an adherence to a code of honor, behavior, and manners, which has been seen as stereo-
typical of the ruling class (Marnham, 1982). These characteristics were seen as important
because of the need to be seen to abide by the rules of society and to accept without question
the place one had in the class system. Fulfilling the obligations imposed by the class system,
even when such rules did not lead to personal advantage, was considered important. This
culture was, therefore, based on an internalization of a set of formal and informal rules.
Contravention of the rules could lead to loss of face, dishonor, and social ostracism.

Liberal Culture

An alternative culture developed based on a mixture of liberal and collectivist values. An

important element in this was the acceptance of community norms and collectivist activity
(M. Young & Willmott, 1957). With the development of the welfare state and new laws
banning discrimination on the basis of race or sex in the 1970s, the liberal culture was begin-
ning to pose a threat to the hegemony of the traditionalist culture.
There were a number of different threads that differentiated groups within the liberal cul-
ture. Most people who subscribed to the main tenets of the liberal culture rejected inequality
replacing it with an emphasis on humane and egalitarian attitudes and a belief in cooperation,
consensus, and individual freedom. Those who adopted this outlook had a general belief in
progression through merit and were happy to work in a performance-oriented environment.
They rejected high power distance. Collectivist variants of this subculture were led by writers
such as Raymond Williams (Johnson, 1979). He was a variant who rejected the class-based
views, arguing that new opportunities permitted the rise of a meritocracy (M. Young, 1958).

Recent Cultural Change in England

Against this general background it can be seen that between 1945 and 2000 major cultural
changes took place in England. Hall, Held, and McGrew (1992) and Halsey (1995) suggest
that these changes are leading to the construction of new meanings and identities that are
likely to influence the actions of both organizations and individuals in ways that cannot
easily be identified.
The old ruling class has lost much of its once dominant position. Even the traditional char-
acteristic of reserve or reluctance to show feelings in public has changed. For example, the
importance of the idea of the “stiff upper lip” was challenged by the remarkable public grief
shown at the death of Princess Diana in 1997. This reflected a growing recognition in society
that it was acceptable to show emotions in public.
An example of the rise of the challenge to the dominance of the male role model can be
seen in the social and economic emancipation of women. By the 1990s, women had the
opportunity to play a much greater role in society and contribute to a reorientation of culture.
With at least a minimum welfare state, the dominant fear of poverty and illness found in the
1930s had been significantly reduced for women, who had found new ways of raising
children without the need for a man to provide for the family.
With such massive changes by the end of the 20th century, the relevance of traditionalist
culture was being seriously questioned (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983).
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338 BOOTH

The rise and widespread use of satirical humor in a variety of media has acted as a mirror
for those questioning the relevance of dominant cultural norms. Humor has been an accept-
able tool to prick the pomposity and overweening pride of leaders in society. Not even the
Queen, as head of state, has been immune to this. Humor and self-mockery has also been used
by leaders in business as an effective way of cutting through hierarchies in order to establish
relationships. Humor provided the safety valve through which social, economic, and political
inequalities could be addressed. It is a route by which the traditional deference and reserve,
which still pervades parts of society, can be challenged. British culture has never been
immune to change. Migration, regional consciousness, the rise of science, the increasing role
of women, and the openness of the mass media have all played a part in change over the
period between 1950 until 2000. As a result, some have questioned how culturally united
England really is (Corner & Harvey, 1991; Hewison, 1995). These recent cultural changes
have made England into a far more varied and cosmopolitan society than was the case in the
1950s. This does not mean, however, that there are not identifiable bastions of the tradition-
alist culture. There are also other parts of society that emphasize a liberal culture.
It is fairly easy for people to recognize the images and actions that represent these differ-
ent cultural archetypes (Halsey, 1995). We briefly outline some unobtrusive measures that
give a qualitative insight into British culture. These measures are concerned with the GLOBE
concepts of Power Distance, Collectivism (Individualism), Gender Egalitarianism, Humane
Orientation, Future Orientation, and Performance Orientation.

Power Distance. In the past there has been a high degree of Power Distance among those
who felt they belonged to the class-based culture of British society. In the period since the
Second World War, there has been a decline in the rigidity of this system. The royal family
and landed aristocracy lost a great deal of their power and influence. The royal family, based
on the hereditary principle, appears to many as something of a contradiction in modern
Britain. It maintains a system of hierarchy and honors that seems rather out of place in a
democratic state. However, there is very widespread public support for the monarchy, with-
out which its existence would be called into question.
Since World War II, politics in Britain has often revolved around the power distance
debate. The advent of the Thatcher government led to radical change and the promotion of
individual power rather than state power. The period from 1979 to 1997 was characterized by
the privatization of state enterprises, the development of an “enterprise culture,” deregulation,
tax reduction, the abolition of foreign exchange controls, and a cutback on the welfare state.
The aim was to change the culture from dependency to individual freedom, enterprise, and
responsibility (Randlesome, 1995). The emphasis on deregulation extended to trade unions.
The right not to join a union and legal control of the right to strike transformed the industrial
relations environment. There was a fall in the membership of trade unions from 10.9 million
in 1984 to 8.27 million in 1994. More significant, the power of the unions was significantly
reduced. The number of working days lost through strikes went down from 4.12 million in
1989 to 278,000 in 1994. The number of workers involved in strikes went down from 887,000
in 1987 to 107,000 in 1994, and the number of disputes went down from 1,074 in 1986 to 205
in 1994 (Office for National Statistics, 1997).
The deregulation emphasis on enterprise and individualism characteristic of the Thatcher
governments of the 1980s was seen as a watershed to some and an aberration to others.
Thatcher was a good example of a prime minister who made radical changes and provided
innovative leadership. But such an approach was exceptional. The main political parties have,
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10 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND 339

in the 1990s, changed tack, and proclaimed their wish to transform Britain into a “classless”
society. This approach retained some elements of Thatcherism, such as recognition of the
importance of private enterprise, but it also included funding to provide a better system of
education, creating more equal opportunities and a measure of redistribution. In the 1990s,
social scientists such as Anthony Giddens had a significant influence on the thinking of lead-
ing Labor politicians. He sketched out what became known as “the third way” (Giddens,
1994, 1998, 2000). This suggested that a new and different approach to politics could be
developed that would leave behind the traditional fight between right and left. Indeed,
research by Peter Saunders (1996) suggests that England is already largely a meritocratic
society. He found that the most important factors accounting for social-class division was
individual ability and motivation rather than family background or social situation.

Collectivism (Individualism). There is a streak of individualism to be found in England.

To some this can be explained by simple characteristics such as the fact that being an island
there has been an emphasis on self-reliance. Others would suggest that an explanation can
best be found in the legal system and the long tradition of liberalism going back to the Bill of
Rights in 1688, which has provided a degree of personal liberty not found elsewhere. At the
same time, it would be equally true to say that there is also acceptance of community values
that governments have attempted to support in a variety of ways. An example of the individ-
ualism of the British is in their attitude toward obeying the law when it comes to matters of
conscience. In a recent survey (Brook & Cape, 1995) only 36% would obey the law if it
clearly went against their conscience, whereas 57% would follow their conscience rather than
the law.
There is generally a belief that individuals should be allowed to do what they want, so long
as it does not adversely affect others. For example, the issue of the illegality of some “soft”
drugs has been a matter of debate, with public opinion showing signs of change. Recent evi-
dence (Gould, Shaw, & Ahrendt, 1996) suggests that attitudes have changed over the period
from 1983 to 1995. Those wishing to keep cannabis illegal have declined from 78% to 58%.
Those wishing for a change in the law have risen from 12% to 31%. Such results indicate
growing support for the right of the individual to make choices in this area.
Finally, the opposite of an individualist approach is perceived as an authoritarian orienta-
tion, for this denies the right of individuals to make choices. Ahrendt and Young (1994) found
that people in England over the age of 60 years were more than twice as likely to hold author-
itarian views than those under 34. Their evidence indicates that whereas authoritarian atti-
tudes are fairly strong amongst older and less well-educated people, among the younger and
better-educated, authoritarian attitudes are held only by a minority (19%). Despite this gen-
eral picture, people in England still take an authoritarian approach to punishment and law
breaking, especially over serious crimes. There is a strong public view that the law should be
obeyed, and that crime should be punished.

Gender Egalitarianism. Traditionally there has been a strong emphasis on masculinity in

English culture with women playing a subordinate role. Until the end of the 1950s, it was still
considered that “the woman’s place is in the home.” Even in the 1990s, women still did not
have equal representation in leadership positions in many areas of economic and political life.
The advent of equal opportunities and the economic emancipation of women has, however,
led to significant change. Now most women work and only 27% of people think that the wife
should stay at home and look after the children. It has been suggested that this increased
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340 BOOTH

participation in the labor force has shaken the foundations of traditional family life (Scott,
Braun, & Alwin, 1993). One of the consequences of the emancipation of women has been a
change in the nature of relationships and a decline in the need for the traditional family bound
by marriage. For example, the number of births outside marriage increased steadily from
218,000 in 1990 to 240,000 in 1995. By the mid-1990s almost one in two children were born
outside marriage. There is a trend, at least among younger people, toward a greater tolerance
of different ways of bringing up children. Living together outside marriage does not bring the
stigma and social isolation that it did in the 1960s.

Humane Orientation. It would appear that there has been a general move toward a more
humane or liberal approach in many social aspects of English culture. For example, the death
penalty was abolished in the 1960s, abortion was legalized, and the laws have been used to
try to stamp out discrimination.
There is generally a good health service, which is free at the point of need, funded through
taxation. Increasing numbers of people, however, recognizing its shortcomings, are also using
private health insurance. There is a fairly poor state-funded pension scheme, but strong
encouragement exists for those in work to take part in private pension schemes. Overall it can
be said that the welfare state does still provide some assistance for the basic needs of most of
the vulnerable and deprived sections of the population, on at least a minimal level. In addi-
tion there is a significant and relatively thriving voluntary sector, which provides assistance
for many special needs.

Future Orientation and Performance Orientation. There has been a relatively low level
of consideration for the longer-term future, partly because of the welfare state safety net. It
was thought by many that the funding provided through taxation would cover for most future
needs (including education, unemployment benefit, and pensions). The attack on the welfare
state in the 1980s and 1990s has led to an increased concern for the future. Among the mid-
dle classes delayed gratification is still important. For many millions of people who have
average or lower than average incomes, the most important concern is deciding which bills to
pay at the end of the week. For the majority, therefore, dealing with the present provides
enough problems without having to think about the long-term future.
Linked to a willingness to plan for the future is often a concern to achieve. Many compa-
nies say they recognize and reward performance among employees. For some this amounts to
little more than tokenism, but for others, this can make a significant difference to their take-
home pay. A recent survey indicated that on average nonmanagers in the private sector gained
an 8.9% increase on their base pay and senior managers gained an increase of 13.6%
(Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development [CIPD], 1999). Almost all firms now have
some sort of performance measurement, monitoring, and appraisal system.

2. THE CONTEXT OF MANAGEMENT AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND

Many authors have tried to identify the main characteristics of English business culture and
its influence on management in business (Adler, 1991; Child, 1981; Cooper & Hingley, 1985;
Lazonick, 1986; Mant, 1977; Trompenaars, 1993). One of the most interesting and influen-
tial contributions, was by Geert Hofstede (1980, 1991), who provided a useful comparative
analysis of managers and their cultural attitudes. His research on managers at IBM in Britain
showed a comparatively high score for Individualism and Masculinity, but a comparatively
low score on Uncertainty Avoidance and Power Distance.
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10 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND 341

In the 19th and early 20th, centuries there was an aristocratic aversion to industry
(Lazonick, 1986). The predominant form of enterprise was the family-run business, which
lacked any professional training. The professionalization of management can be traced back
to the growth of “red-brick” universities such as Leeds (textiles), Birmingham (engineering),
and Reading (agriculture and land management), which provided a new group of profession-
ally qualified managerial staff. It was not until 1947 that the British Institute of Management
was formed to try to promote management education, and it was over 10 years later that the
first state-supported business schools, London Business School and Manchester Business
School, were established. Even in the late 1960s and early 1970s, managers were not seen as
professionals (Lazonick, 1986).
Between 1970 and 2000, British managers became professionalized. This period saw a
huge increase in management education, training, and development. For example, the num-
ber of business graduates in British universities rose from virtually none in 1960 to 124,000
in 1994–1995. During this period, however, most top British managers had at best, technical
rather than business qualifications. As a group, it was said that they showed some typical char-
acteristics such as politeness, tenaciousness, resourcefulness, and self-discipline (Terry,
1979). Terry also suggested that they had a generally ethnocentric attitude toward their for-
eign counterparts, and most could hardly speak a foreign language. Although not common in
most large firms, even in the 1980s, Newitt (1989) suggested that some managers still had an
ignorant, arrogant, narrow minded colonial and nationalistic attitude. Most large and multina-
tional firms had moved on from such stereotypes many years before. They had been exposed
to international competition, learned from best practice from around the world, and some
were leading the way in innovative management training, in diversity management, and in
promoting equal opportunities. These open-minded, professional managers reflected some of
the more positive aspects of the British character of honesty, frankness, trust, self-control,
self-discipline, and politeness (Tayeb, 1993). In the late 1980s and early 1990s, managers
who worked in such organizations were studied by Trompenaars (1993), who commented that
the characteristic corporate culture in Britain could be called a “guided missile” model. This
is essentially egalitarian, impersonal, and task oriented. However, the professionalization of
business management was still seen by many as having little to do with leadership.
Management was a matter of administration, procedures, and abiding by rules and regula-
tions. British authors such as John Adair were influential in challenging this view, arguing that
every manager needed leadership skills. Indeed he suggested, “leadership is an essential
ingredient in effective and successful management.” (Adair, 1984, p. ix). His ideas about
developing leadership skills were widely adopted in business and the public sector in the
1980s and 1990s.
The work of Cooper and Hingley (1985) showed that many of the most successful leaders
in business adopted an open, honest, charismatic leadership style. Successful corporate lead-
ers were often highly motivated individuals who were driven by anger and frustration with the
status quo. Essentially these people were active leaders who did not simply respond to cir-
cumstances, but who were determined to change circumstances and to triumph over adversity.
This type of approach echoed the inspirational and aggressive approach taken by leaders such
as Churchill, Montgomery, and Nelson. In difficult circumstances, they were single-minded
and determined to do what they thought right and carried their followers with them. These
attitudes led to some terms in popular speech, such as “the bulldog spirit” to express admira-
tion for an individual’s determination to fight against a much more powerful opponent.
Another was “the Nelson touch” in which Nelson ignored orders to stop an attack and carried
on a battle to victory. This sort of individualism was not new. In earlier times, leaders such as
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Sir Francis Drake, and later Cecil Rhodes were seen as outstanding, not so much for their
inspirational qualities, but for the ruthless single-mindedness with which they achieved their
aims. Such approaches are still adopted by some business leaders in England.
Many others seem to prefer a more anonymous approach, which may hide the significant
changes they make. In the public sector, for example, Clement Atlee was seen as quiet, diplo-
matic, and procedural. He was noted for not using one word where none would do. Yet
he presided over some of the most significant political, social, and economic changes of the
century.
In looking at leaders in British history, we cannot see any one dominant approach, but
there are a variety of approaches. In schools and popular culture, there is much more discus-
sion of the different ways people can lead organizations than 50 years ago. People aged over
50 learned in school about the great military and royal leaders of conquest and empire. Today
leadership qualities from other walks of life are recognized. People such as Florence
Nightingale and Isambard Kingdom Brunel are considered as worthy of attention as military
leaders like Haig or Wellington.

3. THE GLOBE STUDY

Media Analysis Findings

The aim of this analysis was to identify key features of leadership as reported in the British
media. A systematic analysis of press stories about the actions or intentions of business lead-
ers was made. These were distilled into a number of simple categories. Details of the method
used can be found in Appendix A. Table 10.1 outlines the main results.
The most frequently cited characteristic was energy, followed by change, action, facilita-
tion, and direction. The results reveal that the lowest ranking scores were for vision, innova-
tion, authority, communication, results orientation, and setting a challenge.
Over 70% of the stories selected were from either the Financial Times or Management
Today. This reflects a greater concern for leadership issues in these two publications. They
were also the only two media that reported on innovation within the context of leadership.
This may in part be due to their more in-depth concentration on UK business issues than other
national news media. Management Today also shows higher figures for facilitate, direction,
and culture, highlighting its focus on modern organizational leadership issues.
The findings of this media analysis show that the most prominent characteristic of British
leadership is the energy (or dynamism) that leaders showed together with their focus on a pos-
itive action orientation. From this study, it can also be concluded that leaders appear to be
strong promoters of change, providing clear direction and inspiration for their followers.
Perhaps it is not surprising, therefore, that leaders also attract a significant degree of criticism.
They are generally realistic in identifying failure. British leaders are goal oriented and usu-
ally set realistic targets. The articles indicate that these leaders prefer not to exercise author-
ity or power in public, but to get things done or fixed in private. They have collective skills
(e.g., group decision making) that complement this sort of style. They tend to use flat rather
than tall hierarchies, and methods that empower employees seem to be preferred. Masculine
and feminine characteristics are evident but with few extremes. Leaders are seen to be
dynamic, energetic, action orientated, flexible go-getters. They have an ability to induce
change and are promoters of future strategies but the stories show they tend to want to go
ahead and get things done as soon as possible.
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TABLE 10.1
Media Analysis by Source

Media Source

Fin Daily Mgt.

Categories Times Independent Mail Economist Today Total %

Energy 8 9 3 2 13 35 23.7
Change 8 5 0 0 8 21 14.2
Action 8 4 0 2 6 20 13.5
Facilitate 5 1 1 0 9 16 10.8
Direction 6 2 1 0 7 16 10.8
Objectives 5 3 3 0 0 11 7.4
Culture 0 1 0 0 5 6 4.1
Vision 3 0 0 0 2 5 3.4
Authority 1 0 2 1 0 4 2.7
Communication 1 0 0 0 3 4 2.7
Challenge 1 0 0 0 2 3 2
Innovate 3 0 0 0 0 3 2
Results 0 0 0 0 3 3 2
Control 0 0 0 0 1 1 0.7
Total 49 25 10 5 59 148 100

They did not show a high level of vision, innovation, and long-term planning. They did not
rely on authority structures, and there was little evidence of their ability to communicate
within their corporations.
Overall, this media analysis shows that British business leaders do not reflect traditional
culture; if anything, they seem to fit more within what was earlier termed a liberal culture.
They do not talk about high power distance or tall hierarchies, but they do seem concerned to
show energy and an action orientation that empowers and motivates employees.

The Empirical Survey

English Culture. This section outlines the findings of the survey carried out among
middle-level managers in England in 1996. This was a relatively small sample (N = 81) and
no generalizations can be drawn from it. Nevertheless, the responses do provide interesting
findings of the views of a sample of middle managers in some leading British companies, at
what appears to be a time of cultural transition. We have used the Mean (M) scores of the
responses in this section. Respondents were asked to give their responses using a 7-point
Likert-type scale with 1 as the minimum score and 7 as the maximum.
The results of the survey concerning societal culture show that the respondents felt that
England was a stratified, individualistic, masculine society. There were significant differences
of power. There was little humanity, sharing, or kindness (see Table 10.2).
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TABLE 10.2
Results for Britain on the Nine GLOBE Cultural Dimensions at the Societal Level

Society “As Is” Society “Should Be” Differenced

Culture Dimensions Meana Bandb Rankc Meana Bandb Rankc Should Be–Is

Power Distance 5.15 B 36 2.80 C 24 –2.35

Uncertainty Avoidance 4.65 B 14 4.11 C 47 –0.54
Assertiveness 4.15 A 29 3.70 B 33 –0.45
Collectivism 1 4.27 B 30 4.31 C 47 0.04
Future Orientation 4.28 B 11 5.06 C 53 0.78
Collectivism 2 4.08 C 53 5.55 B 37 1.47
Gender Egalitarianism 3.67 A 12 5.17 A 1 1.50
Humane Orientation 3.72 C 48 5.43 B 34 1.71
Performance Orientation 4.08 B 34 5.9 B 37 1.82

Notes: N = 81.
a
Mean score on a 7-point Likert scale. bLetters A to E indicate distinguishable bands of country clusters (cf.
Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004), with A (highest) > B > C > D > E (lowest). cRank position for England relative
to the 61 GLOBE countries. dAbsolute difference between the “Should Be” and “As Is” scores.

The middle managers in the survey felt that society was only moderately encouraging
(M = 4.08) people toward Performance Orientation. They saw in society moderate Future
Orientation (M = 4.28). They considered there was a significant degree of Assertiveness in
society (M = 4.15) and a fairly low score for Gender Egalitarianism (M = 3.67), indicating a
significant masculine orientation in society. They also felt that society was not particularly of
a Humane Orientation (M = 3.72). These responses complement their view that there was a
substantial Power Distance in British society (M = 5.15). However, at the same time they
recognized that there was a significant degree of Collectivism at the societal level (M = 4.27),
perhaps reflecting the influence of the welfare state. They also saw that family Collectivism
was of at least some significance (M = 4.08). Both these responses may explain to
some degree the mean of 4.65 given for Uncertainty Avoidance, indicating that there was
some basic provision to help people deal with most of the commonly accepted uncertainties
in daily life.
The interesting part of this survey was concerned with how middle managers felt society
“Should Be.” They were asked to express their views about what society should be like. We
can see in their responses something of a reflection of the changes from a traditional to a lib-
eral culture. Perhaps the most striking example of this was that there should be less Power
Distance in society (“As Is” M = 5.15, “Should Be” M = 2.80). Supporting this they said that
there should be much more Gender Egalitarianism (M = 5.17), and a much more Humane
Orientation in British society (M = 5.43). These results indicate that the middle managers
were in favor of cultural change. At the same time, however, they also felt that there should
be greater reliance on Performance Orientation (M = 5.90), family Collectivism (M = 5.55),
and a Future Orientation (M = 5.06). These results seem to indicate a strong wish for greater
equality of opportunity for all, reward for performance, and a rejection of the inequalities
based on power distance and gender.
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10 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND 345

Organizational Culture “As Is” and “Should Be”

In this section, we consider the survey responses by middle managers in the financial services
sector and the food-processing sector in England. Eighty-one middle-level managers from
leading financial institutions and food companies took part in this. Although the numbers are
small and generalizations cannot be made, the results do provide an insight into the views of
middle managers in the organizations taking part.
As in the previous section the same 7-point scale was used.

Financial Services. In the 1980s and 1990s, there has been a significant reduction in the
number of middle-level managers in British industry and an increase in their responsibilities
for the achievement of goals. In the financial services industry, in particular, there has been
very significant organizational change in which middle managers have been squeezed to
improve performance with fewer resources (see Appendix B for details). Performance is
important (M = 4.36, cf. Table 10.3, “As Is”), but there should be an even stronger emphasis
on performance in the industry (M = 6.31, “Should Be”). Managers wish to plan for the future
and believe in delayed gratification (M = 4.75), but they suggest that there is significantly
more that should be done (M = 5.68) to support this aspiration to invest in the future.
Traditionally there was a strong masculine culture in the management of the banking and
finance industry. This has declined to a significant degree, and some firms have made great
efforts to recruit and promote female managers. It is clear from the survey, however, that there
is still a feeling that at present there is only limited Gender Egalitarianism (M = 3.44). The
managers in the survey felt that there should be a significant change to ensure gender equal-
ity (M = 5.11). It was also clear that although there was recognition of the need for fairness
and a caring or humane approach in their organizations (M = 4.38), they felt that more needed
to be done (M = 5.04). Linked to this the managers said there was some Power Distance in
their organizations (M = 4.61), which in their view should be reduced (M = 3.39). Almost as
a corollary of this, the emphasis on the individual was considered to be less important than
the need for group pride and loyalty (M = 6.18). Respondents felt their organizational culture
aimed at avoiding Uncertainty (M = 4.37), but the managers perceive there should be less
Uncertainty Avoidance (M = 3.73).

TABLE 10.3
Organizational Culture in Financial Sector Companies

Culture Dimension “As Is” “Should Be” Difference

Power Distance 4.61 3.41 –1.20

Uncertainty Avoidance 4.77 3.73 –1.04
Assertiveness 3.82 3.98 0.16
Humane Orientation 4.38 5.04 0.66
Institutional Collectivism 4.08 4.82 0.74
Future Orientation 4.75 5.68 0.93
Gender Egalitarianism 3.44 5.11 1.67
In-Group Collectivism 4.37 6.18 1.81
Performance Orientation 4.36 6.31 1.95

Note. N = 81.
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TABLE 10.4
Organizational Culture in Food Companies

Culture Dimension “As Is” “Should Be” Difference

Power Distance 3.80 3.58 –0.22

Uncertainty Avoidance 4.08 4.27 0.19
Assertiveness 4.63 4.86 0.23
Humane Orientation 3.43 3.91 0.48
Institutional Collectivism 3.47 4.11 0.64
Future Orientation 5.06 5.76 0.70
Gender Egalitarianism 4.00 4.89 0.89
In-Group Collectivism 4.64 5.79 1.15
Performance Orientation 4.43 6.31 1.88

Note. N = 81.

The Food-Processing Sector. The managers in the food-processing industry responded in

a similar way to the managers in the finance industry (see Appendix C for details of the food
industry). Like their colleagues in the financial services industry, they felt that Performance
Orientation was of some importance (M = 4.43, cf. Table 10.4, “As Is”), but there should be
a significant increase in the recognition and rewards for improvements in Performance (M =
6.31, “Should Be”). The frustration at a lack of a strong Performance Orientation was impor-
tant, showing the greatest difference between “As Is” and “Should Be” scores. They said the
culture of their organizations was Future Oriented (M = 5.06), but this should have a still
greater emphasis (M = 5.76). Traditionally in the food services sector, men have been domi-
nant in the managerial levels. The respondents thought there should be much more equality
between the sexes (M = 5.11). Managers felt that the organizational culture supported fairness
and a humane approach to dealing with problems (M = 4.63) and little more should be done
(M = 4.86). The score on Power Distance showed that the firms in this sector do not have
highly stratified power levels (M = 3.80) and there was little need for change (M = 3.58). The
respondents felt that there was a reasonable degree of group pride and loyalty (M = 4.64), but
there should be changes to put greater emphasis on this (M = 5.79). The respondents were rea-
sonably tolerant of Uncertainty Avoidance (M = 4.08) but, if anything, they thought there
should be less uncertainty and risk in their organizations (M = 4.27).

Organizational Characteristics “As Is” Across Both Sectors. In looking at the means of
organizational characteristics “As Is,” it is clear that there are no very strongly suggested char-
acteristics. The lowest means are for Variables 1-22 and 1-34. These ask respondents to give
their perceptions on factual matters. Variable 1-22 asks whether most tasks are done by men
or women, with men as 1 and women as 7 (M = 2.80). Variable 1-34 asks how many positions
are filled by women (with possible responses ranging from less than 10% as 1 and with more
than 90% as 7. The mean on this variable of 2.37 indicates respondents thought that women
filled about 10% to 25% of positions. This shows under-representation of women in the work-
force of these firms. All the other means fall within a range of 3.42 to 5.50. The highest means
show that organizations are generally seen as slightly unfriendly places (Variable 1-24 stated
“in this organization staff are generally very friendly” [1], to very unfriendly [7], and the mean
response was 5.50). Management does not encourage continuous improvement (Variable 1-15
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10 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND 347

asked if staff in this organization are encouraged to strive for continuous improvement with 1
as strongly agree and 7 as strongly disagree, and a respondent mean of 5.45). There is a ten-
dency toward taking events as they occur rather than planning ahead (variable 1-3 asked if the
way to be successful in this organization was to plan ahead [1], or to take events as they occur
[7]). The respondent mean was 5.05. This suggests that respondents feel that to be successful
organizations need to be flexible, pragmatic, and concerned with the short term rather than
making plans for the future.

Organizational Characteristics “Should Be.” The means of responses provided evidence

of some strong views. For example, Variable 3-5 stated, “in this organization a person’s influ-
ence should be based primarily on: one’s ability and contribution to the organization (1), or
the authority of one’s position (7).” The mean response was 1.81, indicating a strong unwill-
ingness to be influenced by position rather than ability. However, on the other hand, there was
some reluctance by managers to be involved in constant performance improvement. Variable
3-15 said, “in this organization people should be encouraged to strive for continuously
improved performance,” with 1 as strongly agree and 7 as strongly disagree. The mean
response was 6.7. These responses seem to show that respondents wanted to be free to per-
form and contribute, but still wanted some stability and security in their work without the
pressure of the need to constantly improve. The responses suggested that people should be
assertive, self-centered, and not concerned for (nor sensitive about) others in the workplace.
They felt they should obey the boss without question, but they did not feel any great loyalty
to the organization.
Overall, the results of the analysis at the organizational level indicate a wish for smaller
power distance, less risk taking, less gender differentiation, and less individualism. They also
suggest the need for a more future and performance orientation, more collectivism, and more
of a humane approach. These results support and perhaps mirror the cultural changes that are
taking place in society, with managers appearing to support elements of a liberal culture with
lower power distance, greater gender equality, and a more humane and collectivist approach.

Empirical Survey of Leadership

Characteristics of Leaders in Society. This section discusses the results of the empirical
survey, which asked managers to outline what they considered to be the attributes expected in
leaders in their organization and in society as a whole. The means outlined in Table 10.5 have
been calculated from the validated combination of individual attributes. The attributes most
expected in outstanding leaders complement the views outlined earlier. In commenting on
leadership, respondents valued highly the ability to provide inspiration, vision, encourage-
ment of a performance orientation, and team integration. Personal integrity, decisiveness,
diplomacy, and administrative competence were also valued. The results show that individu-
alists who were autocratic, status-conscious, and who used bureaucratic methods were not
favored.
If these results are compared with the results of the media analysis, there are similarities.
The media analysis evaluated what leaders said they had done, were doing, or would do. The
most commonly used characteristic was energy. The expression of energy, linked with direc-
tion, action, and change, provides a complementary support for the survey results concerning
the importance of inspiration and performance orientation. An action and change orientation
can be seen as related to performance and decisiveness. The leading attributes found in the
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TABLE 10.5
Means and Ranking of First-Order Leadership Scales in the Finance and Food Companies

Finance Food

Characteristics Mean Rank Mean Rank

Inspirational 6.44 1 6.27 1

Performance Orientation 6.41 2 6.27 2
Visionary 6.23 3 6.17 3
Integrity 6.20 4 6.08 5
Team Integrator 6.16 5 6.16 4
Decisive 5.96 6 6.03 6
Diplomatic 5.40 7 5.36 9
Team Collaboration 5.33 8 5.45 8
Administrative Competent 5.15 9 5.75 7
Self-Sacrificial 5.02 10 4.72 12
Humane orientation 4.95 11 4.91 11
Modesty 4.80 12 5.15 10
Autonomous 3.85 13 3.88 13
Status-Conscious 3.61 14 3.85 15
Conflict Inducer 3.47 15 3.31 16
Procedural 3.38 16 3.88 14
Face Saver 2.48 17 2.62 18
Autocratic 2.42 18 2.98 17
Nonparticipative 2.27 19 2.24 19
Self-Centered 1.88 20 2.02 20
Malevolent 1.71 21 1.77 21

media analysis do appear to generally support the attributes expressed by managers in the
survey.
In the empirical survey, it is clear that vision is seen as a critical attribute, providing a link
between some of the personal qualities of individuals such as intelligence, competence, and
performance orientation and the need to look outward to how best the firm could deal with
the business environment. As a trading nation, England is subject to often rapid and turbulent
change so the link between inspiring employees, emphasizing competitive performance, and
using vision to anticipate future changes fits in well with the needs of the business environ-
ment.
Individualism is not rated highly by the respondents as an attribute of leaders (Autonomy
ranks only 13th out of 21 in both Finance and Food, cf. Table 10.5). Similarly, the survey
shows that Status Consciousness (Rank 14/15) and authoritarian approaches are not rated
highly (Autocratic: Rank 18/17). This provides more evidence of the challenge of the liberal
culture to the traditional culture, which relied on status and class.
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10 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND 349

Factor Analysis of Leadership Variables.1. The purpose of factor analysis is to summarize

the interrelationships among a set of variables as an aid in conceptualization. Factor analysis
provides an understanding of the interdependence among a large set of variables and their
dependence on a number of unobservable common factors. It is not within the scope of this
chapter to go into a detailed discussion of factor analysis, but there is some debate about the
extent to which conclusions can be based on the relationship between variables and the under-
lying themes (Kinnear & Gray, 1997). An exploratory factor analysis was carried out on the
112 leadership variables based on the total sample size of N = 168 respondents. Using prin-
cipal component analysis, we extracted four main components. There were many other com-
ponents but they accounted for a very small amount of variance. We briefly outline the four
main underlying dimensions, which are derived from the factor analysis of the empirical sur-
vey responses (see Appendix D for the component matrix).

1. The Inspirational Coach: The key elements of this approach to leadership include a
strong encouraging and morale boosting emphasis, combined with honesty and trust.
This dimension is also characterized by dependability, and a consultative and
informed approach that is excellence oriented and inspirational. These characteristics
suggest support for low power distance and an approach that delegates and builds con-
fidence in employees. An example of a business leader who used this sort of approach
in the 1990s was Richard Branson, who became well known in England for his inspi-
rational qualities, low power distance, and a coaching attitude. Such an approach may
be most suited to situations where there is scope for the individual to make an impact,
or where external or internal regulations are limited or permit significant discretion.
Nevertheless, inspirational individuals may be outstandingly successful despite being
hemmed in by restrictions or regulations.
2. The Orderly Organizer: The underlying characteristics of this dimension included
orderliness, patience, use of procedures, and cautiousness. These leaders are essen-
tially rule based, making decisions based clearly on established procedures, and they
operate “by the book.” They try to work with others in a collaborative fashion and are
aware of the need for sensitivity. These leaders are risk averse and modest as individ-
uals. They are not provocative or egotistical but prefer order, formality, and organiza-
tion. Some of the elements of this approach are found in business leaders such as
Arnold Weinstock, who successfully led General Electric in the 1980s and 1990s.
3. The Merchant Adventurer: The characteristics of this underlying dimension are high
power distance and self-centered individualism. The main elements include ruthlessness,

1
As discussed in Hanges and Dickson (2004), the GLOBE scales were designed to measure organizational or
societal level variability. The scales were not intended to meaningfully differentiate among individuals within a par-
ticular society. However, even though the scales were not constructed to provide such information, in some cases it
is interesting to assess whether similar factors differentiate individuals within a society. Country-specific factor
analysis is intended as an exploration of the themes captured by GLOBE in a new domain, that is, individual differ-
ences within a society. It should be noted that, because of the within-society restriction of the GLOBE scales true-
score variability (which was based on between-society factors should be lower than between societies (cf. Hanges &
Dickson, 2004). Furthermore, one should not interpret the within society factor analyses as replications of the
GLOBE factor structure. And the absence of a GLOBE factor within a society should not be automatically interpreted
as the factor being irrelevant to the people in that country. Rather, a factor may fail to emerge within a society even
when that theme is extremely critical because there was no variability and so a factor could fail to emerge because it
is extremely critical or completely irrelevant to the people within a society.
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egotism, and nonegalitarianism. A domineering elitism is found in this category. These

elements have a great deal in common with the self-made millionaires who grew rich
during the 1980s. Individuals such as “Tiny” Rowlands, Robert Maxwell, and James
Hanson showed how the individualistic merchant adventurer spirit could be success-
ful in modern England. They were successful through a combination of intelligence,
ruthlessness, and cunning.
4. The Compassionate Visionary: The underlying dimension can be seen as a humane
orientation that is inspirational and self-sacrificial. There is also a future and improve-
ment orientation found in this dimension. These leaders show compassion and to a
lesser degree dynamism and enthusiasm. They may not be very good administrators
but they have vision. It could be suggested that this category is reflected in the leader-
ship style of Anita Roddick, who won widespread praise in the 1990s for building a
highly successful business while at the same time emphasizing the importance of
social and ethical values. She seemed to represent some of the emerging liberal cul-
ture. She was egalitarian and passionate about business ethics. She stood in clear con-
trast to the merchant adventurer approach. That Anita Roddick succeeded in England
indicates that women could win through and capitalize on the opportunities they had
created. It provides a clear indication of change in British culture.

4. MANAGING IN MODERN ENGLAND: LESSONS LEARNED

In the light of the analysis outlined herein, the question that might well be asked is “what
should a foreign manager coming to England expect?” How should a manager coming into
England from some other country deal with employees?
The first point to make is that from the evidence it is clear that there would be acceptance
of such a manager whatever their gender. The cultural bias, which in the past made it hard for
a female manager to succeed, has been significantly reduced. There are laws to prevent gen-
der and racial discrimination acting as a barrier to successful performance. Today business
organizations are open to all.
The second point is that such a manager would be more likely to gain respect if they had
some of the attributes considered characteristic of outstanding leaders. The survey suggests
that what matters is personal ability, effort, and the capacity to motivate and lead others. The
ability to inspire and arouse motivated activity in others is paramount, but in addition the
respondents suggested that outstanding leaders needed to have some other personal qualities
such as trustworthiness, diplomacy, modesty, and integrity. Such leaders are likely to be pos-
itive, intelligent, and clear communicators who are performance and excellence oriented. If
managers coming to England had some of these characteristics, they would have a good
chance of being accepted.
What might managers from another country expect to find when they come to England?
First, there are a wide variety of organizational cultures in England, which reflects the cos-
mopolitan nature of English society. At one extreme, some organizations may still show a
very traditional class culture, such as Morgan Cars. At the other extreme, some firms may
exhibit some special characteristics. For example, as England has been successful in attract-
ing foreign investors, so there are many firms that have strong cultural attributes linked to a
foreign national culture. Some of the Japanese firms in England, such as Toyota, use Japanese
management styles, and the English workforce has successfully adopted the cultural norms
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10 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND 351

required. In between these two extremes there is a huge variety of cultural practices, so the
first important lesson for a foreign manager should be not to prejudge the organization, but to
be sensitive to its specific cultural attributes.
The second most important lesson, which this research suggests, is that a manager coming
from abroad will find that organizations in England are generally only slightly performance
oriented. Middle managers would wish to see their organizations as being much more perfor-
mance oriented. This could be very significant in combination with the view that firms should
also be more future oriented. For a manager coming from abroad this evidence clearly pro-
vides scope for action.
The third lesson that a manager coming into England can learn from this research concerns
how to deal with employees. There is a need for more collectivism rather than individualism
in the organizations surveyed. This translates into a wish for more group-based working, and
more team-based approach in the workplace.
The fourth lesson also relates to people management. Managers in this research feel that
there should be less differentiation based on gender, and a more humane orientation with less
power distance. Learning these lessons would give managers an excellent start in understand-
ing how they could be successful in dealing with employees at present and in working out
strategies for future direction.
The final lesson is that respondents feel there is not one best way to lead. Instead they have
identified four main approaches, each of which has specific characteristics. Each approach may
be best suited to different industry or organizational characteristics, but an understanding of
these approaches should help in assessing what may be possible and what may be most appro-
priate in a given situation. The inspirational coach and the compassionate visionary types may
be seen as representatives of the new world of work, which is based on a liberal culture where
individual employees are seen as critical to the success of the company. It could be suggested
that the orderly organizer type reflects the professionalization of management and the influence
of business education in England. The merchant adventurer type might be seen as more repre-
sentative of older cultural stereotypes but may still be successful in certain circumstances.

5. LIMITATIONS

There are limitations to this research that should be mentioned. The first main limitation is
that we have talked about England rather than Britain or the UK as the main focus of this
study. Britain is, of course, a mixture of different cultures. Scotland has a vibrant national cul-
ture. There are also regional and ethnic cultures that overlay the English, Scottish, or Welsh
cultures. For example, Jewish, Quaker, Islamic (religious-based cultures), and Chinese,
African, Indian and Pakistani (ethnic-based cultures) have been influential in some areas of
business life in different parts of Britain. The influx of populations from many parts of the
world has created a diversity of cultures. Tayeb (1993) suggested that the values of these com-
munities fuse with those of the English to create nuances in business style and practice which
can be significant. The research presented here is concerned, however, with the findings that
derive from a study of firms in England. Questions about the relative importance and influ-
ence of different national, regional, religious, or ethnic cultures are, however, important.
A second limitation is that we have taken a once-in-time snapshot of English culture. One
of the main points that we make is that cultural change is taking place. It would be sensible
to follow up this snapshot with further research to measure the changes over time.
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A third limitation is that we have been concerned to gain a general view, from the
perspective of middle managers and from the media. The survey of middle managers was
limited and it would be incautious to make any generalizations from such a small survey. To
get a balanced view of firms it would be necessary to have good survey data from other
groups such as lower-level employees and top management. In order to get a balanced view
of societal culture, it would be useful to have a representative sample of the population.
Although this would be likely to provide more accurate data, undertaking such a large data-
gathering exercise was well beyond the resources available. It is to be hoped, however, that
this research will provide a stimulus to others to carry out such work in the future.
Nevertheless, within these limitations, we have attempted to define and characterize some
of the common aspects of English culture. Measuring the nature of the relationship between
culture, organization, and leadership is a huge task. In this research, we have made one small
contribution to what should be a growing wealth of research findings.

6. CONCLUSIONS

The results of this study provide new evidence of a transformation that is taking place in the
attitudes, norms, and expectations of English managers, as expressed in the empirical survey.
In some ways, this reflects cultural changes that are taking place in society. The English man-
agers surveyed show a movement toward what we have called a liberal culture from the dom-
inant traditionalist one. They expect leaders in their organizations to reflect the main attributes
expected in leaders in the rest of society. The main attributes that leaders need to demonstrate,
in order to have a chance of success, are a decisive, inspirational, and visionary performance
orientation, in which integrity and diplomacy are also found. This view is largely confirmed
from the media analysis, where leaders exhibit great energy. They have an action orientation
and are change makers, setting and directing the organization to achieve objectives.
The results found confirm the work of Cooper and Hingley (1985), Trompenaars (1993),
Terry (1979) and, to some extent, Hofstede’s results concerning Uncertainty Avoidance, but
goes further in suggesting that managers would like to see less Uncertainty Avoidance in their
working lives. The research also suggests that whereas managers find England to be a high
Power Distance society they expect outstanding leaders to have a low Power Distance orien-
tation. The managers in the survey wish to see less masculinity and a more equally balanced
gender orientation. In addition, they would expect a more Humane Orientation in organiza-
tions.
The research shows that England has undergone significant cultural change since the
1970s. The once dominant traditionalist culture has been challenged by the liberal culture. In
the ranks of middle management, the end of class as a means of differentiating people has
meant that individuals are expected to be able to succeed on the basis of merit rather than
social origin. Old styles of leadership will be less likely to be accepted. There will be a need
for more education and training on how best to motivate and encourage excellence in the
workforce. It is clear that managers are searching for more motivation in the workplace. The
attributes expected in organization leaders mirror these changes. The managers in the survey
wanted leaders to reflect the need for equality of opportunity, reward for performance, and to
reduce the power distance found within some organizations.
What is clear from this research is that the business leaders of the future will need a rather
different set of attributes, compared to those of the past. They can no longer rely on loyalty;
instead they have to earn it. They are not so likely to succeed by using an authoritarian or
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10 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND 353

individualistic approach but must understand how to provide vision, energy, inspiration, and
encouragement. This provides a tremendous challenge to educators to try to help develop the
skills that can unlock the potential of business leaders to be able to flourish in the changing
environment of the 21st century.

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Appendix A

Methodology for Media Analysis

For this study, five forms of news media with a national circulation were used: The Financial
Times, The Independent, The Daily Mail, The Economist, and Management Today. These pro-
vided a variety of viewpoints.
The periods chosen for data collection were a 2-week period from May 20–31, 1996 and
a 1-week period from June 24–29, 1996. All articles concerned with UK news were scanned
using the following criteria:

• What a leader In an organization does, has done, will do, could do, or should do.
• How a leader was viewed as a result of the aforementioned acts.
• Articles about leaders In Britain only.

Articles about leadership In the public sector as well as the private sector were used and about
leadership In business, politics, and society. The periods that were selected did not cover any
major event. The period was average, except for one issue, which has come to be known as
the “BSE crisis.” This was not important enough during the survey period to necessitate
excluding all articles referring to it from the study. The same criteria were used In selecting
articles on the BSE crisis as with any other. If the piece described what a leader In the UK
was doing, had done, and how their actions were viewed, then it was included In the study.
Once all the data had been collected and referenced, the most characteristic attributes were
used to categorize the phrases. Where possible these were chosen from the verbs and adjec-
tives within each phrase where this accurately summarized the meaning of the phrase. This
reduced the mass of data to a number of words that clearly illustrated the phrases chosen.
Testing of the categories was a difficult task. To test whether the categories were seen as
reasonable (i.e., an accurate reflection of the phrases) it was agreed that a test should be set
up using students. They were asked to comment on a series of phrases and say how they
would categorize them. The results from this were very favorable. A majority of students used
the same or a related word to describe a phrase as had been used by the researcher. None of
the category names used had to be changed.
Initially, while going through the phrases and categorizing them, it was decided that a sec-
ond label should be added In some cases. This was used mainly when a phrase represented a
negative attitude toward the first category label. The following are some examples: “He is not
performing” (energy/negative); “we tried a bit of everything and most of the time we did not
do particularly well” (direction/negative); “Leave that to the other lot” (action/negative).
On reviewing these, however, it was realized that each of these “negative” secondary labels
could also be seen as indicating a need for a more positive approach. So “he is not perform-
ing” indicated a need for more positive performance. “We did not do particularly well” indi-
cates the need to have better direction; and “leave that to the other lot” indicates that the
individual had his or her own positive direction.
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One major problem with this method of analysis was consistency In applying the
secondary labels. The test of a sample helped to confirm that there was consistency. It was
possible to build a set of loose guidelines when applying the secondary labels. For example,
if the phrases actually contained a key word such as culture, challenge, vision, or change this
usually meant that it would be categorized by the same word. Many phrases had a clear cat-
egory label such as “action,” “objective,” or “result” where these were clearly illustrated In
the phrase and the context of the articles.
Once all the articles had been typified and added to the listings it was possible to calculate
the number of times each category appeared. The protocol suggested that the quantity of each
category label gives an indication of how leaders are represented In the media. Clearly this
view could be challenged. For example, it may well be that one category label is given only
occasionally, but, perhaps because it is a word reserved for important occasions, it should
have a weighting attached to it. For example, some important statements may only be made
at an annual general meeting, and unless the sample covered the period of reporting to share-
holders, some significant activities of leaders may not appear In the press. This issue does
deserve serious attention.
The issue of bias was a concern—not just the bias resulting from making interpretations
of categories without having a weighting, but that of the media sources used. Most articles
from the media were written or edited by journalists. They are normally concerned with
“newsworthy events” which could skew the findings toward an extreme issue or event, sim-
ply because such things make headlines.
Another problem with using popular media is that the journalists writing many of the arti-
cles are not usually qualified experts In that particular field. The article might not reflect what
a leader intended it to, or what actually happened.
There are, therefore, some potentially significant methodological issues that researchers
need to be aware of In conducting media analysis. The analysis did provide, however, a
secondary form of independent evidence that was useful to compare with the results obtained
from the empirical survey.
I would like to acknowledge Rachel Arnold for her research assistance In carrying out this
element of the study.
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Appendix B

The Financial Services Industry

There have been three major changes In the finance sector In the UK In the period from 1970
to 1997. These can be summarized as environmental change, technological change, and per-
sonnel change.
The first main change has been In the environment of the financial services sector. Perhaps
the most important element of this has been the change In the law that allowed foreign banks
to establish a presence In Britain and to compete for certain types of customer. Linked to this
was the abolition of foreign-exchange controls, which allowed citizens to take money abroad
and to bring money In. The effect of these changes was to break the cozy almost noncompet-
itive relationships between clearing bans In the UK. This led to much greater competition and
a need to change the product mix and to market aggressively to customers. The main result
of these environmental changes was a wave of takeovers and mergers In the 1980s and 1990s,
and the increased integration of the industry. This mostly affected building societies and mort-
gage companies, but some of the main clearing banks (such as the TSB, the Royal Bank of
Scotland, and the Midland Bank [HSBC] were also affected. The number of building societies
declined from 167 In 1985 to 94 In 1995.
The second major change was the advent of technology, which led to a huge reduction In
the need for retail outlets and backroom staff. As a result, there were very large staff reduc-
tions In almost all financial institutions In the 1980s and large investment In computerized
systems. The whole retail banking system was threatened by the advent of banks with no
retail outlets, where all business could be conducted over the phone. By the mid-1990s, banks
were also beginning to establish “virtual banking” In which business could be conducted over
the Internet.
The third major change has concerned those who work In the financial services sector.
There has been a change In the culture of banks and financial institutions that has gone
together with the need to compete for business. Staff were properly trained and organizations
were structured to be able to compete. There has been a very large decline In the number of
staff, and those that remained have had to be retrained to meet the needs of customers. Far
fewer men were employed, but there was a significant increase In part-time female labor.
The three areas of change outlined briefly herein have left banks and other financial insti-
tutions appearing quite differently In 1997, compared to 1970. The revolution began by dereg-
ulation, and it is still In progress and will change not only the industry itself, but also the
habits of consumers and the face of the high streets of towns throughout Britain as retail out-
lets close down.
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Appendix C

The Food Industry

The dominant force In the period 1970–1997 was the European Union and the Common
Agricultural Policy (CAP). The consistency of the CAP allowed many larger farmers In
Britain generally to prosper In the 1980s. The food-processing companies had a steady sup-
ply of raw materials. Over the period, there was a significant integration of retailing with the
dominance of major supermarkets such as Tesco, Sainsbury’s, Safeway, and Somerfield.
There was also significant integration among food processors In Britain. By 1997, the six
top processors were dominant In the market. There were also a large number of small enter-
prises, but relatively few medium-size firms. In 1992, about 564,000 people worked In the
food, drink, and tobacco industry. Within the food sector, the three most important areas of
manufacturing and sales were meat production and preserving, bread and cakes, and choco-
late and confectionery. Most produce was sold In the UK or European market.
With the advent of the Single European Market, there have been threats from competition
and increased opportunities for sales within Europe, In addition to traditional markets. The
most significant issue, which has affected the food industry as a whole, has been the increased
demand for high-quality produce and food safety. As the supermarket’s power has increased,
so farmers and processors have had to respond with cost-effective, high-quality products.
A series of problems concerning food safety has led to political action to increase protection
and regulation to ensure a higher degree of control In some areas. The main issue that has
dominated the industry over the period 1989–1997 has been the contamination of the human
food chain with a disease of cattle, BSE (Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy and variants).
This has had a devastating effect on those most closely affected and has led to changes In the
way In which risk is assessed by companies and by the state.
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10 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN ENGLAND 359

Appendix D
Factor Analysis of Leadership Items

Inspirational Coach Orderly Organizer

Morale booster .767 Procedural .677

Confidence builder .719 Formal .646
Encouraging .711 Patient .606
Trustworthy .686 Orderly .550
Honest .678 Cautious .546
Plans ahead .647 Organized .537
Intelligent .587 Collaborative .521
Informed .583 Risk averse .505
Foresight .566 Habitual .487
Intellectually Stimulating .563 Modest .476

Merchant Adventurer Compassionate Visionary

Ruthless .515 Team building .438

Ruler .463 Inspirational .423
Able to anticipate .448 Compassionate .416
Organized .431 Self-sacrificial .409
Egotistical .421 Motivational .387
Dictatorial .421
Wilful .420
Nonegalitarian .417
Domineering .404
Self interested .403

The percentage of total variance explained by each factor was: Inspirational coach, 17.5%; Orderly organizer,
7.1%; Merchant adventurer, 6.2%; Compassionate visionary, 4.1%.
Note N = 168. Key extracted items are listed. Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin measure of sampling adequacy = .642.
Approximate chi-square = 12,756.67 (df 6,216, p <.0001).
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11
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Leadership and Culture in the

Republic of Ireland
Mary A. Keating
Gillian S. Martin
School of Business Studies and Department of Germanic Studies,
University of Dublin, Trinity College, Ireland

The contemporary Irish writer, Seamus Deane, has interpreted W. B. Yeats’s observation that
“Ireland belonged to Asia before the Battle of the Boyne” (cited in Deane, 1984, p. 90) as
underlining Ireland’s membership of an old and worldwide culture.1 The island of Ireland is
situated to the extreme northwest of Europe and is separated from Britain, its closest neigh-
bor, by the Irish Sea. Celts, Vikings, Normans, and the English have inhabited Ireland since
the Stone Age. At the 2002 census, the population of the Republic of Ireland stood at 3.92
million and is predicted to increase to 5.1 million by 2021 (Central Statistics Office, 2004).
In 1841, shortly before the Great Famine, the area now comprising the present Irish State had
a population of over 6.5 million. The 1851 census revealed a massive decline to 5.1 million
due to death from starvation, disease, and emigration. This outflow established a pattern,
which has only recently begun to change. Former President Mary Robinson, in a speech to a
joint sitting of the two houses of parliament on February 2, 1995, noted that there are some
70 million people of Irish descent living outside Ireland, who assert a strong cultural alle-
giance to their land of origin, yet have adapted and contributed richly to the countries in which
they now reside. Indeed, while geography has destined Ireland to remain peripheral, this dias-
pora has also enriched the country’s heritage in ensuring that “Irishness is not simply territo-
rial” (Robinson, 1995).
Culture is defined by the GLOBE (Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior
Effectiveness) study as “the common experiences of individuals which result in shared motives,
values, beliefs, identities, and interpretations (meanings) of significant events” (House et al.,
1999, p. 5). The following chapter sets out to explore leadership in the Republic of Ireland
within its cultural and organizational context and to consider the interrelationship between soci-
etal and organizational culture as they have impacted on the implicit leadership perceptions held
by Irish middle managers. It also investigates the extent to which these perceptions have been

1
The Battle of the Boyne was fought in 1690.

361
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362 KEATING AND MARTIN

shaped by recent and past history. The study is informed by the insights that have emerged from
analysis of both quantitative and qualitative data generated within the framework of the GLOBE
project. The corpus includes questionnaires, focus groups, and qualitative interviews alongside
a review of unobtrusive indicators of culture. The organizational focus of the Irish study is
located in the financial services and the food-processing sectors.
The chapter is divided into six principal sections. The first seeks to introduce Irish cultural
identity from a social, historical, political, and economic perspective and thereby to provide
a context in which to locate the field study. The second section introduces the GLOBE
research in the Republic of Ireland. The third presents the findings of the empirical study of
Irish societal culture. In the fourth, the focus is on leadership. The section begins with a
review of leadership research in Ireland, before reporting on the leadership perceptions of
Irish middle managers and investigating one of the core research questions set by the GLOBE
project, specifically, how societal culture influences such perceptions. The fifth section
addresses this question at an industry level with a view to exploring the interrelationship
between societal and organizational culture and leadership perceptions in the food processing
and financial services sectors. Conclusions are presented in the final section.

1. IRELAND: SOCIETY, HISTORY, POLITICS, AND ECONOMY

Perspectives on Ireland
Ireland has undergone vast changes since independence in 1921 and, perhaps most particu-
larly, since the 1960s (Breen, Hannan, Rottman, & Whelan, 1990). The past 40 years have
seen much turbulence as Irish society has moved away from being a traditional, socially con-
servative society and sought to redefine what it means to be Irish in a new millennium.
Membership in the European Union (EU), global influences, the impact of new communica-
tion and information technologies, shifting demographic patterns, and higher levels of educa-
tion have all contributed to this change.
Historians and psychologists use terms such as national psyche and collective psyche.
Concepts such as the “Irish personality” or “Irish psyche” can generate stereotypes and
appear static, suggesting that variations across social groups, historical time, and life span do
not exist (Moane, 1994). At the same time, such concepts bear the “imprint of bygone
circumstances” (Lee, 1994, p. 248). Lee exhorts that all generalizations about national
psyche should be based on comparison; for Ireland, the English connection has been central
to our historical experience. The fundamental difference between the historical experience of
the Irish and English is that the English have been a conquering people and the Irish a con-
quered (cf. Lee, 1994).
Ireland has been studied from a variety of viewpoints including the postcolonial, the
nationalist, and the religious, that is, Roman Catholic perspective. Lee (1989) mentions the
following postcolonial characteristics of late twentieth century Irish society: “extreme cen-
tralization; resistance to change and to new ideas, a lack of self-reflection, internal fragmen-
tation; lack of self confidence” (cited in Moane 1994, p. 254), all of which add up to a
national inferiority complex. Kane (1986) observes that a group’s ethnic identity is more
likely to hold positive and negative assumptions about itself when it is part of a “conquest
culture” and when these assumptions are instilled in part by the conquering culture
(pp. 540–541). In this vein, Ruth (1988) has suggested that many of the changes that have taken
place in Ireland are typical of a postcolonial society. He identifies in this respect psychological
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 363

patterns such as the acceptance of anti-Irish stereotypes (dim-witted, drunken, aggressive)

and, ensuing lack of pride, mistrust with this, and divisiveness between Irish people, a narrow
identity definition of being Irish, a lack of assertiveness, and a tendency to oppress. Liberation
from such patterns may, according to Ruth, involve anger and grief followed by pride,
assertiveness, and acceptance of all members of society.
Within the stages of evolution prescribed by postcolonialism, it would appear that the
process of liberation is under way. There has been a remarkable growth in self-confidence
since the early 1990s, prompted to some degree by success in the artistic, literary, and sport-
ing spheres, but most notably by economic growth. Furthermore, a sense of anger among the
Irish people toward many of the institutions that have influenced their lives, most notably the
Roman Catholic Church, has given way to a questioning of their moral authority.
The Roman Catholic Church continues to exert influence on the Irish psyche. To some,
being Roman Catholic is synonymous with being Irish. The rate of religious practice among
Irish Catholics is one of the highest in the world, although it is much lower than the statis-
tics suggest. According to one commentator, the social project of the Roman Catholic
Church in Ireland has been the maintenance of social stability (Nic Ghiolla Phádraig,
1995). To this end it provided the state with independent legitimization; the state, in turn,
instituted laws and policies in keeping with Catholic teaching. Moreover, it has been
closely involved in the provision of education, health, and welfare services. Much of this
involvement is being renegotiated as the Church redefines its mission in the light of dwin-
dling vocations, its implosion in the wake of internal scandals, and the emerging voice of a
more pluralist society.

History: Ireland in the 20th Century

Following 800 years of domination, the Easter Rising of 1916 saw the final rebellion against
British rule in Ireland. It unleashed a bitter War of Independence (1919–1921) after which the
Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed and 26 counties gained independence from the British Crown
as the Irish Free State. Six counties were granted their own parliament in Belfast and
remained within the United Kingdom. The “troubles” in Northern Ireland have been the
legacy of this division.
On independence, the Irish Free State inherited a number of important assets including
“an extensive system of communications, a developed banking system, a vigorous wholesale
and retail network, an efficient and honest administration, universal literacy, a large stock of
schools, houses and hospitals and enormous external assets” (Haughton, 1995, p. 26). Yet, the
new state faced a number of serious problems, most notably, the need to establish a new gov-
ernment in the wake of a destructive and divisive Civil War (1921–1922).
Eamon de Valera, who played a major role in the development of modern Ireland, entered
office in 1932 as head of government. He embraced the role of protector of Irish nationalism
and creator of the Irish nation and, to this end, instituted a policy requiring the use of the Irish
language wherever possible. In 1937, he introduced a new constitution, declaring Ireland to
be a sovereign, independent, and democratic state. In keeping with its independence from
Britain, Ireland remained neutral during the Second World War and thus escaped the worst
effects of the conflict. In 1948, the Republic of Ireland Act was passed, severing Ireland’s last
constitutional links with Britain.
From the late 1950s onward, the country underwent rapid economic expansion under de
Valera’s successor, Séan Lemass. Post-1965, following a free-trade agreement between
Ireland and Britain, there were significant developments in Irish trading patterns, which were
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364 KEATING AND MARTIN

positively influenced by accession to the European Community in 1973. Such developments

marked the beginning of an opening up of the Irish economy, which helped to pave the way
for the emergence of the “Celtic Tiger” in the 1990s and a period of sustained economic
growth.

Legal and Political Framework

The basic law of the Irish State is the Constitution of Ireland, adopted by referendum in 1937,
which asserts that all legislative, executive, and judicial powers of government derive under
God from the people. Freedom of conscience and the free profession and practice of religion
are, subject to public order, constitutionally guaranteed and the state guarantees not to endow
any religion. In a referendum held in 1972, the Irish people voted overwhelmingly to delete
those clauses in the Constitution that recognized the “special position” of the Roman Catholic
Church as guardian of the faith of the majority of citizens.
Duncan (1994) observes that “it is a feature of certain areas of Irish law that there exists,
or has existed, a considerable divide between legal aspiration or principle and social fact, but
that this divide has been mitigated by a remarkable flexibility in the operation of those prin-
ciples” (p. 450). His commentary poses interesting questions about Irish attitudes to law and
how Irish society resolves certain deep conflicts, most notably, divorce, abortion, and homo-
sexuality. He suggests that our Catholic heritage of condemning the sin but not the sinner may
go some way toward explaining this flexibility, but concludes that a more acceptable expla-
nation, also influenced by our Catholic heritage, may lie in the Church’s view of the civil law
as an important mainstay of moral living. That laws should be used to shape moral behavior
has subsequently given way to the more subtle idea that change in the law may create an envi-
ronment that makes the individual’s path to virtue a more difficult one (Daly, 1993; cited in
Duncan, 1994).
Many areas of Irish law have been honored in the breach rather than in observance.
Evidence presented at ongoing tribunals investigating political and financial scandals in
Ireland supports the view that a culture of noncompliance existed in respect of commercial
and company law. In spite of rules and regulations to manage all aspects of public life, a cul-
ture of bending these rules prevailed: Who you were and who you knew mattered in terms of
how you were treated if you were caught. Some have attempted to explain this practice with
reference to the aforementioned Catholic heritage of forgiving the sinner or by evoking our
colonial past where, much in line with the literary parallel of servant–master relations it was
deemed a feather in your cap if you could dupe the master! However, the past 10 years have
seen an attempt to modify Irish attitudes and behavior in terms of compliance with rules and
regulations.
Irish political decision making is shaped by a highly centralized bureaucracy, an executive
monopoly of legislation, and a tightly controlled political party system within the context of
a personalist political structure (Coakley & Gallagher, 1993). Though local government plays
a minor role in Irish political life, some would argue that the Irish electoral system, which is
based on proportional representation coupled with multiseat constituencies, “gives too much
weight to the constituencies rather than the country” (Guiomard, 1995, p. 163). The person-
alist political environment has nurtured a culture of direct-contact clientelism between gov-
ernment ministers, senior administrators, and organized representative groups.
British rule in Ireland left a significant legacy in terms of public policies. Similarly, the
agricultural heritage of the country, together with its strong Catholic tradition, has ensured the
maintenance of an essentially conservative base within politics. The current government
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 365

consists of a coalition between two center right parties. Many scholars contend that Ireland
displays a distinctly corporatist pattern of group–state relationships, particularly in the eco-
nomic sphere; indeed, some go so far as to suggest that it displays a closed corporatist pattern
of interest representation (Galligan, 1998). However, it is becoming apparent that Europe will
increasingly determine Ireland’s public policies.

The Irish Economy

Ireland is now classed as a high-income economy by the World Bank on the basis of gross
national income (GNI)/capita of $27,010 (World Bank, 2005). As an island, the Irish economy
is very open and heavily dependent on trade: exports of goods and services amount to 94% of
gross domestic product (GDP; World Bank, 2005). It is widely accepted that the slow growth of
the Irish economy in the 1950s was largely because of the inefficiency of the industrial sector
developed in the 1930s. The main elements of Ireland’s current industrial policy were intro-
duced in 1958 in the country’s first comprehensive plan for economic development. These were:
the introduction of substantial capital grants and tax concessions to encourage export-oriented
manufacturing, the inducement of direct investment by foreign export-oriented manufacturing
enterprises in Ireland, and a transition to free trade. On joining the European Economic
Community (EEC) in 1973 (now the EU), Ireland was classified as a peripheral nation and ben-
efited greatly from European structural and cohesion funds as well as becoming part of a large
economic area with free movement of goods, services, people, and capital.
Since the 1980s, policies have been implemented to curb imbalances in the public
finances. O’Higgins (2002) summarizes the situation in the mid-1980s as a time when Ireland
“was beset by prolonged recession, low living standards, a negative trade balance, high infla-
tion, unemployment of over 17 percent, a hostile industrial relations climate, and weak
revenues” (pp. 104–105). Since then, living standards have been converging with European
levels and by 2000 GDP per capita had risen to 115%.
The “vicious circle of Irish industrialisation” (Mjoset, 1992, p. 13), based on a weak
national system of innovation and continual population decline, appears to have been finally
overtaken by a “virtuous circle,” at the center of which lies a corporatist, consensual
approach. This strategy has resulted in rapid development and economic stability. The growth
of the Irish economy since 1994, dubbed “the Celtic Tiger,” has been three to four times the
average of the EU countries and higher than the OECD (Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development) average. Indeed, economic growth continues at a rate of over
5%, whereas other Western European countries struggle to attain less than half this figure
(Federation of European Employers, 2005). Such high levels of growth over the past 10 years
have, in turn, led to skilled inward migration. This inward migration will become even more
critical in the future if current levels of growth are to be supported (Federation of European
Employers, 2005).
Gray (1997) has proposed a number of reasons for Ireland’s economic turnaround. These
are labor force skill and education, an English-speaking workforce, the importance of foreign
investment coupled with a shift in the balance of international trade, the provision of
European subsidies, the role of convergence, and the prospect of peace in Northern Ireland.
A favorable corporate tax regime and the emergence of the Single European Market have also
contributed to this turnaround, as has the social partnership. The Programme for National
Recovery (1988–1990) secured trade union support for cuts in public spending and was
followed by a series of partnership programs involving all stakeholders in Irish economic
well-being.
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366 KEATING AND MARTIN

Two major tasks face Ireland in the new millennium: The first is to address the problems
of social inequality; the second is to stimulate an Irish system of innovation that encourages
the development of indigenous firms while reducing the country’s dependency on mobile
foreign direct investment.

Education

One of the main catalysts of social change in Ireland has been education. Education and learn-
ing have always been valued and, for many, a good education represented the passport to a
better life. This view has become more pronounced with the “shift from family property to
education as the principal means of reproducing social status” (Fahey, 1995, p. 218).
According to Nic Ghiolla Phádraig (1995), schools are “important tools of religious sociali-
sation” (p. 603) and, traditionally, the Catholic Church has been the dominant player in edu-
cational provision at primary and second level. This influence has diminished with increasing
secularization of schools. Free secondary education was introduced in 1966, with Irish
children remaining in obligatory full-time education until the age of 15. O’Higgins (2002)
notes that, “[b]y the late 1990s, over 80 per cent of workforce entrants had completed sec-
ondary education and 40-plus per cent experienced some third-level education”; this latter fig-
ure compares favorably with the EU average of 20% (p. 106).
The aim of the Operational Programme for Human Resources Development 1994–1999
(Government of Ireland, 1995) has been to maximize the potential of Ireland’s people and to
facilitate the shift to a knowledge-based service society. Much of the funding to achieve these
objectives has come from the European Social Fund. The recognition that Ireland’s human
resources will constitute the key to the country’s economic competitiveness in the next mil-
lennium has prompted a shift within educational thinking toward the notion of continuous
learning and, with this, awareness of the imperative of ongoing training within industry. In
2000, Professor Michael Porter stressed the need for more executive training and better man-
agerial skills if Ireland is to remain competitive (The Irish Times, October 27, 2000, p. 4).

Summary

The preceding section has provided an overview of Ireland’s social, economic, and political
development over the last century. In particular, it is important to emphasize the ongoing sig-
nificant changes within Irish society, most notably the move toward a more secular, pluralist,
and transparent society, the unprecedented levels of economic growth, and the sense of con-
fidence that this has instilled in the Irish people. The path of change and growing self-
confidence, attested by many Irish “success stories” on the world stage in the economic,
diplomatic, literary, and artistic spheres, is expressed forcefully by one commentator:

The final quarter of the twentieth century saw extraordinary changes in the Irish psyche and in
Irish society. The transformations touched virtually every aspect of life in Ireland—personal, edu-
cational, economic and political. Changes that were working their way through the body politic
and the body social in the seventies and eighties came to the surface in the nineties, catching
many people unawares. (Walshe, 1999, p. 1)

It is against this backdrop of change that we now turn to the GLOBE study in Ireland. This is
preceded by a brief summary of Ireland’s profile within existing cross-cultural comparative
management literature, including Hofstede’s (1980) research. The latter has retained its
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 367

benchmark status as the most extensive quantitative empirical study of the dimensions of Irish
societal culture until the GLOBE project.

2. GLOBE IN THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND

Ireland in Cross-Cultural Management Research

Recent cross-cultural empirical research has paid scant attention to Ireland, lumped it together
with Britain, or hinted at a more schizophrenic profile (Martin, 2001). Ronen and Shenkar’s
(1985) review of eight cross-cultural studies, including that conducted by Hofstede (1980),
generated five main clusters within Europe. Ireland is assigned to the Anglo cluster, alongside
the United Kingdom. The authors propose that geographical proximity, shared language or
language groups, and religion are determinants of cultural clustering; they also explore the
influence of modernity in the areas of economic, social, political, and educational develop-
ment as it has an impact on individualism, uncertainty avoidance, and gender equality (cf.
Brodbeck et al., 2000). More recently, in a survey of top managers’ views on the diversity of
management systems in Europe, Calori (1994) notes that Ireland “probably belongs to a
broader Anglo-Saxon block, but … may also share some Latin characteristics” (p. 21), a view
also suggested in the Cranfield study of management styles in eight European countries
(Myers, Kakabadse, McMahon, & Spony, 1995, pp. 22–23; cf. also Hickson & Pugh, 1995).
Other commentators to have hinted at “Latin rim” characteristics include Mahon (1994), who
refers to indicators such as late industrialization and postcolonialism.
Hofstede’s (1980) research classifies Ireland as low on Power Distance, high on
Individualism, weak on Uncertainty Avoidance, and high on the Masculine Index, a profile
similar to that of Great Britain. Whereas Hofstede’s findings suggest similarity, the inhabi-
tants of these countries would recognize that there are fundamental differences in their out-
look on life and in the conduct of business. Such differences may emerge more clearly
through the inclusion of qualitative research tools, which were absent from Hofstede’s study.
When contemplating the findings of the GLOBE study of societal culture, it is useful to
consider these varied observations on Ireland’s cultural profile, together with the social, eco-
nomic, and political changes, which we have documented in the first section of the chapter.
GLOBE provides a lens through which to view the Ireland of the mid-1990s. Critically, unlike
previous cross-cultural comparative research, GLOBE can establish the direction of desired
change in a culture by focusing on “As Is” scales (i.e., societal practice or perceptions of one’s
society) and “Should Be” scales (i.e., espoused values concerning one’s ideal society).

The GLOBE Dimensions and the Irish Sample

At the center of the GLOBE study has been the development of scales for the evaluation of
societal cultural norms. The scales build on Hofstede’s (1980) four cultural dimensions and
include Power Distance, Uncertainty Avoidance, Gender Egalitarianism, which replaces
Masculinity/Femininity, and Institutional Collectivism in place of Individualism/Collectivism.
It introduces Assertiveness, which was previously part of Hofstede’s Masculinity/Femininity
dimension, but treats it as a separate index. Four further dimensions are included: Future
Orientation (Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck, 1961), Performance Orientation (McClelland, 1961),
Humane Orientation (Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck, 1961; Putnam, 1993), and In-Group
Collectivism, that is, Collectivism as an orientation discrete from Individualism. Definitions of
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368 KEATING AND MARTIN

TABLE 11.1
Definition of the GLOBE Dimensions of Societal Culture

Dimension Definition

Power Distance The degree to which members of a society expect power to

be distributed equally
Uncertainty Avoidance The extent to which a society relies on social norms, rules,
and procedures to alleviate the unpredictability of future events
Humane Orientation The degree to which a society encourages and rewards
individuals for being fair, altruistic, generous, caring, and
kind to others
Institutional Collectivism The degree to which societal institutional practices
encourage and reward collective distribution of resources
and collective action
In-Group Collectivism The degree to which individuals express pride, loyalty,
and cohesiveness in their families
Assertiveness The degree to which individuals are assertive, dominant,
and demanding in their relationships with others
Gender Egalitarianism The degree to which a society minimizes gender inequality
Future Orientation The extent to which a society encourages future-orientated
behaviors such as delaying gratification, planning, and
investing in the future
Performance Orientation The degree to which a society encourages and rewards
group members for performance improvement and excellence

the dimensions are summarized in Table 11.1. The methodological parameters of the GLOBE
study are set out in House et al. (2004).
The GLOBE study in the Republic of Ireland is based on analysis of 156 questionnaires
collected during 1995 and 1996 in two wholly indigenous sectors, namely the food-processing
and financial services sectors. The Irish sample is drawn from 8 indigenous financial services
companies and 10 food-processing companies. The sample reflects an urban and provincial
spread. Respondents were middle managers aged between 23 and 56; the age range was vir-
tually identical in both sectors. The average age of the respondents was 37 years; 84% were
male. In addition, two focus groups and two semistructured qualitative interviews were con-
ducted with middle managers in these sectors. A review of unobtrusive indicators of culture
and leadership, including stamps, banknotes, and statues, was also undertaken in an attempt
to explicate features of Irish identity that impact on attitudes toward leadership within social
and organizational settings.
There are two GLOBE questionnaires. Questionnaire Alpha concentrates on the measure-
ment of leadership and organizational culture. Questionnaire Beta measures leadership and
societal culture. An equal number of respondents to Alpha and Beta questionnaires was
sought in each organization taking part in the study. Using a 7-point scale, informants were
asked to state their perceptions of items relating to the nine cultural dimensions, concerning
how things “are” (observed practices) in their society or organization and how things
“should be” (values). In this way, the questionnaire distinguishes between practices (“As Is”)
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 369

and espoused values (“Should Be”), allowing us to comment on trends in societal and
organizational practices and values.
On the leadership scales, the middle managers were asked to rate 112 leadership items on
a scale between 1 (greatly inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader) and 7 (greatly
contributes to a person being an outstanding leader). Based on exploratory factor analysis and
prior theorizing, the items were distilled into 21 leadership scales, which constitute culturally
endorsed perceptions of leadership.
The following section reports on the findings of the questionnaire-based study of societal
culture. On the basis of the profile of Irish society emerging from the questionnaires, we
briefly consider some of the possible implications for preferred leadership styles.

3. IRISH SOCIETAL CULTURE

Findings of the GLOBE Study

Table 11.2 presents the findings in respect of Irish societal culture in terms of absolute mean
scores for practices (“As Is”) and espoused values (“Should Be”) scores on a 7-point scale.
The results represent aggregated scale scores on each of the dimensions. Ireland’s ranking on
each dimension relative to the other participating cultures is also indicated, together with the
band to which Ireland belongs. Countries in Bands A or B are very high or high on the par-
ticular dimension, whereas those in Bands C and D are low or very low respectively, com-
pared to all other countries. An absolute score indicating the difference between the two
culture measures, “As Is” and “Should Be,” is also provided.
If we examine each of these dimensions within the context of the issues discussed in the
first part of the chapter, we can posit a number of explanations as to the emergent trends
within the data set and assess their possible implications for preferred leadership styles.

TABLE 11.2
Country Means for Societal Culture Dimensions

Society “As Is” Society “Should Be” Differenced

Culture Dimensions Meana Bandb Rankc Meana Bandb Rankc Should Be /As Is

Power Distance 5.15 B 36 2.71 C 30 −2.44

In-Group Collectivism 5.14 B 39 5.74 B 28 0.60
Humane Orientation 4.96 A 3 5.47 B 29 0.51
Institutional Collectivism 4.63 A 9 4.59 B 35 −0.04
Performance Orientation 4.36 A 17 5.98 B 30 1.62
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.30 B 22 4.02 C 49 0.28
Future Orientation 3.98 B 21 5.22 B 43 1.24
Assertiveness 3.92 B 41 3.99 B 19 −0.07
Gender Egalitarianism 3.21 B 39 5.14 A 3 1.93
a
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. bBand letter A–D indicating meaningful country bands for the
scales A > B > C (>D); see Hanges, Dickson, and Sipe (2004). cThe rank order for Ireland relative to 61 countries.
d
Absolute difference between the “Should Be” and “As Is” score.
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370 KEATING AND MARTIN

Power Distance. Power Distance specifies the extent to which the members of a society
expect power to be shared equally in that society. Hofstede’s (1980) study classified Ireland
as a low Power Distance society, whereas the GLOBE data reveal that perceived levels of
Power Distance within our society are high (Mean [M] = 5.15, Rank 36, Band B) and that
middle managers would like to see much lower levels (M = 2.71, Rank 30, Band C). In fact,
the highest absolute difference between “As Is” and “Should Be” is recorded for this dimen-
sion (–2.44). The espousal of lower levels of Power Distance mirrors the worldwide trend.
Interestingly, however, when juxtaposed with the other sampled countries, Ireland’s relative
score on “As Is” suggests that levels of Power Distance in Irish society are moderate.
One factor, which might explain the respondents’ perceptions of Power Distance within
Irish society, is centralization. Faced in the 1980s with a galloping national debt and rising
unemployment, central government and its various departments assumed greater powers as a
means of tackling these problems (cf. the subsection Legal and Political Framework). Other
organs of centralized power include the EU and the Roman Catholic Church. Where the locus
of power is perceived to be defined centrally, those who are affected by its mandate may dis-
cern its influence to be greater.
On the surface, Ireland does not appear to be a very formal society. People do not use titles,
prefer first-name terms, and tend to relate to each other as equals in a familiar way, regard-
less of position or status. Yet, underlying this behavior is an awareness of the power relation-
ship and a sense that everybody knows their place. Irish society cannot be described as elitist
and, generally, status is achieved nowadays rather than ascribed (cf. the subsection Legal and
Political Framework) and class determined to a large extent by occupation. However, in the
past it has been argued that people were rewarded for their possessions, notably land, jobs,
education, and wealth, rather than for their performance or enterprise (Lee, 1989). Warnes
(1979) observed the prevalence in the late 1970s of “class distinctions, class-prejudices, nepo-
tism, obsequiousness, back-biting, rigid stratifications, procrastination, social rituals, author-
itarianism, inquisitiveness into who your father was, [and] what kind of school you attended”
(p. 330). Indeed, the much more recent scandals within Irish public life have revealed the
abuse of power by named politicians, members of the judiciary, the banking and accounting
professions, and well-known chief executives in the agricultural and financial services sectors
and government departments, and have demonstrated that status can confer certain privileges.
Furthermore, they underpin the fact that clientelism and networking have always been an
accepted part of life in Ireland (cf. the subsection Legal and Political Framework). This may
help to explain perceptions of higher Power Distance.
Attitudes to Power Distance may also be linked to the latent disrespect for authority held
by Irish people. Attempts to impose new regulations on different aspects of daily life have tra-
ditionally been ignored on a widespread basis and form part of the culture of noncompliance.
This situation has changed as structures are being imposed to modify behavior across a
variety of fronts. The growing confidence of a younger, more highly educated generation,
coupled with the many scandals within the Church, has fundamentally altered this sense of
acquiescence.

Gender Egalitarianism. Gender Egalitarianism is defined as the extent to which gender dif-
ferences in a particular society are minimized. Ireland’s score for practices on this dimension
(M = 3.21, Rank 39, Band B) would imply that, in absolute terms, Irish middle managers per-
ceive Irish society to have a low level of gender equality. For values, Irish middle managers
espouse high levels of Gender Egalitarianism (M = 5.14, Rank 3, Band A), in both absolute
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 371

and relative terms. Indeed, the second highest absolute difference between practices and
espoused values is on the dimension Gender Egalitarianism (1.93).
Hofstede’s (1980) study classified Ireland as high on masculinity. Until recently, Ireland
could be regarded as a predominantly patriarchal society. It had earned this reputation because
of its traditional stance on reproductive rights and the low participation of women in the labor
force. Scannell’s (1988) study of the position of women subsequent to the enactment of the
1937 Constitution found that “for almost thirty years after the Constitution was adopted,
the position of women in Irish society hardly changed at all” (p. 127). Education
has facilitated greater gender equality, although some academics would argue that sex role
models are reinforced by schools and may have implications for the career choices made
by women.
In the 1970s, a liberal agenda of policy reform dominated public discourse and was
strongly influenced by European Community directives. Since then, the dismantling of dis-
criminatory legislation and expanding participation of women within the workforce have
altered the profile and role of Irish women in society. Between 1991 and 2002, female par-
ticipation in the Irish labor force increased from 35.9% to 47% (Browne, 2005), while the rate
of employment among women (54%) represents a 15% increase since 1994 and is now higher
than most OECD countries (European Employment Observatory, 2003). Nonetheless, they
remain underrepresented at the senior management level across a number of sectors. By con-
trast, women are extremely active in a voluntary capacity at local level in their communities
(Coulter, 1993) and, at the time of the GLOBE survey, some 53% of adult women in Ireland
were home workers (K. Lynch & McLaughlin, 1995, p. 266).
The findings attest that the country has made some progress in achieving greater gen-
der egalitarianism, although the “Should Be” scores echo the widespread and explicit view
that we still have considerable distance to travel. Such a view may also be reinforced by
the constitution of the GLOBE sample: The workforce within the food industry remains
predominantly male and respondents to the questionnaires in this particular sector were
100% male.

Performance Orientation. Performance Orientation describes the degree to which people

are encouraged and rewarded for performance improvement and achievement of excellence.
On the “As Is” scale, the respondents record moderate scores in absolute terms, but, viewed
relatively, the country belongs in the highest band (M = 4.36, Rank 17, Band A). In absolute
terms, the “Should Be” score for Performance Orientation is substantially higher (M = 5.98,
Rank 30, Band B)—it is, in fact, the highest absolute score on any of the value dimensions—
but in relative terms the data suggest that many other countries are more performance
oriented.
Lee’s (1989) reference to an inadequate “performance ethic” in Irish life (cf. the subsec-
tion Power Distance) may have characterized past attitudes, when “it was accepted that prof-
its could be made, not by means of enterprise, but rather by financial engineering and tax
avoidance” (O’Higgins, 2002, p. 105). The GLOBE findings suggest that Ireland has become
very performance oriented. Factors contributing to this include the country’s continued eco-
nomic development, the shift from an inward- to an outward-focused economic policy, mem-
bership in the EU, the number of foreign direct investment firms located in Ireland and the
global economic environment (cf. the subsection The Irish Economy), all of which stress the
importance of remaining competitive on a global level. There has been a growth in perfor-
mance-management-oriented systems in work organizations and this trend is expected to
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372 KEATING AND MARTIN

continue in order to facilitate labor market flexibility. In the Financial Times (May 26, 1995)
Ireland was recorded as having a productivity record that “would be the envy of the Germans,
and a balance of payments surplus in line with Switzerland and Japan,” a trend reiterated by
an ILO (International Labour Organization) study of global labor trends (Doohan, 1999).
Notwithstanding the recognition that transfer pricing can distort national figures in a
small economy (Stewart, 1997), Ireland has grown fast and the Irish respondents appear to
recognize that maintaining such levels of performance and growth will be the challenge of
the future.

Future Orientation. Future Orientation measures the extent to which future-oriented

behaviors (e.g. planning, investing, delay of gratification) are encouraged and rewarded. On
practice scores (M = 3.98, Rank 21, Band B), the absolute and relative positioning implies
that Irish society is moderately future oriented. For values (M = 5.22, Rank 43, Band B), they
espouse significantly higher levels of Future Orientation, although in relative terms, other
countries are more focused on the future at this point in time.
With increased economic prosperity, the stability offered by continuity of employment
provides a more solid foundation on which to plan for the future. The efforts and success of
the Irish Investment and Development Agency in pursuing a policy of attracting targeted
multinational corporations (MNCs), specifically in the technology sectors, cannot be under-
estimated. Central planning to sustain economic performance and growth is also evident,
together with higher levels of investment in training and executive education and in research
and development (R&D) within industry, a figure that has more than quadrupled since 1982.
However, the percentage remains modest when juxtaposed with other European countries and
is lower in indigenous Irish firms than in foreign companies (J. J. Lynch & Roche, 1995,
pp. 48–52). As O’Higgins (2002) has pointed out: “Mindful that Ireland lags behind the EU
average on R&D government spending as a percentage of GDP, the state invested ∈1 billion-
plus in Ireland’s R&D future in 2001, to fund basic research in information and communica-
tions technology, biotechnology, and center of excellence standard R&D in universities and
colleges” (p. 107). Within organizations, strategic planning has assumed new dimensions,
even if the Anglo-Saxon model of shareholder as opposed to stakeholder value remains pre-
dominant amongst the larger publicly quoted companies. Individuals within Irish society have
also become more proactive in making independent provision for their future and taking con-
trol of their own destiny (Jupp & O’Neill, 1994) as evidenced by the increase in numbers pur-
chasing health insurance and making pension arrangements.
Such shifts are reflected in the Irish GLOBE data, together with possible recognition of the
lag between policymaking for the future and present reality, which is most clearly evinced in
the area of infrastructural development. There is a realization that infrastructural weaknesses
could ultimately compromise Ireland’s attractiveness as a location for inward investment.

In-Group Collectivism. In-Group Collectivism describes relationships among members

of families or organizations. On practices (M = 5.14, Rank 39, Band B), Irish middle man-
agers report in absolute terms high levels of In-Group Collectivism. Viewed relatively, Ireland
has moderate levels of In-Group Collectivism. The “Should Be” (M = 5.74, Rank 28, Band
B) indicates a moderate desire for greater In-Group Collectivism.
This profile may be traceable to the increasing fragmentation of Irish society in the wake
of shifting values, coupled with economic development, attendant urbanization, and the sense
of displacement and anonymity that this can produce. Family patterns in Ireland have undergone
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 373

considerable change since the 1960s, marking a growing distance between public religious
observance and personal decisions. In line with European trends, the number of children born
outside marriage had risen to 31% by 2002 (National Center for Policy Analysis, 2002).
The changing role of women and their increased presence in the workforce, together with
the growing phenomenon of spousal separation prior to the introduction of divorce in 1996
have had repercussions for the stability of family life and the traditional patterns of family
organization. Yet, although the traditional family group may be under stress, the role of family
remains very important in Ireland as a form of social support. Society continues to place a
high value on mothers, who exercise great influence both within and beyond the family cir-
cle (cf. the subsection Gender Egalitarianism). Equally, kinship ties remain strong in both
rural and urban families and many people obtain important levels of support from their family
and neighbors; for example, care of the elderly continues to be assumed largely by the family.
K. Lynch and McLaughlin (1995) note that although the Republic of Ireland is unusual inso-
far as it does make some provision for carers in its social security system, the actual sharing
of costs between carer and the state remains minimal (p. 283).

Humane Orientation. Humane Orientation describes how much a society rewards or

encourages its members for being fair, altruistic, and caring toward others. Looking at the
score for practices (M = 4.96, Rank 3, Band A), Ireland is considered by the respondents to
place a very high value on these qualities, in both absolute and relative terms. For values
(M = 5.47, Rank 29, Band B), we see a desire for higher levels on this dimension, although
in relative terms the ranking drops.
The high “As Is” score (M = 4.96) is probably attributable to our strong Christian and
Catholic heritage and the size of the country. For decades, Irish missionaries have ministered
to the needs of those in developing countries and nowadays are assisted by many young vol-
unteer workers. There is a long tradition of charitable institutions being funded by the gov-
ernment and run by religious orders, also representing a pragmatic solution to the problems
of cash shortages.
The higher values score (M = 5.47) may be explained by the perception that the “softer,”
gentler characteristics of life in this country are being sacrificed to the “Celtic Tiger” through
economic success and emphasis on performance and individual achievement. According to
Collins and Kavanagh (1998), “There has been a marked increase in the level of inequality
(in Ireland) over the past twenty years” (p. 172). Whereas the wealthiest 20% of the popula-
tion has increased its share of national income from 46.7% in 1972 to 52.5% in 1994, income
distribution for the lowest 50% fell from 18% to 11.5% (Collins & Kavanagh, 1998, p. 172).
A comprehensive welfare system does exist, but, as in many other developed nations, it fails
to catch all in its net. Many of those who remain outside the system are reliant on services
provided by voluntary organizations.
Through economic prosperity, there are signs that Irish people are beginning to forget their
own diaspora. Already, the impact of an increasing number of refugees seeking either politi-
cal or economic asylum in the wake of the country’s prosperity is being felt. Until recently,
Ireland was shielded by its relative economic weakness and its island geography from immi-
gration and, thus, Irish society has remained remarkably homogeneous. Whereas there is a
tolerance of difference within the “in-group,” this not necessarily replicated with respect to
“outsiders” from other cultures who seek refuge in Ireland (cf. Jupp & O’Neill, 1994). Jupp
and O’Neill suggest that in the future, Irish people expect fear and greed to be more apparent
and politeness, generosity, and tolerance to wane. They record: “Our socio-cultural values
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374 KEATING AND MARTIN

will be severely tested as twice as many people expect us to be less caring by the next
millennium” (p. 12).

Uncertainty Avoidance. Uncertainty Avoidance captures the degree to which reliance is

placed on social norms and procedures to reduce the unpredictability of future events. For
practices (M = 4.30, Rank 22, Band B), the respondents record moderate scores both in
absolute and relative terms. For values (M = 4.02, Rank 49, Band C), lower levels of
Uncertainty Avoidance are espoused. Whereas Hofstede (1980) categorized Ireland as low on
Uncertainty Avoidance, the GLOBE findings indicate that we have become less tolerant of
uncertainty, but wish to become more tolerant.
As societies mature, they become better at managing uncertainty (Hofstede, 1980).
Examples of Ireland’s attempts to manage uncertainty can be seen in the area of macroeco-
nomic planning, the emergence of the social partnership in the 1980s and early 1990s (cf. the
subsection The Irish Economy), improved educational policies linked to future prosperity, and
efforts to build a culture of compliance with rules and regulations for the good of the country
and its citizens. Additionally, people now insure their lives and possessions more compre-
hensively against risk, which also ties in with the desire for greater Future Orientation.
Though Ireland has been described as having a “lightly regulated environment” with respect
to employment regulation and benefits (Sedgwick Noble Lownes, 1998), the desire for a
lower level of Uncertainty Avoidance may reflect a sense of constraint, which is imposed by
increased regulation and structure in the era of freedom of information and accountability.
Communication has a strong basis in the oral tradition with evidence of recourse to
metaphor, euphemism, and legend and is “particularly suited to the expression of ambivalence
and ambiguity” (Bourke, 1999, p. 206). Much value is still attached to the notion of a word-
of-mouth culture, although the indispensability of written documentation both in the work-
place and in dealing with public institutions has gained in importance as the country has
evolved socially and economically. Nonetheless, off-the-record conversations remain intrin-
sic to how we communicate with each other, together with subtle signaling known as “nod-
ding and winking,” which has close ties to the clientelist approach. Keeping situations
open-ended, providing loopholes, bending rules, and avoiding closure are mechanisms that
are often used to manage uncertainty at the individual level.

Assertiveness. Assertiveness refers to the degree to which individuals in a society are

allowed to be aggressive or dominant. Nonassertiveness refers to nonconfrontational, non-
dominant social relationships. For both practices (M = 3.92, Rank 41, Band B) and values
(M = 3.99, Rank 19, Band B), the scores suggest in absolute and relative terms moderate to
low Assertiveness and the desire not to alter this.
V. Kenny (1985) elaborates on social relations in Ireland. He talks of social withdrawal, in
other words, superficial compliance, indirect communication, the lack of self-revelation, and
the elaboration of secret worlds. These can result in such behaviors as understatement, eva-
siveness, the avoidance of conflict and self-exhibition, passive aggression (cited in Moane,
1994, p. 259), and nonassertiveness, which are symptomatic of a postcolonial mind-set (cf.
Ruth, 1988, in the subsection Perspectives on Ireland). This can be disconcerting for people
who speak the same language, but do not use language in the same way, including our clos-
est neighbors within the British Isles. In face-to-face negotiation, issues are generally not
dealt with head-on and confrontation is avoided (Martin, 2001). Indeed, the nature of com-
munication points to the fact that Ireland may have more in common with high-context
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 375

cultures (Hall, 1976). Often what is not said is more important than what is said and an
ability to read between the lines is essential. This would also appear to tie in with our collec-
tivist orientation.

Institutional Collectivism. Institutional Collectivism refers to the degree to which soci-

eties reward collective endeavor. Hofstede’s (1980) classification of Ireland as individualistic
does not match the view held by respondents in the Irish GLOBE study. In both absolute and
relative terms, the score for practices indicates high levels of institutional collectivism (M =
4.63, Rank 9, Band A) and the minor shift on values (M = 4.59, Rank 35, Band B) suggests
that the respondents are happy with these existing levels. The drop in ranking from 10 on “As
Is” to 35 on “Should Be” reflects the international shift toward espousal of higher levels of
Institutional Collectivism. Similar trends are evident for Humane Orientation and Future
Orientation.
The high level of Institutional Collectivism is compatible with our size and colonial his-
tory. There is a strong sense of belonging to a parish, of community-level interdependence
especially in a rural context. Most indigenous Irish sports are team based and membership in
collectives, such as trade unions, is high. Roche and Ashmore (1997) estimated trade union
density at 53%. Additionally, positioning on this dimension may be influenced by the collec-
tive sense of national pride and self-esteem evident in the Ireland of the mid-1990s as a con-
sequence of the success of the “corporatist partnership” (Sweeney, 1998). O’Higgins (2002)
observes: “Smallness is an advantage in maintaining partnership because of familiarity, infor-
mality, and close personal relationships among the stakeholders, all helpful preconditions for
successful bargaining and compromise” (p. 105). However, she draws attention to the grow-
ing inequalities within Irish society between rich and poor as a result of espousal of the cap-
italist model (cf. the subsection Humane Orientation), which might “weaken the social
solidarity that has been such a cornerstone of Irish development” (p. 117).
There has also been a move toward encouraging greater collective responsibility in deal-
ing with a variety of societal administrative and behavioral matters such as drinking and dri-
ving and tax evasion. It is suggested that this trend is symptomatic of a desire to foster an
independence rather than a dependence culture and also mirrors the trend toward Irish indi-
viduals accepting collective responsibility for what is acceptable in our society.
One economist presents an alternative view on collectivism in Irish society: “Our rhetoric
stresses the community over the individual, upbraiding the upstart and the self-starter, implic-
itly requiring that everybody stay in his or her appointed place” (Guiomard, 1995, p. 186).
Such a commentary also raises a number of interesting issues in respect of Irish attitudes to
failure and to Power Distance (cf. the subsection Power Distance). Peter Sutherland, ex-head
of GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) and Ireland’s previous EU commissioner,
observed in 1990: “We have a capacity for excessively admiring noble failure. We seem some-
times to be inured to coming off worst and almost to wallow wilfully in this” (cited in
Guiomard, 1995, p. 188). The notion that we like to see others fail is a theme to which we
return in our discussion of the literature on leadership in Ireland and in the qualitative study
of leadership.

Summary. The Irish GLOBE data confirm the fact that Ireland is a country that has
undergone radical and rapid change since the 1960s and is reflecting on how to proceed
beyond the crossroads at which it currently finds itself. This involves some degree of
reconciliation and recalibration of old and new practices and values. There is evidence of
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376 KEATING AND MARTIN

divergence from Hofstede’s (1980) conclusions, in particular, regarding assumptions about

individualism and collectivism.
The information presented in the preceding sections provides the context for one of the
central objectives of the GLOBE study, namely the investigation of the impact of societal cul-
ture on implicitly held perceptions of leadership. In summary, Irish society is characterized
inter alia by moderate Power Distance, high Collectivism, high Humane Orientation, high
Performance Orientation, moderate levels of Assertiveness, Future Orientation, Uncertainty
Avoidance, and Gender Egalitarianism. In absolute terms, Irish middle managers want more
Gender Egalitarianism, a more humane society, more In-Group Collectivism, stronger
Future Orientation, and higher Performance Orientation. They espouse similar levels of
Assertiveness and Institutional Collectivism and lower levels of Power Distance and
Uncertainty Avoidance.
What are the implications of this profile for leadership in Ireland? Certain initial assump-
tions as to the style of leadership, which is compatible with Ireland’s positioning on the
GLOBE societal dimensions, can be distilled from the findings. They suggest the importance
of a participative, nonassertive, consensus-based style, which manifests a strong humane
underpinning, together with a focus on performance. In the following sections, we explore
such assumptions empirically, with reference to unobtrusive indicators of culture, as defined
by Webb et al. (1973), the focus groups, the qualitative interviews, and the quantitative study
of leadership. The presentation of the empirical study is preceded by a review of leadership
research conducted in an Irish context.

4. LEADERSHIP IN IRELAND

Research on Leadership in Ireland

Whereas many of the other country chapters within this collection can draw on studies of
leaders and leadership in their particular societies, there is a lack of any large empirical study
or incisive theoretical analysis of leadership in Ireland. This is, in part, due to the preponder-
ance of the self-analytic, autobiographical, and biographical approach to the study of leaders.
An early study in the 1960s, conducted by researchers at the Irish Management Institute
and the Institute of Personality Assessment and Research (Berkeley, California), involved
self-and other assessment of the personal attributes of 37 Irish business leaders using a bat-
tery of psychological tests (Barron & Egan, 1966, p. 13). All the leaders were male. The emer-
gent attributes are “the achievement motive, personal dominance and leadership, and freedom
from self-doubt” (Barron & Egan, 1996, p. 20); moreover, “independence is balanced by con-
formity” and there is an element of “feminine nurturance” (Barron & Egan, 1966, p. 22),
which Barron and Egan see as challenging their assumptions about Irish leadership. In their
conclusion, they observe: “There is an odd combination of masculinity and sense of the poetic
in them. Their vision is of conquest, mastery, personal dominance, [and] command” (p. 29).
As already mentioned, much of the literature on leaders within Irish society and business
is biographical in focus. Examples include Farrell’s Chairman or Chief (1971), and I. Kenny’s
In Good Company: Conversations With Irish Leaders (1987), Out on Their Own:
Conversations With Irish Entrepreneurs (1991), and Leaders: Conversations With Irish Chief
Executives (2001). Farrell focuses on the constitutional, legal, and administrative position of
Taoiseach (i.e., head of government). He categorizes five Irish heads of government as either
“Chief” or “Chairman.” Chiefs are exceedingly dominant, even authoritarian, figures. They
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 377

believe in the concentration of power and centrally controlled decision making. The Chief is
“dynamic, an activist and a promoter of action” (p. xi). Conversely, the Chairman adopts a
consensual, procedural style of leadership. He believes in the sharing of responsibility and
collective decision making: “He is a routine leader, more conscious of methods than goals”
(p. xi). Eamon de Valera, perhaps the most famous of Ireland’s political leaders, is classified
as a Chairman. His governments “moved slowly, at the pace of the last man to be convinced”
(p. 30). By contrast, Séan Lemass was the perfect Chief. His leadership was undisputed and
his dominance uncontested. He favored the quick decision and believed “that the task was to
hold the team together and to press forward with an active, even controversial, programme”
(p. 58). Farrell’s study emphasizes the importance of context and time in understanding lead-
ership and submits that the position of Taoiseach was designed for a Chairman and not a
Chief.
I. Kenny (1987) records a number of leadership attributes and behaviors characterizing the
15 male leaders from business, religious, and media spheres appearing in his book In Good
Company: Conversations With Irish Leaders. It is worth noting that the individual whose
name is mentioned most as having been a successful leader in Irish society is Séan Lemass,
classified by Farrell (1971) as a Chief:

They have the ability to listen and they have the ability to be tough. A high value is put on trust
and loyalty. They are not, or at least do not like to be, remote figures: several are happiest among
the troops. They think of themselves as pragmatic and practical but with a high level of convic-
tion. They see this conviction as an essential element in influencing others. While they are far-
sighted and can see the big picture, they believe ideas come from all over the place. They are
themselves decisive—they abhor indecisiveness in others. They have definite views about the
qualities needed in a chief executive: he must be the all-round man, both managerial and entre-
preneurial; have a good track record; have integrity and be a good communicator; and be totally
and exclusively dedicated to the job. (I. Kenny, 1987, pp. 6–7)

Other attributes and behaviors include the importance of being able to delegate and to use the
talents and skills of others, to build a strong team, to set goals and see clearly where they are
going, to seek consensus, to possess determination and patience, and to take risks. In a recent
survey of nine Irish business leaders (Excellence Ireland, 2001) and in I. Kenny’s Leaders:
Conversations With Irish Chief Executives these attributes and behaviors are reemphasized.
Kenny defines a leader as “someone who has willing followers” (p. 2); leadership is “a combi-
nation of character (who you are) and competence (what you can do)” (p. 2). Interestingly,
Kenny’s interviewees also refer to the begrudgery of success in Irish society, a point noted in
our discussion of the societal cultural dimensions (cf. the subsection Institutional Collectivism).
In the past few years, a number of autobiographies and biographies of Irish business lead-
ers have been published, including those of Tony O’Reilly,1 and Bill Cullen.2 Yet, alongside
this, a recent publication, which presented perspectives on Irish identity from 100 very
diverse people (Logue, 2000), did not feature a business leader. The omission is striking, con-
sidering the economic changes that the country has undergone and the contribution of the
business community to this development. It is worth reflecting in this context on I. Kenny’s

1
Former CEO of Heinz.
2
CEO of Renault Distributors, Ireland. This book topped the Irish bestseller list for a number of weeks.
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378 KEATING AND MARTIN

(1991) observation that “it is the peasant culture which attributes lesser value to business,
than, for example, the professions” (p. 4).
A further omission is striking, namely the absence of female leaders from available literature
on leadership and Irish leaders. I. Kenny (2001) notes: “While there may be anecdotal evidence
that women are beginning to break through, few indeed have reached the top floor—women
constitute two percent of the chief executives in the leading 100 Irish companies” (p. 5).
The contextual nature of leadership underscored by Farrell (1971) and I. Kenny (1987) is
further elaborated by Leavy and Wilson (1994), who use a multilevel approach to explore how
“leadership, context and history interact in the formation of an organization’s strategy and
how this changes over time” (p. 2). Their analysis of leaders is focused less on attributes and
more on the challenges, which they face within their organizational and historical context.
Leaders, they posit, are “tenants of context and time” (p. 3). They classify the leaders who
form part of the study into four generic groupings, viz. builders, revitalizers, turnarounders,
and inheritors (p. 113) and identify the contextual factors that seem to have exerted the great-
est influence on strategy within the organizations under scrutiny. The authors draw attention
to the shift in the 1960s away from the leader as “nation-builder” who was “driven by values
forged during the revolutionary times” and in times of peace had harnessed this “nationalis-
tic passion and leadership talents to the practical patriotism of laying down the economic
infrastructure of the new state” (p. 165). The new direction of leadership was towards
“careerism, managerialism and professionalism” (p. 163), epitomized by Tony O’Reilly:
“Under his [Lemass’s] leadership a new kind of hero or economic patriot, the professional
manager, began to rise in stature. The men who rose to govern the country in the post-Lemass
era had come to power because they were men of ambition rather than of destiny who had
chosen politics as a career” (p. 164). Such a shift is arguably a worldwide rather than a
specifically Irish phenomenon.
The findings of a survey on best practice in Irish top management, jointly conducted by
the Cranfield School of Management and the Irish Management Institute in 1991, concluded
that the key competencies of top managers/CEOs were generating a vision for the future,
molding a top team, communicating effectively, generating a positive success-oriented culture
within the organization, and practicing the personal qualities and skills required for effective
performance (Kakabadse, Alderson, & Gorman, 1995). The authors of the survey submit that,
in comparison with other European samples, Ireland has produced talented business leaders,
Irish management is one of the better educated professional cohorts in Europe, and Ireland
does not have a leadership capability problem; the challenge is the development of top teams
(p. 23). This view is supported by another recent study based on interviews with CEOs and a
survey of the top-management team, of core knowledge employees, and of human resource
managers in multinationals and indigenous software and telecommunications companies. The
authors of this study conclude that the interviewed leaders recognize the need to move from
the solitary leader model to a more collective and mutually accountable leadership style
(Flood, MacCurtain, & West, 2001).
There are a number of themes emerging from the literature on leadership in Ireland, which
resonate with points raised in our exposition of society, the economy, and politics, and with the
findings of the quantitative study of Irish societal culture. These include the growing importance
of performance; the espousal of lower Power Distance; the existence of consensus-based models
of decision making, which correlate with a strongly collectivistic society; the importance of
lower Uncertainty Avoidance; and recognition of the traditionally patriarchal nature of society
and its implicit assumptions about gender roles.
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 379

The existence of begrudgery is a further theme, which surfaces in the literature and may
be embedded in higher levels of collectivism and attitudes to Power Distance. We can also
observe that the study of leadership in Ireland mirrors trends in research worldwide with its
shift from a focus on the characteristics of leaders to a concentration on leading the top team.
In the following sections, we turn attention to the qualitative components of the GLOBE
study in Ireland, which include a review of unobtrusive indicators of leadership, focus groups,
and qualitative interviews. The findings are contemplated alongside the trends emerging from
the literature on leadership and the quantitative study of societal culture.

The Qualitative Study of Leadership in Ireland

Unobtrusive Indicators of Culture and Leadership. Stamps, statues, and banknotes possess
symbolic significance. They “recall, evoke the sentiments of, or otherwise render recognizable
the cultural mappings of basic social and ecological relationships in human society” (Garrison
& Arensberg, 1976; cited in Kane, 1986, p. 549); they bear witness to the historical and social
evolution of Ireland and to its continuing transition and shaping of a new identity.
The emergence of the Irish State and its path from a small, inward-looking economy to a
fully integrated member of the EU is charted by its stamp design (cf. Miller, 1986). In partic-
ular, stamp design has chronicled in recent decades the changing face of nationalism and the
burgeoning self-confidence of the Irish nation. The semiotic value of stamps as an assertion of
nationhood cannot be disputed. The first stamps to emerge post-1922 thus reinforced, through
their use of motifs and symbols traditionally associated with Irish heritage, the religious and
scholarly self-image possessed by Ireland (Scott, 1995, pp. 87–88). Up until the Republic of
Ireland Act in 1948, which Scott sees as a watershed in Irish stamp design, stamps continued
to mirror those themes that were ideologically close to the young state, most notably religion
and nationalism. The Irish language also featured prominently, although after 1949 there is a
move toward bilingual stamps, connoting the growing self-confidence and international out-
look of the Irish nation. This also found expression in a broadening of the motifs depicted by
Irish stamps: Literary and artistic motifs together with a greater emphasis on themes that attest
to Ireland’s technological and scientific accomplishments are in evidence.
Banknotes, like stamps, have tended overwhelmingly to depict male figures. Although
Ireland has produced a significant number of prominent women in both the literary and polit-
ical spheres, the representation of women as contributors to the country’s development is lim-
ited to their participation within the caring professions, in religious life, and as homemakers,
reasserting the centrality of the family together with its Catholic ethos within Irish society (cf.
the subsections Gender Egalitarianism, In-Group Collectivism). In spite of the erosion of the
position of the Roman Catholic Church, the achievements of founders of religious orders con-
tinued to be commemorated on banknotes right up to the introduction of the euro in 2002.
Ireland’s history is also reflected by its public art. Many of the classical monuments, erected
by dukes and viceroys to the honor of kings or military prominents of the British Empire, were
removed after independence or blown up. At the time of their erection, the arbiters of “the pol-
itics of public space” were the landowning and politically influential Protestant class, although
it is important not to confound “Protestant” with “British.” By the mid-19th century, there was
general support among Catholics and Protestants for the need to forge an Irish identity through
monuments, even if the conception of this identity was not always shared. The monuments
erected during this period thus paid tribute to those who had furthered either constitutionally
or at arms the cause of Irish sovereignty. In the 20th century, the heroes of 1916 provided the
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380 KEATING AND MARTIN

symbolism with which to shape the identity of the newly independent state. Independence
monuments frequently adopted religious imagery, which also underpinned the ideal of the
nationalist Catholic state. Nowadays, artists and literary figures are immortalized in stone, but
they exist alongside sculptures, which address issues that have had an impact on everyday
people in both the present and past, such as the Great Famine.
Smyth (1985) charts an important evolution within Irish commemorative art in the 20th
century away from a narrow ethnic view of public memory to searches for Irish identity
across different traditions in politics, institutions, art, and thought (cited in Hill, 1998, p. 201).
Other forces have been at work in determining the changing orientation of public sculpture.
The process of its selection has become more democratic. There are new patrons amongst the
business community who wish to emphasize their links with art and thereby to provide the
“philistine” pursuits of commerce with a more acceptable face and to reinforce their own sta-
tus within the community. Yet, there is a continued lack of public recognition of achievements
and achievers in the business world, recalling our comments with respect to Logue’s (2000)
omission of a business leader in his recent publication on Irish identity (cf. the subsection
Research on Leadership in Ireland). We have indicated that this might be attributable to the
country’s relatively recent commercial success or to our “peasant culture” (I. Kenny, 1991, p. 4).
In summary, stamps, banknotes, and public monuments point to an ideal of leadership that
is clearly centered on the notion of the romantic or patriot hero and liberator, possessing
vision and willingness to risk his or her life for the freedom of the country. The evolution of
public commemoration again encapsulates the crossroads at which the country now finds
itself: Growing self-confidence coexists with a sense of nostalgia and looking to the past
rather than the present for inspirational leader figures. The absence of prominent business
leaders from public memory is noteworthy. In the next subsection, we consider the view of
leadership emerging from the focus groups and qualitative interviews.

The Focus Groups and Qualitative Interviews. Two focus groups were conducted dur-
ing 1995. The participants were drawn from a cross-section of industrial sectors and did not
know each other. In total, 13 middle managers, both male and female, participated. They were
asked to define management and leadership, to identify the behavioral characteristics of an
average manager, an above-average manager, and an outstanding leader, and to indicate
whether successful Irish managers would have to alter their behavior to be successful abroad.
Participants were also asked to reflect on incidents involving a strong leader and a strong
manager who was not a strong leader. The focus groups were both audio- and videotaped for
the purposes of transcription. The researchers also conducted two semistructured qualitative
interviews with middle managers, which sought to elicit views of outstanding leaders. These
interviews were also audiotaped and transcribed and are used to supplement observations
recorded from the focus groups.
Leadership was perceived to be a top-level or very senior management characteristic.
A characteristic of the outstanding leader is an ability to see the big picture—the so-called
“helicopter view”—and to take a global approach, recalling the profile described by I. Kenny
(1987; cf. the subsection Research on Leadership in Ireland). Thus, when the participants
were asked whether they could identify leaders at different societal or organizational levels,
identification was almost solely confined to the highest echelons of society and organizations.
The outstanding leader fulfills a strategic function as opposed to the competent manager, who
is effective on the operational level and doesn’t take too many risks. Outstanding leaders are
seen to be visionary, charismatic, inspirational, and tenacious, and to exhibit a willingness to
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 381

take risks. They possess intelligence and drive, and are outstanding motivators. Leaders adapt
to situations and choose to get around the red tape that may stand in the way of achieving a
goal. Such characteristics are compatible with lower levels of Uncertainty Avoidance (cf. the
subsection Uncertainty Avoidance). By contrast, an inability to delegate, being overly task
centered, getting bogged down by issues of procedure and administration, aggressive, domi-
nant, and face-saving behavior together with steam-rolling ideas and opinions are the hall-
marks of ineffective leadership, but are attributes sometimes used to describe a normally
effective manager. Verbs used to describe leaders include to inspire, to guide, to stimulate, to
direct, and to communicate. There was general agreement that leadership involved influenc-
ing people to do something.
Leaders have an ability to command respect and to take tough decisions. Though it was
recognized that the leader must on occasions be assertive, consensus was seen as the preferred
decision-making style for Irish leaders. The opinions expressed in the qualitative interviews
correlate with those documented in the focus groups and reflect the preference for a consen-
sus- based leadership style. Moreover, they provide support for trends emerging from the
quantitative study of societal culture, for example, low Assertiveness and high levels of
Institutional Collectivism. In the rejection of authoritarian leadership, we see the preference
for lower Power Distance relationships in Ireland.
Some of the participants noted that good leaders do not have to be liked, but, critically,
they must enthuse people to follow. Charisma was seen as a critical trait. Recognition of the
importance of followers in the achievement of goals or strategy was a recurrent theme, which
resonates with the old adage that Irish people cannot be led, but must be inspired. Indeed, as
noted in our discussion of Power Distance, Irish people tend to be low on obedience to author-
ity and, consequently, they do not always make good followers. A view reiterated in the focus
groups was that outstanding leaders are often those who remain in the background, rather than
flaunting their authority.
In Ireland, powerful people are frequently seen as leaders, yet the feeling in the focus
groups was that it is important to distinguish between having power and being a leader; the
difference resides in the use to which power is put. Such a view is also expressed by Gardner
(1996, p. 16). There is a strong awareness of the negative side of leadership. Indeed, the par-
ticipants reject the abuse of authority, conferred by what might be designated as position
power, although it was also suggested that leaders need to manipulate people and that leader-
ship sometimes consists of negative control with leaders concealing their real objectives. In
the words of one participant: “I think being an outstanding leader is not seeming to manipu-
late, but [he] is manipulating all over the place. And he’s not seen to control, [yet] he is con-
trolling. He’s using all sorts of techniques [and] methods to get his own way.”
The role of the leader in creating versus implementing an existing vision was discussed in
the focus groups. A leader can take an idea and create a vision around it, much like Gardner’s
“innovative leader” (Gardner, 1996, p. 10): Examples given by the participants include the
former prime ministers, de Valera and Haughey. Yet, this, in turn, raises the question as to
whether implementing the vision is a function of management or leadership. In general, it was
felt by participants that leadership is more about getting people to follow or to buy into the
vision than actually creating it.
A further theme concerns the notion that leadership is context framed, a view that we
have already documented with reference to Farrell (1971), I. Kenny (1987), and Leavy and
Wilson (1994) (cf. the subsection Research on Leadership in Ireland). The participants in
both the focus groups and the qualitative interviews were unable to divorce leadership from
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382 KEATING AND MARTIN

its context, irrespective of whether the context is generated by a political party or an orga-
nization. Leaders stand out from the crowd in their own microculture and their status is
achieved both by an ability to inspire and by knowledge of the industry. The desirability of
competence in a particular leadership context ties in with the desire for the leader to deliver
and perform.
It was considered difficult to achieve consensus on who is or is not an outstanding leader
in Ireland. Similarly, the participants had reservations about conferring prominent Irish busi-
ness figures with leadership status, with the exception of Tony O’Reilly. There was great dis-
sent as to whether the outstanding business people in both the Irish and international business
sphere could be considered as outstanding leaders. The conclusion was that they were out-
standing business people but not outstanding leaders. We have noted the absence of business
people in public memory in our discussion of unobtrusive indicators and suggested that our
relatively late emergence as an industrialized nation implies less experience of prominent
business figures. Unwillingness to laud success in business may be embedded in Irish culture
in the guise of begrudgery (Guiomard, 1995; I. Kenny, 2001; cf. also the subsections
Institutional Collectivism, Research on Leadership in Ireland). It resurfaces in both the focus
groups and qualitative interviews and is perhaps not unrelated to the lack of confidence in
Irish business leaders at home and the general belief that they perform well abroad. Abroad
they are perceived to be adaptable, versatile, and unbureaucratic.
Many of the outstanding leaders identified by the focus group participants and the inter-
viewees are not Irish: They include Richard Branson, Margaret Thatcher, Lee Iacocca, and
John F. Kennedy, the latter albeit with Irish roots. Irish nationals mentioned include a num-
ber of political figures, such as Lemass, de Valera, Haughey, and Mary Robinson—the sole
female figure of Irish nationality considered to personify outstanding leadership. Noteworthy
is the naming of ex-Prime Minister Haughey in the light of the scandals that have shadowed
his career. During his period of office, shadiness in political and personal dealings were never
far away, although he continued to enjoy a great deal of support among the grass-roots mem-
bers of his party and the broader electorate. Haughey is recognized as having possessed vision
and charisma. Although recently, the many tribunals of inquiry (cf. the subsection Legal and
Political Framework) have assumed an almost cathartic, countercultural function; some
sneaking regard for the duplicity and rule bending successfully practiced by Haughey would
appear to linger.

Summary. On the basis of the qualitative study of leadership, several preliminary obser-
vations can be presented with respect to leadership characteristics together with a number of
apparent paradoxes. Interestingly, the participants in the focus groups and qualitative inter-
views were able to identify the characteristics of leaders, but had difficulty in naming leader
figures other than those from the political sphere. The memory of past political figures is very
much alive and they are generally credited with the shaping of modern Ireland. Vision and
charisma are amongst the central tenets of outstanding leadership and the image of the roman-
tic or patriot hero continues to hold a dominant place in collective memory and in perceptions
of leadership qualities.
Consensus-based leadership is seen as the preferred decision-making style, although the
frequent naming of Lemass, classified as a Chief by Farrell (1971) by virtue of his more
authoritarian leadership style, underpins the importance of context. This style of leadership
may be more appropriate in times of economic crisis such as existed during Lemass’s period
of office.
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 383

The view that leaders within the business community are not outstanding leaders within
society is widespread and they also remain absent among the unobtrusive indicators of cul-
ture and leadership. Such a perception again underpins the contextual focus of leadership,
which might also explain why leaders often remain in the background, that is, within their
own context, and why business leaders are not widely recognized beyond their context.
Ireland’s economic turnaround has evidently been steered by leaders in the business commu-
nity and their absence from the list of named figures would support the notion that they are
acting in the background. Alongside this, we have noted higher levels of identification with
Irish business leaders who have gone abroad. We might speculate that this is, in part, a con-
sequence of many decades of emigration, which have seen individuals with low Uncertainty
Avoidance go abroad, thereby leaving behind those with higher Uncertainty Avoidance.
Those who have gone abroad thus fulfill one of the expectations attributed to outstanding
leaders, namely risk taking.
There is broad consistency between the findings emerging from the narrow literature base
on leadership in Ireland and the issues raised by the participants in the focus groups, qualita-
tive interviews, and the review of unobtrusive indicators. Moreover, the profile of Irish soci-
ety generated from the quantitative study supports the view of leadership that is articulated in
the qualitative research, specifically a preference for consensus-based and participative lead-
ership, a willingness to take risks, together with a nonauthoritarian and nonassertive style.
These preferences correspond with strong endorsement of Institutional Collectivism, low
Uncertainty Avoidance and Power Distance, and moderate Assertiveness. Such a profile is
now juxtaposed with results of the quantitative study of leadership in Ireland.

The Quantitative Study of Leadership in Ireland

Findings. Irish middle managers rated the 112 leadership items on a sclae between 1
(greatly inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader) and 7 (greatly contributes to a per-
son being an outstanding leader). Using exploratory factor analysis (see House et al., 2004)
these items were grouped intially into 21 first-order leadership dimensions which, in turn, were
consolidated into 6 second-order global leadership dimensions, namely autonomous, charis-
matic, humane, self-protective, participative and team-oriented leadership. Table 11.3 shows
the 6 global second-order culturally endorsed leadership theory dimensions together with the 21
first-order leadership dimensions. Together they constitute the attributes and behaviors cultur-
ally perceived to contribute to or inhibit outstanding leadership.
When we consider the scores for each of the 21 first-order leadership dimensions, the dimen-
sions rated as most important for Irish middle managers and, therefore, deemed by the respon-
dents to contribute significantly to outstanding leadership include performance orientation
(M=6.38), visionary (M=6.33), inspirational (M=6.33), integrity (M=6.19), collaborative team
oriented (M=6.19), and decisive (M=6.14). Also of importance are: administratively competent
(M=5.60), team integrator (M=5.46), diplomacy (M=5.44), modesty (M=5.11), self-sacrificial
(i.e., foregoing self-interest in the interest of the goal or vision) (M=5.11) and humane
(M=5.01). Based on the global culturally endorsed leadership theory dimensions these findings
suggest that Irish middle managers espouse a charismatic/value based leadership style. They
also endorse a team-oriented style coupled with a participative and humane approach. By con-
trast, dimensions which are perceived to act as significant inhibitors of successful leadership
include malevolent (egoistic, cynical, dishonest, vindictive), conflict inducer, self-centered, non-
participative face-saving and autocratic behavior. A self-protective or narcissistic leadership
style is not acceptable to Irish middle managers.
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384 KEATING AND MARTIN

TABLE 11.3
Country Mean Scores for Leadership Dimensions

First-order and Second-order Dimensions Mean

Charismatic 6.08
Performance Orientation 6.38
Visionary 6.33
Inspirational 6.33
Integrity 6.19
Self-Sacrificial 5.11
Decisive 6.14
Team Oriented 5.81
Team Integrator 5.46
Collaborative Team Oriented 6.19
Administratively Competent 5.60
Diplomatic 5.44
Malevolent (reversed) 1.66
Self-Protective 3.00
Self-Centered 1.99
Status-Conscious 3.63
Conflict Inducer 3.36
Face Saver 2.48
Procedural 3.50
Participative 5.64
Autocratic (reversed) 2.48
Nonparticipative 2.24
Humane 5.06
Humane 5.01
Modesty 5.11
Autonomous 3.95
Autonomous 3.95

Note. The six higher order dimensions of Leadership, shown in the body of the table, are the
result of second-order factor analysis on the 21 subdimensions. See den Hartog et al. (1999)
and House et al. (2004).

Discussion. The profile to emerge from the Irish qualitative and quantitative data indicates
that charismatic value-based leadership is endorsed. Such characteristics—visionary, inspira-
tional, performance orientation—have already been highlighted in the qualitative research and
the review of unobtrusive indicators. They also resonate strongly with the profile emerging from
the quantitative study of societal culture and with the findings of previous research, including
“the achievement motive” (Barron & Egan, 1966, p. 20) and qualities such as integrity, deci-
siveness, performance, vision, and team integrator (Excellence Ireland, 2001; I. Kenny, 1987).
Such preferences must be considered against the backdrop of societal change in Ireland. It
is not difficult to understand why performance-oriented leadership is valued if one considers
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 385

the dynamic imposed by social and economic progress. Emphasis on decisiveness and
integrity may reflect expectations of greater clarity of vision coupled with the shift away from
the clientelist approach toward transparency within Irish society. Indeed, trust is perceived to
be a critical attribute of all leadership relationships: it is asserted by the focus group partici-
pants and in the leadership literature (cf. the subsection Research on Leadership in Ireland).
Furthermore, the belief that decisiveness substantially enhances leadership effectiveness mar-
ries well with the view expressed in the qualitative research that a leader is someone who
“sees things through.” The recognition that administrative competence enhances leadership
can be linked with the broader thrust toward performance orientation. The desirability of
inspirational leadership underpins the notion that Irish people need to be inspired rather than
led by a directive or authoritarian leader, a point raised in the focus groups and in our dis-
cussion of power relationships in Irish society. So too, willingness on the part of leaders to
sacrifice themselves for the common good may connote some form of residual adherence to
the image of the romantic hero, which features so prominently in collective memory.
The importance attributed to the characteristic “collaborative team oriented” attests to the
centrality of getting people to buy into the vision and the ability to ensure commitment to the
vision. This characteristic was identified by Farrell (1971) and echoed in the research find-
ings of Kakabadse et al. (1995) and Flood et al. (2001), and in the qualitative research regard-
ing the leader–follower relationship.
Unlike Barron and Egan (1966), who found that “feminine nurturance” challenged their
expectation of leadership, various explanations can be offered that potentially account for the
value attributed to a more humane style of leadership. Within the societal culture data, Ireland
enjoys one of the highest rankings on the “As Is” scale for humane orientation and there is
belief that Irish society should be even more humane. Contributing to this profile is the fact
that modesty and diplomacy are seen as positive dimensions of leadership. It has already been
documented in the findings of the quantitative study of societal culture that Ireland is a rela-
tively nonassertive society with a preference for indirectness in interpersonal communication.
In the focus groups, the participants observed that leaders do not flaunt their authority. The
impression that they should adopt a consultative style, not induce conflict, and involve team
members in decision making, is evidenced in both the quantitative and qualitative findings.
Face-saving behavior, with its implications of evasiveness and ambiguity, is negatively
evaluated. This possibly signals a desire to move away from a feature of Irish society charac-
terized by Lee (1982) as the “peasant residue in the Irish psyche” which “confuses the dis-
tinction between necessary confidentiality and furtive concealment,” thereby underpinning
“suspicions grounded in the face to face nature” of society in Ireland (cited in Leavy, 1993,
p. 145). The tendency to conceal may also be a legacy of Ireland’s colonial past. The dissim-
ulation of truth, revealed in the previously mentioned investigative tribunals, has undermined
the credibility of some recent Irish political and business leaders.
Narcissistic, self-centered leaders have never been endorsed within Irish society, which may
also be a consequence of several centuries of occupation by a colonial power. Despite the fact
that autocratic leadership is not deemed desirable, Ireland has had autocratic leaders who were
“tenants of history and time” (Leavy & Wilson, 1994). The focus groups concurred that such
a style exists, especially in times of crisis, even if it is not desirable. Not surprisingly malevo-
lence is seen as a significant inhibitor of leadership.
Another characteristic that has a slight inhibiting function is the focus on procedure.
Again, this perception corresponds with a view expressed in the focus groups and qualita-
tive interviews that outstanding leaders can cut through red tape in order to achieve their
goals: Emphasis on procedure was identified as characterizing managers, not leaders. The
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386 KEATING AND MARTIN

fact that the questionnaire respondents eschew bureaucratic procedures is not surprising if
one considers the tendency, which has been inherent within Irish society, to circumvent rules
and regulations (cf. the subsection Legal and Political Framework).
In conclusion, the profile of leadership issuing from the quantitative study broadly echoes
many of the trends that we have identified within the qualitative components of the research,
the quantitative study of Irish societal culture, and the leadership literature.
The preceding sections complete the review of societal culture and of middle managers’
implicit perceptions of leadership. The following section presents an industry-level analysis of
the data, reporting the findings of the quantitative study of organizational culture and leadership
in the food-processing and financial services sectors. To recap, data were collected from middle
managers in 10 indigenous food-processing and 8 indigenous financial services companies.
Central to our reflections is a consideration of the interrelationship between societal culture and
organizational culture and their impact on perceptions of leadership in the two sectors.

5. ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE IN THE TWO SECTORS

Findings

Organizational culture was measured on the same nine dimensions as those employed in the
societal culture survey, with the “As Is” scores reflecting organizational practices and the
“Should Be” scores espoused values. The GLOBE study posits that organizational culture and
practices will affect how leaders in these organizations are expected to behave. Specifically,
it is hypothesized that organizational culture will have a stronger impact on leadership
perceptions than societal culture as the organizational culture is more proximate. Table 11.4
presents the findings for the two industries with respect to the nine GLOBE dimensions.
With the exception of Uncertainty Avoidance, the direction of desired change from “As Is”
to “Should Be” across the remaining eight dimensions is similar in the two sectors. For
Performance Orientation, Future Orientation, Humane Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism,
Institutional Collectivism, and In-Group Collectivism, the trend is toward the espousal of
higher values. With respect to Assertiveness, respondents in the food sector espouse slightly
lower levels (“As Is” M = 3.47; “Should Be” M = 3.27) and those in the financial services sec-
tor seem content with existing levels (“As Is” M = 3.83; “Should Be” M = 3.77).
Both the food-processing and financial services sectors face challenging futures, requiring
greater Performance Orientation (Food Processing “As Is” M = 4.53, “Should Be” M = 6.36;
Financial Services “As Is” M = 4.32, “Should Be” M = 6.14) and Future Orientation (Food
Processing “As Is” M = 5.07, “Should Be” M = 5.75; Financial Services “As Is” M = 4.67,
“Should Be” M = 5.62). Margins are low in the food commodity sector, giving rise to continuing
pressures to be more efficient and cost-effective; hence the trend toward implementing change
management strategies such as world-class manufacturing. In the financial services sector,
middle managers recognize the need to become more performance oriented in order to deliver
anticipated shareholder value, to meet financial targets, and to prevent takeovers by larger
predator institutions. The thrust toward greater Future Orientation signals recognition of the
necessity to plan ahead. For the food-processing industry, the scores may reflect awareness of
the challenge of managing the shift away from primary processing toward producing value-
added consumer foods and the need for investment in product development and innovation.
Middle managers in the two sectors also espouse higher organizational loyalty, that is, In-
Group Collectivism (Food Processing “As Is” M = 4.67, “Should Be” M = 6.13; Financial
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 387

TABLE 11.4
Country Mean Scores for Organizational Culture Dimensions

Food Finance

Organizational Culture “As Is”a “Should Be”a Absolute Absolute

Dimensions (a) (a) Differenceb (b) “As Is” “Should Be” Difference

Future Orientation 5.07 5.75 0.68 4.67 5.62 0.95

Performance Orientation 4.53 6.36 1.83 4.32 6.14 1.82
In-Group Collectivism 4.67 6.13 1.46 4.44 5.82 1.38
Institutional Collectivism 4.50 4.73 0.23 4.20 4.89 0.69
Humane Orientation 4.26 4.59 0.33 4.26 4.71 0.45
Gender Egalitarianism 2.72 5.11 2.39 3.11 4.93 1.82
Power Distance 4.00 3.42 –0.58 4.53 3.40 –1.13
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.09 4.33 0.24 4.44 4.17 –0.27
Assertiveness 3.47 3.27 –0.20 3.83 3.77 –0.06
a b
Country Mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. Absolute difference between the “Should Be” and “As Is” score.

Services “As Is” M = 4.44, “Should Be” M = 5.82). This is particularly so in the food-
processing sector, mirroring the fact that the food sector organizations are already very col-
lectively focused due to their location in tightly knit rural communities. In both sectors, there
is a clear desire for greater cohesiveness and a more collective, shared vision. The espousal
of higher levels of Institutional Collectivism (Food Processing “As Is” M = 4.50, “Should Be”
M = 4.73; Financial Services “As Is” M = 4.20, “Should Be” M = 4.89) support this trend.
Both industries embrace higher Humane Orientation (Food Processing “As Is” M = 4.26,
“Should Be” M = 4.59; Financial Services “As Is” M = 4.26, “Should Be” M = 4.71). One
explanation for such a view within the financial services sector is that many of these organi-
zations are large mature bureaucracies, where regardless of excellent procedures and prac-
tices, there can be a lack of human kindness. According to the results of the quantitative
studies of societal culture and of leadership in Ireland, humane qualities are valued highly
within Irish society.
Respondents in both sectors recognize the importance of improving Gender Egalitarianism
(Food Processing “As Is” M = 2.72, “Should Be” M = 5.11; Financial Services “As Is” M =
3.11, “Should Be” M = 4.93). However, this is felt more strongly in the food sector compa-
nies in which fewer women are employed, and those who are have traditionally operated in
sex-segregated roles. Gender imbalance is apparent at senior levels in financial institutions
and most of the organizations surveyed are implementing “valuing diversity” and “employ-
ment equality” strategies in order to make the espoused value a reality.
Middle managers in both sectors want Power Distance to be reduced (Food Processing
“As Is” M = 4.00, “Should Be” M = 3.42; Financial Services “As Is” M = 4.53, “Should Be”
M = 3.40), with the financial services sector endorsing this reduction more significantly. As
machine bureaucracies, financial institutions have a stronger sense of hierarchy and formality
than food sector processing plants. Dismantling hierarchies and focusing staff around the
concept of customer service will necessitate a more collaborative approach to work in financial
services.
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388 KEATING AND MARTIN

On Uncertainty Avoidance, the organizational cultures of the two industries diverge (Food
Processing “As Is” M = 4.09, “Should Be” M = 4.33; Financial Services “As Is” M = 4.44,
“Should Be” M = 4.17). Respondents in the food sector organizations wish to become slightly
better at managing uncertainty, which reflects the increasingly regulated environment in
which these companies operate. Certification, validation, and evaluation are required to meet
the demands of accountability and transparency to multiple stakeholders. Financial services
companies, on the other hand, wish to become less uncertainty avoiding. As an industry dom-
inated by rules and procedures, these organizations wish to become more innovative and to
encourage staff to become more responsible and self-reliant in order to deliver a speedy and
efficient customer service.
In summary, the organizational culture data from both sectors broadly mirror each other.
The mean scores on each of the dimensions reflect recognition of the reality of the macroen-
vironment in which the industries are operating and of future challenges. Significantly, when
juxtaposed with the findings for the societal cultural data, we can see clear parallels in the
direction of espoused change. In the organizational culture data we find, not surprisingly, a
stronger focus on “Should Be” for Future and Performance Orientation, whereas for Power
Distance and Humane Orientation, the societal cultural scores are significantly higher on “As
Is” and “Should Be,” respectively. In conclusion, the findings demonstrate the strong interre-
lationship between societal and organizational culture. In the next section, we examine per-
ceptions of effective leadership within the two industries.

Leadership in the Two Sectors

The results of the industry-level analysis of perceptions of leadership are presented in

Table 11.5.
The charismatic/value-based cluster of attributes, including inspirational, visionary, per-
formance orientation, decisive, self-sacrificial, and integrity, are positively endorsed in both
sectors. The leadership dimension receiving the highest mean score in the food sector is per-
formance orientation (M = 6.63), reflecting the pressure to perform and deliver shareholder
value. Complementing performance, which is a feature of all cost-competitive strategies, are
the leadership attributes “inspirational” and “visionary.” These attributes are self-explanatory
if one takes account of the task facing the leaders of Irish food sector companies to effect rad-
ical change in an industry that is critical to the Irish economy and psyche. The profile of
charismatic leadership also distinguishes the financial services industry, where “inspirational”
ranks highest (M = 6. 32). Personal integrity (M = 6.14) is judged to be very important and
represents a value that has always been esteemed in financial service leaders. Indeed, poor
performance and lack of personal integrity have resulted in the recent removal of leaders from
leadership positions in this sector.
Team orientation is highly valued in both industries and provides evidence of the necessity
for leaders in Irish business organizations to have the ability not just to create the vision but
to inspire their followers to accept their vision. Given the pluralist allegiances within these
industries in terms of stakeholders and the strong support for a collective orientation, the task
facing leaders is to ensure that the organization is fully committed to and inspired by their
vision. Skills in team leadership will be imperative for food sector leaders, who will have to
secure acceptance of their future vision of a drastically changing industry in the face of
European expansion and globalization, as well as motivating and empowering highly
unionized, middle-aged, and inward-looking staff. Equally important in both industries are
skills of diplomacy (Food M = 5.49; Financial Services M = 5.33) in orchestrating the shift
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 389

TABLE 11.5
Comparison of the Organizational Means for Leadership Characteristics in the
Food-Processing and Financial Services Industries

Food Finance

Characteristics Mean Rank Mean Rank

Performance Orientation 6.63 1 6.26 3

Inspirational 6.44 2 6.32 1
Visionary 6.43 3 6.29 2
Team Integrator 6.30 4 6.18 4
Decisive 6.19 5 6.12 6
Integrity 6.15 6 6.15 5
Administratively Competent 5.94 7 5.41 7
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.64 8 5.33 8
Diplomatic 5.49 9 5.33 9
Modesty 5.22 10 5.17 10
Self-Sacrificial 5.10 11 4.96 11
Humane 5.00 12 4.91 12
Autonomous 4.24 13 3.78 13
Status-Conscious 3.68 14 3.43 14
Procedural 3.63 15 3.38 15
Conflict Inducer 3.51 16 3.23 16
Autocratic 2.75 17 2.43 17
Face Saver 2.44 18 2.34 18
Nonparticipative 2.32 19 2.30 19
Self-Centered 1.87 20 1.94 20
Malevolent 1.63 21 1.70 21

from managing internal stakeholders to delivering external shareholder value. Communication

can be very political and clientelist in business circles and this might help to explain the high
value placed on diplomacy as a desirable attribute for leaders in the two sectors. Given the
increasing requirements for transparency, accountability, and compliance with national and
international regulations in the food and financial services sectors, senior managers will need
to adopt a team-oriented, participative approach. Administrative competence is rated particu-
larly highly, especially in the food sector (M = 5.93), where there is perhaps a perceived need
for such expertise to guide the industry successfully through a period of turbulent change.
Finally, in both sectors leaders are expected to demonstrate a humane orientation. Given
the small size of Irish food sector companies and their location in small rural communities,
this emphasis is understandable. Modesty was ranked as an important characteristic of Irish
business leaders and may coincide with the fact that food and financial services’ chief exec-
utives have not been public figures in the past. They have been acknowledged within their
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390 KEATING AND MARTIN

context but not in the wider society, although this situation is changing. It is worth recalling
the reservations expressed in the focus groups about accepting prominent business figures as
leaders: “They’re outstanding in the area which is important for them to operate in—not in
the huge arena but in the micro-culture environment of their organization or industry.” This
statement rings true in the food industry, where leaders are household names, especially in
their regions and local community, and it brings us closer to an understanding of the contex-
tual basis of leadership.
A self-protective, narcissistic, nonparticipative style of leadership is not acceptable in
either industry. Factors perceived to impede effective leadership in the two sectors include
malevolent, self-centered, nonparticipative, autocratic, and face-saving behavior. We might
recall the suspicion voiced by the focus group participants regarding the misuse of power to
influence followers: This view is wholly endorsed in both industries, with malevolence
ranked as the factor most likely to impede leadership.
In summary, middle managers in both food-processing and financial services organizations
in Ireland expect their corporate leaders to practice charismatic, value-based leadership. This
expectation is underpinned by an assumption that leadership will be focused on team integra-
tion using a participative style and humane orientation. Both sectors agree that being malevo-
lent, self-centered, nonparticipative, face saving, and autocratic are not the characteristics of
the leaders they wish to follow in their respective industries. The emergent profile of leader-
ship in the two sectors has strong parallels with that documented in previous research and also
elaborated in the focus groups and qualitative interviews. The findings point to a high degree
of congruence regarding the espoused profile of leadership between the two industries. Taking
into consideration the finding that there is a strong interrelationship between societal and orga-
nizational culture, we might conclude that societal culture is potentially more influential in
shaping perceptions of effective leadership than organizational culture.

6. CONCLUSION

The Irish GLOBE study set out to explore, describe, and explain leadership in the Republic
of Ireland within its cultural and organizational context and to consider the interrelationship
between societal and organizational culture as they have an impact on leadership. The
research embraced both quantitative and qualitative approaches in addressing these
questions.
In Ireland, the quantitative and qualitative studies of leadership point unambiguously
to the espousal of a charismatic value-based leadership style. This style of leadership is
underpinned by a constellation of leadership attributes, which are strongly influenced by the
dimensions of Irish societal culture. However, the imprint of history still casts a shadow over
perceptions of leadership.
There is a clear view among Irish middle managers about the substance of leadership. This
clarity is evidenced in the findings of the quantitative study, the focus groups, and qualitative
interviews and, additionally, in the findings of previous research. Irish leaders are perfor-
mance orientated, have vision, possess a so-called “helicopter view,” and are focused on the
future. They are expected not just to inspire their followers, but to get them “to buy into their
vision.” They achieve this by participative, consensual decision making, integrity, trust, and
loyalty: in short, by playing the role of chairman as described by Farrell (1971). There is a
strong expectation that leaders will behave in a humane, modest way, will not flaunt their
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 391

authority, and will be self-sacrificing in the interest of their organization. By contrast, an

authoritarian leadership style, based on narcissism and self-centered, face-saving behavior, is
perceived to be an inappropriate style.
This profile resonates strongly with findings of the quantitative study of societal culture.
Ireland emerges as a performance- and future-oriented society, which is not surprising for a
country that has recently been ranked for 3 years in succession as the world’s most globalized
economy (A. T. Kearney, 2004). It manifests strong Collectivism, which, together with mod-
erate Power Distance, explains the preference for participative, consensual decision making.
The “Should Be” scores on the dimensions Institutional Collectivism, In-Group Collectivism,
and Power Distance indicate that this style of leadership will continue to be endorsed.
Furthermore, Irish society is deemed to be very humanitarian and wishes to remain so, sug-
gesting that the expectation for Irish leaders to behave in a kind, humane way will also per-
sist. Some tension between this value and the demands for performance, driven by the global
imperative, may ensue.
In contrast, there is little or no consensus on who might be designated as having leader sta-
tus in contemporary Irish society. The people most named were political or historical, demon-
strating that the image of the romantic patriot hero continues to infuse perceptions of
leadership qualities. Collective memory is also more firmly focused on an ideal of leadership
centered on the patriot-hero and liberator, as commemorated inter alia by stamps and monu-
ments, who is symbolic of Ireland’s struggle for and transition to independence. Such an ideal
would appear to remain valid within Irish society in the 1990s. Moreover, it attributes little
value to female figures, who notwithstanding their prominent role in the family, in caring, and
in the community, seem not to be lauded as leaders, the exception being ex-president Mary
Robinson. This scenario may change if we consider the “Should Be” scores for Gender
Egalitarianism coupled with the increased participation of women in the labor force.
Business leaders are not accepted as leaders except in their business context and they have
not yet earned a place in public memory. Their absence is noteworthy in a society in which
business leadership has clearly been evidenced. The most obvious examples include the emer-
gence of the “Celtic Tiger” and the major social and economic changes that Ireland has under-
gone in the past quarter of a century. Why are business leaders not recognized or, indeed,
visible other than in the context of their organizations? One possible explanation is the coun-
try’s late industrialization, which might explain the preoccupation with historical and politi-
cal figures and the reluctance to elevate prominent business figures to the status of societal
leaders. Alternatively, based on the GLOBE “As Is” findings, Irish society’s strong collectivist
orientation, moderate Power Distance relationships, and nonassertiveness might militate
against leaders standing out from their context. This particular nexus of societal
factors might lead us to conclude that in a small collectivist society the leader remains in
the background; they are known in context to the selected team/in-group and influence
performance and outcomes through networking and clientelist relations, often eschewing
bureaucracy and regulation behind closed doors. This latter insight has been glimpsed through
the workings of the many tribunals currently investigating business and political life in
Ireland.
There is also a strong sense emerging from the quantitative and qualitative data that
although leadership is about performance and vision, it will occur in Ireland only if the fol-
lowers choose to follow the leader, who will be one of the team, who will not be entitled as
the leader to flaunt authority, who will encourage and influence the team members, who will
not induce conflict, and who will know her or his place. Knowing one’s place again raises the
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392 KEATING AND MARTIN

issue of context, but also recalls the theme of begrudgery, which features strongly both in the
literature on leadership and in the qualitative research. Ruth’s (1988) discussion of the post-
colonial psyche notes that the process of internalized oppression means that we have “unre-
alistically high expectations of leaders” (p. 436).
What then might the practical implications of our findings be for foreign nationals who
lead organizations in Ireland? There are dangers associated with the interpretation of the find-
ings of large-scale cross-cultural studies. The practitioner may assume that where an attribute
is universally endorsed, it is enacted in an identical manner the world over. It is critical for
managers who operate across borders to be aware that even where cultures are clustered, for
example, in the case of Ireland, the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Australia, New
Zealand, and White South Africa (Anglo cluster), the enactment and acceptability of certain
behaviors differs among the countries within that cluster. There are, however, a number of
features that non-Irish managers operating in Ireland will need to consider if they are to lead
organizations and motivate their staff to buy into their vision. In Ireland, the findings of the
GLOBE research suggest that success and performance rely on people and that interpersonal
relationship building and maintenance are critical components in ensuring that the task is ful-
filled. This approach can result in some blurring of the task and relational levels, which means
that criticism can be taken personally, that conflict and confrontation are avoided, and there-
fore that interpersonal exchanges need to be appropriately modified. Moderate levels of
assertiveness help to explain this behavior. The importance of relationships and social com-
petence is underpinned by strong collectivism, which creates higher expectations of team
integration and participation in decision making among followers. Moderate levels of uncer-
tainty avoidance mean operating with fewer rules and regulations or accepting the tendency
to find a way around these rules and regulations and to keep all options open. The expecta-
tion that rules will be followed unquestioningly may be a misplaced assumption on the part
of the non-national manager.
Though understanding cultural dimensions and their impact on organizational leadership
can guide expatriate or international managers toward identifying areas where they must
adjust their behavior, ultimately the degree of adjustment will depend on their interpretation
of the range of prevailing organizational, situational, and personal contingencies. In other
words, any kind of cultural or leadership dimensions that are used in cross-cultural training
or orientation should not create the assumption of within-culture homogeneity. Integrating the
theory with practitioner experience is a critical consideration (cf. Keating & Martin, 2004).
The Irish GLOBE findings also have implications for national managers working in organi-
zations that have become increasingly multicultural over the past 10 years.
The advantages of combining quantitative and qualitative methodologies are clearly
demonstrated by the GLOBE study (cf. Martin et al., 1999). Qualitative methods can help to
elicit the many permutations of the cultural context in which quantitative findings are embedded;
they can enrich, challenge, or confirm quantitative data and in this way they can reveal new
relationships. Though they may appear “messy, incomplete, unvalidated, and not readily
amenable to the neat control that is taken for granted with abstract concepts and laboratory
data” (Gulliver 1979, pp. 63–64), the focus groups, qualitative interviews, and review of
unobtrusive indicators of culture in the current research provide a valuable explanatory frame-
work and help us to explicate some of the complexities of the context in which the findings
of the quantitative surveys of societal culture and leadership are presented.
One methodological question raised by the GLOBE study concerns the issue of sampling.
Is it possible to select a sample from a particular group, such as middle managers, that might
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11 THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND 393

be considered to represent the values held more broadly by the members of that society? This
question has long preoccupied researchers and there is no clear answer (Schwartz, 1992,
1994). Large-scale cross-cultural studies tend to rely on “convenience sampling” (Kim,
Triandis, Kagitcibasi, Choi, & Yoon, 1994, p. 9) for comparative purposes; clearly, in the case
of GLOBE it would be both desirable and interesting to replicate parts of the study using
other samples. The authors of this chapter and the Austrian chapter have already taken steps
in this regard (Keating, Martin, & Szabo, 2001). Nevertheless, at the societal level, unobtru-
sive indicators confirm the GLOBE middle manager reports with respect to all core GLOBE
dimensions.
In the course of this chapter, we have made ongoing reference to the significant reshaping
of Irish society over the last quarter century, not least the leap from a pre- to a postindustrial
society. Yet, it would appear that we have not made the transition from lauding “men of des-
tiny” toward recognizing “men of achievement.” Might it be the case that members of Irish
society look to the past for their role models as their expectations are too aspirational to fit
the “postrevolutionary” reality? Answers to this and other similar questions may lie in the
search for self-identity in the new century; there is a need to reconcile the legacy of a colo-
nial mind-set with the far-reaching social and economic changes within Irish society. Looking
toward external role models or the “ideal” figures of the past (Kane, 1986) are manifestations
of this search. The GLOBE study in Ireland has captured some of the dilemmas within Irish
society and attitudes toward leadership in the closing decade of the millennium. The new mil-
lennium will confront business leaders with new strategic challenges. The process of shaping
self-identity is continuous and responds to the changing sociocultural context; it remains to
be seen for how long our perceptions of leadership bear the “imprint of bygone circum-
stances” (Lee, 1994, p. 248).

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors wish to acknowledge support received from the Trinity College Dublin Arts and
Social Sciences Benefactions Fund.

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12
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Leadership and culture in New Zealand

Jeffrey C. Kennedy
Nanyang Business School, Singapore

Everything that was good from that small, remote country had gone into them—
sunshine and strength, good sense, patience, the versatility of practical men.
—Mulgan (1984, p. 15)

This chapter begins with an overview of New Zealand’s historical development, and the
cultural themes that have emerged since European settlement in the 1800s. The GLOBE
methodology in New Zealand is then described, and New Zealand’s pattern of responses to the
GLOBE cultural scales is discussed. The next section provides a summary of research into
organizational leadership, followed by presentation of the qualitative and quantitative findings
of the GLOBE study. The concluding section summarizes the results, provides suggestions
for expatriate managers in New Zealand, and identifies limitations of the study.

1. NEW ZEALAND SOCIETY AND CULTURE

New Zealand is a country consisting of two main islands, two thirds the size of California, in
the far corner of the earth’s largest ocean, the Pacific. With a population of 4 million, it has
fewer people than cities such as Bangkok, London, New York, or Sydney.
New Zealand comprises the last islands of any size to be reached by people. The original
inhabitants, the Maori, came from Polynesia around a thousand years ago. About 800 years
later, Britain colonized New Zealand, and waves of immigrants from Britain subsequently
established settlements. Discovery of gold in 1861 led to an influx of miners from the declining
gold fields in Australia and China, followed in 1870 by another wave of assisted immigration
from Germany, Scandinavia, and France, as well as the British Isles. The period between the
two world wars saw an increase in immigration from Central Europe, whereas the period after
the Second World War was characterized by a significant inflow from the Netherlands and
Poland. More recently, immigration from Pacific nations (such as Samoa, Tonga, and Fiji) has
increased, and the Asian population has been boosted by new arrivals from Indo-China, Hong
Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, Korea, and other neighbors to the north. In the 1996 census, almost
20% of the population claimed identification with two or more ethnic groups. Around 80% of

397
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398 KENNEDY

the population are of European descent, and almost 15% are Maori. Pacific Islanders and
Chinese ethnic groups comprise 6.5% and 2.9% respectively of the overall population
(Statistics New Zealand, 2001).
Although these figures suggest that it makes little sense to talk of one culture for New
Zealand, New Zealanders (self-styled “Kiwis”) will argue strongly for the existence of a
unique identity, for the existence of something that sets them apart from others, a “Kiwi cul-
ture.” Though some of the components of this identity may be found in other cultures and
nations, New Zealanders’ shared experiences and history create a distinctive pattern. In the
following paragraphs, a summary of New Zealand’s historical development provides insights
into some of the key elements of this pattern.
The earliest inhabitants of New Zealand migrated from Polynesia around 1000 AD. The
Maori retained aspects of their Polynesian culture, while adapting to the challenges of a less
tropical and more rugged physical environment. Maori social organization is largely commu-
nal, with social groupings being based on whanau (extended families), hapu (subtribes), and
iwi (tribes), usually based on descent from a common ancestor. Communities were ruled by
chiefs (rangatira), who generally held their position subject to the community remaining sat-
isfied with their continued good performance. The literal meaning of rangatira is “to weave
people together”—a definition of leadership that neatly encapsulates the interdependent and
communal nature of Maori society.
In 1642, a Dutch East India Company expedition under Abel Tasman became the first
recorded European voyagers to discover New Zealand. Detailed European exploration took
place during the 1770s, with several expeditions by the British explorer James Cook. In 1788,
a British prison colony was established across the Tasman Sea in New South Wales (now a
state in present-day Australia), facilitating greater access to New Zealand. American and
British whalers and sealers began to establish bases on the New Zealand coast, and several of
these expanded into larger settlements involved in farming and trade in timber and flax.
A British governor was appointed in 1840, and in February he began gaining Maori sig-
natories to the “Treaty of Waitangi.” This document provided for the indigenous Maori to
cede aspects of sovereignty to Queen Victoria, gaining the rights and privileges of British sub-
jects, while retaining ownership of their land, forests, and fisheries. It is considered by many
to be the founding document of the nation of New Zealand.
Originally an extension of the British colony in New South Wales, New Zealand became
a British colony in its own right in 1841. Increasing numbers of settlers arrived, principally
from Britain, and a number of planned settlements began to take shape. In the four decades
following 1840, the European settler (Pakeha) population grew from 2,000 to almost 500,000.
In contrast, but not coincidentally, the Maori population decreased from around 120,000 in
pre-European times to 42,000 in 1896, causing some commentators to view them as a “dying
race” (Belich, 2001).
Conflict over land and trade, characterized by breaches of trust and Pakeha disregard of
the Treaty of Waitangi, sparked off the New Zealand land wars, a bloody series of military
actions that reached their peak in the 1860s. The Maori became increasingly marginalized as
the Crown confiscated land, and passed legislation that undermined Maori land ownership,
language use, education, and health. Although the Maori had continued to seek redress under
the Treaty, an 1877 court decision declared it to be a “simple nullity.” It was not until the
1970s and 1980s that increasing Maori activism brought the Treaty back into national con-
sciousness. In 1975, the Waitangi Tribunal was established to deal with claims against the
Crown under the Treaty, but it was 1985 before the Tribunal was empowered to hear claims
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 399

dating back to 1840. By 2001, close to U.S.$380 million had been paid or committed to
claimants for historical grievances relating to return of land, fisheries, and cultural resources
(Office of Treaty Settlements, 2001).
As an integral part of this settlement process, different ethnic groups in New Zealand have
had to reassess their identities and relationships with each other. The concept of partnership
inherent in the Treaty has been actualized in legislation and policy. The special standing of
Maori and Pakeha (as signatories to the Treaty) has generated pressure for greater sharing of
power and resources between the two cultures (O’Reilly & Wood, 1991). This trend is not
without its critics. Biculturalism, by definition, relegates cultural groups that have arrived in
New Zealand since 1840 to a lower standing. Moves to empower such groups through a
greater emphasis on multiculturalism are often viewed as attempts to discredit biculturalism,
and the claims of Maori under the Treaty (Jones, Pringle, & Shepherd, 2000). Political and
economic pressures have increasingly turned New Zealand toward a greater reliance on Asian
neighbors, and recent immigration policies encouraging greater Asian investment have served
to further energize the debate over cultural identities.
The rapid growth of New Zealand during its early colonial history affected political and
economic structures. In an arrangement akin to the American federal system, six provincial
governments were established in 1852, but these were abolished in favor of a central govern-
ment in 1876. A centralized approach was needed in order to fund and coordinate the expen-
sive business of developing the new nation’s transport and communications infrastructure.
During the last decades of the 19th century, the central government began to take a much
broader and socially progressive role in running the country. In 1877 it provided for a system
of free, compulsory education. In 1879 it introduced universal male suffrage, and in 1893
New Zealand became the first country in the world to extend the vote to women.
The Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act was passed in 1894 as a response to pub-
lic concern about exploitative working conditions. It has been described as “one of the most
dramatic contributions New Zealand has made to conceptions of humanitarian democracy”
(Hansen, 1968, p. 58). The 1894 Act provided a compulsory system of state arbitration
“aimed at preventing class conflict by ensuring the workers an adequate share of the national
wealth even as it assured adequate incentive to the employer” (Hansen, 1968, p. 58).
The passing of this Act provides a number of insights into aspects of New Zealand soci-
etal values that are still relevant today. The changes it introduced (together with the earlier
widening of the electoral franchise) reflect a degree of willingness by the well-off to give up
some privilege, wealth, and power. Hansen (1968) argues that this illustrates a gap between
the values of the settlers and those dominant in their countries of origin. In particular, the set-
tlers placed greater emphasis on equality, freedom, and individual dignity: “In comparison
with England and the United States, and even Australia, New Zealand has most actively and
consistently emphasized equalitarianism” (p. 58).
The New Zealand concept of egalitarianism is not restricted to the sense of equal oppor-
tunity; it extends to the idea that people should be considered as equal in all aspects of life:
“Not only should one person not inherit greater life chances than another; none should be
allowed to accumulate a great deal more than another through his own efforts or luck.
Exceptional performances or capacities are deprecated by both individuals in a relationship”
(Hansen, 1968, p. 60). The phrase “tall poppy syndrome” refers to a tendency in New Zealand
to find fault with high achievers, to “cut them down to size” if they act as though their
achievements make them better than anyone else. Few academic research studies have been
conducted on the phenomenon in New Zealand, but Australian studies of contingencies
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400 KENNEDY

influencing the tall poppy syndrome are likely to be relevant to New Zealand (see, e.g.,
Feather, 1993, 1994a, 1994b).
Another aspect of egalitarianism was captured in the feeling held by many working people
that they could work their way out of wage dependency and into property ownership on the
basis of their individual effort (Fairburn, 1989). Class barriers to upward mobility did not
exist to the same extent as in Victorian Britain, and there was little requirement for social or
family connections, patronage of the wealthy, intellectual accomplishments, or attendance at
the “right” schools. Deeks, Parker, and Ryan (1994) comment on the structures imported into
New Zealand from English common law (e.g., the master–servant relationship), but note their
comparative weakness. Few households had servants, and there was not the same expectation
of deference and servility in such relationships.
Egalitarianism is also apparent in New Zealand labor law, which until 1991 enforced a
strict system of awards that acted to ensure uniform minimum pay rates and conditions for
the same jobs across all employers. Differentials between skill levels were based on negotia-
tion (by centralized employer and employee organizations) rather than market considerations,
and pay for seniority was far more prevalent than pay for performance.
Economically, New Zealand was dependent almost entirely on agricultural exports. Early
trade in flax and seafood (primarily with Australia) gave way to exports of meat, wool, and
dairy products to Britain. Throughout the period from 1875 until World War II, around 80%
of New Zealand exports were sold to the United Kingdom, and over half its imports came
from that country (Department of Statistics, 1990). Dependence was not limited to the eco-
nomic sphere; many political and social institutions and customs had English origins, and set-
tlers continued to refer to Britain as “Home” with a capital H.
New Zealand participation in the South African War (1899–1902) and World War I (where
103,000 served abroad, from a total population of around 1 million) led to a greater sense of
national identity. New Zealanders compared themselves favorably with their British regular-
force counterparts. In particular, heroic actions of the Australian and New Zealand Army
Corps (ANZACs) at Gallipoli in 1915 are still recalled in annual ceremonies marked by a glo-
rification of Australasian exploits, and a diminution of British (and other Allied) contribu-
tions. The dominant and enduring cultural theme portrays New Zealanders as self-reliant
pioneers, brave and heroic, demonstrating initiative under pressure. These characteristics
were said to engender leadership based on example rather than insistence on “red tape,” by
officers who were “‘democratic’ and modest—one of the boys” (Phillips, 1989, p. 96).
The pioneering-settler history, combined with the dependence on farming, gave rise to a
strong self-image of New Zealand as a country of rugged individualists in a dramatic rural
landscape. The literary incarnation of this theme has a dark side, with an underlying sense of
alienation and of distance. This imagery has been used metaphorically in describing interper-
sonal relationships, and conveys “uncertainties about the influence of the past as well as a lack
of confidence in the future” (Lealand, 1988, pp. 29–30). At a more popular level, the rural
theme is the setting for much New Zealand humor, is used in locally made television dramas,
and is portrayed in many different ways in commercial advertisements (Carter & Perry, 1987).
Another important element of this cultural archetype is a practical, problem-solving
approach to life. This involves the willingness to tackle problems and take on responsibilities
outside one’s normal role. Innovative solutions using tools or materials at hand are valued.
Kiwis take pride in being able to fix anything with “a piece of No. 8 fencing wire.” Edmund
Hillary was the first person to drive a motorized vehicle overland to the South Pole, and he
used converted farm tractors for the expedition (Booth, 1993). Richard Pearse was a farmer
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 401

who attempted powered flight 9 months before the Wright brothers, in an airplane (featuring
a variable pitch propeller, wing flaps, and rear elevator) and petrol engine he constructed with
home made tools from scrap metal and other oddments (New Zealand Department of Internal
Affairs, 1996; Ogilvie, 1973). More recently, John Britten created the world’s fastest four-
stroke superbike using innovative design and materials technology (Bridges & Downs, 2000).
As Holm has noted (1994), this celebrated trait of “Kiwi ingenuity,” of devising innovative,
practical, cost-effective solutions, is now no longer confined to the use of such prosaic mate-
rials as fencing wire.
The lasting strength of this masculine, rural image, of the practical man in tune with the
elements, belies the level of urbanization in New Zealand. A peak of 75% of the population
lived in rural areas in 1871, but this figure has steadily declined. At the most recent census,
85% of New Zealanders lived in urban areas (Statistics New Zealand, 2002).
The introduction of television broadcasts and international passenger jet services (both in
the early 1960s), coupled with ongoing improvements in communications technology, con-
tributed to the ongoing reduction in New Zealand’s isolation and insulation from the rest of
the world (Belich, 2001). Following a period of prosperity during the 1950s and 1960s, New
Zealand entered a period of uncertainty during the 1970s. External factors, such as oil price
shocks, weakened New Zealand’s terms of trade, inflation threatened people’s standard of liv-
ing, government debt increased, and unemployment began to rise. Britain, which had hitherto
been the main market for New Zealand exports, entered the European Economic Community,
and by 1975 was only taking one fifth of the country’s total exports.
Governments during the 1970s responded to these economic problems by providing tax
incentives and financial subsidies for agricultural production, and by increasing the size of the
state sector in the economy. In 1979, Robert Muldoon’s National (center-right) government
embarked on a multibillion-dollar plan that targeted import substitution through investment
in petrochemical plants (synthetic petrol, natural gas, and oil refining), steel refining, and alu-
minum smelting. Known colloquially as “Think Big,” the projects failed to meet their ambi-
tious economic and employment targets.
A snap election was called in 1984. A Labour (center-left) government gained power, and
immediately faced a foreign-exchange crisis that precipitated a 20% devaluation of the New
Zealand dollar. There was, by this time, widespread agreement that significant economic
restructuring had to be undertaken. The new minister of finance, Roger Douglas, capitalized
on this feeling by initiating a breathtakingly fast-paced, far-reaching program of reform aimed
at reducing the role of the state in favor of a more free-market economy. Although consistent
with a global shift toward free-market policies, this “radical experiment in a remote part of
the Pacific Rim” (Yergin & Stanislaw, 1998, p. 140) went further and faster than comparable
programs in other developed countries.
The reforms encompassed financial deregulation, state sector reorganization, and removal
of subsidies for agriculture and industry. Controls were removed from areas such as foreign-
exchange transactions, interest rates, banking, overseas investments, and the share market.
A goods and services tax was introduced and income tax was reduced and simplified in a
manner that (contrary to the principle of egalitarianism) benefited the rich more than the poor.
Tax concessions, import controls, tariff protections, subsidies, and other restrictions on free
trade were phased out.
Government departments that provided a service were “corporatized”—restructured along
private-sector, market-oriented lines. Telecommunications, air traffic control services,
government research agencies, the postal service, banks, valuation, rail transport, and numerous
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402 KENNEDY

other activities were transformed into state-owned enterprises and, in many cases, subse-
quently privatized. Charges were introduced (or increased) for many government services, in
an attempt to limit demand as well as to raise revenue. The National government of 1990
continued the reform process, extending the policy of “user pays” for government services,
making cuts to welfare spending, and restructuring public hospitals along private-sector
corporation lines.
The National government also deregulated the labor market, passing the Employment
Contracts Act in 1991. This Act removed legislative recognition of unions, contributing to a
halving in union membership from 45% of the workforce in 1989 to 23% in 1994 (Belich,
2001). By promoting flexibility in employment arrangements and responsiveness to market
conditions, and through its use of a new vocabulary replacing traditional terms, the Act high-
lighted the transactional, impersonal aspects of the employment exchange (Peel & Inkson,
2000).
The significant shift in New Zealand’s political, social, and economic landscape since
1984 has often clashed with New Zealanders’ underlying cultural values. Though the pio-
neering sense of self-reliance shows in an intolerance of those considered to “bludge” off the
welfare state, the sense of egalitarianism rebels at the thought that some sections of society
are unduly benefiting from reforms, whereas others are being unfairly marginalized. Many
New Zealanders’ sense of “fair play” has been challenged by evidence of poverty and social
exclusion among low-income and Maori households (Stephens, Frater, & Waldegrave, 2000),
of absolute declines in the real income of low-income households (Dalziel, 2002), and of the
widening income gap between rich and poor (Gendall, Robbie, Patchett, & Bright, 2000).
These concerns led to changes in government priorities at the end of the 1990s. The
National government promoted a Code of Social and Family Responsibility, and the Treasury
(the department responsible for economic advice to government) introduced “social cohe-
sion” as an element that should be “at the heart of government policy” (Ansley, 2000, p. 16).
A Labour-led coalition of center-left parties came to power at the end of 1999, and introduced
a raft of changes in areas such as taxation, superannuation, and the health sector, aimed at
restoring social equity. The Employment Contracts Act was replaced by legislation that pro-
moted the role of unions and collective bargaining, and imposed a duty of “good faith” on
parties in their employment negotiations.

Foreign Policy

Following World War II, New Zealand’s identification with Britain as the “Mother Country”
weakened. The United States protected New Zealand in the Pacific, whereas most New
Zealand troops were fighting in the Mediterranean theater. Over 100,000 Americans were sta-
tioned in New Zealand during latter stages of the war, and in the following decades New
Zealand’s foreign policy became more aligned with that of the United States. New Zealand
signed the ANZUS security treaty with Australia and the United States in 1952, and fought
alongside both countries in Korea and Vietnam. Since 1971, defense ties with Asian countries
have been further reinforced by New Zealand’s active participation as a member (with
Australia, Malaysia, Singapore, and the United Kingdom) of the Five Power Defense
Arrangements (FPDA).
New Zealand is still supportive of traditional allies, offering military support in the
Falklands campaign (1982), in the Persian Gulf War (1991), and in Afghanistan (2001).
Increasingly, however, the military orientation is toward peacekeeping, with New Zealand
personnel having been deployed with UN peacekeeping or mine-clearing missions to East
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 403

Timor (the largest commitment of troops since the Korean War), the former Yugoslavia, the
Middle East, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, Bougainville, Laos, and other regions. In 2000,
31% of the Army was committed to UN operations, and in recent years the Defense Force’s
strike capacity has been reduced by disbanding the air combat force, whereas emphasis is
being given to modernizing transport and maritime surveillance roles (Hughes, 2001;
Ministry of Defense, 2001; New Zealand Government, 2001).
New Zealand is now more prepared to take an individual stand on issues rather than uncrit-
ically adopt the views of Britain or the United States. A high-profile example was the 1984
Labour government’s introduction of a nuclear-prohibition policy in the face of considerable
opposition from Western allies. Despite pressure from the United States (including cuts in
military cooperation, suspension of the ANZUS treaty, and a downgrading of New Zealand’s
diplomatic status) the policy passed into law in 1987 (Ware & Dewes, 2000). This policy
gained momentum largely because of concern at the effects of ongoing nuclear testing in the
Pacific, New Zealand’s “back yard.” It illustrates how New Zealand increasingly views its
sphere of influence as lying in the southwest Pacific. This shift in political orientation has also
led to new themes for our cultural identity. The European linkage is weaker, and a renaissance
in Maori culture and traditions coupled with acknowledgment of New Zealand’s geographic
location, is creating a new identity as a “self-confident, multicultural Pacific nation”
(Lealand, 1988).
It is clear from this brief overview that dramatic shifts have taken place in New Zealanders’
conception of their place in the world. The country has moved from dependence to indepen-
dence, from a Euro-focused worldview toward one centered more on the Asia-Pacific region.
It should also be apparent that the dominant cultural themes are not truly representative of the
diverse population. Many of the themes are masculine in origin, with pioneering, rural, and
military provenances. The perspectives of women and Maori are underrepresented. Similarly,
women and Maori are underrepresented in management within New Zealand organizations.
In common with the cultural themes presented in this section, the GLOBE research discussed
in the next section reflects a primarily male (and New Zealand European) perspective. This
does not make the perspective any less important, but it serves to delimit it.

2. THE GLOBE STUDY—SOCIETAL CULTURE

As described in the first chapter in this volume, the GLOBE project used both quantitative
and qualitative methods to gather data on cultural values and perceptions of effective leader
behaviors. The following section reports results from the surveyed middle managers’ ratings
of New Zealand society in terms of the GLOBE dimensions, followed by a discussion incor-
porating additional material from public information and observations.
In line with the overall GLOBE methodology, the questionnaire was distributed to middle
managers in business organizations operating in three different industries: finance (N = 69),
food processing (N = 53) and telecommunications (N = 62). A description of each industry is
provided in the Appendix. Personal contact was used to ensure close to 100% return rates and,
in order to increase representativeness of the sample, only four to six questionnaires were
completed within each company or business unit.
Key demographic characteristics of the sample of 184 managers can be summarized as
follows:
• Gender: 79% of the respondents were male, and 21% female.
• Age: The age of respondents ranged between 22 and 63, with a median of 38 years.
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404 KENNEDY

TABLE 12.1
Results for New Zealand on the Nine GLOBE Cultural Dimensions, Society Level

“As Is” Ratings “Should Be” Ratings

Cultural Dimension Scoreb Bandc (Rank) Scoreb Band (Rank)c Difference

Institutional Collectivism 4.81 Ae (5) 4.20 Ce (51) –0.61

Uncertainty Avoidance 4.75 Ae (12) 4.10 Cf (48) –0.65
Performance Orientation 4.72 Ad (5) 5.90 Bf (34) 1.18
Power Distance 4.89 Be (47) 3.53 Af (3) –1.36
Humane Orientation 4.32 Be (19) 4.49 Ef (61) 0.17
Gender Egalitarianisma 3.22 Bd (38) 4.23 Be (47) 1.01
d d
In-Group Collectivism 3.67 C (59) 6.21 A (3) 2.54
Future Orientation 3.47 Ce (48) 5.54 Be (31) 2.07
Assertiveness 3.42 Cd (60) 3.54 Bd (41) 0.12
a
Low = male oriented. bCountry mean on a 7-point scale (range 1 to 7). cRepresents band of countries New Zealand
falls into (from a high of A to a low of C, D, or E); bands identify meaningful differences between groups of countries
(cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). The number in parentheses is New Zealand’s rank order out of the 61 countries.
d
Group span ranges from A to C. eGroup span ranges from A to D. fGroup span ranges from A to E.

• New Zealand residence: 79% had lived in New Zealand all their life, whereas 16% had
spent more than 3 years out of the country.
• Working experience: The full-time working experience of the sample ranged between 2
and 45 years with a median of 20 years, and with 8 years being the median for holding
a management position. Years spent with the current employer ranged from less than 1
through to a maximum of 41, with a median of 11 years. Thirty-eight percent had worked
for a multinational corporation, either in New Zealand or overseas.
• Staff: The median number of people directly reporting to the manager was 5, with only
9% of the sample having more than 10 subordinates. The maximum number of levels
from the manager to his or her CEO was four, with a median of two.

The GLOBE study included a quantitative assessment of societal cultural values, seeking
information on the extent to which values are reflected in current practices in society (“As Is”)
and the emphasis that respondents felt should be given to each value (“Should Be”). Details
on these measures can be found in the introductory chapter. Table 12.1 presents the results for
New Zealand in terms of absolute scores (on a rating scale from 1 to 7) and comparative rank-
ings with other countries on the GLOBE cultural dimensions.
In considering the current situation (“As Is”), New Zealand ranked in the highest 20% of
countries on the dimensions of Performance Orientation (Rank 5), Institutional Collectivism
(Rank 5) and Uncertainty Avoidance (Rank 12). In an international context, New Zealand
therefore stands out as being a society that places importance on high standards of perfor-
mance, while supporting practices that encourage collective distribution of resources and
collective action. It is also characterized by a reliance on social norms, rules, and procedures
to reduce unpredictability and uncertainty.
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 405

In contrast, it ranked at the low end of the sample in regard to Power Distance (Rank 47),
Future Orientation (Rank 48), In-Group Collectivism (Rank 59), and Assertiveness (Rank
61). These rankings indicate that New Zealand society values egalitarianism more highly than
most other countries in the sample, and is second only to Sweden in the importance placed
on individualism—on independence as opposed to family cohesiveness and loyalty. The
emphasis on planning or investing for the future and willingness to delay gratification is lower
than in most countries. Finally, New Zealand managers show one of the lowest levels of
acceptance of assertiveness, confrontation, and aggression in relationships with others; only
Swedish managers rated this dimension lower.
Comparison of New Zealand’s “As Is” scores with “Should Be” scores indicates a desire
for change in several areas. The managers in the sample expressed a strong desire to place
much more emphasis on values consistent with In-Group Collectivism, increasing the rating
given to this dimension by 2.54 (on a 7-point scale), producing the third-highest “Should Be”
rating of all countries. They also wanted to see a much greater emphasis on Future
Orientation, lifting the rating given to this dimension by 2.07, and changing the “As Is” rank-
ing of 48 to a “Should Be” ranking of 31. Although there was a desire for further emphasis
on Performance Orientation, other countries sought to increase more, and New Zealand’s
“Should Be” ranking dropped back to 34.
Though New Zealand managers reported a low level of Power Distance, and wanted to see
emphasis on this value further reduced, managers in most other countries wanted an even
larger reduction in Power Distance. As a result, New Zealand ranks highly in regard to the
“Should Be” value of Power Distance (Rank 3). This suggests that New Zealand managers
are, in comparative terms, reasonably satisfied with existing levels of Power Distance.
The discussion of the dominant cultural themes in New Zealand indicates the emphasis
placed on male views of society. The majority of survey respondents were male; they
acknowledged that New Zealand society is male oriented, and expressed a desire to see a
greater shift toward a more gender-balanced orientation.
In regard to Humane Orientation, the managers saw New Zealand as being around the mid-
point of the scale, and expressed little desire to shift from this position. Most other countries
felt they needed to emphasize this dimension more, and as a result the New Zealand ranking
shifted from 19 (“As Is”) to 61 (“Should Be”).
The following paragraphs explore these findings, using examples from public sources,
interviews, and observations.

Institutional Collectivism. An example of New Zealanders’ concern for collective inter-

ests comes from a recent survey undertaken as part of a global study of social policy issues
(Gendall et al., 2000). Most of the respondents were in favor of a progressive tax system, with
70% believing that taxes on those with low incomes are too high. Large proportions of the sam-
ple were in favor of increased government spending on health (90%), education (85%), assis-
tance to the unemployed (60%), and pensions (60%), even if this meant an increase in taxes.
New Zealand’s long history of a collective approach toward workplace bargaining is also
consistent with this value. For almost a century prior to 1991, employment conditions for dif-
ferent classes of work were determined by comprehensive collective bargaining between
employer and union representatives, resulting in a binding agreement known as an “Award.”
The shift to an individualistic, contractual focus (with the 1991 Employment Contracts Act)
has now been reversed with legislation that explicitly encourages collective bargaining
(Employment Relations Act, 2000).
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406 KENNEDY

Uncertainty Avoidance. Hofstede ranks New Zealand as 39 out of 53 countries on his

measure of Uncertainty Avoidance (2001, Exhibit 4.1). As discussed by Hanges and Dickson
(2004), the Hofstede scale corresponds to the GLOBE values (“Should Be”) scale, where
New Zealand is also ranked in the bottom quartile. In terms of practice (“As Is”), however,
New Zealand is ranked in the highest quartile of countries. This scale includes items such as
the extent to which laws or rules exist to cover most situations, the tendency for people to lead
structured lives, and the relative emphasis on orderliness and consistency.
Writers have often attacked the pressure for conformity in New Zealand. Charles Brasch
(quoted in Geraets, 1984, p. 81) writes of “the pressure of conformity.” Author Dan Davin
vividly captures elements of the emphasis on structured lives and consistency (1984, p. 105):
“In New Zealand everyone knows everyone more or less: those you don’t know personally
you might just as well because they’re bound to be very like the people you know already; or
think you know, because of course everyone’s different deep down but in New Zealand the
stereotype that controls what you can say or be seen to do is very strong.” The New Zealand
Survey of Values found that of a list of six important life qualities (comfort and prosperity,
excitement, security and stability, accomplishing things, being respected, salvation) security
was ranked first, accomplishing things second, and comfort/prosperity third. In regard to
important job characteristics, job security and good pay were ranked at the top of the list
(Gold & Webster, 1990).
In a recent international study of entrepreneurship (Frederick & Carswell, 2001), New
Zealand ranked 15th out of 29 countries in tolerance for uncertainty—further evidence
that the Hofstede work underestimated the extent of Uncertainty Avoidance in New Zealand
society.
A comprehensive state-funded accident insurance and rehabilitation scheme reduces
uncertainty for all New Zealanders by removing the right to sue for personal injury, in return
for providing universal coverage for injuries. Many commentators have argued that govern-
ment has been too involved in the detailed regulation of everyday life (“regulomania” in the
words of James Belich, 2001) and of business activities (Easton, 2000).
It is possible that uncertainty engendered by the dramatic economic restructuring of the
past 20 years has created a desire for greater stability. Weariness with change is setting in, and
this may be reflected in a desire for greater certainty and predictability (Ansley, 2000).
However, the existence of a “nanny state” creating security for its people “from cradle to
grave” appears to be congruent with underlying values in New Zealand, and with the com-
paratively high ranking on Uncertainty Avoidance.

Performance Orientation. New Zealanders have always taken pride in the world-beating
achievements of people from such a small (in population terms) country. New Zealanders
have been the first to split the atom (Ernest Rutherford), to climb Mt. Everest (Ed Hillary), to
fly direct from England to New Zealand (Jean Batten). Twenty years ago, V. S. Naipaul wrote
of the contribution New Zealand has made to the world, proclaiming that “more gifted men
and women have come from its population of three million than from the 23 millions of
Argentines” (1980, p. 153). A comparative study of national pride in 23 countries revealed
that New Zealanders ranked second in the amount of pride they displayed in their country’s
sporting achievements, and third in pride in science/technology and arts and literature (Smith &
Jarkko, 2001).
Expectations and encouragement for high performance are evident particularly in the
sporting arena, where New Zealanders have performed creditably on the international stage
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 407

in athletics, yachting, rugby, softball, rowing, swimming, and other events. Athletes have very
high expectations placed on them by the public, and are severely criticized when their per-
formance drops.
In the business arena, rapid deregulation of the economy from the mid-1980s has opened
domestic firms to international competition, and removed almost all governmental subsidies
and protection. New Zealand was recently ranked first out of 47 countries on the criteria of
lack of protectionism, lack of price controls, and accessibility to foreign financial institutions
(IMD International, 2000). These factors, together with geographical isolation from most
trading partners, have put pressure on companies to lift their performance to (or above) inter-
national standards.
This emphasis on performance may seem at odds with the “tall poppy syndrome” dis-
cussed in the opening section of this chapter, but an important issue is the attitude displayed
by the high achiever. A contributor to an Internet discussion on the topic expressed it this way:
“New Zealanders do not resent success; what we do despise, and will cut down to size, is the
braggart and the show-off. You can be as successful as you like and you will be respected for
it, but the moment that you let it go to your head and start acting as if you are better or more
important than other people … you will lose our respect” (Watson, 1994).
There is an interesting tension between Performance Orientation and Egalitarianism. A
high performer, by definition, stands out from the crowd. McKinlay (2000) discusses the
experience of New Zealand investment bankers, who note a reluctance in New Zealand
entrepreneurs to build their personal wealth beyond the U.S.$5million–$10 million mark.
Many seem concerned that it is not socially acceptable to build major private wealth (even
though it may lead to significant employment and wealth gains for other New Zealanders as
well). The market-based reforms of the 1980s and 1990s encouraged a “winner take all” men-
tality that sits uneasily with many New Zealanders. The chief executive of a government
department recently scrapped a performance-pay system on the grounds that it was unfair,
proving more generous for those in senior positions than for those at the bottom (Watkins,
2003). Such concerns may underlie the lower ranking of New Zealand managers on the
“Should Be” Performance Orientation scale.

Assertiveness. At the other end of the scale, New Zealand scored second-lowest of all
countries on the Assertiveness dimension. The Survey of Values, in looking at the values
emphasized in child training, found a high level of national consensus regarding the impor-
tance of pleasantness, politeness, and good manners (Gold & Webster, 1990).
It is difficult to locate objective international comparisons of business practice that might
illustrate this dimension further, but there are many examples of New Zealanders believing they
lack the aggression of international trading partners. This is well illustrated by comparisons
with our closest neighbor, Australia—a nation that shares many historical experiences and cul-
tural attributes with New Zealand. On the GLOBE cultural scales, the biggest absolute scale
difference between the two countries is on Assertiveness, where Australia ranks 22nd with a rat-
ing of 4.28, compared to New Zealand’s score of 3.42 and rank of 60. Consistent with this dif-
ference, Australians are viewed by many New Zealanders as more aggressive in sporting,
political, and business domains. High-profile examples include their willingness to exploit a
loophole in the rules to ensure they won a cricket match (using an underarm bowl), the
Australian government’s reneging on an “open skies” deal so as to deny New Zealand’s national
airline access to the Australian domestic air travel market, the Australian Rugby Union’s suc-
cess in gaining full hosting rights for the 2003 rugby world cup, and the aggressive tactics used
by Australian airline Qantas in its efforts to dominate the trans-Tasman travel market.
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408 KENNEDY

In contrast with the low Assertiveness ranking, values of aggressiveness, competitiveness,

and domination are commonly portrayed and encouraged by “male” sports in New Zealand
(Gidlow, Perkins, Cushman, & Simpson, 1994). The dominant sporting code in New Zealand
is rugby, a physically aggressive variety of football played by teams of 15, without the bene-
fit of helmets or padding. Perhaps its popularity is partly due to the outlet it provides for
socially acceptable aggression, whether by participants or (vicariously) by spectators.

In-Group Collectivism. The middle manager sample also rated New Zealand very low on
In-Group Collectivism. Though the average score of 3.67 is just below the scale midpoint, it
is the third-lowest rating of all countries in the sample. It contrasts markedly with the high
ranking (fifth) on Institutional Collectivism. This pattern of high Institutional Collectivism
and very low In-Group Collectivism is also found in Sweden, Denmark, and Finland.
There is a theme of independence running through the dominant New Zealand European
cultural archetypes, and this carries over into attitudes toward the family. Young New
Zealanders are keen to leave the family, to make their own way, often starting with a period
of “OE” (overseas experience). It is uncommon for adults (whether single or married) to share
their home with older generations. State support (in the form of universal superannuation,
unemployment benefits, payments to single mothers, study allowances, sickness benefits,
etc.) reduces the financial obligation on family members to support relatives. There may also
be a historical pattern, with those immigrants willing to come to New Zealand being the ones
who were more prepared to sever family ties with relatives left behind.
In a critical commentary on the insular nature of many New Zealand families, popular
author Gordon McLauchlan suggested that there are “few secure traditional extensions to the
nuclear group, either sideways to brothers, sisters, cousins or through marriage to in-laws;
and there are no extensions vertically to those who have gone before and who will come after;
so that we have no identity in place or time” (McLauchlan & Morgan, 1976, p. 40).
Several statistics reflect the lack of closeness and support prevailing in many New Zealand
families—New Zealand has the highest level of youth suicide among comparable OECD
countries (Ministry of Youth Affairs, 2002), and one of the highest rates of teenage births of
any industrialized country (Ministry of Youth Affairs, 1998). Though most dependent children
under 18 years of age live with two parents, the proportion has declined over time, from 84%
in 1986, to 76% in 1996. Over the same period, the proportion of dependent children living
in mother-only families rose from 14% to 21%, and the proportion living in father-only fam-
ilies increased from 2% to 3% (Child, Youth and Family, 1999).
Hofstede’s study (conducted in the 1970s) ranked New Zealand as sixth out of 53 coun-
tries on his individualism scale (2001). In a study conducted after the GLOBE data were gath-
ered, New Zealand ranked second out of 23 countries using the Hofstede measure of
individualism (Spector et al., 2001). Given the communal nature of traditional Maori society,
it is important to note that this stable, distinctive characteristic of individualism is a mark of
the dominant New Zealand European culture. Geographic isolation, the separation of pioneer
settlers from families in their homeland, and the literary themes of “man alone” all resonate
with the importance of “the independent self” and a subordination of relatedness needs to the
primacy of individual goals and preferences.
The desire for greater emphasis on In-Group Collectivism indicated by the “Should Be”
score reflects a yearning for a sense of family connectedness. This desire may also be under-
lying the trend toward greater acceptance and introduction of “family friendly” workplace
policies (Rotherham, 1998).
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 409

Power Distance. New Zealand’s low Power Distance rating is consistent with the key
theme of egalitarianism emerging from the discussion of New Zealand culture in the intro-
duction to this chapter. It would be wrong to categorize New Zealand as classless, but there
is an inherent dislike of elitism. Historian Keith Sinclair talks of the “common colonist’s”
“distaste for privilege” and how this “distinguished the New Zealanders even among the peo-
ples of America and Australia.” Although acknowledging that New Zealand is not a classless
society, he claims that it “must be more nearly classless … than any advanced society in the
world. Some people are richer than others, but wealth carries no great prestige and no pre-
rogative of leadership” (Sinclair, 1969, p. 285).
In the years since those words were written, the gap between rich and poor has increased
significantly (Ansley, 2000). Power Distance is positively correlated with the size of the
salary range between the top and bottom of organizations across different societies (Hofstede,
2001). As would be expected in a country with low Power Distance, 80% of New Zealanders
consider the increasing differences in wealth to be “unacceptable” (Gold & Webster, 1990),
and a majority would like to see income gaps reduced (Gendall et al., 2000).
Hierarchical differences between levels in New Zealand organizations are not as clearly
marked by symbols or language as they are in higher Power Distance cultures. Use of
first names is common, even between senior managers and junior employees, and extreme
perks of office (such as executive washrooms, elevators, or dining rooms) are almost nonex-
istent. In universities, students usually address academic staff by first names. In one New
Zealand University, staff teaching into a degree program in Malaysia (a higher Power
Distance country) were asked not to encourage the students to use first names as it made them
uncomfortable.

Future Orientation. New Zealand’s rating on this dimension ranks 48th among the
surveyed countries. The average of 3.47 suggests that we place a comparatively low emphasis
on future-oriented behaviors such as planning, investing in the future, and delaying gratification.
New Zealand household saving is low by OECD standards, and has been falling in recent
years (Savage, 1999). Saving requires a person or household to forego the pleasure of current
expenditure in order to provide for some possible event in the future, and savings decisions
are therefore partly a reflection of Future Orientation. Historically New Zealand has had a
comprehensive social welfare scheme financed from general taxation; wage and salary earn-
ers are not required to pay regular contributions to a social security fund. This reduces the
risks associated with nonsaving, and may encourage a “live for the day” mentality. In
September 1997, a referendum on the possible introduction of a compulsory retirement sav-
ings scheme was held. Eighty percent of eligible voters participated, with over 90% voting
against the scheme.
In an organizational context, recent surveys suggest that New Zealand companies are not
paying sufficient attention to long-term planning. A study of manufacturing companies found
evidence of a short-term orientation among many of the sampled firms (Knuckey, Leung-Wai,
& Meskill, 1999). A more comprehensive survey of all sectors concluded that managers
were excessively focused on short-term goals and need to take a longer-term strategic view in
order to achieve sustainable adaptation (Wevers International Ltd/Centre for Corporate
Strategy, 1996).
These examples are consistent with the relatively low rating given to Future Orientation by
the managers in our sample. They also suggest the reasons for such a high emphasis being
given to the “Should Be” rating. Over recent years, increasing public attention has been paid
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410 KENNEDY

to the inadequacy of most households’ preparations for the future. Demographic trends and
government reductions in social security provision have highlighted the need for individuals
to adopt a longer time horizon for their planning, whereas economic deregulation and removal
of subsidies have created similar pressures on businesses.

Humane Orientation. New Zealand’s low “Should Be” ranking on the Humane Orientation
scale may be a reflection of complacency with its past reputation as a welfare state. The coun-
try introduced its first state-funded welfare assistance (an old-age pension) in 1898, extending
into additional programs that culminated in the 1938 Social Security Act, “a bold and daring
experiment that deeply influenced the course of legislation in other countries” (Briggs, 1965,
p. 67). Such initiatives gave New Zealand a deserved reputation as one of the leading welfare
states in the immediate postwar period.
Contrasting with this early emphasis on social security is the cultural theme of indepen-
dence, and the value placed on people achieving success through their own efforts. This per-
spective has resulted in people on welfare payments being criticized as lazy, and labeled as
“dole bludgers.” Gold and Webster’s survey (1990) asked for perceptions of whom or what is
responsible for poverty and deprivation in New Zealand. Although most respondents attrib-
uted it to external causes (unfairness, injustice, bad luck), the single most popular explanation
was laziness. The authors concluded that “sympathy for the poor and deprived in New
Zealand is not as deeply rooted as it might be” (p. 19).
New Zealand’s position as a leading welfare state has declined since the 1960s. In the mid-
1980s, the government reformed the welfare system, shifting from one of universal assistance
to one that provided a “safety net” for those in the greatest of need, and that encouraged self-
sufficiency (Statistics New Zealand, 1995). In the period since completion of the GLOBE data
gathering, New Zealanders have become more concerned about the evidence of increasing
social disadvantage, and there is greater support for more government spending on core welfare
state activities. However, this humane attitude is kept in check by concern regarding possible
negative effects of welfare on self-reliance, and on the willingness of people to help each
other—40% of New Zealand respondents to the International Social Survey Programme study
on social equality believed that less generous welfare benefits would encourage people to “stand
on their own two feet” (Gendall et al., 2000). The GLOBE respondents gave very similar rat-
ings to both the “As Is” and “Should Be” Humane Orientation scales, suggesting satisfaction
with the current balance between support for the needy and encouragement of independence.

Themes

The GLOBE societal culture scales present a pattern that is consistent with the preceding dis-
cussion of underlying cultural themes in New Zealand. The importance of Egalitarianism is
captured in the low rating given to Power Distance. When coupled with Performance
Orientation, it becomes clear that people are more likely to be judged on their accomplishments
than by their background. The cultural emphasis on performance also makes it clear that New
Zealanders like winners, but the winners need to be humble. Assertiveness, especially if it
shades into aggressiveness in pursuit of personal goals, is unwelcome. People take pride in
belonging to the wider collective, to social groupings or the country as a whole. However,
there is a sense of dislocation, of being unhappy at a perceived lack of family collectiveness,
which echoes some of the literary cultural themes of “man alone.” Finally, the independence
of the pioneer, the expectation of having to make one’s own way, lives on in the responses to
the Humane Orientation scale.
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 411

Several of these themes underpin the culturally implicit theory of leadership held by New
Zealanders. The next section begins with an overview of organizational leadership research in
New Zealand, and is followed by discussion of the GLOBE leadership study.

3. LEADERSHIP RESEARCH IN NEW ZEALAND

During the 1970s George Hines, a psychologist at Victoria University of Wellington, carried
out a program of survey research into the background, business practices, motivation, and
psychological characteristics of over 2,400 New Zealand managers (Hines, 1973). He
reported that New Zealand managers placed a significantly greater weight on interpersonal
relationships than did North American and European managers. He suggested that this find-
ing related to the small size of New Zealand companies, the opportunities for frequent inter-
actions between people at all levels, and the lack of arbitrary class differences. Individuality
and independence were valued, together with an emphasis on performance rather than social
status. New Zealand (at that time) also lacked large salary differentials within organizations.
In small organizations, employees know managers personally, decisions are generally con-
veyed face-to-face, and there is nowhere to hide when problems arise. Sir James Wattie,
founder of Wattie’s Foods, is a good example of these attributes. As chief executive, he used
to eat in the staff cafeteria, and placed a high value on the information he gained from infor-
mal interaction with staff at all levels in his factory. This approach contrasts markedly with
the more formal, individualistic culture imposed on Wattie’s by the multinational Heinz com-
pany, after it acquired Wattie’s in 1992 (Irving & Inkson, 1998).
Hines’s survey was consistent with other research that had found New Zealand managers
to be conservative in outlook (Wilson & Patterson, 1968). He commented on the association
between conservatism and other factors, including adherence to rules and regulations, resis-
tance to change, compliance with existing norms, and a preference for stability, predictabil-
ity, and security—attributes consistent with a high level of Uncertainty Avoidance.
Prior to 1984, it may have been possible for managers in New Zealand’s protected econ-
omy to avoid uncertainty; after 1984 it was no longer an option. The qualities reflected by
leadership research and practice during the 1970s would not suffice for the 1990s or beyond.
The sense of sharp transition, of a watershed in the demands on leaders, is clear:

If our past existence had created an environment where the basic parameters for leadership were
set, where the solid virtues, sound administration, transactional leadership, and strong control
were sufficient for success, then the new environment has changed things irrevocably. Qualities
previously unnecessary in New Zealand management suddenly became critical not for spectacu-
lar success, but for mere survival: innovation, lateral thinking, vision, entrepreneurship (and its
organization corollary, “intrapreneurship”), networking ability, international orientation.
(Inkson & Henshall, 1990, p. 164)

Transformational leaders became more visible at the helm of many New Zealand companies
(Inkson, Henshall, Marsh, & Ellis, 1986), the prevalence of “high commitment” management
practices increased (Hamilton, Dakin, & Loney, 1992), and research began to indicate the
increased value subordinates placed on transformational behaviors (Singer, 1985).
In 1993 and 1996, the New Zealand Institute for Economic Research (NZIER) published
studies that examined the ways in which New Zealand private-sector management had
adjusted to the structural changes and deregulation of the preceding decade (Campbell-Hunt &
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412 KENNEDY

Corbett, 1996; Campbell-Hunt, Harper, & Hamilton, 1993). These reports found evidence of
increasing emphasis on teamwork, training, and performance rewards (with a dramatic
increase in the use of performance-linked pay systems since the introduction of the
Employment Contracts Act in 1991). Consequently, longer-term issues such as career devel-
opment, labor planning, and the link between training policy and strategic planning received
insufficient attention. This pattern is consistent with the high Performance Orientation and
low Future Orientation scores of New Zealand managers.
The NZIER studies revealed that managers showed increasing awareness of the need to
create more flexible organization structures, to improve the communication of their vision to
staff, and to involve people more effectively in the development of strategy. Evidence sug-
gested, however, that many managers did not know how to transform this awareness into
action (Frater, Stuart, Rose, & Andrews, 1995; Wevers & Company, 1994). Campbell-Hunt
and Corbett concluded, in 1996, that New Zealand managers were “only part-way through a
change in style from a hierarchical, ‘command and control’ mentality to an empowering, ‘del-
egate and coach’ style” (p. 98).
Rippin (1995) explored managerial behavior in more depth, seeking to identify the char-
acteristics of effective New Zealand managers. She used the repertory grid technique
(Stewart, 1981) to elicit constructs underlying chief executives’ perceptions of the effective-
ness of senior managers. The broad pattern of competencies emerging from her study was
similar to that identified in studies carried out in other countries. One difference she noted
was the high contribution of perceived technical skills to judgments of the effectiveness of
senior managers—something she suggested might be a function of the New Zealand culture,
the “Colonial spirit” (p. 133).
Rippin (1995) developed a questionnaire containing over 300 items to measure the con-
structs identified in the repertory grid study, and administered it to 185 senior managers.
Analysis revealed a six-factor structure, with the first factor (Interpersonal Skills) accounting
for 40% of the variance. The 20 highest loading items on this factor reveal a pattern of inclu-
sive, egalitarian, and participative attributes. Key words from these items include: takes a gen-
uine interest in people, makes people feel at ease, is consultative, sensitive, empathetic,
accessible, treats all people as their equal, is compassionate, can laugh at themselves, is a
team player, has a harmonizing effect, and has a basic respect for all staff in the organization
(1995, p. 152).
Cammock, Nilakant, and Dakin (1995) also used repertory grid interviews to develop
items for a questionnaire survey exploring perceptions of managerial effectiveness. They
located their study in a large New Zealand public-sector organization and interviewed staff
from all levels, not just managers. The resulting model placed more emphasis on personal
characteristics (as opposed to skilled behavior) than most (non-New Zealand) competency
studies. Two broad factors (Conceptual and Interpersonal) emerged. Effective managers were
seen as positive, visible, approachable, friendly, supportive, consultative, willing to learn from
others, and honest in their dealings with staff. In regard to conceptual abilities, they instilled
a clear sense of purpose, constantly looked for new approaches, considered the long term, did
not get bogged down in detail, had a good sense of priorities, and displayed high levels of
drive and enthusiasm (p. 456).
In both of these studies (Cammock et al., 1995; Rippin, 1995), the researchers created
leadership models based on the responses of their subjects. In contrast, Parry and Proctor
(2000) surveyed over 1,300 private- and public-sector managers in New Zealand using stan-
dard leadership and organizational questionnaires, including the Multifactor Leadership
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 413

Questionnaire (MLQ) (Bass & Avolio, 1990) and the Organization Description Questionnaire
(ODQ) (Bass & Avolio, 1993). The managers scored at a generally high level in regard to the
display of transformational leadership behaviors (in line with norms for other Western coun-
tries). They differed, however, in displaying more “contingent reward” behaviors than man-
agers in similar countries. These behaviors are transactional in nature, focusing on an
exchange between leader and follower, rather than the development of shared values and
vision. Parry and Proctor viewed this comparatively high use of contingent reward by New
Zealand managers as a cause for concern. They speculated that the 15 years of economic
reform (since 1984) may “have created a generation of very transactionally-minded and con-
tractually-oriented people” (p. 32)—a view that is consistent with Peel and Inkson’s (2000)
evidence for a shift from relational to transactional employment contracts during this period.
Contemporary leadership research is beginning to reflect the “Maori renaissance,” emerg-
ing Pacific cultural themes, and the increasing diversity of New Zealand society. With the
Treaty of Waitangi settlements leading to greater Maori investment in property, tourism, and
fishing industries, there is an increased interest in Maori leadership (Tapsell, 1997). Henry (as
cited in Jones et al., 2000) identified a range of leadership styles adopted by Maori women.
These include, for example, kuia (wise elder-grandmother) authoritarian leadership, and
whaea (mother) guiding and leading from behind. These styles stem from family position and
traditional precolonial leadership roles, and were distinct from the leadership roles identified
in a study of Pakeha women-run organizations. Pfeifer and Love (2004) compared Maori and
Pakeha leadership styles using the MLQ (Bass & Avolio, 1990) and found evidence of dif-
ferences in perceptions of leadership styles between these two cultural groups. Ah Chong and
Thomas (1997) compared Pacific Island and Pakeha leaders, and identified style variations
attributable to cultural differences (especially in regard to task-oriented behaviors).
These emergent themes are likely to influence the mainstream model of business leader-
ship in New Zealand over the coming years. The GLOBE methodology lends itself to explo-
rations of culture- and gender-based variations, and Pfeifer (2005) has used the framework to
identify similarities and differences in how Maori and Pakeha followers perceived the out-
standing leadership behavior of culturally similar leaders.
The following section assesses the predominant implicit leadership theory currently held
by New Zealand middle managers.

4. THE GLOBE STUDY—LEADERSHIP

The leadership component of the GLOBE study in New Zealand consisted of interviews, a
focus group, media analysis, and questionnaire-based data collection. The focus group was
conducted with 10 participants, including 2 women. Five were chief executives of companies
(representing food, manufacturing, finance, and the service sectors), three were company
directors with previous management experience, one was a human resource manager, and one
was a partner in a financial services firm. Introductory comments by the facilitator set the
scene, encouraging the participants to discuss their views of leadership, contrasts between
management and leadership, and aspects of leadership unique to New Zealand. Minimal guid-
ance was provided during the discussion, which was tape-recorded and transcribed for sub-
sequent analysis.
Semistructured interviews were conducted with one female and two male senior managers;
the interviews included broad, open-ended questions about the characteristics of effective
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414 KENNEDY

leaders, behaviors associated with ineffective leaders, examples of outstanding leaders, and
contrasts between management and leadership. Interviewees were given freedom to discuss
widely around these topics. The interviews were taped, transcribed, and analyzed in order to
identify key themes.
Additional qualitative insights into New Zealand leaders were gained from analysis of
leadership references in print media during a 1-week period at the end of 1997 (Godfrey &
Kennedy, 1998). The sample media comprised two business magazines (Management and
New Zealand Business), two business weekly newspapers (The Independent and National
Business Review), and three daily newspapers (Auckland’s New Zealand Herald, Wellington’s
Dominion, and Christchurch’s The Press). All references to New Zealand leaders (in politi-
cal, commercial, and community spheres) were identified and coded, before being analyzed
to identify emergent themes.
Finally, the GLOBE quantitative leadership scales were administered to 184 managers.
Details of the sample demographics are summarized in the earlier section on the societal cul-
ture survey, whereas development of the questionnaire is described in the first chapter in this
volume.

Focus Groups and Interviews

Similar themes emerged from the focus group and interviews (Fearing, Heyward, Kennedy,
& O’Sullivan, 1995); these are summarized in Table 12.2. Average managers were described
as primarily maintaining the status quo through control and enforcement of existing policies
and procedures. They were considered better managers of things than of people, and some
members of the focus group felt this characteristic was often associated with a weakness in
regard to understanding human nature. They did not have an innate understanding of how to
motivate people, and tended to be ineffective delegators.
More effective managers shared some of these characteristics, but were regarded as will-
ing to question goals, procedures, and processes in order to explore opportunities, and seek
lateral alternatives. They typically had greater people skills, and were able to lead effectively
by example. They were more willing to take risks than were average managers, and could
marshal resources to achieve results over and above routine expectations.
Average managers were viewed as controllers, whereas leaders were more democratic and
team oriented. The focus group was convened shortly after the death of one of New Zealand’s
celebrated war heroes, double–Victoria Cross winner Charles Upham. One of the group par-
ticipants noted that Upham always claimed his team was “very hard to control, but a lot eas-
ier to lead.” This captures the ambivalent feeling many New Zealanders have in regard to
formal restraint and control.
In distinguishing leadership from management, participants also emphasized the impor-
tance of developing a clear vision, and a set of beliefs that are passed on to peers and subor-
dinates. Leaders were seen as high achievers, with their success leavened by humility. New
Zealanders like “humble winners.” Several participants expressed reservations about setting
any leader up as a role model for others, commenting that this could result in the leader “play
acting” or focusing on meeting others’ expectations at the expense of integrity and commit-
ment to their job. Rather than a role model to aspire to, New Zealanders prefer a leader they
can relate to; modesty and quiet confidence are respected. Furthermore, leaders were not
expected to be successful leaders for all time, or in all situations. Charles Upham, for exam-
ple, returned to a farming life after his successful wartime leadership role.
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 415

TABLE 12.2
Manager and Leader Characteristics Identified by Focus Group

Characteristics Reported by Focus Group Participants

Average Manager Above-Average Manager Outstanding Leader

• Concerned with maintenance • Has flair for growth and • Total commitment (“love”)
• Better at managing things opportunity for people

• Policies and procedures • Uses lateral thinking • Articulate and persuasive

• Controller, not expander • Good with people and • Possess high degree of
involves them as a team integrity
• Maintains status quo
• Communicates well • High achiever, both in and
• Regular (e.g., works 9a.m. to outside of work
5p.m.) • Growth oriented: sets some
goals • Charismatic—has the “X”
• Not completely focused factor
• Uncertain about projecting
• Compromises visions and beliefs • Consistent
• Doesn’t fully understand throughout the organization
• Democratic
human nature • Not visionary: works on a
• Trusting of others
• Problems with delegation day-to-day or yearly basis
• Team player
• Patterned • More focused than average
manager • Have strong communication
• Controlled outcome, standard and people skills
requirement • Prepared to take risks to
some extent • Customer oriented
• Leads by example • Humble
• Not afraid of making • Imperfect, but knows own
important decisions weaknesses
• Has better understanding of • Have respect for self
people and the business than • Experienced and well-rounded
the average manager
• Pragmatic
• Aims to achieve a result
beyond given expectations
• Uses resources effectively

A cluster of traits emerging from the focus group discussion concerned the personal char-
acteristics of modesty, humility, and recognition of one’s own weaknesses, balanced with a
healthy respect for self and others. Outstanding leaders in New Zealand are not self-
absorbed, “cocky,” or bent on Machiavellian control of others. They see their leadership role
as being based in the team, not outside it. They evidence a strong commitment to the value of
teamwork, a willingness to be a “team player” themselves, and to actively contribute their
own efforts and ideas, rather than try to lead from a distance. As one participant noted: “They
get around their troops a lot, they make sure they talk to everybody; they make people really
feel part of a team, as though they’re important. It’s their people skills; they understand the
strengths and weaknesses of the team.”
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416 KENNEDY

Media Analysis

A total of 557 data elements (from 320 separate text extracts) were categorized iteratively, start-
ing with fine-grained categories containing only a few items. These were combined progres-
sively into broader groupings in successive rounds, resulting in a final number of 25 categories.
Table 12.3 lists the categories grouped into five main facets of leadership—organization man-
agement, people management, personality, ability, and image. The most frequently represented
categories are listed first in each column whereas categories containing less than six data ele-
ments (equivalent to 1% of the total set) are printed in italics. Categories including elements
referring only to political leaders are labeled (P).
The largest category, representing 30% of the data elements, was that of personality traits.
Within this cluster, the largest subcategory referred to determination, resolve, “stickability”
and perseverance toward accomplishment of goals. Confidence was the second-largest sub-
category, encompassing belief in oneself, and an optimistic outlook. Passion, energy, and
commitment comprised the next cluster of attributes. Several attributes were presented as
being undesirable; these included arrogance, emotionality, panic, and weakness.
The second-largest category (12%) referred to aspects of taking action. Being active,
responsive, and proactive were viewed positively, whereas negative connotations applied to
behaviors such as delaying, reneging on commitments, and becoming complacent.
The next most common category (8%) was strategic management, which included data
elements relating to vision, planning, policy, strategy, and purpose.
The importance of personality traits in describing leaders is consistent with some of
Rippin’s work, in which she found that “the effectiveness of managers is largely assessed on
personality dimensions” (1995, p.190). The nature of the positive and negative evaluations of
traits and behaviors is consistent with New Zealand managers’ endorsement of transforma-
tional leadership characteristics (Parry & Proctor, 2000).

TABLE 12.3
Categories Emerging From Media Analysis

Organization People
Management Management Personality Ability Image
Taking action Motivator Traits (30%) Abilities Impression
(12%) management
Communicator Leader style Knowledge and
Strategic understanding Conduct
management (8%) Relationship Realism (P)
builder Worthiness Public image
Development
Team player Information Consistency
Change management
management Director Political
Cultural awareness expediency (P)
Setting ethical Information
standards provider (P) Conceptual
thinking
Note. Categories in italics each contain less than 1% of the total number of text elements. Categories including
elements relating only to political leaders are labeled (P).
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 417

The Leadership Scales

The GLOBE leadership questionnaire asked respondents to rate various leadership behaviors
and traits on a 7-point scale according to the extent they contributed to “outstanding leader-
ship” in New Zealand. Table 12.4 presents the mean score for each of the 21 first-order lead-
ership factors, grouped under their respective second-order factors (in bold). The numbers in
parentheses are New Zealand’s rankings in comparison with the other 61 countries. As with
the cultural scales, countries have been grouped into a number of bands according to their
scale score, and the standard error of difference. Countries within the same band on a scale
do not differ meaningfully from each other on that scale.

Within-Country Comparison. The six second-order factors in Table 12.4 represent cul-
turally generalizable implicit leadership theories (CLTs) that emerged from analysis of the
complete GLOBE data set (Den Hartog et al., 1999; House et al., 1999, 2004). Two of these
CLTs (Charismatic/Value Based and Team Oriented) are universally viewed (in all countries)
as contributors to effective leadership, whereas the Self-Protective CLT is perceived as an
impediment to outstanding leadership. The New Zealand responses are consistent with this
macrolevel pattern—average ratings on scales comprising the first two CLTs are all above the
scale midpoints, whereas Self-Protective scale ratings are all below the midpoint.
In terms of absolute scale values, New Zealand managers gave three scales average ratings
in excess of 6.0 on the 7-point scale: Inspirational, Performance Orientation, and Visionary.
A further two scales (Team Integrator and Decisive) were rated 5.5 or higher. At the low end
Malevolent, Self-centered, Nonparticipative, and Face Saver all had average ratings lower
than 2.4 and were thus seen as seriously inhibiting effective leadership.
At a simple level then, an outstanding leader in New Zealand is seen as a positive, opti-
mistic person who is able to generate confidence, enthusiasm, and excitement among follow-
ers, challenging them to exceed expectations in pursuit of future goals. He or she is a good
communicator, sharing information to ensure common understanding among followers, and
encouraging them to work as an integrated team. The leader must be prepared to make deci-
sions firmly and resolutely, whether based on logic or intuition. This decisiveness needs to be
balanced, however, by recognition of the individual abilities of team members (without regard
to their status); the leader must not be a micromanager, and must be willing to share the deci-
sion making with capable team members. Personal qualities such as irritability, cynicism,
conceitedness, or lack of sincerity undermine leadership effectiveness.

Between-Country Comparison. The leadership qualities valued by New Zealanders will

now be compared with other countries in the sample. Within the Charismatic/Value Based CLT,
New Zealanders placed more emphasis on the Inspirational scale than managers from all but
two other countries. This scale picks up items relevant to the leader’s optimism, energy, confi-
dence, and motivation, and his or her ability to inspire these characteristics in followers.
New Zealand is also in the highest band for the Visionary, Decisive, Performance
Orientation, and Humane scales. The first three of these scales were noted in the discussion
of within-country rankings. The importance of Humane is consistent with the finding by
Toulson (1990) that New Zealanders in work organizations strongly endorse humanistic work
beliefs. Furthermore, the large-scale redundancies occasioned by the economic reforms
commenced in 1984 and the share market crash of 1987, may have heightened respondents’
sensitivity to the importance of a humane dimension of leadership.
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418 KENNEDY

TABLE 12.4
New Zealand Leadership Styles

Dimensions- Subdimensions Country GLOBE Within –

Score Band (Rank)a Ranking j

Charismatic/Value Based 5.87 Ci (34) –

Visionary 6.23 Ae (16) 3
Inspirational 6.50 Ae (3) 1
Self-Sacrificial 4.88 Bd (39) 10
Integrity 5.49 Ce (55) 6
Decisive 5.69 Ad (45) 5
Performance Orientation 6.31 Ad (13) 2
Team Oriented 5.44 Dg (57) –
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.21 Bd (50) 8
Team Integrator 5.71 Bd (41) 4
Diplomatic 5.22 Bb (52) 7
Malevolent (Recoded) 1.83 Ce (21) 21
Administratively Competent 4.79 Cc (59) 11
Self-Protective 3.19 Fh (45) –
Self-Centered 2.23 Cd (22) 20
Status-Consciousness 3.56 Cd (55) 16
Conflict Inducer 3.74 Bc (40) 15
Face Saver 2.39 Cd (51) 18
Procedural 3.86 Bd (34) 13
Participative 5.50 Cf (23) –
Autocratic (Recoded) 2.63 Cd (31) 17
Nonparticipative (Recoded) 2.38 Bc (47) 19
Humane 4.78 Ce (37) –
Modesty 4.57 Bc (51) 12
Humane 5.09 Ad (18) 9
Autonomous 3.77 Bd (36) –
Autonomous 3.77 Bc (36) 14

Note Second-order leadership factors are shown in bold, with the corresponding first-order scales grouped below
them (in italics).
a
Countries are grouped into clusters, based on the standard error of difference for each scale. Countries within each
cluster do not differ meaningfully from each other on the scale. Cluster A > Cluster B (> C > D > E > F). Each clus-
ter spans 2 standard errors of differences; as the standard error of difference varies across the scales, the number of
clusters for each scale also varies (cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). bGroup span ranges from A to B. cGroup span
ranges from A to C. dGroup span ranges from A to D. eGroup span ranges from A to E. fGroup span ranges from A
to F. gGroup span ranges from A to G. hGroup span ranges from A to H. iGroup span ranges from A to I. jRank order
of GLOBE dimensions within the New Zealand sample.

In contrast, New Zealand managers’ ratings on six of the leadership scales were among the
lowest 10 countries. The rating of 4.79 given to Administratively Competent ranks 59th among
all the countries, falling into the lowest band. The scale reflects an organized, methodical
approach to work, underpinned by skills in coordinating and managing complex administrative
systems. The mean is just above the midpoint, suggesting that most managers view this scale
positively, but it is valued much less as a contributor to effective leadership than in other coun-
tries. As noted by the focus group, Administrative Competence is something required by an
average manager, and is not a distinguishing characteristic of an outstanding leader.
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 419

The New Zealand sample also gave lower ratings to Integrity than most other countries—
an average of 5.49 giving a country ranking of 55th. This scale had the highest standard devi-
ation for the New Zealand leadership scales, suggesting a wide spread of opinion about its
relevance to leadership. The focus group saw integrity as essential for a leader (Table 12.2),
and Parry and Proctor (2000) found very high levels of perceived integrity in their survey of
New Zealand leaders. New Zealand is also consistently ranked among the three or four least
corrupt societies in the world (Transparency International, 2002). Perhaps New Zealand
managers consider honesty and trustworthiness to be the norm in New Zealand, rather than a
special quality useful for distinguishing effective leaders.
Status Consciousness, with a rating of 3.56, also ranked 55th out of the 61 GLOBE coun-
tries. The rating is below the midpoint of the scale, indicating that most managers take a neg-
ative view of leaders who are conscious of class or status boundaries, and who allow these to
influence their actions. The items comprising this scale showed very large differences in
country means, ranging from 1.92 (impedes leadership effectiveness) to 5.77 (contributes to
leadership effectiveness) (den Hartog et al., 1999). New Zealand’s low score is therefore an
important, distinctive attribute of leadership in this country.
The final three scales on which New Zealand ranks low compared with other countries are
Diplomatic (52nd), Face Saver (51st), and Modesty (51st). The Face Saver characteristics
(e.g., being indirect in communication to avoid giving offense) are seen as inhibiting effec-
tive leadership more by New Zealanders than by respondents in other countries. The other two
dimensions are rated as contributing to effective leadership, but are seen as less important
contributors than in other countries.

Factor Analysis of Leadership Scales. Although the 21 GLOBE leadership factors pro-
vide a fine-grained picture of effective leadership in New Zealand organizations, people typ-
ically use fewer dimensions to make judgments about people. Factor analysis is a statistical
technique that can help identify the underlying dimensions (or latent constructs) related to
assessments of leader behaviors. This section summarizes the results of a principal axis fac-
tor analysis of the New Zealand leadership questionnaire responses.1 On the basis of parallel
analysis (Fabrigar, Wegener, MacCallum, & Strahan, 1999; O’Connor, 2000) four factors
were extracted, and the scale loadings are summarized in Table 12.5.
All of the scales comprising the GLOBE Team Oriented and Charismatic/Value Based
CLTs have their largest loadings on the first factor, with the exception of Inspirational. This
factor has been labeled “Team Leader.” It reflects a style of leading that encompasses trans-
formational leadership attributes firmly based in a cooperative, high-performing team context.

1
The GLOBE scales were designed to measure organizational- or societal-level variability (Hanges & Dickson,
2004). The scales were not intended to meaningfully differentiate among individuals within a particular society.
However, even though the scales were not constructed to provide such information, in some cases it is interesting to
assess whether similar factors differentiate individuals within a society. Country-specific factor analysis is intended
as an exploration of the themes captured by GLOBE in a new domain, that is, individual differences within a soci-
ety. It should be noted that, because of the within-society restriction of the GLOBE scales true-score variability
(which was based on between-society differences), the loadings of the GLOBE scale’s items on within-society fac-
tors should be lower than between societies (cf. Hanges & Dickson, 2004). Furthermore, one should not interpret the
within-society factor analyses as replications of the GLOBE factor structure. And the absence of a GLOBE factor
within a society should not be automatically interpreted as the factor being irrelevant to the people in that country.
Rather, a factor may fail to emerge within a society even when that theme is extremely critical because there was no
variability in how the individuals from a single society rated the items (e.g., they all rated the items a 7). Factor analy-
sis requires variability and so a factor could fail the emerge because it is extremely critical or completely irrelevant
to the people within a society.
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420 KENNEDY

TABLE 12.5
Exploratory Factor Analysis of New Zealand Leader Attributes

Scale Team Leader Straight Talker Self-Promoter Bureaucrat

Decisive .78
Team Integrator .72
Admin Competent .68
Integrity .62
Collaborative Team Oriented .54
Malevolent –.53 –.41 .45
Visionary .49
Diplomatic .47
Performance Oriented .47
Inspirational .76
Face Saver –.61
Status-Conscious –.42
Conflict Inducer .72
Autocratic –.43 .65
Self-Centered –.43 .59
Modesty –.55
Nonparticipative .42
Procedural .74
Eigenvalue 3.92 2.74 2.71 1.02
Variance explained (%) 18.6 13.0 12.9 4.9

Note. Principal axis factor analysis, extracting four factors with varimax rotation. Only loadings greater than 0.4
are shown. Three scales (Self-Sacrificial, Humane, and Autonomous) failed to reach this level on any factor and do
not appear in the table.

The Team Integrator, Collaborative Team Oriented, and Diplomatic scale items emphasize the
importance of working together, resolving individual and intragroup conflict, giving time and
energy to help others, being skilled and tactful in interpersonal relations, and being loyal to
the group even in times of trouble.
The factor also has significant loadings from the Decisive and Performance Oriented
scales. These capture elements of effective behaviors—the ability to make decisions firmly
and logically, to be determined and persistent, and to strive for increasingly high levels of
performance. The team has to be an efficient and effective one, a winning team, not an
unstructured or directionless group. The high negative loading of Malevolent indicates the
undesirability of attributes such as irritability, dishonesty, egotistical behaviors, cynicism, and
uncooperativeness.
The second factor (“Straight Talker”) shows that the New Zealand managers’ implicit
model of leadership includes an underlying construct in which inspirational motivation and
concern for followers are coupled with a willingness to communicate honestly, candidly, and
without undue deference to status. The highest loading scale on this factor is the Inspirational
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 421

scale. Scale content includes the extent to which leaders display (or generate in their followers)
positivity, encouragement, enthusiasm, high morale, confidence, and energy. The Face-Saving
and Status-Conscious scales (both components of the GLOBE Self-Protective CLT) have strong
loadings in the opposite direction to the Inspirational and Humane scales. An egalitarian
approach coupled with clear and direct communication is an important part of the leadership
perspective captured by this factor.
The third factor (labeled “Self-Promoter”) includes elements of both the Self- Protective and
Participative (negatively loaded) CLT dimensions. It captures a self-centered, directive leader-
ship style. A strong loading from Autocratic captures both leadership style (bossy, domineering,
dictatorial, and intolerant of questioning) and belief in elitism. The other four scales loading
positively on this factor are Conflict Inducer, Nonparticipative, Self-Centered, and Autonomous.
These reflect attributes such as an emphasis on one’s own interests rather than the groups, an
insistence on making decisions personally, a tendency to conceal information from the group,
and a preference for independence. Finally, the high negative loading of Modesty reflects New
Zealanders’ dislike of boasting, and the value placed on a self-effacing manner.
The fourth factor (“Bureaucrat”) differs markedly from the GLOBE second-order factors.
It highlights a unique aspect of the way in which New Zealand managers evaluate their lead-
ers. The factor is dominated by the Procedural scale, which includes items relating to for-
mality, caution, maintaining a habitual routine, and a preference for following established
rules. Reliance on formal rules goes against the New Zealand preference for managing the
team rather than the process, and has been identified as a weakness in many New Zealand
managers (see Parry & Proctor, 2000).
The contribution of the four factors to perceptions of effective leadership can be assessed.
The leadership scales are based on variables rated from 1 (“greatly inhibits a person from being
an outstanding leader”) to 7 (“contributes greatly to a person being an outstanding leader”). By
taking the average score of each of the leadership scales loading on each factor, we can assess
the extent to which a high factor score is positively or negatively associated with leadership.
On this basis, the cluster of leadership scales represented by the Team Leader factor are
the ones most highly valued in New Zealand leaders, with an average rating of 5.65. This fac-
tor also accounts for the largest amount of variance in the model (18.6%). The “Straight
Talker” factor has an average of 5.41, and accounts for 13% of variance. This cluster of attrib-
utes is therefore highly valued, and an important component of the New Zealand leadership
model. The Self-Promoter factor (accounting for 12.9% of variance) captures behaviors that
detract from effective leadership, with an average rating of 3.03; the Autocratic, Self-
centered, and Nonparticipative scales in particular are viewed as inimical to good leadership.
Finally, behaviors associated with the Bureaucrat factor (3.86) detract from perceptions of
effective leadership, but account for only 4.9% of variance.
The New Zealand factor structure replicates the GLOBE Charismatic/Value Based and
Team Oriented CLTs, although these factors emerge as one in the New Zealand sample. The
remaining New Zealand factors differ from the GLOBE factor structure, and thus provide
insights into unique aspects of the New Zealand leadership model. The factor structure
highlights the importance of honest, candid communication with people, transcending status
or class boundaries (Straight Talker). It also underscores the importance of a leader being
seen to actively engage with his or her team, to encourage participation, to place the team
and its goals ahead of personal ambition, and to maintain an appropriate level of humility
(Self-Promoter). Finally, the negative connotations of the Bureaucrat factor are consistent
with the pragmatic, problem-solving attitude discussed in the section on culture.
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422 KENNEDY

Many of the people honored by being featured on New Zealand banknotes epitomize these
qualities—in particular, the willingness to forego self-interest and to make personal sacrifices
in the interest of a goal or vision, often coupled with a challenge to existing privilege or con-
trol structures. Kate Sheppard was the most prominent leader of the campaign for universal
suffrage in New Zealand at the end of the 19th century; Sir Apirana Ngata led the revival of
Maori people and culture in the early 20th century; Ernest Rutherford is internationally rec-
ognized as the “father of the atom”; and Sir Edmund Hillary was the first person to climb Mt
Everest, and to drive overland to the South Pole.

Discussion

The findings of the qualitative and quantitative analyses provide a consistent picture of the
leadership behaviors valued most highly by New Zealand managers. High levels of perfor-
mance must be balanced by a somewhat modest, self-deprecating attitude. Involvement of
team members using an egalitarian, participative style is expected, together with flexibility in
the application of rules and processes. The leader must enthuse and inspire followers, but this
is best done through personal commitment, perseverance, and example, rather than by exhor-
tation or flummery.
The cultural emphasis on low In-Group Collectivism, high Institutional Collectivism, low
Power Distance, and low Assertiveness distinguish New Zealand from most other GLOBE
countries. The value placed on collectivism at the work group and societal level contrasts
markedly with the individualist values apparent in the in-group and family context. The man-
agers’ view of work group pride seems linked more to utilitarian considerations than to an
innate need for affiliation. Performance is paramount. In line with the pioneering cultural
strand, people are considered to determine their own fortune; they stand or fall on their abil-
ity to achieve, whether as individuals or as contributors to a wider group enterprise.
New Zealanders don’t look favorably on rules, detailed administrative procedures, or being
controlled by micromanaging bureaucrats. On the other hand, the cultural values evidence a
high need to reduce uncertainty, to increase the level of stability and predictability. This is
achieved more by conformity, by a desire to avoid being different, than by subordination to a
set of externally imposed or class-based “rules.” Effective leadership in New Zealand is there-
fore likely to require a “clan control” rather than “bureaucratic control” approach to control-
ling people and channeling their efforts (Bartol & Martin, 1998).
Though New Zealanders dislike autocratic leaders, they also spurn leaders who pull their
punches, who aren’t prepared to “call a spade a spade.” There is a potential dissonance
between this avoidance of the autocrat, and the desire for a leader who can reduce uncertainty,
provide a sense of security, and instill confidence. Performance is valued highly, and
accolades are given to those who achieve at the highest level (as long as they don’t act as
though their achievements make them better than others). New Zealanders want to follow a
leader who can succeed, who can perform at an exceptional level, and who gives hope that
followers can share in this success. They want to be told what to do by a successful (albeit
self-effacing) leader, not by a bureaucrat with a policy manual.
A strong leader can reduce uncertainty, and make people feel they are on the winning team.
Perhaps this accounts for what Pearson has called New Zealanders’ “lurking respect for the
dictator” (Pearson, 1974), the willingness to allow a leader to be dictatorial if he or she
achieves results, and if those results benefit the dominant group. Dictators usually have a pas-
sion, they are driven to control people to an end, and they are enthusiastic about their goals.
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 423

At various times in the past New Zealand has willingly endorsed authoritarian Prime
Ministers (most recently, Sir Robert Muldoon). The media study identified emotionality,
panic, and weakness as negative characteristics—the country’s pioneering background seems
to make a strong autocrat preferable to a sensitive facilitator.
Traditional attributes are still valued, such as strength of character, resolve, determination,
and commitment. Increasing importance is being placed on the ability to inspire and enthuse
staff, on Future Orientation, and on development and communication of a compelling vision.
The high importance placed on having a leader with vision reflects the overall concern at the
low level of Future Orientation in society. Leaders are valued for demonstrating foresight,
planning ahead, and taking actions in consideration of future goals, perhaps in compensation
for the low emphasis given to these behaviors by society as a whole.
There is an important aspect of our cultural identity that is not adequately captured by the
GLOBE questionnaire. The rural archetype encompasses a practical, down-to-earth approach
to problem solving, colored by “Kiwi ingenuity.” The GLOBE items, by focusing on generic
leadership behaviors, do not address technical skills, yet this seems to be an area that may fur-
ther distinguish New Zealand leaders from their international counterparts. Rippin (1995)
found that technical skills were an important contributor to judgments about senior managers’
perceived levels of overall effectiveness. Her finding contrasts with similar overseas studies,
and she speculates that the value placed on technical skills may be a function of the New
Zealand “colonial spirit” (p.133), requiring managers to demonstrate greater versatility than
is the case in other countries.
This summary has implications for overseas managers who come to New Zealand to
assume leadership roles. The large individual differences that exist within cultures make it
hard to be definitive about the likely experiences of expatriate or immigrant managers in New
Zealand. Furthermore, such managers will find an increasingly multicultural workforce—a
typical New Zealand manufacturer in the Auckland region might comprise 20% New Zealand
European, 15% Maori, 15% Samoan, 10% Cook Islanders, 10% Tongans, 10% Chinese, 10%
Malaysian, 5% Korean, and 5% Indian (Thomas, Ravlin, & Barry, 2000).
However, managers from cultures that differ markedly from the values espoused by New
Zealand managers are likely to experience greater dissonance than those from similar cul-
tures. Comparison of GLOBE values for other countries is a useful starting point, and the
cluster analysis by Gupta, Hanges, and Dorfman (2002) gives an overview of broad cultural
similarities and differences. Even within the same cluster, however, important differences
exist. Australia, the United States, and South Africa (White sample) all belong (with New
Zealand) to the Anglo cluster, but managers from all of these countries scored significantly
higher on Assertiveness than did New Zealand managers.
Australians, Americans, and South Africans who use levels of assertive behavior consis-
tent with norms in their home countries are likely to be viewed negatively in New Zealand.
Their actions may be considered “pushy,” arrogant, or domineering, resulting in lowered
cooperation and respect from locals.
Managers from cultures that are high on Power Distance or status consciousness must be
prepared for greater levels of informality in New Zealand. The apparent lack of deference
shown by New Zealanders is driven by egalitarian values, and should not be interpreted as
lack of respect. Similarly, the new leader has to be careful in choosing how to establish cred-
ibility. Personal statements about his or her experience and expertise may be seen as “skit-
ing,” as self-promotion inconsistent with the value placed on humility and modesty.
Understated, objective descriptions of experience or achievements, giving acknowledgment
to the contributions of others, are less likely to engender skepticism.
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424 KENNEDY

Gaining the acceptance of followers is critical for leaders in New Zealand, as the low level
of Power Distance makes it difficult for leaders to maintain their position based only on legit-
imate authority. Acceptance requires openness, integrity, straightforward communication, and
willingness to subordinate personal ego for the good of the group.
New Zealanders’ high level of Institutional Collectivism is consistent with their strong
sense of national pride (Smith & Jarkko, 2001). It is important that expatriate managers rec-
ognize this, and minimize actions that belittle or undermine this sense of unique identity.
Unthinking application of international HR policies, value statements, diversity programs,
and similar initiatives can have unintended effects (cynicism, lowered trust, resentment)
unless the local context and values are taken into account (Jones et al., 2000).
Finally, the egalitarianism that pervades New Zealand culture creates challenges for expa-
triates seeking to recognize and reward individual performance. The sense of “fair play” dic-
tates that individuals are acknowledged and rewarded for their contribution, whereas the
emphasis on teamwork and egalitarianism creates strong pressure for team-based rewards.
The composition of work teams, levels of interdependence, and opportunity for individual
contribution need to be carefully balanced against these values of egalitarianism and team
loyalty.

Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research

The use of GLOBE quantitative and qualitative tools to explore cultural values and preferred
leadership behaviors provides a strong foundation for international comparisons. However, by
collecting quantitative data from only three industries, care must be taken when generalizing
results within New Zealand. The sample size (184) prevents more fine-grained analysis.
Future research into the differences in values and implicit leadership models of men and
women, of different ethnic groups in New Zealand, as a function of age, or of geographic
location will contribute to our understanding of effective leadership in organizations.
Data collection took place following one of the most significant periods of economic and
social restructuring in New Zealand’s history. As noted in several places during this chapter,
it is possible that some responses may have been influenced by reaction to these events.
Future studies using the GLOBE scales will be needed in order to clarify the stability of the
pattern identified.

5. CONCLUSION

This chapter began with a quotation from John Mulgan, a New Zealand writer and diplomat
who studied and worked in England during the 1930s. He described the qualities that charac-
terized New Zealand soldiers he met during the desert campaign of World War II. We have
seen how some of these attributes closely fit the culturally endorsed model of outstanding
leadership in New Zealand. This implicit model combines inspirational enthusiasm
(“sunshine”), low assertiveness, pragmatism, and perseverance. Low Power Distance and the
strength of egalitarian beliefs mandate a style of leadership that is participative, grounded in
the team, and provides the opportunity for shared success.
To the extent that leadership is “the process of being perceived by others as a leader” (Lord
& Maher, 1991, p. 11) then New Zealand leaders must conform to the cultural expectations
of their followers. New Zealand’s cultural identity, however, has been determined in part by
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 425

the actions of leaders (in military, cultural, sporting, political, and commercial spheres).
Culture can therefore be viewed both as a constraint on what is acceptable and as a supporting
structure amenable to further development as New Zealanders build and extend their concept
of effective leadership. Another New Zealand writer, Katherine Mansfield (1960, p. 127),
described New Zealand as “a little land with no history (Making its own history, slowly and
clumsily. Piecing together this and that, finding the pattern, solving the problem, Like a child
with a box of bricks).”
New Zealand leaders have found patterns and solved problems in ways that both reflect
and help to define “Kiwi culture.” Though many of the building blocks for New Zealand’s
leadership style can be found in other countries, the overall pattern is unique. The problems
to be solved will continue to change, and leaders will need to continue finding new bricks to
extend the pattern. The GLOBE study provides a snapshot of existing cultural themes and
leadership styles, and a basis from which to explore future evolution of Kiwi leadership as
New Zealand continues to develop and refine its sense of identity and place in the world.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This chapter was written while I was in the Commerce Division of Lincoln University, New
Zealand. Peter Cosgriff, Mark Fearing, and Dan Sauers contributed to the early planning and
data-gathering stages of GLOBE in New Zealand and their contribution is gratefully acknowl-
edged. I also thank Kerr Inkson, Jagdeep Chhokar, Ken Parry, Peter Cammock, and Ramzi
Addison for their constructive and thoughtful comments on a draft.

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Appendix A

Background Information on the

Food-Processing, Finance, and
Telecommunications Industries
In order to improve comparability among the various countries of the GLOBE study, the
research was carried out in three selected industries—food processing, financial services, and
telecommunications. This section provides brief background material on each sector in New
Zealand.

FOOD PROCESSING INDUSTRY

New Zealand, as a temperate country with low population density, has a long history as an
agricultural producer and exporter. Its ability to attain high levels of self-sufficiency in food
products led to an early emphasis on exporting (Lattimore, 1994). In the late 19th century,
export activities were oriented largely toward supplying the British market, and many food-
processing companies (especially in the meat sector) were established with British capital
(Lattimore, 1997). Today, New Zealand exports of sheep meat account for 54% of the world
export trade, and the country is one of the top five dairy exporters in the world (Statistics New
Zealand, 1999). New Zealand export industries are dominated by companies in the food and
beverage sector (Crocombe, Enright, & Porter, 1991) and, in 1996, food products made up
38.5% of the total value of New Zealand’s exports (Statistics New Zealand, 1997).
Acting in the role of “Britain’s Farm,” New Zealand supplied bulk commodities (such as
sheep meat and butter), with little in the way of added-value processing. The guaranteed mar-
ket (and good returns) meant there was little pressure to develop greater sophistication in food
processing, or to enter more competitive markets. At the same time, domestically oriented
food-processing industries (such as wheat, bakery, and cereal products) were protected from
international competition by a system of state import monopolies, consumer restrictions, and
phytosanitary restrictions (Lattimore, 1997).
Britain’s entry into the European Common Market during the 1970s meant the loss of New
Zealand’s largest market for agricultural products and resulted in increased exports to new
trading partners, particularly in Asia. Firms have had to develop greater awareness of diverse
customer requirements, and make technological innovations to serve them effectively, while
adjusting to significantly higher levels of international competition.
Agriculture was one of the first sectors to lose government protection and support
during the economic deregulation program that began in 1984. New Zealand is now unique
among developed countries in that farmers receive no subsidies from government while hav-
ing to compete with subsidized production from other producing countries (Statistics
New Zealand, 1999).
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12 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN NEW ZEALAND 431

FINANCIAL SERVICES INDUSTRY

The banking and financial services sector in New Zealand is now highly competitive but it
hasn’t always been that way. Until the mid-1980s, only four commercial banks operated in
the country, and these were subject to governmental controls over their interest rates, invest-
ments, and lending portfolios. Other organizations (such as savings banks, building societies,
and finance companies) offered a more limited range of banking services, and were also sub-
ject to tight government control. Strong restrictions on foreign-exchange transactions effec-
tively protected New Zealand banks from overseas competition, and the lack of any effective
competition in the sector meant that little innovation occurred. Ledingham (1995, p. 163) has
characterized the sector at this time as being “boringly stable.”
The large commercial banks developed multileveled hierarchies and mechanistic cultures
appropriate for the stable and predictable environment. They were cautious and conservative,
with cultures ill-suited to rapid or radical change (Harris, 1996). During the 1970s and 1980s,
competition developed outside the banking sector, with finance companies and other organi-
zations beginning to capture an increasing share of the deposits and lending markets. These
institutions lobbied for access to other activities (e.g., foreign-exchange dealing) that govern-
ment regulations excluded them from. The distinction between banks and nonbanks began to
diminish and, in 1984–1985, the government carried out major reforms of the financial sec-
tor. Foreign-exchange and interest rate controls were removed, and, in 1986, new banks were
allowed to set up in New Zealand. A total of 21 new banks were approved. The government
sold the banks that it controlled (1989–1992) and withdrew its explicit guarantee of deposits
at trustee savings banks (1988).
During this time banks also had to cope with major changes in technology. The extensive
introduction of electronic payments systems, development of new products, and exposure to
international innovations placed pressure on managers whose past experience was in a more
stable and predictable world.
During the 1990s, the financial sector continued to evolve as a result of pressures to
increase cost efficiencies and improve customer service. Large mergers resulted in closure of
branches, and staff redundancies, although accelerating uptake of telephone banking, ATMs
(automatic teller machines), and other technology, contributed to reduced staffing levels.
More than one third of New Zealand’s bank branches were closed between 1993 and 1998,
with staffing being reduced by 11%. The number of ATMs increased by over 30% in the same
period (Harris, 1996; Love, 1996; “One-third of bank branches closed,” 1999).
The New Zealand finance sector is now dominated by overseas-owned companies. Three
of the five major banks are owned by Australian parent companies, one operates as a branch
of an Australian bank, and the other has a British parent.

TELECOMMUNICATIONS INDUSTRY

Prior to April 1, 1987, all telecommunications services, both domestic and international, were
provided by the state-controlled New Zealand Post Office. The Post Office’s statutory monop-
oly also extended to the provision of telecommunications equipment, such as domestic tele-
phones and commercial switchboards. In the mid-1980s, New Zealand experienced rapid
growth in the demand for telecommunication services, and the national network was severely
overloaded. At times it was impossible to get a call through from New Zealand’s largest city,
Auckland, to the capital, Wellington. Long delays in the provision of telephone services were
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432 KENNEDY

common, with customers having to wait 6 to 8 weeks for a telephone to be installed (Telecom
Corporation of New Zealand, 1993).
In 1986, the Labour government, as part of its economic restructuring programme, split the
Post Office into three separate state-owned enterprises. Telecom Corporation assumed
responsibility for the telecommunications role, and began operating on April 1, 1987.
Telecom’s first priority was to restructure the company in preparation for deregulation and
eventual competition. The centralized bureaucracy was replaced with a decentralized organi-
zation structure and Telecom invested in programs aimed at improving service quality, net-
work reliability, personnel productivity, and profitability. Cost-cutting programs were put into
place, a substantial number of jobs were made redundant, and outdated systems were replaced
with computerized alternatives (Telecom Corporation of New Zealand, 1993).
In 1990, Telecom Corporation was privatized through sale to a consortium headed by two
American telecommunications companies, Ameritech and Bell Atlantic, for over U.S.$2.5
billion. This was the sixth-biggest deal in the world in 1990 and, until recently, the biggest
deal in New Zealand history (Hyde, 1991).
Deregulation allowed new competitors into the market, with companies such as Clear
Communications, BellSouth, Telstra, and Vodafone seeking to compete in different parts of
the domestic, international, and mobile markets. International companies (including
Motorola, Nokia, and Ericsson) began selling telecommunications equipment, and New
Zealand companies (such as Ben Rumble) entered the retail equipment sales and servicing
sector.
In summary, all three of the industries surveyed in this part of the GLOBE project have
experienced significant pressures to increase effectiveness and efficiency, as they operate in
an environment characterized by increasing competition, greater demands for technology
investment, and reduced governmental support and protection.
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Culture and Leadership in South Africa

Lize A. E. Booysen
University of South Africa

Marius W. van Wyk

University of South Africa

1. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE CULTURE AND

LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA

Introduction

South Africa is a land of contrasts (Booysen, 1994; Booysen, 2001, 2005). The country is
multicultural and comprises 11 official languages. Though South Africa is a relatively rich
land and the economic giant in Africa, it is a developing economy—it has severe shortage of
jobs. Almost half of the country’s population is without work. With economic, sport, and cul-
tural sanctions lifted, apartheid legislation scrapped, and a new constitution, a truly democra-
tic government was elected in 1994. Despite this, management power resided almost
exclusively with White men; in 1994, white men held more than 80% of management posi-
tions (Central Statistics Service [CSS], 1995a, 1995b, 1996). A comparison between the 2000
and 2002/2003 Commission for Employment Equity reports shows that whereas there is an
increase in the employment of Blacks in management, White men are still overrepresented
(Commission for Employment Equity, 2003).
Figure 13.1 depicts the percentage distribution of “legislators” by race and gender. The cat-
egory “Legislators” refers to decision makers who provide the direction of a critical technical
function, such as postmaster, dean, school principal, and so on.
Due to the dominance of White men in management in South Africa, especially in 1995
when this sample was drawn, this chapter is mainly based on a White male sample only.
However, some subsequent GLOBE-related research that includes Black as well is discussed
in the section Eurocentric Versus Afrocentric Leadership.

433
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434 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

Figure 13.1. Percentage distribution of legislators by race and gender. From South African
Department of Labor. (2003). Annual Report—Commission for Employment Equity 2002–2003.

Historical Overview of South Africa1

In this section, major historic developments of South Africa and its different groups are high-
lighted as background.

Prehistory Up to 1652. Although the debate on the “Out of Africa” hypothesis2 continues,
there is clear evidence that the first group that populated South Africa were the San (colloquially
referred to as “Bushmen”).3 These Stone Age people were “hunter-gatherers” and some San com-
munities started keeping cattle and sheep that they acquired from the Bantu-speaking groups. The
Khoikhoi (the name used for the pastoralist San) and the San (reserved for that subgroup that
remained hunter-gatherers) continued to reside separately, though at the end all merged into one
group called Khoikhoi—“Hottentots” according to the Dutch in the 17th century.
Khoikhoi leadership rested with a “khoeque” (“rich man”) who was often assisted by a
second-in-command. The leadership position passed from father to son. The Khoeque was

1
An overview such as this does not allow the author the luxury of posing opposing views of history, and evaluat-
ing these in lengthy scholarly fashion. Given South Africa’s history, it is surprisingly difficult to find good reference
works that are not biased. This discussion is largely based on a work coauthored by 12 writers with the assistance of
a respected historian as historical advisor and a consulting editor, Oakes. The authors are of the opinion that this col-
laborative effort succeeded in producing a book that is as ideologically neutral as one could hope to find at this junc-
ture in our history.
2
Major palaeontological discoveries such as the “Tuang child” (in 1924 at Tuang in the northern Cape) and “Mrs.
Ples” (in 1947 at Sterkfontein in Gauteng) as well as a wealth of other finds prove that a species of early man inhab-
ited the African continent millions of years ago. Fossilized remains of Australopithecus Africanus, Homo Habilis,
Homo Erectus, and Homo Sapiens Sapiens have been found at a number of sites in South Africa.
3
The San called themselves “Khoikhoi,” which means “men of men” or “real people.”
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 435

not ostentatious and important decisions and the dispensing of justice was the domain of
the chief in conjunction with a council of clan leaders and/or all the male members of the
tribe. A Khoeque who abused his authority was quickly sanctioned by the group. A plausi-
ble description of the Khoikhoi communities was that of collectivism and egalitarianism.
For the San, everything was regarded as communal property until the communities
developed into pastoralists, where individual ownership started to emerge (Oakes, 1994, pp.
20–25).
The indigenous Bantu-speaking groups in the northern regions also reared cattle, culti-
vated crops, mined gold, tin, iron, and copper, and coexisted with the Khoisan tribe peace-
fully. “Bantu” is the scientific term for the language group to which all indigenous South
Africans, except the Khoisan, belong. Two main language subgroups, namely, Nguni and
Sotho language groups, can be distinguished, leading to numerous further groupings based on
history and tribal loyalties. Members of this language group migrated to the Transvaal and
Natal by 300 AD (Oakes, 1994, pp. 26–31).
Historically, White South Africans are descendants from English, Dutch, French, German,
and Portuguese settlers. Men of different colors, “Coloreds,” who are the descendants of
slaves, the indigenous Khoisan people, and White settlers, may be said with some justifica-
tion to represent the only group that can truly lay claim to being South Africans.

The First Europeans in South Africa. About 500 years ago, the first Europeans visited
the eastern and southern African coasts in their quest to find a sea route to the east. Portugal
took the lead in these explorations, and in 1488 Bartholomew Dias opened the sea route to
the east for Europe by rounding the southernmost tip of Africa. He named the Cape the “Cape
of Good Hope.” Following Dias, other Portuguese explorers came, such as Vasco Da Gama
and De Saldanha. Although the sporadic contact between the European seafarers and the
Khoikhoi were mostly of a peaceful commercial nature, clashes continued when the Dutch
superseded the Portuguese (cf. Oakes, 1994, pp. 32–35).
The Dutch East India Company established a refreshment station at the Cape of Good
Hope in 1652 under the command of Jan van Riebeeck, a merchant. Within 60 years of inter-
action, the Khoikhoi’s social and economic order had been more or less being destroyed.
(A major contributing factor was the outbreak of a smallpox epidemic in 1713.)

The Period 1652–1948. Van Riebeeck had strict instructions to preserve peace with the
Khoisan. These “Vryburghers” (“free citizens”) were not permitted to enslave the local
Khoisan. Consequently slaves primarily came from present-day Java, Bali, Timor, Malaysia,
Madagascar, China, and parts of India to cultivate the land. In the early years of the colony,
many White men married female slaves. Such marriages were later regarded as socially unde-
sirable and the White man was punished. Male chauvinism dictated that White women who
indulged in sexual intercourse with male slaves were subjected to criminal sanctions.
From 1660 onward, a new breed of Dutch settlers emerged, namely the “Trekboers,” who
can be called the first White Africans. They inadvertently caused the official area of the
colony to expand, reaching the Great Fish River by 1778. In 1688 French Huguenot, poor,
unemployed, and landless refugees arrived in the Cape to further swell the ranks. The defin-
ing characteristics of the Trekboers can be encapsulated by the words “fiercely independent,”
“defiance of authority,” “poor,” “nomadic,” “religious fundamentalism,” and “illiterate” (cf.
Oakes, 1994, pp. 54–56).
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436 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

From 1771 onward, the Trekboers came up against the Xhosa. Both groups were mainly
cattle farmers and the first of eight “frontier wars” between the colonialists and the Xhosa
broke out in 1781.
As a result of political events in Europe, the British colonized the Cape in 1795 until 1802,
thereafter a brief return to Dutch rule, and then the British reoccupied the Cape in 1806. Many
Dutch colonialists could not accept this and for various other reasons migrated north, which
culminated in what became known as the “Groot Trek” (the “Great Trek”). The Great Trek
must surely be the single most important origination point of Afrikaner nationalism,
“Afrikaner volk” (the other being the Anglo Boer War, battles with indigenous nations, and
the emergence of the Afrikaans language). The Trekboers, or “Voortrekkers” (as these migrat-
ing Trekboers were called), wanted to establish their own independent state because they saw
themselves as the modern version of the biblical people of Israel—the “chosen people.” This
explains the Voortrekkers’ view of the Blacks they encountered on their migration as being
heathens.
In successive frontier wars, the British sided with the colonialists against the Xhosa result-
ing in the latter’s final defeat in 1858. In the early 1800s, African societies of Southern Africa
were beset by upheavals caused by chieftains fighting each other for political supremacy, cat-
tle, and grazing territory. One such leader was Shaka, generally regarded as the father of the
Zulu nation. By the time of Shaka’s murder, by his half-brother Dingaan in 1828, the differ-
ent tribes formed the most powerful and feared military machine in Southern Africa.
In 1854, representative government was granted to the Cape colony. All adult males, irre-
spective of race, had the franchise provided they occupied property worth at least 25 British
pounds. The Black vote (restricted to men) in the Cape Province was later abolished in 1956
by the National Party Government.
In 1854, the Boer Republic of the Orange Free State came into being. In 1860, the Zuid
Afrikaansche Republiek (the “South African Republic”) was established. By 1870, the Cape
colony had 200,000 White inhabitants and the two Boer Republics approximately 45,000.The
discovery of diamonds in 1867 near the banks of the Orange River and the Witwatersrand
gold strike in 1886 have important consequences, which are listed next.
First, the need for labor and the transformation of the Voortrekker republics’ was stimu-
lated. To obtain the necessary labor, Blacks were stripped of their property rights and huts;
other taxes were introduced to force them to work on the mines. The embryonic system of
migrant labor (which exists to this day) was expanded. Second, the unimaginable mineral
wealth of the Boer republics caused the British government to annex the republics. Third,
large conglomerates such as De Beers and Anglo American owe their existence to the
diamond and gold industry. Fourth, the small White populations of the Boer republics were
swelled by the influx of immigrant fortune seekers. Fifth, these immigrants brought
with them the notions of trade unionism. The first recorded strike took place in 1871. The
trade union movement played a decisive role in the transformation of South Africa in the 20th
century.4
Two of the people most closely associated with the diamond industry are Barney Barnato
and Cecil John Rhodes. Rhodes went on to become the prime minister of the Cape colony.
Rhodes, an ardent imperialist, had the vision of constructing a railway from “Cape to Cairo.”

4
See the discussion in the subsection A Historical Overview of Industrial Relations in South Africa.
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 437

The establishment of new colonies farther to the north (present-day Zambia and Zimbabwe,
respectively) can all be traced to Rhodes’s imperialist ambitions.
One of the most significant Afrikaner leaders in Afrikaner mythology is Paul Kruger.
Kruger was elected as president of the Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek in 1883 and remained
head of state until his exile in 1900. Kruger enacted all sorts of preconditions before
“Uitlanders” (foreigners) could be granted the franchise. Kruger’s effective disenfranchise-
ment caused the British government to invade the Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek. After failed
negotiations, war was declared on October 11, 1899—the Anglo-Boer War. After initial vic-
tories by the Boer forces, the superior numbers of the British forces began to come. The war
then moved into a second phase by the decision of the Boers to avoid pitched battles in favor
of guerrilla tactics. These proved highly successful but elicited a vicious response from the
British, burning all farms and forcing women and children into concentration camps, where
approximately 28,000 Whites died. These inhumane actions provided another impetus for
Afrikaner nationalism. African farm workers were also placed in concentration camps, with
deaths in these camps totaling at least 14,000. No recognition was given to the Blacks nor was
mention ever made of the existence of Black concentration camps. Eventually, on May 31,
1902, a peace treaty was signed at Pretoria, bringing an end to the Anglo-Boer War.
South Africa also has a small but politically influential Indian population. When sugar
cane was first produced in Natal in 1851 the farmers lacked a source of cheap labor.
Consequently, Indian (“coolie”) indentured labor (152,000 ) was imported between 1860
and 1911 and approximately 52% decided to remain. In addition, some Indians came to Natal
at their own expense, mostly as traders. This group formed the elite (commercial) of Indian
society. In 1893, a young lawyer came to South Africa. His name was Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi. His ejection from a first-class railway carriage, reserved for Whites, was “the
most important factor” for his struggle against racist laws using his philosophy of “passive
resistance.”
On May 31, 1910, the Cape and Natal colonies united to form the Union of South Africa.
The Act of Union excluded Blacks who formed the forerunner of the ANC (African Natinoal
Congress), the South African Native National Congress (SANNC), in 1912 . In 1913, the
notorious Natives’ Land Act was passed by the Union government, which in time meant
that Blacks, the majority group, were entitled to a meager 13% of the total land mass of
South Africa.
Afrikaners started to rebuild their community around political and financial institutions.
Their sense of being unjustly treated only served to fire their nationalism, which culminated
in 1948 in victory at the polls.

The Period 1948–1994. “Although total separation on every level between black and
white became official policy only after the National Party election victory in 1948, its foun-
dation had been laid nearly half a century previously in a policy then known as segregation—
not by Afrikaners but by British Government officials” (Oakes, 1994, p. 312).
It indeed is true that many of the pillars of what later became to be known as “apartheid”
(literally meaning “separateness”) were laid long before 1948, such as the Mines and Works
Act (1913), the Natives’ Land Act (1913), the Native Affairs Act (1920), the Natives (Urban
Areas) Act (1923), and the Industrial Conciliation Act (1926).
The National Party (NP) won the election in 1948 on promises to preserve White power in
general, and Afrikaner power in particular. The NP instituted a battery of legislation, and
introduced laws such as the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act and the Immorality Act
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438 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

(outlawing sexual and marriage unions between people of different races), the Population
Registration Act (allowing for the classification of people according to race), the Group Areas
Act and the Reservation of Separate Amenities Act (reserving residential suburbs and public
areas for the exclusive use of designated race groups), the Pass laws (requiring Africans to
carry “reference books” at all times), and the Bantu Education Act (introducing a system of
inferior education for Africans).
The NP government successes at the polling booth can be ascribed to many factors, some
of which are: events in the rest of Africa where independence from colonial rule was accom-
panied by instances of massacres, one-party rule, the ascendancy of dictators, and the adop-
tion of “African socialism”—all of which played in to the hands of a party that built its
support on “swart gevaar” (“black danger”) propaganda; the economic boom experienced in
the country; the cold war between the superpowers; and the increased support of English-
speaking White South Africans for the NP.
In the early years, the courts opposed many of the apartheid legislative but the government
started to appoint judges sympathetic to its cause. The major surviving achievement of the
South African judiciary was the notion that the courts remain a separate branch of the state.
A curious characteristic of the NP government was its ostensible respect for the law. It took
the government no less than 4 years to achieve its aim of depriving the Coloreds of their vote
in the Cape Province.
In 1961 South Africa became a republic, after having left the commonwealth. It was also
in this year that the ANC adopted the strategy of the armed struggle. During the 1960s and
1970s the South African economy grew rapidly.
In total an estimated 3.5 million people were uprooted in the name of apartheid. The
scheme was that Blacks should realize their political aspirations in Black “homelands” while
still being available as inexpensive labor pool. However, apart from being too small to sustain
large numbers of inhabitants, the homelands had very little infrastructure and mismanage-
ment. Due to these, an unstoppable stream of Blacks migrated to the cities.
By the late 1980s, South Africa’s economy was in tatters and it became clear that although
the overthrow of the government was not possible, neither was a decisive victory over the lib-
eration forces. Two events provided a window of opportunity to break this stalemate. First,
the events in Eastern Europe removed the perceived threat communism posed; and second,
after having suffered a stroke, P. W. Botha, a staunch apartheid regime state president, was
replaced by F. W. de Klerk as leader of the government in 1989. On February, 2, 1990, De Klerk
announced in parliament that organizations such as the ANC and the SACP would no longer
be banned and that Nelson Mandela was to be released from prison, thereby opening the way
for negotiating a new democratic constitutional dispensation.

Present-Day South Africa: The Post-Apartheid Era (1994– ). After the first democratic
elections in 1994, Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as the first Black state president and
leader of South Africa. He served a crucial and vibrant 4 years, then Thabo Mbeki became
and still is the president of South Africa.
The ANC is still, however, reaping what it had sowed in the 1980s when it had called for
the townships to be made ungovernable. Despite calls from Mandela himself, township resi-
dents largely refuse to pay for services such as electricity and municipal services and infra-
structural upgrading. Also, in what has become known as the “lost generation” (those school
children who abandoned their schooling in the wake of the 1976 riots) poses a major danger
to stability with millions of Black adults having very little education.
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 439

Unemployment is in excess of 30%; crime and violence remains unresolved impeding

economic growth. Violence and killings between ANC and Inkatha supporters continue in the
Natal province. Also, whereas the different ethnic groups were united in their struggle against
apartheid, indications are that tribalism is now coming to the forefront. Corruption by senior
government officials, appointed not on ability but rather as reward for their participation in
the struggle, is rife. More worrisome is the ANC’s apparent failure to appreciate that for
democracy to flourish, a free press and vigorous public debate must be tolerated. The ten-
dency too frequently is for the government to react angrily to well-founded criticism by
branding it as “undemocratic,” “unpatriotic,” or “racist.” Under such conditions, elections in
South Africa for the foreseeable future will amount to nothing more than a “racial/ethnic cen-
sus,” with the Inkatha Freedom Party drawing its support from Zulus, the White political par-
ties being supported by Whites and Coloreds, and the ANC being supported by Xhosa
speakers and some other ethnic groupings.
Despite these negatives, South Africa presently probably has the best government it ever had.
Under the constitutional regime adopted as a result of the negotiations between the ANC and the
NP that preceded the 1994 elections, South Africa has a model Constitution and a constitutional
court with the power to review parliamentary legislation. Also, though much is made of corrup-
tion by government officials, this must be placed in context. Under the NP rule corruption was
hidden from public scrutiny; under the new Constitution, the corruption is at least exposed.
There is a rapid rise in a new Black elite with considerable pressure being brought to bear
on private industry to appoint Blacks and to enter into empowerment deals and joint ventures
with Black business. However, due to a rigid labor market and continued trade union mili-
tancy, millions of people remain unemployed with little hope that any of the fruits of politi-
cal liberation will translate into an increased standard of living for them. Further exacerbating
the unemployment and crime problems is the fact that large numbers of Africans from the rest
of Africa flock to South Africa as illegal immigrants.
In 1996, 57% of the population were living in poverty, two thirds of whom were African
black. The general income distribution of South Africa was among the most unequal in the
world, and the White per capita income was almost nine times higher than that of Africans.
For the first time in history, in August 2001 the total income of the Black majority outstripped
the total income of White minority (Census 2003, South African government Web site).
Although whites as a group still hold on a relative basis greater economic power than other
groups in South Africa, there are numerous corporate and government initiatives aimed at
redressing the economic status of blacks, most notably affirmative action, equal employment
opportunities, and Black economic empowerment (BEE) measures.
A Finance Week study on the progress of BEE, published April 2005, showed that in regard
to the direct and indirect shareholding and control on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange
(JSE), South African Whites effectively own and control a little more than 50% of the JSE
(Rautenbach, 2005).
As happened elsewhere, one could expect that whereas the disparities in wealth between
groups will decrease, the disparities in wealth within the beneficiary groups will increase,
because the acts, in all likelihood, will have the affect of benefiting the least disadvantaged
among the previously disadvantaged groups, rather than accelerating the absorption of the
millions of uneducated poor into the labor market.

South African Demographics. In this section, some telling demographics of South

African society are summarized. The overall picture is one of inequality on a number of
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440 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

TABLE 13.1
National Demographics by Population Group

Year Asian African Colored White Black Total

1996 1 32.2 3.5 5.2 36.7 41.9

(3%) (77%) (8%) (12%) (88%) (100%)
2001 1.4 35 4.1 4.5 40.5 45
(2.5%) (79%) (8.9%) (9.6%) (88%) (100%)

Note. Numbers are in millions. The term population groups is used to designate Asians, Africans, Coloreds, and
Whites. The term Black is used as a collective noun referring to Asians, Africans, and Coloreds. From A. Roux (1996).

important indicators, which is not surprising given the country’s apartheid heritage. However,
it is fairly certain that inequalities within the Black group will soon, if this has not already
happened, overtake the inequality prevalent in society as a whole. In Table 13.1 the propor-
tional population group composition of the total South African population (1996 and 2001
figures) is depicted.
South African people are still classified by population group. However now, different from
in the past, membership of a racial group is based on self-perception and self-classification,
not on a legal definition. The total classification of the population in the Census 2001
(Census, 2003) was based on, African Black, 79%, Colored 8.9%, Asian or Indian, 2.5% and
White 9.6%. Black Africans constitute more than three-fourths of the total population. There
are 53% females and 47% males; we have 31 different cultures, and 45 million people in total.
The educational level of Africans has improved over recent years with proportionally more
completing 12 years of schooling (matric) and postmatric qualifications. From the October
1995 Household Survey (CSS, 1995, p. 75) some data regarding levels of education of the
population 20 years and older by population group are summarized in Table 13.2.
For the first time, in 1995, the majority of university students were Black, constituting 51%
of all university students. This is estimated to increase to 72% by the year 2020. In 1995
Blacks, Coloreds, and Asians made up 63% of university enrollment.
The passing of the Employment Equity Act by Parliament in 1998 should have a major
impact on the composition of the labor force in years to come. In terms of the 1998 act,
Africans, Indians, Coloreds, women, and people with disabilities must be adequately repre-
sented in an employer’s labor force so as to reflect the national demographics of the country.
Various administrative control measures as well as punitive measures are provided for and
employers are required to submit “employment equity plans” and annual reports to account
for their efforts in reaching affirmative action goals. Companies that do not comply with the
provisions of the act are excluded from public-sector tenders and noncompliance constitutes
a material breach of existing contracts. The antidiscrimination provisions of the act are applic-
able to all employers, whereas the affirmative action provisions are applicable to companies
employing 50 or more employees as well as smaller employers whose annual turnover exceeds
stipulated maxima, depending on the sectors in which they operate.

A Historical Overview of Industrial Relations in South Africa. With the discovery of

gold and diamonds round about 1867–1870, South Africa entered its own unique industrial
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 441

TABLE 13.2
Level of Education by Population Group

Level African Colored Asian White Black Total

Matric (12 years 2,110,000 268,000 207,000 1,545.000 2,586.000 4,131,000

of school) (51.1%) (6.5%) (5%) (37.4%) (62.6%) (100%)
Diploma/Certificate 634,000 78,000 39,000 549,000 751,000 1,300,000
with Std. 10 (48.8%) (6.0%) (3.0%) (42.2%) (57.8) (100%)
Degree 188,000 24,000 35,000 403,000 246,000 649,000
(28.3%) (3.7%) (5.4%) (62.1%) (37.9%) (100%)

Note. From 1995 Household Survey data (Central Statistics, 1995).

revolution, due to large numbers of immigrants, industrialization, and the development of

unions happened simultaneously. The first union in South Africa, the Society of Carpenters
and Joiners, was formed on December 23, 1881. This union had only White members, who
were mainly British mine workers. The secondary industries created a large demand for
skilled, mainly White, overseas labor. Consequently, White mine workers received high
salaries in comparison with the unskilled Black workers and thus color and skill became syn-
onymous. The concept of the “color bar” arose between the mining companies and the White
unions. The mining companies tried to lower the requirements into relatively simple tasks so
that unskilled (Black) workers could perform them. In this way, the mining companies were
able to replace some skilled workers with semiskilled or even unskilled workers. Guild unions
protected skills by regulating the admission of apprentices against the huge Black unskilled
labor force.
The war with Britain (1899–1902) virtually destroyed the economies of the two Boer
Republics by the plundering of farms and the destruction of large numbers of livestock. The
White farmers, who were also unskilled or semiskilled, were therefore forced to move to the
towns with scarce job opportunities, competing with Black workers who were willing to work
for lower wages. This was the beginning of the so-called “poor White” problem. In the 1920s
there was a drop in the gold price and a recession in the international and South African
economies, which was further worsened by large-scale unemployment among the soldiers
who had returned from World War I.
The government introduced relief schemes at the end of 1920 to help the unemployed
Whites. In 1920, the Low Grades Mines Commission recommended that the expensive White
labor be replaced by Black labor. This caused widespread strikes involving approximately
23,000 White workers. Martial law was declared and bloody fights broke out between strik-
ers and government forces. When the strike ended on March 18, 1922, altogether 247 people
had died and the unions were defeated, which resulted in the Smuts government being
defeated and replaced by the so-called PACT government with General Hertzog as prime min-
ister. The new government gave preference to the appointment of Whites. The large-scale
employment of Whites led to the White labor force being increasingly associated with the
political status quo. One of the direct results was the promulgation of the Industrial
Conciliation Act, Act 11 of 1924, on March 3, 1924. This act made provision for, among
other things: the appointment of industrial councils; the implementation of a system for the
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442 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

registration of unions, employers’ organizations, and industrial councils; the exclusion of

Black workers (White, Asian, and Colored benefited) from the definition of an “employee”
under it. The objectives of the act were to provide for collective bargaining, to prevent or solve
industrial disputes, and to create a framework within which unions and employers’ organiza-
tions could regulate their relations. But exclusion of Black workers polarized the South
African labor force into “Black” and “non-Black.” The Industrial Conciliation Act was
replaced in 1956 by a new act. The following are some of its important provisions: Job reser-
vation gained unequivocal statutory authority; any further registration of racially mixed
unions was prohibited; an industrial tribunal was created to hear labor disputes and act as arbi-
trator; strict restrictions were imposed on the constitutions and finances of unions; and restric-
tions were imposed on the political activities of unions.
Black workers went on strike countrywide in 1973. For the first time, there was a realiza-
tion of the actual power of black workers. Because no unions were officially involved in these
strikes, it dramatically pointed out the shortcomings in existing Black labor legislation
(Finnemore & Van der Merwe, 1986, p.7).
From 1973 to 1977, the real power of unregistered unions grew steadily and employers
increasingly recognized and negotiated directly with unregistered unions. Other factors that
exerted pressure were the Soweto riots of 1976, overseas disinvestment in South Africa, as
well as the growing shortage of skilled workers (Finnemore & Van der Merwe, 1986, p. 8).
The strikes of 1973 and the strong growth of unions necessitated the former state president to
appointed the Wiehahn Commission of Inquiry into Labor Legislation on June 21, 1977.
One of the most important recommendations made by the commission was that freedom of
association had to be granted for all workers: The commission also recommended that all racial
prejudice should be removed from the Industrial Conciliation Act, Act 28 of 1956, and more
specifically that all workers have absolute freedom, that statutory job reservation be abolished
immediately, that certain job reservation measures be removed through consultation between
employer and employee parties, that Blacks should be allowed as apprentices, and that an
Industrial Court be established with equitable jurisdiction. This last recommendation proved to
have far-reaching effects of “unfair labor practice” to confer a myriad of new rights on employ-
ees and unions. Furthermore, legal provisions that made it compulsory to have separate ameni-
ties for Whites and non-Whites at workplaces were to be repealed. Separate or shared amenities
would therefore not be compulsory but be regulated by means of collective bargaining.
The government’s reaction to the commission’s report was generally positive. The Wiehahn
Report empowered the trade union movement (most notably the Congress of South African
Trade Unions [COSATU]) to bring pressure to bear on employers and the National Party gov-
ernment to effect political changes.
After the democratic elections in April 1994, a new Labor Relations Act (Act 66 of 1995)
came into force. This act extended its ambit to cover almost all workers (the public sector,
farm and domestic workers), including job security for employees participating in a legal
strike, and awarded further organizational rights to trade unions. It created the Commission
for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) to speedily resolve labor disputes. The
creation of the National Economic, Development and Labour Council (NEDLAC) in which
the state, labor, and capital negotiate, formally institutionalized social corporatism in the
country.
Today South Africa has one of the most progressive labor law dispensations in the world,
although there is concern about unemployment, new jobs, and foreign investment. Other leg-
islative interventions include the Labour Relations Act 1995, which took effect in 1996; the
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 443

Constitution of South Africa, 1996; the Basic Conditions of Employment Act in 1997; the
Employment Equity (EE) Act and its antidiscrimination provisions, which came into effect on
Women’s Day, August 9, 1999; the Skills Development Act of 1998; and the Skills
Development Levies Act of 1999. The intention of the last two acts is to shift the focus away
from only affirmative action appointments to also recruitment, succession planning, and
development and training of persons in the designated groups (Blacks and women) and to
address the skills gap. These changes were followed by the establishment of the Broad-Based
Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) Commission in 1999, and the subsequent strategies
and policies set by government and industry alike. The Black Economic Empowerment Act
was implemented in 2003 and the Black Economic Empowerment industry charters with pro-
posed quotas for Black ownership and management followed. In 2004, the government sensed
disparities and possible clashes between different industry charters and published a draft
Code of Practice aimed at providing guidelines to the various branches of industry on how to
set up their BEE schemes (Booysen, 2005).

2. GLOBE STUDIES IN SOUTH AFRICA

Methods and Procedures

The South African data were collected over a 4-year period, from 1994 to 1997. It included
the collection of qualitative and quantitative data from junior, middle, and senior White men
from one organization in the telecommunications sector (Telkom5) and two organizations in
the financial services sector (Standard Bank6 and Sanlam7), as well as participant observations,
unobtrusive measures, and media analysis on culture and leadership in South Africa. A total
of 666 respondents participated in this research, comprising a sample of 232 White male
South African managers, 426 management students of mixed race and gender, of which 82%
were White men, and 8 South African leadership specialists.

Quantitative Data Collection: September–October 1995. The collection of the quantita-

tive data with the Societal and Organizational Culture and Leadership Questionnaire was
done in September and October 1995. The sample consisted of a total of 183 White men, 130
from the telecommunications sector and 53 from the financial services. The data collection
with the Organizational Questionnaires was done in September and October 1996 involving
15 White male senior managers, 5 in each organization sampled. A total of 198 respondents
participated in the quantitative research.

Qualitative Data Collection: February 1994– June 1997. The collection of the qualita-
tive data spanned an entire 4-year period, and included six consecutive measures and four

5
Telkom used to be a public institution accountable to a cabinet minister. In recent years, it was transformed into
a company with the government as its only shareholder. It also brought in foreign partners as minority shareholders
and in 2003 it became a truly private company when share were sold on the open stock market to individuals. It is a
national organization with a monopoly in the telecommunications sector, but the government is presently consider-
ing tenders for allowing competitors to enter this sector.
6
Standard Bank is one of the three largest banks in South Africa and operates nationally.
7
Sanlam is the second-largest life insurer in South Africa and was started in the first half of the previous century
as art of the Afrikaners’ effort to uplift Afrikaners. It used to be perceived as an Afrikaans organization serving the
interest of members of this group. This has changed in recent years. The company operates nationally.
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444 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

different data collection techniques. A total of 468 respondents participated in the qualitative
research.

Pilot Focus Groups and Interviews: February 1994. The preliminary qualitative pilot
data, in the form of focus groups, was collected in February 1994. A total of 70 focus groups
were conducted involving 430 management students, who were representative of all nine
provinces in South Africa and included Blacks and women as well. Ten white men were ran-
domly selected from the 70 focus groups for in-depth individual interviews.

In-Depth Focus Groups and Interviews: March 1994. These pilot data were used as
input to focus group and individual interviews with 20 White male middle managers repre-
sentative of the nine provinces of South Africa.
Two in-depth focus groups, with seven participants per group were held, together with six
individual interviews. In preparation for the focus group discussions, the participants had to
complete the “Management Effectiveness Exercise,” which provided each participant with an
opportunity to express his own views on behavior that distinguishes outstanding leaders from
competent managers. During the focus group the participants had to: (a) discuss the terms
leadership and management, (b) define these two terms, (c) list the attributes that distinguish
outstanding leaders from competent managers, and (if time permitted) (d) describe how man-
agers in their culture differ from managers in another country that is a major trading partner.
Six individual interviews were held. The purpose of the individual interviews was to
explore, in some depth, how South African middle managers define leadership implicitly and
explicitly. After an explanation of the study, the interviews were conducted by means of an
interview schedule, which included the following 10 questions:

1. The first question concerns the difference between competent managers and out-
standing leaders. What do you see this difference to be?
2. Now we are interested in your perception of the opposite of outstanding leadership. If
the person is in the position of leadership and does not exercise outstanding leader-
ship, what would be the kinds of behaviors in which they engage?
3. Can you think of a critical incident that illustrates outstanding leadership?
4. Can you think of another such incident?
5. Were there any obstacles or constraints faced by the leaders in these incidents? Any
opposition, resistance, bureaucratic red tape, or lack of resources, for example.
6. Can you think of two or three well known outstanding leaders? Who are they? (7) Is
there anything that these leaders have in common that make them outstanding and that
distinguishes them from others who have been in similar positions?
8. How is the behavior of these leaders similar?
9. Can you think of a specific behavior, something each leader did, that illustrates his or
her leadership?
10. Can you think of something a leader did that resulted in your strong acceptance or
support of the leader, or in significantly increased motivation on your part, or in will-
ingness to go above and beyond the call of duty in the interest of the leader’s vision,
objective, or mission?

Intensive Individual Interviews: March–November 1995. Ten White male middle man-
agers were selected from the three organizations; in-depth and follow-up interviews were
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 445

held. The purpose of the in-depth individual interviews was to further explore, in more depth,
how South African middle managers define leadership implicitly and explicitly to ascertain
their implicit leadership models. The interviews were taped, transcribed, and content analysis
was done.

Unobtrusive Measurement and Participant Observations: November 1996. The unobtru-

sive measures and participant observations were intended to explore the South African environ-
ment and to identify implicit indicators indicative of the prominence of specific leader
dimensions comparable to others. These data were collected by means of the Unobtrusive
Measurement Questionnaire and Participant Observation Questionnaire. The two questionnaires
were conducted on eight leadership specialists; a content analysis followed.

Media Analysis: May–June 1997. The sample for the media analysis comprised the
following newspapers, business periodicals, and industry-specific journals over the period
May 21 to June 20, 1997: The Star (the largest English-language daily newspaper in South
Africa with a circulation area covering the economic hub of the country, primarily Gauteng
province, but also with a circulation in a number of other provinces); The Sunday Independent
(an English-language Sunday paper with a national circulation); The Financial Mail (an
English-language weekly business periodical with a national readership); Finansies en
Tegniek (an Afrikaans language weekly business periodical with a national readership); The
Sowetan (the largest English-language newspaper focused on a Black readership with a circu-
lation primarily in the Gauteng province); and an in-house publication of each of the three
organizations used as representative of the financial and telecommunications industries
respectively.
For this phase of the research project, use was made of two research assistants who, inde-
pendently of each other, identified and coded relevant quotations from the media sample.
Their respective coded texts were then compared and in the case of differences between the
two research assistants, a quotation was included in the final database only if the researchers
could reach consensus on the relevance of the quotation and the appropriateness of its coding.
An initial list of “code filters” (i.e., a list of key terms used to identify and code quotations)
was generated by one of the authors for use by the research assistants. This initial list was gen-
erated by scanning a presample from the selected newspapers and periodicals. Words and
phrases that appeared frequently in the media were noted, as well as using the definitions of
the GLOBE Societal Culture Dimensions and Leadership Attributes as guidelines and com-
bining these two for a total of 74 potential code filters. This initial list was refined and con-
solidated into a final one, but only after a dummy run had been executed by the research
assistants in order to determine the completeness and relevance of the initial list.
The media analysis was accomplished by making use of the “Atlas” software program.
“Atlas” is a computer-aided text interpretation and theory-building software package. The
program serves as a powerful utility for qualitative analysis of large bodies of text. The
media sample yielded a total of 1207 usable quotes that were linked to 55 code filters. As
the last step in the media analysis, one of the authors performed a content analysis on this
coded database to group the coded data into a more manageable number of clusters that
cohered on a conceptual level. Groupings of quotations that did not fit these schemas and
comprised only a small number of quotations were discarded at this stage. Essentially an
inductive methodology was used by referring to the GLOBE Societal Culture Dimensions
and the Leader Attributes. This second-order coding yielded a number of clusters that were
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446 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

ranked in terms of the total number of quotations each contained. The data were then ranked
and compared with the South African rankings of the GLOBE Societal Culture Dimensions
and Attributes.

3. SOCIETAL CULTURE: SOUTH AFRICA

This section focuses on the results of the Societal Culture of South Africa and then on the
results of the Leadership dimension in South Africa. The quantitative results of the GLOBE
project are discussed and supplemented with the qualitative data, namely focus group and
individual interview data, participant observations, unobtrusive measures, and media analy-
sis of the cultural dimensions and leadership encountered in the South African society.
Cross-cultural leadership studies clearly show that cultural differences influence individ-
ual expectations and assumptions about management (Dorfman, 1996; Hofstede, 1980, 1991,
1994; House, Wright, & Aditya, 1997) and that those management philosophies typically
evolve in harmony with the cultures within which they function. However, it is evident from
the earlier historical overview that even though South Africa is a complex amalgam of sev-
eral cultures and subcultures, the South African management and leadership philosophies did
not evolve in harmony with all the cultures and subcultures in South Africa. In fact, for his-
torical reasons it evolved in line with Western thinking and the dominant management prac-
tices today are Anglo-American, as practiced by the dominant White male group in
management.
The manifestation of the nine cultural dimensions as reviewed in House et al. (2004) (see
also chap. 1, this volume) in South African White male leadership is discussed next. The
quantitative GLOBE results are discussed and supplemented with results from participant
observations, unobtrusive measures, and media analysis of the respective cultural dimensions.

Results From Quantitative Study

The South African (White sample) scores and ranks for the nine societal cultural dimensions
are provided in Table 13.3. GLOBE distinguishes perceptions of societal cultural practices
(“As Is”) and perceptions of societal cultural values (“Should Be”).

Assertiveness. South Africa shows well above average levels of Assertiveness and is
ranked 8th out of 61 countries on this dimension. South Africa falls in the Band A with coun-
tries like Germany (East 4, West 10), Hong Kong (5), Austria (6), El Salvador (7), Greece (9),
United States (10), and Turkey (12). Albania (1), Nigeria (1), and Hungary (2) measured
higher on Assertiveness than South Africa; Japan (58), French Switzerland (59), New Zealand
(60), and Sweden (61) measured the lowest on Assertiveness.
South Africa’s “Should Be” score of 3.69 on Assertiveness ranks average but is much
lower than the “As Is” score. The South African “As Is” score ranked 34, which is also aver-
age and which indicates that South Africans are of the opinion that they are probably too
assertive.

Institutional Collectivism. Higher scores on this dimension reflect the degree to which
organizational and societal institutional practices encourage and reward collective distribution
of resources and collective action. Essentially it reflects a society’s level of autonomy versus
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 447

TABLE 13.3
South Africa (White Sample): Societal Cultural Dimensions

Society “As Is” Society “Should Be”

Dimensions Score Band Rank Score Band Rank Dev.

Assertiveness 4.60 A 8 3.69 B 24 0.91

Institutional Collectivism 4.62 A 11 4.38 C 43 0.24
Future Orientation 4.13 B 19 5.66 B 26 1.53
Performance Orientation 4.11 B 30 6.23 B 13 2.12
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.09 B 32 4.67 B 32 0.58
Power Distance 5.16 B 35 2.64 C 38 –2.52
Gender Egalitarianism 3.27 B 35 4.60 B 30 1.33
In-Group Collectivism 4.50 B 48 5.91 B 16 1.41
Humane Orientation 3.49 D 54 5.65 B 8 2.16

Note. Score: Country mean for South Africa on the basis of aggregated scale scores. Band: Letters A to D indicate
the country band Austria belongs to (A > B > C > D). Countries from different Bands are considered to differ sig-
nificantly from each other (GLOBE test banding procedure, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). Rank: South
Africa’s position relative to the 61 countries in the GLOBE study; Rank 1 = highest; Rank 61 = score. Dev.: The
“Deviation Score” was computed by subtracting “As Is” scores from the respective “Should Be” scores. A positive
difference indicates that the society wishes to have more of a particular attribute or dimension whereas a negative
score indicates the opposite.
a
A scale’s score within-country position compared to the other scales on the same level.

collectivism. With a score of 4.62 and a ranking of 11th, South Africa is well above average
on the scale and slightly to the top end of the Band A countries on this dimension. Countries
grouped in the same cluster as South Africa include, among others, China (7), Philippines (8),
Finland (9), Ireland (9), Zambia, (12), Malaysia (12), and Taiwan (14). It seems as if there is
a relatively high degree of integration into groups, within organizations and society, in South
Africa. Sweden (1), South Korea (2), Japan (3), and Singapore (4) scored higher than South
Africa on the Institutional Collectivism dimension. The countries that scored the lowest on
this dimension include Greece (61, Hungary (60), Germany (GRD) (59) and Argentina (58).

Future Orientation. The essence of this dimension is preoccupation with the future
rather than the present and delay of gratification in the interest of future growth, develop-
ment, or rewards. Higher scores on this dimension indicate a greater degree of Future
Orientation. With a score of 4.13 and a ranking of 19, these results indicate a well above
average degree of Future Orientation. On this dimension, South Africa is grouped in Band B
with such countries such as Finland (14), India (15), Philippines (16), United States (16),
Nigeria (19), Australia (19), Hong Kong (21), and Ireland (22). The cluster of countries scor-
ing higher than South Africa on the Future Orientation dimension includes Singapore (1),
Switzerland (2), the Netherlands (4), and Malaysia (5). Countries scoring lower than South
Africa on this dimension include Poland (59), Argentina (60) and Russia (61). As is gener-
ally true for most participating countries, South Africans desire a greater degree of Future
Orientation (deviation score = 1.53).
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448 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

Performance Orientation. Higher scores on this dimension indicate a greater

Performance Orientation (i.e., the degree to which a collective encourages and rewards group
members for performance improvement and excellence). The ranking of 30th on the “As Is”
scale (out of a total of 61 countries) indicate that (White) South Africans are well in the
midrange of Performance Orientation grouped together (in Band B) with countries such as
Japan (25), Ecuador (27), Zambia (28), Costa Rica (29), France (30), Mexico (32), East
Germany (33) and England (34), but South Africans score below such countries like
Switzerland (1), Singapore (2), Hong Kong, (3) and Albania (4), and above countries like
Hungary (58), Russia (59), Venezuela (60), or Greece (61). Also of interest is the fact that
South Africans wish that they were much more achievement oriented (deviation score = 2.12).
This desire for a society that is more achievement oriented is in line with the overall GLOBE
results and indicates that, generally speaking, most countries want more emphasis placed on
achievement in their society.

Uncertainty Avoidance. Uncertainty Avoidance is defined by GLOBE as the extent to

which a society relies on social norms and procedures to alleviate the unpredictability of
future events. Higher scores on this dimension indicate an aversion to uncertainty (leading to
uncertainty-avoiding behavior), whereas lower scores indicate tolerance for uncertainty. With
a score of 4.09 and a ranking of 32, South Africa lies on the average of participating coun-
tries for this dimension, and at the very bottom of Band B. Sharing Band B on this dimension
with South Africa are countries such as Mexico (26), Indonesia (27), Zimbabwe, India, and
the United States, all sharing 28, and Zambia (31). The countries that have a higher intoler-
ance for uncertainty, besides South Africa, include Switzerland (1), Sweden (2), Singapore
(3), and Denmark (4). The deviation score of 0.58 represents the lowest one for all deviation
scores (see Table 13.3). Given the sociopolitical turmoil endemic in South Africa at the time,
this is quite remarkable.8 Intuitively one would have thought that White South Africans at that
time would have wanted a greater degree of certainty, rather than being relatively quite
relaxed about the future. However, in comparison with the other sample countries, South
Africa is ranked in the middle range (32) for this dimension. Maybe this provides a clue as to
why the majority of White South Africans were prepared to endorse the revolutionary changes
initiated by the De Klerk Government in the early 1990s.

Power Distance. The essence of this dimension is the establishment and maintenance of
dominance and control of the less powerful by the more powerful. Higher scores on this
dimension indicate a greater degree of Power Distance. Compared to the other participating
countries, South Africa scores just below average on this dimension with a score of 5.16.
However, this score is still well above the midpoint of 3.5 on the 7-point scale used to mea-
sure this dimension. Generally, most participating countries’ score on this dimension reflects
a perception that Power Distance is high in most countries. Even the country that scores lowest
on this dimension, Denmark, weighs in with a score above the midpoint on the 7-point scale,
at 3.89. South African society is ranked 35 and is located in the top of the Band B countries,

8
Booysen’s subsequent research shows the score on this scale to be significantly higher with a score of 5.11 in
1999. This might indicate that White South Africans were possible, in line with change management theory (Van
Tonder, 2004), in denial about the future changes in 1994 when the GLOBE data were collected and more in line
with the reality in 1999.
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 449

alongside other such countries as Georgia (30), Taiwan (32), Indonesia (33), Malaysia (34),
England (36), Ireland (36), Kuwait (38), and Japan (39). Countries with a lower level of
Power Distance than South Africa include Denmark (61), the Netherlands (59), Bolivia (58),
and Albania (57). The high deviation score of −2.52 indicates a desire for a society that is less
stratified and lends further support to the inference that South Africans regard their society as
being more stratified than egalitarian, and wishing that we were a more egalitarian society.

Gender Egalitarianism. Medium scores on this dimension indicate a weak emphasis on

gender equality (in the sense of equality for male and female roles). Whereas low scores indi-
cate an emphasis on the male role. High scores indicate a stronger emphasis on egalitarian-
ism. With a score of 3.27 and a ranking of 35, South African society falls slightly below
average on this dimension, indicating a slight propensity for the male role. Band B countries
grouped together with South Africa on the Gender Egalitarianism dimension include Finland
(31), Thailand (31), United States (33), Brazil (34), Indonesia (36), Italy (37), New Zealand
(38), and Ireland (39). The cluster of countries that exhibit a greater degree of female
orientation compared to South Africa include Hungary (1), Russia (12), Poland (3), and
Slovenia (4).
Countries in which greater emphasis is placed on the male role include Zambia (57),
Morocco (58), Egypt (59), Kuwait (60), and South Korea (61). The deviance score of 1.33
indicates that South Africans are aware that they should give more encouragement and recog-
nition to female roles.

In-Group Collectivism. Higher scores on this dimension indicate the degree to which
individuals express pride, loyalty, and cohesiveness in their organization or families. With a
score of 4.50 and a ranking of 48, South Africa is below the country average on this dimen-
sion. Countries grouped in the Band B with South Africa include Israel (44), Japan (45),
Germany (GDR) (46), Namibia (46), and France (49). Countries such as the Philippines (1),
Georgia (2), Iran (3), and India (4) scored higher than South Africa on the In-Group
Collectivism dimension. The cluster of countries that scored the lowest comprises the
Netherlands (58), New Zealand (59), Sweden (60), and Denmark (61). The deviation score of
1.41 could be interpreted as a desire for a more In-Group Collectivist orientation and that
White South Africans yearn for a society with a greater degree of integration of the individ-
ual into small groups and the organization.

Humane Orientation. Higher scores on this dimension indicate a more Humane

Orientation. South Africa is not perceived as a caring or humane society. With a score of 3.49
and a ranking of 54, South Africa is grouped in the Band D together with such countries as
Italy (51), Poland (52), Switzerland (53), Singapore (54), Germany (former GDR) (56),
France (56), and Hungary (58). The countries that scored lower on the Humane Orientation
dimension than South Africa are Germany FRG (61), Spain (60), and Greece (59).
Of all the dimensions, the lack of a more Humane Orientation prevalent in society is most
keenly felt by South Africans (deviation score of 2.16). Countries that scored higher than
South Africa on this dimension are Zambia (1), Philippines (2), Ireland (3), and Malaysia (4).

Results From Media Analysis

In this section, the South African results of the participants’ observations, unobtrusive measures,
and media analysis, based on the cultural dimensions, are discussed. The ranked data from the
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450 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

TABLE 13.4
Comparison of Media Analysis Data With GLOBE Cultural Dimensions (Ranking)

Media Sum of
Culture Dimensions “As Is” “Should Be” Analysis Ranks

Performance Orientation 4 1 2 7
Future Orientation 3 3 1 7
Institutional & In-Group 2 2 4 8
Collectivism
Power Distance 1 7 3 11
Uncertainty Avoidance 5 5 6 16
Humane Orientation 6 4 7 17
Gender Egalitarianism/ 7 6 5 18
Assertiveness

Note. “As Is” and “Should Be” rankings were obtained by ranking the scores of South Africa on the different cul-
tural dimensions. Rankings from media analysis were obtained on the basis of relative frequencies per category (at
the time of media analysis there were only seven GLOBE dimensions, with Gender Egalitarianism and Assertiveness
as one dimension and Institutional and In-Group Collectivism as one). Sum of Ranks are used as an indicator of cul-
tural emphasis (the lower the number the higher the relative emphasis).

media analysis are summarized and compared with the South African internal rankings of the
GLOBE Societal Culture Dimensions, “As Is” and “Should Be” categories in Table 13.4.

Performance Orientation. The qualitative data are in accordance with the quantitative data
that the South African society places a high premium on the Performance Orientation dimen-
sion. From Table 13.4 it can be seen that the media analysis indicates that it is the
second highest-ranked cultural dimension. The quantitative data suggest that the Performance
Orientation dimension is ranked the fourth highest in South African culture and the desire is
that it should be the highest ranking.

Future Orientation. Future Orientation is ranked as the most prevalent cultural dimen-
sion in the media analysis, and it is ranked as third most important in both the “As Is” and
“Should Be” categories in the quantitative study. The slightly higher ranking in the media
analysis may be ascribed to the emphasis that the South African media placed on the future
of South Africa in the years directly after the 1994 elections.

Individualism/Collectivism. Regarding Individualism/Collectivism, Table 13.4 indicates

that it is ranked fourth most important in the media analysis, and even though South Africa
scored well below average on this dimension, it is rated as the second most important dimension
in the quantitative analysis. It should be taken into account that, when this analysis was done,
the scores of Institutional and In-Group Collectivism were still conflated in one dimension,
Collectivism.

Power Distance. Power Distance is ranked 1 in the “As Is” category and 7 in the “Should
Be,” whereas it is ranked third in the media analysis. Thus, both the quantitative data and the
media analysis indicate that South Africans regard our society as highly stratified. The
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 451

emphasis in our Constitution on the value of equality reinforces the notion that South Africans
are very conscious of the need to transform our society into a more egalitarian one.

Uncertainty Avoidance. Uncertainty Avoidance is ranked 6 in the media analysis and

5 in the quantitative data.

Humane Orientation. The quantitative and qualitative data indicate that South Africans
perceive their society as less humane. The media analysis ranking for this dimension placed
it seventh, and the “As Is” ranking is sixth, whereas the “Should Be” ranking is fourth. The
greater emphasis found in the media analysis may be an artifact of the nature of mass-circu-
lation newspapers: Stories of atrocities are more likely to be published to promote circulation
figures than Good Samaritan stories. Nevertheless, the quantitative data support the inference
that South Africans wish that our society was more humane.

Gender Egalitarianism/Assertiveness. Regarding Gender Egalitarianism, the results

show that the cultural emphasis on this dimension is rather low. Both the quantitative data
and media analyses indicate that South Africa is a masculine society. The slight difference
between the media analysis and “Should Be” rankings is possibly a function of the differ-
ence in the sample. Whereas the quantitative data was limited to a sample of White males
from management (which is dominated by men), the media analysis represented all popu-
lation groups in South Africa and didn’t focus purely on management. Note that when this
analysis was done the Assertiveness and Gender Egalitarian scores were still conflated in
the Masculinity/Femininity Dimensions.

SUMMARY

In summary, the White male South Africans ranked 8 out of 61 countries on Assertiveness
with well above average levels of assertiveness, however their “As Is” score indicates that
they are of the opinion that they are probably too assertive. They ranked 30 and are above
average on the Performance Orientation dimension, and they wish that they were much more
achievement oriented. A national trait that exemplifies South African’s need for achievement
is the national obsession with sporting victories and individual achievement in other walks
of life.
They ranked 19 on the Future Orientation dimension, scoring well above average; a desire
for a greater degree of Future Orientation also emerged. Long-term, short-term, and scenario
planning is an everyday event in South African organizations.
South Africa is a masculine society, and indeed management is still dominated by (White)
men. In terms of Gender Egalitarianism, South Africans Ranked 35, and fall slightly below
average on this dimension; the “Should Be” score indicates that South Africans are mildly
aware that they should give more encouragement and recognition to female roles.
South Africa scored relatively low on Humane Orientation, and is not perceived as a car-
ing or humane society (they Ranked 54), however, they are acutely aware of this and wish to
move toward a much higher level of Humane Orientation.
Compared to the other participating countries, South Africa scores above average on
Power Distance, and is ranked 35. Even though this score is well above the midpoint on the
scale, which indicates a high level of Power Distance, the high deviation score indicates a
desire for a society that is less stratified and more egalitarian.
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452 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

South Africa scored above average and ranked 11 on the Institutional Collectivism dimen-
sion and ranked 48 with a score of 4.50 on In-Group Collectivism. White male South Africans
yearn for a society with a greater degree of integration of the individual into groups and
communities.
South Africa ranked 32 and measured average for Uncertainty Avoidance with little
difference shown between the “As Is” and “Should Be” scores. The traditional South African
organization is noted for its many rules, regulations, and procedures for almost every possi-
ble event and contingency.

4. LEADERSHIP: SOUTH AFRICA

In this section, a brief review of the literature and prior research on leadership in South Africa
is given. The quantitative results of the GLOBE project are discussed and supplemented with
the focus group and in-depth individual interview data and media analysis.

Prior Research on Leadership in South Africa

Binedell (1992) claims that management philosophies typically evolve in harmony with the
cultures within which they function. However, although South Africa is a complex amalgam
of several cultures and subcultures, for historical reasons, the dominant management practices
are Anglo-American. The South African leadership context is furthermore marred by the
socialized assumptions: “White is right,” “West is best,” and “Think manager, think male”
(Lessem, 1994, 1996; Potgieter, 1996; Sonn, 1996; Steyn & Motshabi, 1996). The leadership
picture is made even more complex and biased by the skewed representations of managers in
terms of the population groups, as already discussed. In the majority of cases, the South
African male manager’s first experience of leadership and organizational life was during
national military service. This situation prompts Christie (1996, p. 35) to say, “Unfortunately,
my view is that the expression ‘You’re in the army now’ applies as strongly in the business
sphere as it does in the South African National Defense Forces.” Suffice it to say that, because
of the exclusivity of the then national service, similar experiences and value systems are not
shared by the majority White women or members of other groups in South Africa.
Leadership research in South Africa is not abundant, which made this review problematic.
Prior to De Klerk, South African (political) leaders were seen as strong men who took uni-
lateral decisions with scant regard for consensus seeking (Grobler, 1996; Khoza, 1994; Madi,
1995; Manning, 1997; Sonn, 1996). Grobler points out that the future leaders of companies
in South Africa should reflect the population composition of the country, and that the leader-
ship philosophy should be aimed at the future and at achievement based on partnership. He
continues by saying that the days of autocratic leadership have gone forever—the concepts of
demand and control are simply no longer acceptable. Leadership must include elements such
as integrity, fairness, democracy, empowerment, broad consultation, respect for the individ-
ual, and sensitivity for cultural diversity. Grobler concludes by saying that “the future leader
must also be caring, show empathy, be willing to serve, and recognise human worth” (p. 11).
In preliminary research done by Booysen and Van Wyk (Booysen, 1994) on the preferred
leadership style of effective leaders in South Africa, they analyzed focus group discussions that
involved the participation of 430 first-year Masters in Business Leadership students (all work-
ing managers) and 20 middle managers in South Africa. They found that outstanding leaders in
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 453

South Africa are perceived to show a strong and direct, but democratic and participative, lead-
ership style. They are perceived to be agents of change, visionaries, and individualists. This indi-
cates a preference for a transformational leadership style. Although they are regarded as
moderately charismatic, they are seen as being responsible, rather than as agitators.
These preliminary results indicate that South African leaders are also perceived as being
sensitive to their followers’ needs and are expected to reflect their followers’ ideas, satisfy their
needs, and be respectful and understanding. South African leaders are expected to be pragmatic
and creative. By utilizing their interpersonal skills and knowledge, they are expected to be
reactive as well as proactive, depending on their analysis of any given situation.
Charlton’s (1993, pp. 83–93) findings, in his research into 20 of the most senior leaders and
40 of their followers in a large financial organization in South Africa, corresponds with those of
Booysen and Van Wyk. He found that excellent South African leaders have superb interpersonal
skills, exhibit candor, and delegate authority, which empowers employees. They openly share
goals and values that allow collaborative individualism. He also emphasizes the ability of the
South African manager to be competent in self-management, self-aware, and committed to self-
development, growth, and personal mastery. They also exhibit an internal locus of control.
Charlton (1993, p. 60) maintains that excellent leaders distinguish themselves through five
competencies of vision, namely:

• They develop and communicate a clear future vision.

• They expect uncompromising standards of excellence and pursue improvement on pre-
vious standards.
• They create focus and transmit clarity concerning expectations.
• They express a sense of mission that catches attention, inspires commitment, and trans-
forms purpose into action.
• They seek to understand current reality.

He adds that there is a link between the aforementioned strategies and the leader’s ability to
manage him or herself. This involves diagnosing inappropriate or ineffective behavior and
assuming personal responsibility for learning, productive growth, and change. He also argues
that a business leader needs to create an empowering environment in which followers are will-
ing or motivated, able or trained, and are allowed the responsibility and authority to perform
to their potential. Charlton concludes by saying, “empowerment is both a consequence (indi-
cation) and competence of effective leadership” (p. 5).
Godsell (in Charlton, 1993) expresses the opinion that in South Africa, particularly with
its multiculturalism and its multilingual workforce, superb communication is of paramount
importance, not only from leaders, but on all levels within and between management and
employees.
There is no doubt that affirmative action programs have, and will continue to, lead to more
cultural diversity in the South African workforce. On the other hand, researchers have identi-
fied that a by-product of diverse workplaces is distrust, negative attitudes toward diversity,
and perceived barriers to successful careers for newly disaffected groups. Although the resis-
tance, resentment, and aggression shown toward management by a certain faction of workers
must be taken into account, the fears and uncertainties of others must also be considered
(Human, 1996; Kemp, 1994; Makwana, 1994; Manning, 1997a; 1997b).
These are among the critical human resources issues that South African leaders must
confront in the future. On the one hand, they must meet the needs of a culturally diverse
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454 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

workforce that comprises a massive contingent of illiterate, unskilled, and semiskilled

people (mainly Black), whereas on the other hand, accommodate an educated, highly skilled
workforce comprising mainly Whites. They will need to get people of different cultures and
backgrounds together to negotiate and participate. South Africans have to come to terms
with each other’s cultural differences, acknowledge them, put them into perspective, and dis-
cover the strengths and weaknesses in different ideologies. Only if South African managers
succeed in resolving these issues can they improve the aggregate potential of South African
organizations—through creating the best prospects of unity through diversity (Avolio, 1995;
Booysen & Beaty, 1997; Human, 1996; Khoza, 1994; Madi, 1995; Manning, 1996, 1997a,
1997b; Mbigi, 1997).

Results of THE Quantitative Study

The GLOBE leader attribute questionnaire (House et al., 2004) asked respondents to indicate
the attributes (traits or behaviors) that they think distinguish highly effective leaders from oth-
ers. The leader attribute questionnaire includes a number of attribute items relevant to the
seven societal dimensions, plus four additional theoretical leadership attribute dimensions:
leader integrity, leader generalized competence, leader value orientation, and leader clarity of
direction. This section of the questionnaire measures 21 primary factors and 6 distinct sec-
ond-order factors (cf. House et al., 2004).
Table 13.5 depicts the first- and second-order leadership dimensions as well as the rank-
ing of South Africans (White sample) on the second-order leadership factors compared to the
other countries.
From Table 13.5 it is can be seen that in terms of South Africa’s own scores, South Africa’s
highest score is on Charismatic leadership (5.99), the second highest is on the Team-Oriented
leadership (5.80), the third highest score is on Participative leadership (5.62), the fourth high-
est score is on Humane leadership (5.33), the fifth highest score is on Autonomous leadership
(3.74), and the lowest score is on Self-Protective leadership (3.19). White male South African
leaders perceive themselves as having very high levels of charisma, team orientation, and par-
ticipation, a high level of humaneness, and lower levels of self-protection and autonomy in
their leadership approach.
When South Africa is compared to the 61 other countries, the rankings look as described
in the following subsections.

Charismatic Leadership. Even though South Africa’s highest score is on Charismatic

leadership, it ranked only 19 on this leadership dimension, and it is the third-highest South
African ranking compared to the other countries. Other countries that ranked similar to South
Africa are Brazil, Denmark, and Guatemala, all ranking 16 with scores of 6.00. The
Netherlands, Italy, and Argentina all ranked 20 with scores of 5.98. The countries that ranked
the highest on the Charismatic leadership dimension are Ecuador (1 with a score of 6.46),
Philippines, (2 with a score of 6.33), and Israel (3 with a score of 6.23).

Team Oriented Leadership. South Africa’s second-highest score is on Team Oriented

leadership (5.80). Even though this score is well above average and can be seen as high, South
Africa is ranked only 31, quite average in terms if the other countries on this dimension, and
the fourth-highest ranking compared to the other countries. Countries that scored higher than
South Africa are Ecuador (6.21, Rank 1), Brazil (6.17, Rank 2), Greece (6.12, Rank 3), and
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 455

TABLE 13.5
First- and Second-Order Leadership Dimensions (South Africa White Sample)

Rank Rank
Second-Order Leadership Scales Between Within
First-Order Subscales Score Band Countries Countrya

Charismatic leadership 5.99 B 19 1

Integrity 6.35 14 1
Inspirational 6.33 16 2
Performance Orientation 6.01 37 6
Visionary 6.15 27 3
Decisive 6.07 15 4
Self-Sacrificial 5.01 31 12
Team Oriented leadership 5.80 B 31 2
Diplomatic 5.43 36 9
Team Integrator 5.61 23 8
Administratively Competent 5.74 34 7
Collaborative Team Oriented 6.02 28 5
Malevolent (reverse scored) 1.81 24 (21)
Participative leadership 5.62 B 16 3
Nonparticipative (reverse scored) 2.46 43 (18)
Autocratic (reverse scored) 2.30 47 (19)
Humane leadership 5.33 A 7 4
Humane 5.35 8 10
Modesty 5.33 14 11
Autonomous leadership 3.74 C 40 5
Autonomous 3.74 40 14
Self-Protective leadership 3.19 E 45 6
Status Conscious 3.78 46 13
Conflict Inducer 3.69 44 15
Procedural 3.53 46 16
Face Saver 2.78 33 17
Self-Centered 2.10 31 20

Note. Score: Country mean for South Africa on the basis of aggregated scale scores. Band: Letters A to D indicate
the country band Austria belongs to (A > B > C > D >). Countries from different Bands are considered to differ sig-
nificantly from each other (Globe test banding procedure, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). Rank: South Africa’s
position relative to the 61 countries in the GLOBE study; Rank 1 = highest; Rank 61 = score. Dev.: The “Deviation
Score” was computed by subtracting “As Is” scores from a A scale’s score within-country position compared to the
other scales on the same level. Note. aA scale’s score within-country position compared to the other scales on the
same level.

Bolivia (6.1, Rank 4). Countries that ranked similar to South Africa are Australia, Costa Rica,
Ireland, and Namibia (all with a score of 5.81 and Rank 27). Malaysia and the United Sates
ranked exactly the same as South Africa, at 31 with a score of 5.8. The countries that scored
the lowest on this dimension are France (4.93, Rank 59), Morocco (4.81, Rank 60), and Qatar
(4.51, Rank 61).

Participative Leadership. South Africa scored the Participative leadership dimension

as the third-highest leadership dimension, and it is South Africa’s second-highest ranking
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456 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

leadership dimension compared to the other countries, with a score of 5.62 and a rank of 16.
Countries who scored similarly to South Africa are he Netherlands (5.75, Rank 12), Australia
(5.71, Rank 13), East Germany (5.7, Rank 14), Ireland (5.64, Rank 15), and United Kingdom
alongside Zimbabwe (both Ranked 17, and scored 5.57). Costa Rica and Sweden had scores
of 5.54 and ranked 19. The countries that scored the highest on this dimension are Canada
(6.09, Rank 1), Brazil (6.06, Rank 2), and Austria (6.00 Rank 3). The countries that scored
the lowest on the Participative Leadership Dimension are Albania (4.5, Rank 61), Indonesia
(4.6, Rank 60), and Mexico (4.64 Rank 59).

Humane Leadership. Even though the South Africa score on the Humane dimension
(5.33) is only the fourth highest of South Africa’s own scores, it is ranked as 8 out off all the
other countries, and it is the highest ranking compared to the other dimensions. Iran (5.75)
ranked the highest on this dimension, with Georgia (5.61) in second, Phillippines (5.53) in
third, and Nigeria (5.49) in fourth place. Countries that ranked similarly to South Africa are
Indonesia (5.33, Rank 5), Taiwan (5.35, Rank 6), Zambia (5.27, Rank 8), and India (5.26,
Rank 7). The countries that scored the lowest on this dimension are Morocco (4.10, Rank 59),
Russia (4.08, Rank 60), and France (3.82, Rank 61).

Autonomous Leadership. South Africa scored the Autonomous leadership dimension as

the fifth highest (second-lowest) leadership dimension, it is also South Africa’s fifth-highest-
ranking leadership dimension compared to the other countries. With a rank of 40, South
Africa ranked well below average compared to the other countries on this dimension.
Countries who scored similarly to South Africa are Namibia and New Zealand, both with
scores of 3.77 and ranks of 36, and the Philippines and United States, both with scores of 3.75
and ranks of 38. Japan (3.67, Rank 41), Canada (3.65, Rank 42), Italy and Nigeria, both with
scores of 3.62 and ranks of 43 also ranked similarly to South Africa.
The countries that scored the highest on this dimension are Russia (4.63, Rank 1),
Kazakhstan (4.58, Rank 2), and Georgia (4.57, Rank 3). The countries that scored the lowest
on the Autonomous Leadership dimension are Brazil (2.27, Rank 61), Portugal (3.19, Rank
60), and Hungary (3.23 Rank 59).

Self-Protective Leadership. South Africa’s sixth highest score, or lowest score, is on

Self-Protective leadership (3.19) and the score is below the scale average. South Africa is
ranked 45. The countries that scored the highest on this dimension are Albania (4.62, Rank 1),
Iran (4.34, Rank 2), Taiwan (4.28, Rank 3), and Egypt (4.21, Rank 4). Countries that ranked
similarly to South Africa are Italy (3.25, Rank 42), Hungary (3.24, Rank 43), Zimbabwe
(3.20, Rank 44), New Zealand (3.19, Rank 45), United States (3.15, Rank 47), Portugal (3.10,
Rank 48), Austria (3.07, Rank 49), and Australia (3.05, Rank 50). The countries that scored
the lowest on this dimension are France and Sweden both with scores of 2.81 and ranks of
58, and Finland (2.55, Rank 61).

Results of Qualitative Study

In this section, the South African results of the focus groups, in-depth interviews, and media
analysis, based on the seven cultural dimensions, are discussed.

Focus Groups and Individual Interviews. Prior to conducting the focus group discus-
sions and interviews, the authors did a prestudy in which 430 first-year MBA students had to
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 457

list the characteristics of competent managers and outstanding leaders. Additionally, they had
to indicate how managers from South African differed from those from Russia and Japan. The
data obtained in this way were incorporated in the overall qualitative report, because they did
not differ significantly from the data derived from the individual interviews and focus group
discussions. It was found in the prestudy that the South African graduates, whether Black or
White, were unable to differentiate between South African managers and managers in the
specified countries, other than in a very vague stereotypical way. There may be various rea-
sons for this: (a) The nature of the question requires stereotyping; (b) South Africans have, in
the apartheid years, been so isolated from the international mainstream through sanctions,
trade boycotts, travel restrictions, censorship, and demonizing of communist countries, that
they cannot be expected to have any authentic or well-informed opinion on this question.
A general observation is that our respondents viewed South African managers as being
more similar to Russian managers than to the Japanese. Russian managers are seen to be
bureaucratic, conservative, slow-moving, and not particularly innovative. The respondents
were also of the opinion that the reality in South African and Russian management/leadership
style reflects management, whereas the ideal is that of Japan, which is associated with lead-
ership. Given the results of this large sample, it was decided not to include this international
comparison in the focus group discussions. With regard to South Africa’s international isola-
tion, a further point needs to be made: All the respondents have some form of tertiary educa-
tion (management programs, bachelor’s degrees, engineering, or postgraduate). Management
education in South Africa is largely based on American textbooks and although it was stressed
from the outset that this research is not interested in textbook-correct answers, it is suspected
that the “American slant” present in our educational system did play a role in the respondents’
personal views and opinions.
The following qualitative data were obtained from the interviews and focus group discussions.

Definition of a Leader.

1. A leader is an accepted person who displays a natural ability in a given situation to

inspire others to willingly follow an ideal or vision.
2. A leader is a person who leads followers to believe in themselves, their own strengths,
abilities and worth, who inspires his or her followers to commitment, motivation, and
self-confidence.
3. A leader is a person who is capable of paradigm shifts, takes risks, is a facilitator of
people, and empowers people, and who is perceived to be a trustworthy person with
high moral values.

The Roles and Behavior Expected of Leaders.

1. A leader has a vision—like a dream, which includes others—a broad vision, not an
egocentric vision. Leaders are able to communicate their vision and tangible goals to
their followers convincingly—and to inspire them to follow their vision voluntarily.
Leaders are excellent team players, effectively utilizing followers through their excel-
lent people skills, like empathy, understanding, effective listening, effective commu-
nication on all levels, and delegation. Leaders lead by example, identify with their
followers, and instill self-respect and self-confidence into them.
2. Leaders are competent, have good judgment abilities, and understand the process of
leading. Leaders are fair and firm, but also flexible and adaptable.
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458 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

3. Leaders are accepted, popular, respected, and also respectful toward followers and
enemies.
4. Leaders are usually bound to a specific situation and emerge naturally in a specific
context, where they are accepted as leaders. Leadership is not in a specific position,
but lies in the person; a leader earns leadership.
5. Leaders are courageous, willing to take risks and break with conventions and role
expectations if necessary (they redefine roles). Leaders tend to be unconventional
and individualistic. They are their own persons, but not to the extent that they isolate
themselves; they are still accessible and approachable.
6. Some of the outstanding attributes of leaders are: dynamism, confidence, determina-
tion, persistence, and energy. They are good strategists, negotiators, and persuaders,
without being manipulative or domineering. They show good decision-making skills
and are rational and logical. They may be shrewd but not calculating.
7. Their behavior may also be nuanced by their use of a soft approach with people.
Leaders know themselves and other people; they know their own weaknesses and
strengths. They have integrity, are honest and open, but also direct. They handle situ-
ations in a humane, calm, and emotionally appropriate way. Although they are emo-
tionally controlled, they are not cool and aloof.
8. Leaders are accommodating, diplomatic and have integrity. They have credibility, are
effective, and follow things through. Leaders give continual feedback to followers, are
genuinely interested in their followers, and try to satisfy their followers’ needs. They
are facilitators—flexible and adaptable. Leaders are responsible persons, not agitators.

Leadership Style in South Africa.

1. Outstanding leaders are perceived to show a strong and direct, but democratic and par-
ticipative leadership style. They are perceived to be agents of change, visionaries, and
individualists. This indicates a preference for a transformational leadership style.
Although they are viewed as moderately charismatic, they are also seen as being
responsible, not as agitators.
2. South African leaders are also thought of as being sensitive to followers’ needs and are
expected to reflect followers’ ideas, satisfy their needs, and be respectful and under-
standing. South African leaders are expected to be pragmatic and creative; by utilizing
their interpersonal skills and knowledge they must act reactively as well as proactively,
depending on their analysis of a situation.
3. Some respondents were of the opinion that South Africa “breeds” managers, not lead-
ers. Some of reasons offered for this are: Formal learning inhibits creativity; external
insignia of leadership are regarded as important; ours is a confirmative and rule-bound
society; society values technical managerial skills (the “good” employee is promoted
to management); development of leadership is limited by finances and economics;
bureaucracy; South African society does not value humanities/soft sciences; the South
African schooling system is inadequate—it neither stimulates the development of
intellect, creativity, and self-confidence, nor identifies children with natural leadership
abilities and develop these.

Definition of a Manager. It was decided to include a paragraph on the manager in this

chapter because some of the respondents (apart from making the unremarkable observation
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 459

that the ideal is that the manager must also be a leader) pointed out that in the end there must
be convergence between the leader and the manager. Leaders must be contextualized in that
they must have the ability to translate their new idea/vision into an organizationally accept-
able format and communicate and sell this to their peers, superiors, and subordinates. Leaders
must have the ability to “shift gears”: Their vision must be managed in terms of traditional
managerial skills such as planning and control.
Managers are trained persons who use their initiative to perform the traditional functions
of management—planning, leading, organizing and control to achieve results—within a
set time frame and limits. In doing this they must display the ability to listen, communicate,
motivate, delegate, and coach. Managers derive their objectives from that of the organization,
whereas leaders have more of an “internal locus of control.”

Roles and Behavior of the Competent Manager.

1. The manager is: a coordinator; a planner, organizer, and controller; a respected and
respectful person.
2. A manager must: be able to lead in a directive way; able to motivate subordinates;
knowledgeable in the field of management, not in specialist fields; able to delegate;
able to see the bottom line; able to predict; strategic and short-term oriented; an effec-
tive listener; a trainer or a coach; honest.
3. A manager must have initiative, empathy, and good communication skills.

Some of the obstacles to leadership mentioned by the respondents related to South Africa’s
cultural and linguistic diversity, and lack of transcultural empathy, interaction, and accom-
modation. Whereas it may make sense in a country such as the United States, where the eco-
nomically dominant group is also the numerically superior group and hence the dominant
political group, to take into account only that group’s norms, culture, and perceptions, the
same cannot be said in a country such as South Africa, where cross-cultural issues may be
determinative of leadership effectiveness.

Media Analysis. In the search for quotations relating to leadership in the media analysis
stage of the research, the term leadership was interpreted in a wide context to include political,
business, and community leaders but excluding references to leaders and leadership in sport.
In the media analysis, visionary leadership (1), performance-orientated leadership (2),
decisive leadership (3), collectivist leadership, which include humane leadership (4), inspira-
tional leadership (5), and integrity leadership (6) came out on top in terms of frequency of
occurrence in media reports. With one exception, there is a close correspondence with these
results and that of the quantitative data. The high ranking of collectivist leadership (4) in the
media analysis can be explained by the stress placed on corporatist policies and practices in
the business domain. It is neither politically correct, nor commercially prudent, to praise lead-
ership in the corporate world at a time when the unions have gained much ground in their
struggle for greater participative management and consultation rights. Another possible expla-
nation for this specific discrepancy is that the quantitative data focused exclusively on Whites,
whereas the media analysis also included the other cultures in South Africa. It may well be
that the higher collectivistic leadership score is a more accurate reflection of South Africa’s
larger population’s perceptions.
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460 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

Combined, Overall Profile of Leadership in South Africa

From the preceding qualitative data, focus group, individual interview, and the media analy-
sis discussion, it seems that outstanding leaders in South Africa are perceived to show a strong
and direct, but team-oriented and participative style of leadership. In terms of leadership
attributes, it seems that the White subgroup shows a strong preference for charismatic and
action-orientated leadership and a preference for considerate and humane leadership with a
tendency toward a bureaucratic leadership. Although they are seen as being charismatic, they
are also seen as being responsible, not as agitators, and to some extent as visionaries. Even
though South African leaders place high emphasis on performance, they tend to be perceived
as being sensitive to followers’ needs and are expected to reflect followers’ ideas, satisfy their
requirements, and be respectful and understanding. They are seen as quite participative and
humane. South African leaders are perceived to be decisive and good negotiators. They are
also expected to be pragmatic and creative, by utilizing their interpersonal skills and knowl-
edge. They must act reactively as well as proactively, depending on their analysis of a situa-
tion. South African leaders are also perceived to show integrity in their leadership and appear
not to be self-protective.

5. EMIC MANIFESTATIONS OF THE CULTURE OF

AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA

Performance Orientation

Achievement on all levels is important to South Africans. Rugby stars and Olympic champi-
ons are remembered long after their achievements have been eclipsed by others. Indeed, for
a glorious moment in our history, all South Africans were united in triumph when South
Africa won the rugby world cup in 1995. In the rural town of Beaufort West, there is even a
museum in honor of Chris Barnard, who performed the first heart transplant. Many individu-
als are remembered and honored for their mythical heroic deeds, among these are Wolrade
Woltemade, Racheltjie de Beer, Dick King, and various Voortrekker leaders as well as some
of their opponents and Black adversaries. The emphasis seems to fall on individual achieve-
ment rather than the heroics of the collective.
Schooling is compulsory up to the age of 15, or the ninth grade, and no pupil may be
refused entry to a school simply because of an inability to pay school fees. At the end of each
school year, the newspapers carry short résumés with photographs of pupils who achieved the
highest grades for their final-year examinations, these achievers are typically awarded with
bursaries for university studies. In particular, the press highlights any pupil who overcame
personal hardship to attain good marks. However, the dark side of this achieving ethos is that
every year yields its tragic crop of suicides among high school students during the examina-
tion period. Among all population groups in South Africa an almost exaggerated importance
is placed on academic qualifications and achievements.
In South African organizations, Performance Orientation manifests by extensive use of per-
formance appraisals, employee-of-the-month awards, and promotions based on outstanding
performance. Performance excellence is emphasized and usually coupled with merit awards.
Leadership awards are awarded not only in organizations but also in the greater community, like
the Leadership in Practice Award that is awarded to an outstanding business person
every year by one of South Africa’s prominent business schools. There are an abundance of cer-
tificate programs, short courses, and seminars dealing with performance excellence and
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 461

quality improvement. In the academic world, awards for outstanding research and lecturing
are awarded. Merit bursaries are awarded to pupils and students with exceptional grades and
talents.

Future Orientation

In looking at South African organizations, the relatively high ranking of South Africa on this
dimension is to some extent understandable. South Africa, in the person of Clem Sunter,
developed scenario planning, which is a planning model focusing on different scenarios in
10 to 25 years in the future. Strategic planning is very important, if not number one, on most
companies’ agendas. Companies have annually and some biannually have strategic planning
sessions or bosberade (the Afrikaans word for strategic planning) or “Indabas” (an African
word used for strategic planning), where planning is done for the next year, next 5 years, or
even further in the future. These strategic sessions are often planned a year or 6 months in
advance.
It is also not uncommon to have a chartered accountant or finance person as executive offi-
cer, even in organizations whose core business is not finance. Almost every organization has
at least one financial expert on the board of directors. Most companies have strict budgets, are
busy with cost-cutting and saving, do long-term planning, and have plans for the next 5 to 10
years.
It is, however, more difficult to explain the relatively high ranking on this dimension, when
looking at political leaders and government. Certainly, South Africa’s political leaders and
their (White) followers have always looked at short-term solutions for the country’s internal
troubles. Also, the continued export of primary resources rather than enriching it locally for
export, so typical of a Third World country, indicates a lack of Future Orientation. On the
other hand, the determined search for oil and the development of the oil-from-coal technol-
ogy and heavy industry in iron and steel may indicate the contrary, although a more plausible
explanation for these developments is the international isolation of the country during the
apartheid years.

Gender Egalitarianism

In most South African households, the husband is the head of the family who makes almost
all the important decisions. The inequality of sharing household chores even where both part-
ners work is a further indication of widespread chauvinism in our society. Until recently, pol-
itics, engineering, law, medicine, and other high-profile careers were almost totally
dominated by men and these “male occupations” attract good remuneration packages when
compared to “female jobs,” such as nursing or speech therapists, which are not well-paid
occupations. This male dominance is not limited to the Afrikaner group, but a particularly
tragic manifestation of the Afrikaner man as the head of, and sole provider for his family, is
the fact that among the Afrikaner group, family massacres occur more frequently than any-
where else in the world.
Even though the South African government occupies seventh position out of 179 parlia-
ments surveyed on their involvement of women, with only Sweden, Denmark, Norway, the
Netherlands, Finland, and New Zealand ahead of them, men still dominate politics, business,
the trade union movement, and the economy in South Africa. The latest statistics (CSS, 1998,
p. 41) show that in December 1997, 87% of management in the public service were men, and
only 13% women.
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462 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

From Fig. 13.1 it is evident that in business, very few women are in senior and executive
positions. In 1997, women comprised only 1.3% (49) of 3,773 directors of the Johannesburg
Stock Exchange’s 657 listed companies; only 14 women were listed as either executive direc-
tors, chairwomen, or managing directors, and less than 1% as board members. A 2004 Census
of South African Women in Corporate Leadership, done by the Business Women’s
Association of South Africa (BWASA) in association with Catalyst (USA), surveyed the
women on boards of directors and in executive management of public companies listed on the
JSE as of September 30, 2004 (BWASA, 2005). The results gives a similar picture regarding
gender and showed that women constitute only 19.8% of all executive managers and only
10.7% of all directors (Booysen, 2005). In management training, women comprise only 20%,
with women lecturing staff on the faculty of business schools only 23%. Because of the his-
torically dominant masculine values in South African organizational cultures, leadership, and
leadership training, as well as the minority status of women in management, feminine values
in leadership are not yet valued on an equal footing with masculine values.

Humane Orientation

Given South Africa’s apartheid history, it is perhaps not surprising that South Africans do not
see theirs as a humane society. Paradoxically, the inhumane treatment of other groups ran
directly counter to Christian teachings, which meant that the Christian nationalist somehow
had to keep a rigid divide between their religious beliefs and their political practices. South
Africans regard themselves as conservative Christians and in the latter years of apartheid the
churches started (belatedly) to speak up against the apartheid state. Also, because the distrib-
ution of crime has become more equally distributed since the abolition of influx control (i.e.,
it has spread from the Black townships to traditionally White suburbs), the perception is that
violent crime has increased.

Power Distance

In most companies, senior staff members enjoy advantages of status such as larger offices,
more opulent office furniture, and reserved parking bays. Dress is generally formal and a
senior executive is shielded from his or her minions by a formidable private secretary.
Organizational structures tend to be more hierarchical, with long power and command lines,
and systems and processes in place that support power structures and positional power and
authority. Most organizations’ cultures value authority, titles, and power displays. However,
there are indications that these hierarchical barriers are being relaxed and in some instances
completely dismantled. (Mandela’s informal and relaxed conduct, casual attire and “African”
shirts may act as a role model in this regard.) In the schools, pupils address teachers in a for-
mal and deferential manner and are not likely to challenge authority. Public works and mon-
uments are frequently named for leaders. At a local level, street names would frequently
honor local celebrities.

Individualism/Collectivism

The urbanization level of White South Africans has reached a ceiling, and in keeping with rel-
atively affluent Western urbanized societies, the low level of collectivism is unsurprising. This
contrasts sharply with the situation two to three generations ago when families were large and
extended, and kinship ties were cherished and maintained. In modern urbanized South Africa,
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 463

the typical core family of four lives in isolation of its neighbors. This causes an interesting
dilemma for upwardly mobile Blacks who move to traditionally White neighborhoods. Coming
from communities where neighbors were very much a part of one’s everyday life, many Blacks
find it a lonely and isolated experience to live in a White urban area. However, as discussed
in the introduction, it seems that Africans as a group tend to be more collectivistic than the
White group, and it is foreseen that the South African Blacks will measure higher on collec-
tivism than the White sample used in the research on which this chapter is based.

Uncertainty Avoidance

South Africa is noted for its many rules and regulations. For many years, there were “control
boards” for anything from maize to fruit to regulate market fluctuations. Perhaps this multi-
tude of control boards, with their blatant interference in the free market in a country that pro-
fessed to foster a capitalist economy, were the clearest indication of our fear of uncertainty
and aversion to risk taking. In the labor market, laws were promulgated to provide for mini-
mum standards of employment, unemployment insurance, and compensation for disabilities
and diseases arising from employment. Apart from these laws, the system of industrial coun-
cils provided for the negotiation, on an industry-wide basis, of a myriad of rules regulating
businesses in a particular industry. Most South African organizations also have numerous
rules, regulations, and procedures for almost every possible event and contingency that may
happen within their organization.

6. LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH

The main limitation of this study is the composition of the sample to which the whole battery
of analytic methods could be employed, being exclusively White men. Related to this is the fact
that the media analysis included newspapers with a target market other than White men, which
makes comparisons between the results of the media analysis and the quantitative data suspect.
On reflection, the media analysis should have been done individually, per paper/journal, rather
than summing these results combining newspapers and journals. Second, this was done during
a time of monumental transition in South Africa, making generalizations across time a risky
business. At most, one can say that these results are a snapshot of one sector of our society at a
given time and that replication studies will have to be undertaken to determine which conclu-
sions have stood the test of time and which have been overtaken by sociopolitical events.
Possible directions of future research that may be of great significance include the
following:

• Interethnic comparisons (the perception that Blacks are a homogenous grouping, though
it may have had greater validity in the struggle against apartheid, is an oversimplifica-
tion and a Eurocentric view; in postapartheid South Africa, ethnic differences and tribal
loyalties may reassert themselves). Also an investigation in African management prac-
tices, or Afrocentric leadership.
• Investigating the conceptions of leadership between the genders (there are indications
that women tend to have a greater affinity for leadership that focuses on relationships
and this may correlate with the African concept of “ubuntu,” which holds that “I am a
person through other persons”).
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464 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

• The conceptions of leadership held in the political sphere (the authors hypothesize that
some political decisions of our leaders may be explained by an expanded notion of the
obligations of a leader toward his or her subordinates).
• The conceptions of leadership held in traditional communities versus conceptions of
leadership held in urbanized communities (South Africa’s modern Constitution and its
Bill of Rights come into direct conflict with many customs and practices in traditional
tribal communities).

7. PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS

What should a foreign manager expect while dealing with south African managers? Though
it is not possible to provide a comprehensive discussion for the visiting manager, because a
large part of this research focuses just on White men, and the South African society trans-
formed rapidly since 1999 when the data was collected, some of the most salient and proba-
ble features of the South African world of work are listed here. The central theme is diversity
management. With the advent of affirmative action and Black economic empowerment ini-
tiatives, the South African workforce has become increasingly diverse (with the exception of
lower levels of employment, which are dominated by Blacks). Interpersonal communication
(including the correct interpretation of body language) is of great importance because it may
lead the visitor to draw incorrect inferences if she or he is not careful. A manager from a coun-
try where task orientation is focused on should be aware that South Africans will also express
concern over the welfare of the person (greetings are mostly phrased in sentences such as
“How are you?” to which one must respond appropriately and extend the same courtesy to the
speaker). Male South African managers may tend to be authoritarian, in the sense that they
make the final decision, but this is typically preceded by a lengthy consultative process. The
visitor may also find that strict adherence to starting times of meetings is not the norm and
because of the importance placed on giving each person the chance to voice his or her opin-
ion, meetings may also last longer than expected. Also, European visitors may find that the
perceived role of a manager as a man is still much more prevalent in South Africa than is the
case in Western Europe, although the presence of young well-educated women in managerial
positions is sharply on the increase.

8. EUROCENTRIC VERSUS AFROCENTRIC LEADERSHIP

Two different leadership approaches in the country, namely an Afrocentric and a Eurocentric
conception of leadership, is one of the dilemmas South African managers face. On the one
hand is the Eurocentric/Western approach, which has proven value in improving organizational
and work performance worldwide and in South Africa and, on the other is the Afrocentric man-
agement approach (Booysen & Beaty, 1997). This dilemma is discussed in more detail by look-
ing at research done in this regard subsequent to the GLOBE data collection mentioned earlier,
which focused only on the White male manager in South Africa.
Subsequent to the data collection for the GLOBE study, Booysen (1999; 2001) used
an adapted version of the GLOBE questionnaire in combination with interviews and
focus groups to measure subcultural differences between race and gender in South African
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 465

managers. The unit of study was White and African Black management; the levels of man-
agement included junior, middle, and senior management, from three of the largest retail
banks in South Africa. The target population included a total of 18,449 managers. A dispro-
portional probability sample was used to include comparable numbers in the sample across
and within each management level. The respondents were selected on a systematic basis,
according to specified quotas and stratified in terms of organization, management level, gen-
der, and race. The quota included 840 managers (4.6% of the total population). A total of 263
managers (1.4% of the total population) across all the banks were sampled. As regards the
race distribution across the organizations, 119 (45.2%) respondents were Black managers and
144 (54.8%) White managers. There were 90 (34.2%) White male managers, 54 (20.5%)
White female managers, 82 (31.%) Black male managers, and 37 (14.1%) Black female man-
agers in the total sample frame. It should be noted that Booysen’s (1999) study does not
include the “Should Be” scale and is based only on the “As Is” scale. Furthermore, the
GLOBE data discussed earlier were collected from White men in 1995 and 1996, just after
the first democratic elections in April 1994, whereas the data for Booysen’s (1999) study were
collected at the end of 1998 and beginning of 1999, and included African Blacks and women.
In summary, in terms of the cultural dimensions, the findings of Booysen’s study showed
indeed significant differences between the Black and White racial groups on all the dimen-
sions except Power Distance. The findings are depicted in Table 13.6.

Performance Orientation

Although both groups scored above average on the Performance Orientation cultural dimen-
sion, White managers scored well above average and measured significantly higher than
Black managers, who scored above average (p < 0.10). Some quotations from the qualitative
data illustrate this point:

• “Blacks are not as results driven as whites.”

• “Whites are performance orientated with the focus on profit margin.”
• “Whites are bottom line driven—if you do not perform you are out.”
• “Blacks focus on people instead of skills.”

It is interesting to note that the Performance Orientation in highly individualistic societies,

like the Whites in South Africa, lies on the individual level—individuals strive for their own
achievement in life. However, in collectivistic societies, like the African Blacks in South
Africa, Performance Orientation manifests at the group level. The score of the White group
on this scale of 5.28 is higher than the GLOBE “As Is” score of 4.11 and nearer to the GLOBE
“Should Be” score of 6.23.

Future Orientation

White managers measured higher than Black managers on Future Orientation (p < 0.01). White
managers scored well above average, whereas Black managers scored below average and ranked
it in seventh place. This finding confirms the arguments of Coldwell and Moerdyk (1981),
Meeding (1994), Boon (1996), Prime (1999), and Collier and Bornman (1999), who stress the
differences between the linear, sequential, or mono-chronic perception of time by Whites and the
cyclical, synchronic, or poly-chronic perception of time by Blacks in South Africa.
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466 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

TABLE 13.6
T Test Results for Differences Between Blacks and Whites on the Cultural Dimensions
(df = 261, N = 119, White N = 144).

Exceedance
Cultural Dimension Race Rank Mean SD T Test Probability

1: Uncertainty Avoidance Black 4 4.75 0.90 3.38 0.00***

White 2 5.11 0.80
2: Assertiveness Black 6 4.39 1.10 2.91 0.00***
White 5 4.78 1.11
3: Gender Egalitarianism Black 8 3.26 1.14 2.12 0.04**
White 8 3.53 0.83
4: Future Orientation Black 7 4.38 1.05 5.50 0.00***
White 3 5.04 0.87
5: Power Distance Black 5 4.72 1.18 0.59 0.55
White 4 4.80 0.87
6: Collectivism Black 1 5.40 0.76 11.90 0.00***
White 6 4.36 0.66
7: Humane Orientation Black 2 5.36 1.05 9.12 0.00***
White 7 4.24 0.93
8: Performance Orientation Black 3 5.04 1.13 1.92 0.06*
White 1 5.28 0.28

Note. From Booysen (1999, 2001).

*
p < .10 (90%).
**
p < .05 (95%).
***
p < .01 (99%).
# Dimensions are ranked according to group means.
SD = standard deviation.

A linear concept of time that is shared by the Whites is more event related than continuum
related. Time is tangible and divisible in this view. Time commitments are taken seriously, and
time is seen as a narrow line consisting of discrete, consecutive points. The dominant tempo-
ral horizon is the future where consciousness first projects into. Planning and keeping to plans
and schedules once made are important. Future planning is important.
Alternatively, if time is viewed as synchronic, poly-chronic, or cyclical, several things can
be done at the same time. Time is viewed as a wide ribbon, allowing many things to take place
simultaneously; time is flexible and intangible. Time commitments are seen as desirable
rather than absolute. Plans can be easily changed and more value is placed on the satisfactory
completion of interaction with others than on time commitments. Because of the poly-chronic
or cyclical concept of time, Black managers would tend to have a preference for past and
immediate or present orientation, and not necessarily focus on planning or making prepara-
tions for events to happen in the future (Berger, 1996; Collier & Bornman, 1999; Prime,
1999).
It is also clear that different perceptions of time have implications for organizational prac-
tices, for instance, the running of meetings with cultural diverse groups. Sequential cultures,
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 467

like the White group in South Africa, are likely to upset synchronic cultures, like the African
Black group in South Africa, when they insist on running meeting agendas like clockwork.
Synchronic people will frustrate sequential people when they seem unable to stay focused on
the single specific issue at hand and when relationships are seen as more important than time.
The score of the White group on this scale of 5.04 is higher than the GLOBE “As Is” score
of 4.13 and more in line with the GLOBE “Should Be” score of 5.66.

Gender Egalitarianism and Assertiveness

White managers measured higher than Black managers on Assertiveness (p < 0.01) and
Gender Egalitarianism (p < 0.05). Whites scored above average on Assertiveness and ranked
it in fifth place, whereas Blacks scored below average and ranked Assertiveness in sixth place.
Though both groups scored far below average on Gender Egalitarianism and ranked it in last
place, there is nevertheless a significant difference between the groups, with Blacks showing
more gender differentiation than Whites. The following are illustrations from the qualitative
data:

• “Whites are autocratic and aggressive.”

• “Blacks are not assertive.”
• “Blacks do not want female managers.”

As already discussed, Assertiveness and Gender Egalitarianism are the subdivisions of the
Masculinity/Femininity cultural dimension. At the organizational level, Masculinity is mani-
fested by aggressive competition, the selection and encouragement of strong-willed and deter-
mined management, the pursuit of growth in markets and profits, lean organizational
functioning, austere surroundings, and sex role discrimination with respect to higher level
positions. Femininity is manifested in participative behavior, power sharing, empowerment,
consensus, and collaboration. Networking, teamwork, and cooperation are emphasized, and
there is emphasis on feelings, intuition, and relationship building.
The combination of a high level of Assertiveness and a low level of Gender Egalitarianism,
as in the case of Whites, indicates a high level of Masculinity. Although Blacks score below
average on Assertiveness, they score significantly lower than the already low score of Whites
on Gender Egalitarianism, and thus are also high on Masculinity. The score of the White
group on assertiveness of 4.78 is higher than the GLOBE “As Is” score of 4.60 and lower than
GLOBE “Should Be” score of 3.69. The Booysen score of the White group on Gender
Egalitarianism 3.53 is slightly higher than the GLOBE “As Is” score of 4.09 and lower than
the GLOBE “Should Be” score of 4.60.

Humane Orientation

Black managers scored well above average, whereas White managers scored below average
on Humane Orientation (p < 0.10). There is a significant difference on this scale between
Blacks and Whites and Blacks tend to be more humane than Whites. The qualitative data support
the survey findings as illustrated by the following quotes:

• “Whites are less accommodating than black managers.”

• “Whites are more task focused than people oriented.”
• “Blacks divide/share responsibility in order to protect the non-performer.”
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468 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

• “Whites focus on short term financial comfort—whereas blacks focus on the commu-
nity—more people oriented.”
• “Blacks affirm more and build employees’self esteem, they focus on people instead of skills.”

The score of the White group on this scale of 4.24 is higher than the GLOBE “As Is” score
of 3.49 and more in line with the GLOBE “Should Be” score of 5.65.

Power Distance

Although White managers indeed measured higher than Black managers on the Power
Distance cultural dimension, this is the only dimension on which there is no significant
difference between the scores of the Black and the White groups. However, both Blacks and
Whites scored above the scale average on Power Distance. The score of the White group on
this scale of 4.80 is lower than the GLOBE “As Is” score of 5.16 and higher than the GLOBE
“Should Be” score of 2.64.

Collectivism/Individualism

Black managers measured higher than White managers on Collectivism (p < 0.01). The qual-
itative data support the survey research and the following themes and patterns emerged from
quotes from both groups in regard to this issue:

• “Blacks are collectivistic—go back to the tribe to obtain input—are experienced as

being indecisive.”
• “Whites are individualistic—obtain input from team players and then take decisions.”
• “Blacks emphasize the team above the individual.”
• “The black leader takes responsibility for the whole team.”
• “Whites are autocratic dictators.”
• “Blacks are communal, democratic and inclusive.”
• “Afro-centric—more communal way of doing things, joint problem solving. The contact
with the employee is through his/her family. Leader rather than dictator—usually elderly
experienced person.”

This research thus confirms the findings of Avolio (1995) and Prime (1999), who claim that
in South Africa there appear to be both an individualistic and a communalistic orientation,
depending on whether the group is White or Black. It also confirms the research of Koopman
(1994), who maintains that Whites give primacy to the individual, whereas Blacks see the
need for individuals to find their place in a societal structure. This research furthermore con-
firms Mbigi’s (1995a, 1995b, 1997) argument that Africans (Blacks) share the principles of
collective solidarity and not the principles of individual self-sufficiency, like Whites. Note
that when this analysis was done the scores of Institutional and In-Group Collectivism were
still conflated in the Individualism/Collectivism Dimension.

Uncertainty Avoidance

White managers measured significantly higher than Black managers on Uncertainty

Avoidance (p < 0.01). This means that White managers show a higher intolerance for
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 469

uncertainty than Black managers. It is important to note that, although Whites measured
higher on Uncertainty Avoidance than Blacks, both groups scored above average on this
dimension. Though both groups will display Uncertainty Avoidance behavior, Blacks have a
significant higher tolerance for uncertainty than Whites, which is illustrated by quotes from
the qualitative data:

• “Whites are more regimented and non-flexible.”

• “Whites are more business like, formal and restrictive.”
• “Blacks are rebellious, want flexibility, want freedom.”

This hypothesis thus confirms the literature (Meeding, 1994; Boon, 1996; Lessem, 1994, 1996)
that states that because of several differences between the African and Western worldviews,
which can be listed according to causation, time, self, and probability, and the African
ontological perspective of not having exclusive control over the future, Blacks tend to have a
greater tolerance for uncertainty than Whites.
South Africa is currently going through a transformational period, one that is busy chang-
ing the existing intergroup dynamics due to societal power shifts among the different culture
groups that took place in South Africa since 1994. Apart from the inherent cultural differ-
ences, possible other circumstantial explanations can be given as to why African Blacks show
a lower level of Uncertainty Avoidance behavior than Whites. Some of these explanations are
as follows:
First, the societal changes that started to take place in South Africa since the first democ-
ratic elections and the new Constitution, which guarantees equal rights to all people, gave an
enormous amount of power to Blacks that they did not previously have. However, even though
the constitutional rights to all people did not formally take away any power from Whites, they
now do not have exclusive power anymore and therefore may feel that they have lost some
power and opportunities (even to the extent that they feel powerless), which may cause higher
levels of uncertainty (Booysen, 2005; Munetsi, 1999; Rowen, 2000; Shapiro, 2001).
Second, in the work situation, changes like the Labour Relations and the Equality Acts and
the implementation of affirmative action and employment equity policies can be construed as
disempowering to Whites and empowering to Blacks. This may cause lower levels of uncer-
tainty among Blacks, and higher levels of uncertainty among Whites (Helepi, 1999; Pillay,
1999). Third, due to apartheid and the historical dominance of White norms, rules, and regu-
lations, Blacks, being in the subordinate position prior to 1994, learned to cope better with
change, uncertainty, and ambiguity. Whites, especially White men, who used to be the dom-
inant group, are still in the process of dealing with their changed status. The score of the
White group on this scale of 5.11 is higher than the GLOBE “As Is” score of 4.09 and more
in line with the GLOBE “Should Be” score of 4.67.

Cultural Profiles of White and Black South African Managers

The cultural profile of the White South African management group reflects a high level of
Performance Orientation, above-average levels of Uncertainty Avoidance, Future Orientation,
Power Distance, and Assertiveness, below-average levels of Collectivism and Humane
Orientation, and a low level of Gender Egalitarianism. This profile is largely congruent with
Western or Eurocentric management systems, which tend to emphasize competition and a
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470 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

work orientation, free enterprise, liberal democracy, materialism, individual self-sufficiency,

self-fulfillment and -development, exclusivity, planning, methodology, and structure.
The cultural constellation of the Black South African management group reflects high levels
of Collectivism and Humane Orientation, above-average levels of Performance Orientation,
Uncertainty Avoidance, and Power Distance, below-average levels of Assertiveness and Future
Orientation, and a low level of Gender Egalitarianism. This profile is to a large extent opposed
to the Western or European management systems, and comparable to the Afrocentric manage-
ment system, which emphasizes collective solidarity, inclusivity, collaboration, consensus and
group significance, concern for people as well as working for the common good, structure
through rituals and ceremonies, patriarchy, respect, and dignity.
A clear parallel can be drawn between the Eurocentric or individualistic models, and
transactional leadership. African humanism or Ubuntu is much more closely aligned with
transformational leadership. “Specifically, transformational leaders work to create a climate
and culture where each individual and the group can achieve their full potential. In doing so,
transformational leaders can facilitate the Africanisation of South African organizations”
(Avolio, 1995, p. 19).
That there are two different leadership approaches in the country is one of the dilemmas
South African managers face: on the one hand, Eurocentric/Western approach that has proven
value in improving organizational and work performance worldwide including in South
Africa and, on the other, the Afrocentric management approach (Booysen & Beaty, 1997).
Supporters of the latter approach argue that, for managers to be relevant in South Africa, they
must accept concepts embodied in the indigenous African philosophy. The same dilemma
applies to foreign companies who want to do business in South Africa.
However, managers do not, and should not, choose between Eurocentric and Afrocentric
management approaches in South Africa; rather, these two sets of values must rather hastily
embrace each other. However, previous thinking, action and behavior of the South African
corporate world and culture were somewhere between Europe and the United States—not at
all in Africa. But, as Madi (1995) argues, with the changes taking place in the new South
Africa, even corporate culture has started to realize that we are all in Africa, and that the aver-
age South African is 15 years old and Black and they, with their sense of values, perceptions,
and frames of reference, will be the workforce of tomorrow.

9. CONCLUSION

The results herein focused on the White male subcultural group in South Africa, which his-
torically was, and still is, the dominant group in business. There are, however, several other
cultural groupings that need also to be taken into account when analyzing leadership in South
Africa, as discussed in Section 5. South Africa is at present in a transitional phase and it is
foreseen that because of affirmative action and equal opportunity programs, more people of
color and women will enter the leadership echelons, and the leadership culture will change.
The most important findings from the results can be summarized as follows:
In terms of cultural dimensions:

• South Africa has shows an above-average level of Assertiveness and ranked eighth out
of all the countries; they are, however, of the opinion that their level of assertiveness is
probably too high.
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13 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SOUTH AFRICA 471

• South African has an above-average score on Performance Orientation, with a ranking

of 30, and desires to be even more achievement orientated. The media analysis provides
strong support for this conclusion in that Performance Orientation ranked second high-
est of all the cultural dimensions in the media sample.
• South Africa displays a well above average degree of Future Orientation, with a ranking of
19, and desires an even higher degree of Future Orientation. Strong support for this infer-
ence is found in the results of the media analysis in which Future Orientation ranked first.
• South African has a propensity for the male role and masculine values, with a ranking of
35, and South Africans are mildly aware that they should value femininity and recognize
female roles more.
• With a ranking of 54, South Africa seems to be a rather inhumane society, and of all the
dimensions South Africans felt most strongly the desire to become a more humane
society. Humane values were also manifestly absent in the media analysis sample and
ranked last of the seven dimensions.
• Although South Africa scores in the midrange of countries sampled, with a ranking of
35 on the Power Distance dimension, its score still reflects high on Power Distance, with
a desire to be more Egalitarian. Although Power Distance ranked fifth in the quantitative
data analysis, it came out third in the media analysis. A possible explanation of this dis-
crepancy in the results obtained by the different data sets could be that whereas the for-
mer comprised only Whites, the media analysis included a Black newspaper as well as
reports on Black businesses and the pronouncements of Black business leaders. It may
well be that Blacks’ sense of Power Distance in society is much higher than that of
Whites, thus accounting for the higher ranking obtained in the media analysis.
• South Africa scored well above average and slightly to the top end of the Band A coun-
tries on Institutional Collectivism, which shows that there is a relatively high degree of
integration into groups and within organizations and society in South Africa. Regarding
In-Group Collectivism, South Africa scored below average and is grouped in the Band
B countries. The high deviation score could be interpreted as a desire for a higher In-
Group Collectivist orientation and that South Africans yearn for a society with a greater
degree of integration of the individual into small groups and families. This is also
reflected in the media analysis. A possible explanation for this strong collectivistic sen-
timent from the media analysis could be that, because of our very strong Black trade
unions and the nature of our labor laws and industrial relations dispensation, great
emphasis is placed on participative management, worker empowerment, and consulta-
tive management by spokespersons of corporations. This is good public relations and
makes for good copy. Such pronouncements may well have manifested themselves in the
media analysis as “collectivist” sentiments.
• South Africa has an average score and ranking of 32 on Uncertainty Avoidance and it
seems that there is not really a desire to change this. The results of the media analysis
indicate an even lower level of concern with Uncertainty Avoidance. This result is diffi-
cult to explain given the transitional phase the society finds itself in; intuitively one
would have expected a greater concern with uncertainty but this is not borne out by the
empirical data. However, Booysen’s (1999) data show a higher level of Uncertainty
Avoidance in White men than does the GLOBE study.

In terms of Leadership attributes, it seems that the White subgroup shows a strong preference
for charismatic and action-orientated leadership, and a moderate preference for considerate
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472 BOOYSEN AND VANWYK

leadership with a tendency to bureaucratic leadership; this fits neatly with the focus group
analysis. It thus seems that White male managers in South Africa tend to be charismatic and
action orientated in their preferred leader behavior. They are highly future and achievement
orientated, showing a high level of Power Distance. Although they also show some tendency
toward bureaucratic leadership, they have a moderate tendency to be considerate in their
leader behavior. They are showing moderate Uncertainty Avoidance behavior and tend to
value Masculinity and the male role slightly more than female roles. White South African
managers are not Collectivistic inclined, and perceive the South African society to be rather
inhumane.
The discrepancies between the GLOBE data and the media analysis on the cultural and
leadership attribute dimensions are probably because the GLOBE data included only the
White subgroup, whereas the media analysis included White as well as Black media. It also
seems that Blacks have a higher Uncertainty Avoidance propensity and are more
Collectivistic than are Whites. The media analysis’s findings thus seem more in line with the
South Africa’s general population, than just that of the White subgroup. The lower ranking on
Power Distance is possibly because of the trend toward democratization of the workplace in
South Africa.

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Leadership in the United States of America:

The Leader as Cultural Hero
Michael H. Hoppe
Center for Creative Leadership, Greensboro, North Carolina

Rabi S. Bhagat
The University of Memphis

The United States is a large country, with more than 3.6 million square miles (fourth after
Russia, Canada, and China) and around 300 million inhabitants (third most populous after
China and India, but less than 5% of the total world population). Its vastness, natural beauty,
and big cities attract visitors from around the world. Its economic strength is still unrivaled
and its per capita gross national product (GNP) is higher than that of any other major
country in the world. It is celebrated for its technological advances and admired or loathed for
its political and military might. Its research and development (R&D) achievements are legend
(ca. 4 out of 10 of all the Nobel prizes awarded since its inception were awarded to American
researchers) and its legal and political institutions serve as models for old and new societies
elsewhere.
Moreover, its cultural, economic, and military imprint is felt throughout the world. Its jazz,
ragtime, and popular music, films, TV, videos, books, newspapers, and magazines can be
found almost everywhere. Economically, Coca-Cola, IBM, Levi’s Jeans, Nike sneakers, and
many other products of its consumer culture are omnipresent. Militarily, it recently made its
mark in Afghanistan and Iraq. Its influence is mostly welcomed, but often also strongly
resisted.
Of course, these are only the immediately noticeable manifestations of U.S. society. With
a closer look and over time, it reveals itself as an immensely varied and complex society—
historically, politically, and culturally—with many contradictions and partially fulfilled aspi-
rations. Also, nobody can yet tell for sure what the long-term domestic and foreign policy
ramifications of the terror attack of September 11, 2001, will be.
A closer look also helps surface the assumptions, values, and beliefs that fuel and reinforce
U.S. culture’s thoughts and actions and its resulting images of the good society and the good
and successful life. Similarly, it enables the cultural assumptions, preferences, and beliefs to
emerge that shape its people’s perceptions of the ideal organization, career, and leadership.

475
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These latter, implicitly and explicitly culturally endorsed, perceptions of leadership are the
focus of this chapter.
In particular, this chapter will highlight the uniquely American images, models, and prac-
tices of effective leadership and the underlying cultural orientations that help explain them—
based on new quantitative and qualitative GLOBE data and existing findings from multiple
sources. For the purpose of this chapter, culture is understood as the “internalized patterns of
thinking and behaving that are believed to be ‘natural ’—simply the way things are” (Stewart
& Bennett, 1991, p. x.). The definition of the term leadership initially follows the one used
by the GLOBE study, that is, “people in your organization or industry who are exceptionally
skilled at motivating, influencing, or enabling you, others, or groups to contribute to the
success of the organization or task.” Later in the chapter, we discuss additional ways of thinking
of and enacting leadership.
As the biographical sketches at the beginning of the volume make apparent, the two
authors originally are from Germany and continental India, respectively. However, both
authors feel that they know the United States and its special brand of leadership rather well,
given their nearly 60 years of combined experience in living, working, and traveling across
the United States. Equally, the authors feel that they are well aware of the aspirations, hopes,
fears, and accomplishments of the American people.
The chapter looks at U.S. leadership through five distinct lenses. First, we provide a brief
historical overview and identify recurrent themes and tensions in U.S. society to offer a use-
ful background for the discussion. We then paint a brief cultural portrait of the effective
leader, using existing sources, followed by summary descriptions of well-known and admired
past and current leaders. Next, we look briefly at leadership research in the United States to
distill some pertinent old and new preoccupations and issues that will shape leadership the-
ory and practice for years to come. Finally, through our fifth lens, we present and interpret the
quantitative and qualitative U.S. results of the GLOBE study, provide some guidance to men
and women from other countries who find themselves working with U.S. managers, briefly
address the limitations of the data, and offer some suggestions for future leadership research.
It may be helpful to point out from the outset that our chapter cannot, and is not designed,
to do full justice to the immense body of knowledge and practice that is U.S. leadership. We
are selective by mainly concentrating on cultural roots and expressions of leadership in U.S.
society. Equally important, we try to capture mainstream, largely corporate, leadership in
America. The rationale for this is quite straightforward. Most of the data, including those of
GLOBE, are from that part of society. Furthermore, in today’s increasingly “global” business
environment, that “face” of U.S. leadership is most visible, as it is exported through research
and daily business interactions. However, this limited focus in no way should diminish the
tremendous richness of other leadership models and approaches in U.S. culture that deserve
to be studied in their own right.

1. THE HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXT

OF U.S. LEADERSHIP THOUGHT AND PRACTICE

Stages and Themes in U.S. History

No discussion of leadership in the United States can be fully understood without, even if
ever so briefly, paying attention to the historical, political, economic, and social context from
which it emerged (Hofstede, 1980). As a social construct (Berger & Luckmann, 1967),
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 477

leadership is deeply embedded in that context. Thus, a very condensed version of major stages
in the development of the U.S. society and its recurrent themes and struggles is offered first.
The history of the United States can be described in the following stages (Johnson, 1997;
see also World Book Encyclopedia, 1981):

• First Stage: Colonial America, 1580–1750.

• Second Stage: Revolutionary America, 1750–1815.
• Third Stage: Democratic America, 1815–1850.
• Fourth Stage: Civil war in America, 1850–1870.
• Fifth Stage: Industrial America, 1870–1912.
• Sixth Stage: America as a melting-pot society, 1912–1929.
• Seventh Stage: Superpower America, 1929–1960.
• Eighth Stage: Economic Superpower in the new millennium, 1960–present.

Colonial America (1580–1750) saw the development of a group of independent settlements

and small-scale enterprises, initially made up of those escaping religious intolerance or seek-
ing adventure and/or riches. These settlements and small businesses formed into groups for
protection that were primarily concerned with producing goods, which were then sent to the
“mother country,” England, France, or Spain. The majority of the people would have consid-
ered themselves to be members of their home countries, rather than of the new country.
Revolutionary America (1750–1815) not only witnessed the fight for independence from
England, but the emergence of a strong sense of a uniquely American culture. Freedom from
oppression, relying on and fighting for each other, a deep belief in government by the people,
and leading simple but productive lives evolved as some of its cornerstones. Furthermore, there
was an abiding conviction of the necessity for a “system of checks and balances” that would
ensure that no one group or governmental branch could hold sway for an extended period in
violation of the rights of others. The U.S. Constitution (1787) and the Bill of Rights (1791)
became the most fundamental expressions of those yearnings. George Washington, James
Madison, Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson are examples of
individual leaders of lasting recognition for their courage, vision, dedication, sense of
justice, and breadth of intellect and experience. Their leadership was rooted in their eastern,
well-to-do, privileged heritage and their hands-on experience with managing their own affairs.
Democratic America (1815–1850) is the time of Andrew Jackson and the flood of immi-
grants that settled and developed the West and the rest of the country. It is the time when fron-
tier spirit, hard work, and a sense of great individual independence shaped the collective
consciousness. A belief in a “manifest destiny,” that is, the control of all of North America,
took hold and the idea of the “common man” emerged, who needed to be protected from the
monopoly of government and the rich (Andrew Jackson himself came from a background of
very modest means). The women’s rights and abolitionist movements, fending for equality of
men and women, Black and White, developed strength and the increasing importance of, for
instance, railroads, steamboats, and the cotton gin contributed to tremendous economic
growth.
Civil War America (1850–1870) was a time when brother fought brother and when North
and South inflicted wounds to each other that last until today. Yet, it also saw Abraham
Lincoln issue the Emancipation Proclamation (urging that all slaves were to be set free).
Lincoln’s name continues to be listed among the great leaders of U.S. history for his integrity,
persistence, and courage against all odds, humility, and standing up for his beliefs.
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478 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

Industrial America (1870–1912) saw the development of “Big Business,” for example,
mass production and tremendous wealth in steel (Andrew Carnegie), railroads (Cornelius
Vanderbilt II), cars (Henry Ford), banking (R. R. Morgan), and consumer goods (Richard
Sears, R. H. Macy, Montgomery Ward). Leaders in business became major national figures,
and management was recognized as a scientific study. It witnessed the country grow from 38
million in 1870 to 100 million in 1916, increasing urbanization, and the emergence of reform
movements that sought to ameliorate the widening inequalities between the rich and the poor
and the unfettered power of big corporate monopolies that strained the social fabric.
Theodore Roosevelt’s (Trust Buster) antitrust laws and the Progressive Era’s (1890–1917)
efforts to reduce poverty, improve schools, and make government and big business more
responsible to people were expressions of that struggle. On the whole, there was a collective
feeling of unlimited possibilities in the air and a sense that economic advancement and a bet-
ter future was available to everyone who worked hard and invested in the future. Yet, two
groups that benefited less from these efforts were the Native Americans and the country’s
Black citizens. The former were increasingly pushed onto less economically viable reserva-
tions; the latter, officially freed from slavery, ended up in de facto segregation, in particular,
in the South.
Melting Pot America (1912–1929) continued the assimilation of immigrants from around
the world into a uniquely American culture, reinforced by the ascension of the motion picture
industry, professional sports, radio broadcasts, and jazz as its outward expressions. It was also
a period of stark contrasts. On the one hand, the United States became an important political,
military, and economic player on the world stage, accelerated by its role in World War I,
granted women voting rights, and experienced the Roaring Twenties. Overall, life became
more fast-paced, urban, and international.
On the other hand, Prohibition (1920) started, W. G. Harding (1921–1923) and his fol-
lowers pushed for a return to isolationism, traditional American values, and law and order,
and the Ku Klux Klan reached a membership of 5 million. Then, of course, the stock market
crash (Black Friday) in 1929 had everything come crashing down.
Superpower America (1929–1960) saw even greater changes and tensions across the eco-
nomic, political, and social spectrum. It witnessed the depth of the Depression and the slow
recovery from it through Franklin D. Roosevelt’s (1933–1945) New Deal policies. It turned
the United States into the economic and military superpower that helped defeat Nazi fascism
in Europe and, by dropping the first and only atomic bombs ever on Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
made World War II in the Far East come to an end. As the most powerful nation of the so-
called free world, it revitalized Western Europe through its extensive Marshall Plan and
actively fought against the spread of communism in Korea (and later in Vietnam). Its politi-
cal and economic leadership came to be felt throughout the world.
On the home front, the country experienced, among many other developments, unprece-
dented growth in population, accelerated movement from the inner city to the suburbs, the
witch hunt of McCarthyism in the early 1950s, the stirring of the civil rights movement in the
late 1950s, and the increasing influence of labor unions and the power of television.
Economic Superpower (1960–present) sees the United States, in particular after the
implosion of the former Soviet Union in 1989, ascend to the economic, technological, and
military leadership role in the new information age. As in earlier historical phases, there is
light and shadow: the landing on the moon in 1969 and the externally and internally divi-
sive Vietnam War; the civil rights movement and the assassinations of John F. Kennedy,
Robert F. Kennedy, and Martin Luther King Jr.; the stock market boom of the mid-1980s
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 479

and 1990s and its precipitous decline in 2001 as well as a stubborn poverty rate of 14% or
more of the population; a concentration of wealth and power in ever smaller numbers of
corporations and individuals and a proliferation of small businesses encouraged by the
Internet and venture capital; increasing scientific and academic excellence and crumbling
public schools; advances in medical and genetic knowledge and 40 million without health
insurance (Prugh & Assadourian, 2003); insistence on equal opportunities for all of its
citizens and the incarceration of a disproportionately large number of its so-called minor-
ity populations behind bars; the opening of the world through the dynamics of globaliza-
tion and religious fundamentalism at home; and a call for freedom of the peoples of the
world and the tightening of the freedoms of its own people after the shattering of the col-
lective psyche on September 11.
Of course, such a quick run through U.S. history up to the present must remain woefully
inadequate in capturing the richness, great achievements, and often wrenching struggles of
U.S. society to live up to its ideals. However, it may be sufficient within the purpose of this
chapter to highlight political, cultural, and social tensions and/or dilemmas that are inherent
in U.S. society and that may help explain not only uniquely U.S. preoccupations and cultural
preferences, but also their effects on the theory and practice of leadership. Table 14.1 offers
a summary of these recurrent themes and tensions.
The first tension raises the question of whether or not it is possible for the United States
to rise above the injustices of its early beginnings and, by the sheer force of its moral and
economic performance, atone for them. Unlike other nations whose historical origins are
often rooted in obscurity, the United States was formed during the time of recorded history
and much of the strains of growth have been open for everyone to see. Throughout its history,

TABLE 14.1
Recurrent Themes and Tensions in U.S. Society

1. Atoning for grievous past injustices Creating a just and fair society
2. Pursuing narrow self-interests Working for the common good
3. Current realities “City set upon a hill”
4. Liberty (free market and free Equality (equity and solidarity)
from government)
5. Efficiency (big business, Community (“small is beautiful”)
government, labor)
6. Individualism Collectivism
7. Existential equality Existential inequality
8. Live to work Work to live
9. Change Stability
10. Data/measurement Values/morals
11. Practicality Ideas/intellect
12. Action Reflection

Note. Items 1–3 are from Johnson (1997). Items 4 and 5 are from O’Toole (1993). Items 6–12 are from Hoppe
(2003) and Wilson, Hoppe, and Sayles (1996).
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480 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

U.S. society has always struggled with balancing grievous wrongs of the past, such as slav-
ery or the decimation of the Native American nations, by erecting a society dedicated to jus-
tice and fairness for all. This struggle and the resulting sensitivities on both sides continue to
be evident in the divisive debate over affirmative action and diversity and their practice in the
workplace. Both issues also continue to occupy leadership theory and action at political and
organizational levels.
The second question is, how to balance the desire to build the perfect community with the
strong tendency toward individual acquisitiveness and ambition that has been present in all
phases of U.S. history. Paul Johnson (1997) asks, “Have the Americans got the mixture
right?” (p. 3). Has the United States succeeded in building a nation where the common good
triumphs over narrow self-interest? The settlement of what is now the United States was part of
a larger enterprise of the best and the brightest of the entire European continent—and later
of peoples from around the world. A large majority of them were crossing the oceans in
search of purely economic gain and/or freedom from political and religious oppression.
However, they were also idealists and, in many ways, for example, in Europe, opportunities
were too small for them (in earlier centuries, e.g., the 11th to the 13th, the people of Europe
had gone East, seeking to re-Christianize the Holy Land and neighboring countries). This
mixture of religious fervor, desire for economic gain, need to escape the narrow confines of
their homeland, and the sheer force of adventure that inspired generations of crusaders also
characterized the early settlers in the eastern part of the continental United States. This same
combination is still recognizable today in Americans’ fierce insistence on their right to pur-
sue personal wealth on the one hand and their longing for something greater than their own
narrow interests on the other. It can also be detected in models of leadership that stress an
entrepreneurial mind-set, passion, ambition, and courage, as well as a sense of communal
responsibility as critical characteristics of successful leaders.
The third tension is concerned with the question of whether or not the United States has
indeed emerged to be an exemplary country for the rest of humanity. Americans originally
visualized an otherworldly “city set upon on a hill,” in which “we must delight in each other,
make others’ conditions our own, rejoice together, mourn together, labor and suffer together,
always having before our eyes our community as members of the same body” (John
Winthrop, cited in Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985, p. 28). However, U.S.
society has found the ideal difficult to achieve. Wide discrepancies in income distribution,
poverty, and racial discriminations continue to contrast with crowning achievements in tech-
nology, concern for human rights worldwide, and justice and equality before the law for all.
Although these incongruencies are not unique to U.S. society, the desire to overcome them
and the firm belief that it can be done are mirrored in a can-do attitude, hope-for-success
approach, and an emphasis on optimism in U.S. leadership theory and practice.
James O’Toole (1993) describes related tensions in U.S. thought and experience—tensions
between liberty and equality and efficiency and community. They represent four different
visions of the good or just society, visions that in their entirety are always present, but whose
inherent contradictions leadership at any level of society, explicitly or implicitly, struggles to
reconcile.
Liberty stresses the absolute political and economic freedom whose only law is that of sup-
ply and demand. It invites rugged individualism and freedom from governmental and institu-
tional intervention. It is the world of the entrepreneur who thrives in a free-market
environment in which personal freedom, choice, and property are seen as sacrosanct and pre-
conditions for “the pursuit of happiness.” It is viewed as the most critical prerequisite for
contributing to the higher order good of society.
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 481

In contrast, proponents of equality tend to loathe the absolute freedom of the market. They
focus on the resulting inequities in income and power and strive to minimize them. They see
government as having a legitimate and important role in reducing these inequities. They fight
for disenfranchised groups and minorities. Theirs is a society of social activists in which
solidarity and social justice among its citizens are seen as the higher order good.
Efficiency stresses economy of scale. The good society is seen to be achieved by having
business, government, and labor work together to create full employment and growth, with
constantly increasing standards of living. Technology, science, capital markets, mergers, con-
glomerates, and globalization are symbols and mechanisms for achieving maximum effi-
ciency. It is the world of the corporate manager whose purpose is to increase the return on
investment for stockholder satisfaction.
On the other hand, proponents of community tend to abhor a society of big business, big
government, and big unions. “Small is beautiful” is their credo. High quality of life, moral
rectitude, service, good stewardship of the planet, collaboration, and face-to-face interaction
describe the good society for them. It is the world of the communitarian in which simplicity,
preservation, local control, and democracy from the bottom up are cherished.
Taken together, these four themes are deeply embedded in the U.S. Constitution as well as
describing some of the inherent tensions in capitalism as an ideological belief system. They
are also incisively captured in Bellah et al.’s (1985) discussion of individualism and commit-
ment in American life. Similarly, they can be seen as recurrent tensions in U.S. leadership
thought and practice—tensions between competition and collaboration, centralization and
decentralization, tasks and relationships. Currently, the ideas of the free (and global) market
and efficiency seem to have the upper hand. Simultaneously, the ideal leader tends to be
described as an individual go-getter, someone who is clear on his or her direction, gets things
done, and strives for efficiency in everything, while struggling to respond to demands by
people inside and outside of his or her organization for more input, some balance between
work and personal life, and a sense of belonging.
Another, pervasive, theme in U.S. history and today’s society is briefly mentioned at this
point due to its fundamental impact on many of its institutions and, by extension, its leader-
ship practices: institutional and personal religion. Religion was held to be of supreme impor-
tance by virtually all Americans in the first half of the 20th century (Johnson, 1997). Even
recent surveys suggest that about 95% of U.S. citizens believe in a God, compared to half of
that in many European countries (Halman & de Moor, 1993). Inglehart’s (1997) research of
cultural, economic, and political changes in societies around the world point to similar find-
ings. Alexis de Tocqueville had already observed during the first half of the 19th century that
Americans held religion to be indispensable for evolving free institutions (Pierson, 1938).
Today, the political “religious right” or religious groups around the country continue to exert
a strong influence on national policies in education, politics, and family planning. Character,
integrity, responsibility, and honesty are among the important values in that debate. They also
are seen as critical attributes of effective leaders.

A Cultural Sketch of the Characteristics of Effective Leaders in U.S. Society

The remaining themes (6–12) in Table 14.1 are cultural themes to which every society devel-
ops its own blend of answers, given their historical, religious, and economic circumstances.
Stewart and Bennett (1991) have discussed the unique American cultural patterns in great and
most insightful detail. Hofstede (1980, 2001), Hoppe (1990), Schwartz (1994), Merritt
(2000), House et al. (2004), and others have largely confirmed them in extensive empirical
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482 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

studies. Overall, mainstream U.S. society consistently falls in the Anglo segment of country
clusters (Hofstede, 1980; House et al., 2004; Ronen & Shenkar, 1985), with generally high
levels of individualism, performance orientation, masculinity, and assertiveness and low to
moderate levels of power distance and uncertainty avoidance. In addition, it is described as hav-
ing distinct preferences for facts/data and a practical and active approach to life’s challenges.
Yet, it is apparent even to the relatively untrained eye that the United States is of great cul-
tural heterogeneity, consisting of multiple ethnic and religious groups who have found differ-
ent answers to the themes and tensions in Table 14.1. For instance, for Native Americans,
working for the common good, community, and solidarity play a significantly larger role in
their lives than in current mainstream U.S. society. Also, the Society of Friends (Quakers)
strives for a more “small is beautiful” approach and actively engages in causes of social jus-
tice and the common good. Similarly, the servant leadership model (Greenleaf, 1977) empha-
sizes values inherent in the right-hand column of Themes 1 to 5 in Table 14.1. Furthermore,
there exists also a deeply felt sympathy in U.S. culture for the “underdog” and “antihero,”
who, against all odds, win the day against seemingly superior challengers. Last but not least,
it needs to be kept in mind that no social construct, such as culture, by the very definition as
a social construct, is static. Changing circumstances inside and/or outside of a society help
new perspectives or even entire new paradigms emerge (Kuhn, 1970). So, it is with the con-
cept of leadership, in general, and perceptions of effective leaders, in particular.
As a highly individualistic culture, the United States believes in the right of each individ-
ual to pursue his or her own happiness. With this credo comes the obligation and expectation
to take care of oneself, and distinguish oneself through one’s own personal achievements.
Initiative and independence are highly valued. Self-actualization through continuous self-
improvement is the goal. Achievement motivation is lauded. In the final analysis, one’s iden-
tity is due to one’s own achievements, or the lack thereof. As we have seen in the brief his-
torical overview earlier, this emphasis on the individual may have well served— and been
reinforced by—the early frontier experience and its demands for self-reliance. It conjures
images of the “Marlboro Man,” John Wayne, or the frequently expressed admonition (or
wish?) “lead, follow, or get out of the way.”
The slogan “live to work” illustrates that U.S. culture has a more “masculine” or tough
orientation to life (Hofstede, 1980, 2001; Hoppe, 1998; Robinson, 2003). Things that are big,
strong, fast, or tangible expressions of success (e.g., money!) are desired and admired. In
terms of leadership, a focus on work and career, performance, results, challenge, competition,
execution, “going the extra mile,” decisiveness, and efficiency are key characteristics that are
sought and rewarded in a leader (House et al., 2004). Getting the job done, whatever it takes,
is the goal. Good working relationships or conditions, collaboration, or solidarity among
coworkers may become mere means toward that end. On the whole, hard work and achieve-
ment are considered the basis for a good life. The American author’s, Horatio Alger
(1832–1899), “rags to riches” books for boys captured this theme at an almost mythical level.
In the area of leadership, the belief in the existential equality (small to moderate power dis-
tance) of all members of U.S. society visibly dovetails the emphasis on the individual and
achievement. You are what you have achieved. Nobody is superior in the eyes of the Creator.
Alexis de Tocqueville wrote almost 200 years ago while visiting America: “The greatest
equality seems to reign, even among those who occupy very different positions in society”
(cited in Pierson, 1938, p. 65). It is assumed that everybody’s opinion, input, and personal
experience sui generis has validity and ought to be considered. Hierarchies are established out
of necessity or convenience to get the job done. Informality in dress, speech, and behavior is
tolerated or even encouraged. At the same time, there exists a managerial prerogative in the
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 483

American workplace. Employees accept, at least more so than in Denmark or Sweden, that
the manager, by virtue of having achieved this role and level of responsibility, has the right to
exercise his or her power to the exclusion of others (Hoppe, 1993).
In looking at these first three U.S. cultural orientations in their interaction, leadership tends
to be viewed as something that an individual in a leadership role does. The task, then, of a
leader is to successfully deal with a challenge or opportunity through his or her own initia-
tive, skills, experience, ability to get others involved, and the authority granted to him or her
and, in the process, make a mark for him or herself. This mind-set may lead, then, to curric-
ula vitae or stories by managers that claim that they “turned the company around,” or “saved
the company $50 million,” or “made the marketing department number 1 in the industry,”
even though such successes clearly could not have happened without the significant help from
their direct reports and many others. In social attribution theory, it could be called the “me”
theory.
Flexibility and openness to change and new experiences are another cultural cornerstone.
What is different or new is exciting. Mobility is expected. The newest technology or fashion
is welcomed. New leadership models are eagerly explored, for example, leadership as jazz,
permanent whitewater, chaos theory, or the learning organization. The admonition “to learn
the competency of incompetence” (Vaill, 1996) elevates the need for life-long learning. The
advice “if it is not broken, break it” (Peters, 1987) attests to the willingness to experiment and
take risks. Creativity, innovation, and out-of-the-box thinking are encouraged. Rules, regula-
tions, and policies are kept only as long as they make sense, given changing circumstances.
Overall, men and women with the aforementioned mind-set and characteristics who feel com-
fortable with change and its resulting uncertainties are thought of as leader caliber.
Not surprisingly, U.S. culture’s preference for and practices of individual achievement,
hard work, existential equality among its members, and openness to change in its leaders
(and, by extension, the entire society) greatly overlap with those described in the brief his-
torical overview. They are deeply rooted, all pervasive, and seen as “natural” requirements of
an effective leader. They surface repeatedly in later sections of the chapter.
The strong preference for data, that is, empirical, observable, measurable facts, is rooted
in an American assumption that “rational thinking is based on an objective reality where mea-
surable results can be attained” (Stewart & Bennett, 1991, p. 30). It is reinforced by a scien-
tific worldview that calls for objective, quantifiable facts. Historically, it might be seen as an
expression of the American experience of moving west and experiencing progress in terms of
miles traveled, cattle herded, or settlements created. Culturally, it is embedded in the combi-
nation of individualism and weak uncertainty avoidance that enables people to “let the facts
speak for themselves,” because there are fewer social constraints to interpret those in a
socially acceptable way and fewer emotional ones, respectively, to shy away from unpre-
dictable outcomes. Thus, effective leaders are expected to use data, provide objective analy-
ses, establish measurable goals, and make fact-based decisions. On the other hand, Behrman
(1988) cautions against the overuse of this latter approach. It tends to relegate values, morals,
and purpose to secondary roles and perpetuate the fallacy that data are “value-free.” In fact,
Hofstede in reporting on d’Iribarne’s comparative study (1994) of a Dutch, French, and
American aluminum production plant observes among U.S. managers the very approach to
data that Behrman favors. Whereas the Dutch respect facts the most, “in France, status and
power often prevail over facts, and Americans want to make facts yield to moral principles”
(Hofstede, 2001, p. 119).
Hofstadter (1969) writes in detail about the anti-intellectualism in American life.
Cavanagh (1984) observes that to “to call an American ‘impractical’ would be a severe
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484 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

criticism” (p. 20). In other words, practicality and a corresponding preference for inductive
and operational thinking are highly valued. Effective leaders are expected to “get the job
done” and be pragmatic, flexible, efficient, good problem solvers, and hands-on. Grand
theories or intellectual discourse void of practical application are suspect. The focus is on
making quick and effective adjustments to immediate problems. This preference may partly
be due to “the American concern with avoiding failure in the future by taking action in the
present” (Stewart & Bennett, 1991, p. 36). It is also informed by the dynamics of an individ-
ual achievement orientation and the willingness to experiment. Historically, it may be seen in
the need for finding workable solutions to conquer and survive in the new land and the belief
in the virtue of leading a simple and productive life.
U.S. society’s preference for action over reflection can be described at two different lev-
els. At one level, it is an expression of the biblical injunction of gaining mastery over the
world and the belief that we ought to shape our own destiny. Exerting control over one’s life
and environment is seen as an individual duty. Making progress is quintessential. On another
level, but a closely connected one, the high value for action expresses itself in the ways in
which societies like to acquire information and/or knowledge. For example, the United States
as a whole tends to favor an active, experimental, and experiential approach to learning
(Hoppe, 1990). Solving problems through trial and error, case studies, or experiential exer-
cises, for example, in the development of leaders, are common practice.
Taken together, both aspects can be observed in slogans or proverbs, such as “just do it,”
“the devil finds idle hands,” “life, be in it,” “got to stay busy, man,” and “fish or cut bait.” In
terms of effective leadership, leaders are expected to take action, at times, just for the sake of
it, because taking no action is seen as worse than taking a less than perfect action. They are
also measured on the degree to which they exert control and are forceful, decisive, quick, and
assertive.
Not separately listed in Table 14.1, but relevant for this cultural sketch of the ideal U.S.
leader, is a society’s orientation to time. One distinction is between societies that have mono-
chronic or polychronic concepts of time (Hall & Hall, 1990). The monochronic orientation is
descriptive of most economically highly developed societies, for example, Germany and the
United States. Time is seen as a scarce resource that needs to be used as efficiently as possi-
ble, as in the saying “time is money.” Effective leaders spend their time purposefully and with
intensity. They get to the task quickly, start meetings on time, and meet deadlines. They
sequentially work from the present toward the future and generally prefer a shorter time
frame. At the same time, U.S. society admires leaders with a vision. However, having a vision
is typically understood as having an organizational focus/direction or a personal sense of pur-
pose, not as a long-term approach. Short-term objectives remain important (Nanus, 1992).
In summing up this brief sketch of mainstream U.S. culture, here are some of the key
leader characteristics that its people, implicitly and/or explicitly, look for and endorse in their
leaders:

• To stand out, leave one’s mark, get things done, and succeed.
• To be results-driven, exert control over one’s environment, and be decisive, forceful, and
competitive.
• To work hard, be action oriented, active, and have a sense of urgency.
• To willingly take risks, and be creative, innovative, and flexible.
• To be objective, practical, factual, and pragmatic.
• To be experienced, seek input from others, and be informal.
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 485

Additional Characteristics and Images of Outstanding U.S. Leaders

To be sure, there are many more characteristics of effective leaders in U.S. culture, as the
lengthy lists in the U.S. leadership literature attest. However, at this point, this first summary
is sufficient for providing the stage for the perceptions and images that surfaced, as we asked
U.S. university students and colleagues to describe for us leaders of the past and present from
any walks of life whom they admired the most.
The individuals who emerged as the primary examples of outstanding leaders from a group
of university students1 in the domain of business and commerce were Bill Gates of
Microsoft, Jack Welch Jr. of General Electric, Lee Iacocca of Chrysler, and Thomas Watson
Jr. of IBM.

Bill Gates. Bill Gates, the chairman and until recently the CEO of Microsoft, is currently
seen as one of the world’s richest and most influential leaders in the field of business and
commerce, not only in the United States, but also throughout the world. Under his leadership,
Microsoft revolutionized computing and became one of the most important competitors in the
Internet and media businesses. During his childhood, Bill Gates was noted for his high intel-
ligence and a special talent for business from an early age. At the age of 21, he dropped out
of Harvard and, with Paul Allen, started Microsoft. He is perceived to be a brilliant strategist,
but not a particularly empathetic human being. It has been said that he would rather destroy
his competitor than attempt to grow the market. At Microsoft, Bill Gates is known as having
“incredible processing power,” “unlimited bandwidth,” and a high skill in “parallel process-
ing” and “multitasking”; that is, he is seen as most adept in accomplishing several tasks at the
same time. The students saw Mr. Gates as relentless, extremely intelligent, and someone who
reached the pinnacle of success by his sheer force of astute business judgment and personal-
ity. He was perceived as the most important business leader in the United States, perceptions
shared by many business periodicals, such as Business Week, Fortune magazine, and The
Economist. He was also admired for his huge success and described as highly individualistic
and as someone who likes to stand out from the rest of his peers by his sheer will and force
of personality.

John F. Welch Jr. Also known as Jack Welch, the legendary chairman of General Electric
(GE) breathed new life into GE in 1981, after being named the company’s eighth and
youngest chairman at 45. He did so by eliminating over a hundred thousand jobs, breaking up
its rigid hierarchy at the time, and shifting assets from mature manufacturing businesses into
fast-growing high-technology and service operations. Welch grew up in working-class Salem,
Massachusetts, the only son of a railroad conductor. His mother infused him with strong sense
of ambition and self-confidence. She told him that his stammering, which persists today, was
not a handicap but a sign that his mind worked faster than he could talk. He never dreamed
of becoming a big businessman. After earning a doctorate in chemical engineering, Welch

1
The first set of names and characteristics comes from an in-class survey during the 1999 fall semester of 31
students majoring in business administration at the mid-South university where the coauthor teaches. They were
asked to think of and then rank outstanding leaders in the following areas: business and commerce; education; poli-
tics, public service and government; and sports and entertainment. The students had an average age of about 30 years,
80% were from the United States, and 40% of them were women. Their selection of the following leaders is best
understood as examples of outstanding leaders in U.S. society, not as a representative sample.
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486 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

went to work for GE where he succeeded in transforming a struggling plastics business into
a sterling success within GE and in emerging as a brilliant, sometimes abrasive, leader with
a great eye for operational details. Had Welch arrived in any GE business other than plastics,
the future CEO of GE might have left in a matter of months, because he was the antithesis of
everything GE stood for at the time: a young man who had no patience for bureaucracy and
wanted things to be done as fast as possible. He is said to rush ahead with a speed marked by
impulsive vehemence and is known to flout convention. Welch is also known for putting
greater emphasis on substance than on style and to be a man of a remarkably forceful vision.
Even though the students and others described him as ruthless at times, Welch was consid-
ered one of the great business leaders, because he was successful in bringing about extremely
high rates of growth in his company and improving performance in the eyes of Wall Street
analysts.

Lee Iacocca. The students perceived Lee Iacocca, the former chairman of Chrysler
Corporation, as the third most important leader. He is considered a legend who saved Chrysler
from bankruptcy in the early 1980s, and who became a household word. During his heyday,
he was regarded as one of the greatest CEOs in American history, because of his unique abil-
ity to rescue the third-largest automobile company in the United States by proposing a unique
liaison with the American government. Some historians interpret his approach as a bailout,
but there is no doubt that he played a large role in saving Chrysler from bankruptcy. The son
of an Italian immigrant, Iacocca worked at various jobs during college before he found an
engineering job at Ford Motor Company. When he realized he was better in marketing than
manufacturing, he moved to the company’s headquarters in Detroit. Widely known as a cre-
ator of Ford’s successful Mustang, he rose to become president of Ford Motor Company. Not
long after he was fired in the late 1970s as president by Ford’s chairman, Henry Ford II, he
was appointed chairman of the Chrysler Corporation, which he transformed into a profitable
corporation in the 1980s. In Iacocca, the students saw a person who is forceful and highly
individualistic in orientation, has a knack for marketing, and can turn a company around even
under the most difficult circumstances.

Thomas Watson Jr. Thomas Watson Jr. is known for revolutionizing the computer indus-
try. He transformed IBM from a rather modest manufacturer of typewriters and adding
machines into a leading global corporation. He was the first to risk the future of the entire
company on the 360 series computers that rendered previous IBM machines obsolete.
Thomas Watson Jr. grew up under the tutelage of his father, Watson Sr., the founder of IBM.
His early years were plagued by self-doubts as to whether he had the ability to satisfy his
overly demanding father. After an unsuccessful stint as a junior salesman in IBM for 3 years,
he enlisted to serve in World War II and returned to become the next chairman of IBM. In his
mission to excel beyond the accomplishments of his father, he pushed the company to higher
levels of profits and productivity. Under Watson, IBM developed a customer-first strategy that
enabled the company to anticipate the growing needs of customers as opposed to reacting to
them in a knee-jerk fashion. Briefly, the students regarded Thomas Watson Jr. as a highly suc-
cessful leader who knew how to take risks and who was highly innovative.
In the area of politics, the students listed a large number of individuals. We describe three
leaders of their choice who are widely recognized by American historians as great public
leaders, Abraham Lincoln, Harry S. Truman, and John F. Kennedy.

Abraham Lincoln. Abraham Lincoln was president of the United States for only 4 years
(1861–1865), because he was assassinated 2 months into his second term. He is generally
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 487

considered the greatest and most influential president that America ever had. Lincoln not only
helped abolish slavery, but also kept the United States from splitting into two, and attempted
to create a republic that would be forever guided by moral, ethical, and democratic principles.
His nickname was Honest Abe, and he was described as a man of great humility and friend-
liness toward others. At the height of the Civil War, the combination of his deeply felt con-
viction that slavery was wrong on moral grounds, his iron will, and his ability to express his
convictions clearly and with force helped him succeed even in an utmost difficult situation.
He complemented his leadership with an ability to completely dedicate himself to his cause
and to work extremely hard. Though he was not known for his administrative skills, he was
considered an effective delegator and developer of people. Another of his characteristics was
that, even though he was a trained lawyer, he tended to rely more on his own intuition in
reaching important decisions than on the opinions of experts.

Harry S. Truman. Harry S. Truman (1945–1953) was thrust into the presidency, when
President Franklin D. Roosevelt died in April of 1945. Within his first few months in office,
Nazi Germany surrendered and then Japan, after he had ordered to drop atomic bombs on
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. He also became known for his improbable reelection victory over
Thomas E. Dewey, as well as the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, the establishment of
NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), and the United States’s entry into the Korean
War. In large part, his policies and actions were intended to combat the spread of communism.
Truman was feared for his blunt, outspoken, and combative style, but admired for working
hard and for his courage, determination, and self-discipline. His friends and supporters
described him as straightforward, honest, loyal, and a devoted family man. Truman deliber-
ately crafted his public image as that of an ordinary man who is “just a country Jake who
works the job” or “just an old Missouri farmer.” Stephen Goode, a presidential historian,
called him an “extraordinary ordinary man.”

John F. Kennedy. John F. Kennedy (1961–1963) is considered a great president and

leader because of his profound capacity for articulating a vision that galvanized the citizens
of his country, that is, to put a man on the moon. Similarly, his appeal to the American people
“ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country” offered
them a deeper sense of purpose that energized them. Kennedy, the youngest president ever
elected (aged 43) and the first of Catholic background, was admired for his wit, charm, and
charismatic personality. With his intelligent and attractive wife, Jacqueline, Kennedy’s presi-
dency came to be known as Camelot. His depiction as a war hero and being the son of a
wealthy and influential family contributed to this image. In addition, his handling of the
Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, his support of the early civil rights movement, and the creation
of the Peace Corps helped his political stature, despite the Bay of Pigs blunder during his first
year in office. Despite recurring health problems and personal infidelities while in office, his
youthful demeanor, informality, optimism, and appeal to the good instincts within each per-
son and the nation as a whole are lasting images of his leadership and presidency. His assas-
sination on November 22, 1963, remains the most vivid and traumatic image of that
presidency.
Three leaders emerged in the area of education. They were Derek Bok of Harvard
University, James Bryant Conant of Harvard University, and Harold Bloom of Yale and
New York University.

Derek Bok. Bok is known for his vision to reform the medical and graduate school pro-
grams at Harvard University. During his tenure as president of Harvard in the 1980s, he
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488 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

significantly raised Harvard’s endowment and started a university-wide initiative on teaching

ethics across all curricula. After his retirement, he wrote The Cost of Talent, in which he
compares and contrasts the economic-compensation practices in many prominent professions
in the United States. He was considered a highly innovative and visionary leader in the field
of education in the latter part of the 20th century.

James Bryant Conant. James Bryant Conant, among many other achievements, a chem-
istry professor by training and president of Harvard for 20 years, is recognized as an impor-
tant reformer for popularizing the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT) and other standardized
tests to improve the quality of students admitted to American universities. It was his vision
and his actions that also helped improve the economic situation of minorities and other dis-
advantaged young people, by making it possible for them to get admitted to some of the lead-
ing universities in the United States. Because of his vision of administrating standardized
aptitude tests, the doors of prestigious American universities opened up to promising,
yet poor, students from different segments of U.S. society. He was perceived as one of the
most important leaders in the American educational system during the second half of the
20th century.

Harold Bloom. Bloom, America’s preeminent literary critic, is the author of more than
20 books. He is considered to be one of the great thinkers in the field of English literature in
contemporary America. His book The Anxiety of Influence, is known for popularizing the idea
of Freudian philosophy. He is also remembered for making Shakespeare’s writings more
accessible and understandable to a wider audience. He strongly believed that Shakespeare’s
work is highly relevant for understanding human behavior in the past and present.
When looking at all three leaders at once, what becomes apparent is that all of them are
perceived to be highly innovative and intelligent, visionary, and unconventional in their think-
ing. By acting on those ideas, they changed what it meant to be educated and, thereby, pro-
foundly influenced the lives of many Americans.
In the domain of sports and entertainment, the students listed numerous names, in part
due to the immense role that sports and entertainment play in U.S. society and in part because
of the passions that they feel for their teams and/or type of sport (of course, the terms sports
and entertainment are largely synonymous within the U.S. cultural context).
Professional and college sports are big business in the United States, on a scale almost
unimaginable to the rest of the countries of the world. Professional football, basketball, base-
ball, and hockey teams dot the U.S. landscape. The Dallas Cowboys, for example, called
themselves America’s team. The Chicago Bulls, during Michael Jordan’s heydays, were
known worldwide. At the college level, Duke University in basketball or the University of
Oklahoma in football are household names. There are many other well-known teams, such
as the New York Yankees, the Green Bay Packers, or the Los Angeles Lakers. All of them con-
tinuously look for highly qualified professional coaches and/or general managers, often with
high name recognition and an outstanding track record, who can help their organization
succeed.
Vince Lombardi, the former coach of the professional football team, the Green Bay
Packers, largely epitomizes the successful leader in sports. He won five National Football
League (NFL) championships in nine seasons with the Packers. His dictum, “winning is not
a sometime thing; it’s an all-the-time thing,” has become a revered philosophy in American
sports, but not just in sports. People’s personal and professional lives are full of sports- related
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 489

values and metaphors, such as “be a good sport,” “let’s huddle” (i.e., get together and talk
about it), “we hit a home run” (i.e., we greatly and quickly succeeded), or “don’t throw me a
fastball” (i.e., don’t surprise/take advantage of me). Also, many successful athletes switch to
careers in business and politics and many public leaders, for example, Lincoln and Kennedy,
were admired in their youth for their athleticism.
Other leaders who are highly respected by the American public are Tom Landry, former
football coach of the Dallas Cowboys, and Phil Jackson, formerly with the Chicago Bulls,
now with the Los Angeles Lakers. They and others are typically described as being highly
knowledgeable in their sport (business!), innovators in their field, forceful, passionate about
winning, and assertive in exercising their authority.
In entertainment, the students recognized Ted Turner of Time Warner, Steven Spielberg, the
movie director of Indiana Jones fame, and Michael Eisner of Disney as outstanding leaders.
All three were seen as rather unconventional in their approaches, highly creative, and
assertive and confident in voicing their visions. They were also singled out for their willing-
ness to take significant risks and succeeding in their fields with flying colors.
The second list of names of outstanding leaders came from staff members of the Center
for Creative Leadership in Greensboro, North Carolina.2 The Reverend Martin Luther King
Jr. emerged as the top vote getter. The key reasons why he and the other leaders were chosen
follow:

Martin Luther King Jr.: Righted a wrong, rallied a nation, nonviolent, spearheaded a move-
ment, led by example, unfaltering, clear in purpose and values, charismatic, catalyst,
visionary, motivator for social change, focused, love for equality, justice, and peace, advo-
cate, courage, inspirational, organized, and had a strategy. Also, “he had some (personal)
flaws.”
John F. Kennedy: Charismatic, a war hero, asked “what you can do for the country,” inspira-
tional, idealism, youthfulness, did not forget the poor, inspired country to greatness, hand-
some.
Franklin D. Roosevelt: Led the nation out of the Great Depression, led the nation through dif-
ficult times, swift, bold action despite criticism, able to get others to work together, his
social programs.
Abraham Lincoln: Preserved nation, his Emancipation Proclamation, unreproachable
integrity and wisdom, humility, true to himself, courage despite risk to him, strong in dif-
ficult times, intelligent, kept eye on the vision, standing up for his beliefs.

Obviously, these two lists of outstanding U.S. leaders are rather selective. Another group of
students or staff from another company might have chosen some different names of leaders

2
The second list of names and characteristics is based on a question that was posed in early 1999 to staff mem-
bers at all levels of the Greensboro campus of the Center for Creative Leadership. They were asked to send to the
first author of this chapter “names of three U.S. leaders from past or present, who immediately come to mind (from
anywhere—business, academia, politics, entertainment, etc.), and a few words on why you selected each.” About
one third of them responded and of those 72 respondents about 75% were women. A total of 227 names of leaders
were submitted, 116 of which were different. With one exception, men listed names of male leaders only. In con-
trast, about one third of the names of leaders submitted by women were women. The top vote getters from the 72
respondents were Martin Luther King Jr. (26x), John F. Kennedy (13x), and Franklin D. Roosevelt and Abraham
Lincoln (12x each).
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490 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

and reasons for selecting them. Also, the students and staff members shared their perceptions
of these individuals, even though most of them very likely had little direct knowledge of their
true-life circumstances and/or actions. However, the leader characteristics that emerged from
the analysis of the leaders’ backgrounds and achievements are very much in line with those
found in U.S. literature, in general, and commonly used U.S. leader questionnaires, in partic-
ular. Furthermore, they are reflected in recent cover stories by mainstream news magazines
such as U.S. News & World Report (Gilgoff et al., 2005) on America’s currently best leaders.
Together, they add to those from the earlier cultural sketch the following characteristics: It is
considered important for an outstanding leader to:

• Have a vision, articulate it well, stand up for and stick with it, and keep his or her eye on
it.
• Be charismatic, inspirational, and optimistic, hope for success, appeal to the good in
people, care about them, and serve the greater good.
• Be a catalyst, turn things around, and create something new.
• Implement, be efficient, overcome all odds, and persevere.
• Be true to self and own conviction, have integrity and honesty, be straightforward, lead
by example.
• Be exceptional, unconventional, have a good track record, and be a winner.

A few additional insights could be gained from the respondents’ descriptions of their most
admired leaders. For example, age, that is, advanced age, did not seem to matter. In fact, the
examples of Bill Gates, Jack Welch and, in particular, John F. Kennedy pointed to the attrac-
tiveness or, at least, acceptance of youthful leaders. In today’s fast-paced Internet and infor-
mation age, this is clearly visible in places such as Silicon Valley. Furthermore, the United
States has always been described as a youth-oriented culture.
Some of the leaders were seen to be ruthless and abrasive (Jack Welch) or blunt, outspo-
ken, and combative (Harry Truman). Although they weren’t particularly lauded for these char-
acteristics, members of U.S. society overall tend to think that these types of shortcomings are
a small price to pay for a leader’s ability to have great impact and/or win. At the same time,
studies at the Center for Creative Leadership have repeatedly shown that problems with inter-
personal relationships are one of the chief reasons why people in leadership roles don’t reach
their potential in their careers (Leslie & Van Velsor, 1996).
Similarly, formal education seemed to be of little concern; for example, Bill Gates dropped
out of Harvard at 21. In fact, throughout U.S. history a person’s formal education or training
has been treated as secondary to getting the job done and being successful.
Personal failings or infidelities in past and current U.S. leaders have received, at times,
widespread attention in the U.S. media and worldwide. For example, John F. Kennedy’s
persistent infidelities were well known. Former President Clinton was impeached because of
his sexual involvement with a White House intern and his lying about it. Also, Jesse Jackson,
leader of the Rainbow Coalition, admitted to having fathered a child outside of his marriage
and briefly withdrew from public life. Although their failings were heavily criticized and their
personal lives thoroughly scrutinized by the media, they did not, in the final analysis, greatly
erode their approval ratings as public figures performing their jobs. Aside from political
motifs, it seems as though Americans prefer their leader to be a person of good intentions
and/or high moral convictions, but that they can overlook personal imperfections and failings,
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 491

as long as the person is highly successful in performing the public office. This applies even
more to the corporate world where the media spotlight is less invasive and returns on stock-
holders’ investments are the measure of success.
Even when leaders “fall,” past personal failings may become assets, as long as the person
has shown remorse and/or genuinely asked for forgiveness from the people around him or
her—and has worked hard to succeed in any new endeavor! U.S. society is a “second-chance
culture.” It cheers the “come-back kid.” It admires the person who has picked him- or herself
up from failure(s) and has become a success again (“it’s not a sin to get knocked down; it’s a
sin to stay down”). It embraces a person’s heroic struggle that ends in victory (Hubbell, 1990).
In short, U.S. society tends to pay limited attention to individual leaders’ age, formal edu-
cation, personal shortcomings or failings, and failures—as long as they succeed and win in
the long run.

2. PREOCCUPATIONS AND NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN

U.S. LEADERSHIP RESEARCH AND PRACTICE

As we have seen, leadership as a social construct, and as reflected in the perceptions of its
people, is deeply embedded in the historical, political, economic, social, and cultural fab-
ric of U.S. society. By extension, the same is to be expected in the field of leadership
research. The men and women who conduct and fund the research activities bring their
individual and professional propensities with them, but equally important, their cultural
lenses. There is no “culture-free” research (Hofstede, 1993). Moreover, a society’s cultural
makeup influences which academic discipline(s) is drawn to studying the phenomenon. In
the United States, the vast majority of leadership scholars are psychologists by training
(Hofstede & Kassem, 1976). So, with this in mind, we highlight some of the preoccupa-
tions in U.S. leadership research (for more extensive overviews, see Bass, 1990; House &
Aditya, 1997; Kellerman, 1984).

Leadership Research in the United States: Cultural Preoccupations

As a social construct that enjoys widespread daily use in U.S. society, definitions of leader-
ship abound. However, most definitions of leadership by U.S. researchers, including the one
used by GLOBE, have tended to mirror the one by Ralph Stogdill of Ohio State University
who stated that “leadership may be considered as the process (act) of influencing the activi-
ties of an organized group in its efforts toward goal setting and goal achievement” (Stogdill,
1950, p. 3). For the purpose of this chapter, one element of this definition is highlighted:
Leadership tends to be seen as a process of influence in which the individual leader exercises
considerable impact on others by inducing them to think and behave in certain ways. As a
result, the study of effective leadership in the American tradition has largely been reduced to
what the individual leader does and his or her ability to accomplish in a superior fashion the
declared and not so clearly articulated goals of the group or organization or the body politics.
This ability to influence the actions of others could be studied as a function of the leader’s
positional authority and/or his or her personal qualities and characteristics as individuals
(Drath, 2001). Regarding the latter, researchers examined a large number of traits, such as
height, intelligence, self-confidence, and introversion/extraversion, as possible predictors of
effective leaders. Yet, what Stogdill (1948) had concluded earlier remained largely true.
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492 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

Though most of the traits were related to the exercise of leadership in a variety of settings and
tasks, it was difficult to predict who might become a leader based on the knowledge of
individual traits alone. Furthermore, leaders did not necessarily become leaders by possessing
some important traits, but by adjusting their pattern of personal characteristics to the tasks and
the characteristics, goals, and activities of the people with whom they worked. Thus, effective
leaders became to be conceived in terms of the interaction between leader and follower(s)
characteristics and the task at hand.
This insight led to a host of contingency studies (see Bass, 1990). All of them, despite con-
ceptual, psychometric, and methodological issues and limitations, received varying degrees
of support in laboratory studies, that is, under controlled conditions. However, their support
in field studies, trying to predict a leader’s effectiveness, generated conflicting and ambigu-
ous results. Staw (1975) and Calder (1977) offered a possible explanation. They suggested
that attributions of effective or ineffective leadership are largely a function of the feedback
that group members receive pertaining to their performance in a given situation. For example,
if group members are told that their group had performed well, they tend to attribute this to
the group leader’s effective leadership and ineffective leadership, when told that they had per-
formed poorly. Staw and Calder concluded that one of the fundamental problems in leader-
ship research is one of making correct attributions in a given situation where social actors are
likely to be interested in inferring the causes and consequences of their actions.
A second explanation came from Kerr and Jermier (1978), who showed that even the most
effective leaders are not necessarily going to be either successful or even needed in some sit-
uations; that there exist many neutralizers in the work situation (intrinsic interest in the task,
level of technological control permitted in task accomplishment, high degrees of profession-
alism on the part of group members, etc.) that can negate or reduce the leadership attempts
made by even the most competent individuals. Similarly, Pfeffer (1977) and Schein (1985)
noted that situational forces in an organization’s environment or the organization culture,
respectively, may be more critical in describing the effectiveness of a leader than what the
individual actually does.
This observation was in line with Leiberson and O’Conner’s (1972) and also Hunt and
Osborn’s (1982) earlier contentions that the effect size of a leader’s impact on organizational
performance is far smaller than most people expect; that performance variation in a firm is
more a function of macrovariables in the external environment, such as variations in a given
industry and in overall economic conditions affecting the firm. Later work on the “power of
organizational architecture” (Nadler & Tushman, 1997) integrated much of the work on the
importance of the internal and external environment for a leader’s effectiveness.
Yet, in spite of the ambiguous and conflicting research findings in the leadership research
literature and the emergence of the importance of the environment in the leadership effec-
tiveness equation, leadership, in particular, the individual leader, remained a topic of great
fascination in U.S. popular and academic culture. Enhanced in the early 1980s by the intu-
itive appeal of the contingency models to the practitioner and the success of books, such as
the One Minute Manager (Blanchard & Johnson, 1981) and In Search of Excellence (Peters
& Waterman, 1982), an endless supply of popular writings on leadership and training prod-
ucts began, with books on charismatic leadership (e.g., by Kousnes & Posner, 1987, and
Bennis & Nanus, 1985), the transformational leader (Tichy & Devanna, 1986), the authentic
leader (Terry, 1993), and many others. For example, online retailer Amazon.com alone lists
currently about 9,000 books under the rubric of leadership.
Though an increasing number of academic models also began to look at leadership from
the perspective of systems (Senge, 1990), chaos theory (Wheatley, 1992), learning (Vaill,
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 493

1996), teams (Hackman, 1990), or followership (Kelley, 1988), the vast majority of the
leadership publications remained deeply steeped in the culturally endorsed image of the
individual leader, as discussed earlier. Moreover, it appears that U.S. society, notwithstanding
the weaknesses of the leadership construct in academic research, has collectively developed
a causal link between what leaders do and the impact their actions have on a situation or in
galvanizing a group of people toward a collective goal. Meindl, Ehrlich, and Dukerich (1985)
call this the “romance of leadership” in U.S. culture (see also Meindl, 1993).

New Dynamics Impacting U.S. Leadership Theory and Practice

U.S. society, like the world at large, has been experiencing many important changes that have
begun to shape the ways in which its members are thinking about and enacting leadership.
Dramatic changes in demographics within the U.S. in general and the workplace, in particu-
lar, helped spawn extensive new directions in research on diversity and women in leadership.
The dynamics of globalization encouraged the study of cross-cultural differences and simi-
larities in institutions, cultures, and national governments as contextual factors and their
impact on leader styles and effectiveness. The rapid growth in the use of computers and the
Internet in people’s personal and professional lives is also prompting new leadership para-
digms and practices. In this section of the chapter, we take a brief look, therefore, at some
emerging insights from three selective areas—women and leadership, leadership in a global
world, and leadership beyond the individual leader. Admittedly, the empirical evidence is
either still sparse or, due to the inherently ambiguous nature of the leadership concept,
ambiguous as well.
The interest in women as leaders is part of the larger dynamic of a dramatically changing
U.S. workforce over the past 30 years during which the percentage of women in the work-
force reached 46% and their proportion in executive, managerial, and administrative roles
climbed to more than 44% (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). The full ramifications of these real-
ities may not become apparent for years to come. However, there is some evidence of how
women leaders may shift the images and perceptions of the effective leader in U.S. society.
One of the potential ramifications has to do with women’s ways of thinking, relating, and
leading. The U.S. literature tends to describe women in leadership roles on the whole as being
more relational, cooperative, participative, egalitarian, communal, empathetic, responsive,
and open—to name a few (Adler, 1999; Gilligan, 1982; Helgesen, 1995; Powell, 1999;
Tannen, 1990). Recent special reports in Newsweek (Kantrowitz et al., 2005) on how women
lead and the aforementioned U.S. News & World Report on America’s best leaders, respec-
tively, reinforce these research findings. Women leaders consider close working relationships
with others, collaboration, and more balance between their professional and personal life as
important ingredients of their effectiveness. These preferences tend to be contrasted with
those of men, who are described as being more individualistic, directive, assertive, action ori-
ented, decisive, forceful, and competitive. Not surprisingly, this characterization of male lead-
ers has great similarity with the earlier cultural sketch of U.S. leaders. A straightforward
explanation for this observation may be that the vast majority of leaders studied and described
in the U.S. academic and popular literature are men, because they were the ones in the past
who were elected to public office or reached managerial positions in corporate America. Also,
as Maier suggests, there tends to exist a pervasive “corporate masculinity” (Maier, 1999,
p. 71) in U.S. organizations that perpetuates a “masculine” image of the successful leader.
The question of which leadership approach makes for the more effective and/or preferred
leader is inconclusive in the existing U.S. literature (Butterfield & Grinnell, 1999), mainly
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494 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

due to the limited and limiting nature of the question. As pointed out earlier, a leader’s
effectiveness is largely a function of the situation (including the people with whom the leader
works) and the external environment. In other words, if the situation and the environment call
for “feminine” leadership characteristics, women may be preferred and seen as being more
effective. The same would apply to men in leadership roles. There is evidence for this expec-
tation (Butterfield & Grinnell, 1999). In terms of being viewed as an effective leader, of
course, it would be desirable if women and men would acquire the mentality, competence,
and style that go beyond any gender stereotype or division. Viewing the male–female debate
from an international perspective, Adler (1999) adds that the debate may be a uniquely
American preoccupation, because men in other cultures around the world value and practice
many of the very characteristics that the U.S. literature describes as typical traits of women
leaders in the United States.
A second ramification has to do with the observation that being an effective leader in
today’s world may increasingly demand more of the characteristics that tend to be attributed
to women. The evolving information age and its underlying paradigms (e.g., of quantum
physics, relativity theory, and chaos theory) seem to call for more cooperation, alliances, net-
working, interdependence, nonhierarchical approaches, process orientation, participation, and
intentional decision-making among individuals and organizations (Maynard & Mehrtens,
1993). In fact, in his discussion of today’s global dynamics that allow people to work together
across continents through electronic means, Friedman (2005) concludes that “in the flat
world, more and more business will be done through collaboration within and between
companies” (p. 352ff). Within the U.S. context, Faludi (1999) notes that the economic transi-
tion from manufacturing industry to service industry and information-based industry, or from
production to consumption, is highly conducive to creating and sustaining a culture that val-
ues characteristics that are currently associated with women. Adler (1999) expands on this
theme by looking at women leaders in the global arena. She concludes “the feminization of
global leadership—beyond referring strictly to the increasing numbers of women who are
global leaders—[will result in] the spread of traits and qualities generally associated with
women” (p. 249). In other words, U.S. culture’s emphasis on the individual go-getter, tough-
ness, action, measurable outcomes, winning, and career may take on diminishing importance
in the years to come—inside and outside of U.S. culture.
The impact of globalization on leadership theory and practice received a boost when the
iron curtain came down in the late 1980s and people, information, money, and businesses
began to travel more and more freely across national boundaries (Friedman, 2000, 2005).
Ever since, long lists of traits of the effective global leader have been developed, including
cognitive complexity, emotional intelligence, and psychological maturity (Rhinesmith, 1993;
Wills & Barham, 1994). In addition, Rhinesmith writes

The movement from domestic to global leadership involves a transition not only in geographic
focus, but also in attention to process over structure, seeking out change rather than defending
against it, creating chaos rather than avoiding it, and moving to a more free-flowing, open, inte-
grated systems mindset that stresses adaptability of both people and global corporate culture. …
This involves a fundamental change in style, as well as substance. In fact style—global style—
becomes substance in producing a competitive edge for the company (p. 165).

Traditionally, this more process-oriented, systemic, and global (and implicitly more cos-
mopolitan) style has not been considered a particular strength of the American leader.
In a recent empirical study, Dalton, Ernst, Deal, and Leslie (2002) identified cultural adapt-
ability, perspective taking, innovation, and international business knowledge as four critical
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 495

competencies for a global leader. Whereas the latter two are to be expected, cultural
adaptability and perspective taking point to the need of future leaders to be aware of their and
others’ deeply held assumptions, values, and beliefs, and to be able to, almost kaleidoscopi-
cally, see people and events from different perspectives so that they may quickly adjust their
actions as needed (see also Rosen, 2000). This is difficult enough to do in one’s own culture,
but even harder across multiple cultures. Moreover, these characteristics clearly go beyond
the descriptions found so far in the earlier historical sketch and images of the effective leader
in U.S. society. In the relatively more homogeneous societal and organizational culture of the
United States even just 30 years ago, leaders were seldom challenged to come to grips with
deeply held differences between themselves and others.
On the other hand, the demands of the tremendous speed with which information can move
across the globe and the information technology that makes it possible appear to match the
American cultural propensity for action, data, practicality, and openness to change. The fas-
cination with technology, deeply rooted in the American psyche (Behrman, 1988), comple-
ments it. As a result, U.S. leaders have more quickly embraced the new information
technology than leaders elsewhere, for example, in Germany (Jung, 1997), to gather, store,
and disseminate information throughout their organizations, create networks for geographi-
cally dispersed teams to efficiently work together, and turn the world, technologically speak-
ing, into their own backyard. The question will be to what an extent future leaders not only
can access the world, but equally connect to its peoples through increased cultural sensitivity,
adaptability, and cultural self-awareness.
Finally, the most challenging dynamic impacting U.S. leadership thought and practice in
the years to come may emerge from U.S. culture’s (and the Western world, in general) view
of the individual. As the anthropologist C. Geertz observes, “The Western conception of the
person as a bounded, unique, more or less integrated motivational and cognitive universe …
organized into a distinctive whole and set contrastively both against other such wholes and
against a social and natural background is, however incorrigible it may seem to us, a rather
peculiar idea within the context of the world’s cultures” (Geertz, 1979, p. 229; see also
Gergen, 1996; Sampson, 1993, 2000). What is worth noting is that this highly individualistic
conception of the person, even in the West, did not evolve until about 400 years ago—a rather
recent development in terms of human history. It is also useful to realize that the so-called
Western world constitutes only about one seventh of the world population (Oxford Atlas of
the World, 1994). Stated differently, the majority of the world population even today adheres
to a more collective view that stresses the socially constituted and deeply embedded nature of
a person in which, for instance, leadership may be seen not as the sole property of one per-
son, but as that of the collectivity.
Of course, there is nothing inherently “wrong” with this Western perspective. As a view of
the individual that grew out of economic, political, and philosophical developments, for
example, Descartes’s cogito, ergo sum, it is culturally as legitimate as any other perspective.
Moreover, it has powerfully contributed to the insistence on “the sanctity of the individual [as]
fundamental to our values about freedom, responsibility, and accountability” (Drath, 1996, p.
2). However, as with any other cultural “given,” it remains mostly unexamined and is in con-
flict with the emerging emphasis on interdependence, mutuality, systems, process, intercon-
nectedness, or networks of today’s global information age, as discussed previously.
Within this latter context, leadership is described and studied not so much through a
leader’s individual characteristics and actions, but through connections, interfaces, systems,
coordination mechanisms, that is, the “in-between” dynamics among and across people and
organizations. Borrowing an analogy from the Internet, Levine, Locke, Searls, and
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496 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

Weinberger (2000) note, “The web is not predicated on individuals. It is a web. It is about
connections” (p. 121; see also Sayles, 1993). Similarly, Drath (2003) and McCauley and Van
Velsor (2004) suggest that leadership studies and development programs temper their overem-
phasis on the single leader and pay equal attention to the capacity of the entire organization,
that is, its infrastructure and the web of relationships among its people, to engage in such
basic leadership tasks as setting direction, creating alignment, gaining and maintaining com-
mitment, and initiating and managing change. In their view, leadership needs to be developed
and studied as the property of a social system, not only as that of an individual. Collins and
Porras (1997) and Collins (2001) provide an example of this latter approach in their seminal
studies of organizations that were “built to last” and that succeeded from being “good to
[being] great,” respectively. In those companies, leaders had become “architects” and
“builders” of their organization for sustained success in the market.
The cultural preoccupation in the United States with the individual leader and leadership
in general leads to another blind spot—the neglect of the potential, responsibility, and desire
in shared leadership by those who are typically not seen as leaders. Drath (2001) speaks of
leadership as a shared process and responsibility in which the challenge for everyone is to
help create a “leaderful” environment and partake in it. Heifetz (1994) introduces the notion
of “adaptive challenges” in which people are challenged to actively engage in narrowing the
gap that they experience between their shared values, needs, or desires and the realities that
they face in their organizations or communities, thereby exercising leadership from the
“bottom up.” Berry (1993) addresses the issue directly by observing that

[T]he American tendency to see leadership as the remarkable individuals we call leaders creates
a profound cognitive barrier inhibiting social progress. Because American eyes see leadership as
the expression of individuality, we fail to perceive leadership as an expression of community.
Because we see leadership as something they do, we fail to see leadership as something we do.
Because we see leadership as the exercise of power, we fail to see leadership as the exercise of
democratic values. (p. 2)

Bellah et al. (1985) add, “When economics is the main model for our common life, we are
more and more tempted to put ourselves in the hands of the manager and the expert” (p. 271).
Taken together, this brief look at the U.S. research literature on leadership and the emerg-
ing demands of today’s world on the current and future theory and practice of leadership in
the United States allows for the following additional observations. There is an emphasis on:

• The individual, psychology, a “peculiar” view of self.

• Leadership as an individual influence process.
• Outstanding, charismatic, transformational, authentic leaders.
• A (perceived) causal link between what leaders do and outcome(s).
• A “romance” of leadership.

There is an awareness of the:

• Need to consider competence, motivation, preferences of those to be influenced.

• Leader’s effectiveness as being partly a function of intrinsic motivation, goal clarity,
skills, and so on, of those to be influenced.
• Leader’s effectiveness as being partly a function of “followers” attributions.
• Leader’s effectiveness as being greatly influenced by internal and external environments.
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 497

And there is a need for more:

• Process-oriented, collaborative, systemic, participative, and “global” leadership.

• Technological, electronic savvy in the process of leadership.
• Self-awareness, cultural sensitivity and adaptability, and perspective taking.
• Leadership as something that “we” value and do (shared sense of purpose and action).
• Leadership as an expression and practice of the democratic will.

Additional Insight: The Leader as Heroic Warrior

Overall, the major image that emerges from these various looks at the perceptions of effec-
tive leaders in theory and practice of U.S. society is that of the hero, more specifically, the
hero as masculine “warrior” (Campbell, 1973; Pearson, 1986). The parallels between the war-
rior hero and the most admired leaders in U.S. culture are striking. They are summarized in
Table 14.2.

TABLE 14.2
The Leader as Hero (“Warrior”) in U.S. Culture

Characteristics of a Hero (“Warrior”) Characteristics of the Admired U.S. Leader

called to adventure, to distinguish himself, has a vision, attempts something new,

to do what is right, to redeem himself pursues a “dream,” has sense of purpose
transcends community, resists is unconventional, unique, true to himself
pull of conformity, is different and his convictions
leaves community, enters “wilderness” is individualistic, is determined, sticks
by himself to his vision, leads by example
acts in and on the world, is active is active and action oriented, has sense
and action oriented, seeks control of urgency, exerts control, is a doer
over environment
takes great risks, encounters novel and takes risks, is a catalyst, breaks through
difficult situations, faces significant conventions, faces great odds, shows
enemy, shows courage courage, takes on big challenge
possesses extraordinary gifts, talents, has a good track record, is outstanding,
strengths, has experience executes well, has some special talents
gets help from “protective” figure, takes advantage of opportunities, has a
wizard, special magic “mentor,” is optimistic
stands tall, faces death, overcomes defeat, overcomes all odds, learns from mistakes,
is victorious, rescues those in distress turns things around, works hard, is
forceful, asserts himself, perseveres
can move and/or save lesser people, is inspirational, galvanizes people, is
carries their hopes transformational
faces own demon, comes into his is positive, shows honesty and integrity,
own, reintegrates into community makes changes for the good

Note. From Campbell (1973), Hubbell (1990), and Leeming (1981).

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498 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

In this image of the leader as warrior hero, leaders are driven by an inner calling and/or that
of their organization or community. They have a vision of the journey to be taken or the fight to
be fought. They are catalysts of change. They are driven to action, have a sense of urgency, and
assert themselves. They are willing or forced to take great risks, encounter numerous trials and
tribulations, fail, pick themselves up again, overcome all odds, and through great strength, skill,
and experience succeed. Their fight is a lonely one, perhaps even against the wishes of their own
people, but their deep convictions pull them through and, eventually, they will succeed, and be
recognized and admired. They may become mentors of others in their organization or active
contributors to the community. Their names may adorn a building, a highway, or a scholarship
fund after the successful completion of their “heroic journey.” “In many respects, [Abraham]
Lincoln conforms perfectly to [this] archetype of the lonely, individualistic hero” (Bellah et al.,
1985, p. 146). Similarly, Collins and Porras’s (1997) “built to last” leaders and Collins’s (2001)
“level 5 leaders,” who combine great personal humility with a strong professional will, illustrate
the power of this image of the individual leader as hero.
It is implicitly also the image of the leader as savior that in part is “our wish to rediscover hope
and, interestingly enough, to have someone else provide it for us” (Block, 1993, p. 14). This ten-
dency carries the risk of people getting disillusioned when the leader fails their hopes and expec-
tations. Paradoxically, it may also make them feel insignificant and, as a result, have them hope
for their leaders to fail. Whatever the explanation, mainstream U.S. society believes that

Deeply rooted cultural and social problems can be solved if only we pick the right [leader] … [In
addition], we like our heroes and villains strong, simple, and clearly differentiated. We distrust
ambiguity, equivocation, systems, and complexity. We want a person to praise or blame.
Problems can be “fixed,” and that’s why we have leaders. They represent us, and if they can’t do
the job, we will get someone else. … Top leaders are granted either god-like or goat-like status
as they are paraded across our pages and screens. (Noer, 1994, p. 9)

However, there is a second, complementary, image of the leader emerging in the historical and
cultural sketches of U.S. leadership. It is an image that has always been part of the themes
and tensions in U.S. society but that in today’s changing information and global environment
is receiving increasing attention—because it either has been ignored for too long or is needed
more than ever (or both). It partly reflects aspects of additional expressions of the mythical
hero, that is, the teacher, healer, and visionary (Arrien, 1992). It describes leaders as humble,
empathetic, cooperative, communal, participative, and process oriented. Furthermore, it
expects leaders to be more culturally sensitive and adaptive and more global in their outlook.
Some of these additional expectations surface again in the remaining part of this chapter, in
the quantitative and qualitative GLOBE data.
Perhaps more important, U.S. leadership theory and practice are beginning to move away
from their overemphasis on the individual leader and to broaden their understanding of lead-
ership as a process and organizational capacity that allow people to engage together to create
and realize their shared sense of purpose as well as to express their democratic responsibility
and will. Given the dynamic nature of U.S. society, and especially the dramatic shifts that are
taking place around the world, additional models and practices will evolve. It is hoped that
those will be enriched by cultures everywhere.

3. QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE GLOBE RESULTS

This section of the chapter reports on the quantitative and qualitative GLOBE data in the
following sequence. First, we summarize the findings along the nine cultural orientations to
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 499

provide the backdrop against which the next part of the discussion on GLOBE’s leadership
scales can take place. We then describe the methodology and findings of the structured inter-
views, focus groups, and the media analysis. Throughout, we frequently link back to the
insights from Sections 1 and 2 and provide selected appendices to supplement the findings.

U.S. Cultural Orientations: Etic Comparisons

The data for this Section were collected in late 1997 from 382 U.S. managers from three U.S.
financial services, three food, and two telecommunications services industry companies, all of
them under U.S. ownership and located in the United States. The managers were on average 44
years old, had an average of 14 years of managerial experience, and belonged in their vast major-
ity to the middle to upper middle management of their company. About one third of them were
women. (See Appendix A for more details.) The following discussion of the U.S. results on
GLOBE’s cultural scales is based on about one half of these managers (N = 188), who completed
the Beta version of GLOBE’s research questionnaire that asked respondents how “things are in
your society” (“As Is”) and how “things generally should be in your society” (“Should Be”).
The discussion uses the definition and operationalization of the cultural scales, as
described in the introductory chapter of this anthology and as applied in the other chapters of
this book. They are society-level constructs that allow U.S. culture to be described in “cul-
tural space,” that is, in comparison to other societies that are part of the GLOBE study. This
is an important point to keep in mind, because the different or similar cultural preferences of
the United States can best be highlighted by contrasting them with the rest of the countries in
the study—or any given society at a time. This clearly constitutes an etic approach to under-
standing U.S. culture (Hofstede, 2001). Furthermore, it may also be helpful to remember, as
we continuously link the findings back to the earlier discussion, that the results in this section
are largely based on White male managers from corporate America.
Table 14.3 provides a numerical overview of U.S. society for the “Should Be” and “As Is”
cultural scales. In addition to its scale means and standard deviations, it ranks the United
States on each cultural scale among the 61 GLOBE countries.
Regarding its desirable or espoused societal norms (Should Be), the United States ranks
highest on Gender Egalitarianism, Assertiveness, and Performance Orientation and lowest on
Institutional Collectivism, Uncertainty Avoidance, and Future Orientation. A closer look
helps deepen this observation. The T-scores, which represent standardized U.S. rankings
against an overall “global norm” for each scale (Mean [M] = 50; Standard Deviation [SD] =
10), based on the grand mean of the GLOBE countries for each scale, show a significantly
(difference of 1 SD or more) higher desire for more equality of opportunity between men and
women in U.S. society (T = 61) and significantly greater preference for flexibility and open-
ness to change (i.e., weak Uncertainty Avoidance; T = 41) and individual rewards or initiative
(i.e., low Institutional Collectivism; T = 40) than in the other countries on the whole. There is
also a comparably higher degree of preference for Assertiveness (T = 58).
At the same time, these preferences (“Should Be”) across the nine cultural scales do not
completely match the U.S. managers’ perceptions of how things are (“As Is”). Compared to
the rest of the countries studied, they observed, in particular, high degrees of competitive and
aggressive behavior (high Assertiveness Orientation; T = 61) and marked emphasis on per-
formance (T = 60), but low degrees of concern for or cohesiveness in their society’s organi-
zations and families (low In-Group Collectivism; T = 38) and relatively small power
differentials among members of their society (small Power Distance; T = 43).
Table 14.4 provides further insights. It offers a comparison between the realities that the
managers experience (“As Is”) and how they would like things to be (“Should Be”) and, once
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500 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

TABLE 14.3
U.S. Means, Grand Means, Standard Deviations, T-Scores, and Ranges for
“Should Be” and “As Is” Cultural Scales

U.S. Standard Grand Standard T-Scores Range

“Should Be” Meana Deviation Rankb Meanb Deviation U.S.c min. max.

Assertiveness 4.32 .76 15 B 3.82 .65 58 2.66 5.56

Future Orientation 5.31 .68 39 B 5.48 .41 46 4.33 6.20
Gender Egalitarianism 5.06 .69 7A 4.51 .48 61d 3.18 5.17
Humane Orientation 5.53 .64 23 B 5.42 .25 54 4.49 6.09
In-Group Collectivism 5.77 .72 22 B 5.66 .35 53 4.94 6.52
Institutional Collectivism 4.17 .68 53 C 4.73 .49 40d 3.83 5.65
Performance Orientation 6.14 .57 16 B 5.94 .34 56 4.92 6.58
Power Distance 2.85 .73 19 C 2.75 .35 53 2.04 3.65
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.00 .90 50 C 4.62 .61 41 3.16 5.61

U.S. Standard Grand Standard T-Scores Range

a b b c
“As is” Mean Deviation Rank Mean Deviation U.S. min. max.

Assertiveness 4.55 .82 10 A 4.14 .37 61d 3.38 4.80

Future Orientation 4.15 .74 16 B 3.85 .46 57 2.88 5.07
Gender Egalitarianism 3.34 .75 33 B 3.37 .37 49 2.50 4.08
Humane Orientation 4.17 .81 26 C 4.09 .47 52 3.18 5.23
In-Group Collectivism 4.25 .73 51 C 5.13 .73 38d 3.53 6.36
Institutional Collectivism 4.20 .84 32 B 4.25 .42 49 3.25 5.22
Performance Orientation 4.49 .89 11 A 4.10 .41 60d 3.20 4.94
Power Distance 4.88 .80 49 B 5.17 .41 43 3.89 5.80
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.15 .83 28 B 4.16 .60 50 2.88 5.37
a
N = 188 (respondents with missing data included). bN = 61 countries. In addition, rank group letters A–C (some
scales have a group letter of D) indicate meaningful country clusters. A > B > C > D for each scale. cT-scores
represent standardized U.S. rankings against overall global norms (M = 50, SD = 10), based on 61 countries
(excluding Czech Republic). d1 SD or more below or above global norm.

again, expresses those as standardized U.S. rankings against overall global norms for each
scale. In addition, it lists the difference between U.S. “As Is” and “Should Be” mean scores
for each scale and ranks those across the other countries.
Whereas the U.S. managers would prefer somewhat diminished stress on assertiveness and
performance (even though still more than on average in the other countries), they definitely
would like to see more attention paid to the needs of organizations and families (In-Group
Collectivism), at least to catch up to the world (from T = 38 to T = 53). They also look for
significantly more gender egalitarianism (in spite of the fact that their “As Is” score is close
to the standardized mean for all countries in the study, T = 49) and for noticeably more power
differentiation among the people of their society (from T = 43 to T = 53). In contrast, they
would like U.S. society to become noticeably less rule driven (weak Uncertainty Avoidance;
T = 41), less future oriented (T = 46), and more individualistic (low Institutional Collectivism;
T = 40) than, on the whole, the managers in the other countries do.
Some caution is in order at this point not to overinterpret these desired changes in U.S.
society. First of all, they may reflect some specific organizational dynamics in the eight
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 501

TABLE 14.4
Cultural Orientations—Differences Between “As Is” and “Should Be”

T-Scoresc

US Meansa “As Is” “Should Be” Difference Rankb “As Is” “Should Be”

Assertiveness 4.55 4.32 −0.23 26 61d 58

Future Orientation 4.15 5.31 +1.16 46 57 46
Gender Egalitarianism 3.34 5.06 +1.72 8 49 61d
Humane Orientation 4.17 5.53 +1.36 33 52 54
In-Group Collectivism 4.25 5.77 +1.52 7 38 d
53
Institutional Collectivism 4.20 4.17 −0.03 44 49 40d
Performance Orientation 4.49 6.14 +1.65 42 60d 56
Power Distance 4.88 2.85 −2.03 17 43 53
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.15 4.00 −0.15 45 50 41
a
N = 188. bRank of U.S. difference scores across 61 countries. cT-scores represent standardized U.S. rankings against
overall global norms (M = 50, SD = 10), based on 61 countries. Compared to other GLOBE countries, ← = notice-
ably less desirable than is; → = noticeably more desirable than is. d1 SD or more below or above the global norm.

corporations of this study. Second, they may mirror the specific needs of managers in middle
to upper middle management positions. Perhaps, most important, they need to be understood
against changes that managers worldwide desire, as those look at what is and what they would
like to happen in their societies. Table 14.3 already hinted at this reality. For example, the U.S.
mean scores for Performance Orientation suggest a marked increase between “what is” and
“what should be” (x = 4.49 to x = 6.14). Yet, the size of this desired change ranks only 42
among the 61 countries and, in fact, results in the aforementioned wish for a slightly dimin-
ished emphasis on performance, when compared to the global norm (from a T-score of 60 to
one of 56).
Figure 14.1, based on the grand means and U.S. means from Table 14.3, helps visualize
these dynamics. Four is the midpoint (“neither agree nor disagree”) of the 7-point Likert scale
used in the GLOBE questionnaire. The managers from all 61 countries on the whole (in
descending order of the magnitude of the shift from “As Is” to “Should Be”) would like their
societies to place more emphasis on performance, the future, a kinder society (Humane
Orientation), gender equalitarianism, their organizations and families’ needs (In-Group
Collectivism), collective rewards and action (Institutional Collectivism), and provide more
certainty, but would like them to greatly decrease inequality in power among their citizens and
be somewhat less aggressive and competitive with one another. The U.S. managers agree with
all but two of these desired shifts. As described earlier, they want fewer (not more) rules, reg-
ulations, and restrictions and greater stress on individual (not collective) rewards and action.
In addition, even though they agree with the general direction of seven of the nine shifts that
managers around the world would like to see, U.S. managers, relatively speaking, end up
wanting their society to emphasize performance somewhat and the future markedly less and
power distance a bit more (see Table 14.4).
Summing up, the U.S. respondents in this study, comparatively speaking, experience their
society (As Is) as highly competitive, demanding, and performance-driven—and somewhat
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502 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

Figure 14.1. U.S. cultural profile (“Should Be” and “As Is” scales).

future oriented—but little concerned with the well-being of organizations and families and a
little bit too much egalitarian (small Power Distance). In terms of the “ideal society” (Should
Be), they desire a society that works toward much greater gender equalitarianism as well as
the well-being of its organizations and families and creates some more deference and respect
for its authorities and leadership (larger Power Distance). Similarly, they would like to see a
greater emphasis placed on the present (less Future Orientation) and see innovation, flexibil-
ity, and individual initiative and achievement encouraged even more.
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 503

Although there are a few minor differences in preferences across the three industries (see
Appendix B) and, for instance, findings that women tend to strive for greater gender egalitar-
ianism and somewhat more tolerance for uncertainty and a greater emphasis on the present
than men (see discussion in Section 4), this description is very similar to the one that emerged
in the earlier parts of this chapter in the image of the U.S. leader as cultural hero. Aspects of
it also surface in the structured interview, focus groups, and media analysis results to be dis-
cussed later. At this point, selected data, quotes, and references (i.e., emic expressions)
deepen the understanding of this cultural profile of U.S. society.

U.S. Cultural Orientations: Emic Manifestations in American Society

Assertiveness Orientation. At the interpersonal level, being assertive in the United States
tends to mean standing up for oneself, wanting to be counted, and exercising the right and the
obligation to express one’s opinions and needs—and to do so in a constructive and kind way
that respects the other person’s right to do the same. This encourages straightforward, direct,
frank or, if unchecked, blunt exchanges among people. At the societal level, it reflects the highly
(vertical) individualistic nature of U.S. society (Triandis, 1998) and a high concern for
“mastery” (Schwartz, 1999), but when overdone, is seen as aggression, bullying, or an exces-
sive concern with being “number one.” The GLOBE results suggest that, indeed, U.S. society is
considered significantly more assertive than many other countries—and that it may overdo it.
GLOBE’s “As Is” scores also correlate significantly at the 0.5 level (Spearman rank) with results
from Hofstede’s IBM and Hoppe’s study of European elites across 16 countries that the three
studies have in common. The two latter studies used Hofstede’s Masculinity dimension and
showed the United States to be the seventh and third, respectively, most masculine country
among the 17 countries that those two studies had in common (see Hoppe, 1998, p. 33).
In his book Understanding Global Cultures, Gannon captures the essence of U.S. culture
in the metaphor of the American football game. He states that “competition seems to be more
than a means to an end in the United States and apparently has become a major goal in itself”
(Gannon, 1994, p. 308). The exhortation by the legendary football coach, Vince Lombardi
(1995), that there is no room for second place makes the same point. George Steinbrenner,
owner of the New York Yankees baseball team and former member of the U.S. Olympic
Committee, puts it this way: “I want this team to win, I am obsessed with winning, with dis-
cipline, with achieving. That’s what this country is all about” (cited in Boone, 1992, p. 113).
During the Olympic Games in Atlanta in 1996 a Nike billboard announced, “You don’t win
the silver, you lose the gold.” It is no coincidence that all of these quotes come from the field
of sports. As described earlier, sports play a dominant role in U.S. culture and sports language
and concepts pervade its daily and business interactions.
Moreover, whoever has watched an American football game can attest to its fiercely
aggressive nature. It is known as a “collision” sport as opposed to a “contact” sport, such as
basketball. Another expression of this aggressive, tough, and domineering orientation in U.S.
culture may be seen in its crime and imprisonment rates. Whatever the complex societal and
cultural dynamics may be, the United States has a disproportionately much higher number of
its citizens commit violent crimes and spend time in prison than any other comparable soci-
ety in the world (Oxford Atlas of the World, 1994, p. 45).
In business, the strong propensity for assertiveness may express itself in working hard to
be “number one,” a marked competitive drive to get ahead in one’s career, a distinct imbal-
ance between professional and personal life, a preference for decisive and forceful leaders,
and a short-and-to-the-point communication style. The qualitative data from the structured
interviews, focus groups, and the media analysis largely bear this out.
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504 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

Future Orientation. As described earlier, the managers in this study, compared to those in
the other 60 countries, describe U.S. society as placing relatively great emphasis on the future (T
= 57 in Table 14.3), that is, planning ahead, investing in the future, and delaying gratification. On
the other hand, though wanting society to be even more future-oriented in absolute terms, com-
paratively speaking, they would like it to be noticeably less so (T = 46). This expressed desire by
the U.S. managers is more in line with the typical description of U.S. culture as rather short-term
oriented—and as surfaced during the brief cultural sketch of U.S. society earlier. At the same
time, it may be the constant changes in their work environment that may make them wish for an
organizational and societal life that does not always require them to plan for and/or implement
the next change (e.g., mergers, acquisitions, or organizational consolidation).
Seen through a cultural lens, Stewart and Bennett (1991) discuss Americans’ concept of
time as “lineal,” that is, flowing from past to present to future, with a distinct preference for
the present and the future (see also Trompenaars, 1994). They conclude that

Americans find it important to cope with this flow (“keeping up with the times”) and to look
ahead (“keeping an eye on the future”), but the temporal orientation downstream should be qual-
ified as “near future.” (For businesspeople, six months, or perhaps one year, down river is a rea-
sonable projection. More distant futures are usually considered impractical.) (p. 123)

Similarly, in Hofstede and Bond’s (1988) study of 23 countries, the United States showed a
relatively short-term orientation, emphasizing consumption and “keeping up with the
Joneses” over thrift and long-term investments. This cultural propensity is most visible in a
U.S. personal savings rate (as percentage of after-tax income) of minus 0.2% in July of 2000
(“Consumer Spending Tops,” 2000, p. B8) and the notorious quarterly reports that companies
are asked to submit to their banks, stockholders, or the government.

The combination of U.S. culture seeing time as a resource that should not be wasted, the avail-
ability of increasingly sophisticated information technologies, and the accelerating speed of the
global marketplace in which speed has become the competitive advantage will most likely rein-
force a short-time mentality. Indeed, changes may occur so fast or be so complex that people
begin to refuse to engage in activities that extend more than a few months or 2 to 3 years into
the future. For example, historian D. Walter found that “students were reluctant to think about
the future, a tendency he [also] sees in others” (Blangger, 1999, p. 1). Seen in this light, the U.S.
managers in this study may have wished for a comparatively greater focus on the present as a
reflection of the complex, sped-up environment in which they do their daily work.

Gender Egalitarianism. In ancient Greece, women were described as “incomplete men.”

Only 80 years ago, women in the United States secured the right to vote. About 30 years ago,
educational institutions in the United States were federally mandated to provide athletic pro-
grams for boys and girls (Title IX). In short, present U.S. society has come a long way in
creating equal opportunities for boys and girls, men and women, to succeed. For instance, as
mentioned earlier, almost half of today’s U.S workforce are women and close to 45% hold
executive, administrative, and managerial positions. Though still few of today’s women
occupy top positions in Fortune 500 companies, women currently own and run one third of
all American businesses and “employ more people than the entire Fortune 500 list of
America’s largest companies combined” (Adler, 1999, p. 249). Also, about 4 out of 10
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 505

doctorate degrees are awarded to women, of those about 3 out of 10 in the field of business
management and administrative services (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999); the U.S. women’s
soccer team was named team of the year in 1999; and programs of women’s studies have
become a regular part of academia.
Many more statistics paint a similar picture of great strides toward greater numbers of
opportunities and successes for women. Others offer a different story. For example, on aver-
age women across occupational and educational groups earn only about 72% of what men of
similar background and experience take home (“Household Income,” 2000; see also Roos &
Gatta, 1999) and Fortune 1000 companies still have only about 10% women on their boards
(American Demographics, 2000, p. 25). In the political arena, about the same percentage are
women senators or Representatives in Congress (Sarin, 2003), even though their proportion
is greater at the state level. Furthermore, the “great books” of the past tend to perpetuate mas-
culine images of men and women (Rabinowitz & Richlin, 1993).
Overall, the movement toward more egalitarian treatment of men and women will con-
tinue. However, it may not automatically make U.S. culture less masculine; in fact, it may
reinforce its high degree of cultural masculinity (Hofstede, 1991; Hoppe, 1998). In his
reflections on the nature of feminism movements around the world, Hofstede observes that
“the masculine form claims that more women should have the same possibilities as men
have … [yet] simply having women work in the same numbers and jobs as men does not
necessarily represent their liberation. It could be a double slavery, at work and in the home”
(p. 102ff).

Humane Orientation. First-time visitors to the United States often comment on how
friendly, open, and generous Americans are. Although there may be noticeable differences
between urban and rural areas and north and south and east and west, it tends to be easy to
quickly establish, at least superficially, a friendly exchange of information and/or personal
history. It is a cultural characteristic that was partly formed early on in American history,
when people moved westward and depended on each other for support and survival. It reflects
a cultural value that encourages people to transcend their narrow interests “in favor of
voluntary commitment to promoting the welfare of others” (Schwartz, 1999, p. 28).
Moreover, this cultural trait expresses itself on a deeper level, when disaster strikes an indi-
vidual, neighborhood, or community, at home or abroad. This tends to generate a tremendous
outpouring of genuine concern and compassion, supported by personal sacrifice and material
assistance. Furthermore, it can bee seen in the results of a recent survey in which almost 60%
of Americans said that it was very important for community life “for people to volunteer
money and time to charitable organizations” (The National Commission on Philanthropy and
Civic Renewal, 2000, p. 1). In fact, for the year 2000 the total amount of charitable giving
reached more than $190 billion (American Association of Fund-Raising Counsel, 2000),
encouraged by federal tax laws that allow individuals and organizations to lower their taxes
through charitable contributions. About 80% of the contributions come from individuals.
Volunteering is an equally deeply ingrained part of the American social fabric. In 1995,
more than 90 million Americans were involved in some kind of volunteer work, ranging from
help in soup kitchens (to feed those in need), to Habitat for Humanity (to build homes for low-
income families), to environmental preservation. Also, corporations routinely sponsor and
help staff annual drives for the United Way campaign that raises money for a wide range of
community-based, national, and international charitable institutions. They tend to consider it
a civic duty—and encourage their employees as well—to contribute to the community in
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506 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

which they are located. Internationally, the U.S. Peace Corps for more than 40 years has been
a visible symbol of the genuine American urge to help and to contribute to the greater good
of the world community.

In-Group Collectivism. It may not be much of an exaggeration to assert that many

Americans today experience their families and organizations to be under siege. As summa-
rized in Table 14.4, the managers in this study seem to strongly agree with this observation
(T = 38 for “As Is”) and would like their society to be closer to the global mean (T = 53 for
“Should Be”). One possible explanation for this result may be that they feel caught in the
middle of two strong dynamics that describe U.S. society today—the tremendous pressures
on the family and the accelerated demands on and by the organizations in which they work.
To understand the family dynamic, it is important to move away from the traditional image
of the family as consisting of a married couple with two or three children in which the father
was employed outside of the home and the mother stayed at home to take care of the children.
In 1998, only 53% of all households with children were headed by a married couple and about
16% by either a single man or woman. The remaining 31% of households were single-male
or -female households (U.S. Census Bureau, 1999, p. 873). Furthermore, about 10% of
marriages each year end in divorce.
Moreover, in 53% of all married-couple families both spouses work (Consumer Reports,
2001, p. 8). In addition, about 6 out of 10 of all married women with children under the age
of 6 are employed outside of the home. For single mothers or those from African American
communities, the number increases to 7 or almost 8 out of 10, respectively (U.S. Census
Bureau, 1999, p. 417). Also, about 8 million men and women hold more than one job, half of
them to meet regular household expenses, pay off debts, or save for the future (U.S. Census
Bureau, 1999, p. 421). In short, whether married or single, mothers and fathers in large num-
bers are trying to balance the multiple demands of holding down a job, providing financially
for the needs of the family, taking care of their children, and having time for themselves
and/or each other. This struggle applies equally to highly successful women in leadership
roles (see Kantrowitz et al., 2005; Ruderman & Ohlott, 2002).
This juggling act is exacerbated by the fact that Americans, on average, spend annually
between 1 and 3 months more time at work than any other highly economically developed
country in the world (International Labor Organization, 1999; Robinson, 2003). Although this
trend may be largely due to complex interactions among a number of variables, for example,
the dynamics of the free-market system, a volatile labor market, the particular American work
ethic, and the cultural propensities related to the strong assertiveness and performance orien-
tation in U.S. society, it has been accelerated by the marked increase in corporate downsizing
(i.e., massive job cuts) as an everyday management tool during the past 20 years. In the
process, not only have entire layers of middle managers been losing their jobs, but also they
have felt deeply betrayed by their companies. The “psychological contract” that they thought
they had with their employers—good work and loyalty in return for long-term employment—
has been replaced by a new understanding: “We keep you employed as long as your skills and
expertise are needed in the changing fortunes of our company.”
This new psychological contract has left many of those who lost their job feeling bitter and
disillusioned and those who survived the layoffs vulnerable, abused, and overworked. Noer
(1993) speaks of the need for “healing the wounds” of the survivors to overcome the traumas
of layoffs and to revitalize downsized organizations. In addition, former U.S. Secretary of
Labor, Robert Reich observes that “survivors are working harder—that’s feeding the whole
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 507

work frenzy” (cited in McGinn & Naughton, 2001, p. 41). Most likely, globalization and
fast-changing technologies, fueled by an economic, free-market mentality, will continue these
pressures on companies and its employees to stay nimble and work long hours, respectively.
Similarly, the resulting personal economic necessities and the changed nature of the American
family will continue to exact its toll on people’s time and sense of belonging. In short, pride,
loyalty, and cohesiveness in one’s family and organization will be hard to come by.

Institutional Collectivism. The U.S. managers in this study confirm what many
observers, scholars, and researchers of U.S. culture have maintained for more than the past
200 years. Americans believe that society should primarily encourage and reward individual
achievements and actions as a means and an end toward the individual and the collective good
alike. In the aforementioned studies by Hofstede and Hoppe (see Hoppe, 1998, p. 33), the
United States was the most individualistic among 17 countries (Spearman rank correlation
with “Should Be” scores across the 16 countries that all three studies had in common was .05
and .01, respectively). In the current one, it is the 9th most individualistic out of 61 countries
(i.e., ranked 53 on Institutional Collectivism). The “As Is” scores for the United States are
near the global norm (T = 49), but as discussed earlier the U.S. managers go against the global
trend by desiring a slightly more individualistic orientation of U.S. society. In fact, compar-
atively speaking, they clearly want society to stress individual interests and freedom over
those of the collectivity (Ts = 40).
In addition to the earlier discussion of individualistic expressions in U.S. life and leader-
ship theory and practice, two observations may help deepen the understanding of this desire
for individualism in the United States. The first relates to O’Toole’s (1993) distinction
between liberty (free market and free from government) and equality (equity and solidarity)
in Table 14.1. Both values tend to be cherished in many countries around the world, but typ-
ically one is preferred over the other. For example, in a study of nine Western European coun-
tries, the respondents in most of them valued on average freedom (“everyone can live in
freedom and develop without hindrance”) above equality (“nobody is underprivileged and
social-class differences are not so strong”). However, when each country’s preference for
freedom was divided by its preference for equality, the resulting country scores significantly
correlated with the individualism scores in Hofstede’s IBM study. In other words, “the more
individualist a country, the stronger its citizens’ preference for liberty over equality”
(Hofstede, 1991, p. 72). It is a result that most likely also holds for the United States due to
the latter’s strong emphasis on individual freedom and initiative.
The second observation stresses the deeply ingrained and interconnected nature of indi-
vidualism with the political, economic, and philosophical system of mainstream U.S. society
(Behrman, 1988). Politically, current U.S. democracy is founded on the premise that only
independent, well-informed (and existentially equal, i.e., small Power Distance) citizens, who
feel that they have a stake in their community and society at large, can prevent the tyranny of
a few. Economically, its embrace of the free-market system is predicated on the enlightened
and vigorously pursued self-interest of individuals whose (ideally) free choices determine the
flow of supply and demand. Philosophically (and theologically), it assumes free individuals
who feel called upon and obliged, to the best of their abilities, to reach for “perfection” in the
image of their God. To be sure, there are many shades and permutations of these basic beliefs
throughout U.S. history (see Bellah et al., 1985). Furthermore, everyday realities often fail to
reflect them. However, as widely espoused beliefs they exert a powerful influence on
Americans’ images of the ideal person, leader, organization, and society at large, images that
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508 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

may be at odds with those in many other countries, as witnessed by the fact that 70%
of the 61 GLOBE countries (economically poor and rich!) want their societies to be less
individualistic.

Performance Orientation. Implicitly, this cultural scale is about outcomes and the action,
effort, and execution to achieve them—terms that are highly valued in U.S. culture. Explicitly,
it is about continuous improvement in individuals and organizations, challenging goals, and
effective and innovative behaviors. Related values are facts, data, and measurement as the
means of determining the desired and/or promised results. Within a historical and cultural
context, this emphasis on performance may be seen as an equitable way of determining a per-
son’s standing and identity in a society that has moved away from using tribe, class, or family
name to define its members. From an economic perspective, it points to a person’s definition
as an asset or resource whose value needs to be determined—the citizen as “economic man”
(Bellah et al., 1985, p. 271). As a result, there is a heavy emphasis in U.S. culture on mea-
surements of great variety, including national test scores for children in grade school, grade
point averages in high school and college, SAT scores to get into college and, in the world of
business, assessment centers for selection, performance appraisals and, of course, organiza-
tional data of all kinds.
In addition, bonus pay systems and awards to reward the top performers are common. For
example, a company in New England gives each December the Extra Mile Award to several
of its employees “who have gone above and beyond the call of duty” (Nelson, 2000, p. 43).
In sports, there is the player of the week or, of longer-lasting recognition, the induction into
the Hall of Fame. Another measure of success for Americans is to be included in the Who’s
Who in America. This attention to the “ceremonial celebration of perfection” is due to “the
common belief in the United Sates … that the individual is capable of anything he or she
wants to accomplish. Individual achievements, whether earning a degree or scoring the high-
est number of field goals for one game, are considered precious human deeds and are entitled
to commemoration in one type of ceremony or another” (Gannon, 1994, p. 317).
Similarly, the common belief and exhortation that the “sky is the limit” has helped spawn
a huge industry of self-improvement books. Books on any topic are available. In the area of
leadership, for example, Covey’s (1989) book The Seven Habits of Highly Effective Leaders
has become a runaway bestseller. Other publications, such as the earlier mentioned In Search
of Excellence, its sequel, A Passion for Excellence (Peters & Austin, 1985), or Good to Great
(Collins, 2001), tell of excellent companies and how to emulate their exemplary practices.
Lou Gerstner (2001), CEO of IBM, proclaims, “We have a right to expect excellence” (p. 6).
In more recent years, information technologies and globalization have greatly accelerated this
trend.

Power Distance. U.S. culture is typically described as a very egalitarian society whose
Constitution not only guarantees the existential equality of every man and woman, of what-
ever ethnic or national background, but in which people have come to expect that differences
in status and power be minimized and hierarchical structures primarily express inequalities in
roles established for convenience or efficiency’s sake. Therefore, it seems to be somewhat sur-
prising that in other large-scale empirical studies the United States, when compared to
Western European countries, consistently shows larger hierarchical differences (i.e., Power
Distance) than Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden, as well as the Netherlands, the
United Kingdom, and Switzerland (Hofstede, 1980; Hoppe, 1998; Schwartz, 1999). The same
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 509

holds for the “Should Be” scores in the current study. Also, once again, there exists a significant
Spearman rank correlation (at the .01 level) between the “As Is” scores and the Hoppe and
Hofstede studies (earlier discussion).
One of the explanations for this “surprise” may lie in the observation that Americans’ pri-
mary mode of distinguishing themselves is their own individual achievement, which makes
them stand out and for which they expect tangible, visible rewards. In an organizational envi-
ronment, the reward may be advancement into a managerial role that signifies the special tal-
ent and effort that one has shown and that creates a “legitimate” inequality between manager
and employee that is expected to be honored and respected (power values in Schwartz, 1999).
The result is the belief (see Section 1) in a “managerial prerogative” that (in combination with
the romance of leadership in U.S. culture) is less open to participative management from the
bottom up—an approach that is more often witnessed in the Northern European countries
(Hofstede, 1991). It can be seen in the results that show U.S. respondents consider it less
important to be consulted by their manager than those from the aforementioned countries
(Hoppe, 1990, p. 225). It can also be observed in the willing acquisition and display of status
symbols that come with higher organizational ranks, such as larger offices, cars, or member-
ship privileges and other perquisites (see also Pfeffer, 1981).
A second explanation can be found in the particular version of U.S. capitalism, which has
sided over time more than any other country with the demands and promises of the free mar-
ket and the belief in the efficiency of big corporations (O’Toole, 1993; see also Table 14.1).
As a result, the prerogative of capital, ownership, and property is largely taken for granted, as
directly visible in U.S. society’s support and protection of entrepreneurial activities (expres-
sion of the liberty theme) and indirectly in its admiration for the corporate manager who can
be said to act as the guardian or representative of corporate ownership—be that ownership by
individuals, groups, or stockholders (expression of the efficiency theme). In the latter case,
managers are expected to run the organization as efficiently as possible and, in the process,
protect and enhance the owners’ property and/or investments. Inherent in this approach is the
notion of hierarchy, because “efficiency requires a division of labor; an orderly division
requires a hierarchy based on ability; and people in a hierarchical system will be, by defini-
tion, stratified in classes” (O’Toole, 1993, p. 65). In sum, the combination of U.S. culture’s
emphasis on meritocracy, the sanctity of ownership, and its belief in the importance of effi-
ciency, tends to translate into a managerial prerogative not practiced to the same degree in
many Western European countries.

Uncertainty Avoidance. Experiencing and responding to uncertainty, ambiguity, and

change with unknown outcomes are part of the human condition. The question is how emo-
tionally comfortable people are in those circumstances and what they do to cope with the
inherent unpredictability of their lives. At the societal level of analysis, U.S. society as a
whole, more than most societies, accepts uncertainty and its resulting ambiguities and unpre-
dictable changes as a natural part of life. Eric Sevareid, a former American news reporter and
commentator, put it this way: “The most distinguished hallmark of the American society is
and always has been change” (cited in Boone, 1992, p. 301).
As discussed before, American culture tends to be described as innovative, mobile, flexi-
ble, dynamic, and open to change and new experiences even when the outcomes are not pre-
dictable. The entrepreneur is idolized, because he or she does not give up despite setbacks and/or
outright failure. The leader as heroic warrior is admired for their taking off for unchartered
territory and willingly facing great risks without guarantee of a successful ending. Conflict,
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510 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

dissent, and competition are seen as potentially beneficial in spite of their inherently unpre-
dictable outcomes. Overall, it is a description whose roots can be found in U.S. society’s his-
torical experience of people taking great risks to reach its shores and conquer its frontiers and
a political and economic system that tends to encourage and reward those who dare.
Although this description is not mirrored in this study’s “As Is” scores for the United States
(T = 50), it is clearly the preferred state of affairs (T = 41), when compared to the global norm.
That is, the U.S. managers of this study want society to become less rule-bound, whereas the
other countries as a whole desire significantly more certainty in their lives. This finding is in
line with results from the aforementioned studies by Hofstede and Hoppe. They significantly
correlate with the “Should Be” scores (Spearman rank at the .05 and .01 level, respectively)
and show U.S. society to be highly tolerant of uncertainty—yet, once again, not as much as,
for example, Denmark and Sweden or Ireland and the United Kingdom.
An interesting expression of the United States’s openness to change and acceptance of
uncertainty as a normal part of life can be gleaned from reactions to major layoffs in the U.S.
economy. A “striking feature is just how matter-of-factly—even happily—many elite work-
ers are taking their ‘reduction in force’ notices … many workers have come to accept the risk
of layoff as the price of admission to the New Economy” (McGinn & Naughton, 2001, p. 38).
Adds a vice president of an outplacement firm: “It’s almost a rite of passage … if you haven’t
lost at least one job in your career today, you haven’t taken enough risk” (McGinn &
Naughton, 2001, p. 38).
Although these reactions are in marked contrast to those just 10 years ago (see discussion
of In-Group Collectivism) and possibly reflective of highly trained professionals in a thriving
economy, they are indicative of an American mind-set that can look at a misfortune (e.g.,
being fired) as an opportunity for something better (e.g., a better job or more time for one’s
hobby or family). It is also symptomatic of a strong belief in progress and its accompanying
general optimism toward the future. Similarly, it helps explain the widely accepted need for
life-long learning and its requirements of “a high capacity for change and a high level of
[emotional] comfort with that change” (Noer, 1997, p. 89).
In summary, when considered in their entirety, the U.S. results across all nine cultural ori-
entations not surprisingly reinforce earlier descriptions of U.S. culture in Sections 1 and 2.
More important, they largely paint a mirror image of the fundamental values and expressions
of American democratic capitalism, thereby creating a most helpful backdrop against which
mainstream U.S. leadership theory and practice may be understood.
In addition to the insights gained from the discussion of individualism, U.S.-style capital-
ism requires for its proper functioning not only largely unencumbered freedom for individu-
als and organizations to compete (weak Uncertainty Avoidance), but also the promise of
tangible rewards, such as wealth or recognition, to encourage competition (strong
Assertiveness Orientation). Similarly, it depends on measurable criteria and results to declare
the winner of the competition, so that everybody understands and accepts the legitimacy of
the victorious party (“legitimate inequality”/meritocracy; medium Power Distance). Implicit
in all three requirements is an emphasis on performance, continuous improvement, and inno-
vation (strong Performance Orientation) and a deliberate and focused approach to the task or
challenge at hand to generate useful results in the foreseeable future (medium Future
Orientation). Moreover, American democratic capitalism’s long-term viability is fundamen-
tally tied to the individual’s moral obligation to seek wealth not only for personal use, but
equally for the well-being of the community at large (medium-high Humane Orientation).
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 511

At the same time, due to its strong economically oriented philosophy, it subordinates its
members’ lives to the demands of the market. As a result, individuals’ identities become
defined in economic terms (e.g., as resources, assets, liabilities) and their families and orga-
nizations experience market-induced turbulence and fragmentation (weak In-group
Collectivism “As Is”; medium “Should Be”). Similarly, gender equality tends to be narrowly
measured either in terms of the degree to which girls and women have access to activities and
jobs that were formerly “reserved” for boys and men or in terms of financial compensation
(medium Gender Egalitarianism “As Is”; very high Gender Egalitarianism “Should Be”).
Thus, by using the particular lens of U.S. society’s form of democratic capitalism, it is possi-
ble to deepen the understanding of not only its cultural pattern, but simultaneously its inher-
ent tensions and contradictions. Returning to Table 14.1, it also helps make apparent the
strong pull that the values and themes in the left-hand column will continue to exert on U.S.
culture’s approach to leadership. The discussion returns to this overall portrait of American
culture during the presentation of the leadership scales and the qualitative results of the study.

U.S. Results on Leadership Scales

The results in this section of the chapter are based on the total sample of 382 U.S. managers
who responded to the 112 leadership items of the GLOBE instrument (Beta or Alpha version).
The managers rated the instrument’s 112 leader characteristics on a scale from 1 (“this behav-
ior or characteristic greatly inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader”) to 7 (“this
behavior or characteristic contributes greatly to a person being an outstanding leader”). As
with the cultural orientations, Table 14.5 provides a numerical summary of the results. Figure
14.2 is the visual representation of Table 14.5.
At first glance, managers around the world agree that for leaders to be seen as outstanding
they need to have integrity, stress performance, and be inspirational and visionary (grand
mean ratings above six). In contrast, they should not be malevolent, self-centered, autocratic,
nonparticipative, and face savers (ratings below three). In addition, they like them to be team
integrators, decisive, administratively competent, diplomatic, collaborative, and self-sacrifi-
cial (ratings between five and six) and not too autonomous, procedural, and conflict inducers
(ratings below four).
Against this cross-cultural ground, the American managers consider it particularly important
(top five) for outstanding leaders to have a performance orientation (T = 62), integrity (T = 61),
humane orientation (T = 59), vision (T = 58), and inspiration (T = 58)—and also to a lesser
degree to be modest (T = 56), decisive (T = 54), self-sacrificial (T = 54), and a team integrator
(T = 54)—but to show very low (bottom five) autocratic (T = 37), nonparticipative (T = 37), sta-
tus-conscious (T = 38), malevolent (T = 40), and conflict-inducing (T = 40) behaviors. That is,
comparatively speaking and applying the specific behaviors that define each leadership scale,
the U.S. managers of this study describe leaders as exceptionally good when they

• Demand and extol excellence in performance.

• Are honest, sincere, just, and trustworthy.
• Show compassion for the people who work for them.
• Treat others as equals and are highly informal and participative.
• Are open, pragmatic, friendly, and supportive.
• Have a vision and plan ahead.
• Engage the passions of their followers.
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512 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

TABLE 14.5
U.S. Means, Grand Means, Ranks, Standard Deviations, T-Scores, and
Ranges for Leadership Scales

U.S. Standard Grand Standard T-Scores Range

Leadership Scale Meana Deviation Rankb Meanb Deviation U.S.c min. max.

Performance Orientation 6.46 .55 3A 6.02 .37 62d 4.51 6.64

Visionary 6.28 .50 10 A 6.02 .36 58 4.62 6.50
Inspirational 6.35 .47 12 A 6.07 .36 58 5.04 6.63
Integrity 6.51 .55 6A 6.07 .39 61d 4.83 6.79
Self-Sacrifical 5.16 .85 19 B 5.00 .41 54 3.98 5.99
Decisive 5.96 .59 25 A 5.80 .44 54 3.62 6.37
Team Integrator 6.03 .45 26 A 5.88 .40 54 4.10 6.43
Collaborative 5.38 .60 40 B 5.46 .32 48 4.42 6.09
Team Oriented
Administratively 5.63 .79 44 B 5.76 .39 46 4.53 6.35
Competent
Diplomatic 5.46 .48 33 A 5.49 .30 50 4.49 6.05
Malevolent 1.55 .45 52 D 1.80 .28 40d 1.33 2.67
Self-Centered 1.97 .71 42 C 2.17 .35 45 1.55 3.41
Status-Conscious 3.60 1.29 54 C 4.34 .64 38d 3.15 5.93
d
Conflict Inducer 3.53 .92 51 C 3.97 .48 40 3.09 5.01
Face Saver 2.66 .97 37 C 2.92 .56 45 2.05 4.63
Procedural 3.90 .76 30 B 3.87 .51 50 2.82 4.89
Autocratic 2.03 .83 56 D 2.65 .46 37d 1.89 3.86
Nonparticipative 2.10 .69 56 C 2.66 .44 37d 1.86 3.61
Humane 5.19 .94 11 A 4.78 .49 59 3.29 5.68
Modesty 5.24 .76 22 A 4.98 .39 56 4.14 5.58
Autonomous 3.75 1.01 39 B 3.85 .44 47 2.27 4.63
a
N = 382 (respondents with missing data excluded). bN = 60 (N = 61 including Iran, for Humane, Performance
Orientation, and Visionary scales). In addition, rank group letters A–D indicate meaningful country clusters. A > B
> C > D for each scale. cT-scores represent standardized U.S. rankings against overall global norms (M = 50, SD =
10), based on 61 countries. d1 SD or more below or above global norm.

• Take a decisive, courageous, and team-oriented approach to the challenges and opportu-
nities at hand.
• Stay calm under pressure and don’t take themselves overly seriously.

Table 14.6 reinforces this profile. It offers summary results based on GLOBE’s six second-
order leadership scales. Here, the outstanding leader combines, in particular, a highly partic-
ipative with a charismatic and humane set of personal characteristics.
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 513

Figure 14.2. U.S. cultural profile for leadership scales. N = 382 (respondents with missing data
excluded).

The image of the outstanding leader that emerges from the leader scales is similar to earlier
descriptions in this chapter, yet also different. As before, outstanding leaders are seen to have a
vision, stress performance excellence, have integrity and convictions, and be decisive, egalitarian,
flexible, and pragmatic in their approach to others and their work. However, U.S. managers also
describe outstanding leaders as needing to be highly participative, tap into the inner passions of the
people who work with them, truly care about them, and be less taken by and be preoccupied with
themselves. That is, they do not solely create an image of the individual heroic warrior who
 TABLE 14.6

514
U.S. Means, Grand Means, Standard Deviations, T-Scores, and Ranges for Second-Order Leadership Scales

Second-Order Leadership Scales U.S. Standard Grand Standard T-Scores Range

Chhokar chapter 14.qxd

and Subscales Meana Deviation Rankb Mean Deviation U.S.c min. max.

Charismatic 6.12 .39 6B 5.83 .33 59 4.51 6.46

Performance Orientation
Visionary
10/4/2007

Inspirational
Integrity
Self-Sacrificial
Decisive
3:39 PM

Team Oriented 5.80 .37 31 B 5.76 .26 52 4.74 6.21

Team Integrator
Collaborative Team Oriented
Administratively Competent
Page 514

Diplomatic
Malevolent (reversed scored)
Self-Protective 3.15 .59 47 F 3.47 .42 42 2.55 4.62
Self-Centered
Status-Conscious
Conflict Inducer
Face Saver
Procedural
Participative 5.93 .64 5A 5.33 .41 64d 4.50 6.09
Autocratic (reversed scored)
Nonparticipative (reversed sc.)
Humane Orientation 5.21 .71 13 A 4.89 .40 58 3.82 5.75
Humane
Modesty
Autonomous 3.75 1.01 39 B 3.85 .44 47 2.27 4.63
Autonomous
a
N = 382 (respondents with missing data excluded). bN = 61. In addition, rank group letters A–F indicate meaningful country clusters. A > B > C > E > F for each scale.
c
T-scores represent standardized U.S. rankings against overall global norms (M = 50, SD = 10), based on 61 countries. d1 SD or more above global norm.
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 515

is driven to succeed and stand out, but an image that stresses markedly more the organizational
realities that work gets done together and that people need to feel important and taken seriously in
their desire to grow and contribute (see also Manz & Sims, 2001).
What may partly explain these added features of the outstanding leader are the earlier-
discussed shifts toward a more process-oriented, cooperative, and participative leadership that
today’s world seems to be calling for. Also, anecdotally, the first author of the chapter
observed a marked change over the past 14 years in the way managers, taking part in leader
development activities, approach a competitive group exercise. In the past, the vast majority
of the managers tried to have their individual contribution to be judged the best. For the past
10 or so years, participating managers attempt from the outset to develop mutually beneficial
outcomes—although the exercise continues to call for individual contributions and remains
competitive in nature.
Another plausible explanation has to do with the fact that the U.S. respondents in this study
are middle to upper middle managers whose particular role as managers “in the
middle” of their organizational environment necessitates that they be participative and sensi-
tive to others’ needs. They may also have felt ignored too often in their own needs to have
their passions engaged (see discussion of results of In-Group Collectivism). Furthermore,
much of the earlier discussion referred to leaders anywhere in U.S. society, whereas the
instructions for the leadership items specifically asked the respondents to think of “people in
your organization or industry.” Thus, the additional characteristics of the outstanding leader
that surfaced from the leadership scales may reflect this more organizational focus.
Appendix C provides additional insights, as it summarizes significant correlations between
cultural orientations (“Should Be”) and the leadership scales. The four cultural scales that cor-
relate most significantly with the leadership scales are Gender Egalitarianism, Uncertainty
Avoidance, Power Distance, and Future Orientation. For instance, importance for charismatic
leadership and its subscales tend to highly correlate with a preference for gender egalitarian-
ism, but negatively with power distance. The same applies to participative leadership. The
latter also correlates strongly with a preference for tolerance for uncertainty and somewhat
less with assertiveness and the present. In contrast, self-protective leadership seems to occur
more in cultural environments with a preference for strong uncertainty avoidance, an empha-
sis on the long-term future, and inequality between men and women. Autonomous leadership,
not surprisingly, strongly correlates with individualism and to a lesser degree with power dis-
tance. In short, U.S. culture with its comparatively strong preference for gender egalitarian-
ism, assertiveness, performance, and tolerance for uncertainty and its medium emphasis on
the future and power differential seems to encourage, in particular, a highly participative,
charismatic, open, direct, and pragmatic leader style. On the other hand, a clear cultural pref-
erence for individualism in U.S. society (T= 40 for Institutional Collectivism) does not auto-
matically translate into a clear preference for an autonomous, independent leader style
(T = 47 and Rank 39 B for autonomous). This latter finding should caution against making
direct connections between a country’s cultural makeup and its desirable and/or practiced
leadership style. There are many other variables—historical, religious, political, economic, or
organizational—that play into this dynamic.

Qualitative Data: Structured Interviews, Focus Groups, and Media Analysis

These last sets of data were collected between late 1997 and early 1999. Specifically, the
structured interviews were conducted with 16 (White) middle to upper middle managers
 TABLE 14.7

516
Structured Interviewsa Summary of Outstanding Leader Characteristics

Frequency of
Chhokar chapter 14.qxd

Outstanding
GLOBE Leadership U.S. Leader (OL)
Scales and Their Items Ranksb Descriptionse Representative Quotes
Inspirational 12 A 84× …everybody began to feel like a hero working with her
10/4/2007

(enthusiastic, positive,* … genuinely cares about you and your personal goal
encouraging,* morale booster, … led tremendous amounts of people to do things that they
motive arouser,* confidence were never really capable of doing by themselves
builder,* dynamic,* motivational*)
3:39 PM

Visionary 10 A 50× … outstanding leaders [have] the vision and the

(foresight,* intellectually stimulating, ability to convey that to others
future oriented, prepared, … people who are trying to look forward to the future end up
Page 516

anticipatory, plans ahead,* being the leader, because they had foresight
inspirational, visionary, able to … she absolutely saw a big picture … and she drew a picture
anticipate) of where we needed to be

Team Integrator 26 A 43× … he could take a very, very complex issue and truly
(communicative,* team builder,* communicate it to everybody around him
informed,* clear, integrator, … it is practicing what you preach
coordinator,* not subdued) … it was just mayhem … but … he was able to focus everyone

Integrity 6A 35× … had the gumption to stand up to the powers in a very

(honest,* sincere, just,* large corporation
trustworthy*) … the obligation of leadership is when you see something
good you support it no matter where it is
… to treat others as you want to be treated, tell the truth,
and do your best

(Continued)
 TABLE 14.7 (Continued)
Frequency of
Outstanding
Chhokar chapter 14.qxd

GLOBE Leadership U.S. Leader (OL)

Scales and Their Items Ranksb Descriptionsc Representative Quotes

Performance Orientation 3A 26× … he expects nothing but excellence, nothing less

(improvement oriented, excellence … there has got to be a passion to get a little better every day
10/4/2007

oriented,* performance oriented) … he demanded very high standards

Self-Sacrificial 19 B 25× … they are committed to making what I consider sacrificial

(risk taker, self-sacrificial, acts on behalf of others
3:39 PM

convincing) … outstanding are those that … continue to make the tough

decisions now that there is a
lot of risk involved
… the ability to stand in the face of the crowd, if you will,
Page 517

under ridicule, under pressure

Decisive 25 A 23× … leader … is decisive, … firm, has compassion for people, …
(willful, decisive,* logical, intuitive) and is willing to make decisions
… you have got to break some eggs and a great leader is
one to make that decision
… when he came to a decision, that was it, he would fight for it
Collaborative Team Oriented 40 B 22× … we are going to win together, it’s not just I
(group oriented, collaborative, … was willing to go in and fight for us
loyal, consultative, mediator, … a leader is not afraid that some of their staff is better
fraternal) than they are

Humane 11 A 16× … they also convey to you that they care about you
(generous, compassionate) … if you don’t have the human aspect, you can’t sustain
leadership
… he never wanted to break you down in front of anyone else

(Continued)

517
518
Chhokar chapter 14.qxd

TABLE 14.7 (Continued)

Frequency of
10/4/2007

Outstanding
GLOBE Leadership U.S. Leader (OL)
Scales and Their Items Ranksb Descriptionsc Representative Quotes
3:39 PM

Diplomatic 33 A 11× … to see the other point of view and pull two opposing views
(diplomatic, worldly, win/win together
problem solver,* intragroup conflict … a general recognition and respect for each other’s perspective
avoider, effective bargainer*) … someone who is always sensitive to group dynamics
Page 518

Modesty 22 A 7× … they are humble. They know that they are not perfect
(modest, self-effacing, calm, … they remain very calm. They are steady
patient) … he is real down to earth

Administratively Competent 44 B 7× … outstanding leaders, I think, are very organized

(orderly, administratively skilled,* … if you don’t carry a day timer you are not going to be here
organized, good administrator) very long
… he had … a track record … to believe … that he would get there
a
Based on 11 interviews with a total of 16 participants and 391 scorable observations. bBased on 61 countries. cAutocratic (12×) and Malevolent (10×) attracted the most
descriptions for nonoutstanding leaders. Remaining leadership scales not separately listed due to low frequencies. * = Universally desirable leader characteristics.
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 519

(12 men and 4 women) between mid-November 1997 and early January 1998. The managers
were taking part at the time in a leader development program at the Center for Creative
Leadership and volunteered to be interviewed for an hour each on the first evening of the
program. They were in their early 40s, worked in the private sector, and all but one were born
in the United States (he was from the UK, but had lived in the United States and worked for
an American company for the past 20 years). The first author and colleagues of his conducted
the interviews by using the interview guide in Appendix D. The interviews were then coded
with the help of a graduate student, using the 21 leader scales and their items as a guide. The
results are listed in Table 14.7. They are based on 391 scorable observations and 102 different
examples of leaders, three fourths of which were presidents or other high public figures
(42%), direct superiors, other managers, or coworkers (17%), and corporate leaders (16%).
Inspirational, visionary, team integrator, and integrity are clearly the most frequently
mentioned outstanding leader characteristics, followed by being performance oriented,
self-sacrificial, decisive, and collaborative. A closer look at the managers’ stories revealed a
distinct longing for outstanding leaders to appreciate, respect, and deeply care for the dignity
and humanity in the people with whom they work. Similarly, leaders were described as
outstanding when they helped others grow or mentor them. Moreover, there was an admira-
tion for those who genuinely tried to connect with people who are different from themselves
and who encouraged people to freely express their different views, needs, or hopes and fears.
Two additional themes surfaced: the need for outstanding leaders to have great self-awareness,
accompanied by a degree of vulnerability, and the importance of timing, luck, and
circumstance for outstanding leaders to emerge. As one manager put it regarding the second
theme, “I believe that what makes outstanding leaders is often the circumstances, fate, or
whatever … there are a lot of competent managers that might have the potential to be out-
standing leaders that don’t ever get the opportunity.”
The total of 14 focus groups consisted of 94 middle to upper middle managers (76%),
executives (18%), and professionals (6%) who participated in four leader development
programs at the Center for Creative Leadership between early August and early October of
1998. Their average age was early 40s, 26% were women, about 10% were members of U.S.
minorities, 6% were of different (non-U.S.) nationality, and 94% came from the corporate
world.
As part of an exercise during the first morning of the program, they were asked to

Think of the best leadership that you’ve ever experienced, inside or outside of the workplace, and
remember, by yourself and without talking to anyone, all the characteristics, behaviors, etc. that
describe this leadership and that makes it still stand out in your mind and heart. As you begin to
recall this best-ever leadership, write down each characteristic, behavior, etc., on a separate
Post-it note and after 10 minutes post all of them onto the flipchart that has been prepared for
your group.

After all characteristics, behaviors, and so on, were posted, small groups of six to eight par-
ticipants were asked to discuss their results and agree after about 30 minutes on the six to
eight descriptors that best captured outstanding leadership for them. The 14 groups generated
a total of 387 characteristics, behaviors, and so forth, of which 137 (35.4%) were singled out
as particularly descriptive of outstanding leadership. The results were coded in the same way
as the structured interviews and are summarized in Table 14.8.
The findings are very similar to those from the structured interviews (Spearman rank at .01
level of significance). They also correlate significantly with the GLOBE rankings for the U.S.
 TABLE 14.8

520
Focus Groups—Summary of Outstanding Leader Characteristicsa

Frequency of
Chhokar chapter 14.qxd

Outstanding
GLOBE Leadership U.S. Leader (OL) Examples of OL Characteristics by
Scales and Their Items Ranksb Designations Members of Focus Groups

Inspirationalc 12 A 30 × [61]d passionate, seeks buy-in, infectious,

10/4/2007

(enthusiastic, positive,* encouraging,* enthusiasm, motivator, committed, supportive,

morale booster, motive arouser,* confidence praise, nurturing, builds confidence
builder,* dynamic,* motivational*)
3:39 PM

Integrity 6A 22 × [24] trustworthy, genuine, principled, fair,

(honest,* sincere, just,* trustworthy*) ethical, moral, respectful, respected, credibility

Visionary 10 A 18 × [16] visionary, clear direction, sense of

Page 520

(foresight,* intellectually stimulating, purpose, strategic, facilitates ideas, planning

future oriented, prepared, anticipatory,
plans ahead,* inspirational, visionary,
able to anticipate)

Team Integrator 26 A 17 × [33] creates teamwork, goes to bat for team

(communicative,* team builder,* members, communicates frequently, two-way
informed,* clear, integrator, communication, motivates team, listens, ability to
coordinator,* not subdued) build groups, cohesiveness

Self-Sacrificial 19 B 15 × [37] opportunity seeker, initiative, risk taker,

(risk taker, self-sacrificial, convincing) agent of change, courageous, leads by example

Performance Orientation 3A 13 × [20] commitment to excellence, sets high

(improvement oriented, standards, focus on end results,
excellence oriented, performance accountable, emphasis on success
oriented)
 Chhokar chapter 14.qxd

TABLE 14.8 (Continued)

Frequency of
Outstanding
GLOBE Leadership U.S. Leader (OL) Examples of OL Characteristics by
Scales and Their Items Ranksb Designations Members of Focus Groups
10/4/2007

Decisive 25 A 6 × [6] decisive, decision maker, focused, strong

(willful, decisive,* logical, intuitive) personality
3:39 PM

Modesty 22 A 5 × [12] patience, emotional consistency, relaxed

(modest, self-effacing, calm, patient)

Humane 11 A 5 × [12] compassionate, caring, empathy, humane

Page 521

(generous, compassionate)

Diplomatic 33 A 1 × [3] judgement, consensus builder, recognizes and

(diplomatic, worldly, win/win problem resolves conflict
solver,* intragroup conflict avoider,
effective bargainer)

Misc. Characteristics [16] knowledgeable, experience, personality suited to

task, values balance of work and personal life,
creating safe environment, early wins
a
387 scorable observations. 137 (35.4%) designated as OL (i.e., Outstanding Leader). bBased on 61 countries. cAttracted 5 additional designations of “empowerment” (plus 10
non-OL). dIn bracket, listed as characteristics of outstanding leaders, but not specifically designated as “OL” * = Universally desirable leader characteristics.

521
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522 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

managers (.05). Collaborative team orientation is the sole leader scale that did not make the
list of the most frequently mentioned leadership characteristics. Overall, inspirational and
visionary leaders who show integrity and are team oriented receive the clear majority of the
outstanding leadership designations (64%). Compared to the quantitative leadership results,
the emphasis on performance excellence is, as in the structured interviews, less pronounced,
yet remains among the more frequently cited outstanding leader characteristics.
The data for the media analysis were collected between early and mid-December 1998
(Week 1 set of articles) and mid- to late February 1999 (Week 2 set of articles). They came
from The New York Times (30), USA Today (30), The Wall Street Journal (26), Time magazine
(10), and Business Week (10) for a total of 106 articles. The articles were selected from a
broad spectrum of topics, such as politics, business, sports, and entertainment, that covered
individual leaders, but also organizational change, developments in technology, globalization,
political events, and so forth. An attempt was made to not a priori limit the portrayal of lead-
ership to the individual leader, but include the broader context in which leadership is embed-
ded. A total of 2,546 (leadership-related) observations were distilled from the 106 articles,
coded by a graduate student and, separately, by the first author, and then grouped according
to the GLOBE leadership scales and other categories that are presented later. The results for
the leadership scales are summarized in Table 14.9. They are based on a total of 505 state-
ments of individual leadership characteristics.
The results largely mirror the findings from the structured interviews and focus groups.
Performance orientation, sacrificial, inspirational and visionary leadership, decisiveness, and
integrity are the characteristics that are most frequently used to describe outstanding leaders in
U.S. society, with performance orientation and self-sacrificial attributes, such as taking risks,
taking bold steps, or succeeding through repeated trial and error, being emphasized more and
integrity somewhat less than in the other two analyses. Diplomatic is also consistently men-
tioned across the three data sources. In contrast, leadership expressed as being a team integra-
tor did not make the top-10 list at all. Overall, however, the similarities across the qualitative
data are more striking than the differences. Appendix E supports this conclusion across all four
qualitative and quantitative analyses of the individual leader characteristics.
Table 14.10 below summarizes the frequencies with which the media articles reflect U.S.
society’s preferences across GLOBE’s nine cultural orientations. The image that emerges is
a society that stresses performance, change, and competition. In combination with informa-
tion from Appendixes F and G, which rank order major themes and most frequently used
terms in the articles, it reinforces the earlier observation that the needs and preoccupations of
American-style capitalism (and language!) greatly impact U.S. leadership thought and prac-
tice. In this fast-changing environment, all individuals are expected to take risks, compete
hard and smart, and excel to achieve tangible results, such as profits, market growth/share,
and/or customer loyalty, in the short- to medium-range future.
This type of environment may help explain why self-sacrificial leadership was ranked
higher in the media analysis than in the other two qualitative analyses, and significantly
higher than in the questionnaire-based findings (see Appendix E). The media analysis illumi-
nates the vagaries of today’s environment in which leadership expresses itself, the other three
analyses more likely the organizational context in which the respondents worked. The former
may be reflected in the markedly greater wish for tolerance of uncertainty (“Should Be” score
T = 41); the latter in the almost 1 SD higher “As Is” score (T = 50) for Uncertainty Avoidance
in Table 14.3.
Summing up the results of the qualitative analyses, it is conceivable that other major
U.S. newspapers and magazines might have surfaced somewhat different images of American
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 523

TABLE 14.9
Media Analysis: Top 10 Frequencies of Individual Leader Characteristicsa

1. Performance Orientation (15.2%)

(e.g., improvement oriented, excellence oriented, performance
oriented, plus: persistence, drive, cutting edge, high standards,
staying competitive)
2. Self-Sacrificial (13.9%)
(e.g., risk taker, self-sacrificial, convincing, plus: courage,
standing up for his or her beliefs, learning from mistakes,
bold steps, taking advantage of opportunities)
3. Inspirational (12.1%)
(e.g., enthusiastic, positive, encouraging, dynamic, motivational,
plus: giving hope, encouraging others, exciting, imitated
by others, catalyst)
4. Visionary (9.7%)
(e.g., foresight, intellectually stimulating, future oriented, plans
ahead, visionary, plus: having a business plan, long-term goal,
strategic plan, making priorities, having a master plan)
5. Decisive (8.1%)
(e.g., willful, decisive, logical, intuitive, plus: assertive,
making quick decisions, firm, exerts his or her authority,
swift action, determined)
6. Integrity (5.7%)
(e.g., honest, sincere, just, trustworthy, plus: respected, reliable,
fair, trust, consistent, telling the truth, role model)
7. Procedural (reversed) (4.2%)
(e.g., flexible, informal, situational, plus: pragmatic,
responsive, being nimble, quick, adjusts)
8. Collaborative Team Oriented (4.0%)
(e.g., collaborative, loyal, consultative, group oriented, plus:
shared purpose, getting input, teamwork, open door,
learning from others)
9. Diplomatic (3.8%)
(e.g., diplomatic, worldly, win-win problem solver, effective
bargainer, plus: smart negotiation, building alliance, peace maker)
10. Autonomous (3.8%)
(e.g., individualistic, independent, unique, plus: brilliant, guru,
own style, has his or her own way, making his or her own
decisions, self-styled)

Note. Additional ranks 11. Self-Centered (reversed); 12. Administratively Competent; 13. Malevolent (reversed);
14. Face Saver (reversed); 15. Modesty.
a
Based on 505 individual leader characteristics statements (out of 1,648) in Business Week, 12/1999; The New York
Times, 12/9–11/1998 and 2/15–19/1999; and The Wall Street Journal, 12/9–11/1998 and 2/16–19/1999. Statements
from USA Today and Time magazine were inadvertently excluded.

society and characteristics of the outstanding leader. However, those included in this analysis
are clearly from mainstream publications that mirror mainstream U.S. culture. Similarly, it is
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524 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

TABLE 14.10
Media Analysis Most Frequently (Explicit and Implicit)
Referenced Cultural Orientationsa

1. Performance Orientation (14%)

(e.g., improve performance, setting high goals, striving for
excellence, cost reduction, persistence)
2. Uncertainty Avoidance, reversed (13%)
(e.g., change, innovation, risk-taking, breaking the rules,
restructuring, flexibility)
3. Assertiveness (11%)
(e.g., domineering, aggressive, being number one, being
competitive)
4. Future Orientation (4%)
(e.g., long-term, prepared, forecasting, vision, establishing a plan)
5. Institutional Collectivism, reversed (2%)
(e.g., brilliant, magna cum laude, standing up/out, vocal,
causing a stir)
6. Power Distance, reversed (1%)
(e.g., informality, unconventional, accessible, getting input,
encourages others to speak their mind)

Note. Gender Egalitarianism, Humane Orientation, and In-Group Collectivism did not generate sufficient frequencies
to be listed separately.
a
Based on total of 2,546 statements from 106 articles (see sources of media analysis).

possible that different respondents than those who took part in leader development programs
at the Center for Creative Leadership might have generated somewhat different perceptions
of the outstanding leader in the structured interviews and focus groups, respectively.
However, the results across the three qualitative analyses are strikingly similar. Moreover,
they are largely consistent with the previous discussion of U.S. leadership thought and prac-
tice. At the same time, they expand and deepen it. Thus, outstanding leaders are additionally
seen as able to

• Deeply appreciate and respect the inherent humanity and dignity of each person.
• Help others grow and mentor them.
• Understand their own personal strengths, liabilities, and vulnerabilities.
• Communicate with a wide range of different people and actively encourage them to
express their different points of view, beliefs, and values.
• Rise to and above the challenge and/or opportunity at hand.

As pointed out after the presentation of the quantitative leadership results, this creates once
again an image of the outstanding leader that includes but also goes beyond that of the indi-
vidual heroic warrior who is primarily motivated by his or her own needs and values and is
driven to succeed and leave behind a legacy. It is an image that highlights the needs and aspi-
rations of those affected by the leader’s actions as well and that may be closer to the realities
of organizational life than the public’s image of the individual heroic warrior may suggest.
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 525

4. INTEGRATION OF FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS

The major task of this chapter has been to surface major explicit and implicit images and
perceptions of leadership in U.S. culture. This was done in Section 1 through brief discussions
of the historical context from which they emerged, well-known American cultural patterns
that continue to shape them, and outstanding characteristics of prominent past and present
leaders. In addition, a selective overview of the leadership literature in Section 2 provided
insights into the particular definitions and preoccupations of U.S. leadership thought and
practice. This led to the identification of approaches to leadership yet at the fringes of main-
stream thinking. Section 2 concluded with a description of the leader as heroic warrior as the
preeminent image of the outstanding leader in U.S. society. A similar, yet also different,
image of leadership surfaced in Section 3 when U.S. society was placed in “cultural space”
along GLOBE’s nine cultural dimensions and its 21 (and six second-order) leadership scales,
using quantitative as well as qualitative data.
In the remaining part of the chapter, we first provide a snapshot of 10 key U.S. leader char-
acteristics, culled from the previous discussions, to use them as springboard from which to
offer selected advice to those from foreign soil who find themselves working with Americans
at home or abroad. We then take a brief look at the assets and potential liabilities of main-
stream U.S. leadership thought and practice in a changing world and highlight limitations of
the study and possible directions for future leadership research.

Summary Profile of the “Ideal Leader” in U.S. Society: Considerations for Leaders
Everywhere

When condensed to 10 major characteristics and highlighted against images of outstand-

ing leaders in the other 60 GLOBE countries, exceptional leaders in mainstream U.S. society

1. Stand out through their individual achievements. They love to compete, win, and leave
a personal legacy. They assert themselves through the force of their personality and/or
convictions and lead by example.
2. Inspire through their optimism, can-do mentality, and energy. They appeal to the good
in people and bring out the best in them. They are comfortable exerting their influence
on others.
3. Stand up for their beliefs. They stay true to themselves and are authentic and straight-
forward. They can be trusted. They remain calm under pressure, can laugh at them-
selves, and may show great humility.
4. Focus their efforts. They have an achievable vision, which they pursue against all odds
and distractions. They communicate their vision frequently and are able to articulate
it to a wide range of different audiences.
5. Strive for excellence in their and others’ performance. They love challenges and “go the
extra mile.” They set measurable outcomes, improve on them, and execute efficiently.
6. Seek change. They are comfortable with taking risks and making mistakes. They learn
from failures and are innovative and flexible. They define challenges as opportunities.
7. Act quickly. They exude a sense of urgency and are driven to act. They are decisive and
forceful. They prefer swift and approximate over slow and deliberate decisions.
8. Promote team spirit. They stress the need to work and succeed together. They com-
municate team goals and clarify everyone’s roles and contributions. They instill pride
in the team.
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526 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

9. Encourage participation. They seek input from others and are open to suggestions.
They stress informality and create a supportive work environment. They build on
people’s intrinsic motivations and delegate.
10. Care about people. They respect the inherent humanity and dignity of each person.
They feel compassion for others and assist them when needed. They encourage and
support others to realize their unique potential and strive to serve the greater good.

It is apparent from the other chapters in this volume and GLOBE’s overall findings (House et
al., 2004) that societies around the world look for these same leader characteristics to vary-
ing degrees. Some of them, such as those belonging to the Anglo or the Nordic and Germanic
Europe cluster, desire them more; others, for instance, from the Middle East or Confucian
Asia cluster, seek them less. That is, an important first step for anyone who finds him- or her-
self working with someone from another culture it is to gain a deeper understanding of the
other person’s “culturally acquired implicit and explicit leadership theory and practice” and
of his or her own. Only by reflecting on both of them and actively trying to understand each
other’s will the similarities and differences come into focus. Only by striving for greater
insights into the other’s workplace and the broader societal context in which it is embedded
will the similarities and differences begin to make sense. Only by improving one’s cultural
adaptability and perspective-taking skills will cross-cultural effectiveness ensue.
A fruitful second step is to realize that the aforementioned profile of the leader in U.S.
society is a cultural stereotype that needs to be treated as a provisional stereotype—not only
because cultures change some of their expectations and practices over time, but also because
the United States is culturally rather heterogeneous. At the Center of Creative Leadership, the
first author uses the term of the “roving anthropologist” to convey the notion that it is essen-
tial to continuously check one’s own cultural assumptions and keenly and repeatedly assess,
hypothesize, and act (AHA principle) when entering and working in a new cultural environ-
ment. As Germanic cultures tend to say, “The devil is in the detail” (in the United States, it is
said at times that “God is in the detail”). Whatever the case may be, things are not always
what they appear to be and often seemingly clear similarities in expected leader behaviors
may lead to the greatest misunderstandings and/or conflicts. For example, leaders worldwide
are expected to be decisive. However, “decisive” may mean in the United States being “quick
and approximate,” while in France being “deliberate and precise” and in Japan “consensual
and long-term” (see Hoppe, 2004). Similarly, “just” is also seen as a universally desirable
leader characteristic. Yet, just may mean in the United States “in accordance with the law or
fair” whereas in Mexico “in accordance with my family’s or friends’ needs.”
Beyond these more generic first two suggestions, the third one has to do with the afore-
mentioned observations that American men and women in leadership roles tend to show a
strong desire toward action, execution, and getting results. It’s a propensity that Yeung and
Ready (1995) empirically corroborated in their eight-nations study in which U.S. managers
considered “get results-manage strategy to action” the most important leader capability, much
more so than managers from France, Germany, Japan, and South Korea. Although this tendency
nurtures a “can-do, problem-solving, and just-do-it” approach, it also invites an emphasis on
work and career over personal and family life, task over relationship, competition over col-
laboration. It furthermore tends to encourage a short planning (and quick-to-market approach)
and a resulting longer implementation phase during which deficiencies of the new product or
service need to be addressed. Men and women from countries such as Denmark, Germany,
Norway, the Netherlands, or Sweden need to come to terms with this underlying dynamic in
U.S. life, as they work with American men and women at home or abroad.
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 527

The final suggestion is based on experiences by the first author over the past 30 years
working with participants in leadership roles from all over the world. It is informed by state-
ments that more frequently could be heard from U.S. participants than from any other cultural
group, such as “if it is to be, it’s up to me”; “make the best of it”; “luck’s got nothing to do
with it”; “nobody owes me anything”; “I am responsible for my own happiness”; “it’s gonna
work”; or “if I won’t succeed the first time, I’ll try again.” These expressions of self-agency,
positive thinking, and optimism often served up additional energy among the people working
together and resulted in a positively charged self-fulfilling prophecy of their activities. Others
not infrequently labeled this American spirit as naive, innocent, or ignorant. However, could
it not be offered as an antidote to men and women from cultures in which much is invested
and expected from the “system,” whether the system is the government, the organization, or
the family? Stated differently, couldn’t a combination of self-agency, positive thinking, and
optimism and systems thinking, realism, and a concern for the greater good be the more pow-
erful elixir for effective leadership everywhere?

Assets and Potential Liabilities of U.S. Leadership Thought and

Practice in a Changing World

It is clear that the aforementioned profile of 10 key U.S. leader characteristics may contain
additional lessons for people in leadership roles from around the world who want to be
successful in today’s fast-changing and increasingly global environment. For example, U.S.
leadership’s openness to change, its willingness to take risks and try new things, its pragmatic
mentality, and its desire to excel in order to achieve tangible results may serve others well,
too. Its sense of urgency, its competitive spirit and determination, and its ability to engage the
talents and energies of its people may provide them with critical ingredients for success. Its
democratic ideals, support of others, and sense of fair play may help them garner greater trust.
Of course, this profile of U.S. leader characteristics constitutes an ideal that may be more
in people’s head than “real,” as the differences between the “Should Be” and “As Is” results
of the cultural orientations attest. Also, its characteristics may turn into stumbling blocks
when not adjusted to the ever-changing and diverse world or turn into liabilities when over-
done. For example, when not properly calibrated, the drive for change may rob people of their
need for some stability and undermine their sense of belonging and loyalty in their organiza-
tions and communities. Or, when overdone, a healthy competitive spirit may turn into win-
ning by all means at the expense of solidarity and empathy with others (Kohn, 1993). In
particular, the emphasis on the individual leader who is expected to make the difference in
people’s and organizations’ lives is beginning to show its limitations, as markets have become
more global, and assuring the sustainability of planet Earth, in its complexity and long-term
implications, requires noticeably more organizational and institutional collaboration
(Friedman, 2005; Lodge, 1995).
This over emphasis on the individual leader (and other potential liabilities of leadership
thought and practice in U.S. society) has come into sharper focus, as U.S. leadership thought
and practice over the past few decades increasingly came into contact with markedly differ-
ent cultures and the field of intercultural management established itself. For example, look-
ing at the world at large, Hofstede observes, “Collectivism is the rule in our world and
individualism the exception” (Hofstede, 1991, p. 54). Similarly, anthropological studies and
developments in physics, biology, and computer technologies have led to the realization that
the Western world’s view of the “self-contained individual” (here, the individual leader) is
rather peculiar and predisposes it to commit the “subjectivist fallacy” (Bond, 2000; Sampson,
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528 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

2000). Or, as Candide in Leonard Bernstein’s musical of the same name laments, “It must be
me; it must be me.”
These are not abstract ruminations. For example, whenever U.S. participants during an
exercise in the lead author’s leader development work are asked to first describe critical leader
characteristics and then their work environment with its typical challenges and opportunities,
they tend to end up in a telling dilemma. Inevitably, as a group, they describe a leader who
has the aforementioned 10 (or more) characteristics. Inevitably, they also admit that they
haven’t met anyone yet who had all of those characteristics. Then, when asked to describe the
daily realities of their workplace, they speak of great volatility, uncertainty, complexity, ambi-
guity, and rapid change. Yet, inevitably, the vast majority of them continues to insist that “if
there were just that great (heroic) leader, things would be better”—forgetting that today’s
complex and ever-changing challenges and opportunities are beyond any single person’s
grasp and abilities and that much of their daily work is already characterized by significant
collaboration among them—and their organizations and governments.
Moreover, as discussed in Section 2, the a priori definition of leadership as individual
leadership tends to call forth an image of the leader as a hero and savior, someone who is
ascribed superhuman attributes and who carries the hopes and fears of others. Whereas the
adulation of the leader as hero may play a useful role in any society by inspiring people to
make sacrifices for themselves and others, it tends to undermine the basic requirements of a
democratic society whose well-being depends on the active involvement of the majority of
its members. Is it not much more tempting to leave things up to those who, by default or
design, occupy leadership roles? Similarly damaging, it may diminish the sense of worth,
personal power, and human dignity that people feel about themselves, when the leaders as
heroes occupy the few pedestals that society makes available. Is it not all too human to feel
inferior when looking up to these “superhuman” leaders? At its worst, the strong belief in
the heroic individual leader, when left unexamined, may lead others astray. Building on a
quote by a participant from the structured interviews, “He [the manager] was able to get the
staff … to walk on water for him; they would do anything for him.” What if what that
“charismatic” manager wanted them to do was unethical or immoral? History is full of
examples of this kind.
This brief discussion about potential pitfalls of U.S. society’s preoccupation with the
(heroic) individual leader is embedded in a larger issue. The American romance of leadership
on the whole tends to favor social science over politics, psychology over sociology, behavior
over structure, data over values (Behrman, 1988; Hofstede, 1993; Lessem & Neubauer, 1994).
Comparatively speaking, this is not a minor matter, because many countries around the world
express a greater need and/or preference for positional, structural, or systemic leadership.
Also, the term leadership may not even exist or have very different meanings around the
world (Dorfman, 1996), as witnessed by the French’s struggle trying to differentiate between
leadership and governance. Perhaps even more important, this tendency is of no little conse-
quence within U.S. society either, as the country’s problems come to be seen to “stem not
from evaded issues of injustice or inequality but from technically faulty administration [i.e.,
leadership]” (DeMott, 1993, p. 72).

Limitations of the Study and Suggestions for Future Research

The GLOBE study as a whole deserves great credit for attempting to develop an empirically
based theory of leadership to help predict the effectiveness of leader and organizational
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 529

practices in different cultures and, from the outset, embedding its theorizing in data from a
wide range of cultures and a set of empirically derived cultural dimensions. By asserting the
importance of the cultural context in the understanding of leadership, it is also praiseworthy for
implicitly reaffirming the critical role of so-called followership, that is, that “leadership is in
the eye of the beholders” (Mintzberg, 2003, p. 10). In addition, and aside from the gargantuan
efforts of its key contributors, sustaining the study for more than a decade (and counting) and
building up a network of 170 plus scholars from around the world are achievements by them-
selves. Alas, as with every study large or small, there are research aspects that one would have
wished to have done, forget to do, and/or deliberately decided not to do. Here are some that
the authors wished to have seen or to see in the future.
The first concerns the overall research methodology of the GLOBE leadership question-
naire that a priori invited a definition of leadership as something that an individual does. As
this chapter has shown, this introduced a Western and trait-based bias as well as an influence
model of leadership that prevented other notions of leadership to come to the fore. If effec-
tive leadership is the capacity for carrying out the leadership tasks of setting direction, creat-
ing alignment, gaining and maintaining commitment, and facing and resolving adaptive
challenges (McCauley & Van Velsor, 2003), then leadership can also be seen as residing in an
organization or community as a whole, manifested in its set of competencies, its shared vision
and/or passion(s), its structure, and/or culture. This would require studying entire systems,
from groups to societies, for expressions of leadership. Similarly, it would call for paying
attention to the interconnections between and among people, groups, institutions, and/or
functions.
The choice of respondents could be considered a second limitation. The vast majority
(90%) were middle managers who had an average of 14 years of managerial experience (for
more information, see Appendix A). In some sense, it was a good choice because, as
employees in the middle of the organization, they experience themselves as leaders and fol-
lowers. They were also reasonably well matched across the societies of the entire GLOBE
study, coming from the same three for-profit industries. Yet, a managerial bias in their per-
spective is not unlikely. If one agrees that leadership is in the eye of the beholder, then it
would be helpful to learn more about the values, beliefs, and expectations of those not in
leadership roles—in particular, as the U.S. workforce has become increasingly diverse
(U.S. Census Bureau, 1999). In the same vein, more than two thirds of the U.S. respondents
were men. As Appendix H shows, there are some significant differences in cultural norms
and leader characteristics that men and women desire. Could this suggest that by relying
too much on data from men, who also hold managerial roles and come from the corporate
world, the study of leadership across cultures perpetuates a male-dominated image of the
leader and the process of leadership? It is a question that needs to be addressed more dili-
gently in future leadership studies.
A definite strength of this study is its combination of different methods, quantitative and
qualitative data, and lenses on the past and present that create a mutually reinforcing image
of leadership in the United States. Yet, most of the data are still based on surveys, interviews,
national statistics, or secondary analyses. What remains missing are complementary data that
are collected on site, in real life and leadership situations, and based on actual behaviors—
data along Mintzberg’s (1973) question of what managers really do, Collins’s (2001) work on
what makes organizations great, or d’Iribarne’s (1994) comparative study of three manufac-
turing plants of a French aluminum company. These types of data may not only help narrow
the often-observed gap between actual and espoused values and beliefs, but also provide
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530 HOPPE AND BHAGAT

nonlaboratory data that more fully capture the complexities and realities of today’s leadership
challenges and effective approaches.
Last but not least, great benefits may be derived from “de-psychologizing” the study of lead-
ership by more vigorously studying the broader contexts in which individuals, groups, and insti-
tutions try to succeed in their leadership tasks, be that their economic, political, cultural,
environmental, or historical circumstances. It may turn out that leadership, as largely understood
and studied in the United States, is but one variable in the total equation of determining people’s
quality of life and the well-being of the planet earth, perhaps not even the most critical one.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The first author would like to thank for their invaluable assistance Denise Craig, Thomas
Engel, Stefan Fazekas, Robert Kaiser, Steffen Obst, Philip Ruerup, Andreas Voigt, Katja
Weissbach, and many other colleagues at the Center for Creative Leadership.
The second author acknowledges the summer support provided by the Folgeman College
of Business that enabled him to complete work on this chapter. Appreciation is also expressed
to Zhenyu Huang, Pamela Dembla, and Karen Moustafa for their assistance.
Apologies to all other Americans, north and south and east and west of the United States
of America. The term American is used, at times, to help with the flow of the writing, not to
expropriate it from other Americans.

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Appendix A
U.S. Demographic Data
• Sample Size : N = 382 (respondents with missing data excluded)
• Financial Services Industry : N = 146 (three organizations)
• Telecommunication Services Industry : N = 65 (two organizations)
• Food Industry : N = 171 (three organizations)

• Gendera : Male = 68%

Female = 32%
• Age : x– = 44
• Years of Formal Education : –x = 17
• Years of Managerial Experience : –x = 14
• Years with Current Employer : –x = 12
• Number of Direct Reports : –x = 8

• Respondents in middle and upper middle management (organizational level): 90%

• Respondents who’ve worked for a multinational corporation in their career: 58%
• Respondents who’ve received training in Western management practices: 63%
• Respondents in:b

HR/Personnel Management : 12.4%

Manufacturing/Production : 9.7%
Marketing : 8.9%
Finance/Accounting : 8.0%
Administration : 5.8%
Sales : 5.8%
R&D : 4.0%
Support Services : 3.5%
Planning : 2.7%
Other : 39.0%

Notes: aOnly 285 (or fewer) respondents provided demographic data (gender, age, etc.). b226 respondents, only,
indicated one “kind of work primarily done by your unit.”
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Appendix B
Cultural Scales, U.S. Industry and Global Norms
Financial Services Telecommunication
Industrya Services Food Industryd
Cultural scale T-Scoreb Industry T-Scorec T-Score

“As Is” “Should Be” “As Is” “Should Be” “As Is” “Should Be”

Assertiveness 66e 60e 58 57 56 57

Future Orientation 58 48 50 41 55 46
Gender Egalitarianism 48 61e 45 64e 53 62e
Humane Orientation 55 53 46 53 54 55
e
In-Group Collectivism 49 53 42 57 40 52
Institutional Collectivism 46 37e 45 38e 52 41
e e
Performance Orientation 64 56 46 53 60 54
Power Distance 44 51 49 54 46 48
Uncertainty Avoidance 50 40e 48 45 46 40e
a
N = 54 countries; N = 3 U.S. Organizations; N = 70 respondents. bT-scores represent standardized U.S. industry
rankings against global industry norms (M = 50, SD = 10). cN = 31 countries; N = 2 U.S. Organizations; N = 30
respondents. dN = 44 countries; N = 3 U.S. Organizations; N = 88 respondents. e1 SD or more above or below
global industry norm.
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Appendix C
Significant Correlations Between Cultural Orientations (“Should Be”) and
Leadership Scalesa
Positive Negative

Gender Egalitarianism Participative (Second Order) +.58 Conflict Inducer –.58

Inspirational +.56 Face Saver –.57
Performance Orientation +.51 Self-Protective (Second Order) –.57
Visionary +.51 Nonparticipative –.56
Charismatic (Second Order) +.49 Self-Centered –.52
Integrity +.46 Autocratic –.51
Decisive +.40 Malevolent –.50
Procedural –.43
Assertiveness Participative (Second Order) +.34 Face Saver –.32
Modesty –.31
Humane O. (Second Order) –.31
Nonparticipative –.31
Performance Orientation Status-Conscious +.33 Autonomous (Second Order) –.35
Humane Orientation Self-Sacrificial –.27
In-Group Collectivism Team Integrator +.40 Autonomous (Second Order) –.29
Inspirational +.30

Future Orientation Procedural +.53 Autonomous (Second Order) –.37

Status-Conscious +.51 Autonomous –.36
Self-Protective (Second Order) +.41 Participative (Second Order) –.34
Modesty +.35
Autocratic +.35
Power Distance Self-Centered +.50 Team Integrator –.47
Malevolent +.35 Inspirational –.40
Autonomous (Second Order) +.33 Integrity –.40
Face Saver +.32 Visionary –.37
Charismatic (Second Order) –.37
Collaborative Team Oriented –.32
Participative (Second Order) –.32
Decisive –.32
Uncertainty Avoidance Procedural +.76 Participative (Second Order) –.62
Self-Protective (Second Order) +.76 Inspirational –.35
Face Saver +.64
Status-Conscious +.61
Nonparticipative +.59
Conflict Inducer +.58
Autocratic +.56
Administratively Competent +.48
Self-Centered +.44
Malevolent +.41
Team Oriented (Second Order) +.39
Modesty +.37
Humane Orientation (Second Order)+.34
Institutional Collectivism Status-Conscious +.50 Autonomous –.51
Procedural +.37 Autonomous (Second Order) –.49
Collaborative Team Oriented +.35
a
Significant at .01 or higher levels of significance.
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Appendix D

Cross-Cultural Interview Guide

Purpose
The purpose of the interview is to explore, in some depth, how managers in your culture explicitly
and implicitly define leadership.

QUESTIONS

1. We are interested in determining your personal definition of outstanding leadership.

To arrive at this definition we have a number of questions and subquestions. The first
question concerns the difference between competent managers and outstanding
leaders. What do you see this difference to be?
2. Now we are interested in your perception of the opposite of outstanding leadership.
If the person is in the position of leadership and does not exercise outstanding
leadership, what would be the kinds of behaviors in which they engage?
3. Can you think of a critical incident that illustrates outstanding leadership?
4. Can you think of another such incident?
5. Were there any obstacles or constraints faced by the leaders in these incidents? Any
opposition, resistance, bureaucratic red tape, or lack of resources, for example?
6. Can you think of two or three well-known outstanding leaders? Who are they?
7. Is there anything that these leaders have in common that makes them outstanding and
differentiate them from others who have been in similar positions?
8. How is the behavior of these leaders similar?
9. Can you think of a specific behavior, something each leader did, that illustrates his or
her leadership?
10. Can you think of something a leader did that resulted in your strong acceptance of
support of the leader or resulted in significantly increased motivation on your part, or
willingness to go above and beyond the call of duty in the interest of the leader’s
vision, objective, or mission?
 540

Appendix E
Chhokar chapter 14.qxd

Summary Comparisons Between GLOBE and Qualitative Results

(Rank) GLOBEa Focus Groupsb Structured Interviewsc Media Analysisd

(1) Integrity (6.51) Inspirational (7.8) Inspirational (21.5) Performance (15.2)

10/4/2007

Orientation
HOPPE AND BHAGAT

(2) Performance (6.46) Integrity (5.7) Visionary (12.8) Self-Sacrificial (13.9)

Orientation
3:39 PM

(3) Inspirational (6.35) Visionary (4.7) Team Integrator (11.0) Inspirational (12.1)
(4) Visionary (6.28) Team Integrator (4.4) Integrity (9.0) Visionary (9.7)
(5) Team Integratore (6.03) Self-Sacrificial (3.9) Performance (6.6) Decisive (8.1)
Page 540

Orientation
(6) Decisive (5.96) Performance (3.4) Self-Sacrificial (6.4) Integrity (5.7)
Orientation
(7) Administratively (5.63) Decisive (1.6) Decisive (5.9) Procedural (4.2)
Competent (reversed)
(8) Diplomaticf (5.46) Modesty (1.3) Collaborative (5.6) Collaborative (4.0)
Team Oriented Team Oriented
9) Collaborative (5.38) Humane (1.3) Humane (4.1) Diplomatic (3.8)
Team Oriented
(10) Modesty (5.24) Diplomatic (0.3) Diplomatic (2.8) Autonomous (3.8)
a
Numbers in parentheses = U.S. country mean for that scale. bNumbers in parentheses = percent of specifically designated leader characteristic based on 387 observations of
which 35.4 percent attracted outstanding leader designation in the 10 leader scales listed. cNumbers in parentheses = percent of leader characteristics based on scorable 391
observations. dNumbers in parentheses = percent of leader characteristics based on 505 observations from Business Week, The New York Times, and The Wall Street Journal.
e
Leadership scales in italics not part of top 10 across all four analyses. fLeadership scales in bold are part of top 10 of all analyses.
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Appendix F
Media Analysis Major Themesa
Individual Leader Characteristics 30.6%
(e.g., hard driving, persistent, competitive, inclusive,
inspirational, risk taker, energetic, firm, decisive, honest)
Growth and Profit 14.4%
(e.g., market share, revenue, fast growth, profit, making
money, return on investments, success, bottom line)
Strategy and Doing Business 14.4%
(e.g., focusing on core business, restructuring, marketing,
cost cutting, expanding, strategy, differentiate, consolidation)
Free-Market Environment 12.7%
(e.g., free-market dynamics, fair competition, changing
times, customer demands, government regulations,
global competition, technological change)
Miscellaneous 22.8%
(e.g., back to basics, conspicuous, fast track, capability, pressure,
great complexity, new system, breaking with past, talented)
a
Based on 1,648 key terms in Business Week, 12/1998 and 2/1999; The New York Times, 12/9–11/1998 and
2/15–19/1999; and The Wall Street Journal, 12/9–11/1998 and 2/16–19/1999. Statements from USA Today and
Time magazine were inadvertently excluded.
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Appendix G
Media Analysis Most Frequently Used Termsa
1. Market or markets
(e.g., market appeal, market share, changing market)
2. Customers or consumers
(e.g., customer demands, customer orientation, consumer tastes)
3. Profit or profitability
(e.g., making profits, profit oriented, profitable management)
4. Vision or goal
(e.g., vision, visionary, setting high goals)
5. Change or changing
(e.g., technological change, ability to change, changing environment)
6. Efficiency or cutting
(e.g., efficiency gains, cost cutting, cutting back)
7. Growth or expanding
(e.g., growth opportunity, expanding market, revenue growth)
8. Strategy
(e.g., long-term strategy, articulating a strategy, growth strategy)
9. Marketing or advertising
(e.g., direct marketing, niche marketing, product advertising)
10. Long-term
(e.g., long-term orientation, thinking long-term, long-term improvement)
a
Based on 2,546 statements from 106 articles (see sources of media analysis).
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14 LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 543

Appendix H
Significant Statistical Relationships Between U.S. Demographic Variables,
Cultural Orientations (“ Should Be”), and Leader Scales
◊ Age × Future Orientation: +.16*
◊ Organizational Level × Assertiveness Orientation: +.17*
◊ Women lower in Uncertainty Avoidance*
◊ Women lower in Future Orientation**
◊ Women higher in Gender Egalitarianism**

◊ Years of Education × Administratively Competent: −.23***

× Modesty: −.18**
× Procedural: −.17**
× Collaborative Team Oriented: −.16**
× Conflict Inducer: −.16**
× Diplomatic: −.15*
× Malevolent: +.16**

◊ Years of Management Experience × Administratively Competent: −.12*

× Status-Conscious: −.12*

◊ Women less autocratic**

face saver*
procedural*
◊ Women more inspirational**
visionary*
diplomatic*
participative*

Note. There are no significant associations between leader scales and functional belonging of respondents (e.g.,
sales, R&D, etc.).
*
< .05, ** < .01, ***< .001.
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IV
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

LATIN EUROPE CLUSTER

The Latin European cluster in the GLOBE Research Program consisted of France, Israel,
Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Switzerland (French-speaking). In this volume, this cluster is rep-
resented by France, Portugal, and Spain.
This cluster scored low on Humane Orientation and Institutional Collectivism dimensions
of societal culture and was in the middle range for all the other dimensions: Assertiveness,
Future Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism, In-Group Collectivism, Performance Orientation,
Power Distance, and Uncertainty Avoidance (House et al., 2004).
Although the overall assessment is that an outstanding leader in this cluster is expected to
show Team Oriented leadership supported by Charismatic/Value Based leadership, there is
also considerable between-country variation in this cluster. France values Participative lead-
ership the most. Most countries in this cluster were either neutral toward or rejected
Autonomous leadership. Humane Oriented leadership is not considered significant in most of
these countries. As a matter of fact, it seems to even inhibit outstanding leadership in France.
There is significant between-country variation for Self-Protective leadership, although it is
generally not endorsed.
The between-country variance on almost all dimensions in this cluster is possibly a reflec-
tion of the fact that the culture in each country in the cluster is strong and distinctive. Latin
Europe being in some ways the “cradle of Europe,” this cluster possibly shows an amalga-
mation of all the variation that exists in Europe overlaid by the “Mediterranean miracle”
(Jesuino, 2002).

545
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546 LATIN EUROPE CLUSTER

REFERENCES

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates.
(2004). Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Jesuino, J. C. (2002). Latin Europe cluster: From South to North. Journal of World Business,
37, 81–89.
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15
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Universalism and Exceptionalism:

French Business Leadership
Philippe Castel
University of Burgundy–SPMS, Dijon, France

Marc Deneire
University Nancy 2, Nancy, France

Alexandre Kurc
University Nancy 2, Nancy, France

Marie-Françoise Lacassagne
University of Burgundy–SPMS, Dijon, France

Christopher A. Leeds
University Nancy 2, Nancy, France

Universalism and exceptionalism demonstrate the existence of two different management cul-
tures operating within the sectors of industry chosen for this study. Research, including inter-
views, reveals that both the banking and food-processing sectors are characterized by some
companies reflecting classical, commercial leadership/organizational practices whereas other
companies follow alternative mutual (banking) and cooperative (food processing) styles.
A media analysis highlights the fact that leaders are part of a system and operate within a set
of constraints that they do not always control. Their role is to operate in the background rather
than to get involved in their businesses on a regular basis.
Finally, a study of the social representations of exceptional leadership shows similarities
with the definitions given by other countries in the GLOBE study. Traits such as “motivation,”
“competition,” “competence,” “trust,” and “future orientation” all play a central role in the
definition of leadership. However, it is personal relations that distinguish the good leader from
the exceptional leader.

547
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548 CASTEL ET AL.

1. GENERAL BACKGROUND

Let’s adore working together and reject personal power (“Adore le travail collectif et déteste le
pouvoir personnel”). (Philippe Dupon, Chairman of a Bank, Le Point, August 6, 1999)

To get people to perform to the extremes and have the motivation to do so without me having to
tell them. (Pierre Bilger, chief executive, major French-British company, about his greatest chal-
lenge; The Sunday Telegraph, June 13, 1999, p. 37)

Culture-Generalizable and Culture-Specific Features

The GLOBE project aims to enhance existing knowledge of culture-generalizable and

culture-specific aspects of leadership and follower responses to leaders. Processes by which
cultural influences are transmitted at two other levels of analysis, societal and organizational,
are also important. For the purposes of the project, GLOBE defines leadership as follows:
“the ability of an individual to influence, motivate and enable others to contribute towards
the effectiveness and success of the organizations to which they belong” (House, Wright, &
Aditya, 1997).
This section highlights the historical, social, political, and economic features that are rel-
evant to industry and also the key elements of the context in which French leaders operate.
Ongoing GLOBE research confirms the belief that the notion of leadership, and the social
status of leaders varies considerably across countries. For example, in contrast to many parts
of Northern Europe, leaders are romanticized, glorified, and allowed considerable influence
in Arab countries, the United States, Germany, Russia, and France. A marked number of pub-
lic symbols such as statues, buildings, and streets named in recognition of leaders can be
found in France (House, Hanges, & Ruiz-Quintanilla, 1997).
Culture-specific in this study refers not only to leadership traits or styles, where applica-
ble, but also to practices, customs, and norms that influence the nature and profile of French
leadership in France. The state and the family play an important role in the French economy,
in business, and in management.
Culture-specific features are both the strength of the intellectual tradition in leadership,
and the particular nature of industrial relations for many years between many employers and
trade unions, especially the combination of two strongly opposed tendencies, namely mod-
ernist and antimodernist forces in political and economic life.
The French appreciate two kinds of leaders, the strong charismatic type and the consensus
builder or coalition former, as reflected in De Gaulle and Mitterand respectively (House,
Hanges, & Ruiz-Quintonilla, 1997). The quotations by Dupont and Bilger, cited at the start
of this chapter, are directly relevant to the French mentality. French managers and employees
generally dislike being closely supervised. Ideally the French endorse the kind of leader who
combines two qualities, a strong dynamic direction and consensual team building. However
considerable regional variations exist in France which consequently requires leaders to have
the ability to adapt to local conditions (see the Appendix for more detailed information).

Political and Economic Background

Most countries, in varying degrees, possess contrasting features and values, as is the case with
France. These features are displayed in geography, history, and culture. Jack (1999) argues
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 549

that any generalization about France is doomed to contradiction. In France, paradox remains
a key feature, depicted through polarities and the interplay between opposing tendencies.
Examples are unity–diversity, centralization–regionalism, authority–freedom, dependence–
independence, control– autonomy, and in business especially, structured (formal) versus
organic (informal) practices.
A broad contrast exists between the values of authority and freedom, whether understood
politically or economically. Since the Middle Ages and the Counter-Reformation, centralized
government and industry, submission to hierarchy, lack of autonomy, and a strong civil ser-
vice have remained French features (Bass, 1990). However, this style clashes with the values
of freedom and fraternity, originally expressed in the ideals of the French Revolution. The
terms right and left depict these opposing forces, first used politically in 1789 to describe seat-
ing arrangements.
Much of the French history of the 19th century, from 1815 onward, mirrored the tension
between reaction and authoritarianism on the one hand, and progress and democracy on the
other. France continued to maintain two contrasting traditions: first, the aura of elitist aristo-
cratic values, elegance, and grandeur, associated with pre-1789 France, and second, the con-
tinuation of egalitarian and radical values associated with the French Revolution.
From 1789 to 1958, France experienced a series of different political systems and new con-
stitutions. Under the Third Republic, the interwar period, and the Fourth Republic
(1946–1958) governments were frequently of short duration as a result of the existence of
numerous political parties, with opposition parties being able to combine to outvote govern-
ments. The constitution of the Fifth Republic (1958) weakened parliament and increased the
power of the government. This led to greater political stability and fewer political parties.
From 1815 to the present, despite political upheaval, France experienced remarkable stability
and continuity in terms of both state governance and stable, effective administrative, legal,
and educational structures.
In the economic field, the Catholic Church was, traditionally, reluctant to support com-
mercialism and entrepreneurialism—achieving and profit making implied greed and selfish-
ness. Consequently, the Huguenots (French Calvinists) formed the key business communities,
from the Protestant Reformation until the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685). Most
Huguenots then, in an attempt to escape persecution, left France. Both in the past, and still
today, an important proportion of the political and economic leaders are Protestant in origin.
Various factors delayed industrial modernization: first, the size and key position of the
peasantry, owners of small holdings, and agriculture in the economy; second, the antientre-
preneurial spirit; and third, the reluctance of the monied class to finance industrial projects,
preferring to invest in land, gold, and state bonds. Firms, starved of capital for expansion,
tended to remain small or medium-size operations. Industrial progress and socioeconomic
development were particularly noticeable at certain periods, such as 1840–1960 and during
the 1960s under President De Gaulle.

French Universalism

Myth makers from the time of Clovis, the first King of the Franks, in the eighth century,
romantically conceive France in a spiritual sense as the perfect land favored by God. Its
borders formed a hexagon, equated with harmony and balance, with the country situated
equidistant between the North Pole and the Equator. After initial conflict, the Franks adopted
the language of the local people, and Clovis converted to Christianity. As early as the eighth
century, the Franks saw themselves as the heirs and custodians of the Greco-Roman classical
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550 CASTEL ET AL.

world. They adopted the idea of Roman Universalism. Lipiansky (1989) observes that
throughout their history the French have tended to link their national idea, not with French
civilization alone, but with civilization itself. This implies a collection of rules, customs and
usages that define civilized behavior. To some extent, France, throughout the early modern
period, epitomized values that were associated with the West, namely rationalism, logic,
structure, and order, which was reflected in the French approach to education, administration,
science, and the arts.
A perennial idea persists that many endeavors are intended to benefit not just the French but
the world, exemplified by the key principles stemming from the French Revolution, notably lib-
erty, equality, and fraternity (brotherhood). The historian Jules Michelet (1798–1874) in The
Universal History portrays France’s destiny as the pilot ship of humanity. In a television broad-
cast during the presidential elections (1998), President Chirac echoed this sentiment, reminding
listeners that France was the lighthouse (phare) that led the way for all people.

Industrial Relations

The French generally adopt an ambivalent attitude toward authority and employers (Vachette,
1984). Employees, when in need of help, tend to rely on the state or their employer, and
respect authority. However, as employers often make decisions with inadequate dialogue with
their employees, the latter may eventually challenge authority. Dates of major important polit-
ical confrontations between the state and the public after the French Revolution, notably
through widespread demonstrations in Paris, include 1830, 1848, 1871, 1934, 1958, 1968,
1985 and 1995–19966.
Trade unions, legalized in 1884, were for many years ignored by both the state and an
important number of employers. An important section of the union movement developed rev-
olutionary ideas. Of the main industrial countries, only France had as its major labor organi-
zation a procommunist union (the CGT), which rejected the idea of bargaining within the
“pro-bourgeois” established political framework (Hewlett, 1998). However, violent con-
frontation between workers and employers were rare, except at moments of major demon-
strations. After the student and trade union demonstrations of 1968, Antoine Ribaud, head of
a major food-processing company, earned the derision of many fellow leaders when he called
upon them publicly to adopt a more social management style toward unions (Jack, 1999).
The dislike of direct, face-to-face relations is visible in many aspects of French economic
life. Shop floor workers, for example, reluctant to form teams spontaneously, preferred to
cooperate through formal rules established centrally. In the long term, management–union
relations considerably improved from the late 1970s, reflected in a change from autocratic to
cooperative relationships in many companies (Goetschy, 1998). Today, although French trade
union membership continues to be one of the lowest in Europe, approximately 10% of the
workforce in France, trade unions remain a formidable force, in both politics and industry.
Food processing and banking have been sectors relatively untouched by industrial unrest. To
an extent this is due to the influence of decentralized management and cooperative or mutu-
alist ideas in parts of these sectors.

Intellectual and Elitist Traditions

French intellectuals have always occupied a special position in French society. Alexis de
Tocqueville, French aristocrat and author of Democracy in America, exercised much influence
in French politics. He noted that, in the Ancien Régime, French intellectuals displayed a more
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 551

abstract mind-set than their English counterparts. Whereas the British followed the pragmatic
and reformist route in political and social matters, French intellectuals preferred more general
and abstract plans for reform. Dynamism in French leadership, especially in business, has
been tempered, historically, by the existence of a strong intellectual tradition. Top managers
are not required to have tremendous charisma or persuasive skills, even if they possess them,
or to be visionary (Barsoux & Lawrence, 1997). The mantle of power and authority, associ-
ated with their role or ascribed status, guarantees acquiescence from subordinates.
Prestigious higher education is not associated with universities, with the possible excep-
tion of the Sorbonne in Paris. Young people aspiring to reach the top in politics, the civil ser-
vice, or business aim to enter one of the top state-controlled specialist or professional schools,
called Grandes Ecoles. Over 170 exist, which cater to the technical, administrative, and busi-
ness needs of both the State and private industry. Distinguished Grande Ecoles include the
civil service training school (l’Education Nationale d’Administration). Normally, students
follow 2 years of preparatory courses after the Baccalaureate (high school diploma) before
taking a competitive entrance exam. Emphasis is placed at these institutions on mathematical
prowess (the main admissions requirement) and logical, abstract thinking.
Products of the very best Grandes Ecoles circulate in their careers between the civil ser-
vice, government, and business. Consequently a powerful elite and old-boy network devel-
oped (Barsoux & Lawrence, 1997). The most notable informal club is that of the Enarques,
graduates of the Ecole Nationale d’Administration (commonly called ENA). Major personal-
ities in business move generally in the same circles as leaders, on both the political and social
scene, forming altogether a select elite.

Family and State Tradition in Business

Family capitalism remains important in France. The continued paternalism in part of French
business is reflected in the number of words connected to management derived from the Latin
word Pater. Examples are le patron (employer, company chief, or boss), le patronat (top man-
agement), and le grand patronat (top business leaders). According to Marseille (1997),
France maintained its economic position worldwide due to the dynamism of families, com-
pensating for the defection of the elites. In 1992, 25 out of the 100 leading companies were
family controlled. Other scholars have pointed to the importance of family-owned businesses
in France (Allouche & Amann, 1997; Barsoux & Lawrence, 1990). The bourgeoisie saw suc-
cess as based on increasing their wealth and the reputation of their families. They believed
their basic duty was to pass on property to their children and to protect family businesses from
outside control (Barsoux & Lawrence, 1990).
Altman (1993) places France in a Southern European group for business purposes,
metaphorically described as family. At work actors tend to re-create “familial” relationships,
which entail conflict resolution based on loyalty, protection, succession, and the exercise of
authority.
In Britain and the United States, government and industry traditionally tend to be viewed
as two separate areas. Dyson (1983) argues that in France the influence of Roman law and
threats from home and abroad, oriented attention toward the state as key actor, with empha-
sis on values of unity and solidarity. Policies and reforms instituted by Louis XIII, Louis XIV,
and their ministers (Richelieu, Mazarin, and Colbert) and by Napoleon Bonaparte, made
France the first fully-operative administrative state. The active involvement of the state in eco-
nomic life (dirigisme) was considered both the cause and the effect of the weakness of the pri-
vate industrial sector.
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552 CASTEL ET AL.

The state, since industrialization, played an important role in industrial affairs, both as
patron and as a model for the business community (Szarka, 1992). As the state has tended to
be the principal shareholder in many major companies, the key corporate relationship remains
that with the government. The state occasionally rescues important organizations, including
banks, that experience serious financial difficulties. The situation has changed in some
respects since the mid-1990s, with the state gradually playing a lower profile in industry.
Leading company chairpersons originate from three chief sources, the most important
being former higher civil servants. One study found that 15 of the chairpersons of France’s
top 25 companies (excluding banks and insurance companies) came from this source and a
further eight from the second category, founders or inheritors of family firms (Bauer, 1990).
In the third and smallest were the “company men,” people who had worked their way up in
the firms they now headed. The key feature of each of these three groups has been described
respectively as intelligence, inheritance, and competence (Barsoux & Lawrence, 1990).
Top civil servants, who wish to ultimately go into business, are appointed as heads of
major private companies or public-sector enterprises by the system known as “parachuting”
(parachutage). According to one estimate, about a third of the top managers in the 200 lead-
ing companies come from the grands corps in the civil service (Jack, 1999). Working for the
state has historically been regarded as noble.
Many company regulations and procedures stem directly from laws. The French word
cadre (manager) dates from a 1936 law that accords a legally recognized rank to managers
along with appropriate status and privileges (Leeds, 1994). In France, cadre is the equivalent
of a middle (and sometimes upper) managerial position. These ranks are attained only in sec-
tors such as banking, through succeeding in further examinations and interviews as well as
possessing a good record. Demonstrated ability does however, still remain the main criterion
for promotion to top management.

2. LEADERSHIP IN FRANCE

A large number of persons in senior and top management belong to the political, economic,
and social elite. Top managers or leaders have been described as politicized and intellectual-
ized (Jack, 1998).

Leadership Styles

Lebel (1985) identifies six leadership styles: narcissistic, autocratic, paternalist, technical
(machine like), consultative, and participative/democratic. In practice, these styles are not
mutually exclusive. Most businesses can be characterized by a number of styles operating
simultaneously, depending on individual personalities, circumstances, and the level of the
hierarchy. According to Lebel, the narcissistic style remains largely confined to parts of the
nationalized and public sectors. Three broad leadership styles are evident within French pri-
vate organizations. The first approximates the classical, Taylorian model, the second reflects
paternalism, and the third the participative, consensual style. Weber (1986) combines the first
two styles in one model, described as traditional, authoritarian, protectionist, and paternalist.
His second model fits within the participative style.
Features of the first model include hierarchy, centralization, bureaucracy, and autocratic
quasi-military leadership. Moyet (1989) describes business leaders as akin to army comman-
ders. Managers tend to work in isolation, punctuated by formal meetings (Barsoux & Lawrence,
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 553

1997). In a large company, such a person combines the functions of chairperson and managing
director, responsibilities that are often separated in large American and British companies.
Although, the head is subject to control by the board and by the shareholders, members of the
board rarely challenge her or his proposals at meetings. Precision and exactitude pervades the
environment, authority being based on status, law, or regulation, and technical competence. The
organizational chart corresponds to how people interact and communicate (Graves, 1973).
French chief executives do not have to follow long processes of consultation with colleagues or
others at various levels of the hierarchy. In this style, managers tend to communicate downward
impersonally by written instructions (formal authority).
The second model combines features of traditional French practices such as personalism
and paternalism. A closer, more personal nature of superior–subordinate relationship, it soft-
ens the hierarchy. The group is considered more of a family than an instrument. Managers
concern themselves with the work and personal problems of their staff. Two overlapping
forms of family capitalism can be distinguished in this model. The first concerns family-con-
trolled firms, which include some very large companies, for example, Michelin, de Wendel,
Schneider, Peugeot, l’Oréal, Pinault, and Dassault. The second applies to firms that create a
familial, paternalist or “social concern” atmosphere, still particularly important in many
small, some medium-size, and a few large French firms. Sainsaulieu (1997) observes that
French bosses may conceive their business as a large family, feeling a personal responsibility
for the welfare of employees, which extends to families and dependents.
The third style of leadership clearly has numerous variants, depending on various mixes of
directiveness and participation in decision making. Weber (1986) describes his second lead-
ership model as one where a progressive employer is more open to the international economy,
accepts trade unions, and combines authoritarian direction with more democratic, participa-
tive practices. Hastings (1993) stresses that opposites may exist simultaneously within orga-
nizations; examples of this are hierarchy and non-hierarchy, participative decision making,
and strong direction. Employees become effective networkers within a collective individual-
ist system. As Brilman (1998) argues, French companies are gradually moving from a
Taylorian conception of work toward a post-Taylorian system, reflected by a more horizon-
tal, participative structure with the clientele.
The head is obliged to be a competent administrator in order to cope effectively with the
immense volume of regular mail from the government concerning laws, regulations, and other
matters. It is he or she, personally, who must make the decisions as to which legislative mea-
sures must be respected, resisted, or circumvented for various practical reasons.
French employees dislike being closely supervised and expect a degree of autonomy, even
if the organizational chart does not reflect this in theory (D’Iribarne, 1989). The most effec-
tive management in such an environment is likely to be of a subtle nature, the head expected
to be discreet and unobtrusive. Barsoux and Lawrence (1990) argue that the findings of one
survey reflect the need of leaders and managers to communicate instructions in a manner
most likely to elicit the cooperation of subordinates. In other words, the latter must feel that
leaders have confidence in their ability to carry out their tasks in the way they think is best
without being closely supervised.
Although the head of a large company has a board and even a personal group of advisers,
he or she may discuss thorny problems with a colleague, friend, or associate from another
company or government. Pressures and constraints can sometimes be handled more effec-
tively when resort is made to external council and support. Close cooperation may occur
between a group of companies and also between companies and the state. Leading managers
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554 CASTEL ET AL.

of large companies often work closely together, a feature of the camaraderie based on the
network maintained between former members of the top Grandes Ecoles.

3. FOOD PROCESSING AND BANKING—CONTRASTING

FEATURES OF TWO SECTORS

Basically three main categories of banks exist. The first category comprises the private or
AFB Banks, so-called as they belong to the French Association of Banks, which can under-
take all types of banking or credit operations. Although AFB banks started as independent
banks, many were nationalized for a time from 1946 or 1982, each becoming independent at
various times afterward. The second category covers a special group of mutual and coopera-
tive banks. Since the end of 1999, an important state-controlled savings bank has been in this
category along with Crédit Foncier. The third category, the state sector, consists of a few
banks, such as the Hervé Bank, which have not been denationalized and the Post Office. The
latter acts as a minimum universal bank, serving the needs, notably, of modest households.
French private banks belong to a category of multifunctional banks, universal in form, that
operate broadly in a similar manner worldwide as commercial entities. The same point applies
to private enterprises in food processing. However, organizations with special structures and
practices, governed by particular laws and regulations coexist with traditional, private enter-
prises in both banking and food processing. Many small and some medium-size businesses in
food processing are cooperatives. Cooperative and mutual banks vary in size from small to
large. Although cooperatives and mutuals are by no means unique to France, they play an
important role in the French economy.
Various influences contributed to the origin of cooperatives and mutual organizations. First,
during the 19th century humanitarian and radical thinkers looked to alternatives as a means of
modifying negative aspects of capitalism. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, for example, advocated a
federal structure that diversified power, the state providing aid or owning the infrastructure.
Second, the state supported the mutualist movement and in the 1890s, the state helped to create
mutual banks, partly inspired by developments in German banking (Thiveaud, 1977). Third, a
strand in French thinking idealizes smallness. France traditionally served as the refuge for small
operations, exemplified by the wide variety of small, regionally or locally based banks. In addi-
tion, a large number of small craft or artisanal enterprises and cooperatives (strong in areas such
as agriculture, construction, and distribution) exist. Private banks did not want such organiza-
tions as clients around the early 1900s. Instead, the early mutual and cooperative banks were
able to serve the needs of these special sections of the population.
Cooperatives and mutuals operate primarily for their members. When these organizations
operate commercially, profits can be made under certain conditions, which preclude specula-
tive activities. Surpluses should directly benefit members or be applied to financing necessary
expenses incurred for the long-term benefit of the organization. Cooperatives and mutuals are
both financed by the issue of “social shares” (parts sociales). Each social share bought by a
member has a fixed value. Remuneration, based on the profit or surplus made, amounts to an
annual rate of interest, called a dividend. The amount the member receives depends on the
quantity of social shares possessed. Each member has only one vote at the annual general
meeting (AGM), irrespective of the number of social shares owned.
In medium- to large-scale organizations, financed by share capital, the number of votes
that major shareholders have at the AGM correspond to the number of shares each personally
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 555

owns. Consequently, the influence of the small shareholder is minimal. Shares are often
bought and sold for speculative purposes. This aspect of capitalism is not present in cooper-
ative organizations, which are associated with a more democratic ethos. In both cooperatives
(food processing) and cooperative/mutual banks, members vote for volunteers to serve on the
administrative committee. The latter elect the head of the organization, who can in fact be
removed by democratic means should this be necessary.
Mutual and cooperative banks share one advantage in the market economy. They are not
funded by share capital. Consequently they may take over a commercial bank or another orga-
nization, financed by shares. However, they are protected from the influence of market and
globalist pressures themselves in that they cannot be taken over by another organization,
hence losing identity and independence.
Within French commercial banks, directive rather than participative decision making pre-
vails within a high power distance environment, approximating civil service or military prac-
tices. However, the number of hierarchical levels within branches, regional and divisional
centers, and Paris headquarters, resemble the structure in mutualist and cooperative banks. In
general, the latter possess considerable autonomy at regional and branch levels. A federal
structure links together all the centers and outlets of such banks.
Despite the existence of hierarchies and titles such as general director for bankers holding
responsible positions, their importance tends to be less emphasized in cooperative banks as
compared to commercial ones. In a small branch, the director will tend to see employees as
collaborators rather than as subordinates. At the next level, the senior manager is likely to
interpret his or her role as consensual, acting as a coordinator of the various banking centers
under his or her responsibility.
Historically, the food-processing sector and mutual and cooperative banks have remained
comparatively independent of state intervention. Important food-processing companies were
never nationalized and, as a rule, did not require state subsidies. In food processing, particu-
larly in cooperatives and within mutual and cooperative banks, employees have good oppor-
tunities for promotion based on their own merits and experience. In contrast, commercial
banks have always retained close relations with the state, owing to their importance to indus-
try, a significant and “politically sensitive” area of the economy. Consequently, state inter-
vention has been more significant, particularly during the periods when the major private
banks were nationalized. The fact that the state occasionally provides the head of a major
bank through the system of parachuting (explained earlier) reduces the prospects of bank
employees reaching top-management positions.
For cooperative and mutual banks, group members, such as associations, mutual organi-
zations, and cooperative enterprises, still remain the most important customers. As the latter
are run on democratic principles and by law have aims other than profit making, this influ-
ences the ethos of the particular banks that serve them, with such banks aiming not to make
excessive profits, also referred to as surplus. The corporate or business customers of the pri-
vate banks are primarily other commercial organizations where the prime motives remain the
same, maximizing profits.
In terms of turnover or added value, food processing came first or second, after textiles, based
on French industries in the 19th century. From the 1960s, France generally experienced rapid eco-
nomic growth. She became the first exporter, ahead of the United States, in food-processed prod-
ucts, especially in cereals and wine. Frozen milk products, biscuits, sugar, and meats were also
important. Marseille (1997) describes this sector as the new lifeblood of the French economy. Food
processing is often the leading sector of French industry in terms of exports.
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556 CASTEL ET AL.

Mutual banking plays a key role in financing agricultural modernization. Improved

technology, mergers and restructuring contribute to the growth of agriculture. In the 1980s,
family capital dominated food processing. Indirectly, the state plays an important role by pro-
tecting and encouraging the modernization of agriculture, which contributed to the sustained
efficiency and dynamism of the food-processing sector.
Structurally a few large firms, a large number of efficient small and medium-size firms,
plus small craft businesses characterize the food-processing sector. Small businesses domi-
nate milk, though a few large companies control most of the production. Cooperatives form
an important element, comprising 129 out of 489 businesses in milk (Limouzin, 1992). Some
large organizations tend to be decentralized and sometimes partially cooperative in form. In
the 1980s, families provided the bulk of the capital in this sector.
Food-processing organizations operate in an environment in which cooperation is, to a
large extent, the normal procedure. The suppliers of raw materials to this sector, many farm-
ers, suppliers, or intermediaries, are to an important extent organized in some form of coop-
erative.
Considerable restructuring has taken place in banking since 1996. Mergers have taken
place between banks in different or the same categories, aiming to create larger organizations
able to compete effectively at home and abroad. Some banks in the mutual/cooperative cate-
gory gained substantial control over, or bought a small portion of shares in private banks. The
result is that the strength and influence of the mutual banks has increased in the economy,
compared to the private banks. The state sector of banking has reduced much in size. Mutual
and cooperative banks presently control over 50% of the market in French banking.
Both banking and insurance remain simultaneously distinct and intertwined areas of
finance. Mutual and private insurance organizations also operate. However, from the start of
the 1980s banks began selling insurance products through the creation or purchase of insur-
ance subsidiaries. The tendency has been for equivalents to match up—increased links
between mutual insurance organizations and equivalents in banking—followed by the same
trend in relation to private insurance companies and private banks. Additionally, the Post
Office now also sells life insurance.
Given the diversity and variety of organizations in banking, and to an extent in food pro-
cessing, the type of leader needed is one who adapts his or her style pragmatically to the work
environment. This implies knowing the art of balancing the need to lead and to make changes,
and also of adapting to the values of particular organizational cultures. This point becomes all
the more relevant given the fact that the two types of organizations in both sectors, the private
and the cooperative, no longer necessarily completely exist in pure form. A few of the large
food-processing companies now have some branches or subsidiaries structured cooperatively.
Some banks in the second category (cooperative or mutual) now possess small or substantial
shareholdings in private banks. In addition, both sectors undergo constant evolution and
restructuring, requiring flexible, decisive, and visionary leadership.
The banking sector has been, since late 1998, in the process of continuing evolution and
restructuring, likely to extend soon to European and global levels as many of the banks look
for partners, alliances, or mergers abroad.

4. SUMMARY OF INTERVIEWS

Ten senior managers from the two sectors took part in the interviews, as well as 35 middle
managers who completed questionnaires. The age of interviewees ranges from 35 to 52 years
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 557

TABLE 15.1
Features of Leaders and Managers as Seen by Middle Managers

Outstanding Leader Competent Manager Opposite of Outstanding Leader

• Visionary, can anticipate • Motivates a team and • Too individualistic

the future and take a develops team spirit
long-term view
• Ability not to make her or • Is ready to listen to the • Incompetent; does not
himself indispensable and views of others know his or her job,
product, or market
who is valued through the
success of colleagues
• Possesses charisma, • Has technical skills that • Lacks charisma and
rigor, and dynamism are indispensable to a team consideration for others
• Good at relationships, • Diplomatic and rigorous • Overambitious,
team building, and authoritarian, and stubborn
achieving success
• Has empathy, is a good • A communicator and • Makes her or himself
listener and communicates organizer; ability to make indispensable and allows no
the right decision autonomy to his or her team
• Possesses special
financial skills related to
markets • Lacks charisma
• Ability to get the
maximum support of
colleagues in pursuit of
achieving objectives set
by the leader

old, with an average age of 42 years. The majority of respondents were men, but a minority
of 20% were women. Interviews were also conducted with managers from other sectors. The
purpose of these additional interviews was to gather further information to that relating to out-
standing leaders, competent managers, and the profile of the opposite of an outstanding leader
(see Table 15.1). Such supplementary information has been included in the appropriate sec-
tions of this chapter. Information from two focus groups (one from each sector) has been
incorporated into this section.

Banking

The general impression gained from the interviews with senior managers in banking was that
teamwork pervaded the work environment. Leader attributes included the ability to train col-
leagues to work in a group or to provide a guiding vision, outlining the direction in which the
organization should go and the special technical banking skills required. Outstanding leaders,
whether in business or politics, were shrewd and adapted to their professional milieu.
Senior managers saw the primary role of a competent manager as leading a team, encour-
aging all members to respect the group dynamic. Incompetent or weak managers preoccupied
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558 CASTEL ET AL.

themselves excessively with administrative and task-focused activities, not vital to the business.
They were individualists, egoists, or hypocrites.
For middle managers in banking, the outstanding leader possessed charisma and convic-
tion. He or she allowed time to listen to the views of others and acted as the “motor” or
dynamizer, who integrated others into working for targets or aims such as increased market
share. Skills included good anticipation of future developments in financial markets and the
willingness to take risks.
Middle managers emphasized the need for a competent manager to be fully technically
skilled in his or her area. Such managers trained others to work in a team for common aims,
and were respected by their personnel as their knowledge was vital to group success.
The opposite of an outstanding leader was a person who possessed neither charisma nor
real technical competence, even if professionally qualified. Such a leader evaded his or her
responsibilities, could not properly train a team, and tended to be dictatorial. He or she
appeared as someone on the sidelines, undynamic and unenthusiastic.

Food Processing

“He is at the same time an actor, communicator, visionary, a patriarch who is charismatic
and inventive”; and “He is a visionary, communicator, a consensus-builder, someone remark-
able, but after all a humanist who speaks with conviction and has faith in others.”
Two senior managers in the same company, food processing, had the following to say
about what makes an outstanding leader:
In food processing, senior managers associated outstanding leaders with qualities such as
charisma, dynamism, innovation, vision, and the ability to communicate. As an effective ora-
tor, he or she was expected to speak clearly, simply, and effectively in public.
One respondent equated the outstanding leader with the “captain of a ship” or as the patri-
archal or father-like figure, who incarnated all the best qualities of the organization. Another
stressed the need for a leader to foster solidarity and commitment at all levels of an organi-
zation. His particular consensual style included availability at all times (“open door” policy),
which facilitated contact with employees and rapid problem solving.
The competent manager was associated with the role of tactician, who found the means of
implementing the general goals or targets to be achieved of the leader and senior manage-
ment.
The opposite of an outstanding leader was seen as a person preoccupied with administra-
tive and task-based activities and as having a nonhumanist orientation that was counterpro-
ductive to the interests of the organization.
Based on a focus group and one interview, the image of the significant leader seen by mid-
dle managers from two companies (one of which was a cooperative) emerged as a person who
reached the top by his or her own efforts, surmounting all obstacles. Such leaders shared com-
mon qualities such as courage, honesty, intelligence, sincerity, loyalty, frankness, and cun-
ning.
The power of the leader lay in her or his ability to adapt to people and situations, combined
with the capacity to integrate and coordinate the work of employees in the furtherance of
group objectives. In the smaller organizations, notably the collectives, employees readily
cooperated. Leaders knew that the organization operated on the basis that the team, rather
than the individual leader, held the power.
The opposite of an outstanding manager was associated with various profiles. Examples
cited were: (a) the person who gained his or her job through connections (“parachuting”) and
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 559

evaded his or her responsibilities; (b) someone who gained a senior post just after graduating from
a business school; (c) someone who inherited his or her father’s business; (d) the demagogue.
Middle managers from both banking and food processing cited various examples of out-
standing leaders in France and elsewhere, including Mother Theresa. The French leader most
highlighted was Bernard Tapie, reputed for incarnating the entrepreneurial spirit.

Semantic Analysis of Interviews

An analysis was carried out, based on the interviews, using a technique developed by
Benzecri (1976). This organizes data in contingency tables (or cross-tabulation) called “fac-
torial analysis of multiple correspondences.” The objective of this method is to produce a sta-
tistical study and representation of word distribution after extracting the roots (or lexemes) of
the words in a given corpus.
ALCESTE, the program used for this study, was created by Reinert (1993) and based on
Benzecri’s technique. The program first breaks down the utterances into predicates of equal
length using punctuation. These subject-predicate units are called Unités de contexte élémen-
taires (UCE, i.e., elementary units of context). The program then creates a contingency table
using UCEs as one entry and lexical items (lemmas) as the other. Each lexical entry is coded
as (1) or (0) based on its presence or absence within the UCEs. A hierarchical classification
in a descending order is produced. As a first step in the procedure, the program divides the
whole corpus into two classes by maximizing the chi-square of the margins of the table. The
procedure is then repeated in an iterative way until all classes are produced, that is, until the
best fit between lexical entries and lexical fields is obtained. Each class constitutes a “dis-
course world.” Our analysis using this technique on 75 pages of single-spaced corpus shows
a first major opposition between two discourse worlds, that of the managers from the mutu-
alist and cooperative sectors (see Fig. 15.1, Clusters 1 and 3), and that of the managers from
large private groups (see Fig. 15.1, Clusters 2, 4, and 5). Within the latter class, a further
opposition emerged between the banking (Clusters 4 and 5) and food-processing sectors
(Cluster 3). Finally, two different discourse worlds were produced for large state and private
banks (Clusters 4 vs. 5). Further descriptions of each cluster are listed in Table 15.

The World of Managers in Mutualist and Cooperative Organizations. One of the main
aspects of managerial work cited in these two discourse worlds is a humanistic orientation,
which interviewees oppose to the mechanistic orientation of large private or state concerns
that crush the individual. The style of management most often cited is participation and the
central idea that decisions are made on the basis of one person, one vote, and not on the
amount of capital one possesses.
The terms most used in Cluster 1, the world of mutualist banks, are manager, service, finance,
and participation. Managers highlighted participative management. Senior managers consult the
heads of service (middle managers) directly concerned with important decisions, such as the hir-
ing or firing of personnel. The following quotation illustrates this type of management:

Things only work (are accepted) if management is participative. When a decision is made in our
headquarters, the personnel are consulted first .… [The top managers] are elected [and not
appointed] by the branches and work for them.

Cluster 3, the world of small and medium-size mutuals and cooperatives, best represents the
mid-and small-size food-processing cooperatives. The terms most employed in this category
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560 CASTEL ET AL.

FIG. 15.1. A dendrogram of five discourse worlds of French middle managers.

TABLE 15.2
Comparative Table of the Five Business Discourse Worlds

Sectors Description

Cluster 1: Participative management, top managers are elected,

Mutual banks the base is consulted
Cluster 2:
Large business private and public Charismatic, competent
(ex-public sector)
Cluster 3: Competence, charisma capacity, values, technical skills
Small food-processing groups
Cluster 4: Administrative inertia, lack of understanding of social
Public bank / the Post Office mechanisms, emotional women’s world
Cluster 5: The leader who is able to succeed because of
Large private banks his or her will

are, commercial, producer, cooperative, assembly, and human. Managers perceive a tension
between the human aspects of management and the pressure for immediate results. This
humanist orientation leads most managers to emphasize the qualities of the cooperative and
mutual sectors. All of the interviewees in this sector insist on the fact that in their company
“one person equals one vote” occurs when decisions need to be made, unlike the traditional
companies where “voting power” depends on the amount of capital invested:

But the final decision. How is it made? The final decision depends on the majority of the votes,
but the majority one person equals one vote. It is like a referendum. The personnel will vote, and
if there are 50 people, it will be 50 votes.

The leader is also a charismatic person who encourages people to work together in a democ-
ratic way.

The World of Large Business, Both Private and Public. The charismatic leader is the one
that is most often cited in this category. The competent leader is highly valued as a person
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 561

who is committed to a team to which he or she brings his or her technical expertise. The large
public sector is more marked than others by conflict and conflict resolution (arbitration), by
affective relations and sexism.
The terms most often used to describe Cluster 2, the world of large food-processing com-
panies are: qualified leader, significant leader, chief, team, charisma, capacity, values, and
technical skills. The interviews also show the importance attached to the charismatic leader
for his or her ability to lead, but also to the competent leader who can help and do whatever
the workers do:

The real leader is recognized as somebody who leads his team on a given project. He does not
necessarily have the technical ability to substitute for a team member, … but the team members
naturally adhere to his project. A “competent leader” can take the place of any of the team
members.… He’s the one who helps solve technical problems … and because he brings a sense
of security to his team, he is recognized as a leader, but only for his competence.

Thus, one of the most important traits of the exceptional leader entails keeping a certain dis-
tance from the team. The competent leader may be a good leader, but she or he will never
become an exceptional leader, lacking the necessary charisma.
Cluster 4, the world of large state banks, best typifies the one large public bank in our sam-
ple. People insist on administrative inertia and a lack of understanding of the social mecha-
nisms of management:
“The constraints for the leaders are the structure, whether the social or administrative
structure, or just the weight of habits, the weight of the past.” Middle managers regularly talk
about their relations with upper managers (whether easy or not so easy), which shows a con-
cern for hierarchy. They also express a concern for the evaluation of their work, and the emo-
tional atmosphere of a women’s world.
Cluster 5 represents the world of large private banks, one of which is a cooperative bank
in the agricultural sector. The words most often used by middle managers are opinion, suc-
ceed, think, idea, question, and voluntarism. The team leader has a stimulating influence, but
constantly keeps an eye on objectives that are not the purpose of discussion or argument. He
or she insists on hierarchical relations, but is careful to leave enough space for the people
working for him or her:

There are hierarchical relations since we operate in a top-down structure. The general strategy
of the company is defined, and once this has been done, the machine comes into play so that
all move in the same direction. … Let us say that we are not in a structure based on self-
management. We are in a structure with objectives, with a direction.

5. MEDIA ANALYSIS

This section takes the form of a discourse analysis, focusing on a limited number of extracts.
It is not a content analysis of an exhaustive nature, but aims at defining social representations
of managers as shown by the way a special section of the media portrays them in its discourse.
Special attention is given to the position of the manager as an actor (subject and/or object
positions) and the types of verbs associated with this role (factitive, declarative, or stative).
To study the image of a leader in the French press, use has been made of several specialized
magazines with of a wide circulation. More specifically, bearing in mind the interpretation of
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562 CASTEL ET AL.

the questionnaires, magazines read by middle managers in the finance and food-processing
sectors have been selected. So that the results would not be attributed to specific events, two
separate periods of time were chosen—August to October 1998 and June to August 1999.

L’Usine Nouvelle (The New Factory)

L’Usine Nouvelle is the most important magazine aimed at managers in industry and provides
up-to-date information on themes such as technical progress, economic developments, finan-
cial assessments, and calls for tender. Through a study of this magazine the leader, visualized
as a human actor encouraging the progress of his or her organization, is not particularly high-
lighted. For example, in the 1,300 projects that are analyzed systematically, we note that:

• The projects made no mention of a human actor. Use was made of a nominalized verb,
the notion “actor” being understood implicitly. In food processing, for example, 120 out
of 171 projects are described without any reference to a human being.
• The agents were described collectively as a group, organization, or enterprise.
• The agent is a specific individual who could be considered a leader (example: “The
supplier of Beaujolais wine is required to …”).

Le Nouvel Economiste/L’Expansion

The New Economist (Le Nouvel Economiste) is a magazine, politically center-right, popular
with managers specializing in finance. Another magazine, Expansion (L’Expansion), occu-
pies the same segment of the market and follows the same format as Le Nouvel Economiste,
but is more right-wing.
To identify the profile of a leader, important portrayals of certain personalities in business
have been selected. First, the accounts of the life of similar people were studied in the maga-
zines of 1998. These are Pierre Cardin, “pharaoh-like manager” (Nouvel Economiste, October
16, 1998), and Cédric, “manager in fashion” (L’Expansion, August 27, 1998). Second, a study
was made of the portrayal of the French “among the 200 richest people in the world” (Le
Nouvel Economiste, July 29, 1999) and of the actors involved in the “explosive revolution of
French capitalism” (L’Expansion, August 26, 1999, No. 1629).
In Le Nouvel Economiste, Pierre Cardin, the fashion designer, is made the subject of a verb
in only 11 out of 25 sentences included in the article mentioned previously. In most of these
sentences, the agent is portrayed as someone who creates the conditions for production rather
than as a producer himself. As the text develops, an image is painted of a manager as some-
one who exercises a precise activity from the start as the founder of his business. As the cre-
ator, he acquired a status that seems to absolve him of all responsibility. For example, in the
observation, “In 1949 Cardin created his own business. Fifty years later his organization is
present in more than 150 countries,” the fashion designer has become a human being who
reacts to elements based on this position and who acts through speech.
In the portrayal of Cédric (L’expansion), the “fashion manager,” the leader is placed only
once as the subject of a verb, which is declarative: “He has been able to move towards . ...”
Later it is only his professional career that is described. Consequently he is twice the subject,
the first of a passive verb—“he is hired …”—and the second of a pronominal verb, “he is con-
tent to . ...” In the two cases, he is not the actor in control of events (he is hired only because
he has proved himself) and is offered something not very satisfying that he is obliged to
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 563

accept. Finally, the article concludes with a direct quotation where the manager comments on
his situation—“it is most fulfilling”—and describes his work—“my work covers all aspects
of the business.” In other words, he remains outside and makes no mention of himself as the
key actor.
Besides the depiction of leaders as professionals, we also looked at how managers are
more broadly portrayed in different articles. Among portrayals of the 200 wealthiest persons
in the world (Le Nouvel Economiste, 1999), 15 French people are discussed in this study.
Leaders’ activity is described in one, two, or three sentences (20 propositions in all). Most of
the articles provide readers with the latest news on the person described, rather than with his
or her specific role in business. Results of this analysis show that the 15 richest French people
are quasi-transcendental. Rooted in a family structure, of which they are the heirs or legatees,
these out-of-the-ordinary people are content just to possess. Everything happens as if the evo-
lution of their possessions is distinct from them.

Conclusion

The manager is not portrayed in any clearly distinct manner. When he or she is discussed it
is rarely as the subject of the sentence, that is, as an initiator. When the manager is the sub-
ject, action verbs are rarely used. In fact, these verbs serve as initial acts. A picture is painted
of a manager whose importance is (conversely) related to their disengagement from any con-
crete action. This approach is found not only in an industrial management review, but also in
magazines addressed to financial managers of all political orientations. Finally, journalists
give their readers (the managers themselves) a view of a leader cut off from events and
relieved of work or effort. The manager represents more of an ideal or the vehicle for a dream.

6. QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS

This section outlines the findings based on a subsection of a survey that was carried out in
banking and food industry in 1998/1999 in several areas of France (Paris, the Northeast, and
the south). One hundred and eight-five questionnaires were retained for this study. The first
part of the analysis deals with Sections 1 and 3 of the questionnaire, which focus on societal
and organizational cultural GLOBE dimensions. The second part relates to Sections 2 and 4
of the questionnaire, which focus on the GLOBE leadership dimensions. An item analysis,
followed by a factor analysis, allowed us to highlight the features that define good leadership
in France.

GLOBE Dimensions in Organizations and Society

The “organizational culture” sample counts 80 subjects and the “societal culture” sample 105
subjects coming from 12 different companies. Age ranges from 35 to 60 with an average of
42. A majority of the respondents were men (149), with a minority of women represented
(36). Most of them are French; the nine non-French citizens are Algerian, Belgian, Lebanese,
and Polish.

Organizational Culture. See Tables 15.3 and 15.4 for a statistical breakdown of the orga-
nizational results in each of the two industries. Further detail about each of the dimensions
follows:
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564 CASTEL ET AL.

TABLE 15.3
Organizational Culture Results in the Financial Service Industry

Organization Organization
“As Is” “Should Be” Difference

“Should Be”
Culture Dimensions Scorea Bandb Scorea Bandb –”As Is”c

Uncertainty Avoidance 4.76 A 4.35 B –0.41

Assertiveness 3.50 B 4.20 A 0.70
Gender Egalitarianism 3.30 B 4.48 B 1.18
Future Orientation 4.96 A 5.40 B 0.44
Power Distance 4.03 C 3.64 B –0.39
Institutional Collectivism 4.13 B 5.50 A 1.37
In-Group Collectivism 4.22 C 6.20 A 1.98
Humane Orientation 4.05 C 4.60 B/C 0.55
Performance Orientation 4.25 B 5.95 B 1.70
a
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. bBand letter A–D indicating meaningful country bands for the
scales A > B > C > D; the band width is equal to 2 SD (standard deviation). cAbsolute difference between the
“Should Be” and the “As Is” score.

TABLE 15.4
Organizational Culture Results in the Food Service Industry

Organization Organization
“As Is” “Should Be” Difference

“Should Be”
Culture Dimensions Scorea Bandb Scorea Bandb –”As Is”c

Uncertainty Avoidance 4.05 C 4.24 B 0.19

Assertiveness 4.01 A/B 4.02 A 0.01
Gender Egalitarianism 3.22 B 4.44 B 1.22
Future Orientation 4.81 A 5.51 A 0.7
Power Distance 3.59 C 3.26 B –0.33
Institutional Collectivism 4.03 B 4.89 B 0.86
In-Group Collectivism 5.08 B 6.29 A 1.21
Humane Orientation 4.68 B 5.01 B 0.33
Performance Orientation 4.60 A 5.91 B 1.31
a b
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. Band letter A–D indicating meaningful country bands for the
scales A > B > C > D; the band width is equal to 2 SD (standard deviation). cAbsolute difference between the
“Should Be” and the “As Is” score.
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 565

1. Uncertainty Avoidance: Uncertainty Avoidance refers to the extent to which the

organization relies on rules, norms, and procedures. In the finance sector, middle man-
agers agreed that enough structure and coherence existed in their own workplace.
They strongly agreed that precise and detailed instructions needed to be given.
However, they also indicated that this should not be done at the expense of innovation
and creativity, nor at the expense of emotions; hence the hesitation to argue in favor of
more structure overall. Managers in food processing scored slightly lower on this
dimension, mainly because they thought that order and coherence were not to be val-
ued to a point where it hindered originality and innovation. The presence of smaller
and less formal companies also contributes to this lower score.
2. Assertiveness: In the finance sector, respondents indicate perceptions of low aggres-
siveness. They thought that they ought to be more assertive, and, interestingly, more
domineering. However, respondents rejected the idea that they should be more aggres-
sive. Note that the term aggressive does not have the positive connotation that it some-
times has in English. Whereas in English, and especially in a business context, the
term may have the meaning of “assertive, bold, enterprising” (American Heritage
Dictionary), in French aggressif is always related to aggression, violence, and attack-
ing (Petit Robert). In food processing, managers felt self-confident and domineering;
they therefore did not perceive any need for more Assertiveness.
3. Gender Egalitarianism: Managers in both sectors acknowledged the fact that most
physical tasks are performed by men. The survey also shows that only 10% of the
managerial positions are occupied by women. Respondents strongly agreed that this
situation should change. They even believed that business would be better managed if
more women were present. On the other hand, they strongly rejected the idea that spe-
cial privileges should be granted to women, such as favoring them in terms of training
and being more lenient toward them when they failed in their jobs. Respondents also
found it normal that some physical tasks should be performed by male employees
rather than by their female counterparts.
4. Future Orientation: Planning seems to take place in most businesses to the satisfac-
tion of middle managers in general. These managers strongly agree that this should be
the case in the future.
5. Power Distance: In GLOBE, Power Distance refers to the degree to which members
of a collective expect power to be distributed equally. Results for this dimension in
finance show that respondents found Power Distance in their own environment to be
below average. They also indicate that power relations should be based less on author-
ity and more on competence. Even though respondents believed that they should be
allowed to question or challenge their superiors, they also strongly agreed that impor-
tant decisions ought to be made by senior management and that management gener-
ally should “arbitrate” in the case of disagreement between employees or managers of
equal rank. In short, what is expected from management is that it provides a broad
framework and resolves conflicts to everybody’s satisfaction. This is also the case in
food processing.
6. Humane Orientation: In the finance sector, respondents found their colleagues to be
moderately friendly, but also relatively egotistical (self-centered). Understandably,
they wish that their colleagues were more altruistic, more sensitive, and more gener-
ous toward each other. However, they do not believe that mistakes and errors should
be tolerated. The food-processing sector shows a completely different picture on this
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566 CASTEL ET AL.

dimension. Managers found people in their company to be both altruistic and sensitive
toward each other, and friendly and generous day to day.
7. Performance Orientation: Performance seems to be highly valued and encouraged by
management. However, it does not seem to be rewarded appropriately in the finance
sector. Indeed, in food processing, the reward system is reported to be based much
more on performance and innovation; this can often be verified on the basis of exist-
ing reward systems. In both sectors, respondents agreed that performance should be
valued even more highly. They also strongly agree that performance ought to be appro-
priately rewarded.
8. Collectivism 1: Societal Emphasis: Middle managers reported their jobs to be group
oriented. Group work is also encouraged by management, notably through the reward
system. They thought that this should be even more the case and that management
should encourage a positive group atmosphere. In contradiction with what is usually
found in the literature on France, managers considered that time spent on reaching
consensus was productive rather than unproductive. Food processing displayed a
much stronger leaning toward greater Collectivism. Respondents particularly
endorsed collaborative projects and attached greater importance to acceptance within
the group.
9. Collectivism 2: In-Group Cohesion and Loyalty: Respondents were found to have a
fairly low degree of identification with their company, especially in banking. However,
they believed that managers should identify more with their company. This somewhat
contradicts the impression we obtained from the interviews where most respondents
seemed to be extremely sensitive to the image of their bank, and strongly believed that
its members should defend this image when under attack.

To conclude, considerable agreement was found between the two sectors on the nine dimen-
sions. However, food processing scored lower in Power Distance, and higher on the Humane
Orientation and Collectivism. Performance and innovation also seemed to be more valued, or,
at the very least, better rewarded. This may be due to the fact that many food-processing orga-
nizations in our sample were cooperatives or had decentralized branches.

Societal Culture. See Table 15.5 for a breakdown of the societal results in each of the
two industries. Further detail about each of the dimensions follows:

1. Uncertainty Avoidance: France scores fairly high in terms of Uncertainty Avoidance

(Band B). The country conforms to the classic pattern of a strong Uncertainty
Avoidance, defined by Hofstede (1991), and lives within a highly regulated society of
rules and laws. Governments are also known for their output of negative regulations,
which highlight what must not be done rather than what should. Many laws or regu-
lations may be ambiguous, out-of-date, or conflict with other stipulations. The French
have a name for the general practice of getting around the rules, applied by individu-
als pragmatically and depending on the situation or context, known as “System D,” the
“D” standing for débrouillard (resourceful, smart).
2. Assertiveness: France ranks fairly high in terms of Assertiveness (Bands A and B).
This means that relationships are more aggressive than in many other societies.
Moreover, the fact that the “Should Be” score is equally high indicates that this style
is considered normal, and even desirable in daily interactions. This taste for verbal
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 567

TABLE 15.5
Societal Culture Results

Societal Culture Societal Culture

“As Is” “Should Be” Difference

“Should Be”
Culture Dimensions Scorea Bandb Scorea Bandb –”As Is”c

Uncertainty Avoidance 4.43 B 4.26 C –0.17

Assertiveness 4.13 B 3.38 B –0.75
Gender Egalitarianism 3.64 A 4.40 B 0.76
Future Orientation 3.48 C 4.96 C 1.48
Power Distance 5.28 A 2.76 C –2.52
Institutional Collectivism 3.93 B 4.86 B 0.93
In-Group Collectivism 4.37 B 5.42 B 2.05
Humane Orientation 3.40 D 5.67 B 2.27
Performance Orientation 4.11 B 5.65 C 1.54
a
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. bBand letter A–D indicating meaningful country bands for the
scales A > B > C > D; the band width is equal to 2 SD (standard deviation). cAbsolute difference between the
“Should Be” and the “As Is” score.

confrontations and sparring corresponds to what has sometimes been presented as

“French rationalism.” It also results from the educational system where persuasive
writing (la “rhétorique”) and debating are systematically practiced.
In everyday life, to be able to say exactly what one means or feels, in a concise, direct,
or forthright manner, tends to be prized. Collectively, the French are reputed for oscil-
lating between two extremes when faced with public authorities: submission and
rebellion. When grievances are expressed, the French often do so in no uncertain
manner.
3. Gender Equality: In state organizations (including the civil service and teaching), in
the liberal professions, and in upper management (industry) equality of pay exists for
men and women in the same job categories. The law on workplace equality (July
1983) requires every firm above average size to submit an annual report on the rela-
tive employment level and pay of men and women employees. However, in spite of
this law, only about 30% of managers are women and less than 10% are heads of busi-
nesses. Segregation against women is still quite strong. According to the 1999 Eurostat
figures, women’s salaries are on average 12% below that of men for comparable work
(compared to 5% in Portugal and 22% in the UK). Reasons can be sought in the law,
which is often vague on this subject, and in the fact that employers often find ways of
getting around existing regulations. The French strongly disapprove of this disparity,
as the high difference between the “As Is” and the “Should Be” scores indicate.
France is among the countries with the least women in parliament. Only since the last
presidential elections (1995) has there been a marked increase in the number of mem-
bers of parliament (MPs), all left-wing. However in 1998 only 19 of the 321 senators
were women and only 59 of the 577 were deputies in the National Assembly. In
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568 CASTEL ET AL.

government, an increasing number of MPs are women, even though the percentage of
women in parliament (10.2%) is still one of the lowest in Europe. The fact that women
have been admitted to the Grandes Ecoles for a number of years (e.g., in 1972 at the
Ecole Polytechnique) partly explains this evolution.
Women serving in the armed service are able to rise to senior rank. Some are in senior
positions in local and regional government. Women first entered the army in 1978;
presently, about 20% of the officers up to the level of lieutenant-colonel are women
(see <http://defense.gouv.fr/terre/hf/index4.html>).
4. Future Orientation: State provisions in areas such as health, pension, retirement, and
job security reduce much of the unpredictability or uncertainties of life. The fact that
an increasing number of people want to become civil servants (a position that offers
absolute job security for life) may explain the relatively low score obtained for Future
Orientation. This unique status explains why many people do not need to focus exces-
sively on the long term or to make provisions for the future. For the others, bank advis-
ers are generally allocated to a number of their clients and provide them with
information on a range of tax-free, long-term saving schemes and other bank products.
Despite the large number of civil servants who do not need to save for the future, the
French save, on average, 15% of their income. In consequence, what is sometimes per-
ceived as a lack of clear vision or “strategic planning for the future” needs to be qual-
ified. Indeed, the difference between French Future Orientation and more
“Anglo-Saxon” types of Future Orientation is more a qualitative than a quantitative
one.
5. Power Distance: The French scored moderately high on Power Distance. However, the
large difference between “As Is” and “Should Be” scores indicates that they strongly
reject the notion of Power Distance altogether.
To fully understand the notion of “Power Distance” in the French context, the need arises
to resolve what may be perceived as an apparent paradox: How can French society resent
Power Distance so much while supporting and maintaining such a strong hierarchy in
society? This paradox, according to d’Iribarne (1996), is due to the fact that, unlike in
the United States and the Netherlands, for example, a distinction needs to be made
between power distance and hierarchical distance. Though Power Distance may be
reduced in one part of a business (e.g., within the same office), the distance with those
who are higher up in the hierarchy remains high. The very large difference between “As
Is” and “Should Be” scores on this dimension shows that most French people resent
Power Distance. However, their “logic of honor” and their desire to avoid interference
from higher-ups contribute to reproducing and perpetuating hierarchical distance.
6. Collectivism I—Society: Results for this dimension indicate that the French value
Societal Collectivism moderately (“As Is”). They also seem to be satisfied with the
degree of collectivism found in society (“Should Be”).
The term social economy, which the French often use to describe their own mode of
organization, denotes activities of a charitable or noncommercial nature. This links
together associations purely social in nature concerned with aid to the sick, poor, and
handicapped, mutualist organizations that supplement the National Health Service,
and mutualist and cooperative entities in areas such as transport, building, banking, and
food processing. All these entities are particularly oriented toward their customers.
For the French, the term collectivism does not only mean agreeing. It often indicates
the right to be heard, for example, through strikes. Not only is the right to strike well
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 569

protected, but considerable tolerance is shown in conditions when strikers break the
law. Basically, the fact that the general public on the whole tacitly supports major
strikes reflects a negative form of social cohesion or solidarity.
7. Collectivism 2—Family: Large families with three or more children benefit particu-
larly from tax benefits, whereas family businesses may obtain tax concessions to
encourage the survival and development of small and medium-size family-run organi-
zations. This applies particularly to businesses where the family members are the
direct descendants of the original founders. Despite the fact that divorce rates are high,
family values are still at the center of most types of social organization. Not surpris-
ingly, it is in the food sector that respondents believe that family collectivism “Should
Be” more developed, in both society and organizations. Indeed, this sector includes a
larger amount of smaller paternalistic family businesses.
8. Humanism: The score obtained for this dimension is relatively low compared to that
of other countries (Bands C and D). However, the high “Should Be” scores show that
the French highly value Humanism. Some researchers have argued that the French are
primarily moved by self-interest, but that they expect Humanism in the social system
and in the business world. This judgment may sound unduly harsh. However, it is true
that the French expect fairness and equality to be provided by the political and eco-
nomic system, and are ready to pay for it, rather than through the generosity of indi-
viduals. This results in the relatively higher score for Societal Collectivism (Band B).
Today laws and regulations stipulate secure working conditions. For example, employ-
ees are protected by minimum-wage legislation (SMIC) and an employer cannot fire,
at short notice, an employee without providing satisfactory monetary compensation.
When French business leaders receive press coverage, emphasis is placed less on per-
sonal details reflecting achievement, such as annual salary and size and quality of house,
but rather on what they do that is of a positive nature. This concerns the way they have
enhanced the efficiency of their organization, how many jobs they have saved, or the
number of small companies that they have prevented from going bankrupt.
9. Performance Orientation: Understandably, the score obtained for Performance
Orientation was lower in society than in organizations. Certainly, it is in the workplace
that performance plays a more important role. However, the high “Should Be” score for
this dimension indicates respondents’ dissatisfaction with this state of affairs. The role
of “honor” in all areas of society (in education, among families, etc.) may explain this
disparity between “As Is” and “Should Be” scores.
The French tend to be very competitive while at school, but ascription occurs at an
early age based on individual scholastic attainments. Sometimes a person is consid-
ered to have already partially succeeded in life when gaining admission to a presti-
gious institution. Entrance exams are very difficult for the top Grandes Ecoles but,
having entered, nearly all students pass successfully.

The Social Representation of the Exceptional Leader

The purpose of this section is to determine the representation that French managers have of
good leadership in the business world.
The notion of social representation, as defined in France by Moscovici (1961), refers to
“common sense knowledge” (Moscovici, 1984), that is, to the whole body of knowledge held
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570 CASTEL ET AL.

by any individual as a member of a social group. Thus, social representation is a form of

common ground that is taken for granted, underpinning all forms of behavior and the way
these behaviors are rationalized. It is an organized body of denoted and connoted cognitions
(Le Bouédec, 1984). According to Flament (1986) and Abric (1984) the semantic content of
representations consists of two systems: a central system and a peripheral system. The former
revolves around a “hard core” containing the most commonly shared elements, which are
therefore the most resistant to change; the latter group contains mainly contextual elements,
which are more easily subject to change and transformation. From a functional point of view,
the central system ensures the stability and global orientation of the elements of the repre-
sentation (Abric, 1988), whereas the peripheral system serves to decipher reality. Because the
latter constantly adapts to a changing reality, it protects the central system.
Open methods of inquiry are traditionally used to access representation, such as the analy-
sis of nondirective interviews and free verbal association. The first step in the analysis con-
sists of identifying the lexical fields associated with a given term. We then determine how
these are structured on the basis of similarities perceived by subjects as a group. Given the
way the data were collected in the GLOBE (House et al., 2004) study, certain changes were
necessary to examine this particular aspect of social construction. Indeed, we did not try to
group items, as was done in other parts of the GLOBE study. Instead, we applied the method-
ology traditionally used in the study of social representations.
The 112 items in the GLOBE study all refer to the field of leadership. Indeed, they can all
be considered as a repertoire of traits that allow us to interpret leaders’ behavior (Wetherell &
Potter, 1992). However, only the items that received a high score can be considered as belong-
ing to the field of exceptional leadership. On the 7-point Likert scale, 32 items scored 6 or
higher and can therefore be taken into account. To be considered as a reflection of a given
social reality, these items also need to represent a consensus on the part of the subjects. Items
that display too great a variation therefore need to be excluded; standard variations between
0.34 and 1.33 were all considered as weak. For example, even for the item “motivating,”
which displays the widest variance (1.33), 168 out of 178 subjects attribute scores of 5, 6, or
7. Finally, in order to retain only the items that are part of the core, those items that are too
sensitive to context also need to be eliminated. Effects concerning the variable “business sec-
tor” comprises eight modalities in the French corpus (four in banking and four in food pro-
cessing), which were submitted to analysis of variance (ANOVA). The analysis revealed
significant effect of a variable on 18 items. These items were therefore ignored. Thirteen
items were finally retained as belonging to the core (i.e., non-field-specific) representation of
exceptional leadership.
The structure of these elements can be identified through two types of analysis (MacLaury,
1997, 2000; Castel, Lacassagne, & Salès-Wuillemin, 2002), one based on resemblance, and
the other on difference. In the former case, an ascending hierarchical analysis is used and rep-
resented in a dendrogram displaying similarities. The relation between two elements is con-
sidered as similar when it is rated in the same way by a large number of respondents.
Relations of difference are obtained through factor analysis.
The dendrogram in Fig. 15.2 shows how groupings are progressively formed, from the bot-
tom to the top. A short distance in the distance of aggregation between two items or blocks
of items (y- axis) is shorter when the relation is stronger. The dendrogram displays two unbal-
anced blocks. The first one (right branch) contains 11 items, whereas the second one contains
only 2 items, which are only loosely related.
The first block consists of three subgroups. Subgroup 1 has two poles. In the first one, the
item “positive” is close to the item “encouraging”; the item “trustworthy” is also closely
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 571

FIG. 15.2. Dendrogram indicating the relation between items.

related to this pair. In other words, French leaders agree that a positive leader is also an
encouraging one; these qualities determine the trust that she or he deserves. These traits are
related to the impact that the leader is able to exert on the dynamics of her or his team. Indeed,
they are related to the second pole, which includes the items “team builder” and “motivating.”
Relations in Subgroup 2 highlight the close connection between “informed” and “fair or just”;
a third item “intragroup competitor” also closely relates to these traits and makes the con-
nection with Subgroup 1. This means that only people who are likely to use information in a
socially acceptable way will be given access to it. The relation between subgroups 1 and 2
shows that a competent and fair leader connects to the relational leader through her or his taste
for competition. The third subgroup refers to the traits “morale booster, honest” and “depend-
able, serious” and loosely connects to the other subgroups through the trait “intelligent.”
These traits are not sufficient to be an exceptional leader; they need to be rendered more
dynamic through intellectual input.
The second block indicates that the items “anticipatory” and “win problem solver” are
related, but the relation is fairly loose, which indicates that pragmatic intelligence is not given.
This organization of items, on the basis of consensus, highlights the importance of the rela-
tional dimension (the affective component) in the definition of the exceptional leader, but also
the subtle relation of this dimension with other attitudinal components (both cognitive and
conative). To be informed, that is, to hold knowledge, is not disconnected from human qual-
ities such as fairness. However, this two-dimensional form of “professionalism” is effective
only when a competitive dimension is added to the mix. Neither are “dependability, serious-
ness” and “honesty” by themselves enough to ensure the leader’s commitment to tasks on the
basis of common interest; they need to be associated with intelligence to contribute to social
leadership. The “hard worker” is a good leader only if she or he has the intelligence to adopt
the qualities of a “human leader.”
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572 CASTEL ET AL.

FIG. 15.3. Two-factorial representation of core attributes of an outstanding leader in France (factor
analysis).

Factor Analysis

The factor analysis highlights the opposition between items. Indeed each axis is defined by
items whose projections are the most extreme. (See Fig. 15.3.)
In this factor analysis, we identify a first axis (29.36% of the variance), which opposes the
items “informed,” “intelligence,” and “foresight” at one pole, and the item “encouraging” at
the other. Between these two poles, we find items such as “motivating,” “team builder,” and
“solution” on the left side, and items such as “competitor,” “fair,” “honest,” and “serious” on
the right. By adopting a discriminating vantage (MacLaury, 1997), intellectual qualities can
be distinguished from qualities in the management of human relations. As for pragmatic
(“win-win problem solver”) and collective (“team builder”) commitments, they are to be dis-
tinguished from more general human qualities such as seriousness (“dependable”), honesty
(“moral”), and fairness (“just”). As a consequence, there seems to be an opposition between
“cold” and “human” leadership, which affects the way efficiency and team management is
perceived. Indeed, problem solving and team building seem to be perceived as less “human”
traits than other features that dominate in direct face-to-face relations. The analysis of this
first axis confirms the analysis obtained through the dendrogram, and also reveals that the
French management of human relations is a relatively complex process, insofar as this dimen-
sion tends to infiltrate others. Furthermore, it indicates that more is expected from leaders in
terms of individual human relations than in terms of collective relations. This underscores the
importance of human sensitivity in leadership.
The second axis (10.81% of the variance) opposes the items “informed,” “positive,” “trust-
worthy,” and “competitor” to “motivating,” “anticipatory,” and “moral booster.” In other words,
it opposes the entrepreneurial but reassuring leader to the serious, future-oriented leader who
expects a great deal from his or her subordinates. The fact that respondents make a distinction
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 573

TABLE 15.6
Characteristics of Exceptional Leader Among French Managers

Dimensions (First-Order factors)

Subdimensions(Second-Order factors) Mean Rank

I. Charismatic 4.93 50
Performance Orientation 5.10 59
Visionary 5.06 59
Inspirational 5.22 59
Integrity 5.14 58
Self-Sacrificial 3.98 61
Decisive 5.06 58

II. Team Oriented 5.11 60

Team Integrator 4.73 60
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.11 59
Administratively Competent 4.52 61
Diplomatic 5.01 59
Malevolent (reverse for II) 1.95 15

III. Self-Protective 2.81 58

Self-Centered 1.86 54
Status-Conscious 3.25 58
Conflict Inducer 5.11 59
Face Saver 2.19 60
Procedural 3.17 57

IV. Participative 5.90 7

Autocratic(reverse for IV) 2.36 44
Nonparticipative (reverse for IV) 1.86 61

V. Humane 3.82 61
Humane 3.29 60
Modesty 4.27 59

VI. Autonomous 3.32 58

Autonomous 3.32 58

Note. Ranks are given in comparison to the 61 GLOBE countries.

between the leader who is simply good, and the one who is good for them, again highlights the
importance of interpersonal relations in the representation of the exceptional leader among
French managers.
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574 CASTEL ET AL.

To conclude, the analysis of the organization of the most resistant elements of social
representation shows that, for French managers, the exceptional leader is a “people-oriented”
person who maintains personable relations in his or her environment. This analysis is con-
firmed by the following 21 first-order and 6 second-order factors obtained from the GLOBE
study.
Table 15.6 shows that some of the major GLOBE leadership dimensions (second-order
factors) are valued whereas others are clearly depreciated. Participative leadership stands out
as the most appreciated of leadership traits. Indeed, French leaders seem to value everyone
participating in decisions as well as task delegation. However, when reading these results, one
needs to keep in mind that scores refer to the “nonparticipative” and “autocratic” traits; this
means that it is not a direct espousal of “participation” that was expressed, but rather a rejec-
tion of nonparticipation (see next section). The next most valued traits in leadership style are
“team orientated” (5.11) and “charismatic” (4.93). The former refers to purpose-oriented
teamwork based on “diplomacy” and “administrative competence,” whereas the latter repre-
sents the “visionary,” “self-sacrificial,” “honest,” “decisive,” and “performance-oriented”
leader. Being “modest” and “humane” appears to be less important and even sometimes
slightly negative for good leadership, in that it may affect leaders’ credibility. This also
applies to “autonomous” leaders, who tend to manage problems on their own. Finally, the
least appreciated among leaders is the “self-protected” leader who is “self-centered,” “status-
conscious,” and “procedural,” as well as a “conflict inducer” and a “face saver.”

7. LEADERSHIP IN FRANCE COMPARED TO OTHER COUNTRIES

When compared with the scores obtained for other countries, French scores lie at both ends
of a scale, from the most open or “participative” to the most closed or “self-protective.”
Indeed, among the six second-order factors, the score obtained for “participation” (Rank 7)
places France among the countries that most favor this style of leadership. The other five fac-
tors are clearly devalued, ranking between 50th and 61st. Thus, in comparison, only partici-
pation seems to be valued whereas other styles are clearly rejected. However, these scores
need to be interpreted in light of the general outlook of the results. Indeed, the scores attrib-
uted by French middle managers appear to be systematically much lower than those obtained
for other countries (the higher score for participation results from an inverted low score).
Thus, France ranks among the lowest four countries for 18 out of the 21 first-order scales. The
other three (where France ranks 54, 44, and 15) refer to items where the other 60 countries
also obtain low scores (average <3.5). One possible interpretation is that the middle managers
who took part in this study evaluated their own bosses and gave them low scores on most
traits. Therefore, it appears that it may not be easy to give a positive opinion about one’s supe-
riors in French culture, especially for traits that are most commonly valued.

General Observations

In the interviews, managers endorsed universally approved qualities of leadership, notably

vision, dynamism, collaborative, and team orientation, and rejected the negative qualities. In
general the findings from the literature research, unobtrusive measures, questionnaire results,
and interviews all concur.
Contrary to expectation and what can be found in the literature on France (e.g., Hofstede),
France scored relatively low on Power Distance (Bands B and C). This is probably due to
recent changes in the business world in France, because many state companies have been
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 575

recently privatized. However, these results can also be attributed to the fact that most of the
literature on leadership in France is based on the study of state industries and large compa-
nies, thereby ignoring more than half of the other businesses in the country. The presence of
“both worlds” in our sample therefore made it possible to provide another interpretation of
French organizations.
Similarly, Uncertainty Avoidance was rated as moderately high. However, the study
reveals that the French did not want less structure and did not think that more Uncertainty
Avoidance would help. Indeed, less structure might, in their view, lead to anarchy rather than
favor risk taking.
Humane Orientation was rated relatively low compared to other countries. The following
observations might explain this score. First, as explained earlier, managers are only moderately
tolerant regarding professional mistakes, which influences the score obtained for Humane
Orientation. Second, leaders work within a range of constraints. They are not considered as fully
autonomous actors or unique individuals able to achieve, perform, or “move mountains” based
on their own volition. They are part of a democratic structure that ensures that the voice of all,
including lower level employees, is heard and taken into consideration in decision making.
The results of the media analysis, in which leaders display a low profile, reinforce this
viewpoint. In publications, the role of the leader as the main actor is downplayed; the focus
is on events that materialize, seemingly independently of the actor’s initiative. The key actor
in the public domain and business is expected to be rational, intellectual, and objective, con-
forming to the abstract notions of the system. From that point of view, expectations are sim-
ilar to those found in other European countries, for example Germany (Brodbeck, Frese, &
Javidan, 2002; see also chap. 6, this volume). These “neutral” qualities are important culture-
specific traits. The leader is expected to be very well educated, a discreet operator, and a
strong silent leader who serves his or her company and country.
Aspects of state industry relations must also be considered. These include the importance
of government laws and regulations, many of which form part of the rules of private compa-
nies. In many cases, in spite of recent privatizations, the state still maintains a continuing pres-
ence as a shareholder, especially in large companies considered of strategic importance. The
politicized nature of the state–industry relationship is reflected, for example, in the practice
of parachuting.
In spite of this apparently technocratic structure, a series of culture-specific traits reflected
a more humanist style of management. Confirmation of the insights of the studies by
d’Iribarne (1989) and Amado, Faucheux, and Laurent (1990) were found in that human rela-
tions remain important, particularly in the smaller, family-based cooperatives in food pro-
cessing. A purely commercial and technocratic approach in these companies has often proved
to be disruptive, and technocratic leaders have often failed to be reelected because of a lack
of knowledge of how human relations function in this sector.
Thus, outstanding French leaders have the ability to adapt to the structure of the work-
place, finding their position in the complex network of personal relations of the milieu in
which they operate. Many interviewees stressed the need for outstanding leaders to be tuned
in on a daily basis to what happens in their organization. This idea of adapting to the milieu
becomes all the more relevant because regional differences are still very strong. Indeed,
mobility (which is part of the condition of many top leaders) requires modification of leader-
ship styles and techniques for handling management–employee relations.
Thus, for the outstanding French leader, the many rules and regulations that outside
observers usually consider as having a paralyzing effect are not perceived as constraints.
Rather, these rules constitute a framework that makes creativity and innovation possible. They
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576 CASTEL ET AL.

are the “grammar” of business, or in Pierre Bourdieu’s terms, “the rules of the game” (Foster,
1986). The better leaders understand and master these rules, the better players they will be. In
short, outstanding leaders do not simply obey rules they use them and build upon them.

Conclusion

Limitations. On the basis of the overall GLOBE findings, as noted by Hanges (2004), the
country scores for France were often identified as outliers. This particular requires further atten-
tion. For us, it could be attributed to the way the French relate to power practices. Indeed, the
“exercise of power” (l’exercice du pouvoir) can be conceptualized in different ways. It can be
considered as referring to personal attributes of the source of power. It can be considered
through a type of relation linking the source to the target. Finally, it can be considered as result
of the interaction between the source and the target. The GLOBE study as a whole focuses on
the first conception of power. However, this type of power appears not to be valued by the
French. For instance, the individualistic perspective adopted in this study has been contested by
many French researchers, a great number of whom in our own research team have refused to
collaborate. In the French leadership research tradition, the leader looks like the leader described
in the GLOBE study only because his or her subordinates give him or her this role. Thus, a con-
ception of power that focuses on the consciousness of the other’s contribution to power would
be more acceptable than one that outlines leadership styles. In fact, as we demonstrated in our
historical overview, the social conflict between classes is always present in people’s minds; as
a result, when they answered our questions we do not know what reference group (dominant or
dominated) managers had in mind, or more precisely what reference group they chose to adopt,
or have adopted, depending on their individual strategy. Despite this fact, which reinforced men-
tal insecurity in responding, managers answered the questionnaire and gave some qualities that
they deemed essential in managing French organizations.
These qualities are important in cross-cultural comparisons insofar as they give a unique
standard of comparison to determine knowledge. The GLOBE study’s reference frame leads
the subjects to give an answer. And so they do; they give an image. This image is interesting
to explore by comparing one culture to the others. Nevertheless, we should keep in mind that
this knowledge does not immediately fit the reality of a particular culture. Consequently, we
have to be cautious when we refer to this knowledge in relation to action.

Practical Implications. Because of the limitations of the research, we believe that the
results we obtained differ according to the nationality of managers. For foreign managers,
results allow us to provide interpretations for “critical incidents.” By critical incidents we
refer to conflicts that often emerge between members of different cultures, because they do
not have the same reference frame. At work, many problems arise from misunderstanding due
to cultural specific perspectives. Considering cultural difference when a problem is emerging
allows avoiding interpersonal problems. Thus, foreign managers working in France should
appreciate the significance of the following:

• The pervasiveness of intellectualism, planning, and abstraction (see the Appendix).

• The importance of humanism, group orientation, and social forces in the workplace.
• The French ability to reconcile contradictions, such as hierarchy and equality, order, and
liberty.
• The extent to which people accept the “system,” are bound by it, and find ways to rise
above it.
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15 FRENCH BUSINESS LEADERSHIP 577

• The fact that horizontal networking and bonding is as important as the more visible hier-
archical structure.
• French forms of pragmatism, which include handling uniformity (centralization) and
diversity.
• The ability of French managers/supervisors to lead while allowing employees to fulfill
tasks on their own (respect of people’s sense of honor).
• The French preoccupation with maintaining their own particularism, exceptionalism,
and originality.
• The respect for leaders depicting qualities reflecting flair, form, style, charisma,
panache, and elegance.

Nevertheless, this knowledge is not really a checklist that can be reduced to one leadership
style. The necessity for the leader to be “above the crowd,” and therefore, to a certain
extent, to be impersonal, invisible, replaceable, and therefore at times bureaucratic and pro-
cedural, does not prevent him or her from being human, people centered, and in favor of a
team-oriented and humane form of leadership. On the contrary, it is the ability to combine
these apparently contrasting qualities that distinguishes the outstanding leader from the
“weak leader.” In France, leadership style is not entirely the property of the leader because
it has to fit with the expectation of the other members of the company. Even if the foreign
manager behaves as a manager should behave according to French standards, he or she
could be rejected. An outstanding leader is not necessarily associated only with qualities
regarded as positive. For example, he or she might possess qualities regarded as marginally neg-
ative; certain outstanding leaders have been described as “nice and nasty,” “mercenaries,” or
“pirates.”
It is the position of the leader in the entire organization that determines his or her role and
consequently the style he or she should adopt. Not conversely, French managers working in
the United States can take into account the results of the survey. Thanks to the GLOBE study,
they possess, just as managers in other countries do, the expression of (from our viewpoint)
the “American framework,” and can directly use it. In the same way, but more carefully,
French managers can use the results obtained to work with partners all over the world (except
perhaps for partners from other “outlier” countries). Explicitly considering the GLOBE ques-
tionnaire as referent frame and analyzing the respective distance of its own position, the
French position, and the partner country’s position, each manager can see what type of effort
he or she has to make.

Future Research. In future research, we would try to be more specific in the identity of
our respondents. In sociopsychological terms, we would control the identity concerned by the
participation to such a survey. According to self-categorization theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes,
Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987), the consciousness of cultural identity is linked to social identity.
When a culture is strongly recognized, social categories emerge. In other words, when people
are aware of belonging to the same category at a superordinate level, they strongly show their
difference at the ordinate level. As we have seen in our historical overview, French identity is
relatively strong. As a result, intragroup conflicts emerge and social categories become
salient. Therefore, in their answers, managers tend to activate their social identity by referring
to the social group they choose to enhance. To understand what managers are doing when they
answer the questionnaire, we would systematically explore the social partitions emerging in the
chosen sector (Hight status/Low status; Representative/Nonrepresentative; Minority/Majority)
and determine the score for each reference category.
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578 CASTEL ET AL.

We would also explore leadership in sports contexts. Indeed, it seems that in this field,
leaders are viewed differently. They really seem to be responsible for all sport issues, and their
individual characteristics are largely developed in the media.

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Appendix B

French Economy and Culture

“France,” writes sociologist Stanley Hoffmann, “remains a nation that practices capitalism but
harbors a solid anti-capitalist tradition, based on the high value attached to equality, and
linked to powerful socialist and Catholic schools of thought” (Hoffman, 2000, p. 78). One
should therefore not be surprised to find, behind a rhetoric dominated by anti- Americanism
and exceptionalism, a country that, in many ways, resembles most other economic power-
houses.
With its 60 million inhabitants, France ranks fourth in the world in terms of gross national
product (GNP), after the United States, Japan, and Germany. It is also the fourth largest
exporter after the United States, Germany, and Japan with a positive trade balance of 3% in
1999 (Organization for Ecomonic Corporation and Development figures). Most of its activity
relates to services (72%), followed by industry (25%) and agriculture (3%). The country is
particularly competitive in the areas of new technologies, transportation, equipment, and
tourism. It exports goods in agriculture, automotive, civil aviation, transportation, and trains.
Its main trading partners are Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Spain. Seventy percent
of its commercial exchanges are with these and other European countries.
In June 2002, the international consultants Ernst & Young published a report in which it
showed that France, like other European countries, needed to improve its attractiveness if it
wanted to counter the ongoing process of delocalization toward central European countries
such as the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, and Rumania. The 200 international compa-
nies consulted for the study resented the labor costs, the poor labor flexibility, and the high
taxes that France imposes on foreign investors. Yet France ranked first in terms of quality of
life and telecommunication infrastructures, and second, just behind Germany, in terms of
quality of labor. Its situation at the center of Europe, and its transport infrastructure were also
highly valued. These factors may explain why 266 foreign companies decided to settle in
France in 2001 (Le Monde, June 25, 2002).
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16
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Leadership and Culture in Portugal

Jorge Correia Jesuino
Instituto Superior de Ciências do Trabalho e da Empresa,
Lisboa, Portugal

Portugal, a conflict I have with myself.

—Alexandre O’Neil

The exergue comes from a poem about Portugal by Alexandre O’Neil (published in 1965). It
reflects the malaise most of the Portuguese intelligentsia feel toward their national culture
and identity. José Saramago, Nobel Prize for literature in 2000, has also claimed that he is
unlikely to reach a clear understanding of the Portuguese identity in his lifetime. Most of the
reflections of Eduardo Lourenço, another famous essayist, have been dedicated to trying to
decipher what has already been dubbed as the Portuguese riddle. It is in itself intriguing that
so many of the most gifted Portuguese thinkers should espouse such an attitude. There are no
apparent reasons for questioning the Portuguese national identity. As Monteiro and & Pinto
(1998) remarked:

Portugal is a political entity that has maintained stable frontiers since the thirteenth century. Its
existence as an autonomous kingdom from the twelfth century on was only interrupted for little
more than half a century (1580–1640). Portugal, moreover, has never confronted problems of
linguistic diversity. All historians, not just those of a nationalist-corporatist bent, have generally
taken the nation’s existence for granted. (1988, pp. 206–207)

The roots of the intellectual’s uneasiness about their own culture has to be sought not in
geographical, ethnic, or religious factors but in the “decadence” of the nation that took place
after the maritime discoveries of the 15th and 16th centuries, and henceforth never ceased to
haunt the Portuguese imaginary. This could also explain the deeply ingrained trend that, at a
more popular level, can be observed among the Portuguese for self-derogatory remarks,
alongside an acute sensitivity for the ridicule—a culture centered more on shame than on
guilt. The example of “Fado, Football, and Fátima” could be given, often invoked as a
sarcastic synopsis of the Portuguese cultural profile.
Anyway, the Portuguese now feel very proud of figures like Amália Rodrigues, the famous
singer that internationalized Fado, or even football stars like Figo, considered to be the best

583
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584 JESUINO

world player, and Fátima, a holy place where Our Lady was said to have appeared to three
shepherds in 1917, recently canonized by the Pope, attracts an ever-growing number of pilgrims.
The “Estado Novo” (New State) that ruled in Portugal under the dictatorship of Salazar
(1933–1968) and Caetano (1968–1974) actively promoted the ideal of “national regenera-
tion,” which attempted to restore a sense of national pride, mostly grounded on the remains
of the Portuguese empire. Another triptych pervading the nationalistic propaganda at the time
was: “God, Fatherland, and Family.” It is far from sure that the Portuguese societal culture
succeeded in internalizing this new ideology, which was in many ways similar to those of
European fascist countries such as Italy and Germany. But it certainly succeeded in isolating
and alienating the Portuguese from the rest of the world, hence preventing them from devel-
oping close links of collective association. In 1974, a revolution led by the military put an end
to a regime of 48 years of dictatorship and paved the way for Portugal’s integration in the
democratic world.
The “Revolution of the Carnations” launched another famous triptych maxim: decoloniza-
tion, democratization, and development. Essentially this program has now been accomplished,
although the enormous handicap at the outset still places Portugal at the tail of the most devel-
oped world. Leaders and leadership, both on the political scene and in the multiple organisms
of civil society, are central to this process of change and development. Their role and salience
depends on the specific features of the situations they face, and their style is to a great extent
shaped by the societal and organizational context within which they operate.
In the following chapter, the aim is to examine the interplay of culture and leadership in
Portugal within the conceptual framework proposed by the GLOBE project. An attempt is
thus made to integrate qualitative, as well as quantitative empirical data gathered from
Portuguese middle managers and opinion makers. The chapter is divided into six main sec-
tions. The first seeks to present the overall description of the societal culture in terms of the
political, social, and economic system. The second section introduces the GLOBE research in
Portugal, and the third presents a report of the empirical findings at the level of the societal
culture. The fourth section centers on leadership perceptions and in the fifth, two specific sec-
tors are analyzed—food processing and telecommunications. Conclusions are then presented
in the final section.

1. PORTUGAL: POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND SOCIAL TRENDS

Historical Milestones

The political scene of modern Portugal can be divided in three main periods: the First
Republic (1910–1926), the Estado Novo (1933–1974), and the democracy that followed the
military coup of April 1974. Portugal was admitted to the European Union (EU; then named
European Economic Community EEC) in 1986.

The First Republic. The First Republic is a period characterized politically by the cabi-
net instability that reflected the efforts to match the political structure to the demands of the
emerging capitalism. In 1911, Portugal had a population of about 5.5 million inhabitants. The
active population amounted to 2.5 million, 58% of which worked in agriculture, 25% in
industry, and 17% in the tertiary sector. The population in 1930 was composed of 80%
still living mostly in small towns and villages. The ever-increasing dependence on the African
colonies was probably one reason for Portugal’s intervention in the First World War,
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 585

1914–1918, as England’s ally. In spite of the instability, some of the ideals of the republican
regime were apparent in a number of political measures, for example, separation of the church
from the state, the right to strike, and the approval of civil marriage. The Communist Party
was founded in 1921. The economic crisis and the participation in World War I gave rise to
social turmoil, paving the way for the implementation of an authoritarian regime.

Estado Novo (New State). A military coup in 1926 gave rise to the Estado Novo, whose
main features were similar to the fascist movements that pervaded a number of European
countries. Salazar became the minister of finance in 1928 and president of the Council of
Ministers in 1932, a post that he maintained until 1968 when, ill health, following a fall, led
to his replacement by his “dauphin” Marcelo Caetano. During the first period between 1932
and the end of World War II in 1945, the project of economic development centered on agri-
culture and the African colonies were maintained. The structure of the Portuguese economy
changed only in the 1940s. Industry came to the forefront. In spite of such structural changes,
Portugal was still at the tail end of European countries and was unable to stop emigration.
Various attempts to fight the regime were unsuccessful. The Estado Novo was corporatist, and
played a central role in institutional structures, ideology, relations with “organized interests,”
and the state’s economic policy. As Costa Pinto (1998) remarked, “The Estado Novo was
obsessive about education” (p. 35). This did not mean it wanted to modernize; modernization
only became an issue in the 1950s. In 1933, Salazar expressed the opinion that “the constitu-
tion of elites is more important than teaching the people to read” (Costa Pinto, 1998, p. 35).
The Salazarist ideology was based on the doctrine of God, Fatherland, and Family.
In 1961, the Portuguese settlements in India—Goa, Damão, and Diu—were annexed by the
Indian Union. In 1962, the African wars started with terrorist attacks in Luanda. Salazar’s order
was to embark “rapidly and forcefully” to Angola, an expression that became famous and is still
present in the collective memory. The war contributed to disintegrating the regime, and resulted
in the “Revolution of Carnations” in April 1974 led by the MFA (Movement of Armed Forces).

Democracy. The Revolution of 1974 was known as the Revolution of Carnations because
no blood was shed. An icon of that period is a famous photo depicting a child putting a car-
nation in a soldier’s rifle. A consequence of the Revolution, if not its very cause, was the inde-
pendence granted to the African colonies of Guinea-Bissau, Cape-Verde, Angola, and
Mozambique in 1975. The transition period was however very complex and conflictive. In
April 1976, the Constitution was approved and Mário Soares, secretary-general of the
Socialist Party, which won the first free elections, became the prime minister of the First
Constitutional Government. After a period of great instability with coalition governments
until 1985, there was a period of stability assured by the absolute majority, firstly involving
the Social Democratic Party (1985–1995) and then the Socialist Party (1995–2002). On
January 1, 1986, Portugal became a member of the EEC (today, EU). Mário Soares was
elected president of the republic in February of the same year.

Political Framework

The political structure of Portugal is outlined in Table 16.1.

Political Form and Figures. In Portugal, representation of political life is still dominated
by the continental European concept of left and right wings. The Parliament is a large semicircle
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586 JESUINO

TABLE 16.1
Political Structure of Portugal

Political Structure

Official Name Portuguese Republic

Form of State Parliamentary Republic
Legal System Based on the Constitution of 1976, amended most recently in 1997.
National Legislature Unicameral Assembleia da República (Parliament) of 230
members elected for a maximum term of 4 years.
Electoral System Universal direct suffrage from the age of 18.
National Elections March 2002; next election due by March 2006.
Head of State President directly elected for a maximum of two consecutive
5-year terms; currently Amibal Cavaco Silva is becoming the
First centre-right president since 1974.
National Government Council of Ministers, led by a prime minister appointed by the
president, whose legislative program must be approved
by the Assembleia da República. Victory in February 2005
election section went to the Socialist party led by Jose Socrates

where the members sit in accordance to their location in the political spectrum. The two main
forces are the Socialists and the Social Democrats, who have been alternating in the government.
They differ more in style than in political programs, which, at present, are greatly conditioned by
EU directives. Political life in Portugal, like everywhere, is a natural locus for the exercising of
leadership. When people are asked to evoke typical examples of Portuguese leaders, political fig-
ures come spontaneously to the forefront. Some of them even display charismatic features, mak-
ing them potential historical figures. This is the case of Francisco Sá Carneiro, one of the
founders of the Social Democratic Party in 1974, who was killed in an air crash in 1980. The
causes of the crash are still controversial, but after more than 20 years of investigation there is no
evidence to support sabotage. Sá Carneiro was then prime minister and his tragic death certainly
contributed to making him larger than life. His ideas and energetic style are still evoked by the
Social Democratic militants. Cavaco Silva, who was prime minister for 10 years (1985–1995),
and president since 2006 is another respected and authoritative voice. He also displays some
charismatic traits of rigor, determination, and austerity.
Another historical and prestigious figure is Mário Soares, who founded the Socialist Party
in Germany in 1973. It became a party of mass support after the 1974 coup, when it chal-
lenged the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) for the working-class vote. Mário Soares was
elected president of the republic for two mandates (1986–1991). Internationally, he is proba-
bly the best known Portuguese political actor. Internally, he still exerts an important influence
over the public opinion.
Jorge Sampaio, former mayor of Lisbon, is another Socialist leader, who succeeded
Mário Soares as president of the republic in 1996, defeating Cavaco Silva, and was then
reelected in 2001. António Guterres, also from the Socialist area, became prime minister
after the Socialist Party’s victory in the legislative elections in 1995, repeated again in 2000.
Guterres resigned as both party leader and prime minster following a heavy defeat in local
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 587

elections in December 2001. As a political leader, Guterres fell into discredit due to the
profligacy of his economic policy. Guterres introduced a new style of leadership, promoting
dialogue with the Parliament, the people, and the media. Apparently, however, communica-
tion is not enough.
Another charismatic figure is Álvaro Cunhal, the historic leader of the Communist Party.
He stood down in 1992, retaining however considerable influence. He is now almost 90 years
of age. The PCP was important during the first years of the Revolution. Its support base comes
from the industrial suburbs and rural south. But it has steadily eroded since the
collapse of the Soviet regime and it is now in a state of crisis. Nevertheless, its influence on
the unions, and specifically on those affiliated with CGTP (Confederaçäo Geral dos
Trabalhadores Portuguses), is far from being negligible.
Another very active political actor is Freitas do Amaral, former founder of the Centre
Democratic Party (CDS), now the Popular Party (PP), which lost the presidential elections to
Mário Soares in 1986 by a small margin (42.8% vs. 51.2% of the votes). Freitas do Amaral
chaired the General Assembly of the United Nations in 2000. The PP, formerly led by Paulo
Portas, a rather mercurial and controversial figure, formed a coalition with the Social
Democratic Party, thus assuring an absolute majority in Parliament until the victory of the
Socialist Party in 2005, that became the majority in the Parliament.
Other political actors could be named for the role they played during the period of the
Revolution of April 1974—Military figures like Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho, Vasco Gonçalves,
Ramalho Eanes, who became president of the republic for two mandates (1976–1986), Vasco
Lourenço, and many others. They became popular heroes for a while, and now are recalled
only by the older generation of historians.
Consequently, they contributed to shaping the social representation of the role of leaders
and leadership by initiating social change, but they are also a reminder of how elusive and rel-
ative an influence is in the final course of history. A final reference concerns Maria de Lurdes
Pintassilgo, the only Portuguese woman to become head of an independent cabinet that ruled
for the short period of just 150 days (July–November 1979).
Many of those figures mentioned were, and most still are, a regular presence in the media,
which also contributed to building the leadership culture within the Portuguese “public
sphere.” Another source is the ever-growing (auto)biographic genre, sometimes in the form of
comprehensive interviews, through which the leaders “present themselves” and give a
public account of their (sometimes) controversial decisions.

Economic Highlights
Table 16.2 gives an overview of Portugal’s economic data, which is discussed in detail in
the following.
In the excellent and comprehensive survey of Portugal published in the Economist dated
November 30, 2000, it is remarked that:

When Portugal joined the then European Community on New Year’s Day 1986, its GDP per head,
in terms of purchasing-power-parity (PPP), was a mere 53% of the EU average. Closing the gap
has been the stated aim of the Portuguese government ever since, and progress has been swift:
GDP is now 75% of the European mean. No other hopeful entrant to the European club—not the
big next-door neighbor, Spain; not even Ireland, the Celtic tiger of the 1990s—has made up so
much ground in its first few years of membership. Yet the gap has merely narrowed, not disap-
peared. Between 1987 and 1991, Portugal narrowed the gap with the EU in GDP per head by
10.7%. In the following four years it shaved off only another six percent, and in the four years
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588 JESUINO

TABLE 16.2
Economical Data for Portugal

Economic Indicators 2001

GDP per head ($ at PPP) 18.580

GDP (% real change) 1.66
Government expenditure (% of GDP) 42.0
Consumer price inflation (%) 4.35
Public debt (% of GDP) 54.90
Labor costs per hour (USD) 5.22
Unemployment (%) 4.05
Current-account balance/GDP −9.17
Exchange rate (av; US$: Euro) 0.90
Population (m; year-end) 10.36
Main cities & population
Lisbon (greater urban area) 1.4
Oporto (greater urban area) 1.2
Area (sq km) 92.08

Main trading partners

Germany (% export) 19.2
(% import) 13.9
Spain (% export) 18.6
(% import) 26.5
France (% export) 12.6
(% import) 10.3
UK (% export) 10.3
(% import) 5.0

Note. From Instituto Nacional de Estatística, OECD Statistics, and Eurostat.

after that, up to 1999, only a further 3.4. With that sort of recent record, and given the European
Commission’s growth forecasts for 1999–2003 (an average of 3% for the whole EU, a little less
for Portugal) “convergence could take 70 years.”

Two years later and in part due to the international turbulence, the prospects are even worse
with the public finances in crisis, the government has been forced to implement a restrictive
and procyclical fiscal policy, which is exacerbating the economic downturn.
Joining the European Community in 1986 did in fact bring major benefits for the
Portuguese. It permitted Portugal to rise from about half the European average to three-
fourths. The structural funds from Brussels had a significant effect, namely on the country’s
physical infrastructure. By 1998, Portugal had 840 km of motorway, compared with only 240
km in 1987. Still, according to the Economist’s survey, “a second effect of tying itself to Europe
was to make Portugal more open to trade and investment. … Foreign direct investment (FDI)
more than doubled between 1985 and 1990, and more than doubled again by 1999.” A third
outcome of joining Europe “has been to give Portugal macroeconomic credibility.”
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 589

But structural funds will end in 2006. On the other hand, new candidates, the Eastern
European countries, have joined the club. Portugal will have to face a difficult challenge with-
out obvious solutions in sight. Besides, in terms of structural factors such as levels of educa-
tion, research and development (R&D), investment, productivity, and size of public sector,
Portugal has serious handicaps requiring urgent reforms. As reported in an economic survey
by the OECD (Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation):

Portugal’s comparative advantage in the production and export of low technology goods made
by low-skilled and low-paid labor is not a lasting strength, as competition from developing
countries becomes stronger all the time. Policies to encourage the diffusion and implementa-
tion of new technologies and production processes are required … Implementation of com-
petition policy needs to be strengthened, as more competitive markets, especially in network
industries, are essential to increase productivity and put downward pressure on prices.
(OECD, 2003, p. 108)

A further problem is the relative lack of experience of Portuguese entrepreneurial leaders

linked to the tiny size of their companies. Big firms in Portugal have scarcely any weight in
the present globalized market. “The Banco Comercial Português (BCP), the biggest private-
sector bank in Portugal, ranks only fourth in Iberia and 63rd in Europe. There are only three
Portuguese in the Eurotop-300 share index of leading European companies: BCP, Portugal
Telecom and Electricidade de Portugal (EDP)” (The Economist, November, 2000).
Other important firms belong, as a rule, to well-known families, such as Belmiro de
Azevedo (SONAE), José Melo (CUF), Espírito Santo (BES), and Francisco Balsemão, a for-
mer prime minister turned media tycoon (Impresa), all of them now facing a succession prob-
lem. Like the political leaders, the entrepreneurs and CEOs are regularly in the media and
they also have fed the biographic genre that contributes to drawing the picture of the
Portuguese style of leadership.

Society and Values

Changes in Portuguese society over the last two decades were no less important, giving rise
to the emergence of new values and new challenges for management. The first important
change concerns the aging of the population with an increase in the number of people aged
over 65 years. Simultaneous there has been a fall in birth and fertility rates. A second change
is related to the increase of the economically active population due to the entry of women
into the labor market. In 1960, 13% of women were economically active. In 1970, that fig-
ure had risen to 19% and by 1981 it stood at 29%. In 1991, the figure finally reached 41%
(Almeida, 1998). A third factor is the reversal in migration. More than 1 million Portuguese
left the country between 1960 and 1980. After 1975 the emigration decreased significantly.
From a country of emigrants, Portugal became an importer of labor. In 1974, only 32,000
foreigners resided in Portugal, most of them from other European countries. By 1997, the
estimates point to 175,000, half of them from Africa, and the second half from Brazil and
from Central and Eastern Europe, these latter often highly skilled (engineers, doctors,
nurses, musicians).
Another important change is related to the evolution of the active population characterized
by a massive transfer to the tertiary sector. In the period 1960–1990, the tertiary sector rose
from 28% to 55%. At the same time, the primary sector fell from 44% to 12%, and the indus-
trial sector also fell but to a lesser extent (from 39% to 33%).
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590 JESUINO

Such a transfer is due largely to the increase in educational standards, leading to the
increase of the middle classes. As once again remarked by Ferreira de Almeida:

The development of the “technically” skilled petite bourgeoisie, namely salaried workers
engaged in scientific and intellectual work exerted the greatest social impact. In 1960 this group
represented 2.6 percent of the total, in 1970 the figure stood at 4.9 percent, in 1981 at 7.9 percent
and in 1992 at 16.8 percent. This technically skilled group lives mostly in urban settings and
possesses a relatively high cultural capital. (Almeida, 1998, p. 151)

The “feminization” of the economically active population, the growth of the middle classes,
along with the entrepreneurial class, high-level managers, and liberal professions, contributed
to the appearance of new social values and leadership roles within Portuguese society. Still in
accordance with the same author, such new values could be grouped into four clusters: (a)
refusal to postpone the fulfilment of personal desires or objectives—“the impatience for hap-
piness”; (b) greater tolerance toward distinct existential models, such as those of a moral,
religious, or political nature; (c) a general skepticism toward global, grandiose, and
heroic objectives; and (d) a parallel skepticism toward ideologies, such as left and right in the
political field.
Portuguese society has become more open, more sophisticated, and more differentiated,
but also more skeptical, more demanding, more aloof, and more individualist (see also Ester,
Halman, & de Moor, 1993, p. 160).

3. THE GLOBE RESEARCH IN PORTUGAL

Portugal in Cross-Cultural Empirical Research

In this first subsection, we examine some of the most relevant cross-cultural studies on lead-
ership, including Portuguese data.

David McClelland Motivation Profiles. David McClelland is well known as having

produced the first map of national cultural indicators using his method of content analysis of sto-
ries narrated to children. Four scores were computed from samples collected around 1950 from
42 countries, in which Portugal was included: need for achievement (nAch), need for affiliation
(nAff), need for power (nPw), and inhibition (In). This last index indicates the extent to which
the need for power is personal (low inhibition) or social (high inhibition). Formerly McClelland
(1961) was mostly interested in examining the role of achievement in the economic development
of countries, but later he concluded that leadership was more comprehensively related to power
than it was to achievement. More precisely, he established a leader motivational profile (LMP)
supposed to be related to leader effectiveness. Such a profile is a mix of high concern for (social)
power motivation, and power motivation greater than affiliative motivation.
The motivational profile found by McClelland for Portugal is, in standardized figures:
nAch = .13; nAff = .72; nPw = −1.17; Inh= −1.38. The findings refer to data collected around
the 1950s and were supposed to produce effects one generation later, the time span of young-
sters becoming adults and then ready to enact the values internalized along the socialization
process. In terms of the LMP, the Portuguese scores could be interpreted as a culture partic-
ularly resistant to leadership roles. The high scores on the need for affiliation combined with
low need for power and low inhibition suggest that political rulers as well as managers may
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 591

face problems in structuring the activities of their subordinates who, in turn, are likely to react
to strong leadership. At the time of the McClelland study, Portugal was under a dictatorial
regime, that was not overthrown until 1974.
Nevertheless, and compared with similar totalitarian regimes, the Portuguese LMP is
rather intriguing. Whereas totalitarian regimes either in 1925—Austria, Germany, Japan,
Russia, and Spain, as well as in 1950—Argentina, Iraq, Pakistan, Russia, Spain, and South
Africa exhibit a pattern of “need for power” higher than the “need for affiliation,” in Portugal
it was just the reverse that was found.
As remarked by McClelland (1961): “The one exception is Portugal, which at least in
some limited sense has been ruled by a dictatorship for a generation [McClelland was writ-
ing in the late 1950s] although it may be doubted that it ever has been as ruthless as most of
the other totalitarian regimes on the list” (p. 169). The statement—“the traditional softness of
the Portuguese morals” (“a tradicional brandura dos costumes portugueses”)—has been
attributed to Salazar, the dictator who ruled in Portugal from 1932 through to 1968; it is a last-
ing representation collectively shared, epitomizing the Portuguese national character. These
peculiar features seem to fit with the bloodless revolution of 1974 when the dissident soldiers
put carnations in the rifles as a symbol of nonviolence (see the introduction).
According to the LMP theory, scoring in the need for affiliation is higher than in the need
for power, as found in the Portuguese sample, is negatively related with effective organiza-
tional leadership. Affiliative styles give priority to consensus seeking, as well as establishing
and reinforcing friendship links, which, more often than not, is incompatible with effective
decision making. Leadership is supposedly more related with exerting power rather than
governing by consensus.
LMP theory was initially thought to apply mostly to large nontechnological settings as, for
example, the government. Some of the validation studies focused on presidential styles as
expressed in official speeches (House, Spangler, & Woydee, 1991; Winter, 1973, 1982, 1987).
In Portugal, a similar study was conducted by Cruz (1989), who examined the addresses to
Parliament of the Portuguese prime ministers from 1976 through to 1987. This study revealed
firstly that, as a rule, Prime Ministers expressed the typical LMP profile in their speeches:
high nPw, high nAch, low nAff, and high In. Until 1985 the nPw observed was higher than
the nAch, but after 1985 the achievement rhetoric became dominant. The highest score on
nAff, although lower than the nPw, was observed during the leadership of the only female
prime minister—Maria de Lourdes Pintassilgo—to perform such a role, even though for a
short period of 150 days (July–November 1979, see Section 1).
The study also revealed that scores in nPw were positively related to industrial production
as well as a number of approved bills, but also with more conflicts with workers. In terms of
unemployment rates, a positive relation was found with nPw and a negative relation with
nAff, which led to the assumption that nAff might exert a buffer effect on unpopular measures
implemented by political leaders. More recently House, Shame, and Herold (1996) found that
LMP was also valid in small entrepreneurial organizations, where leaders with such a profile
were perceived by their followers as being charismatic, displaying integrity, and being sup-
portive (House & Aditya, 1997, p. 416).
Considering the persistence and difficulty in changing cultural patterns, it is reasonable to
think that weak leadership is expected to be the rule rather than the exception in Portuguese
institutions and organizations for years to come. The ambiguity predictable from the LMP
theory in the relationship between leaders and followers is coherent, at least in qualitative
terms, with other cross-cultural approaches that are examined herein.
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592 JESUINO

Trompenaars’s Waves of Culture. Trompenaars (1993) conducted a cross-cultural study

around 1990, collecting data from a sample of about 11,500 managers all over the world in
which Portuguese respondents were included. Trompenaars introduces seven fundamental
dimensions of culture. Five of those dimensions, pertaining to relationships with people, are:
operationalizations of Parsonian dichotomies (Parsons, 1951); universalism versus particular-
ism; individualism versus collectivism; neutral or emotional; specific versus diffuse; achieve-
ment versus ascription. The two other dimensions are related to attitudes toward time and
attitudes toward environment.
The findings suggest that Portuguese managers are closer to the right pole of the Parsonian
dichotomies: They are more particularists, more collective, more emotional, more diffuse, and
more ascriptive. In terms of attitudes to time, they tend to be more polychronic than mono-
chronic, and they also tend to be careless toward the environment. In terms of national and
corporate culture, Trompenaars introduced two dimensions—equality versus hierarchy and
orientation to the person versus orientation to the task—which generate four quadrants: the
“family,” the “Eiffel Tower,” the “guided missile,” and the “incubator.” These metaphors are
useful for summarizing the various patterns of the findings. Within this approach, the
Portuguese corporate culture could be described as a “family,” clustering with France,
Belgium, and Spain—the Latin European cluster (Ronen & Shenkar, 1985)—but also with
India and Japan. In “family” cultures, leaders are seen as fathers combining attachment to
subordination. It must however be noted that the Portuguese scores are moderate rather than
extreme, with 68% of the managers thinking that a good leader “leaves them alone to get the
job done” and they also report their organizations as being more horizontal than vertical in
terms of hierarchy. These findings are not in contradiction with the McClelland’s LMP
approach, described earlier. Rather, they seem to confirm each other. Low need for power and
high need for affiliation are likely to justify the status ascribed to parent figures who are close
and powerful and who “manage by subjectives.” On the other hand, the low score in inhi-
bition is likely to considerably reduce the acceptance of leaders, not by direct challenge or
confrontation but through devious tactics.

Hofstede’s Software of the Mind. In the Hofstede study (Hofstede, 1984) the Portuguese
scores were:

• Power Distance: 63—moderately high.

• Uncertainty Avoidance: 104—very high.
• Individualism: 17—low (more collectivist).
• Masculinity: 31—low (more feministic).

Hofstede did his famous study using data collected around the early 1970s from a sample of
more than 116,000 respondents across 53 countries. Although cultural patterns do not change
overnight, it could be argued that 30 years later, with so many transformations observed
everywhere, the Hofstede indicators would be irremediably dated. More recently an extensive
replication was carried out using the responses supplied by 1,544 alumni from 17 Western and
Southern European countries plus Turkey and the United States attending a seminar for man-
agers in Salzburg between 1964 and 1983 (Hoppe, 1998). According to the findings, despite
some shifts in the relative position of some countries (Austria in Power Distance, France and
Italy on Individualism, and France on Masculinity), the rank correlations between the
Hofstede and the Salzburg studies are highly significant (above .75). In view of this, and at
least for European countries, the overall profile seems to remain basically the same.
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 593

As claimed by Hofstede, the most relevant cultural dimensions related to leadership

are Individualism and Power Distance. If we combine these two orthogonal dimensions,
it is possible to define four cells. Portugal is located in the “large Power Distance” and
“Collectivistic” cell. Other countries included in the same cluster are Southeast European
countries and also some Asian countries (Hofstede, 1984, p. 159). Scores moderately high on
Power Distance and high in Collectivism suggest a preference for benevolent autocratism,
as also observed in the Trompenaars study. People in these cultures are expected to bring
loyalty to their organizations provided they feel the employer returns the loyalty in the form
of protection. In terms of participation, the leader is expected to keep the initiative but, in a
collectivistic culture, there will be ways by which the subordinates in a group can still influ-
ence the leader.
On the other hand, the most relevant dimensions for organizational configurations are,
according to Hofstede (1991), Power Distance and Uncertainty Avoidance. Combining the
two dimensions generates four quadrants, metaphorically dubbed as “markets” (low
Uncertainty Avoidance, low Power Distance), “families” (high Power Distance, low
Uncertainty Avoidance), “well-oiled machines” (high Uncertainty Avoidance , low Power
Distance), and “pyramids” (high Power Distance, high Uncertainty Avoidance). The proto-
types would be respectively the UK, China, Germany, and France. In accordance with this
typology, which is to some extent similar to the one suggested by Trompenaars (1993),
Portugal would now be closer to the “pyramid” format than to the “family.” It is argued later
that this discrepancy might be due to some possible ambiguity in the Uncertainty Avoidance
dimension.

The Smith and Peterson Event Management Model. In accordance with the event man-
agement model proposed by Smith and Peterson (1988), leadership behavior depends not only
on the structural features of situations but also on the specific events requiring decision making.
It can be hypothesized that in national cultures low in Power Distance, there would be greater
reliance on participative decision making as well as in national cultures high in Uncertainty
Avoidance on rules and procedures. The cross-cultural study conducted by Smith and Peterson
initially involved 21 samples of around 100 middle managers from both European and
nonEuropean countries. Later it was extended to 35 countries (Smith & Peterson, 1995). The
method consisted of presenting eight organizational events, considered as typical to occur often
in all countries, and for each of them respondents were asked to indicate the most frequent
method on which they relied for making a decision. In total, in 11 out of the 17 European nations
examined, respondents reported reliance on their own experience and training. In Portugal as
well as in France, the distinctive feature is the higher reliance on unwritten rules (Smith, 1997).
Such a finding does not seem to confirm the higher score on Uncertainty Avoidance found by
Hofstede for Portugal. The aforementioned study also included questionnaires on role conflict,
ambiguity, and overload (Peterson et al., 1995), in which Portugal scored relatively high on role
ambiguity. More important, however, was the finding that role ambiguity was not correlated
with Uncertainty Avoidance but only with Individualism (.51) and with Power Distance
(–.55), which seems to confirm that the Hofstede’s scores on Uncertainty Avoidance are to be
considered with caution.
Role overload was also found to be negatively related to Individualism (–.60) and posi-
tively related with Power Distance (.69). As these are the two dimensions most closely linked
to leadership roles, it could be concluded that the combination of high Power Distance with
low Individualism (Collectivism) work in conjunction and in a sort of trade-off: Reducing
ambiguity through hierarchy and rules can come at the cost of overload.
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In short, the various cross-cultural studies reported seem to reasonably cohere, with the
exception of Hofstede’s Uncertainty Avoidance dimension. Cultural traits suggest that lead-
ership roles in Portuguese organizations are likely to emphasize a paternalistic style more
tolerated than actually accepted by subordinates.

The GLOBE Study

The GLOBE study has developed a scale for the evaluation of societal cultural norms. The
scale builds on Hofstede’s (1984) four cultural dimensions and includes Power Distance,
Uncertainty Avoidance, Gender Egalitarianism, which replaces Masculinity/Femininity, and
Institutional Collectivism in place of Individualism/Collectivism. It introduces Assertiveness,
which was previously part of Hofstede’s Masculinity/Femininity dimensions; Future
Orientation (Kluckholm & Strodtbeck, 1961); Performance Orientation (McClelland, 1961);
Human Orientation (Kluckholm & Strodtbeck, 1961), and Family Collectivism.
The GLOBE study in Portugal is based on the analysis of 79 questionnaires collected from
middle managers in two industries in 1996: the food industries which are more traditional and
conservative, and telecommunications industries, which are in rapid transformation. Data
were gathered from one single organization in each industry.
Qualitative data were also gathered from media and other qualitative studies on culture and
leadership with Portuguese managers. The GLOBE questionnaire was split into the Alpha
version aimed at measuring leadership and organizational culture. The Beta version measures
leadership and societal culture. An equal number of respondents to Alpha and Beta question-
naires were sought in each organization taking part in the study. Using a 7-point Likert scale,
respondents were asked to state their preferences of items relating to the eight cultural dimen-
sions, concerning how things “Are” in their society or organization and how things “Should
Be.” In this way, the questionnaire distinguishes between practices (“As Is”) and espoused
values (“Should Be”).
On the leadership scales, the respondent were asked to rate 112 leadership items on a scale
between 1 (greatly inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader) and 7 (greatly con-
tributes to a person being an outstanding leader). Based on an exploratory factor analysis
(House et al., 1999) the items were aggregated into 21 leadership scales, which constitute cul-
turally endorsed perceptions of leadership. (For a full display and discussion of GLOBE
methods and comparative results, see House et al., 2004.)

Societal Culture
The societal results for Portugal from the GLOBE study are presented in Table 16.3. The
results represent the assessments of practices (“As Is”) as well as values (“Should Be”) and
the differences between them. In what follows, comparisons are made both in the overall
GLOBE sample and in the European subsample level. The results are assessed in light of the
previous cross-cultural studies already examined.

Performance Orientation. The Performance Orientation describes the degree to which

people are encouraged and rewarded for performance improvement and achievement of excel-
lence. Performance Orientation is related both to the issues of external adaptation and inter-
nal integration (Javidan, 2002; Schein, 1992). It is an internally consistent set of practices and
values that have an impact on the way a society defines success in adapting to
external changes, and the way the society manages the interrelationship among its people.
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 595

TABLE 16.3
Country Means for GLOBE Societal Culture Dimensions

Society “As Is” Society “Should Be” Differenced

“Should Be”
Culture Dimensions Meana Bandb Rankc Meana Bandb Rankc –“As Is”d
Uncertainty Pe 3.91 C 39 4.43 B 41 0.52
Avoidance Gf 4.16 B 4.62 B 0.46
Future P 3.71 C 38 5.43 B 35 1.72
Orientation G 3.85 B 5.48 A 1.63
Power Distance P 5.44 A 17 2.38 D 53 −3.06
G 5.16 B 2.74 C −2.42
Institutional P 3.92 C 47 5.30 A 9 1.38
Collectivismg G 4.25 B 4.73 B 0.48
Humane P 3.91 C 40 5.31 B 40 2.20
Orientation G 4.09 C 5.42 B 1.33
Performance P 3.60 C 54 6.40 A 5 2.80
Orientation G 4.10 B 5.94 B 1.84
In-Group P 5.51 A 26 5.94 B 15 0.43
Collectivism G 5.13 B 5.66 B 0.53
Gender P 3.66 A 13 5.13 A 4 1.47
Egalitarianism G 3.37 B 4.51 B 1.14
a
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. bBand letter A–D indicating meaningful country bands for the
scales A > B > C > D; the band width is equal to 2 SD. cThe rank orders for Portugal relative to the 61 countries.
d
Absolute difference between the “Should Be” and the “As Is” score. ePortugal’s mean scores. fGLOBE’s mean
scores. gHigh score = more collectivistic; low score = more individualistic.

According to the findings, societies higher in Performance Orientation at the level of practices
(As Is) tend to be economically more successful and globally more competitive, additionally
with a tendency to enjoy a more positive attitude toward life and live in a more civic society.
In contrast, the societies scoring higher on Performance Orientation values (“Should Be”)
tend to be less competitive, less economically productive, more satisfied with their work lives,
and more strongly religion oriented (Javidan, 2002; Schein, 1992).
Portugal’s very low score on practices (“As Is”) and the higher score on values (“Should
Be”) seem to reflect the awareness of the respondents about Portugal lagging behind the EU
countries. Yet, such a pessimistic view was expressed in a period (1996) when the economy
was growing at a relatively fast rate, above the EU average. The value scores also confirm the
striving for achievement that were found in the studies of McClelland described earlier.
Respondents do not seem to feel happy about the performance of their country and greatly
endorse the need for developing more challenging goals. The diagnosis seems realistic in the
light of the OECD report (see Section 1).

Future Orientation. This measures the extent to which future-oriented behavior (e.g.,
planning, investing, delay of gratification) is encouraged and rewarded. The higher the scores,
the higher the Future Orientation.
Portuguese scores are lower than the GLOBE average both in practices (“As Is”) and in
values (“Should Be”). Such findings suggest a relatively moderate striving for the improvement
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596 JESUINO

of practices related to organization and planning. Furthermore, observers and analysts tend to
denounce the short-term orientation of Portuguese politicians and business people as well.
A symptom of this short-term orientation is the rather low investment in R&D. As remarked
in the OECD (2003) report:

Despite the increases recorded in recent years, Portuguese spending on R&D as a percentage of
GDP is less than half the OECD average, as in the proportion of researchers in the active popu-
lation. As in other less advanced OECD countries R&D activities are carried out not so much by
the business sector, but rather by the higher education and government sectors, these sectors
accounting for almost two-thirds of total R&D expenditure in Portugal, against less than 30% on
average in the OECD. (p. 97)

Future Orientation can be related to expenditure practices by either the government, or the
public, as well as with savings. Gross domestic savings/gross domestic product (GDP) for
1998 in Portugal was 17%, whereas genuine domestic savings/GDP was 15%. This latter
indicator is an overall measure of the degree of sustainable economic growth for society.
Although these figures do not significantly differ from other European developed countries,
they are far below robust and fast-growing economics such as Singapore (51, 40.7), Taiwan
(42, 33.7), or Ireland (37, 32.3).

Gender Egalitarianism. Within the GLOBE project, the concept is defined as the way in
which societies divide rules between women and men. More Gender Egalitarian societies
believe that men and women are suited for similar roles, whereas less Gender Egalitarian
societies believe that men and women should assume different roles (Emrich, Denmark, &
den Hartog, 2004).
Portuguese scores are relatively high—Rank 13 on practices and Rank 4 on values, both
higher than the GLOBE average. Among European countries no differences were found
between the North-West and the South-East clusters (Koopman et al., 1999). The role of
women in Portuguese society has greatly changed over the last four decades. First, there has
been a massive entrance of women into the labor market, mainly because the male workforce
was depleted due to the colonial war as well as heavy emigration to other European countries.
Another reason was the expansion of employment in the process of industrialization. In the
1960s, the rate of feminization of the active labor force increased from 18% to 26% and by
1991 reached 40%.
As remarked by Ferreira (1998):

Most women are employed in service activities that require no qualification, such as cleaning ser-
vices (19% of female workers are maids or porters), in subsistence-level agricultural activities
(11%), and unskilled industrial workers (25%). On the other hand, technical-scientific profes-
sions absorb approximately 11% of economically active women and administrative professions
15.2%. These figures, the lowest in the European Union (the average in Portugal is 19% and in
the EU 30%), testify the deficit in intermediary social positions typical of less-developed
societies. (p. 169)

This relative subalternation of women within the Portuguese society is also expressed by the
indicators relative to the female economic activity—70% in 1998, or 52.3% of the 1998 GDP.
Another relevant indicator is the number of women in Parliament/government. According
to the figures in the Human Development Report (United Nations Development Programme,
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 597

2000), the percentage in 1998 was 11.1 and in 2000 it increased to 18.7. This last figure is
slightly above the OECD (15.1%) average but much lower than in countries like Sweden
(42.7%), Finland (36.5%), Denmark (37.4%), Belgium (30.2%), or UK (33.0%).
The role and importance of women in Portugal will certainly evolve, sufficing to note their
higher rate of school attendance in 1997 that (94% female, 88% male) is even higher in
Portugal than in OECD countries (86% for both sexes) or the highly developed world (91%
female, 88% male)(United Nationas Developmental Programme, 2000). At the university
level, female attendance has risen in 2000 to 63%.
A second qualification concerns the political-juridical framework governing women in
Portugal. It is also a fact that the Portuguese legal order on women after the 1974 Revolution
can be considered as one of the most advanced in Europe: “Article 13 of the 1976 Constitution
universalized the principle of juridical equality. It eliminated the myriad discriminations
inherited from the outgoing regime, paving the way for a reform of the legal order, putting
paid to discrimination against women” (Ferreira, 1998, p. 174).
But even if such legal changes were introduced without opposition and in spite of the per-
vading rhetoric of the “equality between the sexes,” which, to a certain extent, could explain
the results of the GLOBE study, it is worth noting that “in Portugal there is an enormous dis-
crepancy between law on paper and law in action” (Ferreira, 1988, p. 177). In this specific
case of the legal equality for women, “the change was imposed from above” (Ferreira, 1988,
p. 177). The gap between the law and actual practices is still important. “Many examples can
be found of the lack of concrete application of the principle of equality. The sentences passed
in crimes against individuals reveal that judges have a different attitude toward women”
(Ferreira, 1988, p. 179).
In terms of Gender Egalitarianism in Portugal, much more is still to be achieved. Portugal’s
integration into the EU might help to close the gap between the practices and the values.

Humane Orientation. Humane Orientation is derived from Kluckholm and Strodtbeck’s

(1961) work on “human nature is good versus human nature is bad” as well as Putnam’s
(1993) work on the “civic society.” It assesses to what extent practices such as being fair,
altruistic, generous, caring, and kind to others are promoted in society and organization
(House et al., 1999).
The Portuguese results are relatively low for the practices—Rank 40. The difference between
“Should Be” and “As Is” is relatively high although not significantly. Both practices and values
fall within the GLOBE average. Among European countries no differences were found between
the North-West and the South-East clusters (Koopman et al., 1999). Apparently all over the
world there is a generalized awareness of the desirability of promoting more human attitudes
toward others.
The relatively low score registered at the level of practices may reflect significant changes
in conviviality as a consequence of urbanization and modernization. However, it is not clear
how to reconcile these findings with the high need for affiliation observed in McClelland’s
study for Portugal. One possible explanation is that such a high need might reflect a certain
affective insecurity instead of expressing the more positive facets of intimacy (McAdams,
1982; McAdams & Powers, 1981a, 1981b).

Power Distance. The Power Distance is derived from Hofstede’s Power Distance indi-
cator. It measures the degree to which members of an organization or society expect and agree
that power Should Be shared unequally. The Portuguese score on practices (“As Is”) is very
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598 JESUINO

high (5.44) and significantly higher than the GLOBE average (5.16). Equally for values
(“Should Be”), the Portuguese scores are very low (2.38) and lower than the GLOBE average
(2.74). The difference between practices and values (–3.06) is the highest registered for
Portuguese scores. Apparently the Portuguese respondents consider that at societal level the
power stratification is too high and that a significant, if not dramatic, decrease would be
highly desirable. In European terms, Portugal is closer to the South cluster together with
France, Italy, Spain, and Greece (Koopman et al., 1999).
The aforementioned scores are in accordance with the findings produced by the Hofstede (2000)
and Trompenaars (1993) studies. With regards to the low need for power found in McClelland’s
(1975) study, it can be argued that the correspondence must be applied to the difference
observed between practices and values. Power, or at least its representation, is strongly rejected.
Portuguese society is characterized by a large gap between the elites and the masses, by a
great distance between the governing and the governed, by pronounced socio-professional
segmentation, and by acute inequalities in income and capital, as well as inequalities in for-
mal education (Cabral, 1992, p. 950). A striking indicator is given by the differences of
expected incomes between attained education levels. Whereas in Europe the average differ-
ential between ISCED 5.7 (higher education) and ISCED-3 (higher secondary) is about 9%,
in Portugal the difference jumps to 65% (Lindley, 2000; see also Eurostat).
In terms of the corruption perception index (CPI), found to be highly related to Power
Distance (Hofstede, 2000, p. 132–133), in 1998 Portugal scored 6.5 (on a scale of 1 = totally
corrupt, 10 = totally clean). Similar scores were found in Spain (6.1) and France (6.7). The
relation between Power Distance and corruption perception was found only in wealthy coun-
tries but not in the group of the 17 poor countries. Within wealthy countries the higher the
CPI values, the cleaner the countries.
In terms of the GINI index—a measure of the inequality in the distribution of consump-
tion (0 = perfect equality, 100 = perfect inequality)—Portugal scores 35.6 slightly above more
equalitarian countries such as Austria (23.1), Denmark (24.7), Sweden (25.0), or Japan (24.9)
but below the United States (40.8), UK (36.1), or Russia (48.7).
Religion is also related with Power Distance. As suggested by Carl, Gupta, Javidan (2004),
Catholic societies, especially the ones that have experienced low growth in private consump-
tion during recent years such as Spain and Portugal, tend to strongly reject the values of power
stratification, and favor Power Distance reduction. The authors also suggest that societies
with a large, established middle class would have a lower power level of Power Distance than
societies with a newly emerging middle class, such as the Iberian countries. It is worth not-
ing, however, that class composition is changing very fast. From 1986 to 1997, according to
Eurostat, the numbers of entrepreneurs and professionals increased between 7 and 10 points
in the various countries of the EU. In 1997, the percentage of the “middle class” jumped in
Portugal by 25%. Such changes will certainly contribute to significant differences in the ways
of using power. Participative decision making will likely become more frequent in institutions
and organizations.

Collectivism. In the GLOBE study, Collectivism was split into two indicators:
Institutional Collectivism refers to the degree to which institutional practices at the societal
level encourage and reward collective action; In-Group Collectivism, on the other hand, is
defined as the degree to which individuals express pride, loyalty, and interdependence in their
families and close associates. The distinction was found relevant. In Portugal, at the level of
practices, In-Group Collectivism was scored much higher than the Institutional Collectivism.
At the level of values, respondents would like to reinforce both dimensions of Collectivism.
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 599

The Hofstede study also classifies Portugal as a collectivist culture, ranking 39 among 53
countries. The relatively high score on need for affiliation found in the McClelland (1961)
study also points in the same direction. But both of these latter studies, according to our inter-
pretation, are more related to Family Collectivism than to Institutional Collectivism.
As remarked in Section 1, Portuguese values seem to be evolving to a more individualis-
tic pattern. Postmodern youngsters are more hedonistic, more disenchanted with traditional
ideologies, and more open to diversity. In a word, they are more individualistic, which might
raise some intergenerational tensions.
Modernization and economic growth were found to be linked with individualism
(Hosftede, 2000, p. 252). Although the Portuguese scores point to classifying this culture as
clearly collectivistic, some indicators, as, for example, the high score in lack of inhibition
found by McClelland (1975), suggest that socialization practices are not very effective in inte-
grating individuals and society. A frequent impressionistic diagnosis produced by observers
and common sense is that Portuguese subjects are better performers as individuals than as a
collective body. Such a view is illustrated by the examples of individual subjects excelling
when integrated in more developed foreign societies.

Assertiveness. Assertiveness in GLOBE is defined as the degree to which individuals in

organizations or societies are assertive, tough, dominant, and aggressive in social relation-
ships (House et al., 1999). The “As Is” score for Portugal is one of the lowest within the
GLOBE sample. It ranks 55 among 61 countries in practices. The GLOBE Assertiveness
dimension overlaps with Hofstede’s Masculinity Index (House et al., 2004). Hofstede’s
(2000) study also classifies Portugal as low on masculinity. Among 53 countries, Portugal is
placed in 44th position, with a score of 31 (mean [M] 49, Standard Deviation [SD] 18).
Nevertheless, the GLOBE respondents would like to even lower the score albeit by a negligi-
ble margin. In the “Should Be” dimension, Portugal is close to countries such as Ireland,
Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark, and Finland (Koopman et al., 1999). Such findings seem to
converge with the high “need for affiliation” and “low inhibition” scores found in the
McClelland (1975) study.
The lack of perceived Assertiveness in Portugal could be linked to the relative lagging
behind, at least within the EU context, in terms of competitiveness, productivity, and eco-
nomic prosperity. Along the same vein, the permissiveness and impunity of Portuguese
morals, as illustrated by the difficulty in enforcing the law, could also be connected with the
weak Assertiveness reflected in the GLOBE scores.

Uncertainty Avoidance. In the GLOBE project, Uncertainty Avoidance was defined in

terms of a tendency toward orderliness and consistency, structured lifestyles, clear specifica-
tion and social expectations, and rules and laws to cover situations. There is no clear corre-
spondence with the similar concept used in the Hofstede study, which is due to different
criteria of operationalization. The Portuguese score on Uncertainty Avoidance in the Hofstede
study is very high, only second to Greece. In the GLOBE study, the score for Portugal is
rather low for practices (3.91), ranking 39, significantly below the GLOBE mean. In terms of
values, although remaining low in ranking (41), the Portuguese score is closer to the GLOBE
mean. In accordance with the meaning of this concept, the Portuguese respondents believe
their society is not sufficiently structured in contrast with Northern countries where more
flexibility is desired (Koopman et al., 1999).
The modest difference between “As Is” and “Should Be” suggests that the respondents are
not entirely unhappy with the perception they have about the relative lack of structure within
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600 JESUINO

the societal environment. This seems to be in line with a widespread commonsense represen-
tation shared by the Portuguese of being able to “improvise,” a feature very much boasted
about. Living comfortably with chaos and ambiguity is considered a competitive advantage.
This also suggests that Portugal is a “high context” rather than a “low context” culture (Hall,
1959, 1976; Hall & Hall, 1990), which can be illustrated by anecdotic evidence about the
casual and imprecise information within the public space, and the no less casual polychronic
way of managing time and opportunity (see also Section 2).
Countries like Portugal that perceive themselves as less structured are, however, less pros-
perous in terms of consumption and growth. They are also less competitive and less produc-
tive. Another relevant indicator is the euromoney credit rating (0 = high risk; 100 = no risk)
where Portugal scores 82.8, below the most developed economies.

Summary

The cultural profile that emerges from the GLOBE findings indicates high relative scores for
Gender Egalitarianism, In-Group Collectivism, and Power Distance, and low scores in Future
Orientation, Humane Orientation, Performance Orientation, Assertiveness, Uncertainty
Avoidance, and Institutional Collectivism.
In terms of values, measured by the distance between “As Is” and “Should Be,” the
Portuguese respondents would like to live in a more Equalitarian as well as more Performing,
more Humane, and more Future Oriented society. They do not seem to feel the same need for
change in dimensions such as Assertiveness, In-Group Collectivism, and Uncertainty
Avoidance.
Such a profile, in rather broad terms, converges with previous cross-cultural findings, and
is somewhat intriguing in terms of the requisites for leadership. In fact it aspires for more col-
lective efficiency and effectiveness but within the traditional framework of informality,
leniency, and protectionism. The challenge for the exercise of leadership in Portugal seems to
give greater priority to the reinforcement of Institutional Collectivism as, to a certain extent,
is also salient in the findings.

3. LEADERSHIP IN PORTUGUESE SOCIETY

Research on organizational behavior in which the leadership topic is included is very scarce,
indeed almost nonexistent, in Portugal. The only academic study so far published in Portugal is
authored by Jesuino (1987). The book presents the results of several empirical studies conducted
both in the field and in the laboratory, in an attempt to validate some traditional contingency
models on leadership effectiveness. Its added value consists of testing the influence of leader-
ship styles in moderating the polarization effect in group decision making (Jesuino, 1986). A
theoretical approach to leadership was also developed by the same author (Jesuino, 1996).
The contribution of these studies to the GLOBE project—relating leadership with societal
and organizational cultures—is relatively minor. More relevant is the abundant literature on
profiles of political, and to a lesser extent, entrepreneurial leaders, some of them in the genre
of comprehensive (auto)biographies. Despite its unconcern with strict scientific criteria, such
sources, along with the media, are still the best way of observing the leadership processes that
take place in the public sphere. They are addressed in the next subsection.
An intermediate research strategy, inspired by the seminal study of Mintzberg (1973),
consists of conducting case studies centered on managerial work through ethnographic
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 601

individual and group interviews. In the wake of qualitative studies such as the ones carried
out by Sayles (1979), Stewart (1979), Kotter (1988), Bennis and Nanus (1985), we also con-
ducted interviews in the late 1980s with 50 Portuguese managers randomly selected from a
list of 2,000 national managers—the “Who’s Who” in Portuguese business (Jesuino, Pereira,
& Reto, 1993).

Ethnographic Evidence

As the only empirical study so far published in Portugal, its main findings are summarized
here.
In terms of the characteristics of the sample, 35 of the interviewees were chief executive
officers (CEOs) and 15 were general managers. Ages were from 32 to 62 years but the greater
majority were aged from 45 to 55 years. The organizations where the interviewees worked
were diverse and included banking, insurance, transportation, telecommunications, manufac-
turing, naval ship building, fisheries, and media. Some of the interviewees worked in branches
of multinational corporations.
Private organizations accounted for 28 of the interviewees, 19 were from public enterprises
(owned by the state), and 3 belonged to the civil service. Government positions had formerly
been held by 10 of the interviewees. Their former and present activities embraced the various
domains of managerial activity such as marketing, human resources, production, budgeting,
and finance. Only one of the interviewees was female, which reflects the low percentage of
Portuguese women in higher managerial positions.
The interviews were tape-recorded and covered a number of topics, such as their views
about the concept of leadership, the required leadership attributes for each of the three
organizational levels—top, intermediate, and lower (Katz & Kahn, 1978)—strong and weak
factors for exerting leadership within the Portuguese organizational context. They ended with
a lengthy conversation about their professional careers, agendas, self-assessment, manage-
ment style, team-building practices, relevant decisions, health/stress, attitudes toward the
future, paradigmatic figures (mentors), and self-image.
In terms of the required attributes for the three main organizational levels, the results of
the content analysis of the interviews are summarized in Table 16.4
The features identified do not greatly differ from those found in similar studies (Bennis &
Nanus, 1985; Katz & Kahn, 1978; Kotter, 1988). Some minor differences are, however, wor-
thy of mention as they might be related to some cultural specificity. Cognitive attributes like
intelligence and technical skills across the levels, affective attributes like courage and hard-
working at the top level, and honesty at the middle level, are among the most salient differ-
ences found.
A likely interpretation could be given in terms of the social and political turmoil that arose
in Portugal after the Revolution of 1974. Most of the interviewed managers, in top positions at
the time of the interview, had to face difficult situations 15 years earlier, usually in the field of
industrial and labor relations. Courage and interpersonal and negotiation skills were a condition
for survival, and contributed decisively to the natural selection of managers. Technical skills,
whose importance is supposed to decrease from the top downward in the hierarchy, was con-
sidered equally important in the present study at all levels. When asked about that, the intervie-
wees appeared to agree with Kotter (1988) in rejecting the principle of the transferability of
managers. Most effective managers, they claimed, make their careers in one specific industry or
even in one sole company, a necessary condition for dealing with the “competitive edge” and
“organizational complexity” that characterizes the present world of business. One last point that
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TABLE 16.4
Characteristics of Organizational Leaders According to Portuguese Manager’s Views

Responsibilities Level Cognitive Attributes Affective Attributes

Goal setting, Top Vision, intelligence, creativity, Charisma, courage,

strategy, diagnostic skills, imagination, interpersonal skills,
motivating technical skills self-confidence,
hard-working persistence
Coordination, Middle Intelligence, technical skills, Honesty, fairness, equity,
linking diagnostic skills loyalty, persuasion skills
Execution Lower Technical skills, experience, Example, fairness,
learning skills consideration

the findings suggest is the relative lack of distinction between the middle and bottom levels of
the hierarchy. This could also be interpreted as signs of the coming era of flatter organizations.
The next section of the interview asked for a diagnosis of the leadership practices in
Portuguese organizations. The aim was to identify the representation developed by managers
about the context of their own activity. Table 16.5 summarizes the main characteristics found.
These traits greatly correspond to the stereotypes of the national characteristics and do not
necessarily reflect specific constraints at the organizational level. The image herein offered by
the Portuguese managers about their subordinates and/or collaborators stands somewhere
between Theory X and Theory Y (McGregor, 1960). This image could in itself be a conse-
quence rather than a cause, a sort of self-fulfilling prophecy, legitimizing a paternalistic style
of leadership. Subordinates are seen as potentially capable of promptly responding to extreme
situations, which is indeed a very positive factor, but on the other hand, and for this same
reason, control and supervision are slackened. This sort of vicious circle is perhaps one of the
most enduring characteristics of the Portuguese management culture.
Managers were also asked to talk about their careers, their agendas, important decisions
they have been involved in, and their espoused philosophies of management.
With regard to the professional career, it was confirmed that most of the managers were
“one company men” or, at least, they have always worked in a certain business or industry.
As regards routine activities, the findings are quite similar to those reported in the literature
by authors like Mintzberg (1973), Sayles (1979), Stewart (1979), and Kotter (1988).
Like their colleagues in other countries, Portuguese managers work very hard, stay at the
office 50 to 60 hours weekly, and their work is characterized by “brevity, variety and
fragmentation.” They also seem to give preference to personal contacts; they travel a lot
and have built social networks through which they are able to exert their influence and foster
their goals.
With respect to the most important decisions recalled by the interviewees, it was found that
the majority of them fall in the area of reorganizing and restructuring—64% of the critical
incidents, involving redefinition of functions, downsizing, and collective lay-off. Only 16%
of the critical incidents evoked involved strategic decisions such as new investments, diversi-
fication of the activity, market expansion, and internationalization. There was occasional
mention of technical interventions in the fields of marketing, budgeting, and finances, aimed
at improving the effectiveness of the organizations.
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 603

TABLE 16.5
Strengthening and Weakening Factors for Leadership Practice in Portuguese Organizations

Strengthening Factors Weakening Factors

• Adaptability • Disorganization
• Responsiveness • Indiscipline
• Improvisation • Lack of combativeness/discouragement
• “Muddling-through” • Lack of technical skills/unpreparedness
• Creativity • Resistance to change/conservatism
• Tolerance • Dispersion
• Generosity • Selfishness
• Gentleness

Although the interviewees considered their actions were important for the outcome of their
organizations, it could be argued, in light of their narratives, that the nature of organizational
leadership, as claimed by Pfeffer (1977, 1981), is more symbolic than instrumental. Even at
the level of the personal perceptions evoked, such as organizational restructuring, executive
succession, and organizational development, the examples given were typical of symbolic
action. Moreover, the interviewees evaluated themselves in accordance with this criterion,
underlying their relationship abilities, their acceptance by the subordinates, and their negoti-
ation skills, all of which are in fact essential for stabilizing a climate dominated by uncer-
tainty. The fundamental task of the manager, and it is here that the leadership factor most
clearly emerges, consists of giving meaning to the ambiguous if not threatening environment,
as well as acting in a confident manner so as to both inspire and appease those dependent on
them. The results of the interviews give substantive qualitative evidence to the major impor-
tance of symbolic leadership.
In terms of self-attributions of success in their leadership functions, the results are sum-
marized in Table 16.6.
These reasons for successful leadership were categorized as follows: personal attributes
(46%), interpersonal skills (40%), and management of leadership skills (12%).
The list of self-attribution for success fits with the leadership requirements formerly
expressed by the interviewees in more abstract terms. Personal and interpersonal attributes by
far exceed the management and leadership skills. In accordance with this view, it appears that
Portuguese managers consider that their success is due to more personal attributes and inter-
personal skills than to strategic vision or management competence.
The answer about decision styles points in the same direction. The great majority (70%) gave
preference to the consultative style, which implies obtaining ideas and suggestions from subor-
dinates but making the final decision individually. The most difficult decisions were the ones
related to personal matters (60%) followed by economic and financing decisions (18%), juris-
dictional ambiguities (16%), and organizational conflicts (6%). Many interviewees explicitly
stated that technical decisions are not difficult. Difficult decisions are those associated with the
future of people, namely when lay-offs take place or when disciplinary action is required.
With regard to management style, 48% of the interviewees stressed their ability to build
effective teams, which they attributed to their motivating skills, their concern for people, and
their habit of “managing by wandering around.”
Essentially, the management philosophy of the sample interviewed could be described as
follows: To manage is to get results through people. This requires the ability to build up effective
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TABLE 16.6
Self-Attributed Reasons for Leadership Success Given by Portuguese Managers

Personal Attributes Interpersonal Skills Leadership Management Skills

Courage Tolerance Vision

Persistence Easy Contact Imagination
Strong Will Democratic Innovativeness
Rigor Friendliness Technical Expertise
Fairness Communication Planning Expertise
Patience Intuition Decisiveness
Honesty Hard Working
Ethical Standards Risk
Tenacity
Calm

teams, which implies, in turn, the ability to select people who are loyal, competent, and hard-
working. One of the main tasks of leaders is to develop good interpersonal relations
and gain the trust of subordinates. In short the “espoused theory” (Argyris & Schön, 1974)
of the managers interviewed corresponds, at best, to the human relations philosophy of
management.
In terms of biographical data, 50% declared that they had excelled in their youth either in
sports, in students associations, or in unions. Also mentioned by 10 interviewees was their
experience in the colonial wars in Africa (from 1962 through to 1974) as contributing to the
development of their leadership skills.
On health, all the interviewees referred to being in good shape and experiencing moderate
levels of stress. As a rule they were optimistic about the future, relying mostly on science and
technology for the resolution of the great problems of humankind such as the war, the Third
World, or ecological preservation. Asked finally to describe their own personality character-
istics, the respondents indicated positive traits like hardworking, persistent, courageous, and
honest. Attributes named less often were tolerant, sociable, and open. Such characteristics
overlap to some extent with the required features of leadership.

Further Ethnographic Evidence

A more recent empirical study also attempting to examine how entrepreneurs distinguish
between management and leadership was conducted by Pereira (2001) using a representative
sample of 398 Portuguese entrepreneurs. Covering a vast span of industries, the study adopted
the theory of social representations introduced by Serge Moscovici (1961, 1984) as its con-
ceptual framework. A widespread technique used within this framework for gathering data
consists of asking people to freely evoke associations elicited by a stimulus word/concept. In
his study, Pereira (1999) used the words leader and manager as stimuli. The gathered data
were then analyzed using the “similitude analysis,” a technique introduced by Flament (1962,
1981) and developed by Degenne and Vergès (1973). The method consists of applying the
graph theory, then computing the percentage of joint associations. The technique permits the
analysis of the data at various levels (filters) of association. The most comprehensive picture
is given by the “maximum tree” showing how the concepts are interlinked without cycling.
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 605

According to the representation of managers is centered around the concept of organiza-

tion. The similitude analysis shows that “organization” is at the center of a “star” to which the
quasi-totality of the associations evoked is linked. Through “strategy” the concept of organi-
zation is linked to “enterprise,” which is at the center of a second and less central “star.” But
the picture is clear enough. Managerial roles consist mainly of implementing the strategy of
the enterprise through organization skills, such as setting objectives, planning, controlling,
and coordinating, as well as personal attributes required for the effective management of
human resources.
In contrast, leaders are represented through a more complex web of personality traits and
interpersonal skills such as influencing, persuading, motivating, and communicating.
“Charisma” is strongly associated with “personality,” “intelligence,” “power,” and “influence.”
Another central concept is “communication,” which is linked with “capacity,” “understanding,”
“dynamic,” “followers,” and “innovator.” A third cluster is formed around “group” to which
“people,” “top,” “influence,” and “manager” are linked. A fourth central concept comprises
“despotic,” which is linked to “persuasive,” “command,” “authority,” “confidence,” and “intelli-
gent.” “Charisma” is linked with “despotic” through “intelligence,” and is linked to “group”
through “influence.” The representations found seem to confirm thepopular dictum that “lead-
ers do the right thing and managers do things right.”
These findings, which do not contradict but rather complement the GLOBE cross-cultural
universals, could be interpreted in terms of the traditional paradigm of vertical relations
between leaders and followers. As the respondents are not reporting about an actual leader
common to all of them but to prototypical images, the common ground found could refer to
some sort of objective reality reflected by the observers. An alternative view would be that
respondents, when asked to express their thoughts about how leaders or managers are
expected to behave, do not necessarily evoke some sort of inductive knowledge formed
through their own contact with managers, but rather a representation socially constructed
through direct horizontal influence processes and exposure to media. The popularity that the
concept of charisma has recently been acquired all over the world, as documented by the
GLOBE findings, is better understood in terms of social construction than as a significant
change in behavior of managers and leaders. In this light, the wide consensus disclosed by the
GLOBE results and its convergence with other methodological approaches, as the one pre-
sented earlier, could to a large extent be interpreted as the global reach of the American
theories of leadership and management.

Media/Discourse Analysis

The media are another important source where the endorsed image of leaders and leadership
is reflected. Political leaders use the media to communicate with the general public, mainly
through television, but also through radio or even through the press. The press is still the
branch of media where the actions of leaders are critically observed with not only perspective
but also through conceptual framings. In the GLOBE study, the media analysis is limited to
the print press.
In Portugal, during the Salazar regime, the press was not free but submitted to a severe
regime of censorship. It was only after the Revolution of 1974 that censorship was sup-
pressed. Many changes have occurred since then in the panorama of the media in Portugal.
Liberalization was an important change with the concession of two private TV channels. In
Portugal, there are now two public and two private TV channels, two public radio stations,
and a number of daily and weekly newspapers, all of them private.
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With a literacy rate of 91.4% (HDI), it is not surprising that reading habits are reduced to
a small minority. The circulation of the total daily newspapers across the country does not
exceed 350,000. The most important papers are the Diário de Noticias (DN), Publico (P),
Jornal de Noticias (JN), Correio da Manhã (CM), A Capital (Cp), O Comércio do Porto (CP),
and Diário Económico (DE). The circulation of weekly newspapers amounts to 450,000, the
most important of which is the Expresso (EXP). Other weekly newspapers are the Independente
(IND), the Visão (VIS), the Semanário (SEM), the Tal e Qual (T&Q), and the Semanário
Económico (SME). These figures do not include the circulation of sports newspapers, which
are by far the most sought after by the Portuguese readers.
It was with this corpus of news that a search was conducted in order to trace the image
therein projected of leaders’ attributes and/or salient leadership initiatives. A comprehensive
analysis of the DN, JN, P, DE, and EXP was conducted by a team of four doctoral students
for a period of 2 alternate weeks at the end of January and in mid-February 2003. An identi-
cal exercise had already been conducted 5 years earlier in June 1998.
In both periods, the search led to very disappointing results. The general impression gath-
ered was that the Portuguese journalists as well as analysts or even opinion makers, although
sensitized as they are to observing political action in the making, do not specifically focus on
the leadership styles and/or leadership processes.
According to the present widespread structure of the written media, a distinction can be
made between the news that, as a rule, is usually transmitted as objective information and the
opinion articles, usually undersigned, which address broader issues of political strategy or
argue about current controversial issues. Sometimes, and mostly in weekly newspapers,
political or business figures are interviewed about several issues, which also contribute to
characterizing their styles of leading. Opinion makers as well as public figures very often
collect a selection of their interventions or comments together with their speeches, the com-
prehensive interviews they give, or even retrospective narratives into a book format, where
they evoke and very often rationalize their actions. This literature in Portugal has become a
genre with apparently certain success.
This sort of media extension offers an alternative for analyzing leadership styles and strate-
gies. A sample of 20 years of editorials from the Expresso, spanning from 1982 to 2002, was
thus selected as our corpus of analysis. The entries are all related with political figures and
events that took place in Portugal over the last two decades. Another selection of interviews,
conducted by Luís Osório (1999) with Portuguese political personalities in another elite news-
paper, Diário de Noticias, and compiled in a book, was also the subject of detailed analysis.
The framing used to analyze leadership is basically dichotomic. Leaders are either charis-
matic or consensual. Charisma is however understood in rather specific terms, and within the
context of the broader distinction between authority and authoritarianism:

Authority and authoritarianism are to be distinguished. Authority yields respect; authoritarianism

yields fear. Why is political authority important? Is it not sufficient for a statesman to be compe-
tent, honest, courageous, and to have charisma? It is not enough. And it is not enough, in first
place, because that fuzzy quality—and essential—that is called “charisma” is to a great extent
constructed by and through authority. In fact, for a politician to have charisma, two things are
indispensable: first, that the citizens feel that he is resolute and has decision capacity; … that he
has the necessary personal strength to enforce his decision. (Saraiva, Expresso, October 29, 1988)

Examples of charismatic or preferably authoritative leaders in the Portuguese scene would be

Prime Minister Sá Carneiro, who died prematurely in an air crash in December 1980, and
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 607

Cavaco Silva, who ruled for two mandates (1985–1995). According to the polls, 62% of the
respondents still rate them as being the best Portuguese political leaders since 1974:

Sá Carneiro was a condottieri, in a certain way “he invented a nation,” “an artificial nation”… he
aroused dormant energies under the crust of a resigned, accommodating and tamed way of being
… Portuguese are, as a rule, not very courageous. They only act when they feel protected by a
strong organization such as the Communist Party or by decisive men … that is what distinguished
Sá Carneiro and other political men, to that breed of men that don’t leave a legacy, because their
value was due to their personal fascination. (Saraiva, Expresso, December 5, 1981)

Those lines were written when the memory of the condottieri was still alive in the public opin-
ion. But to a great extent it still remains today. Whenever students are asked to name exam-
ples of Portuguese (charismatic) leaders, the name of Sá Carneiro is usually invoked. There
is an airport in the north of Portugal with his name. Statues, public buildings, and streets also
consecrate his memory. The controversy about the cause of his death—accident or bomb
attack—also contributes to the maintenance of keeping the myth alive. Apart from his tragic
death, Sá Carneiro’s distinctive contribution to the making of modern Portugal is that he intro-
duced a new style that became known as bipolarization, a sort of watershed between right and
left, opposing the two main political forces that emerged after the 1974 Revolution, instead
of attempting to rule through consensus and coalition. This may now appear a little naive but
one cannot forget that Portugal was then, and possibly still is, in a process of learning the
ropes of democracy.
The strategy together with Sá Carneiro’s style was inherited and pursued by Cavaco Silva,
a prime minister who ruled in Portugal for a period of 10 years (1985–1995) with the benefit
of a parliamentary majority. As a leader and likely future candidate to the presidency of the
republic, Cavaco Silva also displays charismatic features, according to the opinion leaders.
Not only is he considered without serious contest “the best Prime Minister after the
Revolution, but he is continuously described as ‘rigorous, highly demanding, competent, and
invested by the sense of the national interest and by the dignity of the state’” (Saraiva,
Expresso, July 6, 1985).
In terms of style, Cavaco Silva, who has a PhD in economics from the University of York
(UK), conveyed the image of the “technocrat,” more concerned with the economic and finan-
cial figures in which he is an expert than with lengthy consultations or explaining his deci-
sions to the general public. Although not very mediatic, he succeeded in turning his aloofness
and secrecy into a strength. His inspirational motto was “Portugal cannot stop,” paralleling
the Sá Carneiro “We have to liberate the civil society.” Portuguese leaders, even charismatic,
do not appear particularly creative in terms of mobilizing the people through inspirational
catchphrases.
This concept of charisma as confounded with authority, if not authoritarianism, is some-
times attributed to the heavy legacy of Salazar’s dictatorship. The comparison has sometimes
been suggested and also applicable to other figures such as General Eanes, who was elected
president of the republic for two mandates (1976–1986). Eanes also projected an image of
austerity and rigor although more linked to the military ethic of discipline and loyalty than to
concerns of pragmatic efficiency.
Mário Soares, who succeeded Eanes in the presidency and another outstanding political
figure of modern Portugal, does not accept the association with Salazar:

Salazar like Sidónio Paes, were dictators. Ramalho Eanes and Cavaco Silva were and still are
democrats. I am not sure that the Portuguese prefer strong rulers. I don’t think so. Maybe severe,
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608 JESUINO

aloof, with a sense of mission.… The democratic authority is not incompatible with an affective
relationship and closeness with the citizens, as well as with permanent search for dialogue in
order to seek possible consensus. (Osório, 1999)

Soares represents an alternative style of political leadership in Portugal. He is considered the

“father” of the democratic regime in Portugal. He fought against Salazar and was arrested sev-
eral times. After the Revolution he fought against the advance of communists. At the interna-
tional level, he fought for a third way by claiming democratic socialism, which is a
combination of socialism and freedom. He has been criticized for being too much of a “politi-
cian” in the sense of often giving priority to tactics over strategy while projecting an image
lacking in principles, as the famous derogatory expression often used about Soares, “social-
ism was hidden in a drawer,” expresses. In spite of all his qualities and even strategic vision—
attested namely by his decisive move on joining the EEC—and notwithstanding his
popularity he does not seem to qualify as a charismatic leader, at least in the Portuguese eyes.
The current president, elected after Soares (1996), now in his second mandate, and also
from the same socialist family, appears to share similar ideas about charisma. Asked about
himself he said, “Some say that I am indecisive. They also say that I don’t have charisma.
They don’t understand that such would not be compatible, in democracy, to being alive and
healthy after 40 years of political life” (Osório, 1999). Implicit in this statement is the idea
that charisma is at best brief, instantaneous, and metamorphic, and that sustained charisma in
a democratic regime would be a contradiction in terms.
The alternative (socialist) way of leading appears then to enhance communication, dia-
logue, and participative decision making.
António Guterres, a socialist who in 1995 succeeded Cavaco Silva as prime minister, when
asked about the Portuguese preference for “strong fathers” such as Salazar, Eanes, and
Cavaco Silva, stated:

There is a collective memory of the Salazarism but I believe that that memory is withering away. But
after a period of turmoil (Revolution) that memory emerges again—that was understood by Professor
Cavaco Silva.… But I came to Prime Minister when the society was reacting in the opposite sense.
They wanted desecrated political power and no more a “muscled democracy”… But there is always a
pendulum movement, towards more authority or towards more liberty … Habermas a German
philosopher that I much appreciate, proposed a definition of modern democracy not compatible with
the authoritarian appeal, for him the modern democracy is the exercise of power within a logic of per-
manent intercommunication between the policy makers and the organized civil society. (Osório, 1999)

The words of Guterres became prophetic, in the sense of the unanimous reaction triggered by
what was considered et urbi et orbi as an excess of dialogue along with erratic, if not lack of
decision making. After a few years of governance the media considered Guterres the proto-
type of the lack of leadership:

The problem of Guterres is not lack of the ability for coordinating. The problem for Guterres is,
on the contrary, the tendency to confound coordination with leadership. To coordinate in excess
and to not lead at all. The leader by definition goes ahead of the flock, commands respect,
chooses the way. But Guterres prefers to walk in the middle of the flock—dialoguing, making
contradictory positions compatible, avoiding break ups … who walks ahead walks alone and can
choose the best path. Who walks in the middle is contrived to step the field chosen by others.
(Saraiva, May 12, 1997).
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 609

The same opinion maker, 2 years earlier, when Guterres won the elections, already anticipated
the risks of turning the dialogue into a sort of governance principle per se:

The profession of faith of António Guterres in dialogue is equivocal on three grounds: In the first
place it might lead to confuse dialogue with problem solving. But, however comprehensive the
dialogue might be, it can never be replaced by decision … to govern is to decide—and the deci-
sions require courage and imply costs. In the second place, the dialogue can raise false expecta-
tions.… In the third place, the idea that the more consensual the idea the better the outcomes will
be, is totally false. The consensus leads not to the best solution but, precisely because neutral in
order not to make waves, is only likely to be accepted by a large number of people. A governance
based on those principles does not attain long term objectives. A government that does not raise
discontent will hardly get a place in History. (Saraiva, October 21, 1995)

This idea that leading always implies deciding against some group of interests, that negotia-
tion is only realistic in win—lose terms, is now deeply ingrained in the culture, or at least in
the mediated culture, of the Portuguese political landscape. It certainly contributes to the
image of leadership endorsed by public opinion as well as the frames used for categorizing
acts of leadership on a daily basis, be it originated by statesmen or by bosses.
In terms of conclusion after this perusal of the elite press, it appears that the Portuguese
attitude toward power is, at best, rather ambiguous. Always oscillating between extremes,
they have problems in getting a satisfactory democratic balance between the exertion of
power and its sustained legitimacy.
Particularly enlightening for the GLOBE framework is the clarification given for the emic
nuances of the concept of charisma. It appears that, at least through the mediated discourse,
charisma is a rather fuzzy concept, tending to be reduced, even by responsible policymakers
and opinion makers as well, to its literal meaning of “sacred aura” whose effects are limited
to commanding a sort of irrational respect. Facets such as “vision” or “inspiration” do not
seem to saturate the Portuguese social construct of charismatic leadership. Reexamining the
network of concepts in Figure 16.1b, distilling the collective image of entrepreneurs, we also
can see that charisma is linked to intelligence, power, personality (the stronger connection),
and influence. Vision or inspiration does not seem to spontaneously emerge to the fore of the
Portuguese respondents—at least when they are focusing on leaders and leadership.

The Quantitative Study of Societal Leadership

The middle managers who formed part of the Portuguese sample were asked to rate 112 lead-
ership items on a scale of 1 (greatly inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader) to
7 (greatly contributes to a person being an outstanding leader). The items were aggregated
into 21 leadership scales (cf. House et al., 2004). The results are summarized in Table 16.7.
The Portuguese scores neither clearly cluster within the Northern European nor the
Southern European countries. This can also be observed in a recent study reported by
Brodbeck et al. (2000), in which not only Portugal but also the former East Germany
appear located on the boundary between Nordic and Latin (Southern) Europe within a
semantic space defined by the MDS dimensions of Interpersonal Directness and
Proximity, and Autonomy. Portugal is closer to Northern European countries in endorsing
attributes such as “inspirational,” “integrity,” and “performance orientation,” and in reject-
ing less desirable attributes—those that substantially impede outstanding leadership, such
as “procedural,” “autocratic,” “self-centered,” and “malevolent.” On the other hand, the
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610 JESUINO

Portuguese scores are closer to the ones from Southern European countries in endorsing
the prototype “diplomatic”—an attribute where Portugal ranks very high—and in rejecting
attributes such as “self-inducer,” “status-consciousness,” and “non-participative.” For the
remaining attributes no differences were found between the two clusters (Koopman et al.,
1999).
The correlation of the 21 scales listed in Table 16.7 demonstrated that they were not empir-
ically distinct, which led to a second-order factor analysis. Six second-order factors were
obtained. These higher factors are shown in Table 16.8 (den Hartog et al., 1999, p. 236).
In comparative terms, the findings for Portugal confirm the GLOBE hypothesis of univer-
sal implicit theories of leadership. Like everywhere, leaders are idealized in terms of the var-
ious facets disclosed by the neo-charismatic theories.
In culture-specific terms, the Portuguese scores indicate a particular emphasis on attributes
such as “diplomatic,” “collective team orientation,” “team integration,” and “self-sacrificial,”
as well as on rejecting attributes such as “autonomous,” “face- avers,” and “procedural,” and
for the comparatively lower ranking attributed to being “decisive.”
In the more synthetic view given by the second-order factors, what appears most distinc-
tive in the Portuguese scores is the relatively higher emphasis on “team oriented” and the rel-
atively lower score on “autonomous” as compared with the scores of the Latin Europe cluster
(see also Jesuino, 2002).
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 611

TABLE 16.7
GLOBE Results for Leadership Prototypes

Portugal GLOBE North/West South/East

Attributes Means Rank Range of Means Ranka Ranka

Inspirational 6.27 22 5.0–6.6 19.5* 40.4

Administrative Competence 5.55 47 4.5–6.4 49.0* 24.9
*
Integrity 6.21 24 4.8–6.8 18.7 37.0
Performance Orientation 6.18 21 4.5–6.6 25.2 36.4
Modesty 4.78 41 4.1–5.8 43.0 35.1
Procedural 3.19 55 2.8–4.9 54.1* 32.3
Face Saver 2.30 57 2.0–4.5 46.3 33.1
Autocratic 2.30 46 1.9–4.1 50.2* 28.9
*
Self-Centered 1.97 43 1.5–3.4 44.2 30.4
Malevolent 1.67 38 1.3–2.7 45.4* 29.8
Visionary 6.12 30 4.6–6.5 25.2 34.4
Diplomatic 5.77 9 4.5–6.0 43.6 20.1*
Team Orientated 5.92 15 4.4–6.0 42.4 29.4
Team Integrator 5.72 11 4.1–6.4 31.3 27.5
Self-Sacrificial 4.33 56 4.0–6.0 35.0 37.8
Decisive 5.31 56 3.6–6.3 25.8 27.2
Humane Orientation 4.45 44 3.3–5.7 38.2 41.1
Conflict Inducer 3.81 36 3.1–5.0 52.2 30.7*
Status-Consciousness 4.33 29 2.4–5.9 47.0 27.0*
Autonomous 3.19 60 2.3–4.6 21.2 30.6
Nonparticipative 2.74 24 1.9–3.7 44.8 28.5*
a
Mean rank scores for Portugal are calculated in relation to European countries clustered as North/West (Nordic,
Anglo, Germanic) and South/East European (Latin, Central, East) by Brodbeck et al. (2000).
*
significant at 0.05; low rankings indicate higher importance.

Summary

Qualitative and quantitative studies suggest a minimum coherence to the endorsed constructs of
leadership. Just looking at the quantitative scores could convey a superficial suggestion that the
Portuguese respondents do not dramatically diverge from the more proximal cluster to which
they belong. Furthermore, they also respond in accordance with the universal trends revealed by
the GLOBE study. The qualitative approach adds however non-negligible intelligence to the
slight minimal differences observable in the scores, for example, that “team orientation” and
“participation” acquire more relative salience in comparison to “charisma/value based” or
“autonomy.” In 1996, the political environment in Portugal was striving for a change toward
more dialogue, more communication, and more teamwork. The pendulum was swinging then
toward a less autocratic orientation. Anyway, a value-based theory of leadership does not seem
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612 JESUINO

TABLE 16.8
Descriptive Statistics for the Second-Order Leadership Factors and the Scales/Items They
Are Based On

All 61 GLOBE Countries

Portugal Latin Europe

Scales/Items Means Cluster Means Min Max Mean

Charismatic/Value based 5.75 5.74 4.51 6.46 5.83

Charismatic 1: Visionary;
Charismatic 2: Inspirational;
Charismatic 3: Self-Sacrifice;
Integrity; Decisive;
Performance Oriented

Self-Protective 3.10 3.19 2.54 4.55 3.45

Self-Centered; Status-Conscious;
Conflict Inducer;
Face Saver; Procedural

Humane 4.62 4.24 3.82 5.61 4.87

Modest; Humane Orientation

Team Oriented 5.92 5.83 4.74 6.21 5.76

Team 1: Collaborative Team;
Team 2: Team Integrator;
Diplomatic; Malevolent
(recoded); Administratively
Competent

Participative 5.48 5.48 4.50 6.09 5.35

Autocratic (recoded);
Nonparticipative (recoded);
Delegator

Autonomous 3.19 3.70 2.27 4.65 3.86

Individualistic;
Independent;
Autonomous; Unique

to have been actually internalized by the societal political culture. If asked, they obviously
concur with its central relevance. But it is more lip service than an actual habitus.
The Portuguese are known as being better followers than leaders. The common sense has
it that the Portuguese excel when working as expatriates and when working in multinationals
located in Portugal. Portuguese workers apparently have more difficulty in accepting the
national than the international managers. In a previous study (Jesuino, 1989), Portuguese as
well as foreign managers were asked to brainstorm about what could be considered as “strong
factors” and “weak factors” for exerting leadership in Portuguese organizations. Strong factors
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 613

included adaptability, improvisation, creativity, tolerance and generosity. Among weak factors
mentioned were disorganization, indiscipline, easily discouraged, lack of technical skills, resis-
tance to change, and dispersion. Similar to what was found in Eastern countries (Misumi &
Peterson, 1985), the old high-high model (high structure/high relationship) could be the most
appropriate strategy for foreign managers exerting leadership roles in Portugal.

4. ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURES AND LEADERSHIP

The two Portuguese industries involved in the GLOBE project were food—more traditional
and conservative—and telecommunications, which in Portugal, as everywhere, is at present
in a boom.

Food Industry
In the 1990s, the production of the Portuguese food industry did not cover the population’s
food needs. The import of products (both intra- and extra-EU) exceeded the exports by about
90.9%, thus contributing to the deficit of the balance of trade, one of the most important of
the country. Industrial food production in Portugal, as in other EU countries, is predominantly
oriented to the national market. According to the 1997 data, the total volume of business was
2099 × 109 PTE (1 PTE Portuguese Escudo ≈ 5 U.S.$) of which only 12.9% were exports.
The market of the Portuguese food industry is thus made up essentially of the 10 million of
consumers that live in national territory. In terms of foreign trade in 1997, the exports
amounted to 275.4 × 109 PTE (6.6% of the total value produced by the manufacturing indus-
try), and the imports 518.1 × 109 PTE (9.7% of the total value produced by the manufactur-
ing industry). The main countries for export were the former Portuguese colonies in Africa
and the countries where Portuguese emigrants live. The imported food products come mainly
from the EU countries (71.5%), particularly from Spain and France. The food industry is one
of the main employers of the national manufacturing industry, absorbing about 121,000 work-
ers in 1997 (2.5% of the total active population and 11.9% of the total employed in the
Portuguese manufacturing industry).
Similarly to the EU, in Portugal the enterprises operating in the food industry are small and
medium (SMEs). Out of the total 10,200 enterprises, 9,200 have fewer than 20 workers, whereas
only 182 have more than 100 workers. Only 40 enterprises attained a business volume higher
than 7.5 × 109 PTEs in 1997. The average in 1997 was 216 × 106 PTEs. The largest employer
among those where the GLOBE questionnaires were distributed had 2,075 workers, represent-
ing only 1.7% of the total workforce in this industry (see http://193.137.98.84/estudos_agroali-
mentar/indice.html).
Like the trend observed in the EU, the entrepreneurial fabric of the food industry in
Portugal is changing toward a greater concentration of productive forces. An ever-growing
number of mergers and acquisitions is observable at both the national and international
levels. More than 200 mergers took place in the EU in the period 1993–1995 of which only
8 also included Portuguese firms.
The firm where the GLOBE study was conducted, one of the biggest within the industry,
operates in dairy farming. Its workforce amounted to 570 workers and its business budget in
1996 was around 18 × 109 PTE.
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614 JESUINO

Telecommunications Industry

The telecommunications sector in Portugal was until recently owned and operated by the
state. It was characterized by a high dependence on technology, lack of qualified workers at
all levels, and weak support of R&D. The new technological paradigm and the rapid and
growing domestic demand has led to developing strategies of joint ventures in order to accel-
erate diversification and modernization (Rodrigues, 1991).
The last decades of the 20th century were a period of dramatic changes in the world. In
Europe, the fifteen EU member countries formally entered the European Single Market.
Independent domestic monetary policies became something of the past, and macroeconomic
convergence led to monetary union with the formal introduction of the euro in January 1999
in 11 countries, of which Portugal is one. The European telecommunications sector became
deregulated and liberalized also according to the same strategy.
The resulting growth and variety in telecom services being offered has been so strong that
at least up to 2000, and against most forecasts and predictions, no overall job losses in the
telecom sector took place; rather, the contrary (Soete, 2002, p. 28).
In Portugal, the telecommunications sector has gone through the same process of change
derived from the European strategy. The major Portuguese enterprise operating in the sector
is Portugal Telecom (PT), one of three leading Portuguese companies. The other two are
Banco Comercial Português (BCP) and Electricidade de Portugal (EDP). Although they’ve
become public, the state keeps “golden shares” of PT, which allows it to veto mergers.
As correctly remarked in the Economist’s Survey of 2000, in Portugal, “There is an obvi-
ous appetite for new technology. More than half the population has a mobile phone—a pen-
etration rate lower than in Scandinavia, but higher than in Germany. This is partly because
pre-paid mobiles were first developed and introduced in Portugal by TMN, the mobile-phone
subsidiary of Portugal Telecom (PT).”
Portugal has developed an automatic teller machine (ATM) network, the Multibanco sys-
tem, acknowledged as one of the most sophisticated in the world. Portugal was also a pioneer
in prepayment systems for mobile phones, interactive digital television, and call-center soft-
ware. An electronic motorway toll system has also been developed that directly debits
payments from motorists’ bank accounts, without requiring them to stop. The system was
developed by the Portuguese motorway operator BRISA in a joint venture with the
Norwegian company Micro Design, and is considered one of the most advanced in the world
(“Portugal, Economy,” 2002).
The mobile phone market in Portugal is now shared by three operators: TMN (owned by
PT), Telecel (owned by Britain’s Vodafone), and Optimus (belonging to the conglomerate
SONAE, one of the most important Portuguese economic groups), a newcomer that got 20%
of the market. Before launching Optimus, the company asked as many Portuguese households
as it could if they wanted to be “pioneers,” promising them cheap calls in return for joining
Optimus. That gave the company a start-up customer base of 285,000 people.
After the liberalization of the Portuguese telecommunications market on January 1, 2000,
the market conditions did not substantially change. Notwithstanding the entry of new opera-
tors offering aggressive and competitive conditions and even with innovative products, PT is
still the dominant force, similar to what can be observed in other European countries whose
telecommunications were liberalized.
For the time being, although the market is liberalized the new operators have only two
choices: Either create their own network to directly access their clients, or use indirect access,
limited to national and international calls. This latter alternative has been the one preferred so
far, but the new operators have plans to develop their own telecommunication infrastructures.
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 615

The recommendations of the European Commission for accelerating the liberalization of

telecommunications is related with the directives issued from the Lisbon European Summit
2000, setting the priority of a rapid transition to an e-Europe, with an economy based on the
information society. But as acknowledged by the European Commission, even in countries
where the liberalization started in January 1998, the incumbents have lost some market share
in international calls, but maintain 90% to 100% in local calls. According to Andersen
Consulting, on average, operators in Europe control 98% of the fixed telecommunications and
even in England, the most advanced European country in terms of liberalization, British
Telecom still controls 85% of local calls.
According to the Survey of the Telecommunications made by the Instituto Nacional de
Estatística in 2001, the income of the services of telecommunication in Portugal amounted to
7,067 × 106 _ (Euros) with a homologous variation of 32.2%. The total investment amounted
to 1,064 × 106 _, 80% of which accounted for equipment and infrastructure (52% for the
mobile network and 46% for the fixed network).
The GLOBE study was conducted in two different companies belonging now to the PT
universe. One of them, Marconi, operates in the international-call area. The other, PT
Innovation, works on R&D and training. The workforce is composed of about 300 people in
both of the enterprises. PT Innovation is particularly dynamic. It was here that the prepaid
system for mobile phones was developed.

Quantitative Results

Culture. In this last section of the GLOBE study, the organizational cultures were
assessed through the second tier of questions also split into practices (“As Is”) and values
(“Should Be”). The questionnaires were applied to middle managers in two Portuguese indus-
tries: food and telecommunications. The results obtained are summarized in Table 16.9.
What immediately strikes one when comparing the results at the organizational level with
those at the societal level is that at the organizational level the differences become less
extreme. The greatest difference observed in the Portuguese data between practices and
values is on Performance, which in both industries is above 2 points. The trend observable in
the Portuguese data is parallel to the trend also found in the GLOBE average results. In both
cases, the telecommunications industry appear more demanding, at least in terms of desirable
performance and desirable future orientation. In the Portuguese results, the contrast between
the telecommunications and food industries reveal some specific points. Whereas in telecom-
munications industries it is considered that the organization should strive for more “future,”
more “institutional,” and fewer norms and procedures (Uncertainty Avoidance), in food orga-
nizations more “future” and “institutional” are also desirable, but to a much lesser extent, and
there are more, not fewer, norms and procedures. These trends are coherent with the degree
of development and corresponding management styles in the two industries. Whereas in
telecommunication organizations middle managers seem to prefer a larger amount of decen-
tralization (being left alone to do their job) and at the same time more team building
(Institutional Collectivism), in food industries more job ambiguity is perceived, leading to the
need for more rules and procedures.
No less striking, both at the GLOBE and at the national level, is the difference in the Power
dimension, when we come down from society to organizations. At the organizational level,
Power is perceived as much less extreme, and the difference between practices and values,
between the actual and the ideal situation, becomes considerably reduced. Instead of a differ-
ence of 3 points, observed at the society level, we now have a difference of only half a point
as the average for both industries. This finding is somewhat intriguing but also one of the most
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TABLE 16.9
Country Mean Scores for Organizational Culture Dimensions

Food Industry Telecommunications Industry

“As Is”a “Should Differenceb “As Is”a “Should Differenceb

Organizational Culture Be”a Be”a

Uncertainty Avoidance 3.30 3.75 +0.45 3.89 3.48 −0.40

Future Orientation 4.81 5.42 +0.61 4.73 5.89 +1.16
Power Distance 3.85 3.58 −0.27 3.97 3.37 −0.60
Institutional Collectivism 4.92 5.33 +0.41 4.58 6.30 +1.72
Humane Orientation 4.11 5.06 +0.95 4.34 5.24 +0.90
Performance Orientation 3.75 6.14 +2.39 4.11 6.59 +2.48
In-Group Collectivism 5.20 5.65 +0.45 5.35 5.82 +0.47
Gender Egalitarianism 3.83 4.53 +0.70 3.66 4.25 +0.59
Assertiveness 3.60 3.54 −0.06 3.70 3.62 +0.08
a b
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. Absolute difference between the “Should Be” and “As Is”
score.

heuristic contributions of the GLOBE study. It suggests that when asked to describe the
amount of power exerted at the societal level, managers do not represent the same entities as
the ones they refer to when asked to describe the power at the organizational level.
Power at the societal level is possibly represented as political power. It is more distant and
also more abstract. One could speculate that at the societal level respondents activate a social
representation that is not directly linked with their direct experience of the organizations
where they work. At this latter level, power seems to be much more tolerated or, alternatively,
its meaning could change when embedded in a specific working context. Self-protecting
rationalizations could also be invoked as an underlying tactic to cope with authority.

Leadership. Table 16.10 summarizes the results of endorsed attributes of leadership,

divided between the two industries of food and telecommunications. The findings do not pre-
sent significant differences between the two industries. The ranking is similar and the differ-
ences in the magnitude of the attributes is negligible.

5. LIMITATIONS OF THE CURRENT STUDY

The findings of the present study are obviously subject to qualification. Only two industries
were sampled and in both cases the number of respondents was below the amount expected.
Media analysis would also benefit from a more extensive and systematic survey in order to
detect more detailed descriptions of leadership profiles observable in the public space, as well
as in the civil society. Anyway, the substantial convergence found with previous cross-
cultural studies suggests that the GLOBE approach could be viewed as a benchmark for the
future research of culture and leadership in Portugal.
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16 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN PORTUGAL 617

TABLE 16.10
Leadership Attributes in Portuguese Industries

Portugal

Dimensions Fooda Telecommunicationsa GLOBE Range

Autocratic 2.48 (15) 2.23 (10) 2.89–3.90

Procedural 3.26 (14) 3.17 (13) 2.87–4.89
Self-Sacrificial 4.37 (11) 4.32 (11) 3.98–5.99
Team Orientation 5.69 (7) 5.72 (6) 4.12–6.09
Decisive 5.49 (8) 5.27 (8) 3.62–6.97
Diplomatic 5.79 (5) 5.76 (5) 4.49–6.05
Modesty 4.64 (9) 4.84 (9) 4.23–5.85
Face Saver 2.44 (16) 2.25 (15) 2.05–4.53
Humane Orientation 4.36 (12) 4.48 (10) 3.29–5.68
Autonomous 3.58 (13) 3.04 (14) 2.27–4.73
Inspirational 6.36 (2) 6.24 (1) 5.04–6.63
Integrity 6.44 (1) 6.23 (2) 4.83–6.79
Performance Orientation 6.24 (4) 6.16 (3) 4.51–6.64
Administrative Competence 5.79 (5) 5.47 (7) 4.53–6.42
Self-Centered 2.15 (17) 1.91 (17) 1.55–3.41
Status Consciousness 4.45 (10) 4.28 (12) 2.37–5.93
Visionary 6.32 (3) 6.03 (4) 4.62–6.50
a
Rank is given in parentheses.

6. CONCLUSION

Comparing the results for both society and industries it can be concluded that there is greater
convergence in values than in perceived practices. But even at the level of values, people are
more realistic and therefore less demanding when they refer to the job context than when they
talk about society in abstract. This distance between the representation of the society and the
representation of their own organizations is also an indication of the degree of dissatisfaction
or lack of identification with national culture. In Portugal, there is a long tradition of self-
derogatory representations about the collective capacity in generating synergy. This could to
some extent explain the differences between both practices and values and between the
societal and the organizational levels.
Another finding worthy of comment is the ambiguous position of the Portuguese scores
within the country clusters. It was seen that in some dimensions Portugal is closer to the North
European cluster, whereas in other dimensions the scores tend to be close to the grand mean,
which makes the interpretation more difficult. This proximity to the grand mean, also observ-
able in cross-cultural studies on values (Schwartz, 1999), could signify either an eclectic or
compromising orientation or, alternatively, some sort of pervasive defensive style.
The Portuguese sociologist Sousa Santos (1994) has suggested a portrait of the Portuguese
society as one that is semiperipheral where premodernity, modernity, and postmodernity
dynamically coexist. An example could be given by the Portuguese Revolution of 1974. It
started with a premodern military putsch, followed by a transitory postmodern period of
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618 JESUINO

anarchic social creativity, returning to modernity with the military yielding power to civil
society who rapidly enforced the democratic pattern of European societies.
The coexistence of the three orders could also be the determining factor of the Portuguese
specificity and even contribute to opening the way to some competitive advantages within the
international scene. The GLOBE findings are compatible with, or at least do not contradict,
such a hypothesis.

7. FINAL REMARKS

A study about culture and leadership in Portugal would necessarily reflect the huge transfor-
mations that took place in this country in the last decades. Portugal is no longer the same.
There was a revolution, the transition to democracy, the decolonization of former African ter-
ritories, and the joining of the EU. In 30 years, the Portuguese people have known periods of
political instability but also periods of stability. There has been great economic development
but the spectrum of crisis is also always looming.
Portugal is now a member of the club of developed countries but it still has the complex of
being last in line. Culturally, it is a modern, open society, but with asymmetrical pockets of
backwardness.
Such dramatic experiences, however, do not seem to have deeply changed some of the most
“basic assumptions” underlying the collective way of life, the Portuguese Weltanshauung (i.e.
view of the world). Culture never changes overnight. This is also confirmed in the present study
through the continuity and convergence of the main findings across the various former cross-
cultural studies with their diverse methodologies and conceptual frameworks.
Looking from the perspective of leadership practices and values, it is our understanding
that a central feature of the Portuguese collective was captured by the former studies about
the LMP where Affiliation scored higher than Power, and Inhibition was found to be low. It
could be argued and speculated that this is the central core of the Portuguese habitus.
Observers of the Portuguese society always confront the excellence of its individual members
with the enigmatic negative synergy resulting from their pooled efforts. One possible cause
could be the reluctance to both exert and accept leadership.
Leadership density in Portugal, that is, the amount of leadership being exerted within and
between social groups, is rather low. It could be argued that suspicion toward power still
lingers in the collective memory of the Portuguese people. Almost half a century of dictator-
ship leaves marks on the collective body. It could also be argued that the process of societal
change is slow and that the Portuguese society has not yet had enough time to achieve the
reform of its democratic institutions. Such historical handicaps might favor a bent toward a
sort of laissez-faire style of leadership whose inertial effects on development are only too well
known.

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Managerial Culture and Leadership in Spain

Jeremiah J. O’Connell
Bentley College

José M. Prieto
Complutense University, Madrid, Spain

Celia Gutierrez
University of Alcala de Henares, Alcala, Spain

Some Semantic Issues

We begin by firstly clarifying some terms used in this chapter that may produce some confusion
as a direct consequence of linguistic drifts between denotations and connotations in cross-
cultural settings.
Iberia is the vernacular name for what is now Spain and Portugal. It was a term coined by
the nomads traveling from the Sahara to what is known as Basque country. Sepharad was the
Hebrew name given for this same peninsula that apparently is also mentioned in the Bible
(Obad, 20). Hispania was the Latin name coined during the Roman Empire and Al Andalus
the Arab name that was used from the 8th to the 16th century. This multiplicity of names
reflects a heterogeneous cultural background.
Also from a historical perspective and in accurate terms, Hispanic is an adjective that identi-
fies precisely those persons born in Spain or Portugal. Thus it is highly inaccurate to make use of
Hispanic to single out persons from North, Central, or South America because it just so happens
that they speak Spanish or Portuguese. In fact, they are not born in Hispania but in America. The
confusion continues because, in English, two terms, Spanish and Spaniards, are used to identify
accurately people born in Spain. The confusion with the term Hispanic is obvious in the large
majority of research papers published in scientific journals or books whereby many samples have
been identified as Hispanic because they speak Spanish or Portuguese, when in fact they are as
American as those people who speak English. This distinction is not neutral, but an intentional
euphemism leading to an ethnic segregation highlighted, for instance, in 1915 by the philosopher
Horace Kallen (1882–1974): “The general notion, ‘Americanization,’ appears to denote the adop-
tion of English speech, of American clothes and manners, of the American attitude in politics.”

623
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624 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

In the 21st century the high-minded contrast should be between Hispanic, Anglo-Saxon, or
Chinese cultures among American citizens if the idea is of making the point that mother tongues
entail different cultures in America among descendants who are second or third generations,
almost all of them fluent in American English.
The focus of this chapter is Spain and the Hispanic culture. The purpose of it is to gener-
ate a snapshot of Spanish culture in the mid-1990s by looking through the eyes of 173
Spaniards, all middle managers from the financial services and food-processing sectors. They
have grown up and belong to the Hispanic culture, chronicled during the last 30 centuries.
This emphasis on a strict interpretation of what is meant by Hispanic and Spanish culture
makes sense within the GLOBE definition of culture: something deep and enduring and by
implication slow to change (House et al., 1999, 2004). A culture cannot be reduced exclu-
sively to the language spoken by a given group of people in a country or a continent. Often,
the label Hispanic Culture is a typical case of oversimplification because it is attributed to
persons who view themselves as Americans and not as Spaniards or Europeans.
In line with the GLOBE policy of focusing on the dominant business culture in a multi-
cultural society, this chapter concentrates on data collected from the Madrid area. In 1561, it
became the capital and, for centuries, Madrid has been the melting pot of those better adapted
to the highly competitive environment of a metropolis, that is, the royal throne of kings, the
seat of government, and the headquarters of important business firms.
We offer one other semantic caveat before we begin. In Spanish, the concepts “leader”
and “leadership” appear recently in the business context translated as lider and liderazgo.
As we discuss more fully in the sections dealing with media analysis and the focus group,
these labels in Spain have heretofore been reserved for persons and behavior in govern-
mental and other nonbusiness organizations. We caution casual use of these; transliterations
could cause unintentional importation of the cultural baggage from their English-language
source.

Chapter Outline

In the pages that follow, we offer a sketch of Spanish history and culture as background for
our research. Then we turn to Spain today, its geography, demographics, government, and
economy. We specifically profile the two industrial sectors, financial services and food pro-
cessing, in which we did our data gathering. To place our research within the stream of cross-
cultural studies, which included data from Spain, we briefly describe the relevant results in
their historical context. That done, we report on the quantitative results of our questionnaire
inquiry. To round up the results, we present what we have learned from qualitative methods
employed: media analysis, focus group, and interviews. We conclude with an appreciation
of the significance of what we have learned for other researchers and for managers seeking
some guidance in being effective cross-culturally in interactions with Spanish managers and
organizations.

1. A SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY AND HISPANIC CULTURE

Traditionally, scholars accept the existence of a Proto-Indo-European language, the root of a

large majority of languages spoken over the greater part of Europe and Sanskrit. It is the old-
est language of religion and scholarship, and is still spoken in India today. Another approach
emphasizes the existence of a Proto-African-European language, the root of what is known
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 625

now as the “Berber-Basque Language Complex,” originated in the region of the Sahara, then
fertile and rich. Prolonged periods of drought brought about by the winds from the Gulf
Stream generated what is now the Sahara Desert and the Sahel, forcing the nomads toward
the West (Canary isles), the North (Morocco, Spain, France, Italy), and the East (Egypt,
Israel, Crete, Greece). The study of genes’ alleles through blood tests and the linguistic study
of sentences engraved in funerary stones have confirmed this second lineage (ArnÒiz Villena,
2000; Harrison, 1974). These migratory movements of Iberians in the past persist still via
Gibraltar and many companies in Spain and France, for instance, employ them as low-salary
labor and via subsidiaries as illegal workers.
Two Semitic groups came to Iberia approximately 25 or more centuries ago: the
Phoenicians and the Sephardic Jews. Phoenicians were businessmen who derived their pros-
perity from trade and manufacturing factories here and there along the Mediterranean border.
Their main contribution to the Hispanic culture was the alphabet, very useful for doing the
accounts and for writing contracts, and the mercantile mentality that still survives in some
regions such as Catalonia and Valencia. The Sephardic Jews observed Babylonian ritual tra-
ditions. Their main contribution to Hispanic culture was the collection of legal codes and case
law after the tradition started by Hammurabi (about 38 centuries ago) and the formation of
professions based on intellectual achievements.
The Hellenic culture arrived at the Mediterranean cities of Spain about 26 centuries ago.
Their main contribution was related to navigation techniques as well as the organization of
societal life in cities, which implied the active involvement of citizens by mastering the art of
logic and rhetoric. Still now a large number of nautical terms in Spanish have a Greek origin.
During the Roman Empire the education of children was entrusted to Greek pedagogues and
so Hellenic and Hispanic cultures somehow overlapped among educated people. This influ-
ence still survives and may be detected when listening to educated Greek people speaking
Greek aloud, and educated Spanish people speaking Spanish aloud. The cadence of words,
the rhythm of sentences, and the tone are very similar.
Christianity came to Spain by way of two independent channels. Saint Paul the Apostle, in
his letter to Romans, announced he planned to visit Spain. He never arrived but his under-
standing of Christ took root in many Hellenic cities in the Mediterranean coast of Spain by
the end of the first century. The second channel was the Visigoths, a branch of the Goths that
seized the Roman Empire, and so Hispania. The Visigoths were Christians who followed the
doctrine taught by Arius, a Christian priest of Alexandria who died around 336 AD. Arianism
featured the finite and created human nature of Christ. The Visigothic understanding of
Christianity survived in the regions ruled by the Muslim Moorish Kings in Spain because
their understanding of Christ was compatible with the interpretation made in the Koran
(which accentuates the absolute oneness of God). The term Mozarab was coined and the
Mozarabic rite of the Holy Mass still survives in Spain, especially in Toledo (FernÒndez
Arenas, 1978).
In 711 AD, the Muslim kings (Berber descents) came to Spain on a request made by Agila,
the son of the Visigothic King Witiza, and became involved in internal quarrels of succession.
They decided to stay and controlled the large majority of the country until they reached the
zenith by the end of the 10th century, under the Umayyad dynasty (Arab descendents). In the
11th century the decline and political fragmentation began, and the consequence was the con-
solidation of the Christian kingdoms, which controlled practically all of the country except
Granada by the middle of the 13th century. This was the basic social structure: The leading
figures and military men were Christians whereas Sephardic Jews devoted themselves to
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626 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

professions requiring prolonged training and formal qualification. The Moorish were
employed as farmers, builders, and maintenance workers. This distribution of competences
favored the peaceful coexistence of people of different religions in cities and small towns for
two centuries. Sometimes it prompted confusion and shock to contemporary outsiders. For
instance, people visiting the synagogue of Toledo, built just in that period, cannot understand
why there are so many Muslim motifs as ornaments on the walls. The reason is simple: The
builders were Muslim and the customers were Sephardic Jews who considered it refinement.
So “King of Three Religions” was the honorific title used as a rubric by the Crown of Castile,
for instance, stressing a climate of tolerance and heterogeneity, whereas in France or
Germany the rubric was “Holy Roman Emperor” of Christianity, stressing homogeneity in
that same period. The situation changed drastically in 1492, when the Sephardic Jews were
forced to make a choice between the Christian church and the synagogue. About 50,000
Sephardim left for the diaspora in nearby countries. The Kings Ferdinand II of Aragon
(1452–1516) and Isabella I of Castile (1451–1504) obtained the honorary title of “Catholic
Kings” soon afterward in 1496 from Pope Alexander VI (1431–1503). Moors had to make a
similar choice between the church and the mosque during the period elapsed from 1502 to
1614. Letting go of large segments of such professional and occupational groups had very
negative consequence in daily affairs during the 16th and 17th centuries.
In 1282, the Hapsburg dynasty established a hereditary monarchy in Austria and in 1452
Frederick III (1415–1493) was the last Holy Roman Emperor crowned by a pope in Rome.
The Hapsburg ruled Spain during the 16th and 17th centuries, and so what is called, on the
one hand, the Spanish Empire may also be called, on the other hand, the Holy Roman Empire
or the Hapsburg Empire in Europe, America, and Asia. For instance, the first emperor, Charles
V (1500–1558), was in fact Flemish having been born and raised in Ghent, Belgium. He
started to learn Spanish when he became king of Spain in 1517. His first action in Spain was
to eliminate those members of local parliaments who refused to subsidize the costs of his
crowning ceremonies as emperor. During his term the large majority of resources he had
obtained in America were used to pay debts derived from military actions of the Hapsburg
dynasty that took place here and there in Europe. His son Philip II also faced several bank-
ruptcies caused by the same transfer of resources that had been obtained in America and used
as payment to Northern Europe for services provided by mercenaries to the Hapsburg
dynasty. Spendthrift is a term that may be used to categorize the behavioral patterns of the
Hapsburgs during their reign in Spain. They spent resources in a rather irresponsible way with
scant regard for the safety and the quality of life of the Spaniards.
A large number of Spaniards went to America, but their prevalent profile must be high-
lighted. The large majority of noblemen who went to America were not the first-born (the for-
mal heir) but the second son, the third, or the Benjamin (i.e. the youngest son). Somehow
losers in Spain decided to become winners in America.
By the beginning of the 18th century, the French Bourbon dynasty succeeded the Hapsburg
dynasty and the consequence was a centralized concept of government and power. However,
as a reaction, the direct consequence has been an increase in the rivalry between Barcelona
and Madrid, the first focused on trading and management and the second on lobbying and
bureaucracy. The great advantage has been the existence of a bipolar civil society with a mer-
cantile metropolis and an administrative capital separated by 600 km.
At the turn of the 19th century, Spain faced the challenge of the French Revolution. King
Carlos IV (1748–1819) was forced to abdicate after a popular rebellion occurred in Aranjuez
(1808). Joseph I Bonaparte (1768–1844), brother of Napoleon, was appointed king of Spain
immediately afterward with the support of a tiny minority of educated people. This minority
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 627

favored his fresh ideas about the leading role of monarchy in society, showing preference for
top-down policies and actions to reduce inequality and injustice, as well as religious tolerance
and freedom of expression. These ideas were based on the Enlightenment movement.
However, the large majority rejected his appointment and did not appreciate the consequence
of an enlightened monarchy favoring tolerance. British and Spanish troops, led by the Duke
of Wellington, defeated the French troops led by Napoleon in 1813. Another king from the
Bourbon dynasty was appointed, Ferdinand VII (1784–1833), who led the country under
the formula of an “enlightened despotism.” It meant that, during the 19th century, it became
customary not to comply with regulations or administrative orders enacted by the government
or the Crown. Regulations under direct control of military men were the exception. These
stipulations were mandatory because the army was in charge of keeping the peace. The direct
consequence has been the distinction between regulations and orders enacted by civil or mil-
itary rulers. There was a double standard: Civil regulations had a descriptive nature whereas
military regulations had a prescriptive one.
The 1929 crash of the New York stock market had a direct influence on the Spanish polit-
ical system a year afterward. King Alphonse XIII (1886–1941) abandoned the country in
April 1931, which led to Spain becoming a republic. From 1931 to 1933, the government was
entrusted to the leading figures from both the Liberal and the Labor Party. From 1933 to 1935,
the government came under the control of the Conservative parties. In July 1936, General
Francisco Franco (1892–1975) started the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). He led a group of
military men in an uprising against the republican government and in 1937 he proclaimed
himself “Caudillo,” that is “Leader,” “Fuhrer,” “Duce.” The main consequence was the exile
of about one million left-wing Spaniards and causing the death of about 1 million people from
both camps. During his almost four decades in office, backed by the army and the Catholic
Church from the beginning, “Leader” was the main title used to identify his top position in
the Spanish state and the government. He ruled in an authoritarian form, having outlawed
political parties and free trade unions, and having established a Parliament that “had little in
common with democratic legislatures” and a Charter of Rights that was “more cosmetic than
democratic” (Solsten & Meditz, 1990, p. 42). Franco favored the Catholic Church and
restored the central role of Catholic thought in education. There could be no public practice
of other religions. He believed in the supremacy of a “unique and great” Spanish nation and
so reversed regional autonomy, forbidding the use of the Basque and Catalan languages. The
government banned divorce, introduced censorship in all kinds of publications, and required
official permission for public meetings. Many military men and members of the only legal
organization (Fascism) were employed as top and middle managers in large industries and
companies. They insisted on “blind obedience” to immediate supervisors and line managers.
By decree, Franco reserved to himself the naming of his successor and did so in 1969 in the
person of Prince Juan Carlos de Bourbon. Foreign investment in Spain had increased espe-
cially after the UN had lifted its boycott on the regime in 1951, allowing Spain’s membership
in to that organization in 1955. The direct consequences of economic developments during
the 1960s were turbulence and internal tensions. It became evident that new forms of direc-
tion and participation in policymaking were necessary. Social movements in universities, ille-
gal trade unions, mass media, and some businessmen and women did call for a convergence
with political and administrative standards within the European Union. In this context this
comment of Carlos Fuentes, a Mexican observer (who received the Cervantes Award in 1987
and the Prince of Asturias Award in 1994), makes sense: “What is truly important, even
singular, about Spain is that Franco never managed to take over the totality of Spanish
culture” (Fuentes, 1992, p. 338).
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628 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

The political transition started in 1977 during the electoral process where all kinds of political
parties participated freely, including the Communist Party. This was the initiative of King
Juan Carlos I and Adolfo Suarez as prime minister. In December 1978, a new constitution was
endorsed by referendum. In 1981, some military men launched a coup d’état that failed.
Immediately afterward the Socialist Party obtained an absolute majority and governed from
1982 to 1996 in successive mandates under the leadership of Felipe GonzÒlez as prime min-
ister. In 1996, the Popular Party (Conservative) won the elections and obtained a second term
in 2000 by absolute majority under the leadership of Jose Maria Aznar, as prime minister.
Felipe GonzÒlez earned a reputation for a charismatic leadership style whereas Jose Maria
Aznar is inclined to behave in a rather autocratic style. At first glance this distinctness may
be considered idiosyncratic, but an investigation into how discussions and decisions occurred
in the respective parties, parliaments, and governments suggests that the distinction is symp-
tomatic of what is considered normal in a left-wing or a right-wing culture in Spain. It is a
matter of plurality and tolerance versus conformity and toughness (SÒnchez Soler, 2002;
Tussell, 2000, 2001).
It may be stated that from the 15th to the 20th century, Spanish sovereign rulers fostered
absolute power and enhanced their leadership by forcing into exile a large number of
Spaniards they considered dissidents or nonaligned. For instance, (a) Sephardim in 1492 were
compelled to diaspora to avoid the Inquisition, allowing, as an easy way out, for the monar-
chy and aristocracy to clear debts; (b) troublemakers in the nobility and monasteries were sent
to colonize America during the 16th and 17th centuries, (c) Muslims were expelled during
these same centuries, (d) free-thinking aristocrats and scholars opposing enlightened despo-
tism were ostracized during the 19th century, and (e) finally by the end of the civil war (1939)
citizens considered left-wingers or just liberals had to abandon the country or face several
years in prison. Summarizing, it has been a succession of sovereign leaders advocating the
eviction or the execution of noncompliant subjects.
In 1981, Spain became a member of NATO and in 1986 joined the European Union (EU).
In 1992, Barcelona hosted the Olympic Games and Seville the World’s Fair. In 1999, Spain
joined the European Monetary Union and in 2002 the euro became the new currency. This has
been the only period of tolerance for dissidents and liberals.1

2. SKETCH OF SPAIN TODAY

Geography

The geographical center is Madrid, the capital of the Spanish Kingdom, which is located in
the extreme southwest of the European continent. It borders France and Andorra in the north-
east, Portugal in the west, and Gibraltar in the south. It is bounded by the Mediterranean Sea
to the east and southeast and by the Atlantic Ocean to the northwest and southwest. Spanish
territory includes the Canary Islands situated in the Atlantic Ocean and the Balearic Islands
in the Mediterranean Sea. The total area of the national territory is 194,898 square miles
(504,784 square kilometers).

1
The following books are suggested for those interested in a more detailed account of Spanish history and Hispanic
culture: Alvarez Junco and Shubert (2000), Brenan (1943), Carr (2000), FernÒndez Arena (1978), Fuentes (1992),
Hooper (1995), Solsten and Meditz (1990), Lopez, Talens, and Villaneuva (1994), Ross (1997), and Tussell (2001).
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 629

Demographics

The population density in Spain is 79 persons per square kilometer, high compared to 30 in
the United States or very low compared to 466 in the Netherlands. The average natural
increase rate among the 40 million Spaniards is 0% per year, the same as in other European
countries, but very low compared to the average international rate of 1.3%, 0.8% in the United
States or 0.3% in affluent societies. About 76% of Spaniards live in an urban milieu, as is the
case in the EU and the United States, but this figure is very high compared to the international
average rate of 45%. The birthrate is 1.2, very low compared to 2.7, the international average
rate, 2.0 in the United States, 1.4 in the EU, and 1.6 in affluent societies. About 2% of the
Spanish population account for citizens born in other EU member states and about 0.25% are
legal immigrants from Latin American countries. This means that Spaniards are a highly
homogeneous population. The Basque people constitute 5% of the Spaniards and, though they
have their own unique language, are not so different because they are, in fact, the Iberians who
have had descendants here and there in Spain during the last 30 centuries. By 2002, accord-
ing to the Spanish Sociological Research Center (CIS), about 81% of Spaniards consider
themselves Catholics, with a lower percentage in Madrid and Barcelona (69%). Only one out
of three taxpayers allocates 0.52% of the taxes they pay in order to help support the Catholic
Church; the remaining two out of three prefers to support welfare programs. About 19% of
Spaniards go to Sunday mass at least every week and about 12% once a month; close to 50%
acknowledge they never attend mass at all, 11% consider themselves agnostic, and 5% state
they are atheistic (Bedoya, 2002)

Government

The 1978 Constitution set up a parliamentary monarchy, with a prime minister, a bi-cameral
Parliament, a Council of Ministers, and an independent judicial system. A large set of civil
and social rights places Spain well within the EU standards. The ultimate responsibility for
Spain’s defense rests with parliament and the government, and not with the army. Likewise,
Spain is a nondenominational kingdom, that is, no state religion at all but guaranteed freedom
of religious choice. The Constitution stipulates substantial regional autonomy to the 18
autonomous communities. Spanish is the official language and Basque, Catalan, and Galician
languages are also official languages in some of the autonomous communities.

Economy

The gross national product (GNP) in 1999 was $583 billion, which ranked Spain as the 10th
largest economy in the world, but it ranked 39th by the measure of GNP per citizen. The gross
domestic product (GDP) growth rate in 2001 was 2.9%, higher compared to 2.4% in the EU
and 1.5% in the United States. Nine tenths of a percent of the GDP was devoted to research
and development (R&D) programs as compared to 1.85% within the EU. This means, among
other things, that there are not enough career tracks for researchers at the PhD level. The rate
of increase in the retail price index in 2001 was 2.9%, 2.3% in the EU, and 2.6% in the United
States. That could imply difficulties ahead in keeping within the track of the euro-zone stan-
dards. The unemployment rate was 12.7% in 2001 as compared to 7.8% in the EU and 4.4%
in the United States. This suggests the existence of a large network of an invisible workforce
in the so-called “black economy” in which many endure a marginal economic existence.
About 27% of Spanish homes had a computer in the year 2000 and two out of three had an
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630 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

Internet connection, using it for information management (82%), e-mail exchange (42%), and
chatting (36%). Tourism is the main productivity sector in the Spanish economy and in the
year 2000, 48 million people visited the country, producing about $28 billion of income,
which ranks Spain third in world after France and the United States as regards to the number
of foreign visitors. Spain remains a net beneficiary in the EU, receiving about 1% of the GDP
from social funds made available by EU member states (Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development [OECD], 1998, p. 33). Self-employed businessmen own one
out of two small or middle-size firms (Prieto, 1990).2

Sectors Targeted in this Research

Financial Services Sector. Within the financial services sector, the Spanish commercial
and savings banks have remained largely clear of the international mergers and acquisitions
that have so reshaped the banking sector elsewhere. For instance, non-Spanish banks rule only
1 out of 10 banks. After an intense period of concentration within the country, eight Spanish
banks are large enough to be included in the Financial Times list of the 500 largest enterprises
in the world. The size of Spain’s core banks and the degree of concentration is in line with
European averages (Chislett, 1994, p. 25). The sample of persons who answered the GLOBE
survey were employees of Spanish banks, 4 of which are among the 10 largest in the country.
The Spanish financial system is a dynamic arrangement in constant evolution, under the
direct supervision of the national government. Interventionism has prevailed during the dic-
tatorship, as well as, more recently, under the leadership of the Socialist and the Conservative
Parties (Pérez, 1997). There has been a kind of mutual and latent agreement. If a bank, or an
insurance company, is on the brink of insolvency or bankruptcy, the Ministry of Finance for-
mally intervenes to protect the rights of the small savers and investors. In this way, the amount
of money in small accounts (about U.S.$10,000) is somehow guaranteed through public sub-
sidies or credits, and a large majority of bank employees keep their jobs, even during the
process of a merger. One consequence however is that many top and middle managers in the
financial system know that their mistakes do not jeopardize the actual health of the bank. The
state plays the role of brakeman and of bodyguard as soon as a critical event emerges
(Tamames, 1994).
During the 1980s and 1990s, many mergers between Spanish banks took place. In the 5
years before this research began, four commercial banks and 34 savings banks (accounting
for 60% of national deposits) were involved in mergers (Chislett, 1994, p. 107), introducing
real turbulence between top and middle managers employed in the merging or the merged
bank. About one in three managers were made redundant and negotiated very convenient
compensation packages.
In the period 1993–1998, when this research was carried out, several top managers in the
bank sector were prosecuted and imprisoned as a consequence of fraud and corruption cases.
Top and middle managers in banks not involved directly in such cases experienced a climate
of distrust among their customers. The credibility of the bank system was, somehow, under a
cloud because many small shareholders lost money they had entrusted to some misled banks.

2
Further details concerning the current political and economic transformations in today’s Spain may be found in
Lawlor, Rigby, and Yruela (1998) as well in the yearbooks published by newspapers such as El Pais and El Mundo.
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 631

Food-Processing Sector. The food-processing sector was characterized by small and

medium-size firms (some 70,000), employing about half a million people, less than 4% of the
labor force (Solsten & Meditz, 1990, p. 169). The sector is dominated by 150 foreign firms,
controlling about half of Spain’s total food processing (Chislett, 1994, p. 82). Our sample was
drawn from 3 of the top 10 Spanish firms in the sector.
At first glance, mainly family businesses, industrial alliances, as well as small and
medium-size firms shape the food sector in Spain. However, these establishments are net-
worked through both visible and invisible channels of distribution and accumulation of goods
and services. This means that top and middle managers are scarce, because the structure of
such networks is rather flat. The exception is multinational firms, mostly foreign owned,
which have succeeded breaking into the market by cutting salaries, benefits, and bonuses and
serving a stable demand for standard products of average quality. In these settings we do find
top and middle managers, many of whom are trained in the doctrine of the multinational firm.
In the food sector, there is also a permanent confrontation between the producers and the
processors, between the processors and the distributors, and finally, between the distributors
and the retailers. Again, managers are caught in the middle of this strife that occurs in the
marketplace. They do not view themselves as the really independent decision makers, but they
know that, often, they have no choice but to compromise when they deal with producers or
those further down the distribution chain.
In drawing our sample of respondents from the food-processing sector, we focused only
on leading Spanish firms in the sector. Following the GLOBE guidelines, we avoided what
was thought might “contaminate” the perceived Spanish culture from the influences of the
foreign parent. The food-processing sector belongs, somehow, to the merchants tradition
where what is important is not what product you have, but from where you buy and to where
you sell a product (Prieto & Martinez, 1997).

3. EARLIER RESEARCH RESULTS

O’Connell and Prieto (1998) reviewed the past 50 years of cross-cultural research studies
(which included Spain) based on managerial thinking and attitudes, focusing on the issue of
leadership in private or public firms. Each of these studies was a snapshot of managerial
thinking on leadership styles at a given moment in the Spanish history. The set of studies
examined are reclassified here in chronological order to facilitate not only an understanding
of statements made by the original authors, but also an understanding of the historical back-
ground of the period when the study was carried out.

Research Published in the 1960s

The earliest research was carried out in a political climate that profoundly affected every
phase of Spanish life—the 40-year dictatorship of Franco. It only seems reasonable to think
that respondent sensitivities may have jeopardized the reliability of some of the findings. In
stable societies where the political system has continuity for decades or even centuries, the
strategy followed by some international researchers in the area of leadership may be welcome
and sound. However, in countries like Spain, where strong political changes and pendulum
swings took place during the 20th century, it is important to highlight the background to
understand the degree to which the data obtained may be considered more or less meaning-
ful (Coverdale, 1979). The historical context facilitates an understanding of the forces at work
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632 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

shaping the actions and comments in a particular time and place. For the research subjects,
the political risks and challenges of answering in one or another direction were certainly a
front-and-center preoccupation. It is problematic at best to secure reliable results in leader-
ship studies performed in a country where people favoring democracy are persecuted and
imprisoned, where military men rule the country, and where citizens cannot freely express
their thoughts. In such a setting, the usual promise of anonymity for respondents lacks cred-
ibility. Career making was a political experience. During the selection process, candidates for
managerial positions had to submit a certificate of “good behavior” issued by the local police.
Often the personnel manager was a retired military man. People, including those in manage-
rial positions, were imprisoned or fired if they were incriminated or considered too liberal or
too left-minded.
Spanish people in their 40s answering surveys in the 1960s were the same people involved
in the civil war (1936–1939) in their 20s. When contacted by a social scientist, how did the
large majority of these managers, who were also family men, react and respond? We leave it
to the reader to consider which of the findings reported next would be most susceptible to the
pressures from the political environment of that period.
The main study written with data from Spain obtained in this period is that of Haire,
Ghiselli, and Porter (1966). These are their main findings:

• Spanish managers had very democratic assumptions about information sharing, even
though they held much less positive assumptions about people’s capacity for leadership
and initiative (p. 28).
• Spanish managers gave higher priority to social, esteem, and security needs than to self-
actualization and autonomy needs. They expressed the greatest dissatisfaction with
social and security needs (p. 94).
• Lower-level managers expressed more dissatisfaction than did higher-level managers.
No other researcher reported level-dependent results (p. 160).
• Young managers expressed more dissatisfaction than did older managers (p. 167).
• Company size influenced some results: More democratic assumptions prevailed in small
Spanish firms (p.167)

The anthropologists Kluckholm and Strodtbeck (1961) performed another comparative study
of management literature where data from Spain were included. They argued that time orien-
tation is a strong differentiating characteristic among cultures, but data from Spanish man-
agers were virtually silent on the matter.
Bass (1968) found that those playing the boss role were strongly dissatisfied with unin-
volved subordinates (p. 14).

Research Published in the 1970s

The Spanish political transition had roots back to the late 1960s and early 1970s. In fact, the
minority movement included some students, some professors, some priests, some illegal trade
unionists, and some journalists from newspapers and broadcasting media. The silent majority
was, once again, the passive society, preoccupied and observant but only commenting on
some details privately. Franco, old and sick, died in his bed in November 1975. The large
majority of Spanish society awaited this very human fate as the only peaceful exit for the
regime.
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 633

Meanwhile, however, Spain’s economic growth favored the presence of foreign firms and
foreign investment, in both the service as well as the industrial sector. Tourism became the
leading industry and the free expression of ideas started to be an acceptable norm between
visitors and guests. Those leading the banking sector started to favor the political transition
toward a democratic system because money comes and goes more easily in an open society
than in a closed and isolated one. The main barrier to further economic development of the
country was at first the dictatorship. After 30 years of military regime (1939–1969), the dic-
tatorship started to decline, pushed, initially, by a tiny but cultivated minority. Still, uncer-
tainty was the prevailing mood.
Cummings, Harnett, and Stevens (1971) are the authors of the first study published in this
decade; the highlights of their main findings are as follows:

• Spaniards are more conciliatory than belligerent (p. 292).

• Spaniards are strongest in a belief in fate, very suspicious, and relatively risk adverse
(pp. 293–296).
• The Spanish culture may not be homogeneous: Managers from the Barcelona
(Catalunia) area were less risk adverse than those from Madrid or the south of Spain
(Andalusia) (pp. 298–300).

Bernard M. Bass is the main author of the second study published this decade. He has visited
and lectured in Spain several times, and has maintained during the 1980s, and even into the
1990s, regular contacts with schools of management in Spain. His main findings are as fol-
lows:

• Bass and Burger (1979) showed service and duty among the strongly preferred life goals
whereas wealth, independence, and pleasure among the weak life goals (p. 62).
• Spanish managers express a strong desire to be aware of other people’s feelings; and they
are more idealistic than pragmatic (p. 62).
• Managers wanted to use less authority to get the work done and wanted to be more par-
ticipative than political (pp. 184–185).
• Spanish managers are located at a low level in risk tolerance and less concerned for the
long term (pp. 184–185).
• Spanish managers favored self-reliance life goals, expressed less desire for group deci-
sion making, yet displayed actual group decision-making (pp. 184–185).
• The assertions of the Spanish individualism were tempered with their finding that
Spanish managers preferred cooperation to competition with peers (pp. 184–185).
• Spanish managers with the highest rates of advancement displayed unusual self-actualizing,
risk taking, and less security-minded tendencies than did other managers (p. 185).

Research Published in the 1980s

In December 1978, the new and democratic Spanish Constitution was voted and welcomed in a
national referendum. Still tension and conflicts grew in intensity, fomented by supporters of the
old military regime and by a terrorist and nationalist group in the Basque region. In February
1981, military men launched a coup d’etat that failed, among other reasons, as a consequence
of the fast reaction against the coup by the young but not so novice king, Juan Carlos I.
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634 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

It may be stated that a democratic climate started to prevail in the country when the courts
imprisoned the military men who supported the coup d’etat. During the 1980s a climate of
freedom of speech and expression of thoughts started to germinate throughout the country,
except in the Basque region, where, until 1998, a climate of terrorism prevailed.
A clear picture emerges from the first study of Hofstede (1980). It is important to note that
the data were obtained some years before (1966–1973). Still, it is probably fair to assert that
the Hofstede respondents—all of whom worked for the American multinational IBM in
Spain—reflected the earliest evidence of the transition to a post-Franco culture. What was
said earlier about the historical context of the 1970s remains relevant here but the fairly pre-
dictable shift to the more democratic 1980s was probably already under way among the more
cosmopolitan IBM employees. Here are the highlights of Hofstede’s findings:

• The Spanish culture showed a relatively large Power Distance as well as strong
Uncertainty Avoidance.
• Spain is more individualistic than collective.
• Spanish managers fall on the feminine side.

Hofstede validated the original studies based on single-company (foreign owned) samples,
obtaining the samples in public seminars where the company affiliation of participants was
not requested (pp. 67–68). In a second book, Hofstede (1991) pursued his findings in greater
depth as follows:

• The Spanish sample appeared as exemplars of an individualistic society with a large

Power Distance, which produces dependent individualists and subordinates who do not
want to participate but expect autocratic style (p. 86).
• High Power Distance and strong Uncertainty Avoidance produce centralized, pyramidal orga-
nization structures where a powerful person will be looked for to resolve uncertainties for the
others who are risk adverse, and where rules abound that the powerful can ignore (p. 87).
• In more feminine societies, with strong Uncertainty Avoidance, achievement drive will
be low and the need for security and love will be strongest (p. 88).

Though Hofstede argues that the “convergence of management will never come” (p. 89),
Spain is a good test case because so many of its larger companies are foreign owned. In the
Hofstede findings, Spanish managers are the most individualistic of all the managers from the
Hispanic (using this term here to group cultures by common language) countries but the least
individualistic of the Latin European countries. Organizations and managers in Spain reflect
a mix of individualistic and collectivist features, probably reflective of the melange of cultural
influences imported to Spain with the vast amounts of direct foreign investment.

Research Published in the 1990s

Politically, the 1990s is a decade of stability and integration of Spain into the European and
world communities. In this new era, the large majority of citizens identify themselves as cit-
izens and not as subjects and may express publicly or privately their viewpoints at will. The
main evidence of such freedom appears in the large number of interviews and conversations
broadcast by mass media where current citizens identify themselves and say whatever is on
their mind. Again, the exception has been the Basque region.
Several studies are highlighted next. It is important to note that the respondents in these
surveys exclude the large majority of the old regime’s managers, who have already retired
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 635

during this decade. We would therefore expect to observe more reliable results and to garner
a more valid picture of societal, organizational, and leadership culture. The review of the
studies is as follows:

• McFarlin et al. (1993) found that subordinates wanted to participate even more than
those in an Anglo reference group. They also detected that the Spanish managers
requested headquarters’ policy guidance more than others and that they had the strongest
belief in a moral right behind participation practices (p. 373).
• Lewis (1992) reports that Spanish managers, like their U.S. counterparts, underestimated
the potential competitive and productivity gains from total quality management (p. 44).
U.S. and Spanish managers had very similar perceptions and attitudes about quality
(p. 45).
• Boldy, Jain, and Northey (1993) reported that risk taking was not in the top 10 most
desirable managerial attributes among Spaniards (p. 163).
• Trompenaars (1993) placed Spanish managers almost as individualist as managers from
the United States, on a given scale (p. 48). He described Spaniards as more affective or
emotional than neutral (p. 88). He used the high-context/low-context distinction to clas-
sify the sample from Spain, which appears among the low-context countries (like the
U.S. managers), suggesting that a person needs to know only a little about the situational
context before effective communication can occur. No other systematic research eluci-
dates this controversial point. He finds also that Spaniards believed in internal control
more than fatalism and believed more in particular than universal rules (pp. 128–135).
Spanish Power Distance shows in the classification system of Spanish organizations,
which appear in the more hierarchic “family” category, in comparison with many others
in a more collectivist society (p. 161). He also indicates that status in Spain is more
ascribed to family than to personal achievement.
• Page and Wiseman (1993) add a note of caution with their observation that a Spanish
manager’s style is less supportive and more punishing than the U.S. managers (p. 167).
They argue that Spaniards can be tolerant with autocratic leadership and that style will
not affect the positive perception (p. 169). Also, they show that Spaniards have compar-
atively low levels of participation.
• Pavett and Morris (1995) analyzed data obtained in several plants from a U.S. multina-
tional firm located in five countries, one of them Spain. They reported profiles on par-
ticipation showing that the plant in Spain was less participative than those in Italy, the
UK, and the United States. Their data showed the Spanish plant especially low in the
goal-setting and control dimensions of participation.

This review is not to suggest that the studies cited comprise a systematic longitudinal view of
the managerial culture on leadership in Spain. Nor do we argue that the studies are strictly
comparable. The review is suggestive only, more of tantalizing questions than of secure
answers. Just how much did the threatening external environment shape respondent attitudes,
perceptions, and values? To what degree was culture itself altered or repressed? To what
degree was it merely a case of altered reporting? How reliable is the informal composite pro-
file of Spanish managerial culture that appears to emerge over the past 50 years? Fortunately,
we began our research in the mid-1990s in a much more benign environment than did our
early predecessors. Our study dealt with a respondent pool where very few of them would
have practiced as managers during the Franco period. Almost none had personal scars. They
could cite and critique, without political reference, the conventional wisdom or stereotype of
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636 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

Spanish managerial style: autocratic, male dominated, top down, individualist, risk adverse,
assertive but, in the end, conciliatory.

4. GLOBE SURVEY IN SPAIN

Societal Culture

Data Collection
The financial services and food-processing sectors were selected for the GLOBE survey.
In total, 96 managers from the financial services sector have been included in the sample for
this study and 77 managers from the food-processing sector. As a whole, quantitative data
analyses have been carried out with data obtained from 173 respondents.
EUROFORUM (a management training institute) facilitated the data collection process
through well-placed contacts who administered the instruments to middle managers sepa-
rately (Form Alpha and Beta). Further samples were contacted via the department of human
resources in several of the firms and middle managers were surveyed on the premises of each
company. It was a challenge to raise the percentage of female respondents to 12%. A large
number of items in the surveys provoked a negative reaction among the vast majority of
potential responders who were contacted. It demanded too much time and concentration, and
middle managers insisted they had other priorities. Patience with the niceties of social
research is a scarce commodity in Spain. An old saying advances the critical point: “If some-
thing is short and brief, then it is twice as good!”

Sample Demographics
Following are the demographic characteristics of the 173 middle managers in the sample:

• The age range was 25 to 35 (60.68%) and 46 to 55 (36.41%) when the samples from the
two sectors are combined. Middle managers in the financial services sector were older
than in the food-processing sector. In the financial services sector, 27.7% were between
46 and 55 years of age, whereas in the food-processing sector 11.56% were in this age
range. This same trend was observed among those above 55 years of age. Middle man-
agers in the food-processing sector were younger than those in the financial services
sector. In the food-processing sector, 15.6% were between 25 and 35 years of age
whereas in the financial services the percentage was 3.4. No middle manager was
younger than 25 years old.
• Middle managers born in Spain constituted 97.68%, 1.15% were born in other EU mem-
ber states, and the balance were born somewhere else. About 87.2% have resided per-
manently in Spain and the remainder had spent sometime abroad as immigrants,
descendants of immigrants, or students.
• Spanish was the mother tongue for 77.45% of the sample and 15.02% spoke also
Basque, Catalan, or Galician language.
• The average seniority was 13 years of full-time work experience. Professional experi-
ence in executive posts within national or multinational companies represented 44.5%.
Respondents who said they had a formal university degree, and had also received ade-
quate training in the area of business management and administration was 63.5%.
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 637

TABLE 17.1
Differences Between Actual Practice and Desired Values at the Societal Level

“As Is” “Should Be”

Culture Dimensions Score Band Rank Score Band Rank Difference

Performance Orientation 4.01 B 37 5.80 C 41 +1.79

Future Orientation 3.51 C 45 5.63 B 27 +2.12
Assertiveness 4.42 A 17 4.00 B 18 −0.42
Institutional Collectivism 3.85 C 51 5.20 A 12 +1.35
Gender Egalitarian 3.01 B 51 4.82 A 20 +1.81
Humane Orientation 3.32 D 60 5.69 B 5 +2.37
Power Distance 5.52 A 14 2.26 D 59 −3.26
In-Group Collectivism 5.45 A 30 5.79 B 21 +0.34
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.97 C 37 4.76 B 27 +0.79

Note. Score: Country mean for Spain on the basis of aggregated scale scores. Band: Letters A to D indicate the
country band Spain belongs to (A > B > C > D). Countries from different bands are considered to differ
significantly from each other (GLOBE test banding procedure, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). Rank: Spain’s
position relative to the 61 countries in the GLOBE study; Rank 1 = highest; Rank 61 = score. Difference: The
difference was computed by subtracting “As Is” scores from the respective “Should Be” scores. A positive
difference indicates that the society wishes to have more of a particular attribute or dimension whereas a negative
score indicates the opposite.

Results on the Nine Dimensions of Societal Culture

The 173 Spanish middle-manager respondents from the financial services and food-
processing sectors made the contrast between actuality (i.e., the existing conditions or facts
in the category “As Is” here and now) and desirability (what is valued as intended or expected
in the category “Should Be”) about the nine dimensions of Spanish culture at the societal level
(see Table 17.1).
Country scores (means) for each dimension are reported as well as the position of these
responses, vis a vis respondents from 60 other countries by indicating the rank and the band
or country cluster (from A to D, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004) into which the Spanish
means (Ms) fall. Finally, the difference between average scores of actuality (“As Is”)
and desirability (“Should Be”) is reported. We comment on these results in the following
subsections.

Performance Orientation. This dimension refers to the extent to which a society encour-
ages or rewards group members for performance improvement and excellence. Although the
Spanish observations place the culture just below the middle on this dimension (M = 4.01),
among the 17,000 respondents in 61 countries, the desirability values expressed in the cate-
gory “Should Be” (M = 5.80) suggest significant tension on the subject of Performance
Orientation. The Spanish middle-manager sample wants greater encouragement and rewards
for improvement and excellence. Still, the large difference of +1.79 leaves our respondents
behind the average move in the same direction within the 60 other countries. What is reflected
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638 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

in the Spanish ranking from 37th to 41st is that the Spanish aspiration for change in this
dimension is somewhat weaker. These results make sense at this stage of Spanish history
because competition in the global economy has been prompting widespread discussion,
policy changes, and management education on such issues as continuous improvement, total
quality management (TQM), and the “9.9” managerial style that gives appropriate attention
to both task and people. Shrewd political maneuvering would no longer carry the day nor
would the historical tendency to scramble at the last minute and make do. In-company and
public seminars trainees underscored the changes required in Spain to become a globally
competitive economy.

Future Orientation. This dimension describes the degree to which individuals engage in
future-oriented behaviors such as planning, investing in the future, and delaying gratification. The
Spanish responses again fall somewhat below the middle of the international comparison on this
second dimension. This time the difference of +2.12 between the actuality and desirability thrusts
Spain further ahead than the average 60 other countries. The Spanish rank changed from a 45th
to a 27th pole positioning. Building the future is, to some degree, a matter of will, and so requires
voluntary involvement toward intended or planned actions. This distinction makes sense because
there is a preference for intended action in the Hispanic culture and for planned actions in the
Anglo-Saxon culture. The former focuses on goal attainment with talented and well-trained gen-
eralists enjoying freedom in the choice of means. The latter provides trained specialists with a
map of prescribed means to attain the goal. Spanish national pride swelled at the successful host-
ing of the sensitive Arab/Israeli peace conferences in Madrid with scarcely a week’s notice. We
observed the clash of an old and an emerging culture during the visit of former President Bush
to El Escorial. The 22 American security agents responsible for President Bush collaborated with
the Spanish security police by exhaustively anticipating every detail covered in their long plan-
ning protocol. With glazed eyes, the Spanish police indulged their guests with sorely strained
patience. In the Hispanic culture, there must be room for initiative and pride in oneself in the job
when we have the right people in the right place and in the right moment performing the tasks
and functions they have been trained for. In emergency situations such as September 11, 2001,
the accounts of those who survive show that intended actions in some circumstances are more
effective than planned actions (Aust & Schnibben, 2002).

Assertiveness. Assertiveness is the degree to which individuals are assertive, confronta-

tional, and aggressive in social relationships. Again, the Spanish responses position the culture
somewhat above the middle (M = 4.42) of the international comparison. The expression of desir-
ability shows an aspiration to become slightly less aggressive (M = 4.00), an aspiration not
unlike the average in the 60 other countries. The Spanish stereotype has some popular appeal
despite previous findings by Hofstede (1980, 1983, 1991) where the culture is pictured leaning
toward the feminine side and toward a conciliatory style. Often in seminars where these previ-
ous findings were discussed, Spanish executives expressed some unease with the more feminine
positioning. Daily life seems replete with evidence of strong Assertiveness: me-first driving in
roundabouts, flashing lights and blowing horns on the highway, speaking over one another in
conversation, baiting and killing the bull in the bull ring, and boisterous labor demonstrations in
the street. In the business domain, we observed collective bargaining simulations in manage-
ment seminars wherein the loud bluster and histrionics almost never ended with a strike. In more
than two dozen simulations, conciliation led to settlements in all but four cases.

Institutional Collectivism. This dimension reflects the degree to which norms and
practices encourage and reward collective distribution of resources and collective action.
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 639

A higher score favors more collective approaches whereas a lower score promotes a more
individualistic approach. The Spanish respondents indicate that actual culture is rather indi-
vidualistic (M = 3.85) whereas it is desirable that it becomes more Institutionally Collective
(M = 5.20). The shift to the A band from the C band and the rise from 51st rank to 12th rank
shows a drastic cultural shift under way. Much historical evidence verifies the individualistic
culture. Individual action merited high status, be it in sports, arts, or public life. Hofstede’s
research in the 1980s evidenced the individualistic strain in the culture. For every example of
status earned by collective action, you can find a half-dozen earning status with individual
action. For every success in a team sport like the football World Cup, there is the standout per-
formance of the individual athlete in the spotlight. For every famous orchestra, there is the
soloist. A matador’s success depends on the meticulous choreography of a team of more than
a dozen assistants but the spotlight focuses on the strutting matador (Gannon, 1994). In
annual studies in OECD countries during the 1980s and 1990s (Prieto, 1993), the following
question was asked: “In frail moments and circumstances, do you think the well-being of cit-
izens should depend on individual initiatives or on welfare programs backed by the commu-
nity?” About two out of three Spaniards favor programs backed by the community (in the
United States, two out of three respondents favor individual initiatives, and in France the dis-
tribution is 50-50). That reinforces the impression reported later of the Spanish executives’
responses in the Lodge questionnaire on ideology where we observed the same situation of
current individualism but future collectivism.

Gender Egalitarianism. This dimension represents the extent to which a society mini-
mizes gender role differences. A midscore on the 7-point scale means gender equilibrium; a
low score means leaning toward male standards; a high score means an inclination toward
female standards. Ranking 51st (M = 3.01), the Spanish middle managers pointed out that the
actual culture has a bias toward “masculine oriented standards.” However, when they express
desirability there is a significant swing to the feminine side (M = 4.82), producing a 20th rank-
ing, very close to countries showing higher “feminine oriented standards.” Indeed, women are
underrepresented in the workforce (about 28% in 2000 and the ratio of unemployment among
women doubles compared to that of men) as well as among managers. In the urban milieu and
in most regions of the country, men always take care of business affairs and initiatives, in such
a way that they take care of all kinds of legal paperwork and register documents by putting
their names first. The exception seems to be some regions in the northwest and the northeast
where some kind of matriarchy still survives and women are the legal owners of family busi-
nesses or farms. Foreigners find it hard to interpret what it means for the status of women in
that Spanish women keep their family names when they get married and very rarely use the
husband’s family name. It can even be confusing during introductions for visitors to identify
who is married to whom. By mutual agreement, the mother’s family name may appear first
in the surname of the children, but this is rarely done. Finally, it is important to recall that less
than 12% of our respondents were female managers.

Humane Orientation. Humane Orientation is the degree to which society encourages

and rewards individuals for being fair, altruistic, friendly, generous, caring, and kind to oth-
ers. It is the idea of a friendly and compassionate society. Our respondents indicated that
Spanish culture currently falls far short on this dimension (M = 3.32), placing Spain in a very
low rank, 60th out of the 61 countries. However, more than in any other dimension, our
respondents called for a drastic change in society (M = 5.69) where desirability is concerned.
Somehow middle managers were repelled by adjectives such as unfair, selfish, unfriendly,
cheap, and uncaring. Evidence of a compassionate society may be found in the fact that
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640 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

Spaniards rank top in the figures of people donating organs, such that there is an excess of
submissions compared to what occurs in other countries.

Power Distance. Power Distance is defined as the degree to which people expect and
agree that power should be shared in a fair manner. Ranked 14th, Spanish culture is pictured
as very high (M = 5.52) in Power Distance. However, here again our respondents advocate for
a radical change, which would rank Spain 59th and shift Spain from the cluster with the high-
est to the lowest Power Distance. This dimension shows the largest gap (–3.26) between what
occurs at present and what should be desirable. In the Spanish language, there is a polite form
of addressing those who hold an office and those who are a customer: usted, which has some
correspondence with thee in English, and is different from you (tu), which is used mainly in
inner circles. There is also a long tradition of formal expressions that must be used regularly
during interactions held with those in authority, that is, several levels above in the hierarchy.
The array of expressions has no direct translation but a certain equivalence may be
“Honorable Gentleman,” “Honorable Lady,” “Your Grace,” “Your Lordship,” “Excellence,”
and “Distinguished,” which are used very rarely in English but very often in Spanish. These
expressions enhance Power Distance. But through history it was also very important to keep
a distance from crowned heads and supreme rulers. Very often they needed funding or troops
and the first contributors are those standing nearby. The Catholic kings banned the Sephardic
Jews in 1492 because, at least in part, their majesties could not afford the huge amounts of
money owed to the Jewish creditors. Keeping great distance was the sovereign decision.

In-Group Collectivism. In-Group Collectivism reflects the degree to which individuals

express pride, loyalty, and cohesiveness in their organizations and families. It may also be called
tribal culture. Spain was positioned in the middle (30th) of the international comparison. The
gap between actuality and desirability in the survey was the narrowest (from M = 5.45 to M =
5.79), raising Spain’s rank to 21st. The identification with the local community in Spain has
been legendary (Brenan, 1943). Raiders and invaders became frustrated in centuries past in their
efforts to break the nonexistent national spirit, because it was so local that every village and
valley had to be subjugated. In the Spanish housing market, the creation of a physical commu-
nity with its amenities appears to override the concern for suburban sprawl. Even closer to home
is the centrality of the family. Family surnames, which combine father’s and mother’s names,
symbolize the close-knit family unit in Spain. Family members know by heart four family
names of the father and of the mother in such a way that it is rather easy to trace back lineages
when necessary. On the other hand, three out of five daughters tend to stay at home until they
get married (often up to 25 years of age and sometimes older). Many “children” and parents still
consider this practice wise and acceptable. When we interviewed people belonging to the same
age cohort as our survey respondents, they indicated that there is no way to get divorced from
older sons and daughters. If children stay at home until a rather late age, parents consider their
children’s extended dependency as part of responsible fatherhood and motherhood.

Uncertainty Avoidance. This dimension defines the extent to which people strive to
avoid uncertainty by reliance on social norms, rituals, and bureaucratic practices to alleviate
the unpredictability of future events. The respondents place Spanish culture almost in the
middle of the 61 countries surveyed (M = 3.97, Rank 37). Interestingly, our survey sample
valued even greater Uncertainty Avoidance in their responses to the “Should Be” questions
(M = 4.76, Rank 27). If anything typified the self-criticism of Spanish persons in the last
quarter-century, it has been the concern for the risk-adverse tendencies, which seemed to
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 641

stifle Spanish entrepreneurship. As the 1990s dawned, 50% of industrial capacity in Spain
was in foreign hands. There were almost no Spanish multinationals. Only 25% of the patents
registered in Spain in 1990 were of Spanish origin. The Spanish reluctance to assume risk and
invest for the long view may have been cultivated by centuries of top-down governance and
dependence on the central authority. To measure Uncertainty Avoidance our survey instru-
ments focused on orderliness and consistency, spelling out requirements and instructions in
detail, and rules and laws to cover most situations. It may be understandable, given the pace
of change since 1975, that Spaniards pine for some stability even at the risk of dampening that
historic Spanish spirit of adventure. This result should be viewed in the light of the rather
aggressive shift our respondents expected toward more Future Orientation.

Summary Survey Results

Our middle manager respondents perceived Spanish culture as middle of the road in all
dimensions except two. They saw the Spanish culture biased in the male direction in Gender
Egalitarianism and selfishness and uncaring in Humane Orientation. The greatest news in the sur-
vey is the call for change anticipated in the desirable values expressed by the managers. The major
shifts they called for would produce a Spanish culture much less individualistic, much more sen-
sitive to opportunities for women, much more altruistic and caring, and much more committed to
equality in power sharing. In many interesting ways Spain, as pictured in the values of the respon-
dents, moves closer to the profile of their central and northern European neighbors. Joining the
EU was no empty gesture.

Sector Results on the Nine Dimensions of Societal Culture

The means of the responding managers’ societal culture ratings in the financial services
sector and the food-processing sector are presented in Table 17.2. There are no significant

TABLE 17.2
“As Is” Culture Dimensions by Sectors

“As Is” “Should Be”

Culture Dimensions Financial Food Financial Means

Means Means Means Food

Performance Orientation 4.06 3.94 5.76 5.83

Future Orientation 3.49 3.53 5.77 5.45
Assertiveness 4.33 4.54 4.04 3.94
Institutional Collectivism 3.87 3.83 5.26 5.13
Gender Egalitarian 2.89 3.15 4.60 4.86
Humane Orientation 4.34 3.53 5.74 5.63
Power Distance 5.71 5.29 2.23 2.29
In-Group Collectivism 5.43 5.48 5.87 5.71
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.95 3.98 4.90 4.60
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642 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

TABLE 17.3
Scores and Bands of Spanish Data on Leadership Scales

Leadership Dimension Score Band

Collaborative Team 6.26 A

Performance Orientation 6.25 A
Decisive 5.95 A
Diplomatic 5.73 A
Team Integrator 5.72 A
Nonparticipative 3.17 A
Inspirational 6.34 B
Integrity 6.11 B
Visionary 5.91 B
Administratively Competent 5.66 B
Self-Sacrificial 4.80 B
Modest 4.76 B
Humane 4.57 B
Conflict Inducer 4.24 B
Status-Conscious 4.23 B
Procedural 4.11 B
Autonomous 3.54 B
Autocratic 2.60 C
Face Saver 2.48 C
Self-Centered 1.84 C
Malevolent 1.77 C

differences on any of the nine cultural dimensions between managers in the two sectors. The
largest difference in Humane Orientation (0.81 in Table 17.2) is not significant. Both samples
actually perceived society in the same way and held similar desirable outcomes about what
the society should be.

Survey Results on Leadership in Spain

When answering the questionnaire the managers were requested to assign a number,
between 1 and 7, to 112 distinct attributes and behaviors. The meaning of value 7 was “makes
a very important contribution” to making a person an outstanding leader, whereas value
1 meant “this attribute or behavior inhibits the rise of an outstanding leader.” Via several
samples used by the GLOBE project, these items were grouped into 21 first-order and 6
second-order leadership dimensions (cf. House et al., 2004). Here we report the results for
Spain on the 21 first-order leadership dimensions (see Table 17.3).
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 643

The implicit theory of leadership among Spanish managers highlights the following attributes
(in the parentheses, the average score is given): inspirational (6.34), collective team oriented
(6.26), team II (team integrator) (5.72), performance orientation (6.25), integrity (6.11), deci-
sive (5.95), visionary (5.91), diplomat (5.73), team integrator (5.72), administratively compe-
tent (5.66), self-sacrificial (4.80), modest (4.76), humane (4.57), conflict inducer (4.24), and
status-conscious (4.23).
In the opposite direction, being self-centered (1.84), malevolent (1.77), autocratic (2.60),
face saver (2.48) were ranked in the lowest levels, stressing that it contributes very little to
what is essential in the process of becoming or being viewed as an outstanding business
leader. Being procedural (4.11), autonomous (3.54), nonparticipative (3.17) are nonaligned
attributes that neither impede nor facilitate.
Interestingly, the Spanish respondents expressed more negative sentiments toward the four
attributes that impede outstanding leadership than did most of the other respondents from the
60 other countries. Note in Table 17.3 that the Spanish means in these four attributes (self-
centered, malevolent, autocratic, and face saver) all fell to Group C internationally. By con-
trast, on the 14 attributes that contribute to outstanding leadership in Spain, the means fell into
either Group A or B; that is, Spaniards were in fairly close agreement with those from the 60
other countries. Gutierrez et al. (1999) performed a small replication study with a somewhat
expanded proportion of female respondents and essentially confirmed the results presented
earlier.

Sectoral Results on Leadership in Spain

As with the results on societal culture, the financial services and food-processing middle
managers in Spain showed no significant differences in how they classified attributes as con-
tributing to or impeding outstanding leadership in Spain. The respective mean scores are pre-
sented in Table 17.4.

5. QUALITATIVE RESULTS SUPPORTING THE SURVEY RESULTS

We employed three qualitative methodologies—a content analysis of media, a focus group,

and several interviews—to better grasp how leadership was understood in Spain. Following,
we describe each methodology and explain what each one added to our discernment on the
subject.

Media Analysis

By way of context for the media analysis, we must point out that Spanish managers have less
dependence (circulation figures support this) on print media than in neighboring countries
like France or the United Kingdom. In Spain, oral communication channels predominate over
written communication channels. That is, news from the broadcast media reaches larger audi-
ences than printed news by a four to one ratio. Among many top managers this phenomenon
may in part be explained by their having grown up in a continuous climate of suspicion
against the press and sensitive printed texts. For centuries, Spanish judges have been per-
ceived as being against freedom of expression and even, in the 1990s, they have been per-
ceived as favoring values such as order and authority and depreciating values such as
individual freedom and solidarity (Gomez de Liaño, 1999; Navarro, 1994, 1995).
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644 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

TABLE 17.4
Leadership Dimensions per Sector

Leadership Dimension Financial Means Food Means

Collaborative Team 6.27 6.24

Performance Orientation 6.32 6.16
Decisive 5.93 5.90
Diplomatic 5.75 5.69
Team Integrator 5.66 5.56
Nonparticipative 3.30 3.01
Inspirational 6.37 6.31
Integrity 6.01 6.25
Visionary 5.85 5.98
Administratively Competent 5.70 5.62
Self-Sacrificial 4.78 4.83
Modest 4.69 4.85
Humane 4.50 4.66
Conflict Inducer 4..41 4.02
Status-Conscious 4.36 4.06
Procedural 4.16 4.03
Autonomous 3.58 3.49
Autocratic 2.80 2.33
Face Saver 2.49 2.48
Self-Centered 1.92 1.74
Malevolent 1.82 1.71

A second point of context is the perception that the choice of a newspaper by Spanish man-
agers is a political act. In large organizations, the main newspapers are bought by the organi-
zation itself and made available to the top managers and civil servants. A second direct way
of supporting favorites in the mass media is the pattern of placement of advertising cam-
paigns. Currently there is a correlation above 0.75 between newspapers and magazines bought
by the firm, and newspapers and magazines where the firm publishes advertising and circu-
lates marketing strategies.
We used the four newspapers and one magazine in our media analysis. Our sources are the
OJD (Oficina Justificación Difusión), AIMC (Asociación para la Investigación Medios de
Comunicación), and Diplomaticnet. We studied the following newspapers and periodicals:

• El Pais, newspaper; in 2001, per day, the circulation was 433,617; enjoys the leading
market share of 14.14%; liberal in the European sense.
• El Mundo, newspaper; in 2001, per day, the circulation was 312,366 (second in market
share with 8.88%); its evolution parallels the conservative Popular Party’s growth, often
targeting Socialistic Party leaders.
• ABC, newspaper; in 2001, per day, the circulation was 279.050 (7.56% market share);
holds conservative, monarchic, and Catholic views.
• Expansion, economic newspaper; in 2001, per day, the circulation was 52,645; (1.31%
market share); specializes in economy, stock market, and business issues, where it ranks first.
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 645

• Actualidad Economica, magazine; in 2001, per week, the circulation was 22,739; it
ranks 23rd among weekly magazines; devoted to economy and business issues.

We examined the four newspapers for two periods of 2 weeks separated by a 3-week gap. We
examined two issues of the weekly magazine, took a 3-week break, and then examined
another two issues. All reports that had anything to do with leadership or even referred par-
enthetically to leadership were marked and selected for an informal analysis.
The content analysis of these newspapers and magazines showed that the term leader
(lider) is not used in Spanish when referring to top managers or CEOs, whereas the more
common terms are executive, general director, and big boss. The term leader is used almost
exclusively to identify trade union leaders. Also, it is used to identify leaders of a party, but
not ministers nor the prime minister. Again, it is used to comment about religious leaders and
also “football leader” when talking about the champion team in the Spanish league. During
the dictatorship, the title used to refer to General Franco was Caudillo (Leader), and during
the monarchy, the term used to identify the Spanish king is sovereign. Both expressions are
rather unusual in democratic or republican systems. Clearly the term lider in Spanish has a
restrictive meaning (Prieto, 1989). There is a verb in Spanish, dirigir, that just means “to lead”
and the derived gerund, dirigente (leading person). It has created some problems in the com-
munication process because there are two parallel terms, lider and dirigente, but they are used
separately and in different contexts by managers.
Given the semantic situation in Spanish, managers do not view themselves as “leaders” but
as “executives,” “supervisors,” “superintendents,” and “bosses.” The term manager and the
descriptor charismatic (which we so often find joined in the Anglo-Saxon press) sound
strange to the Spanish ear. Leaders belong to trade unions, the church, the sports, and the
army. This is the confusing background in the language when talking about managerial roles
and functions in the GLOBE project.

Focus Group

Setting, Data Gathering, and Analysis Method. During a weeklong organizational

behavior module at the training center of Euroforum in the El Escorial, 70 participants
(including 8 women) were scheduled to study leadership. All were midmanagers from over
50 Spanish national as well as foreign multinational companies in a wide range of industries
including financial services, food processing, and telecommunications. We turned a 90-
minute period (which lasted almost 2 hours) into one large focus group and voice-recorded
the entire session. The instructor diligently recorded the group comments on flip charts. The
instructor’s notes and the audiotape served as sources of data for the initial report, which was
written within days of the focus group. Later, editing searched for patterns in the focus group
report.

Insights From the Focus Group: Management. Because we started with the task of iden-
tifying “management” attributes and defining the concept, that material appears here first as
context for the attributes and definition of “leadership.” Characteristically, the sample of man-
agers generated a long list of attributes and many partial definitions of management. The
group’s comments can be grouped into two categories: management attributes, for example,
efficient, pragmatic, flexible, and definitional elements, for example, achieving objectives,
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646 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

follow-up/control, selling ideas. As the group members added attributes or definitional

elements, each preceding item seemed to be accepted without contest. However, no consen-
sus emerged on another theme discussed at length by the group. Was management earned or
given? In other words was it deserved or delegated? The majority of comments favored the
classical organizational formalities but a vocal majority insisted on the more modern bottom-
up view. At the end, the instructor tried to elicit the consensus definition of management by
using what appeared to be the themes with the most group support: “Management means
directing persons and groups to achieve results in line with objectives chosen or approved by
the owners.” The summary statement won modest approval but major definitional difficulties
remained unresolved. Many said “management” would mean different things depending on
the organizational level where it was practiced—lower, middle, or top. Even at the top, many
believed “management” would be defined differently depending on the relationship between
the owners and managers in what concerns direction taking, initiative and approval.
Though some participants would imitate the instructor and use management in speaking
Spanish, the majority used the more pure Spanish words gestión for the activity of manage-
ment and dirección for the persons in management. This is very much like French usage.

Insights From the Focus Group: Leadership. It was more difficult to get down to a tight
definition of leadership. Again, guided by the protocol, we began with attributes, for exam-
ple, charismatic, assumes risk, can gain trust of individuals/group, and then moved to the ele-
ments of the leadership definition, for example, catalyst, draws people, saviour.
Speaking about “leadership,” by contrast with the discussion on “management,” the group
totally ignored organizational goal orientation. There was no reference to owners or superor-
dinate bosses. The leader’s relationship to the organization was seen in marked contrast to the
manager’s. The leader is not bound by organizational policies/procedures and he (the mascu-
line was always used!) sells his goals. Furthermore, he emerged by delegation but heighten-
ing the personal initiative: “assumes direction … is born of the group … is recognized,
acknowledged, and accepted by the group.”
For the focus group, the leader’s personal attributes differ from the manager’s pattern in
emotional content and intensity: “passionate … charming … personable … charismatic …
enthusiastic … perseverant and stubborn … sees long term … confident … is the soul of the
company … the saviour.” These last two attributes have a religious connotation—a reference
point alluding to the Catholic tradition on the role of leading persons in critical moments for
the community. The leadership activities or processes cited included some top-down activities
like “vision-taking/presenting … setting the long-term direction/challenge.” These expressions
also strongly imply more collegial, or at least less hierarchic behaviors toward the followers:
“identifies himself with the group … can gain trust of the individuals in the group … involves
others … goes in front … draws people … plays a catalyst role … address emotions and not
rational thoughts … able to make people follow him … moves others, enhancing a sense of
responsibility and duty … has followers who don’t rely on rewards or punishments.” If any-
thing seemed close to endorsement as a definition of leadership by the majority, it was the act
of “drawing people to follow by getting in front with a long-term challenge.”
Distinguishing leadership from management would appear to be the leader’s act of getting
in front and challenging (more emotional than rational) toward the long term. By contrast,
management seemed to be less personally risky, relying on relatively short-term means–ends
logic, imbedded in a hierarchy of delegated, specific, goal-targeted tasks. Managerial actions
seem to be of hierarchic nature, whereas leadership actions seem often to be more collegial.
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 647

The focus group members seemed more comfortable with the definitional attempts vis-à-vis
the manager, almost as if they were looking in the mirror at themselves or recalling personal
development norms associated with their presence in a management development program.
Their contributions on leadership seemed remote and neither autobiographical nor drawn
from some ideal model for themselves.

Interviews

Data Gathering Method and Analysis. One of the authors trained an assistant by imple-
menting the original interview protocol demonstration, an hour-long, tape-recorded interview
with a middle manager known to both parties. The assistant then interviewed and taped six
more Spanish middle managers of his acquaintance, using the same protocol. This protocol
had a directive tone using several questions comparing management and leadership before
moving on to examples of leadership. The assistant then reviewed his tapes and summarized
the themes he had heard. Then the audiotapes were transcribed. Two streams of analysis fol-
lowed with the tapes and the transcriptions. First, the tapes were analyzed by three other assis-
tants both horizontally (by protocol question) and vertically (by respondent for patterns or
emerging themes). Second, one of the authors repeated the analysis using the transcriptions.

Insights From the Interviews. Given that the structure of the interview protocol imposed
the themes on the respondents, the best patterns emerging from the tapes seemed to be the
similarities and differences in the perspectives of the interviewees. Although there was wide
consensus, for instance, on the attribute “tough-minded,” interviewees were split on the ques-
tion of whether leaders were a product of nature or nurture.
It was not the intended purpose, but the interviewees did cross the line between borders
and identified leaders from business and nonbusiness domains who they understood would be
familiar to an international team of researchers. This approach was congruent with the infor-
mation interviewees had about the GLOBE study on leadership patterns. In this way they sin-
gled out well-known leaders among familiar employers, rulers, or authorities. So, during the
interview, two managers focused their comments on the CEOs of their firms. Two focused on
colleague executives in the same firm, though not direct superiors. The two remaining con-
centrated on the political domain with Francisco Franco (dictator from 1939 to 1975), Felipe
GonzÒlez (prime minister 1982–1996), King Juan Carlos I (1975– ), José M. Aznar (prime
minister 1996–, then opposition leader), Hitler, and the trio of Clinton, Bush, and Perot (the
American election had just been widely reported in the Spanish press).
Despite their different reference points, they seemed to all agree that the leadership style
need not be hard or aggressive. It may be soft and nurturing and at the same time be strong
and self-confident. Most, though not all, saw the leader as triggered to action by something
negative in the environment. Even those who identified leaders who were at the top of orga-
nizations denied that position in the hierarchy had anything to do with the emergence of the
leader. Despite their different reference points, the interviewees saw some potential downside
to leadership if the leader dominated the ideas of the followers or, if the leader caused the fol-
lowers to attach themselves to the person and not to the cause, thereby condemning the cause
to die with him.
The attributes mentioned by the interviewees overlapped substantially with those men-
tioned in the focus group and did not include any disagreements among the interviewees. One
respondent put special stress on a pattern of attributes not so emphasized elsewhere: “The
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648 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

leader is humble and recognizes his mistakes and never does things to benefit himself.”
Another interviewee added the sensitive note that, “while the manager may be respected by
his followers, the leader is loved.” In a similar vein, one interviewee said that a manager “gets
people to do things because they have to, whereas the leader gets people to do things because
they want to.”
Another debate divided the interviewees (on an issue raised in the focus group). Was the
leader a leader in all aspects of life, personal as well as professional? The minority left room
for that possibility but the majority thought that the leader typically sacrificed other aspects
of the cause on which he was a leader. It was seen simply as a matter of energy that prevented
the leader from having a good equilibrium between personal and professional life, for exam-
ple. However, following Spanish standards, the private lives of top political leaders very
rarely are the subject of a cover page in newspapers and magazines.

6. REFLECTION ON THE BROADER VALUES AND NORMS

FROM THE QUALITATIVE STUDIES

In the 1990s, the focus group members and interviewees expected leaders would likely be
seen as scarce, counterculture people. Neither the focus group members nor the interviewees
seemed to look on themselves as leaders. They tended to look further up the hierarchy for a
leadership role, even though some interviewees denied relevance to hierarchy. Most often
cited as an outstanding leadership act was King Juan Carlos’s brave act in 1981 of standing
up to the colonels and thereby saving the nascent democracy. It was the commander in chief
reigning over lower-ranking officers. Again, the political perspective corroborates the core
idea of leadership. It is important to note that the king’s act was position-based from the top
of the hierarchy and triggered by a threatening environment launched by some top military
men. The king rallied the military men who were not in the plot, the politicians, and the citi-
zens to accept the challenge of making the new democratic system work in the long run
despite the short-term difficulties.
Indeed, there are outstanding individuals in Spain (golfers, matadors, mystics, artists,
musicians, tennis players, etc.), but these are not seen as leaders because they may have only
devotees. The Catholic tradition does not favor the idea of an individual leadership (Prieto,
1989) but of collegiate authorities. It is the Protestant tradition that favors the idea of an indi-
vidual entrepreneurship. Also, the fate of leaders in Spanish history has been to win and
become lords or kings or to lose and get out of the way of the hands of the executioner. This
same background is common to British and French monarchies throughout history. The con-
sequence is that Spaniards have some difficulties in identifying actual leaders or entrepre-
neurs. There is almost surprise when someone pops out of the pack with an entrepreneurial
and leadership venture.
In short, leadership as understood by our focus group members and our interviewees
would not be a common phenomenon or expectation, given the Spanish values and beliefs.
Standout individual acts may be common but not leadership behavior because it has a hierar-
chic dimension: The person at the top (or “above me”) has to be able to lead when the situa-
tion (something threatening in the environment, for the most part) calls for that behavior. The
1990s generation of Spanish managers still have memories of the 40 years of dictatorship,
which ended only in 1975. The youngest of our respondents were in their midteens when
Franco died. In some ways, that period may have dampened what may have been earlier lead-
ership tendencies and expectations. Spain and the Habsburgs dominated much of the world
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 649

five centuries ago, in part because the second- and third-born were ready to go out of the
country and lead specific regions. The privileges of the first-born prevailed in the distribution
of properties and the receipt of support. The second- and third-born have authority over spe-
cific regions (they were considered “viceroys”). This tradition still survives in the transmis-
sion system of the aristocracy (in decline) and in the succession within the monarchy.
However, from the 1960s to the 1990s, the dictatorship and the Catholic educational programs
in schools have decoupled Spanish executives from the risk-taking mentalities and the initia-
tives that favor entrepreneurship and leadership.
In many ways, Spain in the 1990s is still in the post-Franco transition. Over the past 15 or
20 years, we have used the George Cabot Lodge ideology questionnaire (Harvard Business
Review, 1975) as an in-class exercise with Spanish executives. Consistently, they identify the
prevailing as well as the preferred ideology as individualistic (though in declining proportions
recently). However, they see the ideology emerging in the next 5 years as communitarian.
That pattern is consistent with the original Lodge results with American executives. The
Spanish executives depart from original American results in response to the question: “Which
ideology better fits the problems to be faced in the future?” Whereas the Americans revert to
their preferred individualism, the Spaniards in large majorities identified communitarian ide-
ology as the most relevant for the future of Spain. It is, maybe, the consequence of Catholic
as well as social-democratic views of what is appropriate for the society. This perspective is
also favored by the ideology that prevails within the EU and the financial and institutional
support of policies fostering the extension of social rights (much less common in the United
States) as a societal commitment once civil rights are guaranteed. The European Social Funds
system that exists within the EU highlights the idea that the reduction of social and economic
differences between member states and among regions is very important for the feeling of
cohesion and belongingness. Core values may indeed be in transition from the traditional
individualism, but the passage is far from complete.

Research Limitations and Lessons for Future Research

Though our respondent pool may be accurately labeled Spanish and we assume a culturally
homogeneous response set, we leave uncovered the potentially interesting regional differ-
ences as stressed earlier by the likes of Brenan (1943) in his social commentary and
Cummings, Harnett, and Stevens (1971) in their research. Future researchers may wish to
explore the more nuanced approach by checking the differences among residents of the four
other key autonomous regions aside from Madrid.
Because the female representation in our sample was only 12% (which accurately reflected
the gender mix at the mid-manager level in the two business sectors studied at the time of the
data gathering), we can say nothing about gender differences. With the feminization of man-
agement occurring in Spain at an accelerating pace in the past decade, future researchers
may well find different results based on gender. We hypothesize the direction of influence will
be to reinforce the major moves from “As Is” to “Should Be” in the descriptors of the soci-
etal culture, as well as to reinforce the strong rejection of the four unattractive leadership
characteristics.
With the methodologies employed, we leave unexplored the impact of a historical force
such as the 40-year Franco dictatorship on the societal culture of Spain. We reasoned how it
might have negatively affected the reliability of social science research in that era through
intimidation of respondents. The impact on culture is another thing. As in European countries
emerging from communist domination or the African nations earlier shedding the colonial
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650 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

yoke, it is not idle curiosity to inquire whether such a generations-long influence changed the
culture at its core, changed culture only on the fringes, temporarily repressed cultural expres-
sion, or left no traceable impact on the culture. The risk of close proximity to dramatic events
is that their influence is overvalued. Future researchers, employing methodologies sensitive
to longitudinal changes, may find we have treated culture as too fragile and changeable.
Future researchers in Spain and elsewhere in Europe may wish to monitor the resolution
between the historical skepticism over charismatic leaders and the enthusiasm expressed for
each dimension of charisma by some academics and indeed by our sample (which parallels
the sentiments by other European samples). Some seem to recognize only a positive conno-
tation to the concept. Throughout history, charismatic political leaders in Europe as well as
Mediterranean countries have too often been a source of initially stable governments, which
later promoted a long series of bloody, criminal, or belligerent actions. It has been the case,
in this century, of Bin Laden, Franco, Gadafi, Hassan II, Hitler, Milosevic, Mussolini, Stalin,
and Yeltsin. Each of these leaderships combined visionary as well as inspirational perspec-
tives and quietly some citizens became subjects and others become victims. This is the
Damoclean sword for dissidents or minority groups under a charismatic leadership in top gov-
ernment or, by inference, in management posts. This reality should at least temper the enthu-
siasm of some foreign observers who highlight the short-term advantages of charismatic
leadership without paying too much attention to the disastrous long-term consequences. From
the Spanish optics, when examining charismatic leaders around the world, they too often built
their regimes on mass slaughter or reckless destruction of dissidents. Many of the 20th cen-
tury’s immigrants to North America or Western Europe fled from charismatic and sovereign
leaders reigning in their home countries.
The focus group and interviews reminded us that in countries with high Individualism and
strong Uncertainty Avoidance, researchers might have to distinguish clearly between leader-
ship and entrepreneurship. It seems easy to assert that every act of leadership is not entrepre-
neurial, but every entrepreneurial act is a source or a symptom of leadership.
In countries such as Spain with large Power Distance, it might be important to be sensitive
to the hierarchical character of expectations for leadership behaviors. Great clarity is required
in the reference point for our leadership inquiry. If our reference point is in the business firm
itself, we will have to specify whether we are focusing on leadership at the top or if we are
pointing to the hierarchical techno-structure. Use of such adjectives as outstanding will tend
to turn attention to the pinnacle of the hierarchy.
The practicalities of doing survey research in Spain (and probably other countries) prompt
us to worry out loud that the length of our instruments with their much nuanced shades of
meaning in translation may have affected the quality of responses. Many of our respondents
certainly voiced their displeasure over the imposition on them. In the search for the greatest
validity, we may have inadvertently paid a price in reliability. In any case, future researchers
using such methods at least in Spain have been warned.

Implications for Non-Spanish Executives Doing Business in Spain

Without falling into the error of confounding levels of analysis, a visiting executive seeking
to be cross-culturally effective in Spain may draw lessons from the descriptions of the soci-
etal culture and from the factors identified by our respondents as enhancing the probability of
outstanding leadership. It would, of course, be an insult to a Spanish host to stereotype the
individual with the expectation of one-to-one correspondence between her or his behavior and
the societal culture or our leadership profile research results. Often the experienced
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17 MANAGERIAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SPAIN 651

international executive can employ the cultural and leadership profiles as working hypotheses
guiding her or his observation, inquiry, discussion and even tactical behavior. Such a learning
strategy can be a powerful aid in the quest for effectiveness in a new culture. To the degree
that one finds our results cogent, one might benefit from experimentation as in the following
four examples.
First, in a general sense we assert that mañana has arrived. With all our talk of transition
and aspiration for change, one should not assume a time lag before our research results
become relevant. Assume rather that the transitions are complete and aspirations fulfilled. See
our closing remarks in the next section for some specifics about how this is currently reflected
in business practices. Such has been the thrust, zest, and energy behind the transitions and
aspirations that to assume anything different would be foolhardy.
If one senses a moral tone in the fact that two of the four top leadership characteristics
identified by our Spanish respondents are “inspirational” and “integrity,” and that the four
attributes that inhibit the rise of an outstanding leader are “self-centered,” “malevolent,”
“autocratic,” and “face saver,” you would be right. Notice how often conversations take a
philosophical turn and move from “what” and “how” to the more challenging “why.”
In a fascinating chapter which speaks of bullfighting as a metaphor for Spanish culture,
Martin Gannon (1994) points to the liturgy of the bull ring as evocative of the Spanish habit
of controlling uncertainty and risk, by the use of ritual. A sensitive guest will be on the watch
for the social or business protocol that may be a buffer important to the host’s remaining com-
fort in her or his uncertainty avoidance.
The high value given to In-Group Collectivism among societal cultural characteristics sug-
gests that guest executives not be presumptuous too early about being accepted into the
“club.” A related faux pas would be for the visitor to “foul his own nest” by casual criticism
or expressions of disloyalty to his or her own country, company, and so forth.

7. FINAL REMARKS

Starting in the mid-1970s, Spanish society has approached and overcome important chal-
lenges, risks, and changes in a very deep and widely spread democratization process in the
country. There has been a transition:

• From a dictatorship toward a monarchic democracy.

• From a centralized to a decentralized political and economic system.
• From ruling roles of military men at the head of the state to rulers in simulations, and in
ceremonies, or in NATO or UN peacekeeping forces.
• From a quite isolated and nationalist country toward a rather open and European-minded
country after the entrance into the EU in 1986. Nationalist views still survive in very spe-
cific regions where close horizons delimit the happy hunting grounds.
• From a strong and conservative influence of the Catholic Church in the private and pub-
lic life of people and institutions toward a nondenominational state and a rather tolerant
society.

The GLOBE study findings—particularly the reported aspirations for change in “As Is” to
“Should Be” in Spanish business culture—show what Spanish managers perceive that the
Spanish culture sanctions. A foreign businessperson wishing to interact effectively with Spanish
colleagues or organizations would be wise to recognize the following deeply held beliefs:
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652 O’CONNELL, PRIETO, GUTIERREZ

• A bureaucratic approach: by observing as many norms and procedures as might be

available because this is a strategic approach to avoid risks and uncertainties.
• A better quality of work and life: Stimulating collaborators and employees to attain
higher life standards, superior work habits, and higher performance.
• A climate of industrial democracy: By pushing the participation and loyal involvement
of employees in autonomous and semiautonomous groups, identifying themselves with
higher quality goods and services produced satisfactorily.
• Altruism and fairness: Through informal channels of communication and collaboration
in the workplace, many daily tasks and activities do not fall to the responsibility of the
individual but on the work group.
• Egalitarianism in employment: Favoring some policies of affirmative action and support
for women rights and (employer) obligations in the interface between work and family
life.
• Civil and social rights of employees: Overcoming the past pattern of severe restrictions
to civil rights and enhancing welfare measures and public health as well as educational
assistance to employed and unemployed citizens.
• Mutual respect and social equality: Reducing the range of salary differences within the
same firm or sector, reducing regional differences and eliminating social hierarchies and
historical privileges.

Finally, it is important to highlight that the results obtained through this GLOBE study sup-
port the hypothesis that leadership styles may be derived from implicit theories of leadership
arising from societal priorities and comprehensive conceptions rooted in the culture.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We wish to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of Manuel Rodriguez Cassanueva, founder

of Euroforum, and Richard Mukiur, then at Fundesco, Madrid, as well as the research support
from Bentley College and Complutense University.

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Prieto, J. M. (1989). Liderazgo como enredo en la empresa española [Leadership as a red tape in
Spanish firms]. Boletín de Estudios Económicos, 14(136), 35–46.
Prieto, J. M. (1990). Visión de conjunto de los distintos programas de apoyo a la puesta en marcha de
pequeñas empresas en España [Overview of programs supporting start up firms in Spain]. Berlin:
CEDEFOP.
Prieto, J. M. (1993). La calidad de Vida, Comentario [Quality of life, a comment]. Revista de Psicología
Social, 8(1), 119–124.
Prieto, J. M., & Martínez, R. (1997). Those things yonder are not giants, but decision makers in inter-
national teams. In P. C. Earley & M. Erez (Eds.), New perspectives on international industrial/
organizational psychology (pp. 410–445). San Francisco: New Lexington Press.
Ross, C. J. (1997). Contemporary Spain: A handbook. New York: Edward Arnold.
SÒnchez Soler, M. (2002). Las sotanas del PP: El pacto entre la iglesia y la derecha Española.
[Soutanes in the Popular Party: Agreement between the church and the right wing in Spain]. Madrid,
Spain: Temas de Hoy.
Solsten, E., & Meditz, S. W. (1990). Spain: A country study. Washington, DC: Library of Congress.
Tamames, R. (1994). Introducción a la economía española [Introduction to the Spanish Economy].
Madrid, Spain: Alianza Editorial.
Trompenaars, F. (1993). Riding the waves of culture: Understanding diversity in business. London:
Economist Books.
Tussell, J. (2000). El gobierno de Jose Maria Aznar (1996–2000) [Government of Jose Maria Aznar:
1996–2000]. Barcelona, Spain: Crítica.
Tussell, J. (2001). Historia de España, la España actual [Spanish history: Contemporary Spain].
Barcelona, Spain: Labor.
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LATIN AMERICA CLUSTER

The Latin America cluster in the GLOBE Research Program consisted of the largest number of
countries in any one cluster; namely, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador,
El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, and Venezuela. Three of these countries, Argentina, Colombia,
and Mexico, are included in this volume.
The Latin America cluster scored high on only the In-Group Collectivism dimension of soci-
etal culture. It was in the midrange for Assertiveness, Gender Egalitarianism, Human Orientation,
and Power Distance. It scored low on Future Orientation, Institutional Collectivism, Performance
Orientation, and Uncertainty Avoidance (House et al., 2004).
Outstanding leaders in Latin America are expected to be Charismatic/Value Based and
Team Oriented. Participative leadership and Humane Oriented leadership are also positively
endorsed. Between-country variation is high for Participative leadership and low for Humane
Oriented leadership. The range of variation of endorsement for Autonomous leadership is
fairly wide from negative in Colombia, neutral in Mexico, and positive in Argentina, for
example. Self-Protective leadership is generally tolerated but not positively endorsed.
The most common feature running through the countries of this cluster is that of languages:
Spanish and Portuguese. The cluster is also generally known for personalism, particularism, and
paternalism (Osland, De Franco, & Osland, 1999). Rule of law is often moderated by personal
connections. The concepts of in-group and out-group are quite strong.

REFERENCES

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates. (2004).
Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Osland, J. S., De Franco, S., & Osland, A. (1999). Organizational implications of Latin American
culture: Lessons for the expatriate manager. Journal of Management Inquiry, 8(2), 219–234.

655
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Argentina: Crisis of Guidance

Carlos Altschul
Marina Altschul
Mercedes López
Maria Marta Preziosa
Flavio Ruffolo
Universidad de Buenos Aires

Argentina, “It is a difficult country” (Schvarzer, in Sábato, 1988, p. 7). Argentina had shown
extraordinary growth at the start of the 20th century after stagnation for about 60 years. In the
1990s it underwent major structural changes by developing democratic practices and liberal
economic policies. However, the reforms produced neither the economic nor the social results
that were expected. The current situation (1995) is characterized by a major debt burden polit-
ical and social uncertainty, corporate turbulence, and great personal strain, but growing
exports and conservative fiscal policies that have helped ease the situation, and the economy
is growing steadily, industrial and construction indicators have shown steady growth and
unemployment has decreased sensibly. Explanations for the crisis comprise macroeconomic
factors, lack of regulatory practices, political mismanagement, and administrative corruption.
In May 2003, a new administration was elected which instituted plans and is developing a
new balance of political, social, and economic goals and has since taken the country out of
economic default, and in search of a new balance. Three major improvements are generally
accepted: the renegotiation of the foreign debt, the strengthening of the Supreme Court, and
the government’s policy on human rights.
This chapter presents a synthesis of Argentine history, culture, and leadership that is meant
to help develop an understanding of the idiosyncratic nature of management roles in
Argentine business. In particular it deals with the dilemma of leadership that faces the task to
develop coherent national and regional strategies in order to meet the global challenges after
many decades of economic turbulence.

1. CURRENT DEMOGRAPHY

Located in the southern hemisphere of the American continent (Latin America), Argentina is
the eighth-largest country on the planet. It shares borders with Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay,
Brazil, and Uruguay and can be portioned into five geographic regions: The pampas and

657
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658 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

prairies in the north-east which form the economic center of the country, Mesopotamia, the
central low lands, the Andean zone in the East, and Patagonia in the south. Most of the coun-
try lies in the temperate zone. The total population is 36.1 million and 34% of them inhabit
Buenos Aires, the capital city.
Most Argentines come from European ancestry and few aborigines subsist as separate
ethnic groups. At the turn of the 19th to 20th century, four million immigrants arrived, 45%
from Italy, 32% from Spain, as well as from England, Germany, France, Switzerland,
Denmark, Poland, Russia, the Middle East, and Japan; for the past 40 years, immigration
from neighboring countries increased, driving a process of Latin-Americanization.
Quality of life may be measured by the facts that Argentina has the highest amount of tele-
phone main lines, and is second highest in personal computers and mobile phones in Latin
America. It has the smallest average family size in the region; has 2.7 physicians per 1,000
people, the highest rate for Latin American countries; and life expectancy is 73 years. Still,
at the time of the research project, it has the highest rate of unemployment in the GLOBE
sample with the exception of Morocco (House et al., 2004).
Argentina is self-sufficient in oil and gas; agriculture is its principal industry and it pro-
duces grains and cereals; cattle and sheep are raised on the vast fertile plains of the Central
region. Revenues from tourism have grown significantly. Substantial quantities of sugar, fruit,
wine, tobacco, cotton, and other internationally marketable products are also produced. Major
manufacturing industries include agro industries, food processing, petrochemicals, textiles,
chemicals, paper and cellulose, metallurgical (including steel), as well as trucks and automo-
biles. Between 1995 and 1999, Argentina had a trade surplus against Brazil (mostly manu-
factured goods), and a significant trade deficit with the United States and the European
Economic Union, mostly for food and fuels (CEPAL Foreign Trade data base, 2001).

2. CURRENT POLITICAL SYSTEM

Argentina is a federal republic with 23 provinces and a Federal Capital. The government
includes the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. National and provincial governments
are democratically chosen and the Constitution of 1853, its latest reform dates back to 1994,
is the oldest in Latin America and follows the North American model. Its executive branch
includes an all-powerful president; the National Congress consists of two legislative chambers;
and the judicial power is exercised by a Supreme Court and courts in the entire territory.
Provincial governors are chosen by direct ballot. Women were granted the vote in 1951.
Education plays a high-impact socializing role. The work force has levels of competence
comparable to those found in developed countries. Unions were created over sixty years ago
and their power has decreased; they have a positive attitude towards foreign investment.
Union membership is voluntary and collective bargaining is carried out freely. New ad hoc
spontaneous forms of protest and redress have grown, however, since 2003, as has union
activity.

3. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS AND THEIR ECONOMICAL IMPACT

Independent Argentina emerged between 1810 and 1816 with a revolutionary war process
against Spain. Efforts to institutionally organize the region failed due to an extended
confrontation with influential porteños (i.e. inhabitants of Buenos Aires), who wanted to hold
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 659

on to National political power, eliminate federalism and the political autonomy of provinces.
Political fragmentation based on irreconcilable positions lasted until 1862, with cruel civil
wars interspersed with periods of law and order. In 1853, the provinces agreed to sanction a
National Constitution. A federal presidential republic was instituted, but the agreement was
fractured and it took many years for the country to reach unification.
Provinces (i.e., the Argentine local political administrative units) were lead by caudillos,
charismatic leaders who emerged during the wars of independence. Civil war gave them auton-
omy and made them warrantors of the provincial order. They were locally based, protected the
population, owned land and cattle, and were supported by arms. As a product of the militariza-
tion of a period when city folk deferred to rural landlords, this process supported a personality
cult around caudillo leaders, which influenced the societal culture and leadership practice.
In colonial times the local economy relied on a trade circuit that joined the Peruvian silver
mines with Europe. The harbor of Buenos Aires complemented Spanish monopoly with
smuggling. The wars of the 19th century destroyed this system, while the plains around the
River Plate basin witnessed expansion due to international demands for hides. Cattle ranch-
ers implemented a rational exploitation system called estancias, some including rudimentary
salting plants. Lacking manpower and capital, landowners increased property size while
provincial economies suffered a crisis, showing the unequal economic growth patterns
between the prairies and the rest of the country.
After 1863, peace allowed the slow development of a National State and the establishment
of a market economy. Political leadership was held by an elite of visionaries, intent on mod-
ernizing the country. Through a network of personal loyalties and electoral fraud, protected
by power concentration and control of the State, this liberal group became a conservative
regime which resisted constitutional norms and warranties until 1916.
Progress required the adaptation of the economy to world market needs. Relying on its
natural competitive advantages and following criteria of international division of labor, the
Argentine economy specialized in the export of agrarian goods. In the 1850s and 1860s excel-
lent results were obtained by the persistent international demand for wool. In the 1870s deci-
sive organizational changes were brought about, with a successful diversification process
which significantly pushed corn, wheat and bovine meat production.
Renewal stimulated the growth of a modern infrastructure. Considerable foreign capital
investments contributed to the development of transportation and ports, public, commercial
and financial services. Argentina enjoyed exceptional prosperity until 1930. Auspicious cir-
cumstances added to sustained growth, trade complementation with England, both a capital
and industrial goods supplier and the major market for consumption of Argentine goods.
World War I altered this pattern and showed the external vulnerability of an economy based
exclusively on food exports.
Major waves of European immigrants settled in the interior, contributed to urbanization
and created a prosperous middle class. Producers developed many organizational and techni-
cal improvements that favored grain and meat exports. Landowners increased their capacity
to accumulate capital, diversified, and introduced flexibility investing in other fields of busi-
ness. In spite of progress, the conservative order could not resist democratic adherence to a
new party, the Unión Cívica Radical, whose leader, Yrigoyen, was elected President in 1916.
His party expressed the needs and desires of the rising middle class, formerly excluded from
political power. His administration instituted respect for constitutional principles, although it
held on to the existing economic and social structure.
Food and textile plants started; trade restrictions from World War I stimulated the emer-
gence of workshops. Vigorous industrial growth and new industries sprouted in the 1920s
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660 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

such as, chemicals, paper, cement, and metallurgy. Manufacturing was oriented toward the
local market and relied on imported equipment. Blue collar anarchist and socialist protests
activated union growth, and were repressed. Subsidiaries of multinational firms developed as
Argentina started oil production.
The world crisis of the 1930s pulverized the economic structures. Collapse contributed to
the fall of the government and initiated a series of military coups. Conservative forces held
on to power through fraud. Depression interrupted capital entry, international prices plum-
meted and profits reduced dramatically. The government was slow to apply interventionist
measures. Pressures on the currency and fluctuations in exchange rates led to devaluation, and
increased unemployment. Balance of payments and foreign trade demanded the establish-
ment of a new relationship between England, the United States, and Argentina, but a weak
government privileged English and local landowners’ interests.
Thus, Argentina lost the opportunity to open its economy. Although industry grew, protec-
tionism and scarcity of foreign currency stimulated a manufactured imports’ substitution pro-
gram. Industrial plants of medium complexity took advantage of an expanding internal
market, which insured investment recovery and high profits. Businessmen disregarded effi-
ciency and quality considerations. A small group of families dominated metallurgy, metal-
mechanics, textile equipment, cement, and paper, that is, high profit, dynamic sectors,
whereas small and medium-size plants profited through the extensive use of manpower. World
War II reinforced this process.
Social unrest and the government’s lack of popular support strengthened a group of Army
officers who wanted an active and efficient State to promote a program of National industrial
development. These ideas gained consensus and lead them to bring down the conservative
administration in 1943. General Perón, a charismatic leader, organized blue-collar workers
through a vertical union system which was the backbone for the popular movement which
lead him to the Presidency twice. In 9 years of government, Perón promoted income redistri-
bution in favor of the workers, strengthened the internal market, and created full employment.
The State increased its influence over the productive system and displaced foreign capital.
Its progressive welfare programs in education, health, social services, and labor legislation
consolidated his power base.
Until the 1950s, global issues stimulated industrial expansion in consumer goods and light
manufacturing. In the 1940s, manufactured products were exported, however, this did not last
and the imports’ substitution approach was reinstated. Factory growth implied an income
transfer against land products which continued to be the sector that most contributed to gen-
eration of funds needed for technology acquisition. The economy slowed down in the 1950s,
with public deficit and inflation increasing. Union pressures deteriorated plant discipline,
decreased productivity, and slowed down investments.
Political issues and economic difficulties resulted in Perón’s downfall in 1955 and until
1976, the Argentine political process became intricate and unstable. Choices seemed
restricted to alternating fragile semidemocratic administrations and military dictatorships,
which became more violent as time passed. Argentina was influenced by continental issues.
The United States created the Alliance for Progress, which promoted democracy, economic
and social progress for Latin America; later the Cuban revolution and Communism affected
this strategy, which backed authoritarian regimes through the doctrine of national security.
Simultaneously, a new South American institution, the Economic Commission for Latin
America, promoted modernizing structural reforms to overcome underdevelopment; at the
same time, anti-imperialist feelings came to the fore.
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 661

Between 1958 and 1976, administrations adopted a modernizing approach to integrate an

industrial economy, termed desarrollismo (i.e., developmentalism). It opened the local
market to foreign investment, relied on State planning and on scientific and technical renewal.
Considerable support was extended to local and foreign investment, which produced major
achievements in chemicals, petrochemicals, steel, metal mechanics, automotives, machine
tools, paper, cement, and self-supply in oil and energy. Looking backwards, however, one
must temper these results. Growth generated industrial development and serviced unsatisfied
local demands. Foreign industry introduced state-of-the-art technologies and management,
even if imported equipment were expensive. Manufacturing expansion was quick and disor-
derly. Furthermore, foreign firms had greater productive capacity than required and this
affected profitability.
Industrial modernization increased technical and management competence in local firms,
many of which acted as suppliers and subcontractors for the foreign corporations. They made
up a vibrant entrepreneurial group who built a strong productive network throughout the
country. Small firms received active credit policies because they provided employment.
Economic indicators show 6% annual growth in 1963/1974. Even in the 1970s, industries
exported products and made investments abroad. Low productivity and efficiency were its
major weaknesses, however. Businesses were protected, in a vibrant non-competitive market,
with captive customers who paid generous prices for low-quality goods. Modernization also
extended to the rural context, where after more than 30 years, cultivation and exports grew.
Expansion insured full employment and increased workers’ incomes. They benefited even
if they did not participate beyond their unions, which retained considerable influence. Every
administration acknowledged union power. This explains the relevance of Keynesian policy,
although periodic crises emerged with the downfall of currency reserves due to major bal-
ance-of-payments deficits, which called for the application of orthodox monetary stabiliza-
tion measures with authoritarian clout. State participation always was a decisive agent for the
promotion of the economy.
In the years following the Great Depression, per capita income rose quicker in Brazil,
Mexico, New Zealand, Canada, and Australia than in Argentina, which showed the failure of
the imports’ substitution strategy to generate sustained growth. In the 1960s, productive
forces started to develop, but the economy again stopped after 1975. An analysis of the
Argentine case shows three major hurdles: (a) foreign dependency: minimal internal savings
capability to finance investments provoked major problems in balance of payments and level
of reserves; (b) sector rivalries: permanent conflict over income distribution, between agrar-
ian and industrial sectors, and between corporations and workers; and (c) inflation: where
Argentina had one of the highest rates in the 20th century.
The 1970s witnessed a revival of crude violence and authoritarianism. It worsened with the
death of Perón during his third term in office. He left a power vacuum which opened the way
to the military, which started the most tragic period in the country’s history, between 1976 and
1983. An ignominious reign of terror paralyzed Argentina, even as it attempted to transform
the bases of the economy. The financial and import sectors were privileged, while a funda-
mentalist approach opened the market to foreign products and provoked deindustrialization.
Simultaneously, the liberalization of the financial market sparked speculative fever, which
was exacerbated by inadequate currency exchange policies against the U.S. dollar. This led
Argentina to an alarming level of foreign indebtedness. The economic establishment solidi-
fied in a group of highly concentrated national and foreign enterprises, diversified in their
activities and integrated in their management. Closely linked to the State, these firms obtained
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662 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

lucrative deals. As a powerful business lobby, they became State suppliers and
subcontractors. The ravages of inflation hurt employees, workers and small industries.
By 1983, Argentina found itself in a situation fraught with difficulties. Its military gov-
ernment was repudiated for major human rights violations and its wretched economic admin-
istration. Its fall was accelerated by the war lost to Great Britain in the Falklands/Malvinas,
plus the impact of the crisis of the Latin American foreign debt that interrupted the flow of
international loans to the region. A democratic system was instituted and President Alfonsín
was chosen. Argentine society recovered its dignity and institutions, overcoming its inheri-
tance of authoritarianism and intolerance.
Reconstructing its economy was one of the major assignments, a task that is currently
under way. The new administration wanted to subordinate the economy to the logic of poli-
tics, becoming aware too late of the complex and delicate situation of State resources. It did
not adequately measure the ability of the financial and monetary systems, nor the degree of
power held by the major local and foreign economic groups. Decision making towards sov-
ereign or regionally inspired initiatives was rigorously opposed by the commitments required
by foreign debt creditors, in addition to the requirements of the International Monetary Fund.
The first democratic government instituted various economic programs with small suc-
cesses and major failures. This translated into a learning process for Argentine society, until
it finally understood the nature of the crisis and the scope and imminence of the required
transformations. The economy became unsettled between 1989 and 1991, with gross price
hyperinflation and abrupt devaluation of the currency. These lead to the fall of the govern-
ment. A new administration took over, lead by President Menem, who expediently ruled
during two consecutive periods, 1989/1999.
Increasing economic difficulties caused a loss of autonomy of Argentine rulers.
Globalization added to this process, and the weakness of Argentine economy allowed for
influence from outside. The economic uncertainty allowed the United States of America, the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to exercise a monitoring role over the local
administration. Control centered on the destiny of international loans, that is, goals and objec-
tives; conditions, results, and periodic inspections to verify compliance. This implied estab-
lishing a new relationship with the U.S. government, aligning Argentine policies with its
directives and strategies.
President Menem contained the inflationary debacle and solved state bankruptcy. The
monetary system was stabilized in 1991, with the satisfactory application of the Currency
Board measures. This cleansed the public deficit and gave way to an active program of State
offices’ re-structuring. An over-arching program of privatization of public companies took
place in the first years of his administration.
The scope and intensity of the privatizations were critical, but their results were positive
and negative. Considerable investments arrived and technology was modernized, which
improved the quality of the services transferred. Still, most privatizations were discretionally
assigned and gave way to illegitimate projects resulting in large contingents of workers who
lost their jobs and raised unemployment sky high. The rapidity of the process did not allow
for rigorous implementation of control mechanisms over quality and tariffs. Besides, privati-
zations and reforms were carried out through capitalization processes, as well as through
recovery of foreign debt titles, which 10 years later duplicated country indebtedness. Foreign
commitments became critical with the deregulation and liberalization of the Argentine econ-
omy, which although integrated to the global market, is subordinated to the new world order
that defines Argentina as a high-risk, emerging country. (1995)
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 663

Major macroeconomic achievements must be acknowledged, including real-term 34%

gross national product (GNP) growth between 1990 and 1995; and a 22% annual accumulated
level of growth since 1991. Market forces did not solve the problems of the Argentine econ-
omy. Much to the contrary, evidences show a deepening of the difficulties caused by the
effects of adventure capitalism (Weber, 1992).
In 1995 conditions worsened. Unemployment, social marginalization and street violence
have increased. A recession is in place since 1997; efforts to combat it only began to emerge
in 2003 and are making headway. Depressive trends have not been reversed and major
changes are not expected to occur shortly. The democratic election of a new President in 2003
and the need to redefine priorities, however, opened the way to a review of past practices and
a search for more balanced forms of economic consolidation.

4. MANAGEMENT IN ARGENTINA

Contemporary Studies

We use two criteria to analyze management studies in Argentina, one chronological, concen-
trating on those written after the economy opened in 1989, and a second one defined by
(a) cultural factors, that is, those centering on the values of the Argentine business leaders and
(b) structural considerations, that is, those that govern the link between managerial behavior,
and the macroeconomic and social conditions in the country.
Lewis (1993) lists the explanations given for the causes of Argentine decline. The most fre-
quently cited are: (a) the resistance of the traditional oligarchy to accept social and political
change; (b) military meddling which exacerbated instability; (c) exploitation by foreign cap-
ital; (d) the absence of an industrial class with entrepreneurial skills, (e) the machinations of
Perón, and (f) the Argentine national character which impedes cooperation (p. 23ff).
Two interpretations are offered here that relate societal cultural and economic develop-
ments to managerial values in Argentina. The first focuses on the absence of an industrial
bourgeoisie which is a result of the structural weaknesses of the Latin American economy
(e.g., due to their colonial origins or their high vulnerability in the face of world markets given
their being primary-goods producers). Within this conception, economic backwardness inhib-
ited capital accumulation in the local markets and required State intervention to mobilize the
needed resources to undertake industrialization processes already in place in other countries.
The state became a decisive player in economic development and subordinated both the mar-
ket as a resource allocator as well as the country’s industrial strategies to its decisions.
Consequently, the emerging and weak industrial bourgeoisies found their growth tied to rela-
tionships with the state, which postponed innovation, efficiency, risk taking, and competitive
initiatives.
The second interpretation focuses on the basis of factors characteristic of the region and
holds that the absence of industrial leadership was due to the fact that in those countries the
traditional oligarchic landowning class effectively consolidated its position. Developmental
attempts of competing industrial bourgeoisies were rigorously resisted, postponed and inhib-
ited due to the exclusive access to the existing power structures, and the great privileges
enjoyed during those decades.
In his analysis of Argentina’s economic involution, Sábato (1988) holds that the dominant
elite was present in a variety of economic endeavors, had attained unity as a group, and its
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664 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

control of financial and commercial opportunities allowed it to participate in a wide range of

productive and speculative activities. In this sense:

To the degree that if the economy as a whole were subject to pronounced fluctuations or to
uneven developments of its component sectors, its extraordinary flexibility to place its excess rev-
enues tended to inhibit the development of specialized fixed investments, investments were only
minimally channeled towards productive endeavors, thus postponing the development of the pro-
ductive capacity of society as a whole and the organization of a capitalist system. (p. 109ff)

Waisman (1987) suggested that the reversal of development was due to the fact that in the
1920s, Argentine institution building was well advanced but the process was maimed by the
surge of the Great Depression. The reversal is explained by the combination of structural fac-
tors, concentration of agrarian property, lack of manpower reserves, and erroneous political
decisions, including indiscriminate industrial protectionism.
In his analysis of Argentine capitalism’s future perspectives, Ferrer (1998) identified major
trends in the international order, as well as the countries that overcame their relative back-
wardness and joined the ranks of advanced industrial economies (p. 13ff). He concluded that
although the recent Menem administration established a political alliance between local inter-
est groups, popular support, and international power centers, the incapacity to service foreign
debt with exports made the country dependent on debtors’ decisions (p. 89ff).
Schvarzer (1996) completed a political and social history of Argentine industry and sug-
gested the reasons for it not becoming an effective engine for economic development. More
recently, Schvarzer (2001) showed that the poor results obtained in local growth dynamics
and distributive equity show that the open economy model firmly implanted since 1975 has
not produced desired improvements and new strategies must be evolved (p. 6).
Argentina systematically has a great surplus in food and fuels and a deficit in manufac-
tured goods. Bouzas and Fanelli (2001) believe Argentina must concentrate on multilateral
liberalization and regionalism. They see Mercosur, the Southern Cone economic alliance, as
a key developmental strategy to face the challenge of globalization and to build the shared
economic space that will accelerate productivity growth (p. 250ff).
Developments deriving from the opening of the economy deserve attention: the interna-
tionalization of banking and commerce, the corporate purchase of local industries, the
onslaught of worldwide competition, the development of communicational and systems tech-
nologies, the new legal framework, as well as the de-layering and restructuring of firms,
impacted on management practices. However, two tendencies are at loggerheads: the devel-
opment of organizational learning, as against a winner-take-all mentality.
López (2000) found that an uncertain and ever-changing context produces disciplined sub-
jectivities, the obverse of what the management literature holds: autonomous, creative man-
agers, self-motivated towards permanent growth (Bennis & Nanus, 1985; Schein, 1985;
Senge, 1990). Participants defined success as the possibility to strike a balance between pro-
fessional and personal lives. But instituting a new organization needs new technical contents,
as well as the production of disciplined subjectivity. New organizational practices are insti-
tuted in a setting of high competitiveness with fierce and open rivalries for jobs; and are based
on business criteria, where one may not be able to retain one’s job even if one fully satisfies
the requirements for the job. Gantman (1994) also points to a management paradigm that
increases inequalities and legitimates a two-tier social order, with winners and losers, where
total responsibility lies in each individual. A new individualism emerges side by side of a nar-
cissistic paradigm. Etkin (1999) writes about institutionalized corruption: the destructive
effects of pragmatism, amorality in management and ethical transgressions.
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 665

Corporations are hostile because they create a stage in which pragmatism is the predomi-
nant value, people are a resource for goal attainment, demands are exacting, and contracts are
precarious. Still, corporate positions are valued because the inverse implies exclusion.
Moreover, when interesting work and training is found in companies, growth is enhanced.
People must therefore be docile. Future scenarios can only be conjectured. Participants
express their hopes and fears; but seem incapable of delving into what is happening because
they are overpowered by unpredictability, as well as by the dissolution of former references
(López, 2000).
Organizational changes show this dilemma is faced daily by managers, that is, enlightened
and narcissistic leadership patterns, at odds with one another. Executives attest to the grow-
ing interest in management as an authority system and to the need to institute leadership in
complex organizations. Numerous conventions and consulting research projects identify
obstacles and show progress made installing rule-oriented behaviors (IDEA, 1992, 1993,
1996, 1999). Still, the pace is slow and the vision emphasizes survival rather than growth.
Participants point to contradictions between stated desires to institute empowerment and team
work, and the lack of support for such practices. The economy is open, firms incorporate effi-
cient methods, but authoritarian practices remain. Reference should be made to Weber’s
(1992) reminder to contrast the notions of “modern rational capitalism which has need not
only of the technical means of production, but of a calculable legal system and of adminis-
tration in terms of formal rules” as against “adventurous and speculative trading capitalism”
(p. xxxviii) “bound to no ethical norms whatever” (p. 22).

5. RESEARCH RESULTS

Societal Culture: Results Derived From Quantitative Research

GLOBE Questionnaires were distributed during the most conflicting period since the pro-
mulgation of the Currency Board system, under which the local peso was tied to the dollar at
par. At that time, managers and employees were under great strain. The Mexican financial cri-
sis (December 1994) caused a decrease of economic activity and made access to credit impos-
sible, which accompanied by privatizations, State reform and the incorporation of
technologies, increased unemployment from 10.8% in May 1995, to 18.6% twelve months
later. Industrial activity stagnated for 9 months.
Besides, it is unusual to carry out industrial research in Argentina, and conditions had to
be generated. Preparation required patience and insistence. Purposes and action plans were
carefully communicated. Information was circulated to 22 food industry and 20 financial
firms; meetings were called to present goals and benefits; and interviews were held with top
managers. As a result, 4 food-processing and 5 financial services firms participated: 217 ques-
tionnaires were distributed and 153 responses were tabulated, that is, 71% of invitees. The
prestige of sponsoring institutions gave GLOBE credibility, but in the light of closings and
deactivation of labor laws, it was thought that many would refuse, or would cooperate from
fear. Demographic data collection were not collected because it was felt it would diminish
participation. Still, an overall sample profile was gathered: All respondents are native Spanish
speakers, in second- or third-generation Argentines, and have graduated from High School at
least. Sixty-seven percent are under 35 years of age and 85% live in or close to Buenos Aires
the capital city.
In the following, information is offered and discussed on each of the nine societal culture
GLOBE dimensions (see Table 18.1).
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666 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

TABLE 18.1
Culture Scales on Society Level

Society Culture Society Culture

“As Is” “Should Be” Difference
“Should Be”
Cultural Dimension Mean Rank Mean Rank – “As Is”

Performance Orientation 3.65 52 6.35 9 2.70

Future Orientation 3.08 60 5.78 19 2.70
Assertiveness 4.22 24 3.25 51 −0.93
Institutional Collectivism 3.66 58 5.32 8 1.66
Gender Egalitarianism 3.49 26 4.98 12 1.49
Humane Orientation 3.99 32 5.58 20 1.59
Power Distance 5.64 5 2.33 56 −3.31
In-Group Collectivism 5.51 28 6.15 7 0.64
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.65 47 4.66 36 1.01

Performance Orientation. The GLOBE aggregated scale scores indicate that Argentina
ranks 52nd out of 61 countries in Performance Orientation: 3.65 for “As Is” and 6.35 for
“Should Be.” The gap is large and significant. Performance Orientation is a key factor on
which change is most desired. Switzerland is the country with the highest “As Is” rating,
while El Salvador’s “Should Be” values are close to Argentina’s.
Argentina flourished taking advantage of its vast natural resources until the 1930s. Since
then it tried out many competitive options. All these failed, and Argentines believe that the
current downfall (1995) of the major efforts undertaken in the 1990s derive from the lack of
a well-conceived and agreed-upon strategic plan. Decision makers, who have direct access to
the sources of political and economic power, act barely within the borderlines of legality:
“Our genes and our historical education have trained us to despise the law, or at least to han-
dle ourselves subjectively, to speculate, and to try to take advantage of the rules” (Denevi, in
Lóizaga, p. 93). Often, executives incorporate the concept of achievement, but it is not preva-
lent in society. Moreover, whenever mention is made of performance in a public statement,
such a reference is suspect, duly interpreted to be inapplicable, and dismissed.
With developing democratic institutions and no inflation, two causes of anxiety have dis-
appeared. Even so, the anomic component is still there in that Argentines are rule breakers
(Isuani, 1998). Nino (1992) analyzed the link between inefficiency and underdevelopment
and wrote “there is a recurring trend in Argentine society to anomie in general and to illegal-
ity in particular,” that is, towards the breaking of juridical, moral, and social rules. He con-
sidered Argentina “a country outside the law” insofar as “the anomic factor generates reduced
levels of efficiency and productivity” (p. 25).
Competition makes it imperative to develop professional ideas in strategy development,
goal establishment, resource allocation, time management, weighing of alternatives, results
measurement and action plan adjustment. The current explosion in books, specialized maga-
zines, seminars, and postgraduate courses in Business Administration testifies to the need for
the assimilation of such criteria. The relevance awarded to the Performance Orientation
“Should Be” dimension points to an emerging trend. It places emphasis on achievement and
distinguishes power from authority. Argentines value performance and state that it is
neglected and not appreciated. Argentines are adept at surviving by their wits. Respondents
use them in their individual pursuits, but find they are not applied in Argentine society.
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 667

Future Orientation. Argentina ranked 60th out of the 61 GLOBE countries in Future
Orientation “As Is” (3.08) and 19th for “Should Be” (5.78). The gap is again large and sig-
nificant. Future Orientation is a second key factor on which a positive change is desired.
Singapore is the state with the highest “As Is” rating, while Russia’s “Should Be” rating is as
low as Argentina’s.
At the start of the century Argentina seemed destined to greatness, but the country slid into
a permanent state of vulnerability, economic depression and political instability that gave way
to the emigration, in the last 40 years of 2 million university graduates, artists, trades people,
scientists, and blue-collar workers who started new lives outside their own country, due to polit-
ical hardship and to intransigence (Bunge, cited in Barón, del Carril & Gómez, l995, p. 61).
Emigration is still a major concern and many emigrate. Fifty seven percent of the
employed fear they may lose their jobs; and respected economists question the common sense
behind the measures taken by the government (“They either devaluate or kill the population”
Fitoussi, Clarín, June, 2001).
The relevance awarded to Future Orientation dimension merits attention because
Argentines live through an apparently unsolvable crisis. The Economist (June 23, 2001, p. 11)
stated that “Argentina’s Currency Board precludes devaluation and puts monetary policy off
limits. The country’s debt burden leaves no room for looser fiscal policy.” This is a major
plight as seen by the comment that follows: “Unfortunately, his (the Minister of the Economy)
latest decision - to mimic a devaluation by offering exporters a subsidy and importers a tar-
iff, may be a step too far.”

Assertiveness. Argentina ranks 24th out of 61 countries in Assertiveness “As Is” (4.22)
and 51st for “Should Be” (3.25). Albania is the country with the highest “As Is” rating, while
Sweden shows the lowest. The “As Is” score identifies a typical Latin American culture. The
position of Argentina lies close to Colombia (25th), Brazil (26th), Venezuela (20th), México
(16th), and Ecuador (32nd), and fits also within the Latin European cluster, represented for
example, by Spain (17th) and Italy (34th) or France (30th).
“In other modern Western societies, intransigence suggests dogmatism and rigidity. In
Argentina it is understood as principled, moral and a defense of the truth. It denotes such
orthodox, correct postures that practically all transactions are excluded” (Shumway, 1993,
p. 56). This difficulty to reconcile opposing goals is observed in most negotiations, where
confrontation is highly valued. As Altschul (1999) observes, “Among us, negotiation defers
to harassment and vanquishment, to ‘we had to give up,’ to ‘I couldn’t have it my way,’ con-
notes pushy sales techniques, and evokes crooked dealings” (p. 16, 23ff).
Audacity is called for, rather than courage; adventurousness not bravery. Writing about
Australia, Ashkanasy (chap. 9, this volume) say about Australia that there is a need to rely on
an inspiring leader to carry them to the First World. The past histories of Australia and
Argentina, which show parallels in their social development, egalitarianism, discrimination
and changes, processes that ride on a history of elimination of aborigines, admiration for indi-
vidualist leadership, and early women’s suffrage, may explain the similar demand for a decid-
edly assertive style with authoritarian overtones.

Collectivism I: Institutional Collectivism. Argentina ranks 58th out of the 61 GLOBE

countries in Collectivism I: Institutional Collectivism “As Is” (3.66) and 8th for “Should Be”
(5.32). Sweden is the country with the highest “As Is” rating, while Greece’s “Should Be” val-
ues are close to Argentina’s. The “As Is” position of Argentina lies close other countries of
the Latin American cluster, such as Brazil (52nd), Colombia (53rd), Guatemala (56th), El
Salvador (55th), and Ecuador (48th), and also lies close to Spain (51st) and Italy (57th).
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668 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

Hofstede (1984) categorized Argentina as individualistically oriented, and GLOBE scale

scores place it at the end of the Collectivism spectrum. This may be attributed to an entrenched
feeling of abandonment present in Argentine society. The Menem administration used plenipo-
tentiary powers and promised a future of splendor as a result of the privatization, deregulation,
and opening of the economy. The continued demands of new adjustments, a euphemism for
junk-job creation, delayering, salary cuts and firings, the Currency Board system had created a
sense of despondency; and the repeated schisms in political life contributed to detract from the
actual benefits of the program. People feel that society and its structures were destroyed and
their values have been laid to waste. People are anxious, feel alienated, feel there is nobody to
turn to, or to listen to. They feel menaced by failure. People feel they do not belong, vent their
anger after soccer matches. This has improved since the advent of the Kirchner presidency, how-
ever. “Cambalache,” a popular tango from the 1930s, repeatedly recalls loss of values.
Fundamentalist churches and New Age cults spring up in poorer districts, while 91% say
they “believe in God,” although only 22.5% are regular church goers. Moreover, 83.7% of
Catholic women and 88.1% of Catholic men believe in UFOs and extraterrestrial beings;
60.0% believe in magic-spells, curses, and charms (Baamonde, 2000). Argentine society per-
ceives itself as apolitical: “We have an immature democracy” (74.6%); “We lack years of
democracy” (27.3%); “No politician satisfies me” (71.3%).

Gender Egalitarianism. Argentina ranks 26th out of 61 countries in Gender

Egalitarianism “As Is” (3.49) and for 12th for “Should Be” (4.98). Hungary is the country
with the highest “As Is” ranking, while South Korea ranks lowest. Hofstede (1984) placed
Argentina in the middle of the spectrum, though closer to masculinity (20th/21st among 53
countries). Today the gap between the “As Is” and the “Should Be” value stands at 1.49.
Altogether, it seems that Argentine managers with mainly urban background feel they are rea-
sonably egalitarian.
Answers correspond to a society with a diminished sexual role division. Today 91.8% of
people polled say that a woman may fulfill herself at work and professionally, while 50 years
ago only 16.4% thought so; “may go out with her friends or alone” passes from 12.3% 50
years ago to a current 77.9%; and questioned on adultery: “Do you believe men are less loyal
than in the past?,” 50.8% agree, while the same question on women produces 70.5% agree-
ment, which shows a perceptual change on autonomy.
Significant changes in women’s social incorporation include young women leaving par-
ents’ homes before young men, contributing significantly to the family budget, and raising
families without men’s help. Women make up close to 60% of all university students, and they
are hired in professional positions previously limited to men. Women occupy more political
positions since the Quota Law, in the development and leadership of nongovernmental orga-
nizations, and in public welfare institutions. Since October 2001, Argentina has been a coun-
try with very high representation of women in legislature (Clarín, July 4, 2001). Furthermore,
the paradigmatic role of the Mothers and Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo in their search for
“the disappeared” during the military dictatorship, as well as in social protest manifestations
commands respect. In the work environment, women represent 40% of the labor force in
Buenos Aires and its outskirts, although this growth is limited to short-term, low-qualification
jobs (INDEC, 1999).

Humane Orientation. Argentina ranks 32nd out of the 61 GLOBE countries in Humane
Orientation “As Is” (3.99) and 20th for “Should Be” (5.58). Zambia is the country with the
highest “As Is” rating, while former West Germany ranks lowest.
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 669

Argentina has a long tradition of charitable institutions that maintain continuity by patronage,
many of which emerge to complement tasks left unfulfilled by the state. Parents’ cooperatives
exist in schools and hospitals, neighbors’ contributions supplement police stations’ and fire-
men’s budgets, and sundry nongovernment institutions subsidize community projects in back-
ward areas whose legitimate revenues do not cover the needs of their inhabitants.
More recently a great diversity of neighborhood, municipal, provincial and national soli-
darity institutions were created to gather and manage funds for welfare purposes, structured
around specific needs of each population: unwed mothers, retirees, AIDS patients, street
children, Falklands/Malvinas ex-combatants, and so on. Mostly in silence, they have built a
solid reputation, and are now courted by the media, because throughout the years, diverse
public institutions had absconded with voluntary contributions.
Argentines value their current level of Humane Orientation, desire to uphold and increase
it. Related to the weight assigned to Performance Orientation and Future Orientation greater
emphasis is required on developing “crecimiento con equidad,” growth-with-fairness mecha-
nisms (Fanelli, 1999).
An interesting opposition emerges from relating the answers to the Humane Orientation
and Collectivism I: Societal Emphasis dimensions. Argentina is rated among the most indi-
vidualist countries in the project but rates high on Collectivism II: Family Collectivism. This
is consistent with experience, as for example when the Divorce law was enforced in 1987, the
figure for new wedding ceremonies increased in comparison with that of divorces, as a greater
quantity of couples legalized their situation, whereas distanced couples had already separated
independently of the law (INDEC, 1999). At the same time, executives interviewed define
their success primarily in terms of balance between family satisfaction and professional suc-
cess, and not on the basis of their work performance (López, 2000).

Power Distance. Argentina ranks 5th out of the 61 GLOBE countries in Power Distance
“As Is” (5.64) and 56th for “Should Be” (2.33). This is the dimension with the largest gap
between current and desired values. Morrocco and Nigeria are the countries with the highest “As
Is” ratings, while Denmark has the lowest ranking. The other Latin American countries, with the
exception of Bolivia, which often parallels Argentina’s data, cluster around these figures.
Argentina is politically and economically a centralized nation. The essayistic literature
holds that the leader manipulates through charisma. Denevi quotes Marañón, a Spanish
thinker, as saying that “a good politician should combine lack of scruples, an exaltation of
ideas, coolness, obduracy and malice” (Denevi, in Lóizaga, p. 88). The relationship between
the leader and the community answers to a direct and informal content. That helps explain
why even the most temperate politician adopts a populist style; a feature that extends to the
business environment and generates the model of the patrón, very much the lord of the manor.
Thus great oversized confrontations, never continuities, persist in Argentina, and divisions
circumscribe objectivity, balance, and tolerance.
Within the 53 countries studied, Hofstede (1984) categorized Argentina near Brazil, and
far from other Latin American countries. Argentina’s GLOBE scale scores display a more
central position within Latin American countries. In spite of major macroeconomic achieve-
ments, the 1990s show arbitrary use of political and economic power in Argentina: GLOBE
responses show this when middle managers interpret that “people in positions of authority
wish to exercise power for power itself.”
Argentines feel attached to the barrio (neighborhood), where a person grew up and where
public reputation is anchored. In this context, the escrache, which involves soiling a person’s
house front, searches for reparation by affecting his family reputation. It is a social manifestation
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670 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

that developed as a tool for redress, an ephemeral and preannounced enactment with which a
group shames a person held responsible for an injustice or a collective abuse, and constitutes a
symbolic action of censure, vilification, and amends. It publicizes indignation in the light of
repugnant actions and exhibits moral judgment because existing due process is insufficient to
mete out sanctions.

Collectivism II: In-Group Collectivism. Argentina ranks 28th out of the 61 GLOBE
countries in Collectivism II: In-Group Collectivism “As Is” (5.51) and 7th for “Should Be”
(6.15). The Philippines is the country with the highest “As Is” value, while Denmark’s has the
lowest. Argentina is positioned within the Latin American culture cluster on the “As Is”
Collectivism II, for example, Costa Rica (33rd), El Salvador (32nd), Bolivia (29th),
Venezuela (24th), and not too far from Brazil (38th) and Guatemala (17th), and also close to
Spain (30th) and Italy (41st).
In Argentina the family constitutes a vital center of social activity; besides being highly
media oriented as five of the major pastimes take place in the home, and 50% of people con-
sulted watch between two and three hours of TV per day.
This is extended to the context of friendship, and valued institutions such as the ronda del
mate, the drinking of maté tea, where the tea is sipped through a bombilla, a metal tube: the
gourd being again replenished after each person drinks, the next person sips through the same
bombilla, as well as the asado, a barbecue where the man of the house prepares food for
family and friends. An unobtrusive measure of In-Group Collectivism is seen in airports
where it is usual for entire extended families to see a relative off or to wait for them upon their
return from a trip: the emotions displayed being independent of the fact that whoever leaves
or returns may have been away for a very short period. Recent findings (Markwald, 2005)
confirm the strength of this trait. They show that children from Argentina, as compared to
those in Brazil, Colombia, Chile, and Mexico, share more activities with friends and that
these relationships are critical in the upbringing.
As Cozarinsky (1995) writes: “Every time I go to Buenos Aires I run into the extraordinary
human quality of the Argentines. In Argentine society one immediately and very firmly feels the
presence of individuals. One is put in contact with the others. They immediately embrace, kiss,
touch. It’s not something that I particularly enjoy but it expresses enormous affect related to
behaviors of archaic Mediterranean societies. Unfortunately these societies are fully incapable
of organizing daily lives” (Cozarinsky, cited in Barón, del Carril, Gómez, 1995, p. 149).
In the face of globalization, the tendency is to leave the public scene and retreat to the pri-
vate fold: 78.7% consider that happiness means having a nice family, 50.8% having a nice
(marriage) partner; 44.3% having many friends.

Uncertainty Avoidance. Scale scores rank Argentina 47th out of the 61 GLOBE countries
on Uncertainty Avoidance “As Is” (3.65) and 36th for “Should Be” (4.66). The gap is large and
significant and change is highly desired. Switzerland is the country with the highest Uncertainty
Avoidance “As Is” rating, while Russia has the lowest. Again, on “As Is” scores, Argentina is
well positioned within the Latin American cluster, for example, Brazil (51st), Colombia (52nd),
El Salvador (50th), and not far from Costa Rica (40th), Ecuador (43rd), Bolivia (57th),
Venezuela (55th), Guatemala (58th), and lies close to Spain (36th) and Italy (41st). GLOBE fig-
ures show a small gap (1.01) between the “As Is” (3.65) and “Should Be” values (4.66).
Improvisation and short-term actions are major part of public and private life, and explain fail-
ures in complex endeavors that require a careful evaluation of goals, means, stakeholders, and
deriving critical learning from experience. The ability to deal ingeniously and extemporaneously
in the face of uncertainty is a prized attribute: from a positive angle it builds flexibility, whereas,
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 671

from the negative side, it favors makeshift solutions and trickery. These are complementary
features that help to construct an identity. This also postpones decision making, which in a
changing context implied taking on risks and helps zafar, that is, shunning.
In the last decade, and as a result of inflation control, two contradictory processes have
arisen in Argentina: a greater degree of planning in the face of uncertainty. However, given
the impossibility to conceive the future, skepticism takes over: little credibility is awarded to
whatever public figures state and the young identify with pop idols rather than with politi-
cians, business leaders, or intellectuals.

6. REGIONAL AND CULTURAL CONSTELLATION

Argentine scale scores coincide with those of participants of Guatemala, El Salvador and
Bolivia, and with those of other Latin American countries, which present a homogeneous cul-
tural cluster in answers to Collectivism I: Institutional Collectivism; Collectivism II: In-
Group Collectivism and Uncertainty Avoidance. This attests to the process of Latin
Americanization of Argentina (Ogliastri et al., 1999a).
In earlier times, public jobs in health, education, and construction warranted Argentine
social mobility. Besides, immigrant communities had founded well-established hospitals,
schools, sports, and mutual help associations. Argentina had a large middle class and the qual-
ity of its public health and education were superior to those in other countries in the region.
This has changed for the worse. Public opinion speaking of a culture closer to those of
neighboring countries is supported by further GLOBE data which shows homogenization of
cultural practices and values within Latin American cultures (Ogliastri, et al., 1999a). Middle
managers indicate that they live under extremely uncertain conditions with little control over
circumstances, and indicate a preference for Uncertainty Avoidance; elitist values predomi-
nate, and there is desire to reduce them; Collectivism I and II values are among the highest
within GLOBE, and they wish to uphold them; their societies are individualistic, they value
social well-being over individual benefits; their societies are reasonably oriented towards per-
formance, but would like to see this enhanced; their societies discriminate against women and
egalitarianism should be increased; their societies are present oriented, and would prefer a
greater Future Orientation; they prefer a humanist society, whereas the current situation ranks
below GLOBE average; they desire to maintain a high degree of interpersonal contact.
In line with societal cultural values (“Should Be”), Latin American middle managers pre-
fer high performance, collaborative, team integrator leaders, and those who are administra-
tively competent and ready to commit themselves to the organization (Ogliastri et al., 1999a,
p. 1). In contrast, as will be detailed out in a later section of this chapter, the Argentine con-
cept of leadership runs somewhat “countercultural.”

7. SYNTHESIS FOR SOCIETAL CULTURE

A major societal change took place in Argentina: Latin Americanization is driven by immi-
gration from neighboring countries, plus the effects of changes, characteristic of the times,
similar to those taking place world-wide are being felt. García Canclini (1995) analyzes the
current conflicts in the region as tradition in the face of emergent modernization. Hobsbawm
(2000) describes the dilemmas inherent in the “small global world” (p. 82ff). With the onset
of new technologies, societies become de-traditionalized. Capital assets fly by night; factories
move across continents, foreign financial crises impact globally. Furthermore, social norms
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672 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

are weakened, a sense of the ephemeral prevails, families disintegrate, individualism grows,
life is secularized, employment is precarious, and public figures are distrusted. Under these
conditions, it is hard to define autonomous national policies, and this influences the behavior
of executives and managers who must adapt to perform. This new conjuncture requires atten-
tion to be paid both to factors intrinsic and extrinsic to each situation, and makes participants
reflective. GLOBE methods capture this richness empirically. This is shown in world wide
comparison: Autonomous leadership is highly endorsed in Argentina; within Argentina, it is
Participative, Team Oriented and Charismatic Leadership that is most prototypical for out-
standing leaders; Self-Protective and Humane leadership are least endorsed.
GLOBE results signal a close relationship between the Argentine profile and those of less
developed Latin American nations in Collectivism I: Institutional Collectivism; Collectivism
II: In-Group Collectivism, and Uncertainty Avoidance. Facing conditions beyond control,
management chooses survival against growth, structural mutilations ensue, and middle man-
agers answer with responses closer to those of traditionally less developed societies.

8. LEADERSHIP IN ARGENTINA: LEADERS AS FIGURAS SEÑERAS

In Spanish, figuras señeras refers to solitary, single, unique, unequaled individuals. Argentina
lived through three periods of political pluralism: the constitutional period from l853; the
popular opening of the society from l916, and the return to democracy from l983. Intolerance
and confrontation predominated at all other times (Massuh, in Lóizaga, 1995,
p. 187). This history of discord and rivalries is currently under scrutiny. The present crisis
helps the dust settle: it is difficult to further demonize. More reflexive practices are necessary.
Leaders need to understand what is happening and why. Still, personalism (Sartori, 1989) per-
sists. Sartori believes that in Latin American democracies people identify with an individual
and not with a program. Trust is reposed in a prominent individual who can channel popular
will. The emergence of protagonists such as Moreno, San Martín, Rivadavia, Rosas, Urquiza,
Alberdi, Sarmiento, Roca, Yrigoyen, Perón, Alfonsín, and Menem, and Kirchner may be
explained by the fierce factional confrontations that ended in the death or exile of the con-
tenders throughout the history of the country.
Goldman & Salvatore (1998) indicate that “during Independence, a military career was the
shortest road to leadership. Provincial caudillos gained preeminence. They firmly defended
the territories they ruled over, did not submit to the rule of law, and ruled each region singu-
larly” (p. 8ff). However, this has changed. Currently, Argentine presidential democracy
retains unique characteristics: the concept of control and balance between powers does not
exist as rulers see themselves as accountable only to their party, with no institutional account-
ability towards Congress or the judiciary. With law decrees, the president may disregard the
legislature, pay little heed to judicial decisions he deems inconvenient, provoke critical media,
and feel free to antagonize others.
The need to synthesize may dramatize the contents. Nonetheless, cacique and caudillo are
Americanisms that distinctly express the overruling leadership mode: the cacique leads his
people; a caudillo takes over in times of war. To govern and to acaudillar, to rule as a caudillo
(strong man politics)- are never far apart. Thus major contradictions exist, fierce confrontations
take place, there are few continuities, and such schisms detract from objectivity, balance,
tolerance, and have ominous social consequences. The leader manipulates and his vision fas-
cinates his followers. Graumann (l986) talks of the meneur, the jefe, the Fuehrer, images that
connote directive leadership.
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 673

In Argentina the resultant relationship between the leader and the community responds to
a direct and informal content. That may be why even the most self contained and austere
politician adopts populist tactics; and why such a pattern may even extend to the private
sphere where the image of the patrón, the lord of the manor, persists.
Argentina has produced several dominating figures, yet no books are devoted to Argentine
leadership with the exception of Goldman & Salvatore (1998). It may be that “one does not
write about the obvious.” Lozano (1999) recalls that, whereas Protestant traditions posit a dis-
tance between a subjective internal experience and norm ruled external experience, Catholic
countries don’t separate the personal and social spheres. In the first case, personal self con-
trol exemplifies domination over egoistic desires and a balanced external self. However, when
Catholicism arrived in Latin America, aborigines were associated with demonic forces, and
priests and conquistadors came to redeem them. They were the mythical heroes meant to
chastise and conquer barbarism. Contrariwise, Germanic mythology presents the benevolent
hero incorporated by Western philosophy, which makes man the subject of history, and inter-
prets confrontation as a transgression against rules drafted by the Creator or the state. This
romantic figure reappears in the transformational leader (p. 4).
Popular wisdom may say that mismanagement was explicable in the public sphere where
institutions were not expected to deliver, but the current state of competitiveness makes it
imperative to identify specific dimensions of Argentine leadership to institute the changes that
may help improve motivation and achieve higher performance.

9. RESULTS OF THE QUANTITATIVE STUDY

Mean values of the empirical dimensions of leader behaviors describe respondents’ percep-
tion of the complexity of the managerial construct in Argentina (see Table 18.2). Distinct sub-
constellations are distinguished: responses do not invoke a messianic leader, nor can they be
summarized as a management / leadership opposition (Kotter, 1988).
The mean values of the behaviors are patterned, with two extreme clusters and four dimen-
sions that cover a wide mid-range. Malevolent (1.59), self-centered (1.66), nonparticipative
(2.02), and autocratic (2.22) all fall below the mean (4.55) and allude to negative behaviors—
noncommitted, passive, alienated. They describe sovereign, intemperate, arbitrary, divisive
behaviors. This is the image of the abusive leader, who considers himself invested with
supreme powers and is narcissistic (Conger, l989). Within this scheme, malevolent, hostile,
dishonest, vindictive, irritable, cynical, undependable, noncooperative, egotistical, unintelli-
gent, self-centered, self-interested, nonparticipative, loner, and asocial are the most critical
and can be related to managers who benefit personally from access to positions of authority:
“Leaders who serve others, or in the service of their own greed?” illustrates the degree of dis-
belief. Likewise, autocratic, dictatorial, bossy, elitist, ruler, domineering, nonparticipative,
nondelegater, micro manager, nonegalitarian, and individually oriented evoke a “show of
epaulettes.”
Positive behaviors are above the mean: humane orientation (4.65); modesty (4.68);
autonomous (4.68); charismatic III: self-sacrificial (4.85); administratively competent (5.53);
collaborative team orientation (5.68); diplomatic (6.07); team integrator (6.08); decisive
(6.11); integrity (6.15); charismatic I: visionary (6.17); performance oriented (6.19); charismatic
II: inspirational (6.34). They define committed, active, involved behaviors, and as such would
comply with organizational and followers’ expectations. The fact that most GLOBE countries
crowd up to two thirds of all 21 dimensions in this sub-constellation allows us to posit this as
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674 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

TABLE 18.2
Argentinian GLOBE Leadership Survey

Highest Lowest
Leadership Dimensions Mean Rank Score Score
Autonomous Leadership 4.55 4 4.63 2.27
Participative Leadership 5.89 8 6.09 4.50
Autocratic 2.23 50 3.86 1.89
(reverse scored) Nonparticipative 2.00 3.61 1.86
(reverse scored)
Team-Oriented Leadership 5.99 8 6.21 4.74
Team 5.69 16 6.09 4.42
Integrator Collaborative Team Oriented 6.04 38 6.43 4.10
Administrative Competent Diplomatic 6.05 6.05 4.49
Malevolent (reverse scored)
Charismatic Leadership 5.98 20 6.46 4.51
Performance 6.20 18 6.64 4.51
Visionary 6.20 21 6.50 4.62
Inspirational 6.15 31 6.63 5.04
Integrity 4.72 61 6.79 4.72
Self-sacrifical 4.87 41 5.99 3.98
Decisive 6.13 12 6.37 3.62
Self-Protective Leadership 3.45 32 4.62 2.55
Self-centered 6.13 2 6.20 1.55
Status Conscious 3.00 61 5.93 3.00
Conflict Inducer 4.24 18 5.01 3.09
Face-saver 3.00 26 4.63 2.05
Procedural 4.87 3 5.12 2.82
Humane Leadership 4.70 42 5.75 3.82
Humane 2.23 61 5.68 2.23
Modesty 4.72 45 5.86 4.14

“a pipe dream,” “an expression of fine desires.” Besides, subjects recall that “a company pays a
salary for your work, it never promises justice.”
Thus, internal consistency can be attributed to the ends of the continuum and it becomes
easier to assign meaning to the remaining four dimensions in the middle range: face-saver
(2.97); procedural (3.75); conflict inducer (4.26); and status oriented (4.49). The sparsely
occupied continuum shows a degree of role complexity that rejects self evident conclusions,
unless the definition is adapted to our reality, because “to understand us you have to live with
us, share our lives, learn how we feel, what we must tolerate.” How should one account for
these behaviors? Are they the exception that confirms the rule, or do they represent something
different? And if they do lead elsewhere, do they indicate a stage on the road to the desirable
end, or do they constitute an adaptive response?
Face saver, indirect, avoids negatives, evasive, alludes to the fear of humiliation and to fail-
ure due to non-compliance with expectations in the exercise of a position. This translates into
maintaining a front and refers to covering up a situation or a feeling so as not to cause a scan-
dal. It alludes to low credibility and inconstancies, and recalls the frequency of unfulfilled
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 675

TABLE 18.3
Culture Dimensions on Industry Level

Finance “As Is”/ Food “As Is”/

“Should Be” Std. Dev. “Should Be” Std. Dev.

Performance Orientation 3.54/ 6.37 0.15/ 0.29 3.88/ 6.40 0.48/ 0.13
Assertiveness 4.44/ 3.67 0.16/ 0.41 4.31/ 3.35 0.36/ 0.37
Future Orientation 3.01/ 5.69 0.20/ 0.15 3.12/ 5.79 0.19/ 0.27
Gender Egalitarianism 3.46/ 4.93 0.12/ 0.23 3.42/ 5.06 0.37/ .09
Humane Orientation 3.82/ 5.43 0.29/ 0.41 4.16/ 5.65 0.29/ 0.28
Institutional Collectivism 3.62/ 5.33 0.09/ 0.34 3.74/ 5.23 0.22/ 0.23
Power Distance 5.69/ 2.34 0.24/ 0.11 5.35/ 2.89 0.48/ 0.17
In-Group Collectivism 5.44/ 6.05 0.27/ 0.24 5.47/ 6.26 0.22/ 0.06
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.61/ 4.69 0.37/ 0.46 3.69/ 4.47 0.31/ 0.55

promises and the repeated use of euphemisms. With procedural, ritualistic, formal, habitual,
cautious, conflict inducer, normative, secretive, intragroup competitor, status consciousness, sta-
tus conscious, and class conscious constitute a subconstellation that identifies entry-level
requirements. These are threshold capabilities, socially validated attributes and behaviors, adap-
tive in that they discriminate merely technical aspects from that which a person must learn what
to do upon occupying a position of authority (Heifetz, op cit. 1994). They assume that, to per-
form within the requirements of the role, a person must exhibit such traits, as they have been
found to help based on past experience in similar situations.
Thus, GLOBE respondents construct a complex conception of the leader. The three-
pronged constellation signals a change. Whereas the positive end of the spectrum may point
to socially well-reputed attributes, and the negative end suggests experienced abusive traits,
the middle range identifies adaptive behaviors in the light of major corporate changes that
give rise to top management/shareholder discretionary behaviors. The responses differ from
Haire, Ghiselli and Porter (1966) and Altschul (1970), and indicate a level of complexity that
has not been documented earlier.

10. FINDINGS OF THE ETHNOGRAPHIC RESEARCH

Nine focus groups were held, lasting 45 minutes each with 8 to 10 people, as well as 21 indi-
vidual interviews of 20 minutes each. Participants were middle managers from leading firms
in different industries, each group from one company, with 78% of the participants under 30
years old, representing a broad spectrum of functional areas. “Managerial Effectiveness
Exercises” were completed and subjects participated actively in the subsequent ethnographic
interviews (Agar, 1994; Agar & McDonald, 1996; Thomas, 1996). All phrases in quotations
are comments made in the focus groups.
Focus groups participants were informed of the GLOBE purposes and conversations were
held on management, leadership and managerial practices. Participants described the condi-
tions under which Argentines have lived and suggested distinctive attributes and behaviors
understood as adaptive responses. They indicated that change is under way: “Now, we live in
freedom.” They described a history of abundance, of confidence in riches; a young society,
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TABLE 18.4
Comparison of Culture Dimensions Between Society and Industries

Society Industry Society Industry Society Industry

“As Is” “As Is” “Should Be” “Should Be” Difference Difference

Performance Orientation 3.65 3.61 6.35 6.38 2.70 2.77

Future Orientation 3.08 3.06 5.78 5.74 2.70 2.68
Assertiveness 4.20 4.37 3.25 3.51 0.95 0.86
Gender Egalitarianism 3.49 3.44 4.98 4.99 1.49 1.55
Humane Orientation 3.99 3.99 5.58 5.54 1.59 1.55
Institutional Collectivism 3.66 3.68 5.32 5.28 1.66 1.60
Power Distance 5.64 5.52 2.33 2.61 3.31 2.91
In-Group Collectivism 5.51 5.45 6.15 6.15 0.64 0.70
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.65 3.65 4.66 4.58 1.01 0.93

with an incipient identity: “This was a politically unstable society, with dictatorships, repres-
sion, high inflation and constant change. Abuse of power was expected. However, we had
work and upward mobility.”
Democracy is struggling, because justice is corrupt and inefficient, technical progress
dehumanizes, competition provokes social instability, the gap between the poor and the rich
increases, and, therefore, a selfish culture flourishes. Advances are being made: one ex-min-
ister in jail for a year, others suffer detention while due process advances, and former
President Menem was placed under house arrest and restricted from leaving the country under
suspicion of illicit association to conspire.
As a consequence, Argentines develop a strong relationship with family and friends: “We
are in solidary with our next of kin,” an attribute that generates affect, sociability, passion,
expressiveness, and informal behaviors. On the basis of uncertainty, Argentines became com-
petitive, ingenious, flexible, capable in the face of adversity and new situations, but “inca-
pable of establishing long-term goals; they devote little effort to a job. They adapt but don’t
commit themselves.”
A second task required the participants to “think of a person with great motivating power,
a capability to influence you and to allow you, or your area, to contribute to the success of
your business. How would you call such a person? Think of a specific circumstance and
describe the person who you are thinking of.”
Stimulated by generic questions, the ethnographic method made it possible to sift singular
aspects of the culture. Although no formal typology was developed, discrete and repeated men-
tions were made of the terms dueño, owner; jefe, boss; buen jefe, good boss; gerente, manager;
and líder, a term used to refer to popular figures, who lead by their example. The term gerente
excepcional (exceptional manager) came up seldom. These were used as mental composites,
were spontaneously repeated in all groups and structured the exchange. We call them icons.
Moreover, in the cases in which the use of the term did not correspond to the culturally validated
meaning, the speaker would include circumlocutions and clarifications to transmit his ideas.
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 677

Prior to describing the icons with illustrative vignettes, the rhetoric used is shown to be
consistent with the Collectivism I and II dimensions.
Participants spoke assertively as most information was self referenced. They emphasized
their knowledge of the case and its contingencies. They approached phenomena through anec-
dotes, not data. Rational presentation was accompanied by emotion. Non sequiturs are to be
understood as said.
Focus groups devoted 83% of their total time to negative experiences. Only 17% of the
protocols refer to gerentes or to buenos jefes, both required leaders. One participant asked if
the research project would take into account “what really happens, as against what manage-
ment books say.” They expressed doubts as to the possibility of change, as well as to the
potential impact of the research project.
At first, participants conceptualized in dichotomical terms, not on the basis of dynamic,
complex processes; they referred to expressions of whatever is primitive, what emerges natu-
rally, is essentially unchanging and accounts for an observed reality which seems difficult to
change. Differences of opinion were dealt with through generating more options and not by
overlooking the differences . Once dialogue ensued, participants developed refined categories.
The dueño/owner icon: Dueño refers to a proprietor, or members of a family structure, and
recalls the term patrón de estancia, homestead owner. Thus, headship, not professional lead-
ership, is implied. Authority is vested in the individual, and does not imply role performance.
Little competence or maturity is attributed to the dueño, and it connotes exploitation. Such
people “can only tell the difference between making or losing money.” A representative
vignette is: “The dueño here doesn’t give a damn. Happy faces, sad faces, they are all the
same to him. Wear a happy face, but don’t believe his answers. Because when he’s happy, he
won’t tell you anything because he’s afraid you might ask for something, and on the day he’s
made up his mind to fire you, he’ll tell you ‘we don’t need you any more.’”
The characterization emphasizes “here and now,” and, in a society that normally prides
itself on relationships, for the dueño, the other person is unworthy. Thus, the dueño icon
alludes to absentee leadership and deference implies acritical obedience.
A second example accounts for the complexity of the process. An intermediary figure
appears between patrón and peón: “Out in the country it’s different. Out there punishments
have no value. When I started fresh out of college, the owner introduced me (to the men) and
left me alone. That’s where it starts. Because a gaucho knows everything! He can drive a herd,
build a mill, tighten the wires, shear the sheep, geld, even play the guitar. So you have to hold
your own. Because you may have the job, but until you earn it and they acknowledge you as
one of them, nothing happens.” This vignette introduces the possibilities opened up by the
role of an intermediary, the supervisor, who may end up as either jefe or buen jefe, as will be
seen. The speaker acknowledges the difficulty of supervisory work with farm laborers with
multiple technical and human talents, and stresses that he will be accepted when and if he
contributes with his work. The turning point is established: headship is one matter; but lead-
ership cannot exist without followership.
The buen jefe/good boss icon: The buen jefe occupies a supervisory position and maintains
personal relationships with his wards, that is, he is formally charged with a responsibility but
keeps in touch. He “develops chemistry, people follow him,” performs within a system of
rewards and punishments, is technically competent and sensitive. “The buen jefe provides
backing, acts as an example, provides work.”
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678 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

Most participants said that they never had a buen jefe: “If a fire breaks out the buen jefe
stays calm, solves problems, shows himself, congratulates. He is interested in people, but his
hand doesn’t tremble when a person must be fired because he did something that shouldn’t
have been done.” This is critical in times of stress: “If you go right up to him, the buen jefe
protects you. But in my twenty years I’d have to choose the least bad one. Because jefes here
have a sense of royalty.”
Participants value discerning capabilities: The buen jefe knows he is a part of a project in
a complex structure. “The buen jefe is flexible. He knows how to close his eyes. He has his
own merit system, and he evaluates everybody every week end. He uses a points system and
he puts them on a tablet so everybody can see.”
Interpersonal dynamics make him special: “Above all, the buen jefe is tops. And he can tell
people apart, knows that a machinist is not a pick and shovel man.”
The jefe/boss icon: Emphasis on consideration produces two conceptualizations in the
supervisor’s role. Consequently, two alternative icons are used, jefe and gerente. Jefe involves
the occupant of a position that confers privileges, connotes autocratic style and emphasizes
policing behaviors. It is the extension of the shadow of the dueño, while gerente alludes to a
supervisory role in a management system. The jefe takes advantage of a slot in a structure
where subordination is prevalent; the gerente handles himself within the framework of a con-
tract that includes dialogue.
Jefes are overbearing, distance themselves, and keep information to themselves.
“Argentines fly as soon as they have a post, or a uniform. They ask for exceptions, they feel
free from norms. They make you stay in after hours. And as things stand now, who would dare
go home?” And again: “They tell how to behave, but you know what’s going on. Still, the jefes
tries to be at all places, what gets done starts and finishes with him. He often opens without
knowing how, not knowing how to follow through. He uses the structure to uphold the fan-
tasy of his leadership.”
Impression management places him as a jefe: One comment stresses this point: “I suffered
under different styles of management. But I make people participate. Other styles never felt
good. I replaced a manager who was a jefe. He was authoritarian. With him I had to maintain
a double standard. I didn’t follow his instructions. He said: ‘Go kick the shit out of that son
of a bitch.’ In Argentine firms it is accepted that one has a godfather. You have tactical com-
plicity between the people who have worked together long. It’s a mafia.”
The gerente/manager icon: The gerente emerges as a business becomes an organization.
Management means “doing things as they should be done,” “knowing that a good manager
doesn’t do everything well.” Thus they suggest that a third party establishes goals that the
manager must reach. “He is given objectives and can make mistakes.” To satisfy this need, the
manager “innovates, but not like crazy.” Like the buen jefe and unlike the jefe, the gerente
includes the notion of an authority system: a gerente knows his decisions imply costs and ben-
efits and incorporates feedback.
Professional management is an emerging concept, “He had to renegotiate a contract to establish
new prices. He instructed two of us to find fields of mutual benefit, that the others would be inter-
ested in. We understood him, saw the mission and the goal, and we did it and it worked.” The exam-
ple shows that even having demonstrated benefits, new practices are not universally adopted.
Gerentes know that norms expect them to include consideration. “This manager had a
temp, and it was a bad relationship. But when she got sick, he got her medical coverage, got
her a full time position with him, and gave her time to recuperate. He did it because it was
expected.” He “was a tough cookie” but performed within expected policies and procedures.
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 679

Ethnographic data collection reinforced the need for decisiveness, diplomacy, inspiration,
vision, integrity, and performance orientation; and the media content analysis added further
to this conception. Still it is recalled that in day to day matters decisiveness goes hand in hand
with lack of scruples and action orientation can be ruthless. Because “our culture places
everything on the man at the top. Everything is asked of him and he is criticized for every-
thing. There is little sense of community and organization, less leaders come up, and jefes
think that leadership implies opportunism.”
In a period of business transformations, strikingly few examples were given of individuals
with professional, managerial, and social competences, action oriented persons. An invitation
to think of exceptional managers produced few testimonials, and these referred to foreign
managers in local endeavors. Exceptions were references to the Minister of Economics of the
first years of the Menem administration. “Cavallo is an exceptional manager. He grabbed the
country, implemented the Currency Board and is making major changes in the economy. He
did what had to be done when the time was right. He has a solid team, he does not improvise.
He is capable and committed.” But the word líder is only used to refer to politicians and soc-
cer coaches, popular leaders with special gifts.
The líder/maverick icon: In Argentina líder is reserved for public figures endowed with
unique gifts, identifies whoever heads a complex process, embodies the masses, needs no
intermediaries. “Perón was the only indisputable líder. He stayed in people’s hearts.”
Brief comments refer to the construction of the image of the local leader, as for example:
“A leader who ‘makes things happen’, doesn’t seem Argentine.” There are some, but very
few are commented upon. “We think of people who return us to a time of splendor.” In this
sense, participants were skeptical as to the existence of this figure, as explained by the only
comment on the heroic component in leadership: “The guapo (the maverick) goes it alone; he
walks forth with his back uncovered. Here, to be a guapo you have to be against (them) and
you don’t last. The guapos are in the Chacarita (the popular cemetery).” Boldness and daring
are desired but carry huge penalties.
The líder is expected to break rules and, alternatively, he will be admired and despised.
Participants use líder for a person capable of facing a crisis, intimating that crises bring forth
the complex relationship between the leaders and the led. Thus a líder is relied upon when
major changes are needed, “he understands the emotions of the masses, is a trickster, knows
how to channel emotions towards a goal,” which clashes against the nature of the instrumen-
tal relationship required in organizations.
The líder recovers territory and imbues it with new meaning. He produces identification
because “he does what we like to do ourselves.” He becomes an idol, which reinforces the
perception of his infallibility. As “he can lead because he is allowed practically everything.”
Moreover, “he demands exceptional conditions, and as he gains favor through his initiatives,
he is awarded more space, but if he fails, he must disappear.”
The líder is a demagogue and communicates his vision passionately. He develops new
tracks, but is trapped by his own rhetoric. “Everybody knows he does not say everything he
thinks, nor will do everything he announces.” The political líder acquires mythical dimen-
sions but “is reviled when he breaks his promises.” “Líder refers to inborn qualities, to the
charisma of the macho. Who does what we would like to do but don’t dare.”
GLOBE research was conducted during the Menem administration. “I saw President
Menem. He talked serenely. He said what people wanted to hear. What had to be done
and how. More than a thousand people reacted enthusiastically. They were ready to back him
at whatever cost.” A complementary vignette: “I don’t know Menem personally but he
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680 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

deactivated the power factors that could face him in his desire to accumulate personal power
indefinitely. He acts before others, advancing with what the most powerful factions want, and
concedes of his own volition, pardoning the military, privatizing and following the dictates of
the World Bank to satisfy the owners of the foreign debt, and ceding privatized corporations
to local groups. His pragmatism and image as a moral rule breaker fascinate us, and weaken
everybody who stands in his way, reinforcing his own power.”
The sample included few women. One comment on women as leaders was, “Evita pro-
moted cultural change communicating with the people. She gave a voice to those who didn’t
have one. She brought a vision, an intuition and feeling to public life in Argentina. People
were loyal to her. She was the first woman who put ideas of organization into social work.”
Soccer coaches are popular leaders: “Menotti is a coach. His leadership capability is seen
in the way the players reacted when he took over. Before he took over, the team played with-
out a plan and lost. Fans and newspapers pressured them. He imposed his method and talked
a lot. Generated trust so even in interviews the players talked differently. This self confidence
and his technical knowledge helped.”
In synthesis, in a context where the State and organizations are illusions, the inclusive
leader/follower relationship exists in the buen jefe, gerente (including gerente excepcional)
and soccer coach as líder icons, while the dueño, jefe and politician as líder icons reflect an
asymmetrical, excluding relationship. Ten years after the ethnographic data were collected,
Menem and Cavallo are reviled.

11. FINDINGS OF THE MEDIA ANALYSIS

Media chosen for content analyses of the written press were: (a) La Nación, the traditional
daily newspaper; (b) Clarín, the largest circulation daily; and (c) El Cronista Comercial, a
business daily. All enjoy wide circulation and a solid reputation, cover national and interna-
tional issues, are widely read by middle managers, and include a diversity of opinions, levels
of editorial sophistication and control.
Research was carried out in September, 1995. Media data collection was carried out on news
printed during the first fortnights of September 1995 and September 2000. In both periods a
major crisis was given front page attention. In the first, a dispute between President Menem and
his Economics Minister; in the second a scandal in the Senate. They both give evidence of key
components of the prevalent leadership model, that of key players in open confrontation.
Leadership issues were chosen, analyses identified the leader mentioned, what he/she did,
and enacted behaviors (Ogliastri, chap. 19, this volume). Key paragraphs were chosen and
classified by categories. A distinct change is evidenced comparing the 1995 and 2000 data
collection periods.
For Clarín, leadership implies power brokerage. Relevant behaviors are backing, stalling,
closing rank, denying having said what had been recorded, changing sides, maneuvering and
persuading. Conflict management is the prevalent mode of exchange. Personality issues are
presented in all walks of life. Politicians, ambassadors, policemen and sports figures are key
exponents of this dramatic approach. One article in the 2000 period talks of the survival of
man who got lost in a snow-storm in Patagonia and survived because “he didn’t give up.”
Ever more space is devoted to the management of complex governmental or business
issues, whereas the intricacies of an instrumental relationship are developed in discussions
between football players and their coaches, for example, between the player Maradona, who
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 681

threatened not to play if his coach was fired, and his coach Bianchi, explaining his leadership
model, are extensively given their due. The exception was the case of the crime against María
Soledad, where it is reported that after 5 years nobody is held accountable and the article pin-
points the protagonists: the girl’s parents and the Catholic nun who headed a new form of
protest, the Silent Marches that toppled the governor.
During the first period, from 86 comments on leadership, Clarín includes 21 references to
the replacement of the minister of the economy and its consequences on the economy (24.5%).
In the second, a Senate scandal gets a lot of attention and is discussed in depth. In both cases,
emphasis is placed on institution building, and the balance between technical and political con-
siderations in the exercise of authority vested in the functionaries. Negotiation practices are
mentioned in two pieces during the September 2000 period, whereas these practices were absent
in the September 1995 period. Topics related to Uncertainty Avoidance and Power Distance
dimensions are stressed as for example: “I am willing to let you participate in transcendental
decision making” (said the Minister of the Economy). “Cavallo left an unusual opening of
the Palacio de Hacienda for the business community. His goal was obvious, to consolidate
the unprecedented political backing that the establishment gave him through an institutional
formula and so remain firmly in his post in spite of the attacks of Ultra-Menemism.”
Corruption and misdemeanor issues add to 10 references in the first period, and accounted
for over 30% of the headlines during the second, where a major bribery scandal was the focus
of public attention. In both La Nación and Clarín, news included analytical pieces by
Argentine intellectuals on the strengthening of institutions if the Senate scandal was investi-
gated and due process followed. Simultaneously, the Army proclaimed contrition “for its
responsibilities in the dramatic and cruel events of the past,” and the local Catholic Church
“confessed its faults and asked for forgiveness.”
Performance and Future Orientation topics were practically absent during the 1995 period,
but entrepreneurial, scientific and artistic pursuits received more space in the 2000 period
with major articles printed on pioneering work in surgery, a major award in literature and the
pluck of “Pope John XXIII, a Catholic Church revolutionary.”
Humane Orientation and Collectivism I-Institutional Collectivism issues, were expressed by
union and church topics (7.0%); and the assassination of a girl in the province of Tucumán occu-
pied 2.4%, the crime of María Soledad. A governor was brought down and 80 Silent Marches
were carried out. Five years after the assassination, no one was guilty and there was no one to
judge them. On September 10, 1990, the body of a girl of 17 was found in an abandoned lot. She
had been beaten and raped. The case moved the country and changed the history of Catamarca.
Beyond soccer results, papers regularly devoted space to players’ thoughts and ideas.
Transformational leadership concepts appeared in an interview with Bianchi, a coach under
the heading; “A winner’s prescriptions: Orderliness is the hardest.” “We managed by all of us
pulling together.”
La Nación understands leadership as the exercise of authority. Comments refer to the
institutional background within which interactions occur in a complex, changing context.
Articles deal with the structure of the economy, concerns about the future, current trends. Two
articles in the first period addressed the human aspects of leadership. In the second period, a
major article was devoted to an Argentine entrepreneur who successfully developed and sold
his company to a German concern.
Out of eight articles on leadership in La Nación, seven referred to Power Distance, e.g.,:
Diagnosis to foreign investors, the difference between Cavallo’s Currency Board and others,
is that he relies on his person and is not supported by an institutional framework.
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682 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

To El Cronista Comercial, leadership implies the alignment of third parties to decisions

arrived at. It has a financial approach, quotes figures, debates laws and regulations, discusses
the actions of shareholders and executives, but devotes little attention to decision making. In
both periods, the paper ponders on the costs of depending on the talent of select protagonists
for the continuity and well-being of political and economic programs.

12. SYNTHESIS FOR LEADERSHIP

Argentines are habituated to a form of deference based on audacity, lack of scruples and over-
simplification. This is accompanied by the self-deprecating “roban pero hacen,” “they steal
but at least they get things done.” Leaders become grandees, heroes, idols, semigods, dicta-
tors, and, as such, are inviolate. Action is inhibited by the acritical acceptance of such behav-
iors, and the ignorance as to how they are built and reinforced.
Friedrich (1961) suggests that political science “makes sense as long as it differentiates
Luther’s leadership from Hitler’s.” Without reaching such extremes, oversimplification clouds
the issue of management, which deals with complexity; while leadership deals with change
(Kotter, 1988). Current idealizations of leadership lead to value judgments wherein manage-
ment deals with the past and is negatively connotated, whereas leadership deals with the
future and is positively connotated. Attention should be devoted to the fact that most
countries award malevolent the lowest mean values and place visionary and other such behav-
iors as high mean values.
Analysis of the Argentine distribution of mean values shows that the middle range mean
values express cultural idiosyncrasies and adaptive practices. Moreover, GLOBE quantitative
and qualitative data converge to offer an innovative reading into the components of leadership
in Argentina and suggest a hypothesis.
To interpret a group’s statements, Hofstede (1997) separates desirable from desired: how
people believe the world ought to be as against what they wish for themselves. In the case of
the desirable, the norm is absolute, while in the case of the desired, the patterns are statisti-
cal, because they show majority choice. Similarly Argyris (1992) differentiates between
espoused theory, which refers to what a person claims to follow, and theory in use, which may
be inferred from action.
Within these frameworks, (a) GLOBE lower mean values refer to abusive leaders,
(b) higher mean values refer to a legendary figures, and (c) attributes in the middle range refer
to the tolerated leader. Heifetz (1994) reminds us that “scholars might usefully consider that
leadership is less an ‘As Is’ than a ‘Should Be’” (p. 286). Our hypothesis holds that the mid-
dle mean values are of special interest because they describe a leader who is tolerated within
prevalent conditions.
This may be upheld by the fact that all countries place close to two thirds of all leadership
dimensions in this high mean category, a matter that merits attention. Within this context,
comparing country mean values could suggest expectations placed on vision. For example,
the mean value for Albania is 5.02, implying an inordinate degree of hope placed in leader-
ship, whereas the mean value for the United States is 4.52. In comparison, the mean value for
the Latin American group of countries is 4.61, and for Argentina it is 4.58.
The distribution of mean values for all the Latin America countries identifies differences tol-
erated, that is, mid-range behaviors. This pinpoints country peculiarities. The majority coincides
in most dimensions, but specific distinctions are to be researched, as for example,
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 683

autocratic and nonparticipative behaviors seem to be tolerated in Mexico and Venezuela; in Costa
Rica decisiveness seems not to be tolerated; in Argentina, Bolivia and Mexico modesty seems not
to be tolerated; in Brazil, autonomy and self-centered behaviors seem to be tolerated.

13. SYNTHESIS: THE GLOBE CONTRIBUTION

GLOBE offers empirical dimensions to understand social behavior in Argentine management.

Middle managers categorize leadership behaviors through the icons líder/politician, dueño,
and jefe, which refer to abusive leaders. Buen jefe and gerente include significant others but
only the first includes attributes that the management literature associates with a leader
(Bennis & Nanus, 1985; Schein, 1985; Senge, 1990). The social contract has been broken and
skepticism prevails. Respondents think the behaviors of the transformational leader unlikely.
Altschul and Carbonell (2003) document how change processes carried out in corporate
settings in recent years may balance this view.

14. ADDENDUM

This paper was written in 1995, referee reviewed and corrected in 2003 and in 2005. The
downfall of the Argentine economy has been the subject of manifold interpretations. To the
authors, the strength of the characteristics of the abusive leader, and the tolerated management
behaviors, that is, face saver, procedural, conflict inducer, and status oriented, can best be
understood through Weber’s notion of the capitalistic adventurer (1992), a figure that can well
typify the Argentine context of the 1990s.

15. SUGGESTIONS FOR VISITORS

Argentines say they “descend from the ships.” This image illustrates the immigratory com-
position of the society and may explain why Europeans and North Americans feel at ease.
Argentines are educated and identify with Western European values. The high educational
level they enjoyed made them cosmopolitan and progressive. Five Nobel Prize winners in the
sciences and peace, outstanding opera houses, and active theater and entertainment make
Argentines proud of their cultural tradition. People enjoy the amenities of life in a contem-
porary society: the infrastructure is modern, and computer and communications technologies
are extensively applied. Still, Argentines retain their family rooted traditions, where self
validating social mores define decision making.
Centuries of Spanish domination left their traces. Spain transferred its institutional system
and people considered themselves part of the mother country, not colonizers. In Latin
America, status was attained by adapting to such standards. Economy was based on the manorial
lifestyle, where status was connected to birth and bloodlines, profit was based on annuities,
and loyalty was owed to individuals rather than to laws of the land.
The Latin view of individualism emphasizes each person’s uniqueness. The person is
valued for who he is, not for what he does. Within this tradition, Argentines are rule breakers,
improvise and enjoy the unusual aspects of any event and the free-wheeling discussions that
ensue. Debates are charged with affect. Overall, Argentines are ethnocentric, proud of their
own country more than of the region.
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684 ALTSCHUL ET AL.

Leadership is often understood as supremacy. Hegemony is claimed by many that hold

public positions and is upheld even through confrontation. This often leads to authoritarian
behaviors. Growth crises that in other societies may be understood as stages within a transi-
tion cause distress. Argentines find it hard to establish societies and teams. Alternation, or the
creation of options are difficult to institute and survive after repeated upheavals.
Power Distance is strong. Upper-status people expect to deal only with individuals of their
own standing. Decision making is top down, spontaneous, and impulsive, with an emphasis
on concepts. Support from a superior may change if circumstances suggest it, so lower-status
persons use caution and do not put forward conflicting ideas. Professionals may not question
their superiors although they may know them to be wrong.
Argentines are emotionally sensitive. Words and actions may be interpreted as offenses to
a person’s inner worth. Argentines use euphemisms and double entendres. They tend to read
between the lines, and are good at interpreting messages in their many derivations, and their
conclusions are often extreme. They exhibit a refined approach towards reality. They are
aware of the “here and now” aspects of an issue, and feel that most matters may change due
to actions of third parties beyond their control. This creates a social modality of permanent
declamation which translates into poor performance.
Argentines feel that things happen. They conceive of time as abstract, as a resource that
helps build relationships, not events in terms of hours and or minutes.
A strong emphasis is placed on personal associations. Networks serve as safety nets and facil-
itate mobility. When a person needs something done, he will resort preferably to someone he
knows. Relationships take precedence over formal contact with institutions, laws and regulations.
As such, due process may be regarded with suspicion because it could override informal
understandings. The influence of special interests on decision making is expected and condoned.
Participation is vibrant in ongoing discussions on soccer and politics, for example.
Expressiveness and emotion in verbal communication are tied to concepts of individualism.
The Argentine will impose through eloquence and wit, will rely on charm, and believes that
no task is above him. Argentines interrupt as an indication of eagerness to share opinions and
enjoy argument. This may dilute efforts to reach concrete simple goals.
Argentines are gregarious. Men, who maintain eye to eye contact, embrace with physical
demonstrations of affect. Relationships, based on reciprocity, are informal and stable over
time. Visitors are greeted warmly. The expectation of extending a relationship to parties’
mutual advantage is present. Personal relationships are established with ease. This does not
carry over to the business sphere, however.
Currently, after more than 20 years of democratic regimes committed to low inflation, a
free economy, and open trade, Argentina shows change. In the cities, people are always in a
hurry and remain active throughout long hours of the day. A feeling of loss of privacy and
control of their personal destiny prevails, because, after radical free marketers introduced
their normative strictures, the income gap widened, a percentage of Argentines benefited,
cities were modernized, and tourism has increased significantly. The middle class is definitely
pauperized as expected trickle-down effects of the inclusion of free-market economics had
suggested but did not materialize. Civilian governments have not found equitable balances
between democracy and efficiency, organizations have become more rigid rather than more
flexible, courts are ineffective and corrupt and, with penury, street violence increased. The
inability to develop a competitive strategy produced stagnation and frustration. Pessimism
ensued and many emigrate: they “return to the ships.”
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18 ARGENTINA: CRISIS OF GUIDANCE 685

16. A BRIEF COMMENT ON THE LIMITATIONS OF THE CURRENT STUDY

For an analysis of Argentine management practices, purposefully devoid of demographic data

collection, we chose the title: “A Crisis of Guidance: Argentine Leadership Icons and Middle
Managers Adaptive Responses.” Findings need replication but a crisis of leadership can be
hypothesized.
Data collection was carried out in 1995, and the downfall of the Argentine economy, after fol-
lowing the prescriptions of international agencies, occurred in 2001. Moreover, the cases of
Enron and Worldcom (“Capitalism and its troubles,” 2002, “Fallen idols,” 2002, Mintzberg,
Simons, & Basu, 2002) signaled critical incidents that cause more than attention.
Simultaneously, many transformation projects developed in Argentina (Altschul &
Carbonell, 2003) and much has happened since, most especially after 2003: fiscal goals are
being met, reserves and industrial productivity have increased year after year since then, and
unemployment has decreased significantly.
Further research should relate market conditions and economic guidelines on the emer-
gence of national adaptive behaviors.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Flavio Ruffolo wrote the economic history of Argentina; Mercedes López was instrumental
in drafting the final version; Marina Altschul researched and wrote key papers on the
development of the banking and food industries; María Marta Preziosa was instrumental in
data collection, interviews and revisions.
Special thanks are due to colleagues for the careful review of the first drafts by Héctor
Bozunovsky, Claudia d’Annunzio, Victor Lidejover, Juan Magliano, Vicente Miñana, Zita
Montes de Oca, Julio Neffa, José Luis Roces, Monique Thiteux; to Adriana Cristensen,
Ernesto Gantman, Laura Golpe, Fernando Isuani, Nora Gorrochategui, Marcela Jabbaz,
Claudia Lozano, Francisco Suárez and Jorge Walter, researchers at the Instituto de
Investigaciones Administrativas, School of Economics, Universidad de Buenos Aires; and to
my students in the post graduate programs in Human Resources, School of Economics,
Universidad de Buenos Aires, and at the Universidad Siglo XXI, Córdoba for their critical
suggestions. Johannes Adams helped make the text readable.

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Colombia: The Human Relations

Side of Enterprise*
Enrique Ogliastri
Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá, Colombia,
and INCAE Business School (Costa Rica)
Instituto de Empresa Business School (Spain)

1. COLOMBIA: ECONOMIC, POLITICAL, AND SOCIAL BACKGROUND

Population and Economy

Colombia had a population of 41 million in 1998, and an annual growth rate of 2.2%. The
average Colombian household included 5.2 persons, and population density reached 31
inhabitants per square kilometer. The nation’s literacy rate was 87%. Per capita income aver-
aged U.S.$1,400 annually, and purchasing power was one fourth that of the United States.
Sustained economic growth from 1987 to 1997 surpassed 4% annually. The gross domestic
product (GDP) is based on services (51%), industry (28%), and agriculture (20.5%). Foreign
trade totals U.S.$23 billion annually and is carried out mainly with the United States (36%),
Europe (20%), and the Andean Group (13%). Major exports include petroleum and its deriv-
atives; coffee, coal, and the illegal exportation of cocaine to the major consumption centers.
Industrial output is made up of agricultural and food products (30%), textiles and clothing
(16%), and transportation and machinery (8%).
The Colombian population is primarily a racial mixture balanced between Native
American peoples and descendants of Spanish conquerors, and people of African origin.
Although regional social differences still exist, as do traditional aboriginal groups, 75% of the
Colombian population now lives in urban areas.
The GLOBE study, covering middle managers from three industries (finance, telecommu-
nications, and food processing), was carried out in Bogotá, a city of 7 million inhabitants, half
of whom are immigrants from the provinces; the Spanish language and the Christian religion
(principally Catholic) predominate. Enormous socioeconomic differences do exist—the poorest
20% of the country’s population earned 4% of the national income.

*Translated by Steven William Bayless.

689
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690 OGLIASTRI

History

Although the nation’s colonial independence movement began in 1781, full independence
from Spain did not come about until 1819. Throughout the 19th century, Colombian leader-
ship alternated between military and civilian types, dedicated to bringing about major
changes in society’s structures as well as the nature of the state and the government. The first
leader in Colombia, after independence was achieved, was of course Simon Bolivar, the hero
of the Wars of Liberation in five Andean Republics. Bolivar is remembered as an audacious
and visionary leader. His revolutionary counterpart, Francisco de Paula Santander, known as
“the Lawmaker,” had a reputation for being a cold and efficient leader. Their differences led
to Colombia’s two-party system. By the mid-19th century, the country was once again in the
hands of a military leader—General Tomas Cipriano de Mosquera—whose radical policies
and liberal experiments led to civil war. Subsequent political change was personified by
President Nuñez, whose visionary statecraft included a national constitution that served the
country for more than a hundred years, until 1992. It is worth noting that in Colombia, con-
servative ideology triumphed at the end of the 19th century, which was not the case in most
Latin American countries. The conservative President Reyes headed the movement for
national reconstruction at the beginning of the 20th century.
By the 1930s, the Liberal Party had gained control of the government. President Lopez
achieved important political reforms that contributed to greater democratic participation and
led to more harmonious socioeconomic development. Nevertheless, civil war and widespread
violence have continued to plague Colombian society up to the close of the 20th century. By
and large, in recent decades the nation followed the economic models recommended by
ECLA (Economic Commission for Latin America), which encouraged the protection of
domestic industry by means of tariffs. President Lleras—another major liberal reformer—
focused on the promotion of exports, and on regional trade blocks, such as the Andean Pact.
However, as of 1990 these policies had taken a turn toward the free-market economy and the
privatization of state-owned enterprises.

Industries Studied

In the last decades, the financial sector in Colombia has been the source of major business
opportunities: Starting in 1974, a novel savings program that drew international attention was
instituted by the government under which new financial institutions attracted 30% of domes-
tic savings, which in turn were earmarked for new housing construction. This program helped
create a network of financial institutions that differed from traditional banks in the sense that
they were more dynamic and better organized. In contrast, the banking sector suffered a cri-
sis in 1982, which resulted in the closure of several major banks. This was followed by a
period of institutional reforms and control of the financial sector. Beginning in 1990, and as
a result of newly formulated free-market guidelines, the financial sector was opened up to for-
eign investment—mostly from Spain—and due to this increased competition financial insti-
tutions have consequently seen their profit margins drop. The financial sector in Colombia has
changed from being mostly state owned to being privately operated, and new financial activ-
ities have become a major part of this service industry—that is, the management of pension
and retirement funds, investment banking, fiduciary services, and cooperative organizations
banking. Major financial institutions have been organized under the system of headquarter
and specialized subsidiaries, with a tendency to multiple banking services.
Up until the 1990s, the telecommunications sector was the almost exclusive domain of the
state. Nowadays, cellular telephones, the Internet, satellite communications, new communications
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 691

services, and data processing have begun to compete with more traditional telecommunications
services. TELECOM, the nation’s most important communications entity, was state owned up
to 1998; however, its privatization process has set off an intense debate among political orga-
nizations and labor unions. Furthermore, the telecommunications sector is also being opened
up to news media organizations, online suppliers, local telephone companies, and foreign
telecommunications companies that possess advanced technology otherwise not available in
Colombia, as well as to the largest conglomerates in the nation (three of which are family
owned, and a fourth, which is regionally owned).
The food-processing industry has traditionally been a mainstay of the Colombian econ-
omy. For decades Colombia has been relatively self-sufficient in food production, and
national companies have predominated in this sector alongside a small number of multina-
tional corporations (such as Nestlé). Competition has recently increased, and free-market
policies have allowed for a greater number of imports and exports that have, in turn, con-
tributed to a more diverse selection of product availability and to a more dynamic business
environment in this sector. This growth has gone hand in hand with the sustained development
of the national economy as a whole.

Political System

The Colombian political system is an elective democracy in which the executive branch pre-
dominates within a centralized state (up to the 1980s). Power is concentrated in the hands of
an unchanging, limited elite (Ogliastri, 1976, 1996b; Ogliastri & Guerra, 1980; Ogliastri &
Dávila, 1987). It is difficult to clearly define the political system in Colombia because, in spite
of having supported democratically elected Governments throughout the entire 20th century
(with one exception in 1953), its internal contradictions require paradoxical political terms:
“Colombian democracy … in spite of its missing parts … is a surprising reality” (Arrubla,
1978, p. 218). According to Solaún (1980, p. 3), “The country is partially democratic,” or
barely “a liberal democracy” (Peeler, 1983). Kline (1974) termed it “patrimonial” and “elit-
ist,” “a slightly veiled autocracy, managed by an ‘oligarchy’ or ‘elite’” and Bailey (1977)
called it a “procedural democracy” (p. 260) and classified Colombia as an example of “elitist
pluralism” (p. 275). In addition, Lijphart classified it as “a consociational democracy” (1968,
1977), but later withdrew it from his list and Hartlyn (1988) insists on the same concept.
Hoskin and Swanson (1974) agreed that it was “a revolutionary situation in objective terms”
(p. 243); but, the term that probably best summarizes the Colombian paradox was coined by
Wilde (1978), “Colombia is an oligarchic democracy” (Ogliastri, 1989a, 1989b).
The national Constitution, adopted in 1991, signified an attempt to make the country more
democratic and egalitarian within a more just society, but in reality the political situation in
the country, in terms of elitist structures, has only slightly been changed and the use of armed
force continues to characterize the Colombian government (Peeler, 1994).

A Note on the Narcotics Mafia and the “War on Drugs”

As a result of the demand for narcotics in the United States, minor criminals in Colombia
were able to amass sizable fortunes during the 1970s by exporting marijuana; but, when the
United States itself became self-sufficient in marijuana production, Colombian marijuana
exports dropped dramatically. Colombian narcotics organizations subsequently began to
process cocaine (which, until then, had not been cultivated, and which was, as well, little
known in Colombia). Illegal cocaine contributed to the growth of wealthy mafias and to the
creation of enormous individual fortunes; to increased corruption in the public and private
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692 OGLIASTRI

sectors; to the assassination of judges, politicians (including presidential candidates), and

journalists; and to a wave of terrorism that forced the government of President Virgilio Barco
to declare a War on Drugs in 1989. By 1997, all of the Colombian mafia kingpins were either
in prison or dead, while at the same time U.S. drug consumption continued to increase and
the illegal narcotics business expanded.
A few individuals involved in drug trafficking possessed a certain charismatic appeal—as
was the case of Pablo Escobar in Medellin—but, in general, these criminals have been unsuc-
cessful in finding a place for themselves in the Colombian establishment. This failure can be
attributed, in large part, to the oligarchic and closed character of the Colombian ruling class.
In particular, the mafia has not been allowed to take control of any banks or financial institu-
tions, nor has the mafia been allowed to acquire interests in the telecommunications or food-
processing sectors of the economy. As a result, the narcotics mafia has invested its earnings
almost entirely in real estate and livestock, or has left the money overseas (Thoumi, 1994).
The narcotics mafia has also been accused of corrupting government officials and political
candidates—particularly in the financing of campaigns—and (many) public officials who
have been convicted of making contacts with the mafia have subsequently lost their congres-
sional seats and spent time in prison. This moralization campaign has been directed by the
former special prosecutor for the nation in conjunction with the head of the national police,
both of whom got nominations as presidential candidates in 1998 (La Figura, 1996).
By 1997, the War on Drugs centered on “illicit enrichment,” and on the extradition of
Colombian citizens. Financial institutions began to require all clients to declare the origins of
their deposits, with no one being exempt from having to prove the source of his or her income
under threat of confiscation and imprisonment for failure to comply. The extradition of
Colombian nationals has received little support from the general public, which has consis-
tently considered the measure as unfair.1

2. THE GLOBE STUDY IN COLOMBIA

Methods and Procedures

In accordance with the parameters outlined by the GLOBE group (see chap. 1 of this volume)
research began in Colombia in 1993. It included a combination of qualitative and quantitative
methods (Agar, 1994; Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Ogliastri, 1987).
The qualitative side of the research conducted in Colombia consisted of a pilot study, 72
semistructured interviews, three focus groups, 14 case studies, a questionnaire of nonobtru-
sive indicators, a comparative questionnaire on observations dealing with cultural variables,
and content analysis of the printed news media.
The quantitative research consisted of two surveys with 302 middle-level managers from
three economic sectors; and an organizational contingency questionnaire with 23 presidents
and vice presidents surveyed. Details on each one of these research activities are given later
on along with their corresponding results.

1
Most Colombians agree that the country should prosecute its criminals within its own borders instead of extra-
diting them to the United States; however, the U.S. government has constantly pressured the Colombian government
to enforce extradition treaties, a threat that has aided in the dismantling of organized crime in Colombia. The
Colombian government has moved to revive extradition through constitutional amendment, a policy that has sparked
widespread public debate and that has put the lives and reputations of national leaders at stake—depending on the
stance they have taken on the extradition issue.
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 693

Once the qualitative pilot study came to an end in 1994, this author, in collaboration with
14 research assistants, interviewed 75 midlevel managers (from the three sectors previously
mentioned) during the first semester of 1995. These qualitative interviews used open-ended
questions about real-life experiences. All interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed ver-
batim, which allowed for detailed content analysis of the information. At the same time that
these interviews were being conducted, a focus group analyzed case studies of leadership in
14 successful Colombian businesses. The report on this portion of the study was completed
before the results of the other GLOBE methodologies were revealed (Ogliastri, 1996a, 1997b;
Rodríguez, 1994).
The double-blind “back” translations and the pilot testing of the quantitative questionnaire
were completed in 1994 with a group of 56 postgraduate finance students. The final quanti-
tative survey was carried out during the second semester of 1995 with the GLOBE Alpha and
Beta questionnaires, to which 302 midlevel managers (from the three economic sectors)
responded.2
During the first semester of 1996, the Colombian team participated in the development of
participant observation and unobtrusive measures questionnaires of the GLOBE study. The
final questionnaires were responded to individually by participating researchers who dis-
cussed their results and reached a group consensus on the Colombian data.3
In the second semester of 1996, data were collected on leadership issues that appeared in the
printed news media, specifically, six publications during 1 week in September. The classifica-
tion, computerization, selection, and handling of these data took place in the months that fol-
lowed; and the final report, prepared in June 1997, was issued independently from the results of
the quantitative survey, which began to appear in May of the same year (Ogliastri, 1997b).
In summary, this study on Colombia’s culture and organizational leadership therefore
incorporated quantitative (a survey) and qualitative methods (interviews, focus groups, case
studies, media analysis) as well as mixed methods (participant observation and unobtrusive
indicators questionnaires). Such multiplicity of methods allows for a comparison of results
and formulation of general conclusions. In the sections that follow, the results of the
Colombian study are presented in the following order: data on Colombian cultural character-
istics as expressed in the quantitative questionnaire; unobtrusive observations; results on orga-
nizational culture; media analysis of leadership; survey results on leadership; data on case
studies, and the results of the focus groups and qualitative interviews.

Colombian Societal Culture: Quantitative GLOBE Survey

The Dutch researcher Geert Hofstede carried out a seminal study on the work-related values
of IBM employees in 53 countries, including Colombia. Cultural norms were divided by

2
The author was personally responsible for compiling the data on the financial sector; one half of this was
provided by one of the country’s largest banks, and the other half was provided by diverse financial institutions. The
other two sectors (telecommunications, food processing) were surveyed by research assistants under the direction of
the author. These questionnaires, which instead of concentrating on a limited number of business organizations in a
given sector, were taken at random, among midlevel managers, from a large number of businesses.
3
In the first semester of 1996, the back-translation and the development of the organizational contingency ques-
tionnaire were carried out in collaboration with the GLOBE study’s Spanish team; and data were compiled after
interviewing the presidents and vice presidents from the six companies where the greatest number of midlevel man-
agers has been surveyed with the Alpha and Beta questionnaires. The data provided by these corporate presidents and
vice presidents will be analyzed for organizational contingency content, as well as for the validation of other results
in the GLOBE study that are as yet unavailable.
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694 OGLIASTRI

Hofstede into four areas: equality versus power distance; the need to reduce uncertainty versus
tolerance of ambiguity; the individual versus the group; and masculinity versus femininity.
Colombia was classified high on the elitist scale, high on group orientation, medium high on
being in need of reducing uncertainty, and as a culture oriented toward “masculine” values.
A quantitative section of the GLOBE survey, designated Beta, included the participation
of 153 midlevel managers who responded to questionnaire items on the present situation in
Colombian society (“As Is,” perceived cultural practices), as well as on what they considered
Colombian society should become (“Should Be,” perceived cultural values). The response
items from the questionnaire were grouped into nine dimensions on the basis of literature
studies and empirically on the basis of the total sample of 61 GLOBE countries (for details
see House et al., 2004): Power Distance, Institutional Collectivism, In-Group Collectivism,
Uncertainty Avoidance, Gender Equalititarianism, Assertiveness, Performance Orientation,
Future Orientation, and Humane Orientation. Hofstede had originally identified four cultural
dimensions (Power Distance, Individualism, Masculinity, and Uncertainty Avoidance), but in
the GLOBE study, gender differentiation was broadened beyond just the terms “masculine-
feminine” (differentiating equality orientation from assertive “masculine” values), and two
different dimensions of collectivism (Institutional vs, In-Group Collectivism) were found.
Values were rated from 1 through 7 (the higher the value, the higher the variable content). The
data compiled for Colombia appear in Table 19.1.
It is worth mentioning that Colombian culture results were similar to the majority of the
10 Latin American countries of the GLOBE study, except for 3 of the 18 scales.4 Colombia
could be considered in this regard to be the most representative country of Latin America
(Ogliastri et al., 1999).

Power Distance. The most remarkable aspects that emerged from the study were the
descriptions that Colombian managers gave of their country as being excessively elitist, that
is, high in Power Distance “As Is” (Rank 11) and as wanting to see it becoming much less so
(Power Distance “Should Be,” Rank 61). This desire was so strong that Colombia placed first
among all 61 countries ranked, the only one in the extreme E category. Furthermore, they
described Colombian society as being highly In-Group Collectivistic (“As Is,” Rank 12), in
the sense of marked family and group loyalty values—aspects that they wished could be even
higher on the values scale (“Should Be,” Rank 2). These results coincided with those of
Hofstede from two decades earlier, except he did not distinguish between the two different
concepts of collectivism considered in the GLOBE scales. The managers are highly unhappy
about some individualistic features of their society. Another strongly felt hope among
Colombian managers was that Performance Orientation cultural practices (“As Is,” Rank 39)
should be much higher (“Should Be,” Rank 3).

Uncertainty Avoidance. Concerning Uncertainty Avoidance, the data have changed

since Hofstede’s study in which Colombia earned a medium index rating for Uncertainty

4
In Humane Orientation cultural values (“Should Be”), Colombian managers were among the 3-country minor-
ity wishing their country to have above-average (Band B) results, whereas the majority opted for the below-average
results (Band C). In Future Orientation, cultural values (“Should Be”) Colombia was above world average (top end
of Band B) but not as strongly as the majority of Latin American countries classified as Band A countries wishing a
higher Future Orientation. (For details about the Test Banding procedures, A > B > C > D, which was used to group
GLOBE countries, see Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004).
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 695

TABLE 19.1
Colombian Society, Cultural Practices (“As Is”) and Cultural Values (“Should Be”)

Hofstede (1960/1980) GLOBE (1996–1998)

N = 53 countries N = 61 countries

“As Is” (practices) “Should Be” (values)

(Colombia) Rank Score (Rank) Band Score (Rank) Band

Power (Elitism) Distance (17) 5.56 (11) A 2.04 (61) E

Institutional Collectivism – 3.81 (53) C 5.38 (7) A
In-Group (Loyalty) Collectivism (5) 5.73 (12) A 6.25 (2) A
Uncertainty Avoidance (20) 3.57 (53) C 4.98 (21) B
Gender Egalitarianism (11/12) 3.67 (12) A 5.00 (9) A
Assertiveness – 4.20 (25) A 3.43 (44) B
Performance Orientation – 3.94 (39) B 6.42 (3) A
Humane Orientation – 3.72 (46) C 5.61 (14) B
Future Orientation – 3.27 (53) C 5.68 (25) B

Note. Hofstede’s data appear classified in agreement with the position Colombia occupies among the 53 coun-
tries reported in 1991 (Hofstede, 1980, 1997). The GLOBE countries were grouped into three or four meaningful
groups (A > B > C > D > E) using a statistical procedure (test banding, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). The
GLOBE ranking indicates the position occupied by Colombia in comparison with a total of 61 countries (the
smaller the rank the higher the dimension value).

Avoidance (20th among 53 nations); whereas, in the latest survey, Colombia is rated as
having a medium-high tolerance for ambiguity (Rank 53) but in favor of more Uncertainty
Avoidance (Rank 21).
Why has uncertainty increased during the past 25 years in Colombia? This can, in part, be
explained as the result of the institutional changes that have transformed the country’s
economic development model from one based on protecting domestic industry to one based
on exporting goods and services, and on the liberalization of commerce. Consequently, non-
traditional exports now account for more than half of the country total exports, the outcome,
in part, of governmental incentives such as the Vallejo Act. Additional institutional transfor-
mations that have played an important role in Colombia’s uncertainty profile include the
decentralization of political power that began to take place in the 1980s, and that reached its
peak when a new, national Constitution was approved in 1991; other changes include: the
adoption of a new liberal economic model, new laws governing pensions, health plans, and
labor relations, as well as the privatization of public services.
Other factors that have created instability in the country include the following: the arrival
of new, illegal capital; the war on drugs; violent crime; powerful guerrilla armies; and the
weakness of the government and of the Colombian state in general. All of the aforementioned
factors have brought about enormous changes and subsequently greater uncertainty.
Yet another cause for the raise in uncertainty has to do with the performance of the economy
and the business sector which, from the beginning of the 1970s has not only grown signifi-
cantly, but did so in novel ways that have led to the opening up of new areas within the coun-
try. In the 25- year period 1972 to 1996, the Colombian economy was the fastest growing in
all of Latin America (4.5% on average). This dynamic economic growth has been dominated
by new business activities: the exploration, drilling, and distribution of petroleum in new
regions; the export of fresh-cut flowers; the production and international distribution of
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696 OGLIASTRI

bananas from large farms in the Uraba region; the production and export of primarily
marijuana and, then, of coca leaf and cocaine from plantations and laboratories located in remote,
jungle regions. This vigorous economic growth has all the trappings of what could be termed a
new entrepreneurial phase in Colombian history, one linked to new business ventures and to an
outward-looking economy; characterized by new and tenuous ground rules in which rapid eco-
nomic and institutional transformations require quick decisions, and taking quick advantage of
business opportunities—all of which contrast sharply with economically developed societies
whose business activities are well established and well on their way to full maturity.

Gender Egalitarianism. On Gender Egalitarianism, Colombia is positioned as an A

country in both practice (“As Is,” Rank 12) and ideal terms (“Should Be,” Rank 9). The
change in values registered between the Hofstede and the GLOBE studies does not come as
a surprise. Colombian society was classified by Hofstede as having “masculine” values; that
is, employees valued opportunities for high earnings, recognition for good performance,
advancement opportunities, and challenging work. The feminine pole carried out by Hofstede
listed employee preferences as: a good working relationship with the boss, a cooperative
atmosphere at the office, an attractive living area for self and family, and job security.
In the GLOBE study, the Masculine dimension was changed into two different scales:
assertiveness and female/male equality. Colombians were described as assertive (dominant,
tough, assertive, “As Is” Assertiveness, Rank 25, Band A), but a preference was expressed in
favor of a less assertive patterns (Rank 40, Band B). Gender differentiation was classified on
the feminine side (Rank 11, Group A), meaning a preference for gender equality. The same
preferences—higher equality on the job, equal school opportunities and sports programs—
were expressed as desirable for the future. Colombia ranked as 9 on Gender Egalitarianism
“Should Be” (Band A).
Oddly enough, neither male nor female managers indicated that gender differentiation was
remarkable in Colombia; neither was there a perceptible difference in their answers dealing
with sexual equality; furthermore, both women and men expressed leadership concepts in
identical terms (Ogliastri, 1996b).
In the majority of countries included in the GLOBE study, a preference for gender equal-
ity predominated. Colombia, unlike countries where the role of women is dictated by religion,
has been part of the international movement toward achieving gender equality. This is recon-
firmed by the large number of managers who have attended coeducational secondary schools,
by the growing numbers of women in executive posts (particularly in the financial sector and
in government posts), and by the changing attitudes toward equality among university
students in recent decades.
In summary, the study confirmed Hofstede’s findings on high collectivism and elitism in
Colombian society, as described by managers. In spite of a high desire to be able to control
unexpected events, Colombian people seem to be less able to reduce uncertainty than it was
two decades ago. It has evolved toward gender equality values; the GLOBE managers would
prefer as well an average assertiveness pattern. They know that Colombians live for the pre-
sent, are oriented to achieve, and are not overly sensitive, friendly, tolerant, generous, or con-
cerned, but they would like their society to be more humane and future oriented as well as
highly focused toward performance achievement.
The remaining variables in the survey were also classified as about average on the values
scale with respondents evidently in favor of creating a social environment that should be
more oriented toward the future (“Should Be,” Rank 25) and less preoccupied with immedi-
ate concerns (more thought given to the future).
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Colombian Culture: Nonobtrusive Observations

In addition to the quantitative survey in which nine cultural dimensions were measured,
observations were made and nonreactive measurements were taken, in all countries, for these
same dimensions. This meant that measurements could be obtained that were independent
from the Beta questionnaire. A strong correlation was found for these two measures. A sum-
mary of these nonobtrusive observations appears in the following subsections and includes
the variables that define Colombian culture in their order of importance: Collectivism, Power
Distance, Uncertainty Avoidance, Gender Egalitarianism, Assertiveness, Performance
Orientation, Humane Orientation, and Future Orientation.

Collectivism. Unobtrusive research efforts concentrated on determining to what extent a

society is oriented toward collectivist values by means of analyzing the family unit, the social-
ization of children, and sports. The extended family in Colombian society has long been rec-
ognized for its distinctive collectivist features: Unmarried or widowed adult children live with
their families; elderly parents are not placed in institutions, but rather taken in by one of their
children; Colombians learn from childhood to depend on extended family members instead
of “making it on their own.”
The most important sports in Colombia are soccer, cycling (in teams), and baseball (in the
Atlantic coastal region). Individual sports have few adherents. However, Colombian society
is not so controlled by family members that parents may arrange marriages, nor is it consid-
ered unacceptable for individuals to express nonconformity with the majority. Yet, core social
values in Colombia are undeniably collectivist or group oriented in nature.

Power Distance (Elitism). As has been previously clarified, one of Colombian society’s
key characteristics is the concentration of power in the hands of a closed, powerful elite. It is
not difficult to notice that social inequality, and the values that shore it up, is part of daily life;
for instance, in cities mansions coexist with shanty towns. Nor is it difficult to notice the priv-
ileges enjoyed by the top members of any major business organization; these include lavish
offices, special parking lots, fashionable clothing (instead of uniforms), and dining rooms that
are reserved for the different ranks among the company’s hierarchy. However, there is a trend
in corporations for a more egalitarian culture.
A millionaire’s household servants are divided into ranks, within just one household, and
cemeteries are even classified as being first or second rate. However, restaurants and
other public places are not reserved for one specific social caste. It is common in Bogotá to
hear the formal prefixes “don” and “doña,” or “doctor” and “doctora” in recognition of social
and professional status; but these formal genuflexions are not so common in the rest of the
country.
The nation’s police force can be quite authoritarian; nevertheless, law enforcement is lax,
and relations between police officers and the community are very limited. The high figures
on the GLOBE dimensions related to elitism in Colombian culture are not surprising, and
they are reconfirmed by the social observations garnered on elitism.

Uncertainty Avoidance. Colombia is undoubtedly immersed in improvisation and ambi-

guity, as can be seen by such behavior as the disobedience to traffic regulations, by the unim-
portance given to automobile liability insurance (until 1990 liability insurance was
nonobligatory), and in most cities, by the lack of organized passenger and driver courtesies at
bus stops and on bus rides. Colombians generally arrive late for appointments (half an hour
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698 OGLIASTRI

is common) although this custom has become lees acceptable, and there now exists greater
pressure toward being punctual, especially among companies and professionals (doctors and
dentists). As a rule, Colombians do not plan their vacations ahead of time (unlike members of
other societies); at the most, this is done just a few weeks before departure.
Colombian businesses usually have written rules and regulations (e.g., requests for photo-
copies), but exceptions to the rule, and “last minute” demands are considered equally impor-
tant. This culture, therefore, tolerates ambiguity which, in turn, has its positive implications
including flexibility, open-mindedness, creativity, innovation, reflex capacity, and the ability
to handle emergencies. But, this same ambiguity tolerance also has an unattractive side that
manifests itself as it does in any poorly planned society where it is not possible to identify
fixed rules, and where daily lives are often overwhelmed by chaos.

Gender Egalitarianism. In general, men have more status than women in Colombia;
however, gender is a secondary status factor compared to class or family ties, to income,
power, success, skin color, age, or even regional origin. There are four categories into which
nonobtrusive observations on gender equality can be divided: the law, social customs, values,
and real circumstances.
Monogamy has been the only acceptable marriage contract for both men and women, and
there is no judicial distinction between “legitimate” and “illegitimate” children. In legal
terms, gender equality has moved forward thanks to the 1991 Constitution. Colombian law
punishes sexual harassment and spouse abuse, but it is still not common for such cases to go
to court. Divorce laws, which did not exist until the 1970s, ensure equal rights for both
spouses. Legal marriage age is the same for both sexes. Women are allowed to join the armed
forces, although few do so, and the regulations governing feminine active duty are incom-
plete, which is beneficial for women in a country where military service is dangerous.
Insofar as social customs are concerned, boys’ schools were traditionally considered supe-
rior to girls’ schools, but this is no longer the case. “Masculine” and “feminine” occupations
are still differentiated (nurses, school teachers, psychologists, translators, household servants,
housewives, etc., are considered to be “women’s work”), the latter being held in less esteem
and not as well paid as the former. There are private clubs that still refuse to admit women,
and bars where a woman’s presence is considered “uncomely”; however, these prejudices are
beginning to disappear. Men still pay the bill when a couple is dating, but this custom is also
changing among university students since the 1990s.
Gender equality and societal values do not grant a woman greater status because she has a
son or because she has a daughter; nevertheless, most men hope to have at least one male heir
who will carry on the family name. Most Colombian heroes are men, but even before the dawn
of the feminist movement, the heroines of the War of Independence against the Spanish Empire
were exalted in Colombian history; and furthermore, women athletes who have earned
Olympic medals, or who have set outstanding sports records receive as much news coverage
for their achievements as do men. Only 20% of the presidential cabinet are women, a figure
that corresponds to the percentage of women presidential candidates who have campaigned
since the 1970s—with as yet no woman president being elected. However, a trend for equality
in the presidential cabinet is under way. Abortion is common (and illegal); and, if a baby is
abandoned or sold shortly after birth, regardless of their sex, it becomes a scandal.
Colombian managers described their nation’s culture as one in which gender equality is
now the norm. This is a surprising conclusion; however, it should be analyzed in light of the
fact that in Colombia, as in many parts of the world, gender equality has come to be considered
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 699

part of the social ideal, or as part of a new, ideological standard. This is reconfirmed by the
Beta survey in which business executives, particularly in Bogotá, expressed their strong sup-
port for women at work. Among those interviewed in this segment of Colombian society, the
women are graduates of coeducational, bilingual secondary schools and universities; their
marriages are often made up of dual-career couples, and both spouses share household and
childrearing duties; by doing so, they have placed themselves in the vanguard of changing
Colombian social values.
In spite of the fact that gender inequality and discrimination still exist, this author has
observed that business executive training programs, in which women made up only 5% of the
participants in the early 1970s, now have an enrollment (1990s) that includes 35% women
(a proportion similar to the number of women interviewed in the Beta survey).

Assertiveness. According to homicide statistics and other indicators of violent behavior,

Colombia is one of the most aggressive countries in the world. This is, in fact, one of the
country’s worst problems, as previously mentioned, and it is directly related to political con-
flict, organized crime, weak government, and social inequality. Aggression is one of their
major sociocultural problems. But Assertiveness also has positive undertones for Colombian
managers, who are used to soft interpersonal relations at work.

Performance Orientation. There is a growing tendency in Colombian culture toward

Performance Orientation (see Table 19.1), and this can be also observed in four areas: in pri-
mary and secondary schools, as well as in colleges and universities; in business organizations;
in legal statutes; and in publicly fostered cultural values. Primary and secondary schools often
rank students on a monthly basis, and the best students are rewarded at year’s end. However,
colleges and universities only reward extraordinary achievement (1% of those enrolled), a
practice that makes little or no impact (on performance orientation) on the majority of the stu-
dent body.
Teacher/professor evaluation by the schools is even less common, in part due to respect for
authority figures. These evaluations of professors are formal procedures related to scale or
promotion; nonetheless, a few universities rely heavily on student evaluations of faculty,
which has sometimes brought about a lowering of their respective academic standards. In
general, universities are increasing the use of faculty evaluation that focuses on teaching,
research, and publishing, and the entire educational system has begun to take steps toward
incorporating performance orientation into its agenda.
Many large and medium-size Colombian business organizations, although by no means all
of them, evaluate their employees for job performance, which is subsequently used as the
basis for promotion and salary increases. This is a standard practice among multinational cor-
porations, but only 50% of Colombian corporations follow suit. Employee rewards, such as
prizes and public recognition, are linked almost exclusively to salespeople; whereas promo-
tions are often linked—albeit subtly—not to employee merit, but rather to social status,
family ties, and personal connections.
There are very few laws or official initiatives that deal with commercial performance ori-
entation in Colombia, such as tax credits for corporate research and development, on-the-job
training programs, or business start-ups. Neither are streets, parks, or avenues named for pio-
neers of industry, nor for outstanding inventors—this being an honor reserved for those who
have achieved political power. Yet, values are changing with regard to the image of business
leaders, who are no longer seen as villains but rather as heroes or heroines of industry.
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700 OGLIASTRI

Parents tend to motivate their children toward performance, but the value given to affiliation
among Colombian families probably still supersedes performance as a primary goal. Even
among the upper middle class, whose members are the most achievement oriented of all, the
ideal of successful affiliation is widespread, a fact observed by the author in his teaching in
university classes and in executive workshops. Sudarsky (1973) has extensively researched
achievement in Colombia, and the results of his studies indicate important variations among
the country’s different geographical regions and among its social strata over a considerable
period of time.
In the final analysis, Colombia can be classified as moderately high on the performance
orientation values scale, when placed within an international context; but, the country is
clearly on the road toward establishing greater performance values. These conclusions recon-
firm Colombia’s ranking on Performance Orientation “As Is” in the above-average interme-
diate Group (B Band), but it is worth noting that it is one of the top three nations that
expressed a deep desire toward greater Performance Orientation “Should Be” (A Band),
meaning that this variable, among all of those in the GLOBE study, is the one that is under-
going the most significant change.

Humane Orientation. The traditional Catholic values of charity and resignation to one’s
destiny have always been part of Colombian culture, but these values are now being ques-
tioned by a nation whose majority finds itself face-to-face with an increasingly difficult situ-
ation. The GLOBE study’s humanitarian indicators were based on Colombian society’s
treatment of beggars and the homeless, prisoners, physical and mental minorities, children,
and the poor.
In Bogotá, beggars and the homeless share the streets with garbage recyclers, street ven-
dors, clowns, mental patients, and “lost souls.” Although there are no laws against free ven-
dors in shopping malls, security guards make sure that they do not bother shoppers. There are
public and private urban institutions that provide free meals to homeless adults and to
children—this is an extension of the philanthropic custom found in Colombia’s small towns
where many private homes feed the poor once a day. But, Christian charity has not solved the
country’s social problems, and many citizens oppose giving away food and shelter on the
grounds that it leads to even greater poverty and passivity. Terms such as “disposables” or
“human garbage” (desechables) have been coined and used by many to refer to the nation’s
homeless and to beggars on the street.
The state of the nation’s prisons has become deplorable due to overcrowding and to inhu-
mane living conditions, in spite of the fact that rehabilitation and prison work programs do
exist. Colombian law does not permit capital punishment, but prison homicide is common,
and many mortal crimes aren’t ever solved. Medical attention for prisoners is inadequate, and
this has been the cause of recent, bloody uprisings in the nation’s penitentiaries.
The treatment of the physical and mentally impaired is yet another indicator of impersonal
orientation. Colombia has set up special services, schools, and clinics for this segment of the
population, which is often considered as being a progressive step in comparison to the treat-
ment received in the past; however, this special treatment has recently come under fire as
being discriminatory and poorly focused toward full integration into society. In response to
this criticism, all schools are now enrolling the physically impaired and providing them with
special services so as not to exclude them from the general student body. But, Braille is not
available in elevators, old buildings and streets do not include wheelchair ramps, national tele-
vision is not captioned for the hearing impaired, and mental and physical minorities receive
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 701

no government subsidies, no specific social security, nor are companies required to meet
employment quotas for this sector of the population—all of which reveals little official con-
cern for these minorities.
The presence of child paupers and juvenile gangs who live in the streets of the major cities
continues to be a pressing national problem. Poverty may be the root of the problem.
However, the majority of the population has grown accustomed to this phenomenon, which
has not been changed by either public or private efforts to help these impoverished, juvenile
citizens. Until now a viable solution for the alleviation of the poverty from which a certain
sector of the Colombian population suffers has not been found by sociologists, philan-
thropists, or international aid organizations.
The legal system differentiates juvenile delinquents from adult criminals, and juvenile
courts send lawbreakers to reformatories. Child labor is legal from the age of 14, which is
young compared to international standards, and poor urban and rural children often leave
school to help their parents. This is not common in the “formal economy” where large com-
panies shun child labor, but it is a frequent practice in the “informal economy,” and in family
business ventures. Children’s rights can hardly be reinforced.
The poor, in general, receive subsidies for public utilities, housing, and university tuition
(based on family income), but none of these are sufficient to cover the enormous needs of the
nation’s poor, many of whom live in extreme poverty.
Colombia is a country at war, and it affects both combatants and the civilian population
alike, in war zones. The rebel army, armed drug traffickers, paramilitary groups, and even the
national army have been guilty of cruelly violating the Geneva Convention, as well as basic,
universal human rights. Colombian society can be classified among the below-average
humanitarian cultures—a conclusion supported by the GLOBE survey results about Humane
Orientation cultural practices according to which Colombia was rated in the C Band (Rank
46) of 61 countries (see Table 19.1).

Future Orientation. Colombian society is oriented more toward the present than toward
the future, even though it currently emphasizes the need to plan, predict, and sacrifice the here
and now for tomorrow. Five observations concerning this cultural value appear next.
First, Colombian culture is impulsive and spontaneous by nature; its members live for the
moment and make themselves happy without due thought to life’s necessities. This behavioral
pattern is passed on from parents to children.
Second, there is a contradiction between the official policy that advocates personal savings
and the cultural reality of immediate expenditure. During the past decade, the government has
greatly extended coverage for severance pay and pension funds, and there are strong restric-
tions to immediate consumer expending of such funds.
Third, modern, productive corporations represent a subculture insofar as the need to plan
is concerned, this being more the case in the telecommunications sector than in the other two
sectors surveyed. This is due to the fact that costly investments in telecommunications tech-
nology are justifiable only on a long-term (10 or more years) basis. Market/product research
and planning have also become requisites in the financial and food-processing sectors.
Competition has reduced profit margins and product feasibility studies take into account
2- to 6- year periods.
Fourth, the country’s major universities founded planning departments in the 1960s, often-
times limited to giving the architectural faculty the responsibility of planning future campus
expansion based, obviously, on planning future student enrollment. These plans, however, are
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702 OGLIASTRI

not always met, due at times to a lack of planning experience, and at other times to the arrival
of new presidents who, in turn, make abrupt changes in plans previously approved. This
latter case occurred at the country’s most prestigious private university in 1997, and led to a
complete failure in predicting student registration, which had previously been based on a
2- to 3- year plan that allowed for adjustments every semester.
The fifth, and final, observation deals with the sale of tickets to important sports events.
Tickets go on sale weeks ahead of time, but in reality fans begin to make their purchases only
a few days before the event, and it is possible to find tickets available on the same day that
the event is scheduled. Consequently, sponsors of such events have begun to offer discounts
to those who buy tickets ahead of time—a sales strategy that will, in time, probably become
widespread.
Colombian society is largely made up of a population where many basic needs go unmet,
and, therefore, embrace a cultural tradition based on instant gratification. Spontaneity is
necessary for being authentic in Colombia—the act of living for the here and now, without
repressing one’s thoughts and feelings. Yet, the Colombian state and large corporations are
moving constantly closer to imposing the international tendency toward Future Orientation.

Summary. The nonobtrusive social indicators confirm the results yielded by the GLOBE
questionnaire that was used with managerial interviewees. It can be concluded that, in spite
of sociocultural tensions and the tendency toward change, Colombian society is characterized
by high family and group values but low institutional collectivism; high elitism; high uncer-
tainty (low uncertainty avoidance); high gender equality; high assertiveness; and medium-
level performance orientation. There exist, however, contradictions with the tendencies
toward favoring a more egalitarian society, high institutional collectivism, and high perfor-
mance orientation. Colombia strongly favors to keep its family/in-group loyalty values, as
well as high gender equality. It is also leading to a more humane and future-oriented society.

Organizational Culture: What It Is and What It Should Be

The GLOBE Alpha questionnaire used in the survey evaluated the responses of 149 midlevel
managers who answered items dealing with the same variables described earlier for societal
culture (Beta questionnaire); but, in this case, these were specifically related to a business
organization (the company where the respondent were employed). Consequently, this sample
of managers differ from those surveyed in the previous section on Colombian culture and
society. Data collection focused not only on ascertaining what respondents thought about the
present state of their business organizations (“As Is” cultural practices), but also what they
thought these organizations should become in the future as well (“Should Be” cultural val-
ues). The results of this section of the survey are contained in Table 19.2, where data have
been divided into three columns corresponding to the three economic sectors studied.
The results broadly coincide with those for cultural values, however, it should be pointed
out that there was greater satisfaction expressed where the corporate organization was
concerned than with culture and society in general. Not only were the latter two described in
terms of diminished expectations, but criticism for both was harsher than it was for a
manager’s company.
The greatest difference between cultural and organizational results concerned elitist values in
Colombian society. The midlevel managers who participated in the study sharply perceived these
inequities, as well as the power distance that characterizes Colombian business and society. These
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 703

TABLE 19.2
Organization Cultural Practices (“As Is”) and Values ( “Should Be”)

“As Is” (practices) “Should Be” (values)

Organizational Culture Dimension Finance Food Telecom Finance Food Telecom

Institutional Collectivism 3.8 5.0 4.1 5.4 5.4 5.5

In-Group Collectivism 4.4 5.7 4.8 6.3 6.3 6.3
Power (Elitism) Distance 4.4 2.9 3.6 3.1 3.4 3.4
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.4 4.9 4.0 4.3 4.4 4.3
Gender Egalitarianism 3.4 3.5 3.4 4.4 4.9 4.8
Assertiveness 4.3 3.8 3.8 4.0 4.0 4.3
Performance Orientation 3.8 5.0 4.3 6.3 5.6 6.3
Humane Orientation 4.2 5.1 5.3 4.8 5.2 5.3
Future Orientation 4.0 5.3 4.2 6.0 5.9 5.7

managers considered their own companies to be more democratic and less committed to tradi-
tional values than to what they considered Colombian society in general to be.5
Large Colombian businesses are not a microcosm in the context of the society in which they
operate, as shown by the higher level of satisfaction expressed by managers for their respec-
tive companies, a level of satisfaction not expressed for their nation’s society. In all probabil-
ity, Colombian companies are more tuned to international cultural and management values.
Furthermore, around the world, the average of the managers included in the GLOBE survey
favored the values of performance orientation, future orientation, humanitarianism, collec-
tivism, equality, and nonassertiveness. These “universal” managerial values are given fuller
expression within Colombian businesses than within society at large, due to the fact that the
former make up a subculture whose values are more international. It is also worth pointing out
that large business organizations are controlled by management groups who have more alter-
natives to choose from and greater leeway in acting on decisions that can bring about change
in their immediate surroundings—unlike the poorer, underprivileged sectors of Colombian
society that are rooted in traditional values. Traditional Colombian values such as family/
in-group collectivism and humane orientation are more easily established in the organization
than in the society at large. Even though some aspects of this managerial ideal may contradict
conventional cultural norms (such as underestimating the patrimonial hierarchy), it is possible
for it to prosper within a business organization that bases itself on different values.

5
It is in the food sector where these differences can be seen most clearly, due to the fact, probably, that two of the
food processors surveyed actively promote corporate policies and values that shun elitism, carried out intensive man-
agerial development programs, aimed at strategic planning, team leadership, and empowerment. The difference
between the food sector results and that of the two other industries may be partially explained by such training. In
any event, business managers uniformly expressed their strong desire to have power distance reduced in Colombian
society and business.
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704 OGLIASTRI

3. LEADERSHIP IN COLOMBIA

The field of business administration in Colombia has been so dominated by the United States
that even the Japanese managerial systems introduced into the country have arrived in
English. Colombian executives have a tendency to embrace the latest fashions in managerial
systems; foreign gurus in the field are readily accepted, and their works enthusiastically
translated—except for terms such as benchmarking and Hoshin kanri. In the last decade, the
following works on leadership have been published in Colombia (initial publication date pre-
cedes date of translation): Bennis and Nanus (1985 [1985]); Bennis (1989, 1990), Jaap (1989,
1991), Beckhard and Pritchard (1992, 1993), Badaracco and Ellsworth (1989, 1994), Drucker
(1992, 1993), Stumpf and Mullen (1992, 1993), and McFarland, Senn, and Childress (1994,
1996). The following texts became available in Colombia after having been translated in other
Spanish-speaking countries: McGregor (1966, 1969), Kotter (1988, 1990a), Vroom and Jago
(1988, 1990), DePree (1989, 1993), Covey (1990, 1993), and Kotter (1996, 1997).
Research at the local level has been carried out by Gomez and Dávila, who have described
Latin America’s contributions and innovations in the field of business administration. The
results of their study, based on nine in-depth examinations of successful corporate cases,
revealed that outstanding Latin American leadership characteristics included: commitment to
the organization—“a giving of one’s heart and soul” to the enterprise; followed by charisma,
benevolence, paternalism, and intuition (Gomez & Dávila, 1994). Motta (1993) is a success-
ful Brazilian theoretical text translated from Portuguese.
The FES institute on leadership started in 1993 to train Colombian youth on leadership.
The business community has also widely accepted outdoor training leadership, as formulated
by Matamala (1994) and Mutis (1994), which utilizes know-how imported from the United
States and Europe emphasizing leadership that is not centered on the individual alone but
rather on the individual and the organization, as well as on empowerment and humanistic and
collectivist values.
A large study of Colombian leaders was undertaken by Ogliastri and Dávila (1987). As
pointed out earlier, leadership, as practiced by the Colombian ruling class in Colombian soci-
ety at large, has best been described as closed and elitist. The power structure in Colombia
was traditionally intertwined between the public and private sectors, with a power concentra-
tion tendency that increased as the economy expanded (Ogliastri & Dávila, 1983).
In contrast with a federalist system of government, the country has a centralized state
structure based mainly on the political concepts of President Núñez. More than 100 years ago,
he set out to establish a national governing class that would eschew regional factionalism and
that would adhere to a conservative political ideology that favored stable government. Once
this national governing class came into being, the need for a more regional (federalist) struc-
ture became apparent during the 1970s. Another key change that occurred among the nation’s
leadership was the blurring of the separation between the public and the private sector—the
cornerstone of traditional democracies—and a new group of the elite had careers in both the
public and the private sectors. These were the real transformational leaders within the elite:
Their vision, different from their public and private elite counterparts, was carried out in the
1990s (Ogliastri, 1996).
The most important forerunner of the GLOBE project is Hofstede’s study (1980, 1997),
which classified Colombians at that time as being highly oriented toward collectivist or group
values, highly elitist, living in uncertainty, and predominant in favor of masculine values.
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 705

Colombian Leadership: A Study of the Printed News Media

The week of September 1–7, 1996 (when no special events had been programmed that could
have distorted research results) was chosen in advance as the period in which to survey six
news publications in search of articles that somehow dealt with the subject of leadership in
Colombia. According to international research group agreements, three major Colombian
newspapers were selected—El Espectador, El Tiempo, La República—(the latter dedicated
almost exclusively to business news); two news weeklies—Semana and Cambio—and a
weekly business publication—Portafolio. As agreed on by participating GLOBE countries,
the sports sections and classified advertisements were not evaluated; but all other articles were
read in these publications from September 1 to September 7, 1996 (Ogliastri, 1997a).
Any article that dealt with leadership was analyzed in the following manner:

• The subject: who the leader was (i.e. a politician, a business leader, a group or organi-
zation, a country, etc.).
• The verb: what he/she/it/they did, what had been done, what could be done, what should
be done by the leader/s.
• The adjective: how actions were carried out, how actions were evaluated.

Using this method, key or core paragraphs were selected from 285 articles, and within these
chosen paragraphs, verb and adjective phrases that referred to a specific event were under-
lined. Subsequently, each article was classified under one or two key words, and these were
then combined with the underlined phrases in a computer program that allows for constant
updating of criteria on grouping and category expansion.
The 285 newspaper and magazine articles and their selected paragraphs were printed out
on 56 pages, and once this written information was examined, four important contexts
emerged that referred to major socioeconomic problems in Colombia: the ongoing armed
conflict that includes guerrilla warfare and narcotics terrorism (20% of the articles); the
implantation of a new economic model based on privatization and market liberalization
(16%); organized crime related primarily to the production and exportation of narcotics
(12%); overwhelming social problems (12%). Other frequently mentioned topics were: debat-
ing (13%); negotiating (11%); and planning (8%). And, finally, a small number were classi-
fied under “various” (6%).
This initial classification of news articles was based exclusively on context or content; but,
subsequently, multiple classifications were made, and more precise categories that took more
than just context into account were established. It was then necessary to identify the actions
described by the press, as well as how the press itself evaluated Colombian leaders within any
given context. This meant cross-classification of some categories, due to the fact that some
articles dealt simultaneously with several contexts. For example, articles on the armed con-
flict often criticized the alliance between guerrilla forces and the peasant growers of coca
leaves (an ethical problem) whereas others criticized the violation of human rights among
combatants or among the civilian population (a humanitarian problem) and further articles
criticized the ineffectiveness of the armed forces and suggested that military activity be
increased (a military leadership problem). In general, the articles provided a multifaceted
view of a problem which, in turn, contributed to article’s being assigned to more than one
category (Herrán, 1993).
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706 OGLIASTRI

The military context provided an opportunity to analyze the leadership characteristics of

guerrilla leaders, army generals, and police officers on active duty—primarily in confronta-
tion with guerrilla and narcotics organizations—and a few articles dealt with international
armed conflicts (i.e., the United States bombed Iraq during that week). In addition to direct
physical confrontation, the military context touched on areas such as peace dialogues, peace
negotiations, ethics, efficiency, and humanism.
Popularity polls published during September named the special prosecutor of the nation as
the most popular public figure in Colombia (just as his predecessor had been upon leaving the
post). This preference revealed how concerned Colombians were about the threats to ethical
behavior. Indeed, the printed news media emphasized “integrity” as being the most important
issue facing Colombian leaders in their efforts to deal with the country’s most serious social
problems: the exportation of narcotics to the United States by organized crime syndicates;
guerrilla forces that financed their illegal activities by carrying out kidnappings or by provid-
ing protection services to cocaine producers; and chronic government corruption. The jour-
nalistic portrayal of the struggle against organized crime was categorized as an integrity issue
as a result of reporters’ constant use of terms such as ethical, honest, and legal when writing
on this subject.
Another highly popular public figure was the head of the national police force, who had
been successful not only in capturing the principal members of the Cali Drug Cartel (one of
whom was killed in a gun battle), but in cleansing the police force itself, and in improving the
morale of the nation’s police officers. Both of these law enforcement figures were praised for
their simplicity, their humanity, their sense of public service, and their equanimity. Their pub-
lic stances and behavior were perceived as putting them at risk of assassination attempts.
Hence, these profiles were categorized as examples of “courage” in the midst of very unfa-
vorable circumstances. The verbs most frequently linked to this context included to tell the
truth, to alert, to criticize, to control, to solve, to manipulate, and to negotiate.
“Competition” in terms of being a leadership characteristic mostly applicable to the busi-
ness world was also frequently mentioned in press reports. The major competitive challenges
cited for the Colombian economy in the 1990s were those of neo-liberal economic policies
and the privatization of state-owned enterprises. A successful competitor was often described
as one who had a clear-cut plan for future development based on solid research and prepara-
tion. In general, protectionist policies were not cited, except those related to joining regional
trade blocks; most attitudes were deemed active instead of passive; and hard work and sur-
vival tactics were cited as being priorities along with creativity, persistence, and the energetic
seeking of successful goals. These terms were consistent with the performance of the
Colombian economy, which had been ranked as among the most outstanding in Latin
America up to 1997.
The social context referred, in general terms, to those conflicts related to inequality and to
the pressing social problems within the country. The government (of Ernesto Samper) came
into office pledging to make substantial expenditures on social welfare programs, but was
unable to achieve much (in spite of the public deficit), due probably to the many political
problems that arose after allegations were made that the president’s successful 1994 campaign
had been, in part, financed with funds provided by drug traffickers; consequently, one of the
government’s star cabinet members along with the Samper campaign treasurer have both been
imprisoned. The president was judged and acquitted by Congress. Other newspaper and
magazine articles in this category made reference to grassroots uprisings, and to the govern-
ment’s reaction to these events in terms of solidarity and humanistic values. Oft-repeated
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 707

terms in these articles included justice, ethics, negotiation, violence, service, improvement,
love, education, alliance, to encourage, to cooperate, and to associate.
Media reports drew attention to the tendency of Colombian leaders to debate issues, to
remedy inequities, and to demand justice based on social and ethical values. These public
debates took place on diverse stages: in Congress (political), in the Supreme Court (judicial),
and at social and economic forums. The nation’s press emphasized that these encounters had
been intense and expressed with verbs such as to democratize, to correct, to compete, to nego-
tiate, to control, to judge, and to pacify, as well as with adjectives like arbitrary, courageous,
honest, legitimate, just, social, and military.
Articles that dealt with negotiations, pacification, reconciliation, solutions and dialogues
also contained references to humanization, criticism, control, commitment, initiative, as well
as to the adjectives ethical, courageous, and weak.
Articles that concentrated on planning mentioned verbs like to alert, to compete, to antic-
ipate, to propose, and to call, and the adjectives opportune and visionary.
In the final analysis, ethical behavior was clearly the most important aspect used in evalu-
ating Colombian leaders among the multiple contexts in the articles studied. The second most
important leadership characteristic was found to be the ability to improve the current socioe-
conomic situation through maximum achievement and success. The ability to negotiate
among parties in conflict occupied third place on the list of leadership priorities; fourth place
was taken up by characteristics related to social solidarity and to protecting the common inter-
ests of Colombian society. The ability to plan with a vision toward the future ranked fifth
among leadership qualities, followed by military decisiveness and the use of force to bring
about change (Ogliastri & Wittingham, 2000).

Leadership in Colombia: GLOBE Survey

Sample. The quantitative survey’s demographic data for the 302 midlevel managers is as
follows: average age, 35; 65% men; 100% residing in Colombia; 99.7% born in the country;
90% classified themselves as Roman Catholics (267 out of 296); 99% spoke Spanish in their
parents’ home; and 97% spoke this language in the workplace. They had, on an average, 16
years of formal education (equivalent to the time needed to earn a university degree in
Colombia, where the average college graduation age is 23) consistent with an average of
12 years full-time work experience, and 7 years experience in executive posts. They had
worked an average of 5 years and 3 months in their current positions, and 33% had at one time
worked for a multinational corporation. An average of 12.5 people reported to each manager
who typically presided over a company section that averaged 24 employees in total. These
managers occupied, on average, positions within the corporate hierarchy that were classified
two levels away from the highest level and three levels above that of the company’s workers.

GLOBE Questionnaire. Sections 2 and 4 of the GLOBE questionnaires (Alpha and

Beta) referred to the characteristics and behavior of “an outstanding leader”; that is to say, a
person able to motivate others, and able to influence or to facilitate in others behavior that
contributes to achievement and success in a business organization. The questionnaire format
requested that each respondent assigns a number, between 1 and 7, to 112 attributes and
behaviors, divided into seven categories: 1-greatly inhibits, 2-somewhat inhibits, 3-slightly
inhibits, 4-does not influence, 5-contributes slightly, 6-contributes somewhat, or 7-
contributes greatly to making a person an outstanding leader.
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708 OGLIASTRI

TABLE 19.3
Scores, Ranks, and Bands for Colombia Based on the 21 GLOBE Leadership Dimensions

Leadership Dimension Score Rank Band

Charismatic I: Visionary 6.36 (4) A

Performance Orientation 6.39 (5) A
Collaborative Team 5.90 (5) A
Team Integrator 6.30 (5) A
Integrity 6.43 (10) A
Modesty 5.43 (9) A
Administratively Competent 6.11 (14) A
Diplomatic 5.63 (21) A

Charismatic II: Inspirational 6.34 (13) B

Charismatic III: Self-Sacrificial 5.21 (15) B
Conflict Inducer 4.19 (22) B
Status-Conscious 4.51 (24) B
Nonparticipative 2.54 (34) B
Procedural 3.78 (38) B
Humane 4.56 (42) B
Decisive 5.52 (53) B
Autonomous 3.34 (56) B

Autocratic 2.44 (42) C

Face Saver 2.50 (44) C
Self-Centered 1.91 (49) C

Malevolent 1.59 (48) D

Based on the total GLOBE sample, leadership attributes were statistically grouped into 21
first-order factors (first-order leadership dimensions) that were consolidated into 6 second-
order factors (for more detailed descriptions, see House et al., 2004, and the introduction and
concluding chapters of this volume). The raw scores and rankings (the lower the rank, the
more important the factor) of each of the 21 leadership dimensions for Colombia appear in
Table 19.3. The dimensions are listed in descending order based on Test Bands (last columns).
It is worth noting that in the categories of performance orientation, vision, team integrator,
and team collaboration, Colombia ranked among the top 5 of all 61 countries surveyed. Based
on the Test Band A categorization, it appears that Colombian managers are convinced that a
person who is highly interested in excellence (performance orientation), who organizes teams
(team orientation, team collaboration), who clearly indicates where to go (visionary), who is
a good administrator, and who leads with integrity, modesty, and diplomacy, possesses the
most important assets for being an outstanding leader in their company. On the other end of
the spectrum, being malevolent occupied last place on the list of behavioral values and
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 709

attitudes that contribute to what is deemed essential in an outstanding Colombian business

leader. Thus, hostile, dishonest, vindictive, irritable, nondependable, noncooperative, egotis-
tical, and intelligent but cynical, constitute the extreme of least desirable characteristics of a
leader.
It is important for a Colombian leader to be charismatic in the sense of being visionary,
that is, to be future oriented, to have foresight, to be prepared, and to plan ahead, in a fashion
that can be considered intellectually stimulating for the organization. The issue of integrity,
meaning an individual who is sincere, who is fair in making decisions and in judging people
and events, and who is, furthermore, honest and trustworthy, all of which were considered
crucial factors for the success of an outstanding leader was also among the first-ranked behav-
iors and characteristic. Another important personal trait was that of being modest, self-effacing,
and patient.
It may be that the very expressive nature and extreme reactions characteristic of Latin
American society contribute to the fact that the diplomacy factor is highly esteemed in the
organizational context. It means to be an effective bargainer, and a worldly win-win problem
solver. On a final note, the study emphasized the importance of behavioral modes that were
judged competent, that boosted organizational efficiency, were orderly, administratively
skilled, and organized.
The second-order leadership factors summarize the 21 original factors in the following
way: Charismatic/value based (visionary, inspirational, self-sacrifice, integrity, decisive, and
performance oriented), Team Oriented leadership (collaborative team orientation, team inte-
grator, diplomatic, malevolent [reverse scored], administratively competent), Participative
leadership (nonparticipative [reverse scored] and autocratic [reverse scored]), Self-Protective
leadership (self-centered, status-conscious, conflict inducer, face saving, and procedural),
Humane Oriented leadership (modesty and humane oriented), and Autonomous (autonomy).
Results about the second-order leadership scales confirm the pattern described previously
(see Table 19.4). Colombia ranks rather high (5th, Band A) for Team Orientated leadership,
and on the three leadership dimensions (Charismatic, Participative, Humane) medium to high
(11th, 21st, 25th, all in Band B). The disfavored dimensions for Colombian managers are
Autonomous (Rank 56, Band C) and Self-Protective (Rank 35, Band E).

Leadership in Colombia: Case Studies of Successful Organizations

Fourteen Colombian business firms, with reputations for outstanding leadership, were singled
out for case studies. Although two of these firms were not, strictly speaking, “Colombian”
(both were subsidiaries of multinational corporations), all of their personnel were Colombian
nationals, especially those who had been designated as outstanding leaders. “Outstanding”
businesses in these cases meant those whose growth and efficiency were higher than that of
others in the same sector, and higher than that of Colombian economic indicators in general
(Kouzes & Pozner, 1987). Nevertheless, neither do these companies represent the 14 most
successful companies in their respective sectors, nor do they represent the most successful in
the country as a whole, nor were they chosen through a definite selection process. However,
they did share several features: a certain recognition level in business publications; having
been mentioned in the qualitative interviews (see the following section); easy access to inter-
view personnel; and they included diverse examples among the heterogeneity of the firms
studied.
Fifteen student research aides were assigned in pairs to prepare an in-depth case study on
a Colombian business firm. In many of these studies, an attempt was made to amplify the
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710 OGLIASTRI

TABLE 19.4
Leadership in Colombia: Second-Order Leadership Scales

Second-Order Leadership Scales Score Rank Band

Team Oriented 6.07 5 A

Charismatic/Value Based 6.04 11 B
Participative 5.51 21 B
Humane 5.05 25 B
Autonomous 3.34 56 C
Self-Protective 3.36 35 E

analysis of transformational organizational leadership as it had been reported in interviews

(see the following section). As a first step in preparing these case studies, Colombian compa-
nies recognized for outstanding performance were identified, and members of their executive
staff and other personnel (including the leader’s secretary) were then interviewed on why they
thought their companies were successful. If an interviewee mentioned leadership as among
the reasons for the company’s success, this topic was then given in-depth treatment. If it was
not mentioned, questions were then posed to determine what kind of leadership existed within
the organization in terms provided by managers. Finally, the organizational leader was inter-
viewed on specific aspects of his or her career, life, and philosophy, and was then asked to
describe his or her actions that had helped to achieve results for the company. After carrying
out a minimum of eight interviews at each company, a case study was then written. A num-
ber of other well-known leadership cases were also analyzed. The companies studied indepth
included six from the financial sector, two from the telecommunications sector, and six from
other sectors. These latter six were selected based on the fact that their presidents were con-
sidered prominent leaders in the business world.6
Once the reports had been written and distributed among the research group, each case was
then discussed by the team with leadership being emphasized as the primary topic. As hap-
pened in the focus groups, similarities were discovered in the results from among the differ-
ent sectors, that is, the financial sector, the telecommunications sector, and the six cases from
diverse sectors.
In summary, the research results from these three sectors largely coincided. In all three, the
primary leadership element discovered among these cases was having an overriding strategic
vision for the company, based on a clear, long-range perspective. In second place was a
special command of human resources management, particularly the use of extensive training

6
The following is a list of the business firms studied, followed by the names of their researchers (in parentheses)
and an asterisk if the case was not collected within the GLOBE project: (a) the financial sector: Colmena Savings
Corporation (Pilar Gracia and Layla Spicker), Cáceres & Ferro (Mónica Serna and María Fernanda Ordóñez), Bank
of Colombia (Ana María Villodres and Adriana López), Fiduciary Sudameris (Laura Pardo), Las Villas Savings
(Jaime Vergara), Solidarity Corporation Corposol (J. Austin & E. Ogliastri, 1996) (*); (b) the telecommunications
sector: ATT-NCR Colombia (Claudia Soler and Felipe Gómez), Uisys Colombia (Susana Steiner); (c) other sectors:
Reconstructora Comercial (Enrique Ogliastri, 1994b) (*), Transejes (Enrique Ogliastri (*) Corona Tiles (Cristina
Otero and Carlos Felipe Betancur), Aces Airline (Ricardo Matamala) (*), Industrial Gabriel (Ricardo Matamala and
Jorge Ardila) (*), Group Jom (informal education) (Kenneth Mediwelson). Most of these cases are in the text of
Matamala and Ogliastri (1994).
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 711

programs outside of the company, joined with the charismatic appeal of the concerned man-
ager, humanistic values in interpersonal relations, contact with personnel, and teamwork. In
third place, was an outstanding participatory managerial style characterized by trusting the
team and by demanding results. Fourth place was occupied by a confluence of values linked
to the social responsibilities of the company, to training programs for employees, and to the
integration of the family. And, finally, particularly in the finance and telecommunications sec-
tors, technological innovation was considered essential to the company’s success. As is seen
later, the qualitative interviews, which were conducted parallel to the case studies, confirm,
for the most part, the results on leadership in Colombian businesses obtained in the analysis
of these 14 case studies.

Leadership in Colombia: Qualitative Interviews

During the first phase of the qualitative study, a pilot test was conducted on the questionnaires
and the methodology to be used. This involved five personal interviews and 27 written reports
(Ogliastri, 1994a; Ogliastri & Rodríguez, 1994). The main research consisted of 75 interviews
with managers from the three sectors studied, and a focus group set up to review the differ-
ences between leaders and managers.
The interviews were based on two semistructured GLOBE questionnaires with open-ended
question formats that sought personal responses on experiences and perspectives regarding
organizational leadership. Under the direction of the author, 13 senior-year business students
(from the University of the Andes) conducted most of the interviews. Each research aide con-
ducted five interviews. Researchers sought out personal acquaintances in a first step toward
selecting interviewees described as midlevel business managers in the financial, food-process-
ing, or telecommunications sectors. Due to the heterogeneity, regional origin, and number of
interviewers, this part of the study was carried out at random, with no measures taken to iden-
tify, or to prevent, possible biases. Forty-six managers from the financial sector were inter-
viewed, 16 from the food-processing sector, 4 from the telecommunications sector, and 6 from
other sectors. Three interviews were withdrawn from the research project, due to their very
poor quality and incomplete answers. All interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed ver-
batim, and classified for archival records and computer data analysis (Mishler, 1986).
A focus group, made up of 13 research assistants, later met for 2 hours in an effort to sum
up the conclusions reached by research participants (Agar & MacDonald, 1994; Merton,
Fiske, & Kendall, 1990; Morgan, 1988, 1993). A psychologist, who conducted focus groups
for a marketing and advertising firm, presided over the group meeting in which the following
topics were discussed: the definition, according to each research assistant’s interviewees, of
an outstanding leader and of a normal manager; the differences between the two; descriptions
of concrete examples of leadership in action; the names of outstanding leaders; and direct
quotes on what had motivated the managers to go beyond the call of duty. Finally, researchers
discussed their own methodological approaches in the preparation of final reports. This
session was audiotaped and transcribed by the director of the session who later prepared a
written report on the focus group.
The core research topic that needed to be absolutely clear in the minds of interviewees was
how, as a result of their own experiences, they had come to differentiate a normal, good, or
competent manager, who lacked leadership qualities, from a genuine leader capable of
producing exceptional results and of transforming a commercial enterprise (Bass, 1985;
Kotter, 1990b; Sayless, 1983). This difference between what constitutes a normal manager
and what differentiates them from an exceptional leader was quickly and widely accepted by
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712 OGLIASTRI

Colombian interviewees, who needed no extensive explanations by interviewers to clarify this

point.7
Throughout the research project, results emerged in various stages. The first attempt to
arrive at general conclusions was by means of a report based on five interviews that had been
carried out by each research assistant. This comparative effort encouraged participants of the
validity of their mutually consistent research results, which were later reconfirmed in the
focus group meeting, as well as during the content analysis of the interviews themselves.
Thirteen research assistants, who had conducted five interviews each, met to delineate the
characteristics of an exceptional leader as deduced from their respective interviews. These
leadership characteristics were listed as:

• Works toward goals.

• Works well with people.
• Convinces, motivates, is charismatic, and “has a way with people.”
• Inspires, is self-assured, and is recognized by others as being so.
• On the other hand, a normal manager was characterized as someone who:
• Concentrates on daily operations.
• (Ab)uses his or her power.
• Is unable to communicate well.
• Doesn’t trust others.
• Is not visionary.
• Seeks individual recognition.

Once further differences between a normal manager and an outstanding leader were clarified,
Table 19.5 was prepared.
In the interviews on leadership, questions were posed on actual leadership incidents, many
of which had to do with the handling of crisis situations. In these incidents, the leader emerges
as the one who is best able to solve a problem through dialogue, negotiation, and mutual
understanding; or, as being the person who, in a given situation, makes a decision and con-
vinces others to agree; or who can motivate others to follow specific policies. It was not pos-
sible to clarify, however, whether these two modes were caused by different kinds of
situations or by different kinds of leaders.
The leaders mentioned in the interviews were almost all Colombians, well-known inside
their own companies, but foreigners and historical figures were mentioned as well (i.e.,
Mother Teresa of Calcutta, Churchill, Bolivar). It should be noted that very few women were
cited as “model” leaders. At the same time, interviewees mentioned “negative” leadership as
personified by Hitler and Pablo Escobar, or by white-collar criminals, who, according to some
interviewees, could not be differentiated from “good leaders” as far as performance and the
abstract process of leadership were concerned.
Insofar as the reasons given by interviewees as to what motivated them to work above and
beyond that required by their job descriptions, they emphasized in their responses that they

7
Nevertheless, 2 of the interviewees (out of a total of 75) did not accept the difference: One implied that all man-
agers must, by definition, have a natural talent for leadership, whereas the other stated that exceptional leaders were
personally unknown. However, an overall methodological problem that did occur during the interview was the ten-
dency of participants to negatively judge “normal” managers while at the same time exaggerating the attributes of
the outstanding leader.
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 713

TABLE 19.5
Focus Group Results: Differences Between a Leader
and a Manager in Colombia

Leader Normal Manager

Strategist; has an overall view Day-to-day detail operator

Long-term vision Short-term vision
Works well with people Individualistic
Flexible Inflexible
Ambitious Standard goals
Looks ahead, anticipates Constantly in emergencies
Has independent personal power Personal power based on position

felt their jobs gave them an opportunity for personal growth; that extra effort on their part
gave them the authority to set high internal (organizational) standards (not dependent on out-
side pressure); and that their own outstanding job performance came about as a result of their
wanting to test themselves, more often than as having been motivated in terms of a response
to a leader’s motivation.
As a result of the content analysis carried out on the 72 interviews, three key exceptional
leadership elements were identified: outstanding group and individual relations, a vision for
the future of the company, and management style. Three complementary aspects were also
identified: integrity, innovative action in moments of crisis, and the setting of ambitious goals
(described later).
The primary exceptional leadership characteristic, as inferred from the experiences of the 72
interviewees, was taken from the realm of personal relations within the company itself. Leaders
described as exceptional were known for being “open” with others; willing to listen; perceptive
or understanding; worried about the feelings of others; capable of expressing warmth and
friendship; “having a way with people”; and for loyalty to the group. These characteristics were
listed alongside charisma, humanistic values, personal magnetism, physical presence, the abil-
ity to motivate by example, and the ability to encourage others to follow. Furthermore, excellent
communication abilities and the ability to convince people and to move them to make commit-
ments were also pointed out as outstanding leadership characteristics.
The management of personnel by outstanding leaders was described as being based, first
of all, on the careful selection of collaborators, knowing how to surround oneself well, and
then being able to recognize each individual’s limitations and potential. Another aspect of out-
standing management style was described as the ability to develop personnel through work
assignments, to delegate responsibilities, and to accept others’ mistakes as learning experi-
ences. The exceptional leader was profiled as one who communicates well, who makes the
company’s policies and objectives known throughout the entire organization, and who
informs others of the reasons why things are done, and what the problems facing the com-
pany are, all in an effort to motivate personnel.
The second most important element that characterizes outstanding leaders in Colombian
culture is their ability to have a vision for the future. Visionary leaders were described as
“those who know where they are going,” as having clear objectives, as being prepared for the
future, as being protagonists in their environments, and as having knowledge of how to set
priorities and to make opportune decisions. Other facets of extraordinary leaders that were
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714 OGLIASTRI

mentioned, included having in-depth knowledge about their specific economic sectors,
knowledge that contributed to analyzing problems and finding solutions in an innovative and
creative way (innovation as the key to the future), and being able to see things from a differ-
ent perspective and with greater projection than others do, such as an ability that contributes
to bringing about necessary changes. Outstanding leaders are ambitious in defining their
long-range strategies; they “dream the impossible”; they are decisive; and they are able to
visualize opportunities and to take on challenges with their teams. This latter outstanding
leadership characteristic was more sharply profiled in men than in women. Exceptional
women leaders seemed to give greater emphasis to interpersonal aspects, to emotions, and to
charisma, which are considered as much a part of human relations as they are a part of the
management style described later.
The third essential element that identifies an outstanding leader in Colombia is his or her
management or administrative style, characterized by the ability to work with groups (team-
work), the ability to foster change in a vigorous and positive manner, the ability to coordinate
and integrate the interests of all personnel, and the ability to be strict and demanding but at
the same time generous and cognizant that outstanding team members deserve individual
recognition. Outstanding organizational leaders in Colombia base their authority on a struc-
ture that begins at the bottom of the business: That is to say, they believe in “empowerment,”
which allows employees to have faith in their own company-orientated achievements.
Outstanding leaders are convinced of the capacity of the individuals who work for them, as
well as of the same individual’s group efforts. Outstanding leaders encourage self-criticism
that contributes to improving employee achievement; they consult with, and encourage, the
group to make suggestions that facilitate change; and they are able to motivate others to face
challenges and to risk making mistakes. This exceptional management style is most apparent
during times of crisis, when genuine leaders are put to the test and are forced to prove them-
selves. It is during these moments when an outstanding leader resorts to persuasion without
impositions, thus encouraging others in the organization to aim toward the common good
with an enthusiastic attitude that will lead to the solution of the crisis situation.
These three essential elements—human relations, vision for the future, and management
style—along with three secondary elements—integrity, innovation in times of crisis, and set-
ting ambitious clear-cut objectives—are what personify outstanding organizational leaders in
Colombia.
The definition of personal integrity begins with having an ethical and moral work code,
followed by being able to make people feel that what the company is doing is morally and
socially correct. Leaders are perceived as having integrity if they are “genuine” and “authentic”;
that is to say that they tell the truth and keep their word. An exemplary outstanding Colombian
leader is also guided by just moral and social values, and is able to make others believe in his
or her sincerity, sense of justice, and consistency in word and deed.
Even in situations that are not deemed critical, an authentic leader seeks new opportuni-
ties, takes a stand on important business issues, inspires a positive sense of urgency, generates
renovation and radical transformation, changes the status quo, and accepts change in a posi-
tive manner.
The final outstanding leadership characteristic listed by the interviewees in Colombia was
that of being able to set very high and stimulating objectives, joined with the ability to inspire
a sense of responsibility in the fulfillment of these goals.
The qualitative interviews emphasized, time and again, that human relations, vision for
the future, and participatory management based on integrity, ambition, and creativity were
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 715

essential to the makeup of an outstanding organizational leader in Colombia. The results of

the study, accumulated through diverse methodologies, appear to point toward the following
summary.

4. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Organizational leadership has been studied using a variety of research methods and perspec-
tives, and the results appear to be mutually consistent. In specific terms, five of the six ele-
ments that characterize the transformational leader in the qualitative interviews also appear
among the top factors in the quantitative survey: team orientation, orientation toward out-
standing performance, vision, integrity, and participatory management. The other one, inno-
vation, is not a category on the quantitative questionnaire. As can be seen in the comparative
Table 19.6, there is a total of eight information sources on transformational leadership char-
acteristics in Colombian culture: three of which were obtained using quantitative methodolo-
gies (the GLOBE scales on culture, on the company, and on leadership), one using mixed
quantitative and qualitative methodologies (GLOBE questionnaires, which were used to
guide observation and nonobtrusive measures), and four using qualitative methodologies
(analysis of printed news media, case studies, focus groups, and interviews). This combina-
tion of independent methodologies bore fruit in the sense that each part mutually validated
the other, meaning that no contradictions were encountered in the overall study results.

Seven Essential Business Leadership Elements in Colombia

The primary organizational leadership element in Colombia seems to reside in the categories
that refer to human relations: first of all, within the company itself, followed by team values
and family collectivism, considered basic to Colombian culture in general, and, in the rejec-
tion of individualism, with preference given to behavioral modes that favor interpersonal rela-
tions, teamwork, humane orientation, and social solidarity. These elements were grouped
together as the primary factor to emerge from the qualitative interviews on transformational
leadership (they were also reconfirmed as the primary factor on the quantitative scales for
organizational and social culture) and were placed second among those inferred from the case
studies. They were important elements used in analyzing the printed press were among the
first leadership qualities listed in the quantitative survey (and Group A of countries).
It is worth mentioning that in Hofstede’s study, Colombia, and four other Latin American
countries, had the highest appreciation of collectivist values. These results were surprising to
many people—and, by differentiating between family and primary group from social collec-
tivist values in the GLOBE study, we have distanced ourselves from Hofstede’s more simpli-
fied categorization. The Colombian, Nobel Prize–winning novelist, Gabriel García Márquez
(1994) sounded the alarm on the growing tendency (among Colombians), “of having become
incredulous, abstentionist and ungovernable … (and of pursuing) a lonely individualism in
which each one thinks it is possible to be totally self-sufficient.” The debate on the group ver-
sus the individual in Latin American society has further been brought to the fore by the intro-
duction of Japanese administration systems into this part of the world (Fernández & Ogliastri,
1996; Ogliastri, 1988a).
As is apparent from the narration of personal experiences by managers in the qualitative
interviews, there is no doubt as to the importance of group orientation in Colombian culture.
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716 OGLIASTRI

This is manifested in leadership that exalts “group effort,” “warm interpersonal relations,” and
“egalitarian treatment of others,” and in “the accessibility of personnel” to the leader.
The second organizational leadership element that was revealed in the Colombian study
was performance orientation. Achievement appears as the second most mentioned factor in
the press analysis; but performance is classified first in the quantitative leadership question-
naire, in which Colombia ranked among the top four countries in the GLOBE scales on orga-
nizational characteristics. To be administratively competent is another key element for a
results-oriented manager in Colombia. The value of performance orientation is reinforced by
the descriptive results on Colombian culture (expressing a desire for greater performance) and
by managers’ qualitative interviews. According to managers, the most outstanding
performance-orientated leader is one who sets very ambitious goals and who is then very
demanding with him or herself and with others in reaching them. Innovative decision making
is also mentioned as important in the case studies and in the qualitative interviews. In the clas-
sic formulation by McClelland (1961), achievement orientation was linked to innovation and
to future orientation—a result of Colombian data research as well. However, in the
Colombian study, future orientation was classified as a part of the organizational leadership
element described as vision and planning for the future (see later discussion).
The third organizational leadership element is vision for and orientation toward the future,
joined with a high desire for uncertainty avoidance and the capacity to reach desired objec-
tives. The ability to be visionary came in first in the case studies; it was the second most fre-
quently mentioned element in the qualitative interviews and (tied) first rank in the quantitative
surveys on leadership (among the top five countries in GLOBE). Future orientation appeared
among the highly desirable characteristics for Colombian society and business; and the abil-
ity to plan for the future occupied fifth place among the essential leadership terms in the sur-
vey of the printed press. The word vision was part of the vocabulary repeated by managers in
the qualitative interviews, in which they recalled having known transformational leaders
endowed with a sense of “knowing where they are headed” and able to set priorities and make
opportune decisions; who are, furthermore, highly knowledgeable of their respective eco-
nomic sectors and specific business activities which, therefore, allows them to analyze and
solve problems in an innovative and creative manner; they are able to identify new market
niches and to focus on situations in such a way that necessary change can be brought about;
they are able to define strategies on a long-term basis and in an ambitious manner; they are
decidedly “dreamers of the impossible”—able to visualize opportunities and to face chal-
lenges jointly with their group. These abilities are required by the increased uncertainty of the
Colombian environment. The vision characteristic was more sharply drawn in descriptions of
exceptional men than it was among exceptional women, who were described as leaning more
toward the interpersonal and emotional aspects of organizational leadership.
The fourth most frequently cited organizational leadership element in the Colombian study
was personal integrity. This term led the list of issues discussed in the analysis of the printed
news media. Colombia was among the top 10 countries that considered integrity a key lead-
ership factor in the quantitative survey; and it was important (fourth) in the case studies, as
well as in the qualitative interviews. This is to be expected in a country beset by violence,
drug trafficking, corruption, high crime rates, and a weak government that all contribute to
an atmosphere of impunity. Integrity was also a key element in political campaigns. In the
specific field of organizational leadership, the qualitative interviews described integrity in a
leader as commitment to the truth, to corporate social responsibility, to ethical behavior, and
to clearly established values within the organization.
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 717

The fifth element considered basic to a definition of outstanding organizational leadership

in Colombia was participatory management style. This style was portrayed as being nonelit-
ist and nonautocratic—a style that inspires and stimulates others as a result of a leader’s
example and close contact with personnel. Participatory management style was listed as the
third most important element by managers in the qualitative interview section of the study,
and it also placed third in the analysis of case studies. Managers expressed their deep dislike
for the stratification and inequities found in Colombian society. Female–male equality was a
key attitude and strong desire of the managers in the quantitative survey, ranking the country
among Group A of countries. It is worth noting that, among all of the countries surveyed in
the GLOBE study, Colombia ranked first (the only country in Group E) in expressing the
desire for a less elitist society.
The sixth factor of organizational leadership was the ability to negotiate and to solve con-
flicts, which appeared in the study of the printed press. In a country plagued by violence and
conflict, it is essential to have diplomatic skills: a worldly win/win problem solver and effec-
tive bargainer. It was linked to one of the most important abilities of Colombian leaders in the
survey: to be modest, self-effacing, and patient.
The seventh factor listed as an organizational leadership characteristic in Colombia was that
of inspirational charisma, linked to the classic idea of “personalism” that is found in
superior–subordinate relationships in Latin American cultures. This is a fundamental element in
the concept of transformational leadership (Bass, 1997). The study stressed the importance of
charismatic behavior defined as that which inspires the organization, spreads enthusiasm, stimu-
lates self-sacrifice, provides a vision, builds confidence, is dynamic, motivates, and convinces,
and is shown by a leader who asks others to wear the company’s colors as he or she does.
Final place on the scale of leadership priorities were the decisive use of power in social
problem solving (which appeared in the study of the printed press).
The combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies in this study led to com-
plementary and noncontradictory results. The categories defined a priori by the international
group were not excessively different from those characteristics that emerged from our inter-
viewees’ responses.

Managerial Implications

The managerial implications are straightforward. Advice to managers working in Colombia

can be summarized as follows. A manager should spend time in establishing personal rela-
tionships at work, even including some family outings on weekends. A sound business vision
developed with team contributions would have desired motivational effects. The most effec-
tive managers set ambitious goals and milestones to guide the path. To have outstanding
results authoritarian practices will not do. Leaders must organize the work by teams, give a
chance to women managers because they try harder and have the idealistic support of the
culture, avoid integrity traps, and have a transparent code of ethics for the organization.
The ideal leadership characteristics, as described by Colombian managers, coincide with
those set forth in the classic literature on management (Drucker, 1954, 1964; Likert, 1960;
McGregor, 1960)—all refer to group motivation, participation, and management by objec-
tives. These have been the textbooks used in introductory business administration courses
included in the curricula of managers interviewed in the survey. This “implicit leadership
theory” held to by managers is further substantiated by modern (and modish) concepts that
follow the same path: empowerment, strategic planning, and so forth.
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718 OGLIASTRI

TABLE 19.6
Summary and Overlap of Results

Methods Used (see notes)

Characteristics of Leadership
and/or GLOBE Scales 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1 Human relations 2 1
Family/group collectivism A (A) C (A) A
Institutional collectivism C (A) C (A) D
Collaborative team A
Team integrator A
Social, solidarity 4
Humane orientation C (B) C (C) C
Team-oriented leadership A
Humane leadership B
2 Performance orientation B (A) D (B) B A 2
Ambitious goals 5
Administratively competent A
Innovative decisions 5 6
3 Vision of future A 1 2
Planning 5
Charismatic I: visionary A
Orientation to future C (B) D (B) D
Uncertainty avoidance C (B) D (C) D
4 Integrity A 4 4 1
5 Participative 3 3
Participative leadership B
Power distance A (E) B (D) A
Autocratic C
Nonparticipative (reverse scored) B
Gender egalitarianism A (A) B (C) B
6 Negotiating 3
Modesty/patience A
Diplomatic A
7 Charismatic: inspirational B B
Charismatic: self-sacrificial B
8 Power, force 6
Assertiveness B (B) B (B) C

Note. Column 1: Colombia’s positioning (test bands) for GLOBE societal culture practices “As Is” and values
(“Should Be,” in parentheses); A > B > C > D (Ogliastri et al., 1999). Column 2: Colombia’s finance industry posi-
tioning (test bands) for GLOBE organizational cultural practices (“As Is”>) and values (“Should Be,” in parenthe-
ses); A > B > C > D. Column 3: Colombia’s estimated positioning based on unobtrusive measures (UMQ) and on
participant observation (POQ); A > B > C > D. Column 4: Colambia’s positioning (test bands) for 21 GLOBE
leadership scales (Ogliastri et al., 1999). Column 5: Estimated rank ordering of the five outstanding organizational
leadership characteristics found in the 14 case studies on Colombian businesses (Ogliastri, 1997b). Column 6:
Estimated rank ordering of leadership characteristics obtained in qualitative interviews (Ogliastri, 1997b). Column
7: Second-order quantitative leadership factors. Column 8: GLOBE media analysis results (Ogliastri &
Wittingham, 2000).
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19 THE HUMAN RELATIONS SIDE OF ENTERPRISE 719

The transformational leadership characteristics elucidated in our study were not too dif-
ferent from those included in international managerial literature (especially that from the
United States) published during the last few decades—although some differences in empha-
sis can be found. The most influential author on the subject of management in Colombia
observed in 1988 that great leadership could be measured by performance and efficiency; that
it consisted, furthermore, of choosing the right collaborators, and of defining missions and
goals within a framework of responsibility and integrity (Drucker, 1992, chap. 15). What is
most noteworthy about Drucker’s conclusions is that they had all been known for some time.
To what, then, can this congruence of Colombian research results with those found in inter-
national managerial literature be attributed? The answer lies, in part, in the fact that business
administrators (everywhere) have command of a rather standardized professional vocabulary,
in part due to the direct influence of the United States in matters of administrative concepts,
as well as to the homogeneity of managerial work requirements found in diverse contexts. All
of this indicates that sociocultural factors might play a secondary role in the organization of
the productive sector with its specific managerial needs.
The managerial profession may be less affected by national cultural norms than it is by
internal organizational norms, due in part to the fact that the former is subject to greater vari-
ation than is the latter. It is also possible that the growing homogenization in international
education, to which many managers nowadays have had access since childhood, has also
diminished the impact of national cultural factors in the workplace. In this sense, one can
almost be convinced that the postmodern world has become a place shared by several cultures
simultaneously—one for home, one for school, and yet another for work. The findings of the
present research project are part of a rather long history in the theory of managerial styles,
one that asks: “Are we coming to a convergence in our managerial culture that exceeds that
found in our national culture?” The first GLOBE volume (House et al., 2004) gave a mixed
answer—there are universal leadership concepts and there are culture specific leadership con-
cepts. The other chapters in this second GLOBE volume might help us to answer this ques-
tion in more depth.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author acknowledges research support from the University of the Andes, Carlos
Rodríguez, María V. Wittingham, Nancy de la Torre, Ada Torres, Juan Carlos Chaparro, and
63 student research assistants. Thanks for critical remarks to Elssy Bonilla, Mauricio
Cárdenas, Ricardo Matamala, Jurgen Wiebler, and five anonymous evaluators from GLOBE.
(This chapter was written in 1998 and revised in September 2003, and August 2005).

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20
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Societal Culture and Leadership in

Mexico—A Portrait of Change
Jon P. Howell
New Mexico State University

Jose de la Cerda
ITESO University, Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico

Sandra M. Martínez
Widener University School of Business Administration

J. Arnoldo Bautista
Centro Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo Tecnológico,
Interior Internado Palmira S/N—Complejo CENIDET,
Col. Palmira, Cuernavaca, Morelos, México

Juan Ortiz
ITESO University, Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico

Leonel Prieto
Texas A&M International University

Peter Dorfman
New Mexico State University

This chapter describes an analysis of societal culture and leadership in Mexico based on data
from the GLOBE Project and other relevant sources. Although Mexico is a country with dis-
tinct regional cultures, strong unifying socioeconomic and political processes throughout
Mexican history have created important cultural features shared by members of Mexican soci-
ety that make an overall analysis meaningful. These features include a common language, a

723
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724 HOWELL ET AL.

shared mestizo (Spanish/Indian) heritage, and a predominant religion.1 These important

factors are a legacy of Mexico’s history—its indigenous past, the early Spanish conquest and
colonial period of Mexico, a series of national revolutions, and a complex evolving relation-
ship with the United States. In the later part of the 20th century, Mexicans have struggled to
change their economic structure to respond to globalization, and to forge a more democratic
society. All these influences and processes have formed the nation and culture that is Mexico
today. This chapter attempts to describe this culture and how it explains the image Mexicans
currently possess of outstanding leadership.
The chapter begins with a description of the major eras of Mexican history that have influ-
enced its current culture, concluding with a portrait of Mexico today in a state of change. This
historical description is designed to highlight the development of Mexican cultural values
over time. The most important cultural values emanating from the historical description are
then summarized. This is followed by two literature reviews. The first review surveys pub-
lished academic books and articles from the United States and Mexico describing research on
management and leadership in Mexico. The second review provides a media analysis of over
200 articles focusing on leadership in Mexico from five popular publications in Mexico. The
methodology of GLOBE research in Mexico is then described.
The empirical results of the research project are then presented. Our approach made use of
several information sources to triangulate an accurate picture of what most Mexican citizens
view as outstanding leadership. This begins with a description of the results of semistructured
interviews and focus groups conducted with Mexican managers and professionals and ethno-
graphic interviews with Mexican empresarios (entrepreneur/managers).2 This is followed by
a description of the GLOBE dimensions of national culture in Mexico with comparisons to
other GLOBE countries. Then the GLOBE quantitative results on culturally endorsed implicit
leadership theories (CLTs) in Mexico are presented and compared with results for other Latin
American countries and other GLOBE countries. A short section follows describing the lim-
itations of this study and recommendations for future research. The chapter ends with an inte-
gration of the quantitative and qualitative information obtained in the form of traditional and
emerging themes for leadership and culture in Mexico.

1. MEXICAN HISTORY AND CULTURE

The cultural roots of leadership in Mexico are deeply imbedded in more than 500 years of
history. The following historical description is designed to highlight the development of
important societal values and patterns of behavior over time. The description is also designed
to demonstrate how leadership has been exercised as Mexican society changed through the
years (Cosío Villegas, 1955; Krauze, 1991; Parkes, 1966; Vasconcelos, 1971). This provides
a background for an integrative summary of cultural values that are predominant today and
influence leadership in organizations in Mexico.

1
Although Mexicans are still predominantly Roman Catholic, significant Protestant populations exist
in many regions.
2
As explained on page xx of this chapter, the term empresario in the Mexican context has a broader
meaning than the term entrepreneur, as currently used in the discipline of entrepreneurship. In Mexico,
an empresario can refer to both owner-managers (entrepreneurs) as well as corporate managers.
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 725

History

Major events in Mexican history are represented by five eras: the indigenous civilizations
(before 1520), Spanish conquest and colonization (1520–1810), independence and formation
of the nation (1810–1910), consolidating institutions and economic and political transition
(1910–2000), and Mexico today (2001).

Indigenous Civilizations. The early history of the Mexican territory consists of the set-
tlement by several nomadic tribes from the north and subsequent intertribal wars for power
and territory. After several hundred years, these tribes evolved into complex civilizations. The
Toltecs and the Mayans are examples of these civilizations that dominated the region of
Mexico during different eras and made remarkable achievements in the arts and sciences. The
Aztecs formed the last and best known of these empires. Theirs was a theocracy headed by
an emperor who was treated as a living god. It was forbidden to look him in the face and
everyone was required to walk barefoot in his presence. Military, commerce, and religion
were strong institutions in the Aztec society.
The Aztec empire was extremely hierarchical. Priests and military generals were at the top
of the status hierarchy as part of the noble families. Merchants came next in the status hier-
archy, then the peasants who farmed the land, followed by slaves. The Aztecs believed their
power came from their gods, who required human sacrifices of prisoners captured in wars,
slaves, servants, and even courageous warriors. The Aztecs also imposed heavy tax burdens
on many smaller kingdoms in the region. Their ruthlessness caused deep resentment, hatred,
and fear among the tribes subject to Aztec rule and within allied tribes.

Spanish Conquest. Spanish troops led by Hernan Cortés arrived in 1520. Cortés was
mistaken for Quetzalcóatl—an Aztec deity whose return was predicted by an Aztec legend.
This circumstance led to a series of misjudgments of the Spaniards by the Aztecs. The
Spaniards brought several diseases that were unknown to the Indians, such as smallpox,
which killed thousands and caused extreme demoralization. Cortés formed alliances with sev-
eral tribes who opposed Aztec rule. These factors brought about the conquest and destruction
of the Aztec Empire. The eventual conquest of northern Mexico was possible later, due in part
to the Catholic missionary priests who conquered many of the less organized nomadic tribes
with religious strategies.
The era of Spanish conquest and colonialism sought to impose the values of 16th century
Roman Catholicism and intellectual repression on indigenous theocratic and militaristic
empires—reinforcing a tradition of authoritarianism by leaders. The viceroy was the ruling
representative of the Spanish crown in the colony. Among the 62 viceroys who ruled New
Spain (Mexico), many were good administrators and a few were outstanding. The first, Don
Antonio de Mendoza (1535–1550), achieved order by excellent politics. Luis de Velasco
(1550–1564) abolished Indian slavery and initiated other measures to diminish the suffering
of the indigenous population. Within the colonial administration, institutions were established
to restrain the power of the viceroys and discourage corruption (Meyer, Sherman, & Deeds,
1999). However, these measures were poorly implemented and indigenous populations con-
tinued to suffer abuse (Bonfil Batalla, 1987; Horgan, 1984).
The expansion of Catholicism was a key element in the Spanish colonial system. Political
and social leadership during the three centuries of colonization was dispersed among the
viceroys, the noblemen, and the clergy. Clergymen were essentially part of a royal bureau-
cracy that dominated the society of New Spain. The archbishop was second only to the
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726 HOWELL ET AL.

viceroy in importance and power. Several thousand priests and members of religious orders
became owners of large properties and they answered only to their own clerical courts. Half of
the arable land in Mexico may have become property of the clergy. The Catholic Church con-
trolled two thirds of the capital in circulation. It made loans to land owners and acquired mort-
gages on their estates. The Church sought to replace the worship of pagan gods with Christian
images and rituals by exempting converted Indians of all taxes and punishing those who resisted.
Parish priests not only represented the Church, but were “agents of the state religion” and “inter-
mediaries between parishioners and higher authorities and between the sacred and the profane”
(Taylor, 1996, p. 3). However, besides interpreting and supervising the enforcement of the oblig-
ations of their parishioners to the Church and the state, parish priests also interceded to represent
the needs of their parishioners to these authorities and were sometimes benefactors. In this way,
patterns of control and reciprocal obligations developed between subordinate indigenous and
mestizo (mixed Indian and Spanish) populations and their political and religious leaders. These
patterns of control and mutual influence evolved into a patronage system and continue to
influence present conceptions of effective and desirable leadership among Mexicans.
As in most colonial situations, power was not shared with the indigenous people and, as a
rule, indigenous groups were not permitted to benefit from the resources of the colony.
Furthermore, Spanish descendants born in the colonies (creoles) were also excluded from
some positions of authority and consequently could not benefit, as did their Spanish-born
peers, from colonial resources. Nevertheless, it would be incorrect to assume that indigenous
groups passively accepted control. On the contrary, they survived, resisted, and accommo-
dated to Spanish rule in complex ways that ethnohistorians and anthropologists are still try-
ing to unravel (Krippner- Martínez, 2001; Taylor, 1996; Wolf, 1966). The threat of violence
underlay all social relationships during the colonial period. Although some negotiation and
consent took place, power was exercised primarily by agents of the economic and political
elite. Military outposts and local militia played key roles in maintaining security (Horgan,
1984). Many historians have regarded the colonial period as a time of cruel imposition of
Spanish interests on the welfare of natives with little or no concern for personal rights, needs
or cultural values (Bonfil Batalla, 1987). Other scholars, however, suggest that the Spanish
tyranny reflects the behaviors during and after the decline of the colonial system in the last
decades of the 18th century (J. Krippner- Martínez, personal communication, 2002; Taylor,
1996). The important point is that Spanish conquest and colonialism, with its imposition of
Catholicism, reinforced a tradition of authoritarianism and omnipotence by leaders.

Independence and the New Nation. In 1810 the Spanish dominance crumbled in
America. A rebellion of mestizos headed by two priests, Miguel Hidalgo and José María
Morelos, who invoked the authority of the Church and priesthood, promised revenge on the
colonial masters and raised the ideals of an independent nation under a republican rule with
a constitution and a congress. Led by Agustín Iturbide, a group of conservative, wealthy cre-
oles, uncomfortable with the liberal ideals espoused by Hidalgo and Morelos, took advantage
of the popular insurgency to organize their own struggle for independence from Spain. When
the rebellion against Spanish rule was successful, Iturbide took power for himself and became
the first emperor of Mexico in 1822 (Meyer et al., 1999). His government was important
because it consolidated Mexico’s independence. It was shortened, however, because it failed
to receive societal and international support and recognition.
The break from Spanish dominance corresponded with the evolution of Mexican caudillos
or regional governors. These were usually very powerful men, owners of huge estates called
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 727

haciendas. They imposed their own law within their territories, were expansionist with regard
to small landowners and other interests surrounding their property, and relied on bound labor
and wielded extreme power over the labor force. As was frequently the case, caudillos became
patrons when their leadership was characterized by protective practices toward loyal follow-
ers. Krauze (1994) has demonstrated that Mexican leaders have usually invoked moral and
religious principles for legitimacy. This patriarchal leadership had its antecedent in the role of
missionaries during the spiritual conquest of Mexico, and the role of the church and its padres
during the forging of the new nation. Owners of haciendas, or any people in power, had the
ecclesiastic right to command people as long as they behaved in a paternalistic manner. The
caudillos were sustained not only by their vast properties, but also by their ability to develop
patron–client relationships reinforced by deeply rooted notions of legitimacy incorporating
religious beliefs and practices (Taylor, 1996; Wolf, 1966). These relationships were some-
times imposed upon people autocratically, under the threat of either death or religious con-
demnation. Whether emperors, viceroys, presidents, governors, bishops, parish priests,
caudillos, or patrones, historical narratives of most Mexican leaders have described an author-
ity based on the intentions of an unassailable supreme figure. Nevertheless, these relation-
ships between dominant and subordinate individuals, as they were enacted on a daily basis in
colonial Mexico, were mediated by reciprocal responsibility and negotiation between parties.
Indigenous people, and other subordinate groups, did not simply submit to colonial rule, but
often negotiated, appropriated, and were accommodating to modify existing patterns of
behavior, beliefs, and practices. Taylor and other historians have demonstrated that indige-
nous and mestizo Mexicans were active participants in changing their own society.
During most of the 19th century, Mexico lived in a state of poverty, turmoil, and constant
revolution. There were 50 military governments, two secessions (Texas and Yucatán), seven
different congresses, three constitutions, a reform act, and many state constitutions. Several
generals from the war for independence became political bosses of their territories, including
Guadalupe Victoria, Vicente Guerrero, and Antonio López de Santa Anna. Each of these even-
tually became president but was unable to consolidate the Republic. Financial affairs were
handled poorly, ethnic and social tensions continued, and there was little law enforcement.
The military and the clergy, who had the real economic power, opposed genuine reforms.
Santa Anna was an extreme example of the corrupt political leadership of this era. He con-
spired and supported one faction or another, yet he was elected president 11 times between
1832 and 1855 due to his charisma and military stature.
As was true of the rest of the world, socially committed leadership was rare in Mexico dur-
ing the 19th century. Benito Juárez was an exception. He was an Indian from Oaxaca who
built a revolt to establish a more democratic form of government and to stimulate economic
development. He sought to abolish the independent powers of the Church (and the generals),
to place its wealth in service of the nation, and also to privatize communal indigenous land-
holdings. Juárez became the first civilian president of Mexico in 1858. His social reforms
were interrupted by French intervention, the Maximilian emperor period (1861–1867),
followed by the rebellion of Porfirio Diaz.
Porfirio Diaz, a general under Juarez’s presidency, consolidated military leadership
through continuous reelection for 30 years (1876–1910). He brought peace, order, and
economic prosperity through convenient alliances with his former enemies: the landowners,
the Church, the generals, and foreign investors. Although Diaz’s administration of alliances
generated a dynamic economy, only a few Mexicans benefited from the resulting prosperity.
Social reform was alien to Diaz’s regime and political abuses were frequent. Finally, with
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728 HOWELL ET AL.

differing motivations but united in their desire to remove Diaz from power, several regional
movements incorporating diverse social groups coalesced to mount a revolt against Diaz’s
military dictatorship. Peasants in Morelos and other rural areas, workers in Mexico City and
the northern mining economy, and middle-class intellectuals were among the participants in
the insurgency. In addition, the very economic changes Diaz initiated had created new social
groups that were excluded from the inner circle of power. This was especially the case for the
emerging capitalist bourgeoisie of the northern states. After a violent civil war, it was this last
group who ultimately emerged from the revolution in control of the country. The end of the
revolution did not dispel military leaders from power. With the exception of Francisco
Madero, all presidents of the first 50 years of the revolutionary republic were army generals.
During Madero’s presidency (1911–1913), the realization of his democratic ideals and com-
mitment to social reform were hampered by his inability to unite the different revolutionary
groups with sharply conflicting ideas, a weak economy, and his own administration’s nepo-
tism. Collusion by Henry Lane Wilson, the U.S. ambassador to Mexico, with leaders of the
left and right resulted in a pact to overthrow Madero. Madero was beset by armed revolt from
the left, including General Zapata, who believed that Madero was moving too slowly to
improve the lot of common Mexicans, as well as insurgents of the right who did not support
Madero’s democratic agenda (Meyer et al., 1999). Nevertheless, the ideals of liberal democ-
ratic revolutionary leaders such as Francisco Madero, and the populist revolutionary military
leaders Francisco Villa and Emiliano Zapata, had a lasting effect on the emerging political
ideology of future Mexican leaders.

Consolidating Institutions and Economic and Political Transition. The senseless murder
of President Madero in December of 1913 set a tone of continuous betrayal and murder
among winning revolutionary leaders that characterized the revolutionary period. Finally,
Plutarco Elias Calles, an authoritarian and talented president (1924–1928), found a solution
to end the fighting. He helped form a political party called the National Revolutionary Party
(PNR), which later became the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI). The PRI became a
solid structure to support the authority of the national president, and emphasized a political
culture of reciprocity within a single-party state. This political party was formed on the basis
of a power distribution to leaders of main sectors of society: the military, unions, teachers, the
Church, peasant and factory workers, as well as social sectors such as entrepreneurs, intellec-
tuals, and the media. All espoused their commitment to constitutional rule. The PRI main-
tained control of the government for over 70 years and was effective in consolidating
institutions and providing social stability to Mexico through much of the 20th century.
Annual growth rates in gross national product (GNP) of 6% or higher, an increase in real
wages, and relatively sound monetary and fiscal policies between 1958 and 1970, often called
the stabilizing development period, contributed to social stability. The state provided infra-
structure development, tax breaks, and financial support for manufacturers as part of the
Import Substitution Industrialization Policies (1930s through early 1960s). After World War
II acceptable levels of economic growth were achieved in a closed economy characterized by
protective trade policies, government subsidies to industry, and public ownership of enter-
prises in key sectors. However, by 1970 the capacity of the economy to generate economic
growth under the same policies, pursued since the 1930s, was insufficient to meet Mexico’s
needs. Severe problems, including poorly designed protective tariffs, inefficiently run state-
owned companies, and a growing and corrupt government bureaucracy, produced a vicious
circle of rising public deficits, accelerating inflation, capital flight, and a mounting foreign
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 729

debt. Beginning in the late 1960s, in addition to the need for change in the economic structure
to ensure growth and prosperity, the political leadership of the PRI also struggled with how
to respond to more vocal protest for social change toward greater democracy. Student move-
ments, urban guerillas, increased union autonomy, and increasing discord between the entre-
preneurial elite and the government characterized the late 1960s and 1970s.
On the economic front, an entire generation of Mexicans suffered the instability of the
sharp devaluations of the peso in 1976, 1982, 1986, and 1994. The first two devaluations coin-
cided with the end of the 6-year terms of Presidents Echeverria and Lopez Portillo.
Echeverria’s populist policies did not effectively reduce social inequality and his reluctance
to impose fiscal reform led to the balance-of-payments crisis of 1976. Lopez Portillo contin-
ued to postpone structural economic change and his administration was characterized by
excessive spending. The accumulated effects of inappropriate fiscal policy and corrupt
government contributed to the problems leading to peso devaluation.
President de la Madrid took office after the devaluation of 1982 during a serious crisis of
confidence in the Mexican economy. De la Madrid initiated changes in the economic struc-
ture to open the economy to global competition by trade liberalization, privatization, and
deregulation of government-run and subsidized firms and industries. During the administra-
tion of President de la Madrid, Mexico became a member of the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade (GATT). The liberalization of the Mexican economy, and the policies of fiscal dis-
cipline and austerity, deregulation, and privatization initiated by President De la Madrid, were
sustained by the government strategies of his two successors, Carlos Salinas and Ernesto
Zedillo. In fact, these three presidents, trained in economics in prestigious U.S. universities,
formed the generation of political leadership that radically shifted away from the ideological,
political, and economic positions of their predecessors. Nationalistic and populist ideology
had dominated political power for 50 years until President De la Madrid took office. These
three neo-liberal and technocratic presidents, as they were customarily labeled by their crit-
ics and some Mexican intellectuals, not only imposed a new economic policy in Mexico, but
completely changed the ideas and discourse that had sustained and dominated political lead-
ership in Mexico for more than half of the 20th century. With their entrance into political lead-
ership, the previous generation of political, unionist, empresarial, and social leaders were
replaced by new leaders who introduced concepts such as competitiveness, globalization,
technical innovation, and total quality.
Following the administration of President Salinas de Gortari, Ernesto Zedillo took office
in December of 1994 to begin his 6-year term. He would be the last in a consecutive line of
PRI presidents since 1924. President Salinas continued the liberal reform of the economic
structure of Mexico and made Mexico a credible global player in international trade by imple-
menting the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and attracting foreign invest-
ment to Mexico. However, the end of his term marked the beginning of multiple indictments
of widespread corruption, which descredited his administration and personal reputation.
When President Zedillo widened the bands on the exchange rate of the peso to more accu-
rately reflect its real value, the value of the peso plummeted as the foreign investors with pri-
marily indirect investments in Mexico withdrew their money. The peso lost 45% of its value
and Mexico’s foreign reserves were depleted. Facing another economic crisis, Mexicans
reflected on the nature and pace of economic reforms and the absence of democratic reforms
to accompany economic ones.
During the Zedillo administration it became increasingly evident that political and adminis-
trative centralization, corrupt and bureaucratic mismanagement of public resources, resource
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730 HOWELL ET AL.

distribution designed to facilitate political control, and large government subsidies by the PRI
government were becoming less useful for maintaining political stability and economic growth.
For the first time in a century, open criticism of the president in the press and other media was
not suppressed. Three major institutions became leading forces for power redistribution rather
than continued political control by the PRI: the Federal Elections Institute (IFE), the Congress,
and (to an extent) the Bank of Mexico. The increasing gap between the government’s economic
and political policies and the demands of key societal actors resulted in a voting population that
demanded improved economic performance and political processes. This was reflected in
regional electoral triumphs of opposition parties and the political transition that culminated in
the presidential election in 2000 of Vicente Fox, a member of the National Action Party (PAN).
Fox was very successful in campaigning as a social democrat and offering his political platform
as the only hope for deep political change in the country. Replacing the PRI as the party in con-
trol became a major pragmatic goal for most Mexican voters, including influential intellectuals,
politicians, and many social leaders whose political ideas were otherwise distant from PAN’s
conservative ideology.
Five years of President Fox’s administration have shown that dismantling a self-sustained
authoritarian system, replacing inefficient social and economic structures with profound
reforms, and bringing about economic prosperity and social justice for a large disadvantaged
population was more difficult than Fox anticipated. One of the major failures of this admin-
istration is the lack of political expertise to generate enough consensuses for national reforms
in three fields: energy, taxes, and labor relations. As Preston and Dillon (2004) recently noted,
no one seriously questions the essential vigor of the democracy Mexicans have constructed
and the country’s peaceful transition to a more equitable power distribution.
The PRI defeat in the 2000 elections and the trend toward democracy and stronger inde-
pendent institutions does not guarantee the end of old leadership habits. Leadership of caudil-
los in politics and business is still alive in Latin America, and probably will be for some years.
Though certain manifestations of authoritarianism persists in many sectors in Mexico today,
a leadership shift has also occurred away from centralized governance toward greater
community involvement and open government, more efficient disclosure of corruption at all
levels of leadership, and greater social pressure on political power brokers to be far more
responsive to the needs of their constituencies.

Current Mexican Society—A Portrait of Change. Mexico is now predominantly an

urban country, almost three fourths of its population lives in cities. Although country life is
still important, migration to cities has diminished the size of rural communities. The popula-
tion in Mexico is approximately 100 million. Fifty percent of Mexicans are younger than 15
years of age, and the age pyramid is changing. In the first two decades of the 21st century,
most of the population will be in its working years. The average years of formal education is
8 years and this mean value has increased by almost 2 years each decade. Illiteracy is below
8% and half of this is concentrated in the elderly (Instituto Nacional de Estadística,
Geografíae Informática [INEGI], 1990, 1995, 2002). Educated young people should be a
major social force for change in the near future.
The structural changes in the Mexican economy initiated by President de la Madrid dur-
ing the early 1980s, and continued by succeeding presidential administrations, have effec-
tively liberalized trade and opened the economy to foreign investment. Since 1982, Mexico
has signed free-trade agreements with countries in North America, Central and South
America, the European Union, and several Asia-Pacific countries. Economic reform and
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 731

international commerce have favorable long-term implications for economic growth. Exports
of manufactured goods have steadily increased (INEGI, 2002) and Mexican firms are becom-
ing more competitive. In the short term, however, it has made Mexican firms more vulnera-
ble to international competitors and real wages have declined until very recently. Opening the
Mexican economy to global competition has had significant impacts on the business elite’s
ideas about leadership and organizational practices in many Mexican firms. As documented
later in the chapter, some Mexican managers have had to change their leadership behaviors
and practices in order to survive.
One of the most important economic developments in recent decades is the establishment of
the maquiladora industry, which is primarily concentrated along the Mexican border with the
United States. Maquiladoras are assembly plants owned and operated by business firms from
the United States and other countries that take advantage of the low-wage Mexican labor force
and the proximity to the U.S. market. The key concept of the maquiladoras is that components
are produced in the United States and other countries, assembled in Mexico, and exported to the
United States and elsewhere for distribution with an import tax imposed only on the value added
in Mexico. These plants have provided a major industrial economic base for Mexican border
cities and have been a major income generator for the Mexican economy. They have also been
influential in importing management practices from the United States, Japan, and other coun-
tries into Mexican organizations. Quality principles, ISO standards, and autonomous work
groups are being used in some Mexican organizations that emphasize increased participation by
workers (de la Cerda, 1995). However, because of trade liberalization, maquiladoras have
recently lost unique advantages in relation to other Mexican manufacturing concerns. Despite
all these social and economic changes, today about 95% of Mexican business firms have fewer
than 15 employees, and most are family owned, where traditional leadership practices are used.
The labor force is now predominantly in service and manufacturing industries. Though
official unemployment is very low, about 2.5%, underemployment is still a pernicious prob-
lem that includes close to one third of the national employed population (INEGI, 2002). The
role of women has changed dramatically. More than one third of working-age women are
employed and this trend is rapidly increasing. The mean level of education for women is close
to that of men, and women are assuming leadership positions in business and politics.
The Catholic religion is still predominant in Mexico (over 90%), but changes in religious
affiliation are increasingly common. Hinduism, Buddhism, and other religious practices are
no longer unusual and Protestant and other Christian denominations are increasing. This is
one of the most significant indicators of social change because Mexicans have always had a
strong religious tradition. The Catholic Church has been influential in the politics, govern-
ment, and society of Mexico for hundreds of years. An increasing number of individuals are
choosing to change religion, probably because they are unsatisfied with their socioeconomic
and spiritual development and they consider themselves free to choose their spiritual destiny.
This change shows the deep transformations occurring in Mexican society.
The election of Vicente Fox from the PAN party is the most prominent indicator of politi-
cal transformation. Fox campaigned on a platform of social and economic change and well-
being (Krauze, 2000). The PAN party also represents the first minority in both branches of
National Congress: the Senate and the Representatives Chamber. Three main parties—PAN,
PRI, and PRD—share most chairs in both chambers, but no party has a majority in any cham-
ber. Although major changes in political and federal government organizations are expected,
all forces for change must surmount traditional structures of power built during more than 70
years of PRI government.
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732 HOWELL ET AL.

Although unionism is very traditional, unions are no longer completely loyal to the
traditional PRI system. Official unions are still powerful and paternalistic, but new labor move-
ments are rising. The structure of unionism in Mexico may be changing. Business and entrepre-
neurial organizations have supported traditional unionism. They have enjoyed labor stability for
decades while strikes and wage demands have been under control. Even though entrepreneurs
see labor laws as too paternalistic, they accept their protective orientation in exchange for sta-
bility and control. Entrepreneurs are no longer a monolithic group, and political loyalty is not
mandatory. Entrepreneurial and professional organizations now operate independently of polit-
ical or government affiliation.
For many years, large business organizations have existed in Mexico called grupos empre-
sariales (or corporativos), which are essentially conglomerates. Some grupos originated as
domestic business alliances and/or international partnerships that have existed for decades.
They engage in the production and distribution of products and services in diverse industries
including steel, food, real estate, petrochemicals, telecommunications, finance, agriculture,
and publishing. Grupos are historically family owned and operated, but business trends in
Mexico since the 1980s have brought about changes in their operations. The ownership of
some grupos is no longer concentrated in one or a few families, and in some instances own-
ership is becoming separate from management. Deregulation of formerly state-owned enter-
prises allowed some grupos to add significantly to their asset holdings at bargain prices. Many
are making extensive use of consultants to improve competitiveness, to link to international
production networks, or to take advantage of market niches in the domestic economy. Grupos
are among the most powerful economic and political entities in Mexico today.
Other interest groups are also organizing themselves and fighting for their rights. Public
education in rural areas began in the 1930s and most of Mexico’s population was rural until
the latter part of the 20th century. Now that education is widespread and increasing, the poten-
tial for influence by various groups is significantly increased. Ethnic groups, social and polit-
ical movements (such as the Zapatistas in Chiapas), professional groups, intellectual groups,
religious groups, women’s groups, small-business owners, and some radical groups are exam-
ples of the diverse interest groups that make up the pluralistic society that is Mexico today.
The family as a social entity is also changing. As families become urbanized, extended
familial identities may be losing their influence. This does not mean that ties with two or three
generations are necessarily breaking apart, but that families may not be as demanding of
members’ loyalty as in the past. Traditional family disintegration is one of the main problems
confronting Mexican society. Women have become leaders of many nuclear and mono-
parent families because of the economic and psychological support they give when fathers are
absent. This is especially the case for thousands of families whose fathers work in the United
States as immigrants.
Alduncin (1986) wrote that Mexico is in the middle of two superimposed eras (tradition
vs. modernity) and wants to establish itself as a culturally and economically developed coun-
try. Permanent changes in Mexican life are likely to come from continued widening of the dis-
tribution of power in society, trade liberalization, and major economic progress. These
changes are ongoing in Mexico. Many Mexicans are learning new ways of facing life and
problems, often different from the passive, fatalistic and dependent modes of the past. But
Mexican culture has not changed completely. Many traditions are alive and strong and certain
perceptions and values of the Mexican people remain constant. The major cultural values that
prevail today and influence leadership in Mexico reflect the country’s history as well as the
social changes described here.
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 733

Culture

The historical evolution of Mexican society provides a frame of reference for describing and
understanding important cultural values which are prevalent in Mexico today. These cultural
values reflect Mexico’s cultural heritage and they strongly affect the behavior of Mexican
leaders in business, government, social movements, and many other organizational contexts.
Several of these values are related to those identified by GLOBE researchers in the current
study, but they are described here as emerging from Mexico’s historical development as a
nation and a society.

Traditionalism. Traditional societies, like much of Mexico, emphasize family, class, rev-
erence for the past, and ascribed status. Modern societies, such as Sweden or the United
States, stress merit, rationality, and progress (Bass, 1990). Men have higher status than
women in traditional societies. Time is often viewed with no sense of urgency; punctuality
and long-range planning are unimportant (Davis, Ming, & Brosnan, 1986). Traditional soci-
eties often accept and respond to autocratic (nonparticipative) leadership. These social char-
acteristics are found in much of Mexico, especially in the less developed and poorer regions
in the south and areas that are distant from highly industrialized cities. Paternalism and auto-
cratic behavior by leaders reflect the patterns of authority during the colonial period when
power was centralized in representatives of the Spanish monarchy and the Church. These
leadership patterns also reflect the post-Colonial periods when the society was dominated by
military leaders and a single political party machine. A strong class structure with its ascribed
status also emerged from early Indian societies and Spanish dominance. The family has been
a safe haven during all the tumultuous periods of Mexican history. Traditional attitudes
toward time and the role of women, as well as other traditional practices, are often carried by
families and individuals who move from rural regions to the cities. Until recently, families
have tended to stay together or closely connected, and the traditional values have been main-
tained and reinforced in the home. This helps explain why these values continue to be evident
in the workplace in small and medium-size organizations, and sometimes in large organiza-
tions, where they often conflict with more modern cosmopolitan values.

In-Group Collectivism. A key feature of traditional societies, the family has been a
source of nurturance, protection, and support during the Indian, Spanish, and revolutionary
eras. Supremacy of the father, sacrifice of the mother, and children who love, obey, and
respect their parents characterize the traditional Mexican family.3 The oldest male (a patri-
arch) is the head of the traditional extended family in Mexico. Loyalty and abnegation are
considered important to satisfy other’s needs in the family before one’s own needs. This close
family structure with a strong father figure and the devotion expected of family members pro-
vided the basic model for strict hierarchical organization structures found throughout Mexico.
Respect and cooperation with those who are higher in the social hierarchy are expected of all
Mexicans. These expectations frequently support the authoritarian and autocratic behaviors
often found with Mexican leaders.

Power Distance. Large power differences have always existed in Mexican society; they
are expected and respected. Power is desired and exercised by the political strongman

3
Feminists would point out that this is a patriarchal family, though women also gain power as they marry and age.
Some abuse and violence occurs within the family.
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734 HOWELL ET AL.

(caudillo), the military leader, and the successful businessman (Foster, 1960). Paz (1981)
described the close resemblance between the macho male and the Spanish conquistador. He
believed it was the model for Mexican men with power: feudal lords, hacienda owners, politi-
cians, generals, captains of industry, cardinals, and heads of state, as well as heads of villages,
cities, business firms, and families (Drost & Von Glinow, 1998). This model of a powerful
leader has advanced the use of authoritarian and paternalistic behaviors by Mexican leaders
(Drost & Von Glinow, 1998).

Social Individualism. The North American concept of individualism includes beliefs in

equal opportunity, personal initiative and enterprise, and individual rights (Drost & Von
Glinow, 1998). Mexicans, and many other Latin Americans, have a different view of individ-
ualism that focuses on personal honor, dignity, and an intrinsic sense of self-worth. For gen-
erations, many Mexican people have felt betrayed by the myriad of governments that have
exploited them or ignored their needs. This may be one reason that Mexicans often behave
individualistically when they are outside their own families. They are frequently highly pro-
tective of their “turf” in hierarchical, formal organizations. This type of individualism often
discourages democratic processes in organizations and permits individuals to exploit oppor-
tunities and to take advantage of others. This cultural trait helps maintain the caudillo image
of men with power described earlier. One journalist described Latin Americans as having an
“inability to become part of the whole, to feel involved in the collective destiny” (Rangle,
1977, p. 208). Octavio Paz (1959) added, “The [Mexican] Revolution has not succeeded in
changing our country into a community, or even in offering any hope of doing so” (p. 175).
This social individualism is related to a GLOBE cultural dimension entitled Social
Collectivism described later in this chapter.

Interpersonal Relationships. Mexicans developed a pattern of building and maintaining

close relationships with others as a strategy for accomplishing things. By building networks
of personal interaction, affection, and loyalty within and between organizations, Mexicans
developed an indirect way of manipulating their environment. Personal relationships with
family and friends take precedence over merit and equity (Bass, 1990). One writer described
an example of the strategy as: “If the teacher loves me, I will get an ‘A’” (Diaz-Loving, 1999).
For people with little political or economic power, social relationships and commitments
became paramount in obtaining cooperation or employment in organizations, in signing busi-
ness or government contracts, and in most aspects of Mexican society. Friendships and per-
sonal acquaintances create a network of individuals who can help a person when she or he
needs them. This interpersonal strategy for attaining one’s goals is often called personalismo
and is a direct response to individuals with political, economic, or religious power who did
not represent the people’s interests or meet their needs. The authoritarian traditions of church
and state have resulted in laws and regulations being viewed as things to be avoided.
Gratification and achievement rely on social individualism and freedom of action that can cre-
ate lawlessness, but is usually based on effective personal working relationships with the right
people (Drost & Von Glinow, 1998).

Summary. The five eras of Mexican history have been characterized by violence,
conflict, accommodation, revolution, and change. Authoritarian leadership, lack of trust in
government and the political process, a hierarchical social structure, and enduring poverty
have also been present. Today, much of Mexico is rapidly changing—authoritarianism is
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 735

giving way to more democratic involvement, trust in political leaders and the government is
increasing somewhat, and economic progress is creating more opportunity and optimism for the
future. In Mexico, these changes are occurring within the context of cultural values that have
evolved through 500 years of history, including traditionalism, in-group collectivism, power dis-
tance, social individualism, and the importance of interpersonal relations. These values will
undoubtedly shape the course of social and economic progress in Mexico during this century.

2. LITERATURE REVIEW ON MANAGERIAL

LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO

We conducted a literature review of published academic books and articles that address man-
agement and leadership in Mexico. Publications in both the United States and Mexico were
included. This literature review continued throughout the project as new material became
available.
A media analysis for Mexico was also carried out by scanning five popular publications in
Mexico for articles pertaining to leadership in Mexico. This analysis covered two 4-week
periods during March, April, and May of 2000. The publications, which were scanned, were
one national newspaper (El Financiero), two regional newspapers (Público and Mural), and
two national magazines—one of political orientation (Proceso) and one business review
(Expansión). The media sources are independent of one another; they are published in Mexico
City and Guadalajara, which are major business centers in Mexico. Their political orientation
and target audiences vary, and their circulation is high. Some of these sources occasionally
publish applied articles based on management research in other countries, but most of the arti-
cles reviewed dealt with trends or changes taking place in organizations in Mexico.
Each of the media publications was scanned to locate articles relevant to leadership in
Mexico. More than 200 articles were read. Key phrases were identified in each article that
indicated what effective leaders should do or should be like, as well as important leader attrib-
utes that fit an accepted pattern of leadership in Mexico. The central verb or adjective of each
phrase was identified and used as a code word for this phrase. These code words then repre-
sented potential behaviors, actions, or characteristics of effective leaders. Three reviewers
participated in this analysis and the key words they abstracted were very consistent across
sources and reviewers. The information from the literature review and media analysis was
later compared with the quantitative survey results of middle managers using GLOBE ques-
tionnaires described later.

Academic Literature

Several cultural characteristics explain a consistent finding by leadership researchers in

Mexico—effective leaders in Mexico make extensive use of supportive/relationship oriented
leader behaviors in influencing their followers (Drost & Von Glinow, 1998; Kras, 1992).
Supportive behaviors are effective in Mexico at improving followers’ job satisfaction and per-
formance and in reducing followers’ role ambiguity (Chemers & Aymen, 1985; Dorfman
et al., 1997; Kras, 1994). Although many traditional authoritarian leaders in Mexico are not
supportive of their followers, these recent studies show that supportiveness is an important
part of effective leadership in Mexico today. The efficacy of leaders’ supportiveness reflects
the importance of interpersonal relations, which require courtesy, respect, and friendliness by
leaders. The paternalistic and in-group collectivist orientation in Mexico mean a high value is
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736 HOWELL ET AL.

placed on caring, listening, and understanding (simpático), which are hallmarks of

supportive leaders.
Another finding in Mexico that is consistent with traditional cultural characteristics is the
effectiveness of directive leadership behavior. Directive leadership involves focusing on fol-
lowers’ work tasks: how they are completed, who does what, when they must be completed,
and the importance of meeting quality and quantity requirements. Directive leader behaviors
reflect the traditional autocratic patrón model of Mexican history, where the elite leader main-
tained a sizable social distance from followers who were generally compliant and showed due
respect and loyalty to the leader. In the United States and Western Europe, directive leaders
are not necessarily autocratic or authoritarian when communicating with followers about their
tasks. But with Mexico’s cultural traditions, a status-oriented authoritarian style in dealing
with followers has been more prevalent (Gutiérrez, 1993; Stephens & Greer, 1995). Mulder
(1976) associated this style with a fear of disagreeing with one’s superior, resulting in the “no
problema” syndrome in responding to a superior’s instructions (Drost & Von Glinow, 1998).
Directive leader behaviors have been shown to improve followers’ commitment to the orga-
nization and job performance and to reduce role ambiguity in Mexico (Dorfman et al., 1997;
Dorfman & Howell, 1988, 1997).
Charismatic leader behaviors also reflect a historical tradition in Mexico. Mexican history
is filled with charismatic revolutionary leaders who are continuously honored and celebrated.
Political leaders often adopt a historical charismatic leader as a “spiritual” adviser (Riding,
1989). Workers will often rally around an emotional speech by a top manager, rather than a
management program that stresses competition with others (Schuler, Jackson, Jackofsky, &
Slocum, 1996). Bass (1990) indicated that charismatic leadership would be effective in col-
lectivist cultures and this has been supported in studies of work organizations in Mexico
(Dorfman et al., 1997).
Hofstede (1980) found Mexico to be high on his general measure of collectivism. This
implies that individualized contingent rewards provided by leaders may not be effective in
Mexico. However, control of rewards in organizations reflects a manager’s power, and
Mexico is also high in power distance. Our cultural description also identified Social
Individualism as prevalent in Mexican culture. These factors may explain why leaders’ con-
tingent reward behavior has produced high worker commitment to the organization in Mexico
(Dorfman et al., 1997; Dorfman & Howell, 1997). The cultural mandate not to embarrass or
offend others prevents a leader’s contingent punishment behavior from having any favorable
effects on followers in Mexico (Dorfman & Howell, 1997).
Hofstede (1980) also indicated that participative leadership behavior was not effective in cul-
tures that were Collectivist and high in Power Distance. The long history of strongly authoritar-
ian military and political leaders in Mexico also does not support a high degree of participation
by leaders. Several researchers have found participative leadership behaviors to be ineffective in
Mexican organizations (Dorfman et al., 1997; Dorfman & Howell, 1997; Schuler et al., 1996). It
should be noted, however, that a more participative leadership style seems to be emerging in the
industrial centers of Mexico and along the U.S.–Mexico border. This emphasizes more worker
involvement and teamwork than the traditional Mexican leadership approach (Agar, 1998;
Lawrence & Yeh, 1995; Pelled & Hill, 1997; Vargas & Johnson, 1993). As Mexican business and
other organizations become increasingly internationalized (through trade agreements,
maquiladora plants, and joint ventures with companies from the United States, Japan, and other
countries), this new leadership style may become more prevalent throughout Mexico.
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 737

Media Analysis

The 10 most frequently mentioned key words abstracted from the extensive media analysis
reflect two persistent leadership themes found in the other data sources for this study (see
Table 20.1). The first theme is highly social oriented and includes supportive behavior by the
leader, such as helping followers and facilitating a feeling of belongingness and harmony.
This social theme also includes integrating/conciliative behavior by a leader such as resolv-
ing differences, finding common ground, and forming alliances to hold people together in a
common cause. This theme clearly supports the importance of positive interpersonal relations
(personalismo), respect and sensitivity to followers (simpático), and collectivism in organiza-
tions as described in the Culture section, the interview results, and the research on leadership
in Mexico.
The other persistent leadership theme supported by the media analysis is directive and per-
formance oriented. This theme includes designing proposals to help achieve goals and
change/transform organizations, emphasizing a practical orientation to guide action and
achievement, and planning, implementing, and controlling activities to attain effective results.
Although the articles seldom associated authoritarian approaches with this leadership con-
cept, this theme does correspond with a strong central leader (caudillo) found in the Culture
section and the research on directive leadership in Mexico. This theme also reflects the high
value placed on Performance Orientation detailed in the GLOBE culture scales measuring
societal values in Mexico, as well as the interview results. Both of these data sources are
reported later in this chapter.
A newer theme also emerged from the key words abstracted in the media analysis.
Although it occurred less often than the two dominant themes already described, it may
reflect the newer leadership pattern that is appearing in the industrial centers of Mexico. This
theme includes leaders’ role in negotiating and bargaining to reach agreements, representing
their followers and organizations to other parties, and creating conditions for and implement-
ing participation by followers in decision making. These behaviors imply an outward orien-
tation by leaders to create agreements and conditions where their followers and organizations
can thrive. They also indicate a developing shift from the traditionally strong internal leader
with passive compliant followers to leaders and followers who work together to solve increas-
ingly complex problems in organizations. This evolving theme supports findings from recent
leadership research on participation in Mexico’s major industrial regions as well as interview
results described later. It also is consistent with the relatively low score on Power Distance
obtained on the GLOBE culture scales measuring societal values in Mexico. Although this
newer theme may conflict with the second theme of a strong central leader, the presence of
both themes in the media shows the ongoing conflict between traditional and cosmopolitan
approaches to leadership in Mexican organizations.

3. METHODOLOGY OF GLOBE RESEARCH IN MEXICO

In addition to extensive literature reviews, the GLOBE project in Mexico involved semistruc-
tured and ethnographic interviews with managers, focus groups, and questionnaire adminis-
tration to obtain meaningful data on culture dimensions and leadership processes. Each
method is briefly described in this section and results are presented in later sections of this
chapter. The different methods yield an interesting web of information that portrays a consis-
tent view of Mexican culture and managerial leadership.
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738 HOWELL ET AL.

TABLE 20.1
Results of Media Analysis

Action Verbs and Leader Characteristics Frequency Rank Percent

Supporter: Supportive behavior. The leader gives support 144 1 8.1

to the group and gets support from other groups; his or
her main role is getting and expanding resources.
Integrator/Conciliator: Harmonizing or conciliating 142 2 8.0
behavior. The leader helps people or parties allied for a
common purpose. Good leaders find common ground
and help to resolve differences. To form alliances is
important.
Proposing leader: The leader designs proposals to solve 140 3 7.9
problems. Good leaders develop proposals fair to all in
solving people problems.
Changer: Changing or transforming behavior. The leader 130 4 7.3
guides and produces changes through innovative
behavior.
Achiever: Achieving behavior. The leader gets good 124 5 6.9
results, reaches goals, is effective and productive.
“A man of action.”
Decision maker & controller: Directive and controlling 111 6 6.2
behavior. The leader makes decisions and gets things
done. Good leaders have situations and processes
under control.
Project leader: Planning behavior. The leaders plan, 96 7 5.4
program, and project new actions. Visioning future
solutions. Good leaders look ahead.
Negotiator: Bargaining behavior. The leaders know 90 8 5.1
how to negotiate, bargain, and reach agreements.
Representative: Representing behavior. The leader 81 9 4.5
represents others (the group to which he or she
belongs). Representative behavior is very important
under democratic systems. Being a democrat is
very good.
Participating: Sharing behavior. The leader makes 69 10 3.8
participation possible. Good leaders include people.
Improvement leader: Improving behavior. The leader 69 10 3.8
improves operations, increases market or sector share,
expands and allows growth of the business.
Manager: Being a good administrator. To manage 55 12 3.1
effectively is an important part of a good leader’s job.
Organizer: Structuring behavior. The leader organizes 54 13 3.0
and structures (or restructures) to get things done.
Initiating structure for good performance.
Developer: Developing behaviors. The leader is a 53 14 3
developer; he or she understands his or her role in
development of organizations and people.
(Continued)
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 739

TABLE 20.1 (Continued)

Action Verbs and Leader Characteristics Frequency Rank Percent

Strategic leader: Strategic thinking. The leader creates 50 15 2.8

new strategies to compete (win, grow, expand).
Risk or challenge taker: Challenging behavior. Good 49 16 2.7
leaders take rational risks, they accept challenges.
Informer/Communicator/Dialogue maker: Informative or 47 17 2.6
communicative behavior. Good leaders know how to
communicate and dialogue. They know when to
inform others.
Promoter: Promoting behavior. The leader promotes 37 18 2.1
projects and people. To promote what has to be done is
a main part of a leader’s job.
Recognizer: Good leaders recognize what others do. It is 33 19 1.8
important to give recognition to others.
Opportunity maker or taker: Being opportunistic means 31 20 1.7
being in the right place at the right time. Making
opportune proposals. Good leaders know when
opportunity comes.
Process manager: Good leaders manage and control 25 21 1.4
processes.
Being responsible: To accept responsibility and comply. 24 22 1.3
Good leaders respond to others.
Interesting: Having charisma or an inspiring personality is 24 22 1.3
important to be a good leader. Having a good image.
Being objective: Making good judgments. 15 24 0.8
Sharing opinions: Good leaders listen to others’ opinions. 13 25 .07
Having persistence: To persist, to insist, to stand up. 13 25 0.7
Good leaders persist.
Being competitive: Leaders have to be competitive. 13 25 0.7
Competition enhances good leadership.
Being against corruption: Moral behavior and values 12 28 0.7
based leadership are needed to fight corruption.
Having initiative: Leaders need initiative to be successful. 12 28 0.7
To initiate actions and projects is part of a good
leader’s job.
Being critical: Accept criticism and being critical is part 8 29 0.5
of democracy. Leaders must be open to mutual
criticism and behavior disclosure.
Being aggressive: Leaders attack before others do; to be 7 30 0.4
aggressive means to act first.
Being healthy: Leaders have to be strong, in good 6 31 0.3
physical shape, healthy.
TOTAL 1777 100.0
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740 HOWELL ET AL.

Interviews and Focus Groups

Semistructured interviews were conducted with Mexican plant managers, midlevel managers
and supervisors in the Mexican state of Chihuahua. In these interviews, we sought to learn as
much as possible about leadership and organizational practices in Mexico that reflect
Mexican culture. We included questions about the importance of leadership in managing
Mexican organizations, the styles of leadership that are most effective, and the characteristics,
norms and beliefs of Mexican managers.
Focus groups were conducted to further explore the issues that emerged from the literature
reviews and semistructured interviews. We conducted focus group sessions with Mexican
managers and professionals who were enrolled in classes at New Mexico State University and
with managers and technical personnel at the Juárez campus for the Monterrey Technological
Institute. Participants were asked to prepare for the sessions by thinking of an outstanding
leader and describing the characteristics and behaviors that make this leader effective. We
began the sessions by asking for descriptions of specific situations where outstanding leader-
ship was demonstrated.
An ethnographic study of empresarios (entrepreneur/managers) was also conducted by
Martínez (2000) as part of her dissertation research. The term empresario is used broadly in
Mexico to refer to owner/managers and corporate managers. This term is not equivalent to the
term entrepreneur, defined by scholars in the field of entrepreneurship as individuals who
identify business opportunities and initiate and manage innovative and competitive firms
(Martínez, 2000).4 The term emprendador denotes an entrepreneur. Because of the liberaliza-
tion of the Mexican economy, Mexican firms must compete globally and empresarios increas-
ingly recognize the critical importance of a focus on quality and innovation. Many are
implementing this focus in the leadership of their firms.
Martínez interviewed empresarios who actively managed their own businesses as well as
professional managers providing leadership for Mexican firms. Individuals interviewed for
the ethnographic study were an elite group of empresarios (defined by a combination of social
class, education, and wealth). Throughout the later part of the 20th century, Mexican empre-
sarios played an important role in modernization of structures necessary for economic and
political development in Mexico (Derossi, 1971; Valdés Ugalde, 1997). Most businesses in
Mexico presently either are owned and managed by an entrepreneur/manager, or are family
businesses managed by several family members.
In these ethnographic interviews, Martinez sought to gather data, organize concepts, and
interpret findings about managerial leadership in Mexico from the point of view of the inter-
viewees. The research process at this stage was inductive, interpretive, and often iterative.
Martinez immersed herself in the Mexican culture, conducted the interviews in a semistruc-
tured and conversational manner, and then withdrew to reflect on the leadership concepts that
emerged and how they related to the current environment in Mexico. She then often returned
for a second interview with the same respondent to refine her understanding of the leadership
concepts and relationships and to be sure she represented them in a manner consistent with
“native” concepts and construction of reality of the informants.

4
By adopting this distinction between a business owner-manager and an individual who identifies a business
opportunity then initiates and manages a dynamic business, Mexican business leaders, consultants, and academicians
have begun to use the term emprendador to denote the later, more restricted definition. This distinction places value
and emphasis on the entrepreneurial behavior that is associated with economic growth (Martínez, 2000).
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 741

Thirty-three empresarios were interviewed in Mexico City (in central Mexico) and Ciudad
Juárez (on the U.S. border). Both areas are major centers of business activity for the country.
The business sectors represented were varied. Five women participated; the interviews were
conducted in Spanish and were audiotaped. They were transcribed and subsequently analyzed
using QSR NUD*IST (Version 3), a software program designed to support qualitative
research.

Survey Questionnaires

The quantitative survey data on GLOBE dimensions of national culture and leadership dimen-
sions were gathered from 152 middle managers in the financial services and food-
processing industries (73 were from financial services and 79 from food processing). Nine
organizations were sampled in financial services in northern Mexico, and six organizations in
food processing were sampled in Mexico City. All of the organizations sampled were
branches of large domestic Mexican business organizations and they were not affiliated with
transnational corporations from other countries. The size of the branch organizations varied
from 25 to several hundred employees. Both of the geographic regions represented are major
centers of business activity in Mexico. There were 78 male and 74 female respondents and
their ages ranged from 22 to 58, with an average age of 36.
Economic activity increased in Mexico during the early 1990s due to favorable govern-
ment policies and NAFTA. High economic expectations created a surge of business start-ups
and bank loans. However, a peso devaluation in 1994 prompted a severe financial crisis,
which was compounded by poor management practices in the banking industry. Swift finan-
cial support by the U.S. government, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank
provided some stability for the Mexican economy. In 1995, the Mexican government acti-
vated a controversial FOBAPROA (a government fund to protect savings). Although this pro-
gram and the international financial support provided some stability, there was still
uncertainty and considerable adjustment occurring in the economy. The GLOBE surveys
were administered in 1995 during this period. Nine dimensions of culture were investigated
using quantitative measures in all of the countries included in the GLOBE research project.
These dimensions are based on earlier cross-cultural research by Hofstede (1980), Hofstede
and Bond (1988), Triandis (1995), and McClelland (1961). The nine cultural dimensions are:
Performance Orientation, Future Orientation, Assertiveness, Institutional Collectivism,
Gender Egalitarianism, Humane Orientation, Power Distance, In-Group Collectivism, and
Uncertainty Avoidance. Each of these is defined in the following sections along with the
scores for Mexico from the GLOBE quantitative measures. Two types of measures were used
for each cultural dimension. The institutional cultural practices in a country were measured
by “As Is” (society practices) questions, indicating the respondents’ perception of the current
state of a cultural dimension in their society. Respondents’ desired levels of emphasis on each
cultural dimension in their society were measured by “Should Be” (society values) questions.
These questions indicated how much the respondent believed a cultural dimension should be
emphasized in the policies and practices of their institutions. Seven-point Likert scales were
used throughout the GLOBE research.
Additional GLOBE questionnaire items were developed to assess the degree to which dif-
ferent leader characteristics and behaviors facilitate or inhibit “outstanding leadership.” These
items were carefully validated in two pilot studies of white-collar workers and managers in
over 40 countries and in Phase 2 of the main GLOBE project with middle managers in
61 countries. The same sample of middle managers that responded to the culture scales was
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742 HOWELL ET AL.

used for the leadership scales. The rating scales used in the GLOBE surveys indicate the
degree that a leadership factor contributes to or inhibits a person from being an outstanding
leader. A rating of 4 on this scale means the factor has no impact on whether a person is an
outstanding leader. Ratings above 4 indicate a factor contributes to being an outstanding
leader and ratings below 4 indicate a factor inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader.
The development and validation of GLOBE scales used to gather this survey data were
described in House et al. (1999). More information on these scales and examples of question-
naire items is contained in the first chapter of this volume.

Analysis Strategy

The semistructured and ethnographic interviews and focus group discussions were audio-
recorded, transcribed, and analyzed for major themes expressed by the participants. The
themes that were identified addressed effective leadership and organizational practices in
Mexico as well as important cultural beliefs and values that influence leadership processes in
Mexican organizations.
The survey questionnaire data on GLOBE culture dimensions in Mexico are summarized
later in Table 20.2 by reporting mean scores on each dimension for Mexico versus all GLOBE
countries. These data are reported separately for “As Is” (society practices) and “Should Be”
(society values) culture scores as well as the difference on each culture dimension between
the “Should Be” and “As Is” scores. The groups (A through C) reported in Table 20.2 indi-
cate the relative score (rank) for Mexico on each specific culture dimension in relation to
other countries (see footnote to Table 20.2).
The survey questionnaire data on GLOBE leadership dimensions were factor analyzed
resulting in six second-order leadership factors. Mexico’s mean score on each of these lead-
ership factors is reported later in Table 20.4. Groups are also reported for the leadership fac-
tors in Table 20.4, indicating the relative score (rank) for Mexico on each specific leadership
factor in relation to other countries (see footnote to Table 20.4). These mean scores for
Mexico, all Latin American GLOBE countries, and all GLOBE countries are also presented
in graphic form to facilitate comparison and interpretation.

4. RESULTS

Semistructured Interviews and Focus Groups

The semistructured interviews were the first phase of empirical qualitative research carried
out in Mexico. They yielded several initial findings that were further explored in the focus
groups. The interviews showed that although an authoritarian leadership style has tradition-
ally been accepted by Mexican workers, a heavy-handed approach that emphasizes threats
and punishment is not considered effective. Mexican workers do not approve of leaders who
are rude or who offend or embarrass followers in public. In order to be accepted, leaders must
respect their followers’ pride and customs.
There was some indication of a persistent Social Darwinist belief among those interviewed
that leaders are more competent and deserving than followers. Managers who request subor-
dinates’ input prior to making a decision may be viewed as weak. Consequently, some man-
agers feel little need to share information and objectives with their followers. Subordinates
may often be intimidated by status differences and become reluctant to discuss problems with
superiors because of the cultural norm of avoiding interpersonal conflict. This may be
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 743

most common at lower organizational levels or where there is a large difference in the status
levels of the leader and employee. These behavioral tendencies indicate a strong belief in high
Power Distance in Mexican organizations.
A key cultural theme in the focus groups in Mexico was the importance of maintaining
good interpersonal relations. Outstanding Mexican leadership was characterized by terms
like trust, respect, and sensitivity. Gaining trust, treating people as human beings, and main-
taining courtesy and respect pervaded the discussions. The Mexican expression simpático
describes this critical aspect of Mexican leadership. Simpático reflects the ability and willing-
ness to trust people with a special sensitivity to their dignity and worth as individuals. It
involves demonstrating respect and empathy to bring out the uniqueness and special charac-
teristics of each person. This aspect of Mexican leadership is often linked with terms such as
agradable (nice), comprensivo (understanding), and sencillo (easy to get along with).
Mexican leaders take time to learn something about their subordinates’ personal lives and
inquire with sincere interest about their families. A manager demonstrated simpático by vis-
iting a subordinate’s home to see his wife and their new baby, showing his respect for the
importance of family in Mexican culture. This concern for simpático and pleasant interper-
sonal relations reinforced the essential respect for followers’ pride and customs identified in
the interviews.
Another major theme in the focus groups was a type of collective problem solving that only
partially resembled participative leadership as practiced in North America and Western
Europe. One discussant described this process by saying that managers were expected to
design strategies, develop proposals, and offer suggestions that are then discussed by subor-
dinates who are expected to carry them out. We suspect that acting on subordinates’ sugges-
tions may not be as important as in the United States. In contrast to the norm in the United
States and Europe, interacting with subordinates to solve problems is often done in an appar-
ent chaotic but highly meaningful manner in Mexico. A manager may deal with more than
one person and problem at the same time and in the same room. Here the leader demonstrates
control over complex situations, using subtle and indirect means to address each individual’s
suggestions and concerns. A key point is that all individuals involved must believe they can
be involved in problem solving.
A final theme that emerged in the focus groups was a wide agreement that high-level lead-
ers used their “persona” to command allegiance. The managers who were described as exam-
ples of this tendency in Mexico were clearly very charismatic individuals who manifested
their charisma by a combination of paternalistic directiveness, elements of male machismo,
as well as respect and sensitivity for followers (simpático). This theme indicates the salience
of charisma as an element of outstanding leadership in Mexico.
In summary, the semistructured interviews and focus groups identified the following lead-
ership themes as important in Mexico: respect for followers and good interpersonal relations,
high power distance between leaders and followers, and personal charismatic leadership with
a unique type of collective problem solving. All but the last theme support findings reported
earlier from the historical analysis and/or the literature reviews.

Ethnographic Interviews

In her ethnographic analysis of the interviews she conducted with Mexican empresarios,
Martínez (2000) identified four themes that either directly relate to the results of the GLOBE
analysis or have relevance for its interpretation. The first theme is the importance of the
family in Mexican culture and “the replication of its structure, system and values within the
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744 HOWELL ET AL.

entrepreneur’s firm, especially the patriarchal model” (p. 84). Kinship has played a critical
role in Mexican society throughout its history. Most Mexican firms are still owned and con-
trolled by families. Many Mexicans secure financial capital from family members, use the
influence of their families to launch business ventures, and choose family members as part-
ners, employees, and/or to serve as members of the board of directors. “Leadership attributes
and behavior among Mexican empresarios are usually described by their relationship to the
traditional patriarchal model” (p. 100). For instance, a small traditional firm of 60 employees
in Mexico City manufactures and distributes children’s board games and is controlled by the
89-year-old patriarch-founder who is an autocratic leader. Although unable to come to the
office daily because of poor health, he makes the decisions regarding raises for union work-
ers, product lines, and even what color to paint the office. This behavior continues even
though his son, who manages the daily business, is a very able man in his 60s and has worked
in the business since he was 12 years old. The son finds it difficult to argue with the patriarch
who has achieved and sustained success in the business.
“The entrepreneurs associated with larger businesses expressed a leadership style which
seemed to negotiate a path between the forces of globalization and modernization … and the
former traditional emphasis on family and personal relationships …” (Martínez, 2000,
p. 101). What is interesting is the persistence of the influence of one or more elements of the
family model within the newly reorganized and more competitive Mexican firms, whether
they are controlled by the family or not. A CEO and major shareholder of a dynamic medium-
size telecommunications firm spoke of “rewarding employees in a manner that advances their
patrimonial interests, achieving a better life and a higher standard of living for their family”
(pp. 91–92). It is noteworthy that he describes and designs his reward system in terms of the
family. The very high scores on the GLOBE In-Group Collectivism cultural practices dimen-
sion are consistent with Martiníez’s findings and her description of the theme related to the
importance of the family and the patriarchal model.
The second theme described in the ethnographic study, which could be viewed as a subtheme
of the first, is the importance of personal relationships. “This focus on personal relationships cre-
ates a distinctive humanistic belief system that governs employment. That is, in the relationship
between employer and employee, the respect, concern, and long-term employment offered by the
employer is exchanged for respect and loyalty on the part of the employee” (Martínez, 2000, p.
85). This same theme was also found in the semi-structured interviews. However, in traditional
Mexican business organizations, Mexican entrepreneurs have not always treated employees well.
Within this personal and often paternal relationship, the employer often offers protection and
assistance in activities outside the strict boundaries of the organization. Many of the entrepre-
neurs mentioned a commitment to the growth and development of their employees. One empre-
sario “believes that employees come to the firm with their youth, their enthusiasm and their
interest and they should not be returned to society as human ‘rags’—tired, frustrated and feel-
ing old. An employee should be given the opportunity to feel they have fulfilled
an obligation to their families and to Mexico by means of their work” (Martínez, 2000,
pp. 116–117). A specific GLOBE cultural dimension is relevant to this theme of personal rela-
tionships—Humane Orientation. Though Mexico was only average on the Humane Orientation
cultural practices dimension (“As Is”), like most countries in GLOBE, Mexicans desire some-
what more Humane Orientation for their society (“Should Be”). Most likely, scores for the
Humane Orientation dimension would be higher in Mexico if the construct reflected the impor-
tance of respect and concern for those personal relationships within the family.
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 745

Both themes just discussed describe the influence on leadership and organizational behav-
ior of the traditional patterns of organizing that have characterized Mexican society. The third
theme Martínez identified in her ethnographic study was the influence and proximity of the
United States as the major source of managerial models and practices, capital, as well as the
primary market and competitor. In general, Mexican empresarios admire the success of U.S.
businesses and wish to emulate practices and models to improve their own performance and
competitiveness. Managers are beginning to recognize the importance of motivation and the
impact of the leader’s behavior on the organization. Furthermore, empresarios are now forced
to focus on the quality of their products and services. This aspect of productivity and service
was not a major consideration before the Mexican economy was liberalized and markets
opened to global competition (Martínez, 2000).
The fourth theme is the preoccupation of the entrepreneur/manager with the institutional-
ization of their firms. Empresarios who participated in the ethnographic study spoke of the
need for “institutionalization,” which is a term they use to describe the establishment of sys-
tematic managerial processes to ensure productivity, consistency of quality, and the ability to
compete. Empresarios view institutionalization as a means to overcome the weaknesses of the
family firm, such as hiring based on criteria that are not job related. Institutionalization
emphasizes planning and development by which managers can share information and seek
support for decisions within the firm, especially among subordinates.
In summary, Martínez (2000) identified several overall leadership themes for empresarios
in Mexico: the importance of the family and the patriarchal model, the value of personal rela-
tionships between managers and employees, and the influence of the United States on
Mexican organizations, which is often shown through the institutionalization of modern man-
agement practices originating in the United States. The first two themes reflect those identi-
fied previously from other data sources. The final theme may partially reflect the last theme
that emerged from the media analysis, describing new roles for organizational leaders in
today’s organizations in Mexico.

Globe Dimensions of National Culture

Both “As Is” (society practices) and “Should Be” (society values) scores on the nine cultural
dimensions are reported in the following sections, along with the differences between these
two scores (“Should Be”−“As Is”). These differences indicate the directions that respondents
believe their country should be changing regarding the GLOBE cultural dimensions. Table
20.2 summarizes these quantitative scores for the GLOBE cultural dimensions. We also
include observations and insights in this section from the qualitative portion of the GLOBE
project in Mexico, regarding norms and practices that further elucidate each of the cultural
dimensions in Mexico.

Performance Orientation
Performance Orientation is the degree to which a society encourages and rewards group
members for performance improvement and excellence. Mexico’s “As Is” score on
Performance Orientation is medium (4.10 on a 7-point scale). Its score is near the middle of
three groups on the distribution of all GLOBE country scores on this culture dimension and its
rank was 32 out of 61 countries. Mexico’s “Should Be” score on Performance Orientation is
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746 HOWELL ET AL.

TABLE 20.2
Mexico Means for GLOBE Societal Culture Dimensions

Society “As Is”

Mean for Mean Across

Culture Dimensions Mexico All Countries Groupa Rank

Performance Orientation 4.10 4.10 B 32

Future Orientation 3.87 3.84 B 26
Assertiveness 4.45 4.15 A 16
Institutional Collectivism 4.06 4.27 B 38
Gender Egalitarianism 3.64 3.37 A 16
Humane Orientation 3.98 4.08 C 34
Power Distance 5.22 5.17 B 30
In-Group Collectivism 5.71 5.13 A 12
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.18 4.16 B 26

Society “Should Be”

Difference
Mean for Mean Across (“Should Be”−
Culture Dimensions Mexico All Countries Groupa Rank “As Is”)

Performance Orientation 6.16 5.94 B 14 2.06

Future Orientation 5.86 5.4 A 13 1.99
Assertiveness 3.79 3.83 B 27 −0.66
Institutional Collectivism 4.92 4.73 B 23 0.86
Gender Egalitarianism 4.73 4.51 A 24 1.09
Humane Orientation 5.10 5.42 C 55 1.12
Power Distance 2.85 2.75 C 19 −2.37
In-Group Collectivism 5.95 5.66 B 14 0.24
Uncertainty Avoidance 5.26 4.62 A 9 1.08
a
Groups A through C indicate the relative score (and rank) for Mexico on the specific culture dimension in relation
to other countries. The groups were formed using the following “banding” procedures (cf. House et al., 2004). This
procedure uses the mean score on each culture dimension along with the standard error of estimate (a measure of
dispersion) from the total data set to calculate “bands” of similarly rated countries. The number of bands (groups)
for each culture dimension depends on the amount of variance (standard error) for each factor. There are signifi-
cant differences between groups but no significant differences within each group. “A” indicates highest country
ranking where “C” indicates next-to-lowest country ranking for Mexico.

high (6.16), near the top of the second group on the distribution for all GLOBE countries and
ranked 14 out of 61 GLOBE countries on this culture dimension. Most GLOBE countries
scored highly on the “Should Be” scale for Performance Orientation and Mexico was no
exception. The difference between the “Should Be” and “As Is” scores on Performance
Orientation was strikingly large (2.06). Clearly, Mexican respondents saw a strong need to
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 747

encourage more achievement and excellence in their organizations. This may be a reaction to
a sentiment expressed in some ethnographic interviews that Mexicans in the past have had
trouble organizing and achieving success.

Future Orientation
Future Orientation is the degree to which individuals in a society engage in future-oriented
behaviors such as planning, investing in the future, and delaying gratification. Mexico’s “As
Is” score on Future Orientation is medium (3.87). Its score is second out of four groups (next
to highest) on the distribution of all “As Is” GLOBE country scores on this dimension, and
ranks 26 out of 61 countries. Riding (1989) and Ramos (1976) described Mexicans as view-
ing the future with fatalism, so planning seems unnatural. Ardila (1979) also described an
emphasis on the present or “losing future perspective” as part of a poverty psychology in
Mexico. However, the spreading economic and social development in Mexico may be encour-
aging more emphasis on Future Orientation (Sotelo Valencia, 1999). Mexico’s “Should Be”
score on this dimension is high (5.86). Its score is in the top group in the distribution of all
“Should Be” scores on the GLOBE cultural dimensions and its rank was 13 out of
61 countries. The difference between the “Should Be” and “As Is” scores on Future
Orientation was quite large (1.99), indicating that Mexican respondents perceived the need for
much more future- oriented behavior by individuals than currently exists. Until recently,
many industries enjoyed a monopoly or were protected from competition by trade regulations.
In these situations, there was little motivation to plan. As the economy becomes more open,
perception of a need for more Future Orientation can be seen in the increasing number of pub-
lic and private organizations in Mexico that are developing strategic plans including a vision,
mission statement, and overall objectives. Increasing international influences on the Mexican
economy and society may be slowly changing the views of Mexican citizens regarding the
future of their society.

Assertiveness
Assertiveness is the degree to which individuals in a society are assertive, aggressive, and
confrontational in social relationships. The GLOBE scale includes descriptors such as “dom-
inant” and “tough” to describe Assertiveness. Mexico’s “As Is” score on Assertiveness is high
(4.45). It is in the top group on the distribution of all country Assertiveness scores and it
ranked 16 out of 61 countries. This score may seem surprising until one considers that the
assertive items on the GLOBE scale reflect a strongly dominant male orientation (machismo),
which is traditional in Mexican society. Mexico’s “Should Be” score on Assertiveness is
medium (3.79). It is in the middle group and ranks 27. The difference between “Should Be”
and “As Is” scores on Assertiveness was negative, but not large (–0.66). This indicates the
Mexican respondents may see a slight need to decrease their degree of Assertiveness.

Institutional Collectivism
Institutional Collectivism indicates the extent that a society’s organizational and institu-
tional norms and practices encourage and reward collective action and collective distribution
of resources. The “As Is” score for Mexico on institutional Collectivism was medium (4.06).
Its score was in the second group (of four) in the distribution of all GLOBE country scores
and its rank was low (38) in comparison to other countries. Riding (1989) stated that Mexican
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748 HOWELL ET AL.

men often feel little solidarity with society outside their own family and that community
approaches to shared problems are rare. This may reflect their disappointment and frustration
with most society-wide institutions, especially those related to government. It should be
noted here that Mexico was high in In-Group Collectivism, which indicates identification and
loyalty to one’s family and organizations. In-Group Collectivism is prominent in Mexican
society and is described later in this section. Mexico’s “Should Be” score on Institutional
Collectivism was medium-high (4.92). Its rank was 23 in the distribution of all country
scores, placing it near the top of the second group of scores. The difference between “Should
Be” and “As Is” scores was not large (0.86). This indicates that Mexican respondents might
like slightly more collectivism in their institutions. Both “As Is” and “Should Be” scores are
consistent with the increasing activities of diverse interest groups in Mexican society.

Gender Egalitarianism
Gender Egalitarianism indicates the extent that a society minimizes gender role differ-
ences. A score of 4 on this scale indicates Gender Egalitarianism, scores higher than 4 indi-
cate greater female orientation, and scores lower than 4 indicate greater male orientation. The
“As Is” score for Mexico for Gender Egalitarianism is medium (3.64), it is in the first of three
groups on the distribution of all country scores on this dimension, and ranks 16 out of 61
countries. Mexico’s “As Is” score reflects a slight male orientation, but its rank and grouping
place it high in contrast to other GLOBE countries. Mexico’s “Should Be” score on this
dimension is medium-high (4.73), it is in the top group on the all country distribution, and its
rank is 24 out of 61 countries. The difference between “Should Be” and “As Is” scores on this
dimension is 1.09, indicating some desire by Mexican respondents for more female orienta-
tion in their society. As noted earlier, women are increasingly becoming leaders in business
but their participation in politics is still very limited. Female entrepreneurs in Mexico believe
that attitudes of machismo still represent a major obstacle to the growth and development of
their businesses (Zabludovsky, 1998).

Humane Orientation
Humane Orientation reflects the degree to which a society encourages and rewards indi-
viduals for being fair, altruistic, friendly, generous, caring, and kind to others. The “As Is”
score in Mexico for Humane Orientation is medium (3.98) and in the third of four groups on
the distribution of all country scores for this dimension. It ranks 34 out of 61 countries.
Mexico’s “Should Be” score on this dimension is medium-high (5.10). It is also in the third
of five groups on the distribution of all country scores, but its rank is fairly low at 55 out of
61 countries. Most GLOBE respondents indicated that their society should emphasize much
more Humane Orientation resulting in even higher “Should Be” scores than in Mexico. The
difference between “Should Be” and “As Is” scores on this dimension is 1.12, indicating
Mexicans also desire more Humane Orientation for their society. Humane Orientation relates
closely to the importance of maintaining pleasant interpersonal relations, which is a major
leadership theme that emerged from the focus groups and interviews.

Power Distance
Power Distance is the degree to which members of a society accept unequal distributions
of power in their institutions and society in general. The “As Is” score in Mexico for Power
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 749

Distance is fairly high (5.22) and is near the top of the second of four groups on the distribu-
tion of all GLOBE country scores. Its rank is 30 out of 61 countries. Mexicans are the product
of two cultures that emphasized authoritarianism and omnipotence by leaders—the indige-
nous theocratic and militaristic Aztecs, and the Spanish conquerors who imposed a highly
centralized colonial government and Catholicism, as well as their language (Riding, 1989).
The Power Distance score for Mexico is reflected in Mexican workers’ respect for
formal authority as shown by hierarchical position. Status and titles are crucial throughout soci-
ety. Power and authority have traditionally resided at the top of organizations. Workers expect
managers to provide direction, make final decisions, and draw clear status lines between man-
agers and workers. One coauthor was a staff member in a non-PRI state government for several
years. In the governor’s meetings with his ministers, not one minister ever openly disagreed with
the governor’s opinions. Centralized decision making is also the norm in large Mexican busi-
ness organizations (grupos), where individual families often control many companies.
Mexico’s “Should Be” score on Power Distance was considerably lower (2.85) than the
“As Is” score (this was true for many GLOBE countries). The “Should Be” score for Mexico
was in the third of five groups on the distribution of all GLOBE country scores for this dimen-
sion, and it ranked 19 out of 61 countries. The difference between the “Should Be” score and
“As Is” score on this dimension for Mexico was –2.37. This indicates that Mexicans desire
much less Power Distance in their society, as do most of the respondents throughout the
GLOBE countries that were studied. This desire among Mexicans may reflect a gradual
increase in the education of the Mexican workforce, the desire for a “fairer” society where
they can influence their future, and the use of Western management methods such as Total
Quality Management and self-managed work teams. These techniques require more lateral
communication and interaction, as well as initiative and self-leadership by workers. Many
Mexicans may see the need for change in their managers’ views of power and authority in
order to compete in a global economy. These changes are most likely to occur in industries
utilizing more advanced technologies that require a highly educated workforce. When the
non-PRI governor’s party (described earlier) eventually lost power, several ministers, who
had never disagreed with their governor, stated that a more open expression of their real opin-
ions may have prevented the loss. They vowed to reduce the Power Distance and state their
opinions in their next political experience.

In-Group Collectivism
In-Group Collectivism is the extent to which individuals express pride, loyalty, and cohe-
siveness in their organizations and families. The “As Is” score for Mexico on In-Group
Collectivism is high (5.71), and the highest of three groups on the all country distribution for
this dimension. It ranks 12 out of 61 GLOBE countries. Díaz-Loving (1999) indicated that
the extended family is the principal safe haven in Mexican society where emotions can be
shown without risk, unquestioned loyalty is guaranteed, and customs are maintained. A large
personal network of family and friends is the primary source of support for Mexicans, as well
as other Latin Americans. Rather than depending on public institutions and resources,
Mexicans develop intimate support systems by marriage, coparenting, and patron–client rela-
tionships (Wolf, 1966; Wolf & Hansen, 1972). Because of the importance of the extended
family, staying close to roots and home has been highly valued. As one participant in the focus
groups stated: “We grow up … and we continue to depend on our parents. … There is a feel-
ing of unity, of love that exists until you cease to exist.” Mexico’s “Should Be” score on
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750 HOWELL ET AL.

In-Group Collectivism was high (5.95), placing it at the top of the second group of the
all-country distribution. Mexico ranks 14 on the “Should Be” scores for this dimension. The
difference between the “Should Be” and “As Is” scores for this dimension is 0.24, indicating
that Mexican respondents are content with the high level of In-Group Collectivism displayed
in their culture. Although increasing numbers of Mexican managers recognize the need for
less hierarchical and patriarchal patterns of authority in order to compete successfully in the
global market place, they continue to honor the importance of the family. These managers
believe that these values contribute to cohesion and productivity within their organizations
(Martínez, 2000).

Uncertainty Avoidance
Uncertainty Avoidance is the extent to which individuals in a society seek to alleviate
the unpredictability of future events by relying on social norms, rituals, and bureaucratic
procedures. The “As Is” score for Mexico on this dimension is medium (4.18) and it is in
the second of four groups in the distribution of all country scores on this dimension. It
ranks 26 out of 61 countries. The “Should Be” score for Mexico on Uncertainty Avoidance
is high (5.26), in the top group on the all country distribution, and ranking 9 out of 61
countries. The difference between the “Should Be” and “As Is” scores for this dimension
is 1.08. It appears that Mexicans believe their institutions should engage in somewhat
more normative and bureaucratic control to avoid the unpredictability of future events.
Mexican managers and entrepreneurs deal with great uncertainty in their economic envi-
ronment: lack of available credit; fluctuating interest and inflation rates; volatile currency
values; and the radical changes in the economic structure that have been implemented dur-
ing the past 20 years. Successful Mexican entrepreneurs and managers have learned to be
flexible, respond quickly, and improvise in order to survive. Mexican workers do value job
security and may have a slight preference for close supervision rather than working on
their own, although this preference may also reflect their lack of power and other condi-
tions for working independently.

Summary of GLOBE Culture Dimensions

The Mexican scores on the GLOBE dimensions portray a society with an interesting cul-
tural configuration that has several noteworthy elements. A few dimensions stood out in com-
parison to other societal cultures. Particularly striking is the very high “As Is” score and rank
for In-Group Collectivism, which is consistent with the importance of the family in Mexican
life. In comparison to other countries, the “As Is” score for the Assertiveness dimension is
also high. These cultural dimensions reflect traditional values and beliefs in Mexican soci-
ety—the importance of family within a male-oriented society. Somewhat to our surprise, the
“As Is” score on Gender Egalitarianism for Mexico was in the top country grouping, but still
reflects a slight male orientation for the societal culture. In contrast to the “As Is” scores,
which reflect cultural practice, the “Should Be” scores reflect cultural values. When consid-
ering these “Should Be” scores, it is apparent that the high In-Group Collectivism in the “As
Is” score continues to be viewed favorably as respondents indicated no desire to change or
alter the importance of this dimension. In contrast, there was a significant desire by respon-
dents to reduce levels of Power Distance, but increase the level of Gender Egalitarianism. The
“Should Be” scores also showed a desire for appreciably more Performance Orientation,
Future Orientation, and Uncertainty Avoidance in Mexican society and organizations. These
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 751

desires reflect recognition of the importance of planning and preparing for high performance
and rapid change in organizations if Mexico is to be successful in its continued development
and internationalization of its economy. The increased desire for practices to reduce uncer-
tainty reflects Mexicans’ concerns for the lack of economic stability of their country in recent
years.

Culturally Endorsed Implicit Leadership Theories

A central question investigated in the GLOBE project is the extent to which specific leader
characteristics and behaviors are universally endorsed in all cultures as aspects of outstand-
ing leadership, and the extent to which other characteristics and behaviors are attributed to
outstanding leaders only in certain countries or cultures (House et al., 1999). Considerable
research evidence exists showing that individuals develop implicit leadership theories or pro-
totypes about the characteristics and behaviors they believe differentiate leaders from non-
leaders, effective from ineffective leaders, and moral from evil leaders (Lord & Maher, 1991).
A follower’s implicit leadership theory affects how she or he reacts to a leader and leaders are
more influential with followers when their perceived characteristics and behavior match the
implicit leadership theories of followers (Hanges, Braverman, & Renstch, 1991; Hanges
et al., 1997; Lord & Maher, 1991).
Implicit leadership theories have been shown to be related to specific dimensions of
national culture (House et al., 1999). Because these cultural dimensions vary across countries,
this implies that implicit leadership theories will also vary. Culturally endorsed implicit lead-
ership theories (CLTs) represent the varying configurations of leader characteristics and
behaviors that comprise predominant implicit leadership theories in different countries and
cultures. A major hypothesis of the GLOBE project (to be tested in the next phase) is that
when a leader’s characteristics and behaviors are congruent with his or her CLT, the leader
will be highly effective within his or her own culture (House et al., 1999, 2004).

GLOBE Leadership Dimensions and CLTs

Existing leadership theory and factor analysis of the GLOBE leadership questionnaires
resulted in 21 first-order factors and 6 second-order factors, which comprise the elements
of CLTs investigated in GLOBE. These first- and second-order factors are described in
Table 20.3 and the quantitative results for Mexico from the 61-country survey are shown in
Table 20.4.
The second-order leadership factors, which are called Global Leadership Dimensions, are
(1) Charismatic/Value-Based, (2) Team Oriented, (3) Self-Protective, (4) Participative,
(5) Humane, and (6) Autonomous. As explained in the first footnote for Table 20.4, the
GLOBE country scores on each Leadership Dimension were placed in several groups that
ranged from the highest scores on this dimension to the lowest scores. The first group (A) rep-
resents the countries with the highest scores, the second group (B) the next highest, and so
on. The number of groups for each dimension depends on the amount of variability within
each dimension.
Charismatic/Value-Based and Team-Oriented leadership were strongly endorsed as facili-
tating outstanding leadership in Mexico. However, these two factors were also strongly
endorsed in most GLOBE countries. This resulted in Mexico’s score on Charismatic/Value-
Based leadership (5.66) being in the fourth (D) group out of eight groups on the distribution
of all GLOBE country scores on this factor. It ranked 47 out of 61 countries (see Table 20.4).
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752 HOWELL ET AL.

TABLE 20.3
Culturally Endorsed Implicit Leadership Dimensions (GLOBE Study)

Leadership Dimensions Questionnaire Items

Charismatic/Value-Based
Visionary Visionary, foresight, anticipatory, prepared, intellectually
stimulating, future oriented, plans ahead, inspirational
Inspirational Enthusiastic, positive, encouraging, morale booster, motive
arouser, confidence builder, dynamic, motivational
Self-Sacrificial Risk taker, self-sacrificial, convincing
Integrity Honest, sincere, just, trustworthy
Decisive Willful, decisive, logical, intuitive
Performance Oriented Improvement, excellence, and performance oriented
Team Oriented
Collaborative Orientation Group oriented, collaborative, loyal, consultative, mediator,
fraternal
Team Integrator Clear, integrator, not subdued, informed, communicative,
coordinator, team builder
Diplomatic Diplomatic, worldly, win/win problem solver,
effective bargainer
Malevolent (reverse scored) Irritable, vindictive, egoistic, noncooperative, cynical,
hostile, dishonest, nondependable, not intelligent
Administratively Competent Orderly, administratively skilled, organized, good
administrator
Self-Protective
Self-Centered Self-interested, nonparticipative, loner, asocial
Status-Consciousness Status-conscious, class-conscious
Conflict Inducer Intragroup competitor, secretive, normative
Face Saver Indirect, avoids negatives, evasive
Procedural Ritualistic, formal, habitual, cautious, procedural
Participative
Autocratic (reverse scored) Autocratic, dictatorial, bossy, elitist, ruler, domineering
Nonparticipative (reverse scored) Individually oriented, nonegalitarian, micro manager,
nondelegator
Humane
Humane Orientation Generous, compassionate
Modesty Modest, self-effacing, patient
Autonomous Individualistic, independent, autonomous, unique

Note. Second-order factors are in bold letters; first-order factors are grouped under the appropriate second-order
factor. Source: Adapted From House et al. (1999). Copyright 1999 by JAI Press. Adapted by permission.
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 753

TABLE 20.4
Mean, Grouping, and Rank on First- and Second-Order CLT Leadership Factors for Mexico

Leadership Factor Mean Groupa Rank

Charismatic/Value-Based 5.66 D 47
Visionary 5.78 C 50
Inspirational 5.91 C 46
Self-Sacrificial 4.80 B 46
Integrity 5.77 C 48
Decisive 5.54 B 52
Performance Oriented 6.14 B 25
Team Oriented 5.74 B 38
Collaborative Oriented 5.85 B 35
Team Integrator 5.54 B 27
Diplomatic 5.55 A 31
Malevolent (reverse scored) 2.09 (5.91) B 11
Administratively Competent 5.92 B 23
Self-Protective 3.86 C 11
Self-Centered 2.52 B 11
Status Consciousness 4.64 B 18
Conflict Inducer 4.27 B 17
Face Saver 3.34 B 15
Procedural 4.48 A 8
Participative 4.64 F 59
Autocratic (reverse scored) 3.35 (4.65) B 4
Nonparticipative (reverse scored) 3.38 (4.62) A 5
Humane 4.72 C 41
Humane Orientation 4.72 B 33
Modesty 4.74 B 44
Autonomousb 3.86 B 31
a
The first group (A) represents the highest scores, the second group (B) the next highest, and so on. The groups
were formed using the following “banding” procedure. This procedure uses the mean score on each Leadership
Dimension along with the standard error of estimate (a measure of dispersion) from the total data set to calculate
“bands” of similarly rated countries. The number of bands (groups) for each leadership factor depends on the
amount of variance (standard error) for each factor. There are significant differences between groups, but no signif-
icant differences within each group.
b
The autonomous second-order leadership factor was composed of a single first-order factor with the same name.

The first-order factor labeled Performance Oriented produced the highest score in Mexico of
the six first-order factors that comprise Charismatic/Value-Based leadership. The score for
Mexico on the Performance Oriented factor was 6.14 and it ranked 25 in comparison to other
GLOBE country scores. Inspirational (5.91), Visionary (5.78), and Integrity (5.77) also pro-
duced medium-high ratings as first-order factors of Charismatic/Value-Based leadership. As
noted earlier, Mexicans continuously honor and celebrate their charismatic revolutionary
leaders, and current leaders may adopt a historical charismatic leader as a “spiritual” adviser.
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754 HOWELL ET AL.

Guerilla leader “Marcos” of the Zapatista Army for National Liberation recently declared that
Francisco Villa and Emiliano Zapata were his spiritual advisers (García, 2001).
Mexico’s score on Team-Oriented leadership was 5.74, the second (B) group of five
groups in the distribution of all GLOBE country scores on this factor. Its rank was 38 out of
61 countries. Three first-order factors that comprise Team Oriented leadership resulted in
medium-high scores in Mexico. Administratively competent (5.92), Nonmalevolent (5.91),
and Team Integrator (5.54) were rated as important for outstanding leadership. Mexican
respondents clearly believe in the importance of Charismatic/Value-Based and Team Oriented
leadership, although there are many countries in the GLOBE sample that rate these leadership
dimensions even higher in importance.
Humane and Participative leadership were rated slightly above the midpoint (“has no
impact”) in terms of their importance for outstanding leadership. Humane (4.72) was in the
third (C) of five groups on the distribution of all country scores, ranking 41 out of 61 coun-
tries. Participative (4.64) was in the sixth (F) of six groups and ranked 59 out of 61 countries.
All of the first-order factors in these two leadership dimensions produced scores near the scale
midpoints in Mexico. Though Mexicans view a humane orientation and participative
approach as barely positive contributors to outstanding leadership, the relatively low score on
participative leadership was striking, but not surprising. Dorfman et al. (1997) recently noted
that in many parts of Mexico, the “authoritarian tradition … still resists incursions of western
liberalism, including seeking input from all levels for decision making. Participative leader-
ship, as practiced in Western Europe and North America, requires individualistic followers,
trusting relationships between managers and followers and a firm structure for participation”
(p. 242). These conditions are not generally found in Mexican organizations. Prior research
has shown that Mexican workers do not respond well to participative approaches by their
managerial leaders (Dorfman et al., 1997), although the media analysis showed that some
Mexican managers may adopt participative approaches in order to compete in the global
economy.
An example showing the ineffectiveness of participative leadership in a rural area of
Mexico was provided by one of our coauthors, who had the responsibility of creating a group
of agricultural extension experts to operate agriculture support programs that represented
about $44 million. At first, he chose a participative and humane-oriented leader who behaved
democratically with a strong interest in his followers’ welfare. The results were not impres-
sive. The group failed to develop a sense of being a team. The humane behavior by the leader
was not appreciated, and the participative behavior was considered either to be a weakness or
lack of knowledge. The programs were primarily labeled as failures or mistakes and much
conflict developed among the group members. One year later, he decided to let the group
choose a new leader. This new person met the profile of a charismatic and team-oriented
leader. He was already known to be competent and trustworthy, but he was also visionary and
enthusiastic. He used a directive approach by requiring followers to collaborate and integrate
their efforts to reach overall program goals. Within 1 month, team performance improved sig-
nificantly. Members became proud to belong to the team. Technological advances were
implemented, new resources were located, and team efficiency reached a new high.
Self-Protective and Autonomous were global leadership dimensions that resulted in scores
slightly below the scale midpoints. Self-Protective (3.86) was in the third (C) of nine groups
on the distribution and ranked 11 out of 61 countries. Several writers state that formal, and some-
times obscure, language is a prime strategy for self-protection for Mexicans (Paz, 1959; Ramos,
1976). It allows them to protect their emotions, avoid confrontations, and be conciliatory in a
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 755

society that often functions through relationships of power. By being ambiguous in their
directives, managers can avoid accountability. Like the oracle at Delphi where intermediaries
were employed to interpret the meaning of what was said, the manager can then blame the
interpreter rather than take responsibility for being wrong (Martínez, 2000). However, this
does not promote direct and efficient communication required for competitive firms.
Autonomous (3.86) was in the second (B) of four groups and ranked 31 out of 61 countries.
It appears that Mexicans do not reject self-protective behaviors by outstanding leaders to the
same degree as workers in most other GLOBE countries.

Non-GLOBE Leadership Dimension

Strong paternalistic attitudes in Mexico contribute to employees’ expectations of job security

and to be looked after by their manager as a person, not only as an employee (Dorfman &
Howell, 1983). Although salaries are usually low, there is often greater institutional bureau-
cratic protection in Latin organizations in comparison to organizations in English-speaking
countries. Mexican companies have a significant legal responsibility for the welfare of their
workers. Having a job is considered a social right in Mexico. Workers in large organizations
often expect to be treated as part of the extended family of their boss, to be taken care of with
courtesy and friendliness. Large employers are expected to provide food baskets and medical
care for workers and their families. Organizations often celebrate numerous holidays and
throw parties for various events. Many of these expectations are contained in collective bar-
gaining agreements. Managers and supervisors usually maintain a social distance from fol-
lowers, and command respect and loyalty in the image of a patrón or father figure (Teagarden,
Butler, Von Gilnow, 1992). The roots of paternalism in organizations lie in the strong patriar-
chal nature of most Mexican families and are embedded in the society itself.

Mexico Versus Other Latin American and GLOBE Countries

Figure 20.1 presents a summary profile of GLOBE implicit leadership theory dimensions for
Mexico, all Latin American countries, and all countries in the GLOBE sample. The vertical
scale in Fig. 20.1 is taken directly from the GLOBE rating scales used in the surveys of mid-
dle managers for all the CLT leadership scales. As noted earlier, it measures the degree that a
leadership factor is perceived to contribute to or inhibit a person from being an outstanding
leader. All ratings presented in Fig 20.1 are raw scores.
Charismatic/Value-Based and Team-Oriented leadership are the major contributors to
Mexican’s CLTs for outstanding leadership, although the score for Charismatic/Value- Based
is slightly lower than the average for Latin America. Participative and Humane also contribute
a minor amount to the CLTs for Mexico although the participation score appears lower in
Mexico than in other Latin American and all GLOBE countries. Mexico’s scores on
Autonomous and Self-Protective show that these factors have little if any perceived impact on
Mexican’s CLTs for outstanding leadership. Figure 20.1 also shows that Mexicans do not
believe these last two factors inhibit outstanding leadership to the same extent as respondents
in other countries. Mexico’s history and culture may have created a milieu that encourages
acceptance of leaders who are self-protective and autonomous in their behavior.
Each country in the GLOBE project has been placed in 1 of 10 “country clusters” based
on extensive anthropological data. Discriminant function analysis of country scores on the
GLOBE culture dimensions was used to validate the placement of each country within a
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Figure 20.1 CLT leadership factors for Mexico and all Latin American countries.
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 757

country cluster. The country clusters are Eastern Europe, Latin Europe, Germanic Europe,
Nordic Europe, Sub-Sahara Africa, Confucian Asia, Southern Asia, Latin America, Middle
East, and Anglo. Mexico has been placed in the Latin America cluster. GLOBE researchers
have also analyzed the CLT leadership factor dimensions for each country and cluster after
adjusting the scores for response biases that vary with different countries. That is, respondents
in some countries simply gave higher ratings on the GLOBE survey questionnaires than did
respondents in other countries. Respondents in other countries avoid the use of extreme
scores. By adjusting the scores (standardizing each score with regard to each respondent’s
other scores on the comprehensive GLOBE surveys), these response biases are removed. In
addition, the adjusted scores indicate the relative importance of each CLT dimension in com-
parison to other CLT dimensions in a given country.
The relative (adjusted) scores in Mexico and other Latin American countries show that
team-oriented leadership is especially important. Self-protective leadership was not viewed as
negatively as in other country clusters, and autonomous leadership was rated lower (less desir-
able) than in other country clusters.

5. LIMITATIONS OF THE GLOBE PROJECT AND FUTURE RESEARCH

In a country as large and diverse as Mexico, we could not expect to capture all the regional
cultural influences that are likely to affect leadership prototypes in the country. We sampled
152 managers in two industries and in two different regions of Mexico. Both regions have
very active business communities, although one region borders the United States and may
reflect a stronger management influence from its northern neighbor. Other regional variations
in culture and leadership probably occur and recent research shows that managers in Mexico
must be sensitive to regional culture in order to be effective (Howell, Romero, Dorfman, &
Paul, 2003).
We included researchers from both the United States and Mexico on this project to try to
provide separate perspectives. However, the strong influence of U.S. management practices
in Mexico and the fact that four of the authors were educated in the United States may
provide some bias to our conclusions.
The survey questionnaires that elicited data for the culturally endorsed implicit leadership
theories asked respondents to describe “outstanding leaders” in their country. There may be a
bias in this method that results in omitting descriptions of less charismatic leaders who do not
necessarily “stand out” but are nevertheless very effective. This could be one reason that
Charismatic/Value-Based leadership is endorsed as a major part of the CLTs for nearly all the
GLOBE countries.
Finally, the quantitative research reported in this chapter deals with perceptions of culture
and prototypes (CLTs) of outstanding leaders in Mexico. This research does not directly
address the effectiveness of these leaders. GLOBE research is now under way that explores
the fit between the actual behavior of Mexican leaders and these prototypes. This research
focuses on CEOs in each country and should provide evidence regarding the effectiveness of
leaders whose behavior fits their countries culturally endorsed implicit leadership theory. This
is clearly the necessary “next step” in making the GLOBE findings most useful for manage-
rial leadership in Mexico. Another useful extension of this research would be to gather data
on CLTs from nonmanagerial workers in Mexico and to compare these findings with those
reported here.
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758 HOWELL ET AL.

6. INTEGRATION

The variety of information and data gathered for the GLOBE research project have helped to
identify several themes that characterize Mexican culture and the leadership styles that reflect
these themes. Some of the themes and leadership styles are traditional and directly reflect
Mexican history and the type of leadership that has been common during this history. Other
themes and leadership styles are emerging as Mexico is becoming highly involved in interna-
tional business activities through maquiladora operations, joint ventures, Mexican multina-
tional corporations, international agreements (such as the NAFTA) and membership in the
World Trade Organization. The material presented in this chapter is integrated in this section
by describing these cultural themes and what they imply for effective leadership in Mexico.
These themes should be recognized and understood by expatriate individuals working in
Mexico.

Traditional Themes

A dominating orientation (Assertiveness) and the Mexican tendency to accept that power
is distributed unequally in society and its institutions (Power Distance) were clear in
the GLOBE quantitative measures of societal culture. This tendency reflects the hierarchical
power wielded by theocratic, autocratic, and militaristic rulers throughout much of Mexican
history. These leaders were often oppressive, but sometimes highly charismatic. Assertiveness
and power distance are consistent with the effectiveness of directive leadership found in
empirical studies of leadership in Mexico cited earlier. These leaders may also be somewhat
autonomous and self-protective in their leadership styles. This was shown in the GLOBE CLT
data indicating that Mexicans accept self-protective behavior by leaders more so than individ-
uals in most other GLOBE countries. This autonomy and self-protective behavior may be
essential for survival when high-level leaders hold absolute power. This concern still lives as
Mexicans expressed a need for even more uncertainty avoidance in their institutions (shown
in the GLOBE culture measures) to protect themselves against unforeseeable events.
High assertiveness and power distance are also consistent with the importance of
Charismatic/Value-Based leadership found in the GLOBE data and the focus group discus-
sions, although this leadership factor was not endorsed as strongly as in most GLOBE coun-
tries or other Latin American countries. Charismatic leadership in Mexico has traditionally
been represented by a strongly directive and masculine (machismo) image of a leader. But
the strongest element of charismatic leadership in Mexico from the GLOBE data was a con-
cern for performance orientation. This showed that Mexicans expect their leaders to strongly
emphasize excellence and continuous improvement in their organizations. Because the tra-
ditional Mexican family has often expected loyalty and abnegation by children, this may
have made many Mexicans willing followers of powerful charismatic and directive leaders.
The willingness to accept power differences may also influence the effectiveness of a
leader’s contingent reward behavior in Mexico, as powerful leaders are expected to bestow
rewards on favored followers. It appears that the high power distance of Mexican culture is
pervasive in its influence on a Mexican’s perception of the characteristics of outstanding
leaders.
The importance of the family in Mexican culture is shown by high levels of In-Group
Collectivism in the quantitative GLOBE data, as well as in the interviews and the literature on
Mexican history and culture. Contemporary Mexican society, like others in Latin America,
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 759

emerged from a complex tradition of agrarian life with domination by oppressive rulers, many
of whom had little concern for the care and nurturance of the common people. Kinship has
played a critical role in survival as Mexicans turned to their families for a safe haven
and support throughout their lives. The same patterns of affiliation and support are also
established and maintained in work organizations as Mexicans develop trusting relationships
with coworkers and business associates to help them achieve their goals. The supremacy of
the father in Mexican families is replicated in work organizations by patriarchal leadership
patterns in family-owned businesses, which are extremely common in Mexico. Numerous
large Mexican business groups, known as grupos, have evolved from and operate based on
strong family ties and traditions. The family structure is also found in the high level of pater-
nalism demonstrated by leaders toward workers by providing food baskets, cafeterias, med-
ical care, transportation, loans, numerous holidays, as well as personal care and concern for
individuals apart from their organizational roles (although salaries often remain at low levels).
The importance of supportive leadership behaviors in Mexican work organizations has been
shown in published empirical research and probably reflects the traditional paternalistic ten-
dencies of Mexican leaders. These leadership patterns emerged repeatedly in the interview
data, focus groups, and published leadership research. Family membership, structure, and role
requirements have a major influence on the self-concept of most Mexicans and this carries
into their conception of an outstanding leader.
Mexicans typically emphasize developing and maintaining pleasant social/interpersonal
relations with people they interact with, including their business associates, coworkers, and
followers. This emerged repeatedly in the interviews as well as the literature on Mexican
social customs. Treating people with courtesy and respect and developing trust are dominant
guidelines in Mexico for interpersonal relations. The simpático shown by Mexican leaders
who demonstrate acute sensitivity to the dignity and worth of individuals by displaying empa-
thy and respect demonstrates the importance placed on interpersonal relations in Mexico. This
is also shown by the value placed on personal networks in business dealings. Mexican exec-
utives prefer to conduct business with people they know and trust. The first question a person
often asks when dealing with an organization is: “Do I know someone there, or do
I have a friend or acquaintance who may know someone in that organization?” Business lead-
ers often emphasize trust and friendship networks more than costs and profits. Manipulating
the social environment to control personal and organizational achievements requires interper-
sonal sensitivity, skill, and a belief in the efficacy of personal networks. Positive interpersonal
relations are a cardinal element in the Mexicans’ view of an effective leader.

Emerging Themes

A corollary of the high assertiveness (tough and dominating) and high power distance of tra-
ditional Mexican culture is that individuals with little formal power have had very little influ-
ence and involvement in determining organizational policies and practices. This was shown
in the GLOBE CLT data where participative leadership approaches were rated only slightly
above “no impact” in terms of their contribution to outstanding leadership in Mexico. Mexico
ranked 59 out of 61 GLOBE countries in importance placed on participative leadership. This
assessment of participation in Mexican organizations was supported in the semistructured
interviews and in the published empirical research on leadership in Mexico. Studies show that
participative leadership has generally had little impact on followers’ attitudes and perfor-
mance in Mexico.
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760 HOWELL ET AL.

This traditional view of participation may be changing. In several industrial centers,

including the urban border area shared with the United States, there is an increased interest
in participative management approaches. This corresponds with the increasing numbers of
joint ventures and maquiladora operations in Mexico, where popular international manage-
ment styles are being tried with some apparent success. This was evident in the media analy-
sis and the focus group discussions. A type of participative involvement was discussed, which
differs from approaches that are popular in the United States and Europe, but may be similar
to that found in Asian countries (which are often high in power distance). With this approach,
leaders were expected to make decisions and design strategies, which they then discussed
with followers who would eventually carry them out. There is an active give-and-take
between leaders and followers regarding how decisions and strategies are implemented. These
discussions may jump from one issue to another, but the skillful leader can apparently man-
age multiple discussions at one time. The key point of these discussions was that all individ-
uals who were involved had an opportunity to make an input for discussion. Leaders who
obtain follower input in this manner represent a significant change from the strongly central-
ized autocratic approaches that have been traditional in Mexico. Once this input is made and
discussed, followers may be less concerned that their ideas are implemented than in the
United States. One empresario gathers information from all his production and administrative
staff before he makes a decision. He stated: “I have the last word, but apart from that, we work
together in the battle to improve the quality of our product” (Martínez, 2000, p. 106). The
increasing popularity of participative approaches may also be indicated by the GLOBE cul-
ture data showing that Mexicans believe there should be much less emphasis on power dis-
tance in their society. We expect the changing portrait of Mexican society and organizations
to include more participative leadership of some type in the 21st century.
Current societal trends in Mexico indicate increasing involvement of different groups to
influence government policies and practices. The increasing importance of collective/team
efforts inside Mexican organizations may be indicated by the high score for team-oriented
leadership in the GLOBE CLT data. Team Oriented leadership was rated the highest of the
CLT leadership factors that contributed to outstanding leadership in Mexico. This factor
includes being diplomatic, collaborative, integrative, and administratively competent. It should
be noted that both directive and participative leadership approaches can be important in pro-
ducing team effectiveness. Directive leadership is often useful early in a team’s development,
whereas participation becomes effective later on. A team orientation shows recognition of the
importance of collective effort to compete in Mexico’s changing economy and may be an orga-
nizational extension of family collectivism in Mexico.
GLOBE respondents expressed a strong desire for more performance orientation and
future orientation in their institutions and organizations. This probably reflects the many
changes occurring in Mexican society as Mexico becomes an increasingly important member
of the international business community. Mexicans recognize the importance of emphasizing
planning and performance in order to compete successfully in international markets. This
includes recognition of the value of new technologies as armor in the competitive arenas they
face. The institutionalization of current management processes and programs (such as Total
Quality Management) is becoming an important trend in many Mexican organizations. The
“mañana culture,” often attributed to Mexico by outsiders, is inconsistent with a growing
achievement orientation in Mexico.
The GLOBE culture data showed some desire for a stronger Humane Orientation and Gender
Egalitarianism in Mexican society. This surely reflects a long-term desire among Mexicans for
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20 SOCIETAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN MEXICO 761

more opportunity, self-development, and control of their lives. It may also reflect the increasing
internationalization of the business community and the recognition that all of Mexico’s human
resources must be nurtured and developed in order to be competitive. The increasing importance
of leaders developing followers’ potential was evident in the ethnographic interviews and proba-
bly signals a move toward less machismo in Mexican leadership styles.

Summary

In summary, the following themes and leadership styles should be carefully considered by
expatriate managers, others working in Mexico, or those working with Mexican organiza-
tions. Historical cultural values in Mexico (such as traditionalism, assertiveness, and high
Power Distance) have resulted in society viewing outstanding leaders as highly directive,
charismatic, rewarding, and autocratic, and sometimes autonomous and self-protective. These
leaders are also often patriarchal, paternalistic, and supportive of followers (reflecting high
In-Group Collectivism) and they emphasize maintaining pleasant interpersonal relations
(another important cultural value) through showing respect and empathy (simpático) for oth-
ers. These leaders often seek to attain objectives through social influence and personal
networks. Evolving cultural changes point to increases in Participative and Team Oriented
leadership styles in Mexico. A stronger leadership focus on Performance and Future
Orientation is also indicated as well as some added concern for creating more Humane and
Gender Egalitarian organizations. These emerging leadership trends undoubtedly reflect
the internationalization of business in Mexico and its anticipated major role in the highly
competitive world economy of the 21st century.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We would like to thank James Krippner-Martinez and two anonymous reviewers for their
insightful feedback during the development of this chapter. Sandra M. Martinez’s research
was supported by a National Security Education Program Doctoral Fellowship.

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VI
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EASTERN EUROPE CLUSTER

The Eastern Europe cluster in the GLOBE Research Program consisted of Albania, Georgia,
Greece, Hungary, Kazakhstan, Poland, Russia, and Slovenia. Only two of these countries,
Greece and Russia, are represented in this volume.
The Eastern Europe cluster scored high on Assertiveness, Gender Egalitarianism, and In-
Group Collectivism. Its scores on Humane Orientation, Institutional Collectivism, and Power
Distance were in the middle range. It scored low on Future Orientation, Performance Orientation,
and Uncertainty Avoidance (House et al., 2004).
An outstanding leader in Eastern Europe would be one who combines Team Oriented lead-
ership with Charismatic/Value Oriented leadership, displays fairly high levels of Autonomous
leadership, and is also capable of Self-Protective behaviors. The range of variation between
the countries of the cluster is quite varied, for example, slightly positive and strong positive
endorsement of Participative leadership, to neutral to positive endorsement of Humane
Orientation leadership.
There are strong differences between Greece and Russia, the countries represented in this
volume. However, high Power Distance and high Family and Group Collectivism seem to be
characteristic of this cluster. Most of the countries in this cluster faced significant challenges
in the recent past during the transition from communism to market-based economies
(Bakacsi, 2002).

REFERENCES

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Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.

765
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21
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Greece: From Ancient Myths to

Modern Realities
Nancy Papalexandris
Athens University of Economics and Business,
Athens, Greece

Study Aims and Objectives

Every researcher looking into organizations comes across two main realities that keep recurring
all the time: first, the fact that societal culture has a very strong influence on the way firms and
their members are operating and, second, that managerial practices, which are normally per-
ceived as reasonable, fair, and worth following, cannot be implemented unless the approprite
organizational culture and leadership style exists.
GLOBE’s main objective, to identify the effects of societal culture on leadership, organi-
zational practices, and values, is (cf. House et al., 2004), therefore, a most desirable subject
for exploration among Greek organizations.
In view of the aforementioned, this chapter focuses on the following objectives:

• First, to help the reader understand modern Greek reality by shedding light on historical
aspects of the country, as well as political, economic, and sociocultural elements, and the
influence they have on people’s social values and personality characteristics.
• Second, to present and discuss the results from the GLOBE study in Greece on perceived
and preferred cultural dimensions, as revealed from the empirical research among
respondents in the telecommunications and finance sectors.
• Third, to describe and interpret results from the GLOBE study in Greece on leadership
and its most desirable attributes, combined with information provided by focus groups
and media analysis.

Much about modern Greek reality is deeply rooted in ancient tradition and practice, which
was often expressed allegorically in mythology. Are Odysseus’s inventiveness, Zeus’s power,
and Athena’s wisdom among the main characteristics Greeks are looking for in their leaders?
To what extent does a modern country, strongly oriented toward the future, remain rooted in

767
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768 PAPALEXANDRIS

TABLE 21.1
Characteristics of Firms in the Sample

Size of No. of
Sector Organization Ownership Firms Respondents
Finance Bank A State owned Large 42
Bank B State owned Large 37
Bank C Private Greek Large 27
Bank D Private foreign owned Medium 32
Total 138
Telecommunications Organization of Public State owned Large 34
Telecommunication
Services
Telecommunication Private Greek Large 24
Equipment
Software House Private Greek Medium 10
Cellular Phones Foreign Subsidiary Large 15
Cellular Phones Foreign Subsidiary Medium 4
Software & Private Greek Small 10
Multimedia Lab
Total 97
Total 235

and draw from its past? I hope that by reading through this chapter, based largely on existing
information and interpretations of GLOBE findings, the reader will gain an insight into a
country often considered as indecipherable while presenting an integrated and meaningful
paradigm, unique in its combination of diverse elements.

Design and Methodology

Greece participated in the GLOBE study from the initial phase, with the sorting of questions
and pilot testing of the initial questionnaires, through to the finalized version of the GLOBE
questionnaire, which was completed by 235 Greek middle managers (see Table 21.1). The
mean age of respondents was 37 years and all of them had at least one level of subordinates.
In both sectors, finance and telecommunications, questionnaires were gathered in 1996.
Furthermore, two focus groups were conducted. The first took place in spring 1995, prior
to the gathering of the questionnaires, among junior middle managers attending a training
seminar in the banking sector that centered on the differences between managers and leaders.
The second took place at the beginning of 1996 among employed adult students of an engi-
neering background attending a part-time executive MBA course. Participants were asked to
select and comment on their preferred leaders, from the historical/political and business
perspective. A media analysis was also conducted on articles describing outstanding business
leaders, as well as a factor analysis of the results from the leadership part of the GLOBE
questionnaires.
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21 GREECE 769

All the preceding, combined with the author’s knowledge and experience of her country and
existing relevant literature from previous research, have served as the basis for this chapter.

1. THE GREEK ENVIRONMENT

Historical Background

Situated geographically in the southeastern part of Europe and close to Africa and Asia,
Greece has a history that cannot be covered in just a few pages. Despite its small size, Greece
has played an important role in world history, mainly through its contribution to civilization.
The most important period of Greek history is the Classical period (sixth to fourth century
BC). Classical Greece is known throughout the world for its development of the arts, the birth
of democracy, and the creation and implementation of great institutions such as the Olympic
Games. However, the first noteworthy civilizations appear long before that, in the Bronze Age
around 3000 BC. These civilizations can be divided into the Cycladic, the Minoan, and the
Mycenean. During the Cycladic Civilization, Santorini and other islands of the Aegean Sea
became centers of trade due to their location and natural resources. The Minoan Civilization
developed in Crete, where one can admire today important remains of its architectural and
artistic achievements. The Mycenean Civilization developed in the Peloponese and its dis-
covery helps us understand the epic works, The Iliad and The Odyssey, written by the great
poet Homer, which have most probably been drawn from this era. These early civilizations
gradually declined and it is later, during the classical times, that civilization reaches its peak.
During the Classical period (sixth to fourth century BC), Greece was organized into city-
states, which were independent and self-governed. The greatest of these city-states were
Athens, Sparta, Thebes, and Corinth. During this period, the Greeks colonized many locations
in Asia Minor and in the Mediterranean where they developed commerce. In addition, they
blossomed culturally and artistically. During the fifth century BC, democracy, the form of
government that was 25 centuries later to prevail throughout most of the world was born in
Athens. At the same time, the different areas of Greece started to develop bonds through
different common celebrations. The most important of these were: (a) the Olympic Games,
which took place every 4 years and during which all hostilities between city-states would
stop, and (b) the Amphiktyonies, meetings that took place in Delphi or Delos where
city-states would discuss common problems and try to solve differences.
At the beginning of the fifth century BC, the Persian Empire, in its attempt to expand to
the west, attacked Greece and threatened its independence with a strong army outnumbering
by far the forces of Greece. The Persian attack was finally rebuffed after a series of battles in
Marathon, Thermopylae, and Plataea, and the sea battle at Salamis. These battles are still alive
in the minds of modern Greeks as proof of spirit and bravery. The names of their hero figures,
such as Aristides, Miltiadis, Themistocles, and Lykourgos, are quite common birth names
among modern Greeks. The most important outcome of the war was the fact that the Greek
city-states united for the first time against the common enemy.
The fifth century is known for Athens as the Golden Era of Pericles. During his rule, the
Acropolis and the famous temple of Parthenon, dedicated to Athena, Goddess of Wisdom, was
built. Pericles made Athens the military, political, and artistic capital of the Ancient Greek
world. Unfortunately, peace did not last long. A series of wars between Athens and Sparta,
known as the Peloponnesian Wars, broke out and lasted for 27 years. This gave a weakening
blow to the unity of the Greeks and led to a decline of both powerful cities, Athens and Sparta.
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770 PAPALEXANDRIS

Soon another great power, Macedonia, emerged. From his headquarters in Vergina, close to
Thessaloniki, King Philip and his son Alexander the Great succeeded in uniting continental
Greece and began a great campaign in the East, with the purpose of spreading civilization. A
huge amount of territory was conquered with Alexander reaching as far as India. He created a
huge empire, which could not survive intact after his death (323 BC). His heirs divided the lands
but his spirit survived for many centuries. He succeeded in spreading Greek civilization and he
is perhaps the only invader in history who won the hearts of the people he conquered. The period
until the third century was marked by the presence of many great historians, writers, philoso-
phers and scientists, such as Thoucydides, Xenophon, Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, who lived
and produced immortal works. At the same time, the tragic poets Aeschylus, Eurypides, and
Sophocles wrote, among others, the world-known tragedies Antigone, Electra, and Medea.
After the fall of the Macedonian Empire, the Romans became the new great power and
moved to Greece. It was during this time that Christianity was born, which soon became the
main religion of the Greeks. The gradual weakening of the Roman Empire led to its division
into eastern and western parts and, thus, to the creation of the Byzantine Empire in the east-
ern part, with Constantinople as its capital (323 AD).
The new capital got its name from its founder, Constantine the Great, who was a great sup-
porter of Christianity and decided to create a new empire independent of the Roman influ-
ence. The Byzantine Empire was Greek in character, with Christianity as its main religion. All
of the strength of the empire was concentrated in Constantinople where Greek language and
culture reigned. Constantinople was to become one of the great world capitals with vast
wealth and beauty, the chief city of the Western world until the 11th century AD.
Economically and politically strong, Byzantium repelled the attacks of its numerous
invaders. In the sixth century AD, under the great Emperor Justinian, Byzantium reached its
peak. He wrote “The Roman Civic Law,” a monumental piece of work, and fought to
strengthen the borders of his empire and to spread Christianity. The followers of Justinian
tried to keep control over the territories of the empire but it was extremely difficult, because
at the same time the Arabs were threatening Byzantium with their emerging power. In Mecca,
Mohamed created the new religion of Islam and fought against Byzantium with great fervor.
Byzantium was then attacked by the Ottoman Sultans. Many territories were lost, as well as
control over the areas that held the best soldiers and greatest incomes.
Western European forces organized eight crusades to free the Holy Land but also to take
advantage of Eastern wealth. During one of the Crusades, Constantinople was seized. These
wars resulted in the weakening of the Byzantine Empire and led to its eventual downfall. The
Ottomans seized one city after the other in Northern Greece and the Balkans. Then they attacked
Constantinople. On May 29, 1453, Mohammed the Second conquered the “queen of cities,”
1,129 years after it had been built by Constantine the Great and after having survived 20 sieges.
The fall of Constantinople is a tragic moment in Greek history as it marked the beginning
of four centuries of slavery. The conquering forces of the Ottoman Empire were prepared nei-
ther to continue, nor to assimilate, into the existing civilization. The entire East fell back into
the dark Middle Ages. This was a deep wound for Hellenism. However, Greek people,
humbled and enslaved, kept their faith strong for their future independence during the four
centuries of occupation that followed.
This was a period of great suffering for Greece, especially at a time when other Europeans
were developing and experiencing the Renaissance, having successfully confronted Turkish
invasion, which managed to reach the outskirts of Vienna. The main consequences of
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21 GREECE 771

occupation were the destruction of Greek culture, a reduction in the population because of
slaughter, kidnapping of children, forced conversion to Islam, and a weakening of the econ-
omy due to the burden of harsh taxation.
An important role in the emancipation from Ottoman rule was played by the educated
Greeks of diaspora, who had studied in Europe and supported Greece by making its cause
known throughout Europe. Led by Adamantios Korais and Regas Feraios, they were the pio-
neers in creating a supportive movement for the liberation of Greece. At the beginning of the
19th century, a secret society, “Filiki Etairia,” was founded in Odyssos, to which many Greeks
contributed money and became members. The society took the lead in planning the country’s
struggle for independence against the Ottoman Empire, which began on March 25, 1821, in
the monastery of St. Lavra in the Peloponnese.
The revolution quickly spread throughout Greece and bloody battles started with the
Ottomans. The first great victories in Tripoli, Valtetsi, Gravia, and Vasilika raised the morale
of the Greeks. At the same time, skilled Greek sailors succeeded in naval victories against the
Ottoman navy. With the passing of time, Greece started to hope for the help of the great
European powers, which at the beginning were against the country’s struggle for indepen-
dence. The change in European policy followed the change in public opinion, in both Europe
and the United States, which was in favor of Greek independence.
The year 1825 was the most decisive; Greece’s limited resources were weakening, whereas
the Ottomans were reorganizing and accepting reinforcements from Ibrahim in Egypt.
Ibrahim seized all of the Peloponnese and, with the help of Kioutachis, he conquered
Messolongi where Lord Byron, the British poet, a strong supporter of the Greek cause, fought
and lost his life. The descriptions and accounts of the heroic exodus at the end of the siege of
Messolongi moved the world and greatly increased feelings of philhellenism. Following the
sea battle of Navarino in October 1827, where the naval forces of England, France, and Russia
defeated the navies of Turkey and Egypt, Greece was declared an independent country, occu-
pying only a small part of its present territory.
In 1828, Ioannis Kapodistrias, a former foreign minister of Russia, became the first
governor of the country with the blessing of the other European countries. He undertook the
reorganization of the state. At the same time, the Russo-Turkish war broke out, which led to
the defeat of the Turks. In 1832, Prince Otto, a Bavarian prince, became the King of Greece,
following an agreement among the great European powers.
There followed a period in which the Greeks were able to liberate part of Thessaly. In
1863, George, a Danish prince, was declared King of Greece. In addition, the Ionian Islands
were returned to Greece by the British. In 1866, revolution broke out in Crete, which was still
under Turkish rule, for union with Greece. Following victorious battles, Crete was granted
self-rule and the use of the Greek language. Finally, with the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, the
Turks conceded Epirus and the rest of Thessaly to Greece.
In the meanwhile, a new enemy had appeared in the north, the Bulgarians, who wanted to
take control of Macedonia (1890). Following great battles the Greeks expelled the Bulgarians.
At the same time, in 1908, the Cretans repelled the Turkish army and declared Crete’s
unification with Greece.
The Balkan countries united against Turkey and the first Balkan war broke out in
1912–1913. The war had positive results for Greece because Thessaloniki was liberated, and
the Balkan countries also largely achieved their goals. However, the Bulgarians and the
Serbians had agreed to divide among themselves land that was Greek. The result was the
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Second Balkan War between the Greeks and the Bulgarians. When the war was over, Greece
had doubled its territory but many Greek lands were not liberated, such as the Dodecanese
Islands and Northern Epirus.
In 1914, the First World War broke out in Europe. Greece found itself on the side of the Triple
Entente (France, England, and Russia), fighting against Germany, Turkey, and Austria. Greece
first engaged in fighting on the Balkan front against the Turks and the Bulgarians. This war led
to the defeat of the central axis powers. In 1919, with the signing of the Treaty of Neilly,
Bulgaria handed over Eastern Macedonia and Western Thrace to the Greeks. Then in 1920, with
the signing of the Treaty of Sevres, the Turks had to render Eastern Thrace and the islands of
Imvros, Tenedos, and Smyrna to Greece. The Greek government, under Eleftherios Venizelos,
the prime minister, wanted this treaty enforced, but the Turks refused. For this reason, the Asia
Minor campaign began. Greek troops were defeated and the result was the destruction and
uprooting of 1.6 million Greeks from Eastern Thrace and the coast of Asia Minor, as well as the
loss of these territories. With the influx of refugees amounting to an extra one third of the coun-
try’s population, the impoverished, weakened, and defeated Greek state entered a period of
political instability, which led to the dictatorship of Metaxas on August 4, 1936. On October 28,
1940, when Mussolini attacked, Greece refused to surrender, thus entering the Second World
War, which was catastrophic for the country as Greece suffered 1 million victims (the highest
percentage of casualties for any country involved in World War II).
The siege against Greece lasted 216 days, from October 28, 1940, to May 31, 1941. Of those
216 days, 160 constituted the period of resistance by Greece to the invasion of the Italians in the
mountains of North Epirus, 25 days constituted the period of the resistance by the Greek army
to the Germans in Northern Macedonia, and 31 days constituted the period of the resistance in
Crete. This shocked the world, which did not expect such bravery at a time when other, larger
countries did not resist or were defeated in just a few days. It is at that time when Winston
Churchill, Prime Minister of Great Britain, said: “From now on, we will say not that Greeks
fight like heroes but that heroes fight like Greeks.” Although the country was eventually con-
quered, this resistance forced Hitler to delay his expedition to Russia. This delay contributed
largely to Hitler’s defeat due to the Russian winter, which his troops were unable to face.
The next 4 years were very difficult for Greece. People suffered, there was no freedom at
all, and every family experienced loss as thousands died from famine. Despite these difficult
conditions, the National Resistance was organized. It created many problems for the Germans
during their occupation of Greece. The climax was the explosion of the Bridge of
Gorgopotamos, which blocked the import of German provisions into Northern Africa for
many weeks and hence contributed to Rommel’s defeat. On October 12, 1944, the Germans,
retreating on a number of fronts, left Greece. This was not, however, the end of the difficul-
ties for the country.
Immediately after the end of the Second World War, a civil war broke out in Greece
between pro-Russian forces wishing to establish a communist regime and the pro-Western
government forces. This lasted for 5 years. At the end, Greece found itself deeply wounded,
both physically and in terms of morale. The visible losses were 80,000 dead and 700,000 left
homeless. But the most substantial consequence was the ideological, political, and cultural
gap that divided the people. However, most of the Greeks, sensing the dangerous direction
into which their country was heading, started on a path toward reconciliation and healing.
During the first period after the civil war, Greece joined NATO and with the support of the
Americans, Greece took back the Islands of the Dodecanese but not Northern Epirus or Cyprus.
The Cypriots, with Archbishop Makarios as their leader, started a fight for independence,
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21 GREECE 773

demanding their union with Greece. Cyprus became an independent free state with Britain,
Greece, and Turkey as guaranteeing powers. In 1967, democracy was abolished in Greece and a
military regime under George Papadopoulos was established, which eventually abolished the
monarchy. In 1974, just before the end of the dictatorship, a short-lived military coup threaten-
ing to unite Cyprus with Greece provoked a response from Turkey that was far beyond what
could be reasonably expected and ended with the occupation of a large section of Northern
Cyprus. This part is controlled by the Turks even today, despite various resolutions passed by the
United Nations (UN). Information about 2,000 missing Cypriots has been withheld ever since.
In July 1974, following the fall of the dictatorship, Konstantine Karamanlis became for the
third time the prime minister of Greece. Under his presidency, on January 1, 1981, Greece
became the 10th member of the European Economic Union. In June 2000, the country was
admitted into the European Monetary Union and the Euro Zone, effective from January 1,
2001. One year later, on January 1, 2002, Greece changed its traditional currency, the
drachma for the euro. Despite its size, Greece is a nation with a great, yet tragic, history that
has seen its existence threatened several times. Due to this, its heroes are mostly respected for
their achievements in preserving Greek national entity and Greeks seem to draw strength from
their example. They take pride in the fact that their culture is known throughout the world. They
believe that their civilization and tradition has still a great deal to offer to humanity. However,
there is a common feeling that modern Greece, being a small country, cannot live up to its
desired image and this leads to disappointment, wounding national pride among Greeks, espe-
cially whenever their national rights are not respected.

The Political Situation in Greece

Ancient Greece is the place where democracy was born. Although modern Greece has seen
its democracy suffer at times, it has survived two world wars, a civil war immediately after
World War II, and various military coups and dictators. Over the last 30 years the state of
politics is characterized by an impressive stability and the presidential parliamentary democracy
functions smoothly. From 1974, when the military dictatorship fell, Greece has enjoyed its
most peaceful and creative period of the 20th century. As the name of the government sug-
gests, the power is shared between the cabinet and the Parliament, which are elected by the
people, and the president who is elected by the Parliament.
Internally, the legislative body revolves around two political axes: the center left and the
center right. The two main parties, which represent these two sides, the Panhellenic Socialist
Party (PASOK) and New Democracy respectively, have had clear differences in their policies
for many years. Today, the differences between the two largest parties are small and there are
no serious differences as far as the basic choices and the future direction of the country are
concerned. Among the most important goals shared by both parties are the decrease in size of
the public sector, the curbing of public spending, the improvement in productivity and com-
petitiveness of the economy, the privatization of state-owned businesses, the implementation
of large public works for the country’s infrastructure, and the continuing integration of Greece
into the European Union (EU).
Greek politics appear to be entering a phase of maturity after the departure from the political
scene (and from life) of Konstantine Karamanlis and Andreas Papandreou. These were the per-
sonalities who ruled public life from the 1950s to the 1990s. After the departure of these “charis-
matic” politicians, the new party leaders have acted with moderation and realism. Many spoke
about the end of politics, as we knew them, meaning that politics have lost their glory and mythic
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774 PAPALEXANDRIS

dimensions, which the leaders of the past had given them. Things are not exactly that way, of
course. The truth is that having entered the 21st century, the interest is shifting away from
European capitals, including Athens, toward Brussels, which represents the center of EU activity.
The economic and monetary unification of Europe has forced the Greek political parties to rethink
their goals, with Greek foreign policy, in particular, keeping a strong European orientation.
The main issue in Greek foreign affairs is its proximity to Turkey. In August and
September 1999, following the catastrophic earthquakes, which hit both Turkey and Greece,
the two countries have become closer offering humanitarian assistance to each other. It
appears that this was the beginning for easing tension and solving long-standing political
problems, such as the most serious issue facing Greek–Turkish relations, the Cyprus problem.
Over the past 30 years, after military invasion by Turkey on the island, the northern part of
Cyprus is under occupation, and the island is divided into two parts with the two communi-
ties, Greek-Cypriot, and Turkish-Cypriot, living separately.
In December 2002, a plan for the unification of the island by the secretary general of the
UN was submitted as a basis for negotiations to solve the long- lasting problems. Although
this plan was not accepted by inhabitants in both communities, negotiations are continuing.
Cyprus has been accepted as a new member to the enlarged EU in 2004 and since 2003,
inhabitants of both parts can visit the other part of the island.
Greek diplomatic relations with the Balkan states are especially friendly and are based on
the premise of being good neighbors, providing support when necessary. Greece has always
been supportive toward the Balkans whenever they are facing political or economic problems
and has received over the last decade more than 1 million economic refugees from Balkan
countries, who now live and work in Greece.

The Greek Economy

The spectacular improvements in the macroeconomic indicators, the change in the mentality
of the public sector and of business, as well as the opening of new export routes to Eastern
Europe and Asia, are the most important achievements in the Greek economy during the last
years. International organizations, like the UN, the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD), and the International Bank, have ranked Greece as a developed
economy, however not among the most economically advanced nations. Greece does not pos-
sess a developed heavy industry or a high-tech industrial base. Food, beverages, and textiles
constitute the largest portion of manufacturing. It is clear that Greek industry is oriented
toward producing goods, which are labor intensive rather than innovative and high-tech. Most
economists rightly believe that the main structural problem in the Greek economy stems from
the large, slow, and low-performing public sector. The 320,000 public-sector employees are
equal to the number of workers in industry but their work is of less value when compared to
what they offer the economy.
The large public sector with its heavy bureaucracy and inefficiency receives constant crit-
icism (Papalexandris & Bourantas, 1993). However, its overstaffing has a cultural explana-
tion. The 19th-century Greek state lacked any effective development policy and merely acted
as an employment agency for peasants, who had left the countryside in search for work in the
cities (Mouzelis, 1978). This was accomplished through a large clientelistic network, under
the patronage of highly personalized political parties and using a practice commonly known
as rousfeti. This is a word of Arab origin, which means personal favor to supporters and
differs from bribery (Broome, 1996).
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TABLE 21.2
Structure of the Greek Economy

Sector Share in Employment Share of GDP

Agricultural Sector 16.0% 8.2%

Manufacturing Sector 22.8% 22.3%
Services Sector 61.2% 69.5%

Note. From OECD (2002).

Rousfeti often serves to surpass bureaucratic formalities and serves to connect individuals
thus offsetting insecurity. Although today staffing in the public sector is strictly limited to
objective types of entry procedures, personal relations are still important in dealing with the
state, whereas political affiliations influence staffing decisions for higher positions.
Apart from the peculiarities of the public sector, careful study of the structure of the Greek
economy shows another important structural problem: until recently, the orientation of the
Greek economy toward the production of low-value goods. Greece produced and exported
mainly food and cheap garments, whereas it imported cars, industrial equipment, computers,
electrical appliances, and other similar items.
The country exhibited a level of consumption that was greater than its production. This
was translated to deficit in the trade balance. For years this has caused a devaluation of the
currency and an inflationary trend. For the past years, this situation has been changing for the
better and has resulted in Greece joining the European Monetary Union. Investment in tech-
nology and economic austerity measures applied since 1996 have yielded their fruits, improv-
ing the picture of the economy. The Greek economy has expanded continuously since 1993,
with growth particularly strong and averaging almost 4% during the 5-year period starting in
1997, exceeding that of the EU by more than 1% (OECD, 2002). Today, inflation is at 3%,
the government debt ratio has fallen by 11% from 1996 to 2002, interest rates have fallen sub-
stantially, and public and private investments have shown a steady increase since 1996.
However, despite improvements in the Greek economy, serious structural problems continue
to exist. One of these is the distribution of employment among the various sectors, with a high
percentage employed in agriculture (Table 21.2).
In agriculture, the fragmentation of land due to the mountainous regions occupying five
sixths of Greece’s surface, the lack of infrastructure, and limited scientific support held back
agricultural production. It is hoped that all this may be remedied with modern technology,
leading to significant improvements in the future. Manufacturing, after some years of stagna-
tion in the 1980s, is now showing some spectacular developments in construction, shipbuild-
ing, and telecommunications infrastructure. In the service sector, some worthwhile
developments can be seen in the area of tourism, shipping, telecommunications, and finance,
with banks and insurance companies showing continuous growth, offering new modern prod-
ucts and investing in technological equipment and automation. Tourism and shipping have
traditionally been, and continue to be, important sources of revenue for Greece. Today,
Greece is among the most attractive world destinations, offering luxurious hotels, a rich cul-
ture and tradition, sea and mountain resorts, exhibition and conference centers, recreation
areas, ski centers, modern marinas, paths for hiking, and other tourist attractions. For
many years, Greece has been the world’s leading power in shipping. Today, due to the legal
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776 PAPALEXANDRIS

framework, many Greek ships have changed into convenience flags. Yet, there has been an
economic recovery in the passenger- and cruise-ship sectors and the Greek fleet is renovated
with ships, which are distinguished for their luxury and safety.
To sum up, despite structural problems, continuous change and improvement is taking
place in the Greek economy. The extensive privatization, the improvements in the infrastruc-
ture of transportation, energy, communication, the environment, and education, the improve-
ment in the macroeconomic indices, and the increase in private investments show that the
country is progressing toward its central goal, which is to have equal standing among other
advanced countries in the EU.

The Banking Sector

In Greece, over the last few decades banks have played an important role in the development
of the country’s economy. Two semistate banks, Emporiki and Ioniki, and two private banks,
Alpha Bank and Barclays, were included in the sample with the purpose of conducting inter-
sector comparisons. (Since the completion of the study, the ownership of Ioniki and Barclays
has changed.)
For the past few years, the reorganization of the Greek banking sector, following the trend
toward mergers that was already well under way in the international market, has become an
important issue. The multifaceted Greek banking system, consisting of many small and
medium-size banks, both Greek and foreign on the one hand and some large state banks on
the other, has undergone serious changes.
The number of state- and semi-state-controlled banks has been reduced since 1995. The
market share of state-controlled banks in total assets of commercial banks fell from 60% in
1995 to approximately 40% in 2001. This is due to the process of consolidation and privati-
zation, which led to larger financial groups and to a higher degree of concentration in the
Greek banking sector. The share in total assets of the banking sector for the five biggest banks
increased from 58% in 1995 to around 66% in 2001.
Rapid credit expansion has offset losses from narrowing interest margins, and bank prof-
itability has improved substantially in recent years, comparing very favorably with a number
of other EU countries. This is so in spite of comparatively high operating expenses and pro-
visions on loans. Altogether, the financial strength of the Greek banking system has improved
after the liberalization of the sector. Consolidation and privatization have created larger and
more cost-conscious financial groups, and banks have expanded into new financial services.
Bank capitalization has improved substantially in recent years and most Greek banks are
reported to satisfy the minimum capital adequacy ratio, even after the strong decline in stock
prices since the second half of 1999.
Today, there are two great banking conglomerates, both of which are controlled by the
state. One is the National Bank of Greece, with many branches all over the country. For the
last few years, the National Bank has experienced developments, which have established it as
one of the most reputable banks in Europe. The other state bank is the Agricultural Bank,
which serves the specific needs of the people in rural areas. Also belonging to the semistate
sector is the Emporiki Bank. In the private sector, there are three major banks: Alpha Bank
(which has now absorbed Ioniki), EFG Eurobank Ergasias, and the Bank of Piraeus. Over the
last few years, the important moves in the banking map have included a number of mergers
and acquisitions, as well as the creation of a few smaller specialized banks. At the same
time, banks constantly add new products and increase the range of services offered to their
customers.
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21 GREECE 777

In view of this wave of developments, especially of mergers and acquisitions, the exploration
of values and attitudes in the banking sector through GLOBE can be useful for purposes of
organizational culture, integration, and leadership.

The Telecommunication Sector

In recent years, drastic changes occurred in the field of telecommunications. Until 1992, there
was only one state-owned company, OTE (Organization of Telecommunication of Greece),
providing conventional phone services. Today OTE continues to provide a standard (conven-
tional) phone service in Greece, but in 1995 its stock went public in the Athens, London, and
New York Stock Exchanges, meaning that now 35% of the company is owned by private
investors. As a result of the deregulation of the Greek telecommunications market on January
1, 2001, OTE ceased to be a monopoly and has since been operating in a more competitive
environment, as more companies provide the same type of services.
Mobile-phone services started in 1992 with two enterprises, Telestet and Panafon. A little
later Cosmote, a subsidiary of OTE, joined the market. Today, Panafon has changed its name
to to Vodafone, because it belongs to the Vodafone group, and another company Q-Telecom
has entered the market. Telecommunications is not only a dynamic, rapidly developing branch
of the Greek economy, but a sector in which the country has shown real technological progress
and in which Greece parallels international development, having surpassed every forecast
made by economic policymakers.
The most interesting statistic, however, is the number of people who have mobile phones.
Today cellular-phones exceed in numbers the total Greek population! The great jump came in
1997 when mobile-phone subscribers increased by 87%, which ranked the Greek mobile-
phone market as the fourth most developed in Europe, according to statistics published by
Mobile Communications International.
The impressive development of the Greek market is based mainly on three factors:

• The variety of products that subscriber mobile phones offer. At this time, every sub-
scriber can choose from various packages according to his or her needs.
• The fact that most Greek businesspeople spend a lot of time out of the office, and for this
reason, they need a phone, especially because major Greek cities are large and have serious
traffic problems.
• The cultural characteristics of Greeks, who are very fond of going out, have a strong
social life, and like to communicate with friends at all times. Therefore phones are used
not only for business but also for social purposes.

In the present study respondents were taken from OTE, Telestet, and Panafon, as well as from
other companies all falling within the wider classification of telecommunications, such as
production of telecommunication equipment and production of software and multimedia appli-
cations. The common characteristic of all companies is that both in 1996 when the sample was
taken, as well as today, they operate in a dynamic changing and demanding environment.

2. SOCIETAL CULTURE AND THE GLOBE STUDY

Before presenting and interpreting the GLOBE findings on societal culture, some major
characteristics of Greek culture are introduced as background information.
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778 PAPALEXANDRIS

Social Values and Patterns of Social Behavior

The great Cretan writer Nikos Kazantzakis refers to “the two great currents which constitute the
double-born soul of Greece” (Kazantzakis, 1966, pp. 167–168). By this duality he meant the
complex mixture of character constituents that have resulted from Greece’s location between
East and West and from the combination of classical with modern elements in the Greek
national character.
The four centuries of Ottoman rule imparted to Greek institutions a structure radically
different from what is the norm of the West. An important feature was the astonishing tenac-
ity of the Greeks in maintaining their ethnic identity through long-lasting foreign domina-
tions. A strong contributory factor in this respect was undoubtedly the importance of religion,
the strength of the family institution, and the love of independence.

Importance of Religion. Religion is closely linked with Greek nationality as 97% of

Greek nationals are reported to be Greek Orthodox Christians. The Orthodox clergy
has played a major role in the revolution for independence and in preserving Greek language,
culture, and tradition through centuries of foreign occupation. Links between the Greek
Orthodox Church and Greek tradition are believed to be very deeply rooted, dating from the
time when the Roman Empire was divided into its eastern and western halves in 395 AD and
the Byzantine Empire was established in the eastern part, with Greek as its official language
(Armstrong & Markus, 1960). The church with its many scholars, some living in monaster-
ies, played an important role in preserving ancient Greek culture and philosophy. It is believed
that the Renaissance in Europe profited by the Byzantine thinkers, mostly associated with the
church, who brought ancient Greek works to Europe following the fall of Constantinople in
1453 (Campbell & Sherrard, 1968). Today, important events in a person’s life, such as bap-
tism and marriage, are usually celebrated in churches. Also, people celebrate their saint’s day
(name day) more than their birthday. Indeed, many religious feasts to honor saints involve
music, drinking, and dancing, thus acting as occasions for social gathering and reinforcement
of social ties.

Strength of the Family Institution. The family institution in Greece has been the social
entity that protected its members against unfavorable or hostile elements. In the Ottoman
period, it was the head of the patriarchal family who alone dealt with the Turkish overlords
when this was necessary. In the majority of Greek families, parents still strive to the maxi-
mum of their ability to provide their sons and daughters with property and education, to
secure employment for them, or to start a business, hence the large numbers of small family-
owned firms.
Most large firms in Greece have started as family firms and, for many years, these larger
firms have functioned as large patriarchal organizations, where members of the workforce and
staff depended on the benevolence of the owner for their well-being. Although this tendency
still somehow exists today, increased company size, social awareness, and questioning of
authority make it necessary to find new means for securing cooperation and weakening antag-
onism, a characteristic often shown in both industrial and peer relations within firms
(“Greece—Industrial Relations,” 1998).

Love of Independence. Love of independence, the need to express freely and support
one’s opinion, is a strong characteristic of Greek society. This often results in strong
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arguments, as each person feels that only his or her views are correct and cannot be easily
convinced to modify them. Skouras believes that this is evidence of an “inflated ego,” often
resulting in a form of antagonism between members of society.1 Although Greek society shows
elements of collectivism, individualism, a tendency to mistrust, difficulties in sharing or com-
bining efforts for a common goal, and constant verbal conflict over facts and ideas are very fre-
quent. One of the most common sources of conflict in most social situations is the argument
over politics, because almost every person has a strong opinion on almost every issue and
strongly fights to support his or her views. According to an American study of a small Greek
village “where perpetual struggle, principally outside the family, is a part of life,” the ultimate
aim of this struggle appears to be the assertion of individual identity (Friedl, 1962, p. 83).
Individualism often stands as a barrier when it comes to delegating authority or collaborating in
teams. However, all of the aforementioned is offset by an important feature that acts as a mod-
erator of in-group conflict, namely philotimo. There is no equivalent for this word in English;
literally translated, it means love of honor and, as a concept, it implies a self-imposed code of
conduct based on trust and fairness. Philotimo often helps in overcoming difficulties and
encouraging cooperation between workers or staff, which no rule or order could impose. It also
means that, if treated “properly,” an employee will give more than what is normally expected in
order to please his or her employers, “properly” meaning being respected, praised, and shown
concern with regard to personal matters. As Triandis (1972) indicates, a person who is consid-
ered philotimos behaves toward members of his or her in-group in a way that is “polite, virtu-
ous, reliable, proud, truthful, generous, self-sacrificing, tactful, respectful and grateful” (p. 308).
A strong belief in independence makes those who work in the private sector willing to
work for themselves. The phrase “I want to be my own boss” is commonly heard among
young people who, after working for a few years as employees, start their own small business.
About half of the labor force is self-employed and 90% of Greek firms have fewer than 10
workers (Papalexandris, 1997).
Overall, the readiness of Greeks to engage in entrepreneurial activities is further strength-
ened by the considerable degree of social mobility in Greece. With no line of separation
between classes, there is high expectation and much opportunity for success. There is no limit
to the opportunities for people to advance and Greeks tend to compete fiercely to grasp these
opportunities before anyone else does. This explains also the preference for ventures that
allow a high margin of profit (trade, shipping) and the willingness to seek opportunities
abroad (Papalexandris, 1995).
The desire to advance socially and secure social recognition, together with the love for
learning and self-fulfillment, also explain the great value Greeks attach to higher education,
which was traditionally a prerequisite for success, social status, and economic prosperity
(Dimaki, 1974). Higher education in Greek universities is free for those who can pass the
national admission exam. However, the number of candidates exceeds the available places for
admission and, for students who are not admitted to the Greek universities, the Greek family
is ready to sacrifice important sums of money for their education, either abroad or in private
colleges in Greece. Also, it is quite common for the family to finance children’s postgraduate
studies abroad. In general, Greek independence is balanced by collectivism in many other
domains, such as personal relations, family, and even employee–employer relationships.

1
Written communication by Prof. T. Skouras, Athens University of Economics and Business, who acted as one
of the referees for this chapter.
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780 PAPALEXANDRIS

TABLE 21.3
GLOBE Results on Greek Societal Culture

Society “As Is” Society “Should Be” Differenced

“Should Be”–
Culture Dimensions Meana Bandb Rankc Meana Bandb Rankc “As Is”

Performance Orientation 3.20 C 61 5.81 C 40 2.61

Future Orientation 3.40 C 51 5.19 B 48 1.79
Assertiveness 4.58 A 9 2.96 C 57 −1.62
Institutional Collectivism I 3.25 D 61 5.40 A 5 2.15
In-Group Collectivism II 5.27 B 35 5.46 B 41 0.19
Gender Egalitarianism 3.48 A 27 4.89 A 15 1.41
Humane Orientation 3.34 D 59 5.23 B 48 1.89
Power Distance 5.40 A 21 2.39 D 52 −3.01
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.39 D 57 5.09 A 17 1.70
a
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. bBands A > B > C > D are determined by calculating the grand
mean and standard deviations across all society “As Is” and “Should Be” scales respectively for the GLOBE
sample of countries. These means and standard deviations are used to calculate low, medium, and high bands of
countries (GLOBE standard procedure, cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). cThe rank order for Greece relative to
the 61 countries. dAbsolute difference between the “Should Be” and “As Is” scores.

Against this overall country background, results obtained from the GLOBE study on
societal culture are interpreted in the next section.

GLOBE Results on Perceived and Desired Dimensions

Results from GLOBE on the societal level of culture in Greece are presented in Table 21.3.
This table shows the mean scores and ranks of the various dimensions of culture, as respon-
dents believe that they currently exist and should be, as well as the differences between them.
Societal cultural differences between practices, “As Is” responses, and values, “Should Be”
responses, are interpreted here in a similar way as Bourantas, Anagnosteli, Mantes, and
Kefalas (1990) have argued for organizational culture. They consider the discrepancy between
organizational practices as perceived by managers (“As Is”) and their personally preferred
culture or values (“Should Be”) to indicate a desire for change within organizations.

Performance Orientation. Performance Orientation refers to the degree to which the society
encourages and rewards individuals and groups for high performance. In this section, Greece
has an especially low “As Is” score of 3.20 (with the maximum being 7.00), ranking it last
among 61 countries. On the “Should Be” dimension, Greece’s score of 5.81 ranks on the 40th
position. There is a substantial gap between what is happening now (“As Is”) and what should
be happening (“Should Be”), although both are low in relation to the other cultures studied.
Middle managers perceive the recognition granted to high performance in their society to
be low, whereas they believe this should be much higher. A number of explanations can be
offered here:
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21 GREECE 781

• Greek managers seem to resent (“Should Be”) the perceived general tendency (“As Is”)
toward mistrusting those who achieve individual goals and reach high levels of success.
This seems similar to the “tall poppy” syndrome reported in Australia (chap. 9, this
volume). The “tall poppy” syndrome refers to a dislike of those who excel and are above
others, especially when success leads to arrogance. Thus, although Greeks strive for
achievement, they often refuse recognition to those performing well. Contrary to this they
very often think of themselves as victims of this lack of recognition, having a feeling of
being betrayed by society in general.
• More straightforwardly, the results may also indicate that Greek managers want their
society to become more performance oriented.
• Results may also reflect the general tendency of most Greeks for self-criticism, which
stems to a large extent from a high need for progress and excellence, which everyone
would like to see but, due to the lack of infrastructure or the general framework, finds dif-
ficult to achieve. The drive and desire for excellence among Greek managers can be seen
in the high achievements of overseas Greeks, for example, in the United States, who “work
within a system that encourages and supports individual initiative” (Broome, 1996, p. 96).

Over the last few years, as shown by economic figures things have started to change in certain
segments of the economy. The concepts of productivity and free trade, already prominent in the
private sector, are entering in the public sector while, at the same time, there are more profes-
sional managers with scientific background offering their services in various posts in organiza-
tions controlled by the state. At the same time, competition is causing a change in the philosophy
of management and is forcing companies to make constant improvements in order to attain bet-
ter results. Thus, it seems likely that overall the Greek management shows more acceptance of
performance orientation and sees higher value in recognizing high achievements publicly.

Future Orientation. Future Orientation is defined as the extent to which a society

encourages its members to plan for the future and to take long-term perspectives. Greece’s
“As Is” score (3.40) positions low (Rank = 51, Band C) among the 61 GLOBE countries. The
“Should Be” score (5.19) ranks on the 48th position, which differs somewhat from the
perceived Future Orientation because it puts Greece in Band B.
It seems that Greece follows the general tendency of all countries in the GLOBE study by
showing a desire for more Future Orientation. However, the Greek culture has always been
characterized by its “here and now” attitude, mainly due to the environmental instability,
wars, and the resulting insecurity. What is missing is the sense of belief in the future and the
systematic approach to a long-term program that will look ahead and prepare action plans to
meet future needs. It seems that wars, threats, and various calamities that Greeks have faced
over the years make them reluctant to plan too far ahead. To this, should be added the frequent
changes in legislation, practiced over the past years by the state, and the general mistrust
about what lies ahead, possibly due to the country’s geopolitical position. According to
Broome (1996), the Greek approach to time is considerably different from that found in the
United States or Western Europe. There is little advance planning unless it is imposed from
the outside. On a personal level, if you ask a Greek what he or she will do over the next few
years, you may receive the following answer “Who knows? I may not even be alive then.”
Until recently this phenomenon could be observed at all levels of Greek culture, with
politicians and businesspeople in the forefront. As a result, the talent for business and the
intelligence, which distinguish Greeks, was rather channeled to short-term plans. Trade has
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782 PAPALEXANDRIS

been a preferred activity over manufacturing and short-term profit was more appealing than
long-term investment (Alexander, 1968). Over the last few years, there have been efforts in
large Greek organizations to implement strategic planning and to get ready to anticipate and
face the future, by building alternative solutions for unpredictable changes. Thus, many Greek
firms have invested abroad, in both Eastern and Western countries, hoping for long-term ben-
efits. This is largely due to globalization and the competition faced by the operation of multi-
national firms in Greece. Furthermore, because Greece is a member of the EU (and recently
joined the European currency), detailed planning ahead of time, in order to participate in pro-
jects and get access to available funds, is necessary. This forces state administration to adjust
their practices and become more future oriented. It is worth noting that Greeks are among the
most pro-European of all EU country nationals—a clear indication that despite their unwill-
ingness to engage in routine planning, they look to the future with hope.

Assertiveness. This dimension refers to the degree to which members of the society are
encouraged to be tough, dominant, and aggressive. Greece positions 9th (Band A) in the “As
Is” and 57th (Band C) in the “Should Be” ranking. The apparent difference in ranking is very
high. Apparently, the respondents see the Greek society to be very high on dominance and
toughness and seem not satisfied by that.
Greece has been involved in several wars over the years, either in response to a foreign
invasion or in order to liberate occupied territories. This has led people to act in a confronta-
tional and aggressive way, mostly to safeguard their rights. However, people believe in the
Christian spirit of loving peace and the motto of “Love thy neighbor as thyself,” which is
something strongly encouraged by parents and teachers in childrearing. Among schoolchild-
ren, it is not the person who shows aggression who is most respected, but rather, the child who
can help schoolmates in meeting difficult assignments and teachers’ requirements or the child
who will defend verbally his or her classmate to the teacher, even if the latter is a wrongdoer.
In the organizational setting, competition and the need for efficiency make aggressive
behavior an everyday practice. However, back-stabbing or judging strictly your colleagues or
subordinates is not encouraged whereas solidarity is well desired. This shows that most
people resent the perceived aggression and long for a less confrontational environment.
As Broome (1996) describes, in order to motivate employees to put extra effort into a
project, it is necessary to appeal to their philotimo or “love of honor” by showing trust in their
abilities, kindness, and concern about their personal problems. The allowance of non-
work-related activity on the job, and the time often spent by managers in order to learn about
their employees’ family concerns and problems, can create more loyalty and a sense of oblig-
ation, thus leading to higher degrees of productivity whenever needed. Kindness and concern
about people rather than about products will bring much better results, because keeping to the
norms and being tough and strict can create an adversarial relationship with very negative
results. It appears that less aggression is what all countries participating in the GLOBE study
around the world desire and Greece, despite the perceived practices, is among the countries
with a strong desire for lower levels of aggression.

Institutional Collectivism. Institutional Collectivism refers to the extent to which a soci-

ety encourages and rewards collective action. Here, the Greek society has a very low score
(3.25) and is in the 61st position (Band D). The “Should Be” score is very high, 5.40, which
places Greece 5th among all 61 countries (Band A). This difference is the highest of all nine
GLOBE dimensions for Greece.
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21 GREECE 783

Although respondents perceive Greek society as high on individualism, it would not be

wise to characterize Greek culture as such, based on these findings. The gap indicated by the
results of this dimension brings forward the wish to return to older times, when concern for
others was more important than individual success. Greeks have learned to take initiative, and
have a strong entrepreneurial spirit. However, they do not easily work well with others, espe-
cially in organizational settings. It is common for those in position of power to take all the
responsibility and delegate only to a limited extent, because their subordinates are neither
trained nor encouraged to work in teams. Team spirit is reached only in cases of emergency.
In Greek history, there are instances where prominent Greeks have overcome their differences
joining together when important decisions had to be reached. However, it seems that once the
danger was over, the need to act as a team faded and individuality prevailed again.
An important characteristic in Greek societal culture is the distinction between in-group
and out-group, which affects significantly the ways in which Greeks relate to others (Triandis,
1972). The in-group usually includes family, relatives, and friends and there is a lot of pro-
tection, trust, support, and cooperation between its members. The out-group is often viewed
with hostility and relations with out-group members are often characterized by suspicion and
mistrust. According to Doumanis (1983), in traditional Greek communities social relation-
ships were polarized, being either positive or negative with no room or neutral gradation in
between the two. This explains the lack of cooperation between management and employees
or between state officials belonging to different political parties. However, any stranger or for-
eigner is a potential in-group member and receives excellent treatment because of the empha-
sis tradition places on philoxenia or friendliness to strangers.
As Herzfeld (1987) observed, one finds in the mosaic of Greek culture a mixture of the tra-
ditional and modern that cannot easily be separated. Although the largest percentage of the
Greek population lives in urban centers, such as Athens, Thessaloniki, and Patras, most
Greeks have their roots in the rural communities. Thus, although leading the life of a modern
city dweller with fast and busy schedules and little time for team spirit and collectivism, they
identify with their own or their parents’ village community and long for the type of institu-
tional collectivism that prevailed there. The first thing two Greek strangers do when they first
meet is try to find out their place of origin. If they happen to come from the same geograph-
ical area or happen to know someone from each other’s area, this can form enough of a basis
for cordial social relations. Strong or influential members of a village, who have “made it” in
large cities, often become a source of jobs or contacts that lead to employment and it is still
common to find in large organizations high percentages of employees coming from the same
province that happened to be the owner’s or the top manager’s province.
The “Should Be” results of GLOBE confirm the research, which was carried out in Greece
by Hofstede 15 years ago (Hofstede, 1991). Greece was among the countries showing a
strong desire for collectivism. This was apparently due to the fact that respondents in
Hofstede’s research, all belonging to the same firm, felt as members of the in-group that they
had developed solidarity among themselves. The “Should Be” Collectivism scale also reflects
the critical attitude toward antagonism and distrust often evident in Greek society.
On the societal level, as a great portion of the population has moved to the cities and rela-
tionships have become more impersonal, Collectivism even at the inner group is perceived as
low although it is highly desirable among respondents. As we can see in the study, the coef-
ficient on what the situation “Should Be” is especially high and places Greece at Rank 5 in
this dimension. Therefore, Greeks seem both to miss Collectivism and to realize that they
have to work together in order to be successful as Europeans and develop team spirit if they
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784 PAPALEXANDRIS

want to develop as a country. It is therefore the task of top managers to transform the organi-
zation into a big extended family, in order to make their people feel as members of the inner
group and achieve the results of teamwork. In fact, most executive training in modern Greek
firms today aim at improving teamwork and systematic efforts have already brought promis-
ing results, as expressed by many consultants working in that field (Broome, 1996).

In-Group Collectivism. This dimension describes the degree to which individuals

express pride, loyalty, and interdependence in their families. On the “As Is” dimension,
Greece shows a medium to high score of 5.27 and ranks 35 among the GLOBE countries
(Band B). The rank Greece holds in the “Should Be” score is 42 (Band B). The difference
between the current and desired state of affairs is negligible (0.19). It seems that on the issue
of family pride, respondents feel that the Greek society is on the right track.
The bond of family has an unbreakable connection to the development of Greek society.
Throughout the tradition of centuries and with the passing of different forms of family, from
the patriarchal family found in continental Greece to the matriarchal family found in the
Greek islands, the family bond has constituted the first and strongest societal group through
which individuals develop their personal identity.
In-Group Collectivism is expressed in the form of most small to medium-size Greek busi-
nesses of the past decades. The majority of these businesses preserve their family character
throughout their life and, very often, the motivation for establishing them stems from the need
to create a safe working environment for members of the family. There are many examples of
companies in Greece that have developed while preserving their family nature. These compa-
nies face the serious problem of transition, for example, when the founder grows and when
some other member of the family taking over is not necessarily able to keep the business alive.
Note that the Greek family includes not only parents and children. The elderly are always
included as well as aunts, uncles, cousins, nephews, and nieces, and relationships with in-laws
are also important. Younger members of the family enjoy a high degree of support from the
family and older members enjoy in turn a lot of care in their late years. It is very common for
mothers of young children to spend evening hours tutoring their children and for grandmoth-
ers to baby-sit for their grandchildren, while their daughters or daughters-in-law are out at
work. Also, in times of illness, there are always family members who will take a turn at the
sick person’s bedside. Perhaps the support provided by the family partly explains the facts
that Greece has the longest mean life expectancy in Europe, the lowest suicide rate in Europe,
and a very low percentage of children born outside marriage.
The family in Greece manages to replace the gap in organized state services in the area of
education, health, day-care centers for children, and care for the elderly. At the same time, it
serves as a means to control behavior of its members. As described by Gage (1987) in a dis-
cussion he had with a criminal lawyer, the latter had told him that almost all his clients
involved in a crime were more concerned about their family’s reaction than about their
judge’s verdict.
In conclusion, we must mention the fact that the family bond has been going through a dif-
ficult period throughout the world and this has inevitably touched Greece. The relationship
between family members is becoming detached, divorce rate is increasing, and this phenom-
enon is especially important for the Greek society, if we take into account that the Greek
society is largely supported by and draws its strength from the family institution.

Gender Egalitarianism. This dimension measures the extent to which role differences
between the different gender are minimized. Greek society scores comparatively high on this
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21 GREECE 785

dimension (3.48, 27th, Band A), although restrictions placed on women, due to their dual role
in work and family settings, are commonly evident (Papalexandris & Bourantas, 1991). With
its “Should Be” score of 4.89, Greece ranks 15th among other GLOBE countries and again
in Band A.
One would expect less Gender Egalitarianism because the Greek society held until recently
a traditional and more inflexible position regarding the independence of women and their
involvement in important aspects of economic and political life. However, anthropologists
have argued that the Greek society affords Greek women a lot of power at home, and it is true
that women have held a most important place in communities where men were absent for long
periods of time, due to emigration, work at sea, or wars. Traditionally in the presence of men,
women were expected to serve and make men feel like masters in the home. Young women
would often marry according to their parents’ will and they would gain status after bearing
children, whereas the mother-in-law was a most important figure in rural communities.
Ethnographer Irvin Sanders (1962), who studied rural parts of Greece in the early 1960s,
reported that when he asked a villager how many children he had, he replied “two children
and one girl,” referring to the preference for sons. As fathers needed to provide daughters with
prika or dowry in order for them to get married, daughters were often considered as financial
burdens. Today, the dowry system does not exist and equal treatment is given to both male
and female children, who share the overprotectiveness and financial sacrifices of their parents
and are strongly encouraged to study and make progress in their lives.
Although the presence of women in top levels of the hierarchy is still limited, according to
Dubisch (1986), most of the power of Greek women remains out of public display. Women have
demonstrated that they can play an important role within Greek society as professionals, acad-
emics, and executives, in both the public and the private sectors. Women outnumber men gain-
ing entrance to universities, women managers have been very successful in the services sector
and, over the next few years, trends show that they will be an important part of the business
world. Still, the largest proportion of responsibility with respect to childrearing and housework
is carried out by women, who seem to manage particularly well in most cases, largely due to the
support of the extended family (parents and close relatives) still prevailing in Greece.

Humane Orientation. Humane Orientation is defined as the effort and practices that a
society shows in support of human beings including caring, generosity, concern, and friend-
liness. Greek society scores 3.34, which positions it very low (59th, Band D) among the
61 GLOBE countries. The “Should Be” score is 5.23 and puts Greece on 48th position in
Band B. The difference can be interpreted such that the respondents feel that in the Greek
society there should be more generosity, concern, and friendliness among people.
One must however look closer at the Greek society in order to understand the respondents’
views. A person not familiar with Greek culture may gain the impression that Greek society
is actually low on Humane Orientation. The fact is that it is much lower than what respon-
dents would like it to be and this high desire for humanism is deeply rooted in Greek tradi-
tional values, which respondents see as being threatened in an era of commercialization and
cut-throat competition.
One of the most well-known traditional Greek values has been the offer of philoxenia or
hospitality. According to Fermor (1958), philoxenia is based on a genuine and deep-seated kind-
ness, the feeling of pity and charity toward a stranger who is far from home, as in ancient Greek
the word xenos means both stranger and guest. Greek hospitality especially in smaller commu-
nities is one of the reasons that many tourists keep coming back to Greece. The visiting foreigner
or the newly met person is considered a potential friend until he or she proves the opposite.
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786 PAPALEXANDRIS

Of course, this contradicts the already mentioned antagonism and distrust often shown by
Greeks. The explanation can be found in the distinction between in-group and out-group
described by Triandis (1972). In spite of the apparent contradiction, the independence and indi-
vidualism of Greeks coincide with the strong loyalty and even sacrifice for the in-group or for
appropriate others. According to Hart (1992), who studied rural Greece, individuality is admired
whereas autonomy, which disregards needs of family or community, is condemned.
As Broome (1996) describes, closely related to hospitality is generosity, or the over-
whelming spirit of giving that accompanies true friendship in Greece. A person may make
real sacrifices to help a friend in need. However, if something goes wrong in the relationship
or the person joins a conflicting interest group, the situation may change drastically and
strong antagonism may develop.
An example from the recent past shows the difference between Greek culture and the West
in Humane Orientation. In 1993, during the campaign for parliamentary election, one of the
two major candidates was in bad health and apparently unable to rule the country as before.
The opposite party, following advice by foreign consultants, used this as an argument against
their opponent. Contrary to what foreign advisers had believed, the weak candidate did
not lose any of his supporters, who felt very sympathetic toward him, and he finally won the
election.
It is true that Greeks of all social levels have traditionally been humanitarian and support-
ive toward their fellow men. It is still common for poor people to survive on neighbors’ sup-
port, and charity donations are very common, even from people with limited financial means.
Almost all major educational institutions, hospitals, and public buildings owe their existence
to donations from diaspora Greeks and there is a widespread tradition to help the needy
around the world. Greece at present supports 1.5 million economic immigrants from poor
neighboring countries and also helps those from the Third World ones. At the same time, the
state is expected to contribute to its citizens’ welfare, something that it cannot do to a satis-
factory degree, thus creating dissatisfaction and unrest. In general, people fear that the imper-
sonal nature of life in urban centers will deprive them of their cultural qualities of caring for
each other. It is a fact that, over the last few years, with increasing population and alienation
in large towns, people feel uneasy. Not knowing your neighbor and not being able to know
whether or not to trust him or her is something against traditional values. We believe that this
change is reflected in the low score perceived in Humane Orientation. Furthermore, in work
settings the need to increase competitiveness seems to threaten existing employee-friendly
practices, tenure, and supportive labor measures and this is something people resent in
general.
Overall, one may conclude that, as in the general GLOBE results, Greek respondents show
a great desire for a stronger Humane Orientation and this desire makes them see the present
situation as worse than what an outsider or an objective observer would perceive it to be.
Thus, higher expectations and a longing for what is universally considered good is evident
across respondents and explains the gap between the “As Is” and the “Should Be” findings.

Power Distance. This dimension describes the extent to which a society accepts and
endorses authority, power differences, and status privileges. Greece has a comparatively high
“As Is” score of 5.40 (21st, Band A) and a very low “Should Be” score of 2.39 (52nd, Band D).
According to Hofstede (1991), a large Power Distance coincides with might prevailing over
right—the powerful having privileges and the ability to use force over subordinates. This
is something found for powerful people (influential in politics, the media, or business) in
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21 GREECE 787

countries all over the world, which most respondents consider as undesirable and unfair.
A person who is not familiar with Greek society may conclude from the Greek “As Is” score
that it is a hierarchical society, where the ordinary people’s opinions are not considered and
where ordinary people are kept at a distance from the powerful. However this is not the case.
Greek people have the tendency to challenge, question, and criticize authority and react
fiercely whenever they feel that their rights are violated. In fact, industrial relations have tra-
ditionally been a difficult area for large firms and union leaders fought strongly whenever
their views were not taken into consideration. So, it might well be that the “As Is” Power
Distance is perceived to be comparatively high; however, it is believed that due to the desire
of Greeks for a more egalitarian and participatory society, the “Should Be” scores for Power
Distance are extremely low. Holden (1972) states in his book on Greeks, that they are indeed
not only natural participators but compulsive egalitarians: Rank, class, or status mean little to
them. According to Broome (1996), Greeks are not the least intimidated by status or hierar-
chy and they believe they have the solution to all company or state problems. Every individ-
ual has a strong opinion about how things should be done and doesn’t hesitate to let that
opinion be known.
Today, the tendency toward globalization requires the involvement of the individual and
his or her conscious participation in the common vision. Greek management is still charac-
terized to a large extent by formal relationships, which no one approves of and everyone ques-
tions. A different type of employee involvement is evident in some modern organizations and
the perspective of spreading this to other organizations and institutions of Greek society is
highly desirable and strongly demanded.

Uncertainty Avoidance. This dimension refers to practices adopted and encouraged

within the framework of a society in order to avoid the uncertainty existing among its mem-
bers, often at the expense of experimentation and in favor of strict rules and strong legisla-
tion. Greece scores 3.39 (57th, Band D) on the “As Is” dimension and 5.09 (17th, Band A) on
the “Should Be” dimension,
Respondents perceive a very low level of Uncertainty Avoidance in their society and
desire it to be substantially higher. Greece seems to lack preventive measures for coping with
critical situations (wood fires, floods, road accidents, crimes, etc.). The Greek state has been
often accused for improvisation in solving problems and a lack of planning for facing emer-
gency situations, which cause panic and are met with great difficulty and often without suc-
cess.
The results for Uncertainty Avoidance match the results for Future Orientation. Many in
the Greek society seem reluctant to plan ahead, because they feel uncertain about the future
and there is a common attitude of “who knows what lies ahead?” According to Hofstede
(1991), Greece showed high ranking in the Uncertainty Avoidance index. This is only in
agreement with the GLOBE “Should Be” score for Greece. Individuals in High Uncertainty
Avoidance cultures are more anxious and also more expressive, where people appear busy,
emotional, aggressive, and active. This description coincides with the impression one gets
from watching Greeks. Greeks tend to react to uncertainty and unpleasant situations with
sociability. Talking, eating, drinking, dancing, discussing the world’s problems, and telling
jokes seem to provide a release from tension and anxiety. In order to fight uncertainty, Greeks
were and are still attracted to state jobs, which in the past offered tenure and are still consid-
ered as more secure. Thus, voters exercised great pressure on politicians to obtain them.
Although the heavily staffed state sector allows little room for such practices any longer,
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788 PAPALEXANDRIS

political parties have for many years secured votes in exchange for the certainty offered by a
tenured job in the state sector.
Hofstede (1991) also found that countries with high Uncertainty Avoidance, in an attempt
to moderate uncertainty, have a complicated system of laws and rules as citizens show
mistrust for their country’s institutions. This is true for Greece, where the complicated legal
framework, lending itself to various, often unexpected interpretations is something that,
although designed to fight uncertainty, adds to the general feeling of uncertainty together with
constant mistrust about state institutions. Here we must notice that our respondents were
mostly managers in secure jobs, so they would welcome lower levels of uncertainty. At the
same time, risk taking, innovation, and experimentation are common among a considerable
number of businesspeople, who choose to engage in entrepreneurial activities. This comes as
no surprise if one takes into consideration Hofstede’s distinction between Uncertainty
Avoidance and risk avoidance. Many entrepreneurial firms are created at high risk, mostly to
satisfy the individualism of their founders, but also because people who have a high motive
to assume entrepreneurial risk have in fact high levels of tolerance to uncertainty. Research
among people employed in the state sector when compared to those employed in less secure,
more demanding jobs, has shown that people attracted to more secure jobs, as is the case with
most of our respondents, have different personality traits and somehow higher security needs
(Bourantas & Papalexandris, 1999).
It seems that for Greece, the high score of perceived Uncertainty Avoidance does not
hinder large parts of the population from engaging in entrepreneurial activity. Greece has the
highest percentage of entrepreneurs within the EU (Papalexandris, 1997). Broome (1996)
believes a lot of safeguards against uncertainty are provided by the extended family and
friends/members of the in-group. Insecurity caused by the societal environment and the lack
of infrastructure can be met by establishing personal connections, and Greeks invest a lot of
time and effort in that direction.

Summary of Findings on Societal Culture

Summarizing the findings, we can conclude the following about perceptions of societal cul-
ture by our respondents.

• They are not satisfied with the performance orientation of their society.
• They wish that things should be planned more carefully.
• They are not satisfied with the high levels of assertiveness shown.
• They show a longing for more collective ways of life that was the rule in the past but is
now threatened by rapid urbanization and modern ways of life.
• They value family life and gender equality.
• They also long for a more caring society, which was the rule in the past.
• They resent power distance, which they perceive as high.
• Finally, they perceive their society as highly uncertain and would like this situation to
improve.

These general findings are discussed in combination with results on leadership at the end of
the following section of this chapter.
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3. GLOBE AND LEADERSHIP

Literature Review on Leadership in Greece

The word leadership, literally translated as “igesia” in Greek, is a word usually used to
describe the top-rank officials in large institutions such as the army, ministries, or political
parties. Only during recent years, and after extensive use in executive seminars and business
courses, has the term acquired the meaning it has in the English language.
On the contrary, the term leader, when used alone as a noun, for example, “he is a leader,”
refers to the person who has some kind of special quality or charisma to guide people,
whereas when used in combination with another word, for example, “the leader of the party,”
simply refers to the person who is on top of the hierarchy.
The distinction between leaders and managers is somewhat difficult for those not having
studied management. In fact, there is no corresponding translation for manager in Greek lan-
guage. For higher levels, the word most often used is diefthintis, meaning director. Indeed,
many managers still carry out their jobs in a more directive and controlling approach than is
commonly found in Western companies. Research in the mid-1960s showed that autocratic
management was a consequence of the family structure and the lack of separation between
ownership and management (Alexander, 1968).
Today, even in family-owned companies, which could be characterized as patriarchal,
very rarely does the directive style mean harsh treatment to employees. According to
Broome (1996), the successful Greek manager is expected to take care of employee needs as
they arise, showing an interest in their family problems, because for most Greeks, the family
is more important than work. The personal relationship with employees and the ability of the
manager to develop and maintain personal connections with both subordinates and col-
leagues is often what distinguishes a leader from a manager, especially at the middle levels of
hierarchy.
As already mentioned, very important at this level is the ability of the leader to appeal to
the philotimo or “love of honor” of his or her employees and create conditions that allow
employees to show their creativity, diligence, and dexterity, while creating a system that
encourages and supports individual initiative. One must take into account that Greeks are very
hard-working people, when the situation requires it, and it is the personal quality of diligence,
not work itself that is important (Lee, 1959). Meaningless and routine work is viewed with
disdain and this explains the low productivity of the public sector, which is nevertheless
sought by employees because it offers job security. Yet many people, showing lower produc-
tivity in lower paid jobs of the public sector, will take an extra job to support their family.
Recent statistics have shown that Greeks work the longest working hours per year in the EU.
(International Labour Organizaton [ILO], 2003).
Very important is the ability to treat each employee as a person. As stated by Broome (1996),
“In Greece you must manage persons, not personnel.” As already mentioned, Greeks are both
very individualistic and independent. According to Fermor (1958, 1966), an English author who
fought in Greece during World War II and has studied Greek culture extensively, “Every Greek
may be said to comprise a one-man splinter-group”; in fact, the Greek word for person, atomo,
comes from the word that was believed by ancient Greek scientists to be the indivisible unit of
the universe. In the work environment, employees are always inclined to fight against perceived
limitations on their personal freedom, independence, and individual rights.
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In view of all this, being granted the attribute “leader” in a Greek organization is not a
simple task but a great achievement. Greeks do not like to be told what to do without proper
explanations. They dislike orders and are not at all intimidated by status. They face difficul-
ties in cooperating and are very quick to question authority and mistrust superiors. Therefore,
only the person who can win approval, encourage teamwork, and be recognized as superior
due to his or her qualities, skills, fairness, and integrity, can be characterized as a leader. Such
a person can achieve levels of performance from his or her group that far excel what would
be considered as normal by international standards.
This overall picture of Greek leadership is further analyzed with the help of data from media
analysis, focus groups findings, and factor analysis of leadership results from GLOBE.

Media Analysis

In this section, we examine the concept of leadership and the special practices, which are con-
sidered as characteristic of a successful manager/leader according to media analysis. For the
needs of GLOBE, we carried out media analysis in a series of magazines and newspapers with
economic contents.
The magazines used have permanent columns on leaders, who are selected due to their
success and their contribution to the high performance of their firm. These media were
Economicos Tachydromos, Epilogi, Industrial Review, Capital, and Know How. The newspa-
pers were Naftemboriki, To Vima, and Express. The 2-month period covered by the study com-
menced January 1, 1998 and ended March 1, 1998. The main objective was the identification
and collection of expressions assigning characteristics to well-known managers/leaders, in
order to arrive at the ideal profile according to the media.
At this point, we must stress the difficulty we faced in identifying leadership characteristics
among persons described. The Greek press gives special emphasis to what top managers, both
professionals and entrepreneurs, have done. Therefore, the classic presentation of top managers
starts with their studies and continues with the field they have chosen and how they have devel-
oped in their career or in their business. This presentation is given without any special mention
to their personality, behavior, and practices, which contributed to their success. Thus, no valuable
information on leadership qualities of managers could be drawn. In some cases, where special
reports were made on important business personalities, the qualities mentioned were that they
were self-made or were able to take over and expand a small family business. The ability to over-
come obstacles of the external environment and to identify new business opportunities was also
stressed. Entrepreneurial ability was considered important for top managers and, if they had suc-
ceeded in staying for many years in business, this was also attributed to their humanistic feelings
and supportive behavior to their employees, which had secured their loyalty and commitment.
Apart from these top managers making the headlines, the list of managers’ characteristics
according to the articles is presented in Table 21.4.
From the 150 top-managers that were in the analysis, every one was characterized by more
than one adjective. As we can see from the result of the research, the basic characteristic of
the successful Greek manager is experience: 30.14% referred to the experience of the man-
agers. Other characteristics that were mentioned were intelligence and decisiveness, innova-
tion, administrative ability, risk taking, and the ability to inspire.
Most important for the overall understanding of Greek leadership are the results from the
two focus groups, which follow.
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TABLE 21.4
Media Analysis Results

Number of Times
Characteristics Rank Mentioned Percentage %
Experienced 1 88 30.14
Intelligent 2 27 9.25
Decisive 3 25 8.56
Innovative 4 19 6.51
Good administrator 5 18 6.16
Risk taker 6 14 4.76
Inspirational 7 11 3.73
Enthusiastic 8 9 3.08
Forecaster 8 9 3.08
Independent 8 9 3.08
Cooperative 11 7 2.40
Encouraging 12 6 2.05
Sincere 12 6 2.05
Problem solver 14 5 1.71
Improver 15 4 1.37
Positive 15 4 1.37
Well-prepared 15 4 1.37
Fair 18 3 1.03
Diplomatic 18 3 1.03
Unifier 18 3 1.03
Mind stimulator 18 3 1.03
Unique 18 3 1.03
Calm 23 2 0.68
Clear, concrete 23 2 0.68
Consultative 23 2 0.68
Orderly 23 2 0.68
Mediator 23 2 0.68
Morale booster 28 1 0.34
Formal 28 1 0.34
Total 292 100 %

Focus Groups on Leadership

Here, we present the results of two focus groups. The first was conducted among executives
attending an executive part-time MBA program and working mostly as mechanical and
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792 PAPALEXANDRIS

electrical engineers. The discussion aimed at selecting the most important leader from both
the historical/political and the organizational perspective. The second was conducted in a
Greek semistate bank. The discussion covered the respondents’ perception of characteristics
possessed by a manager versus those of a leader.

First Focus Group. The two persons selected as outstanding leaders were E. Venizelos,
a political leader, and A. Onassis, a business leader.
Eleftherios Venizelos is considered the principal political leader of modern Greece. As the
country’s prime minister at the beginning of the 20th century, he had the vision to liberate all
parts of Greece, which were still under Turkish occupation. He won victoriously the two
Balkan wars and started the Asia Minor expedition counting on the support of Western allies.
When the latter withdrew their support, the Greek army were defeated; consequently Greece
was forced to accept 1.6 million Greek refugees from the coast of Asia Minor. Yet his political
insight, diplomatic talent, ability to mobilize his people, and commitment to the vision of
freedom for the homeland have won him perhaps the top position among political leaders of
modern Greece.
Aristotelis Onassis was born at the beginning of the century in Smyrna situated in Asia
Minor. After the loss of Asia Minor, he was forced to emigrate and subsequently started his
business ventures trading tobacco in Argentina. He soon developed a fleet of whalers, which
he then turned into cargo ships and later into tankers of very large tonnage. In 1956, when the
Suez Canal was blocked, he was able to carry oil fast, by transporting it around Africa with
his huge oil tankers, and this made him a billionaire. His legendary affair with the famous
opera singer Maria Callas and his marriage with Jackie, the widow of U.S. President John
Kennedy, occupied the headlines for many years. He was the founder of the Greek airliner
Olympic Airways and left a huge fortune after his death, including a large medical center in
Athens, a scholarship foundation for students in higher education, and the Onassis world
prizes for people showing outstanding achievements in the area of humanities, arts, and
sciences. His intelligence, business intuition, global awareness, risk taking, ability to adapt
and take advantage of unexpected events, together with his love for the homeland, place him
at the top of business leaders in the eyes of Greeks and have won him also a position among
the best known business leaders of the world.
In general we can conclude that charismatic leaders receive high recognition in Greece and
this happens in general after their death, as the tendency to criticize and find faults with oth-
ers stands in the way. Some unobtrusive measures such as statues, street names, banknotes,
and monuments all point to the heroic figures of the past. These are leaders who inspired their
people in the struggle for independence, political or state leaders and scientists with interna-
tional reputation. Businesspeople are less represented although there is much oral conversa-
tion surrounding those who started with poor means and made it to the top.

Second Focus Group. All the participants agreed that there are important differences
between a manager who tries to carry out his or her duties correctly and a leader who creates
a team, prepares its members for action, and gets them all to work together. The differences,
which were stressed, are presented in Table 21.5.
The conclusions reached from this focus group describe the leader as someone with vision,
inspiration, and the ability to be persuasive. He or she is a person who can motivate others
and present new ideas, which can be materialized. The leader is thought to be a charismatic
person with a strong personality, who is able to win the acceptance not only of his or her
subordinates but also of his or her superiors.
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TABLE 21.5
Differences Between Managers and Leaders

Manager Leader

• Puts emphasis on results. • Puts emphasis on results and on people.

• Plans, organizes, and controls the different • Gets results through the trust she or he has won.
branches. • Motivates his or her team to do their work in
• Assigns tasks and directs in the best possible the best possible way.
way. • Motivates not by giving orders but by
• Assigns power and responsibilities. persuading his or her employees.
• Dictates his or her will by giving orders. • Persuades by giving example to others.
• Does not have the ability of the leader to • Creates the ideal environment and climate in
stimulate his or her team. order to motivate his or her people.
• Acts as the conductor who directs an orches- • Differentiated from the other members of the
tra with his or her wand. team by his or her ability to help in the work.
• It is possible that she or he is good at his or • Is the conductor but communicates with the
her job without being a leader, like a good orchestra without using the wand.
basketball player who does not necessarily • Gains the admiration of those around him or her.
make a good coach.
• Has vision.
• His or her opinion dominates.
• His or her opinion does not dominate.
• Functions within already existing limits.
• Offers new ideas at difficult moments.
• Takes initiatives and has ideas that cannot
• Has the ability to persuade, to impress and
always be applied because she or he cannot
influence others to accept his or her ideas.
get the rest of the team to collaborate.
• Psychologically supports his or her team.
• Attributes importance to bureaucratic details.
• Able to transform unproductive teams into
• Pays special attention to scheduling and con-
successful, productive ones, making them real-
trol.
ize that this is the correct way to work.
• Not necessarily flexible and multifaceted and
• Often insubordinate, going against the rules
often avoids risk.
and taking risks.
• Can use threats such as firing.
• Talented and with a strong personality that
helps him or her lead others, spread his or her
vision and create enthusiasm.

GLOBE Results on Leadership

GLOBE used 21 leadership dimensions derived from a factor analysis of the entire GLOBE sam-
ple (see Table 21.6). Respondents were asked to give a score on a 7-point scale declaring the
extent to which each of 112 leadership characteristics is hindering or contributing to effective
leadership.
Among positive dimensions, diplomacy ranks the highest among Greek respondents,
something quite expected because the ability to negotiate, to find a balance between opposite
trends, to survive in changing circumstances, and to take advantage of unexpected events
requires a great deal of “diplomatic” skills, which business leaders must by all means possess.
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TABLE 21.6
Country Mean Scores for Leadership Dimensions and Subdimensions

Dimensions
Subdimensions Mean Score Rank

I. Charismatic 6.01 13
1. Performance Orientation 5.82 48
2. Visionary 6.19 24
3. Inspirational 6.25 25
4. Integrity 6.27 20
5. Self-Sacrificial 5.42 10
6. Decisive 6.18 9
II. Team Oriented 6.12 3
7. Team Integrator 5.76 10
8. Collaborative Team Oriented 6.19 12
9. Administratively Competent 6.18 8
10. Diplomatic 6.01 2
11. Malevolent (reverse score) 1.55 53
III. Self-Protective 3.49 29
12. Self-Centered 2.10 31
13. Status-Conscious 5.12 10
14. Conflict Inducer 3.62 47
15. Face Saver 3.05 23
16. Procedural 3.74 40
IV. Participative 5.81 10
17. Autocratic (reverse score) 2.14 51
18. Nonparticipative (reverse score) 2.25 52
V. Humane 5.16 18
19. Humane 5.02 22
20. Modesty 5.28 20
VI. Autonomous 3.98 22
21. Autonomous 3.98 23

The other three dimensions ranking high in the Greek sample describe a leader as admin-
istratively competent, decisive, self-sacrificial, and a team integrator. In all the aforemen-
tioned dimensions, Greece ranks among the first 10 countries in the sample of 61 countries
participating in GLOBE. Greece also ranks high in the dimensions of collaborative team
orientation, integrity, modesty, and humane orientation. The only dimension in which Greece
shows a low position (48th out of 61 countries) is that of performance orientation, even
though the score is 5.82 on a 7-point scale. Greek leadership is perceived to be lacking in this
dimension, something already found at the societal culture level.
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Greek leadership ranks low in the malevolent behavior, as well as in nonparticipative, auto-
cratic, conflict inducer, and procedural behavior. However, relatively high scores appear in
status consciousness, self-centered, and autonomous behavior. These dimensions have largely
to do with a leader’s “ego.”

Factor Analysis on GLOBE Results for Greece.2 Regarding leadership factors derived
from the second-order factor analysis of the 21 first-order factors, Greek leadership ranks
highly, such as in Team Orientation (3rd position), Participative (10th position),and
Charismatic leadership (13th). In the remaining three factors, Humane Orientation,
Autonomous, and Self-Protective Leadership, Greece ranks in the midrange, at the 18th,
22nd, and 29th position, respectively. Overall, very encouraging is the emphasis given to par-
ticipative and collaborative leadership behavior, which seems to gain ground in modern com-
panies and is the only way for offsetting strong individualism in the work environment.
The next step in the exploration of Greek leadership was to conduct a second-order factor
analysis, in order to arrive at distinguishable types of leadership concepts. Six factors that
explain approximately 50% of the variance were identified. They serve as basic indicators of
Greek leadership concepts. Between sectors (finance and telecommunications) no differences
in factor structure are apparent. In Table 21.7, the rotated factor matrix of the total Greek sam-
ple is shown. Only variables with loadings higher than 0.30 are included under the factor in
which they showed the highest value—provided they had a difference of at least 0.10 to the
next highest loading.
According to the results of this analysis, we can characterize the six factors observed as
described in Table 21.8. In Factor 1, we have at first the ideal charismatic leadership charac-
teristics that were found as most desirable in both the media analysis and the focus groups.
A charismatic leader in Greece is a morale booster and has vision, intuition, intelligence, and
dynamism. These characteristics are held by the two prominent political and business per-
sonalities the first focus group identified as outstanding leaders. In Factors 2 and 3, two types
of negatively valued leadership profiles are obtained. Whereas Factor 2 denotes ruthless and
tyrannical attributes, Factor 3 comprises dictatorial, elitist, self-centered, and individually ori-
ented attributes. The remaining three factors all denote positive characteristics at least to some
extent. Factor 4 describes human-oriented, supportive, generous and, generally speaking,
low-profile leadership that is carefully following procedures. Here we can think of a leader
that treats his or her employees fairly, combining a just and cautious behavior with kindness

2
The GLOBE scales were designed to measure organizational- or societal-level variability (Hanges, Dickson, &
Sipe, 2004). The scales were not intended to meaningfully differentiate among individuals within a particular soci-
ety. However, even though the scales were not constructed to provide such information, in some cases it is interest-
ing to assess whether similar factors differentiate individuals within a society. Country-specific factor analysis is
intended as an exploration of the themes captured by GLOBE in a new domain, that is, individual differences within
a society. It should be noted that, because of the within-society restriction of the GLOBE scales true-score variabil-
ity (which was based on between-society differences), the loadings of the GLOBE scale’s items on within-society
factors should be lower than between societies (cf. Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). Furthermore, one should not
interpret the within- society factor analyses as replications of the GLOBE factor structure. And the absence of a
GLOBE factor within a society should not be automatically interpreted as the factor being irrelevant to the people in
that country. Rather, a factor may fail to emerge within a society even when that theme is extremely critical because
there was no variability in how the individuals from a single society rated the items (e.g., they all rated the items a
7). Factor analysis requires variability and so a factor could fail to emerge because it is extremely critical or com-
pletely irrelevant to the people within a society.
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TABLE 21.7
Rotated Factor Matrix

FACTOR

1 2 3 4 5 6

Morale Booster .644

Intuitive .637
Dynamic .561
Team Builder .561
Willful .546
Encouraging .543
Visionary .520
Confidence Builder .498
Asocial −.493
Hostile −.482
Win-Win Problem Solver .472
Clear .472
Decisive .464
Communicative .461
Collaborative .459
Calm .452
Integrator .452
Prepared .400
Convincing .378
Enthusiastic .366
Ambitious .366
Performance Oriented .362
Loner −.339
Intellectually Stimulating .322
Dependable .311
Sincere −.680
Inspirational −.638
Tyrannical .625
Self-Interested .619
Trustworthy −.585
Just −.561
Egocentric .527
Vindictive .505
Nonexplicit .489
Secretive .482
Improvement Orientated −.470
Positive −.466
Ruthless .466
Bossy .454
Provocateur .436
Evasive .409
Irritable .350

(Continued)
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TABLE 21.7 (Continued)

FACTOR

1 2 3 4 5 6

Ruler .612
Elitist .532
Egotistical .463
Nonegalitarian .448
Dictatorial .443
Domineering .417
Cynical .404
Individually Oriented .365
Cunning .355
Micromanager .352
Autonomous .333
Honest .540
Compassionate .512
Fraternal .474
Cautious .470
Class-Conscious .464
Modest .464
Patient .445
Procedural .436
Tender .432
Formal .432
Generous .405
Group Oriented .378
Logical .365
Self-Sacrificial .365
Self-Effacing .330
Loyal .326
Foresight .748
Plans Ahead .711
Motive Arouser .595
Able to Anticipate .585
Status-Conscious .341
Avoids Negatives −.315
Administratively Skilled .480
Orderly .458
Excellence Oriented .433
Good Administrator .428
Intragroup Conflict Avoider .412
Intelligent .397

Note. Extraction method: maximum likelihood. Rotation method: Varimax with Kaiser normalization.
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TABLE 21.8
Description of Factors

Factor Leadership Characterization

1 Charismatic/Ideal Leader
2 Ruthless-Tyrannical Leader
3 Egotistical-Elitist
4 Honest-Compassionate-Fraternal
5 Careful Planner
6 Administratively Skilled

and attention to employee needs. Factor 5 describes leadership attributes of planning ahead,
foresight, and anticipating changes, which overall denotes future orientation. Factor 6
describes administrative skill, excellence orientation, intelligence, and reducing intragroup
conflict.
Experience, one leadership characteristic very frequently met in the media analysis, is not
included in the dimensions of the GLOBE study because it was not included in the 112 leader
descriptions in the questionnaire. For Greek management, it means experience in dealing with
management problems, external threats, and opportunities, having served for many years in a
leading position, and having good knowledge of the Greek business environment.
At this point, we may conclude that the six leadership dimensions that resulted from the
factor analysis seem to cover to a large extent Greek reality as already described, with most
characteristics, however, loading as in the case of GLOBE’s international results on the first
factor, that of the ideal, charismatic leader.

4. CONCLUSIONS

Leadership and Societal Culture

The picture that emerged from the research on leadership is quite consistent with results from
societal culture. A society where longing for collectivism, family values, and humane orien-
tation is high normally respects leaders who treat employees fairly, are good team integrators,
have integrity, are not tough, can raise morale, but are at the same time kind and pay atten-
tion to employee needs.
Concurrently, a society perceived as high in uncertainty values diplomacy, experience,
administrative competence, and performance orientation, but they are also perceived as miss-
ing. Low-profile, modest leaders are also accepted because power distance is perceived as
high and is not accepted in general. Charismatic leadership is also recognized in a society that
values achievements of the past and is full of stories about heroic figures. In addition to the
aforementioned, all the negative dimensions of leadership, such as autocratic, nonparticipa-
tive, or malevolent behavior, are strongly resented as could be expected and as found from the
evidence across all countries in the GLOBE study.

Implications for Foreign Managers Working in Greece

Societal patterns of behavior influence the Greek work environment and leadership concepts.
The foreign manager/leader in Greece should remember that leadership means:
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21 GREECE 799

• To spend a lot of time with members of his or her group.

• To spend time on establishing personal connections with peers and subordinates, as good
human relations will speed up operations and improve communications and overall
performance.
• To use a participative leadership style, listening to suggestions and inviting comments
from employees.
• To avoid criticizing everyday reality as Greeks are eager to criticize their society but
reluctant to listen to others doing so.
• To not expect much formality and attention to detail, making sure to constantly insist on
deadlines if she or he wishes to keep a time schedule.
• To keep a firm position after reaching a well-informed decision and make clear that
although the leader considers others’ opinions, the responsibility rests with the leader.

Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research

This study of Greek societal culture and leadership is only a first step into what could become
an in-depth survey of contemporary Greek societal and organizational culture. In order to
have a full picture of the existing situation, a much larger sample would be necessary as well
as subsamples of employees from different educational and employment backgrounds.
Despite those limitations, future research into the organizational settings of various orga-
nizations, in both the public and private sector, could pinpoint at particular differences and
help leaders adjust their style accordingly. Something worth trying could also be a repetition
of the survey so that differences that occurred since the GLOBE data were gathered could
provide valuable information on changes over time.

Epilogue

Many cultural anthropologists and sociologists have stressed the duality and the various ele-
ments comprising the Greek mosaic. In his excellent book on Greece, Broome (1996) men-
tions several of these contradicting dualities. Some of them are:

• The geographical location between East and West and the simultaneous proximity with
both sides.
• The orientation toward the past as a source of strength for heading into the future.
• The tendency to leave Greece for distant lands combined with the great tenacity in keep-
ing ethnic identity.
• The common critical and pessimistic attitude with the great desire to enjoy life and
engage in social activity.
• The urbanization of the Greek population combined with love for the place of native
birth, with which most people keep close ties.
• The persistence of the traditional family institution and the independence young women
enjoy lately.
• The close link with a religion that, although close to old tradition and early rituals, is full
of feasts, music, and dancing and offers an informal atmosphere to members of its com-
munity.
• The love and support granted to members of the inner group and the rivalry and antago-
nism shown to out-group members.
• The resistance to imposed behavior and the voluntary self-sacrifice, when appeal to a
person’s philotimo is made by someone perceived as fair, friendly, and trustworthy.
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• The fear of the unknown and the need to challenge the future by being venturesome,
traveling abroad, and exploring new lands.
• The love of friendship and close ties and the enjoyment in engaging in continuous argu-
ment over political issues, constant criticism, and debate over facts and views.
• Flexibility as shown by the adoption of modern lifestyles and rigidity as shown by keep-
ing family and religious traditions.

Perhaps the following statement, written by Holden (1972), best describes these characteris-
tics of Greek culture:

Greek identity as a whole is best seen as a constant oscillation between just such opposites as
these. The spirit and the flesh, ideal and reality, triumph and despair—you name them and the
Greeks suffer or enjoy them as the constant poles of their being, swinging repeatedly from one
to the other and back again, often contriving to embrace both poles simultaneously but above all,
never reconciled, never contented, never still. This perennial sense of tension between diametri-
cally opposed forces is the essence of their existence-the one absolutely consistent feature of their
identity since Greek history began. In the phrase of the Cretan novelist, Kazantzakis, they are
double-borne souls. (pp. 27–28)

Although these remarks appear impressionistic and cannot be directly supported by the quan-
titative findings of this study, the author of this chapter believes that they reflect the cultural
environment of Greece and could serve as guidelines for anyone wishing to work and live
there. Managers and people of foreign origin should remember that Greece is a country with
a complex past history where ancient myths blend with modern reality. This has led to a vast
and diversified pool of values, attitudes, and behavioral patterns, from which individuals draw
to form their own character and personality. Herzfeld (1985, 1987), an anthropologist who has
conducted several ethnographic studies in Rhodes and Crete, describes Greece “as a country
that falls disconcertingly between the exotic and the familiar.” One can find traditional atti-
tudes as expressed by the Orthodox Church along with the spirit of exploration expressed by
Odysseus; the thunder power of Zeus blending with humane, egalitarian behavior; Athena’s
wisdom going hand in hand with haphazard, ad hoc solutions; and people longing for strong
collectivism while sticking to their individualism. One may find people strongly desiring and
considering appropriate for society what they themselves would be reluctant to practice, while
also having high unrealistic expectations and tending to blame others or society for not being
able to fulfill them. All this explains the strong gaps found between the “As Is” and “Should
Be” GLOBE dimensions in societal culture.
To the modern world, Greece means classical antiquity, pictures of the sea, the sun, and
the Greek islands, and Zorba, the famous Greek movie character, dancing and expressing his
joy of life. In reality, it is all of these. It is a warm, sociable, vivid, argumentative society with
people who can show high levels of performance, friendliness, collectivism, and support to
each other as well as low motivation to achieve, antagonism, and strong individualism,
depending on the circumstances. Being an effective leader in Greece can be both very chal-
lenging as one develops flexibility and deeper understanding of the appropriate characteris-
tics and very difficult if one ignores them.
In Greece, as in any other part of the world, the leader-to-be can be compared to an
explorer in social reality who sets off to find out about his or her peers, employees, and supe-
riors, while also learning about him or herself. Because to “now thyself,” according to ancient
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21 GREECE 801

Greek philosophers, was the optimum achievement. And there is no better way for becoming
a leader than through self-knowledge and knowledge of your people, who can serve as a
mirror glass where you can observe unknown parts of yourself.
Having arrived at the end of this short description of societal culture and leadership in
Greece, I wish to thank Bob House, his scientific team, and all GLOBE contributors for pro-
viding me with the stimulus to look again with a fresh eye into my country and gain deeper
insight into my past and present.

REFERENCES

Alexander, A. (1968). Greek industrialists (Research monograph series). Athens: Center of Planning and
Economic Research.
Armstrong, A., & Markus, R. (1960). Christian faith and Greek philosophy. London: Darton, Longman,
& Todd.
Bourantas, D., Anagnosteli, G., Mantes, G., & Kefalas, A. (1990). Culture gap in Greek management.
Organization Studies, 11(2), 261–283.
Bourantas, D., & Papalexandris, N. (1999). Personality traits discriminating employees in public and in
private sector organization. International Journal of Human Resource Management, 10(5), 858–869.
Broome, B. J. (1996). Exploring the Greek mosaic: A guide to intercultural communication in Greece.
Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press.
Campbell, J., & Sherrard, P. (1968). Modern Greece. London: Benn.
Dimaki, J. (1974). Towards Greek sociology of education (2 volumes). Athens: National Center of
Social Studies.
Doumanis, M. (1983). Mothering in Greece: From collectivism to individualism. London: Academic
Press.
Dubisch, J. (1986). Gender and power in rural Greece. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Fermor, P. L. (1958). Mani: Travels in the southern Peloponnese. London: Penguin.
Fermor, P. L. (1966). Roumeli: Travels in northern Greece. London: Penguin.
Friedl, E. (1962). Vasilika: A village in modern Greece. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
Gage, N. (1987). Hellas: A portrait of Greece. Athens: Efstathiadis Group.
Greece—Industrial Relations Background. (1998, August). European Industrial Relations Review, 295,
28–32.
Hanges, P. J., Dickson, M. W., & Sipe, M. T. (2004). Rational for GLOBE statistical analysis, societal
ranking and test of hypotheses. In R. J. House, P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan, P. Dorfman, & V. Gupta
(Eds.), Leadership, culture, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies (pp. 219–234).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Hart, L. (1992). Time, religion and social experience in rural Greece. Lanham, MD: Rowman &
Littlefield.
Herzfeld, M. (1987). Anthropology through the looking-glass. Cambridge, England: Cambridge
University Press.
Hofstede, D. (1991). Cultures and organizations. London: Harper-Collins Business.
Holden, D. (1972). Greece without columns: The making of the modern Greeks. Philadelphia:
Lippincott.
House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V.. & Globe Associates. (2004). Culture,
leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
International Labour Organization. (2003). Key indicators of the labour market. Retrieved January 9,
2005 from http://www.ilo.org/public/english/employment/strat/kilm/index.htm
Kazantzakis, N. (1966). Travels in Greece. Oxford, England: Bruno Cassirer.
Lee, D. (1959). Freedom and culture. Washington, DC, American University.
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802 PAPALEXANDRIS

Mouzelis, N. (1978, July). Modern Greece: Facets of underdevelopment. London: Macmillan.

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. (2002). Greece. OECD Economic Surveys.
Papalexandris, N. (1995). Greece. In I. Brunstein (Ed.), Human resource management in Western
Europe (pp. 113–134). Berlin: de Gruyter.
Papalexandris, N. (1997, November). Issues and prospects of internationalization among Greek SME’s.
Paper presented at the 24th International Small Business Congress, Taipei, Taiwan.
Papalexandris, N., & Bourantas, D. (1991). Attitudes towards women as managers: The case of Greece.
International Journal of Human Resource Management 2(2), 133–148.
Papalexandris, N., & Bourantas, D. (1993). Differences in leadership behavior and influence between
public and private organizations in Greece. International Journal of Human Resource Management,
4(4), 859–871.
Sanders, I. (1962). Rainbow in the rock: The people of rural Greece. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Skouras, T. S. (1992). The Greek economy: Economic policies for the 1990s. London. Macmillan.
Triandis, H. (1972). The analysis of subjective culture. New York: Wiley.
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22
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Leadership and Culture in Russia:

The Case of Transitional Economy
Mikhail V. Grachev
Western Illinois University

Nikolai G. Rogovsky
Management Consultant, Geneva, Switzerland

Boris V. Rakitski
Institute of Problems and Perspectives of the Country, Moscow, Russia

Countries of the former communist bloc adjust to global factors and conditions of socioeco-
nomic development in parallel to their revolutionary efforts to substitute the totalitarian sys-
tem of the past with democracy and the free market. Although the level of success of such a
transition varies among different countries, Russia with no doubt is overcoming the most
substantial change in macro- and microeconomic systems, in political structure, and in cul-
tural norms and behaviors in the society. This makes it important to understand the current
developments in Russia within the global context, and at the same time explain the factors
that determine cultural configuration and effective leadership in transitional economy.
In the late 1990s, when the major GLOBE data collection was conducted, one could see
Russia among visible global players, still on top in military expenditure of 12.3% in gross
domestic product (GDP), with the largest territory covering 11 time zones. Economic transi-
tion in 1990–1998 resulted in deep crisis with an annual decline of GDP amounting to 7%, in
addition to an annual decline in gross domestic investment of 13.7%. According to 1998 data,
Russia comprised 146.9 million people, with the country having low indicators of life
expectancy of 67 years. The unemployment rate was high at 13.3% even with high indicators
of female economic activity (80.8%).
In the early 2000s, after the deep economic crisis in the previous decade, there are strong
indications of revitalization and purification of the economy. Obsolete industries shrink. New
advanced industries emerge at an incredible pace. Legislation is under construction. There are

803
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804 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

visible signs of openness of Russia to the global business community, and indications for
civilized business practices.
The critical mass of people who act as entrepreneurs and as real business leaders is growing.
A shift in management paradigm and organizational techniques is visible everywhere—in
traditional mining and machine-building industries fighting for survival, in new fast-growing
telecommunication, construction, business services, and trade. The business community has
begun to understand that cultural variables (at both organizational and national levels) and
certain leadership styles and behaviors could be the sources of competitive advantage.
Multinational corporations transfer leadership skills and management know-how to Russia.
Local managers and entrepreneurs seek compatibility in organizational methods and language
of business with their foreign partners.
The period when the main GLOBE research was conducted coincided with the time of
radical change in all spheres of economic and social life, such as property, financial system,
or labor legislation. Mikhail Gorbachev’s words about “chaos in the minds” adequately
described the “mental model” of many Russians at that time. This is why the historic
overview of Russian business culture and leadership at large should be combined with the
specific analysis of transitional effects on culture and leadership. This chapter is guided by
these current changes, and describes the culture specific characteristics of Russia with spe-
cial focus on business culture and leadership in a transitional economy. GLOBE methodol-
ogy and techniques help to understand that in contemporary Russia: (a) Instead of Soviet
universalism of the past we find a fragmented managerial corps and cultural clusters; (b)
types and characteristics of business culture are marginal when compared to the other coun-
tries, and Russian management does not fit easily into internationally recognized practices;
(c) the profile of an effective business leader in Russia absorbs historical features of a nation,
heritage of totalitarian system, and peculiarities of society-in-transition, and (d) there is a
visible shift in public attention to business leadership with the media playing an important
role in re-creating this leadership profile.
The chapter develops an interpretation of empirical data collected through Global
Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness (GLOBE) Research Project. These
data are based on the survey of 450 Russian managers in banking and finance, telecommuni-
cation, and food processing industries. Sampling from middle managers permitted GLOBE
researchers to generalize the subculture of middle managers in the countries and the three
industries studied, and increased the internal validity of the study by ensuring the homogene-
ity of the sample. But the design of the GLOBE project, in particular, through the combina-
tion of anthropological and psychological/behavioral traditions of culture assessment, broader
range of variables not often considered in cross-cultural theories, and integrated theory of
leadership, increased the generalizability of these findings beyond the culture of
middle managers alone (den Hartog, House, Hanges, Ruiz-Quintanilla, & Dorfman, Lindell
et al., 1999 House, Hanges, Javidan et al., 2004; House, Hanges, Ruiz-Quintanilla et al.,
1999; House, Wright, & Aditya, 1997). The following chapter summarizes the main streams
of research on the societal cultural and leadership profile in Russia; explores the history and
logic of the development of Russian cultures; and focuses on GLOBE results and their inter-
pretation by analyzing the data from prepilot study, focused interviews, GLOBE survey, and
media analysis. The basic conclusions about the impact of culture on leadership in Russia
are then finally summarized at the end.
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 805

1. RESEARCH ON THE CULTURAL PROFILE OF RUSSIAN

BUSINESS AND MANAGEMENT

There is an extensive historiography on the roots of business values and behaviors related to
the pre-Revolutionary period within Russia, such as memoirs of traders (kuptsi), books by
Russian historians (Karamzin, 1892; Klyuchevski, 1904; Soloviev, 1913), business records,
documents, and papers on the industrial development of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
However, during the Soviet period the phenomenon of business values and behaviors received
limited attention in the USSR. The state was the only employer legally capable of exploiting
economic freedom. The Communist Party had monopolized responsibility for moral judg-
ments and created standards by manufacturing economic “heroes,” such as politically loyal
directors of state-owned enterprises or Party nomenklature leaders.
In the West, Sovietologists focused on entrepreneurship in Imperial Russia: the rise of
Muskovy business activity in the 16th/17th centuries, cultural economic determinants of
Russian business in the 19th and early 20th centuries, and the role of foreign businesses
influencing Russian economy. They also gave insight relevant to business activity in the
USSR such as the state’s domination of the economy, the pseudo-entrepreneurial role of the
Party, central planning as a determinant of Soviet economy, and the transfer of risk of entre-
preneurship from the individual to the state (Berliner, 1976; Blackwell, 1994; Guroff &
Carstensen, 1983; Owen, 1981).
In the post-Socialist period, a discussion started in Russia on the rebirth of entrepreneur-
ship and on diversity of its cultural characteristics (Kuzmichev & Petrov, 1993; Shikhirev,
2000). Particular attention was paid to characteristics of Russian society influenced by:
(a) traditional features of pre-Revolutionary Russia; (b) totalitarian heritage of the 20th century,
and (c) the radical revolution in the economy and values in the 1990s transitional period.
Western academics gained access to Russian data and provided insights on, and international
comparisons of, organizational practices and business ethics (de Vries, 2000; Fey & Beamish,
2001; Michailova, 2000; Puffer, 1992, 1994). These research activities were strengthened
through interaction with Russian scholars (Ageev, Gratchev, & Hisrich, 1995; Anderson &
Shikhirev, 1994; Hisrich & Gratchev, 1993, 1997; Puffer, McCarthy, & Naumov, 1997, 2000;
Rogovsky, Bertocci, & Gratchev, 1997). Detailed case studies developed in the 1990s helped
scholars to better understand the changing business practices in the Russian transitional
economy.
Recent research initiatives successfully applied advanced Hofstede-type cross-cultural tools
integrating the Russian data into the stream of comparative management studies (Gratchev, 2001;
Naumov, 1996; Naumov & Puffer, 2000), and evaluated it in the context of Eastern European
cluster, with its distinctive cultural practices (Bakacsi, Takacs, Karacsonyi, & Imrek, 2002).

2. GENESIS OF RUSSIAN BUSINESS CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP

Based on a literature overview, relating to the different periods of the nation’s history,
general features of business culture and leadership can be determined. They refer to aggregate
characteristics of culture, the entrepreneurial potential of Russian people, their continuous fight
against monopolism, and the search for effective principles of business management.
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806 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

The Fundamental Characteristics

Russian culture is rich in contradictions, spiritual, and sustainable. With Russian contribution
to the human civilization, it is seen as an important factor for global development. Being
holistic and influential, Slavic-Orthodox culture is treated as one of few global cultures
(Huntington, 1993). Historically developed characteristics of Russian culture are rooted in
Slavic history, Orthodox religion, specific features of natural environmental, and unique
social capital.
While Russia was growing through the centuries, its leaders were traditionally associated
with the State, religion, or military. The first independent Slavonic state—Kievan Rus—was
founded in 862 with the capital in Kiev. Later the center of gravity had shifted to the cities of
Novgorod and Vladimir. Being subjugated by the Tatars, the Russian development was seri-
ously stunned from the 13th through 15th centuries until in 1480 Muscovy (Moscow State)
succeeded in uniting all the Russian states. After liberalization from the Tatars, Muskovy
strengthened as the dominant principality, and Russian Tzars such as Ivan the Great (ruled in
1462–1505) and Boris Godunov (1598–1605) became respected historic figures. The Russian
Orthodox Church was a great influence in society, and several spiritual leaders were deified
and highly respected (such as St. Sergii of Radonezh).
Russian history was marked by repeated attempts to catch up with the West economically,
politically, and culturally. At the same time the country’s leaders pursued imperial ambitions
to the south and east (Caucasus, Central Asia, Siberia, and Far East). Peter the Great
(1696–1725) started “Westernization” by autocratic and barbarian means, proclaiming Russia
as empire in 1721, and constructing St. Petersburg as its new capital. He was also an admired
military leader, leading Russia to victories in several wars. The imperial gains were later
consolidated by Catherine the Great (1762–1796).
Through the centuries Russia absorbed the basic values of both the West and the East—
reason and inspiration. It served as a bridge between Western and Eastern cultural traditions,
with a certain psychological dependence on both. These characteristics attracted much atten-
tion from the 18th century to early 20th century. According to one of the best Russian histo-
rians of the 19th century, V. Kluchevski, the national character combined, among others, such
qualities as the habit of patient struggle against misfortunes and hardships, the ability to con-
centrate efforts, and the ability to cooperate within large geographic space (Kluchevski,
1904). The other famous intellectual, P. Chaadaev, defined contradictive Russian national
character by such features as brutality and inclination to violence, impersonal collectivism,
messianic, internal freedom, kindness, humanism, gentleness, and the search for truth
(Chaadaev, 1991).
But in the 20th century under Communism these Russian characteristics were enforced by
the specific Soviet (totalitarian) traits, such as the perception of the environment as hostile and
dangerous, society’s supremacy over the individual’s goals, and a relativistic view of the
morality with acceptance of double standards in life. One feature should be underlined.
As D. Mikheev explains, “Real courage and cowardice can be measured only in the face of obvi-
ous, not just perceived, dangers. In these circumstances, Russians are anything but cowards”
(Mikheyev, 1987, pp. 521–522).

Entrepreneurial Potential and the Fight Against Monopolism

In Imperial Russia, in the Soviet Union, and in post-Socialist Russia, one can see a vast
amount of entrepreneurial potential. In the medieval Russian cities of Kiev and Novgorod, not
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 807

only did merchants and artisans have political power and substantial wealth, but almost every-
one above the lowest level of peasantry was engaged in one type of enterprise or another. In
Imperial Russia, there was a substantial supply of entrepreneurial energy from both within
and outside the business enterprise.
Entrepreneurs in the time of Peter the Great were traders who had created Europe’s
strongest military-industrial complex for Imperial Russia. The economic liberalism of
Catherine the Great, in the late 18th century, had attracted the highest-ranking Russian nobles
to entrepreneurial activities. After defeating Napoleon in 1812–1815 Russia was recognized
as the great power, despite lagging behind the West institutionally and economically. The
autocratic state was based on the predominantly agrarian economy and a feudal serf system.
The Industrial Revolution (which started in Russia half a century later than it had started
in England) brought to Russia the real spirit of private entrepreneurship. The economic
reform of 1861 gave freedom to peasants and activated different social groups. Industrial
policy led to the “railway fever,” and created favorable conditions for development of banking
capital to be added to existing industrial capital. Talented Russian businessmen S. Morozov,
L. Knopp, P. Ryabushinski, and others became founders of successful business empires in
Russia and introduced many organizational innovations.
A vigorous level of entrepreneurial response existed even within the Soviet command sys-
tem. There is a certain positive Russian entrepreneurial heritage, including courageous behav-
iors, great technical projects, and charitable traditions. However Russian history has been a
continuous fight against monopolism. In contrast to the West:

[Russia] appears to have largely retained, even in periods of rapid industrial expansion, an auto-
cratic or patrimonial system (single-centered) which has sharply limited the autonomy of eco-
nomic units in the use and disposal of resources, and which has preserved for those in political
control the right, if only de jure, to determine the pace and pattern of economic development.
(Guroff & Carstensen, 1983, p. 347)

The feature of pre-Revolution and Soviet societies—noneconomic domination of a small

group of elite aristocracy or Party nomenclature over economic development—directly influ-
enced economic policy (imperial foreign and oppressive domestic economic policy and the
creation of the military-industrial complex), ownership (the state as the owner and employer,
restriction of other ownership forms), institutions (legislation hostile to business, bureaucra-
tization, and the standardization of structures and decisions), and culture (state paternalism
and lack of personal responsibility and initiative).
In the Soviet era, the overwhelming majority of resources were under the control of a small
group of monopolistic or oligopolistic coalitions.1 The needs of the society were sacrificed for
the sake of stability and the expansion of these coalitions. Their influence on political lead-
ership secured decision making by the suppression of competition and by channeling public
opinion. In general, their domination resulted in a 20 to 25-year delay in undertaking
the required structural changes, causing Russia to lag behind international standards of quality
of life.

1
This phenomenon existed not only in the military-industrial complex, but also in such industrial areas as
construction, mining, trade, and power engineering. For example, in the mid-1980s in the USSR one could identify
only two main retail networks, one airline company, one oil-extraction ministerial monopoly, and nine ministerial
conglomerates in defense industries.
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808 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

In President Yeltsin’s era (1991–2000), the question of the role of the state and large
corporations in economic development became critical. Russia’s economy was run by a small
number of financial-industrial groups, arguably more powerful than the state. The oligarchs—
leaders of industrial and financial empires, such as M. Khodorkovsky, V. Potanin, or
R. Abramovich—displayed the new model for leadership in the Russian economy. The future
of the country became largely dependent on the relationships between these major economic
players and the government.
In the transitional economy under President Putin (2000–current), when the period of sell-
ing state property (“privatization stage”) and rapid accumulation of capital is over, the dis-
cussions about the future of Russian business focus on interaction between large corporations
and small businesses, on the role of the government in supporting large businesses, and on
corporate governance. At this stage the main task for business is to manage capital effectively.
Three main assumptions help to understand the process of re-creating the Russian corpo-
ration in the early 2000s. First, the leaders of the large industrial corporations are interested
in effective business and organizational development. They seek new ways to move from con-
glomerates of financially loosely linked entities to diversified corporations—whether with
related or unrelated businesses.2 This reflects the new stage in development of management
mentality of the Russian business leaders, and the process of building the critical mass of
people able and willing to manage their businesses effectively, in a “modern” civilized way.
Second, many business leaders resist the current government actions to reprivatize the
Russian economy. They consider that the government may not have a clear strategy to sup-
port the development of private business enterprises. Third, currently there is no visible stake-
holders’ influence on corporate design and development. There is no indication of any
constructive dialogue between business and its stakeholders (unions, in particular) in
the nearest future. The Russian corporations are displaying a unique, yet not clear national
identity.3

Leadership Diversity

The multifaceted kaleidoscope culture of the current transitional society is different from the
homogenous Soviet culture. Business leaders and managers in Russia are motivated by one,
or a combination of the following business philosophies: bureaucratic, based on active ini-
tiatives but under state-run bureaucratic supervision; pragmatic, based on maximum prof-
itability on a technocratic basis; predatory, based on the search for success through tough
suppression of rivals including Mafia connections, growth by any means, cheating on part-
ners, and consumers and the state; and socially responsible, based on linking business to
the promotion of national interests, the resolution of social problems, and universal human
values and beliefs.

2
In May 1998, representatives of large financial-industrial groups (FIG), questioned by the European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), ranked lack of finance and lack of competitive advantage among their
most critical problems in business and organizational development. According to EBRD experts, however, the main
FIG problems were structural weaknesses, poor corporate management, low cost-effectiveness, and the unclear role
of the financial institution.
3
The managing director of the International Monetary Fund, Michael Camdessus, in spring 1998 personally
warned Russian President Yeltsin about the dangers of Asian-like “incestuous relationships between banking, gov-
ernment and corporate sectors” in Russia, comparing a growing oligarchy with the Asian system of chaebols, which
are closed, family-controlled conglomerates with secret ties to banks and government officials (April 1998 press con-
ference at the U.S.–Russia Business Council and at the National Press Club in Washington, DC).
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 809

The current transitional economy makes the carriers of those business philosophies very
diverse, with a variety of economic and political interests. In the literature, a number of similar
typologies exist to differentiate these carriers. Although they often do not go far beyond informal
observations, they help to better explain the diversity of the Russian management community.
One such typology identifies the Old Guard, the New Wave, and the International Corps by
linking their roots to the stages of Russian business history (Ageev et al., 1995). The first group,
the Old Guard, consists of those who proved their talents in the past as leaders of large-scale
projects, such as technological innovations in the space or defense industries. They exploit their
access to key decision-making points and information, and use bureaucratic connections and
control over resources. These people keep the leading positions in the large industrial corpora-
tions, or in the internationally competitive sectors of the economy (such as oil-and-gas, space,
aviation, and shipbuilding). The second group, the New Wave of managers, initiated by eco-
nomic reform, follows a different road to economic independence. They are former shadow-
economy entrepreneurs, Young Communist League functionaries, or military officers who
successfully transformed into businessmen. A large proportion of this group comprises young
people, hungry for success and business education. The other part of this group can be called
Unwilling Entrepreneurs. They are forced to take initiatives due to fear of unemployment and
are involved primarily in small-scale trade transactions. Finally, there is a growing influence of
the International Corps—Russian managers of multinational companies and representatives of
the Russian diaspora, who strengthen economic ties with Russian business.
A similar system of categorizing Russian business leaders is suggested by M. de Vries (de
Vries, 2000, pp. 71–72). He identifies two groups separated by a substantial generation gap.
The administrators and bureaucrats who used to supervise the Soviet economy in the past
make up one such group. However this group is not homogeneous. One subgroup consists of
the present business elite, well connected and retaining privileged positions. The other sub-
group among the older generation is focused on self-preservation, making superficial adjust-
ments to maintain their status, but often giving lip service to the new economy. In the second
group, de Vries places young, enthusiastic, talented people who recognize the opportunities
of the new open society. This group also includes former black-marketers turning to legit-
imized business and children of Party nomenclature.
These categories indicate that typical carriers of management philosophies depend on their
past history and practices, that generation gaps differentiate certain groups of business people,
and that there are different combinations of basic business philosophies in society.

3. GLOBE DATA COLLECTION

The main body of GLOBE quantitative data was generated in 1995–1998 with additional data
collected from media analysis in 2001. In order to create the cultural and leadership profile
of Russia, Country Co-Investigators (CCIs) analyzed information accumulated through a pilot
study, focused group interviews, the GLOBE survey of managers in the telecommunication,
food-processing, and banking industries, and media research.

Pilot Study

In the 1994 pilot study, Russian CCIs surveyed 127 managers and entrepreneurs using the
simplified design with questions linked to the GLOBE societal culture dimensions. The
respondents represented key areas of the Russian economy: state-owned enterprises (5%),
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810 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

joint-stock companies (28%), limited partnerships (35%), individual businessmen (26%), and
joint-ventures (6%). They did their business in manufacturing (31%), extraction industries
(2%), agribusiness (3%), trade (20%), construction (4%), business services (30%), and com-
munications (10%). The results of the pilot survey provided preliminary ideas for a generic
profile of Russian culture.

Focus Group Interviews

Focus group interviews were designed along the GLOBE guidelines to provide a preliminary
generic profile of leadership in Russia. Because the authors were aware of tremendous dif-
ferences between various groups of managers/entrepreneurs, they targeted two groups. The
first group of five managers/entrepreneurs represented those with experience in the Soviet
economy and contemporary business organizations. They were mature people between the
ages of 38 to 51 years, from the machine-building, construction, and publishing industries.
The second group of three managers/entrepreneurs represented new businessmen aged
between 22 and 36 years, who had started businesses only 1 to 3 years ago in such industries
as telecommunications and wholesale trade. All respondents represented businesses in
Moscow or in the Greater Moscow Region. This approach helped CCIs to understand leader-
ship similarities shared by managers of Russia, and also uncover the differences in attitudes
toward leadership, expressed by representatives of these two groups. The interviews,
conducted in an informal atmosphere, were recorded and analyzed.

The Main GLOBE Study

When Russian CCIs were distributing GLOBE questionnaires and interacting with respon-
dents, they faced a number of country-specific problems. First, not all the questions
designed in the West were perfectly clear to those surveyed. In a few cases, the authors had
to explain to those managers trained in the Soviet era basic conceptual management ideas
in order to facilitate adequate response. Market-oriented human resource management was
an example. Second, the culture of interviewing people had not been appreciated in the for-
mer Soviet era. Historically, people were suspicious about any unofficial attempts to learn
about their views and assessments. Those interviewed were somewhat hesitant to give hon-
est answers to some questions, especially those related to the profile of their organization
and to personal data on employment and education. Third, motivation to contribute to
GLOBE was low, with no visible quick benefits to respondents who complained about
spending a lot of time on answering the questions. Fourth, in the turbulent economic envi-
ronment of the 1990s it was hardly possible to access few organizations with deep and
detailed research, and Russian CCIs had to look for creative solutions to accessing such a
large number of managers from three industries. Industry-related data and statistics in a
recently privatized economy were also not adequate. All these factors had added additional
difficulties to the data collection. This explains why the CCIs could not effectively create
the database for the organizational-level research.
The main GLOBE data were received from 450 managers in food processing, telecommu-
nication, and banking/finance—150 managers in each industry. In order to access this large
group, the authors targeted nationally recognized management training and development cen-
ters. In Moscow, respondents from banking and finance were accessed through a training and
development center under the Ministry of Finance. The Academy of National Economy under
the government of the Russian Federation helped with accessing managers in the food-pro-
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 811

cessing industry. In St. Petersburg, the authors surveyed participants in

management development programs at the Ministry of Communication’s Training and
Development Institute. The surveys were administered in two of the largest cities in Russia,
but the trainees had come from different parts of the country—Far East, Siberia, the Urals,
Southern and Northern Russia, and large cities of the Central Region.
Based on the data collected, the authors aggregated responses to demographic questions of
the survey and designed the profile of the sample. The average age of respondents was 38.8
years, and the gender composition of the sample was 61.7% men and 38.3% women.
The questions related to citizenship and nationality in a transitional country that had just
changed its name, anthem, and flag, and were often considered as ambiguous. Some people
differentiated Russia and the USSR, whereas others did not: 96% had named the USSR and
Russia as the place of birth, but Georgia and Ukraine (which were a part of the USSR in the
past) were mentioned by only 2% of respondents accordingly. The average number of years
that respondents had lived in Russia was 37.9. Out of the whole sample, three respondents
had lived outside Russia for more than 1 year. Ethnic composition of the sample was very
diverse: Russians 69%, Ukrainians 10%, Tatars 5%; other nationalities’ percentage was under
2%, such as Kalmyk, Khakas, Georgians, Mordva, Belarus, Karel, Buryat, and German.
Previously, in the USSR, the Jews were formally considered a nationality, and so 4% of the
respondents mentioned being a Jew in answer to the nationality question. With regard to faith,
believers accounted for 25%, out of which 22% considered themselves as Christians (includ-
ing those of the Russian Orthodox Church) and 3% as Buddhists. When asked about their
families, all of them reported that their fathers and mothers were born in the USSR. However,
out of the whole sample 10% indicated that the Ukrainian language was spoken in the family,
1% German and 1% Hebrew.
The average employment profile of managers consists of: number of years employed 16.8
years, management experience 7.4 years, and employment in their current organization 8.6
years. Members of professional organizations totaled 40%, whereas 15% were actively
involved in trade and industry associations. Respondents working for multinational corpora-
tions amounted to 5%.
Managers surveyed as to function were employed in production and engineering (42%),
administration (28%), sales and marketing (15%), human resource management (8%),
research and development (5%); the remaining 2% were in planning and other functions. The
average number of subordinates reporting to those managers surveyed was 15.4, with the
average number of administrative layers between them and the CEO being 2.1, and layers
below 2.9. The average number of people employed in the organizations was 1,378. The use
of one language, by managers, in their work was 83%, with 15% representing the use of two
languages and 2% using three.
Educational levels for respondents were very high—total number of years in education
was 15.5. The university/college background revealed that 61% was technical and 39% in
economics, planning, and finance. However, in the food industry and telecommunications the
number of technical graduates was even higher. Respondents that had received some training
in Western management concepts and techniques amounted to 12% overall.

4. CULTURE PROFILES FROM THE PILOT STUDY

The pilot study helped to sketch a rough picture of Russian societal culture as perceived by
managers, which is explored later, in detail, through GLOBE questionnaires. When asked
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812 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

about future versus present orientation, fewer respondents (44%) preferred future orientation
versus present (56%). It was considered as the “positive surprise” for the people in the econ-
omy under hyperinflation and with strong demand for short-term return on investments.
Respondents that relied more on power and authority accounted for 62%, as opposed to 38%
who relied on consensus and team building. Few respondents (17%) preferred impersonal
versus personal approach (83%) in dealing with people. However, the majority of respondents
mentioned they lacked skills in human resources management. Most of the respondents were
willing to accept the idea of establishing order and following the rules (69%), rather than
exploiting the benefits of uncertainty (31%); adding to this are the entrepreneurs who need
stability in the rules of the game in order to do business effectively. Political shifts, poor leg-
islation, and rapid changes in the laws were treated as strong limitations for business leader-
ship. It was a surprise to Russian CCIs to see how many entrepreneurs/managers (64%)
preferred the individualistic versus collectivist approach, if one takes into consideration past
history and the indoctrination of collectivist-socialist ideology in the former USSR. Also
when asked to assess assertiveness, 52% preferred assertive to nonassertive behavior.
Based on this survey, the authors had summarized respondents’ reactions to societal issues
in a transitional economy as more present oriented, with modest assertive and individualistic
behavior, but seeking more order and relying on personal approach in management.

5. GLOBE SCALES: SOCIETAL CULTURE RESULTS AND INTERPRETATION

The main results are based on societal culture profiles generated from the main study’s
GLOBE questionnaires. Figure 22.1 summarizes quantitative findings that lead to the most
important conclusions. Here we review the data along each GLOBE dimension and then dis-
cuss the content of these findings and interrelations among the main results. Table 22.1 con-
tains quantitative data. We make important observations of these results: Some dimensions
display agreement between perceptions of Russian societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be,”
namely, Institutional Collectivism, In-Group Collectivism, Egalitarianism, and Assertiveness,
whereas others display marked differences between perceptions of the Russian societal cul-
ture (“As Is”) and respective cultural values (“Should Be”), namely, Power Distance,
Performance Orientation, Future Orientation, Uncertainty Avoidance, and Humane
Orientation. We now examine the results in the order mentioned here.
Institutional Collectivism is the degree to which cultural norms and practices encourage
and reward collective distribution of resources and collective action. On Institutional
Collectivism “As Is” Russia scores 4.50, which equates to Rank 17 (out of 61 GLOBE coun-
tries) within Band B (i.e. second-highest group of countries on that dimension). The societal
culture, as it is perceived by the respondents, reflects traditional collectivistic practices rooted
in historic traditions and Socialist indoctrination. At the same time, the “Should Be” score
(3.89) reflects the cultural values endorsed by the responding managers, which place Russia
much lower, at the end of the spectrum (Rank 60, Band D). The marked difference between
“As Is” and “Should Be” scores is in line with the notion of a decline of traditional collec-
tivistic values, which we attribute to the aforementioned process of fragmentation of the
Russian society.
In-Group Collectivism is the degree to which individuals are encouraged in a society to
express pride, loyalty, and cohesiveness in groups, organizations, or families. In-Group
Collectivism “As Is” is relatively high (5.63, Rank 17), which places Russia in the leading
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 813

Figure 22.1. Societal culture scales for Russia (circles– “As Is”; triangles–“Should Be”).

TABLE 22.1
GLOBE Societal Culture Scores for Russia

“As Is” Rankc “Should Be” Rankc

Scorea (Band)b Score (Band)b

Institutional Collectivism 4.50 17 (B) 3.89 60 (D)

In-Group Collectivism 5.63 17 (A) 5.79 20 (B)
Gender Egalitarianism 4.07 2 (A) 4.18 49 (B)
Assertiveness 3.68 54 (B) 2.83 59 (C)
Power Distance 5.52 14 (A) 2.62 40 (C)
Performance Orientation 3.39 59 (C) 5.54 55 (D)
Future Orientation 2.88 61 (D) 5.48 34 (B)
Uncertainty Avoidance 2.88 61 (D) 5.07 18 (A)
Humane Orientation 3.94 37 (C) 5.59 18 (B)
a
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. bBand letters A–D indicating meaningful country bands for the
scales A > B > C > D; the band widths are equal to 2*SD. cThe rank orders for Russia relative to the 61 GLOBE
countries.

group of countries on this dimension (Band A). Although the “Should Be” scores are still high
(5.79, Rank 20), Russia ranks slightly lower (Rank 20, Band B).
Russia is stereotyped as a collectivistic culture. However, the GLOBE data necessitate a
closer inspection, because on both collectivism dimensions, the cultural values (“Should Be”)
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814 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

scores are lower than the respective “As Is” scores for culture perceptions. Historically,
Russians lived on large open spaces and were forced by (a relatively hostile) nature to work
together. An agrarian country for centuries, with low geographic mobility of peasants within
the serf system, Russia was known for collective agricultural practices. The Russian Orthodox
Church supported strong family ties and mutual support. The social framework did not per-
mit a high level of individual freedom, and there were quite a few limitations to express indi-
vidual competitiveness (winning was not always appreciated). In many cases, Russian
collectivism was formal, prescribed by the social institutions.
Economic reforms of the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century started the
process of destroying the collectivist traditions cultivated by the church and agrarian social
system. However, the higher level of individual freedom (migration, developing labor market,
access to education, democratic trends) after the Revolution was replaced with politicized
artificial loyalty and obedience to the Communist Party, which controlled behavior and
enforced people’s conformity through total surveillance and purges. The Party also took
responsibility for substituting family and natural group loyalty, with loyalty to the political
system and to the State.
However, collectivist behavior was important in periods of high danger, such as the fight
for national survival during the Second World War. In the early 1990s, when the struggle for
survival in economic turmoil made mutual support important, some more reflections of col-
lectivism became visible, especially among socially excluded groups. More contemporarily,
indoctrination of Westernized behavior through media and the official doctrine of entrepre-
neurship are now pushing the country along the road of higher individualism and social frag-
mentation. That is why in current Russia striking contradictions between highly
individualistic behavior and low social responsibility on the one side, with active networking
for survival—often exploited by criminal structures—on the other side, are evident. From the
trend toward less collectivistic cultural values on both dimensions, it is clear that Russia is
inclined to transform itself into a more individualistic society.
Gender Egalitarianism is the extent to which an organization or society minimize gender
role differences. The “As Is” (4.07) and “Should Be” (4.18) scores for Russia are quite simi-
lar, thus displaying relatively low concern of respondents with the difference between cultural
values and practices in this case. In comparison to all 61 GLOBE countries, which show a
clear trend from comparatively low perceived Gender Egalitarianism toward a much higher
valued Gender Egalitarianism, in Russia, the current cultural practices are perceived as
already highly Egalitarian (Rank 2, Band A), whereas the respective cultural value (“Should
Be”) ranks considerably lower (Rank 49, Band B).
There are interesting historic interpretations of Gender Egalitarianism in Russia. In
medieval times, the roles of Russian men and women were clearly defined and separated from
each other. Men were responsible for activities outside the home (hunter, agrarian, spokesper-
son for the family), whereas women took care of internal home affairs. But with the increased
influence of the state (and later, the communist system) on the social environment, the indi-
vidual‘s control of this environment declined, and, as a result, the gender-defined social roles
were changing. During the Soviet period, Joseph Stalin’s repressions and the Second World
War severely decreased the male population and enabled women to take over various tradi-
tional men’s activities in such industries as textiles, education, and health care, turning them
into women‘s professions. The state facilitated equal access of men and women to education
and social benefits, and the Party controlled the “right” balance of men and women in the
political and government bodies.
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 815

In the transitional 1990s, the country was backsliding from the Soviet era. The gap
between men and women in employment structure somewhat increased: In 1990, 37 million
men and 38 million women were involved in economic activity versus 39 million and 33 mil-
lion respectively in 1995, prior to the GLOBE data collection. Compared with the upward
trend in value orientation, expressed by respondents from other surveyed countries, Russian
managers are not much concerned with strengthening Gender Egalitarianism. This seems to
reflect the patrimonial system of traditional Russian society, only superficially moderated in
the Soviet period (Izyumov & Razumnova, 2000). The Russian managers, unlike their peers
in other countries, do not express willingness to increase or change the role of women in
organizations, and in society as a whole.
Assertiveness is the degree to which individuals are encouraged within a society to be
assertive, confrontational, and aggressive in social relationships. The “As Is” score is 3.68,
placing Russian societal culture on a low position (Rank 54, Band B), and the “Should Be”
score 2.83 is also low (Rank 59, Band C). In the medieval times, the roles were clearly divided
by gender. Masculine type of culture was reflected by male-headed households, and publicly
by the role of the tzar (with few historic exceptions, such as Catherine the Great). Western
influences (French in particular) in the 18th and 19th centuries added some feminine charac-
teristics to the noble strata of the society. Through active interaction with the French estab-
lishment, and acceptance of the French language by the aristocracy as its second
(occasionally even the first) language, and the French literature and arts, higher respect for
women and romanticism were transferred to the Emperor’s court. In the decades of
Communist rule, elements of feminine culture were indoctrinated by promoting official pol-
icy of caring for people (especially for children), education, and full employment.
The current transitional society demands more assertive behavior, with tough measures to
survive and transform businesses, and society at large. However, the heritage of caring for
other people and social assistance limits such assertive behavior for many managers. Also,
interpersonal networks (family ties, nepotism, Mafia structures) and collective obligations
often suggest forms that are different from open and direct assertive management.
Power Distance is the degree to which members of a society expect and agree that power
should be unequally shared. For Russia, the gap between “As Is” and “Should Be” scores is
substantial. Over and above the common trend among GLOBE countries toward lower Power
Distance “Should Be,” Power Distance “As Is” in Russia ranks very high (5.52, Rank 14, Band
A), whereas Power Distance “Should Be” ranks substantially lower (2.62, Rank 41, Band C).
Again, in the past, Russia has experienced serious changes in behaviors and values related
to Power Distance. The pre-Revolutionary period formalized social status stratification, with
the system of serfdom that had existed until the mid-19th century, the weak middle class,
strong centralization of power in the hands of the state, and lack of democratic traditions. This
trend continued in the Stalin era, with the Party hierarchy as the power stratification frame-
work. That system suppressed people’s independent behavior by all means of control. The tra-
dition of respect for authority and privileges is still strong in contemporary Russian society.
Current common belief in democratic reforms (as expressed by GLOBE respondents) may
eliminate political power over economic behavior, and give society a higher level of economic
freedom and competition. The opportunities for people today are increasingly linked to edu-
cation, skills, and experience, rather than political connections. This, in turn, may modify the
behavior of people toward more democratic management styles and social norms. But
this option, to a great extent, depends on Russia’s overall ability to balance democracy with
establishing order in society.
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816 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

Performance Orientation is the extent to which a society encourages or rewards group

members for performance and excellence. In the Russian case, quite poor Performance
Orientation is reported with the “As Is” score of 3.39 (Rank 59, Band C). Though
Performance Orientation “Should Be” scores high (5.54) in comparison to the “As Is” score
within Russia, in comparison to the 61 GLOBE countries, the Performance Orientation “Should
Be” scores position Russia still at the lower end of the distribution (Rank 55, Band D). In the
Soviet era, enterprise managers de-emphasized the need to exceed the planned indicators del-
egated from above. Managers and factory directors were not rewarded for high results that did
not fit the state-designed economic plans, nor had they additional resources for unplanned ini-
tiatives. Legitimized achievements were not recognized by monetary means (there were offi-
cial ceilings for salaries), but in this case managers were awarded symbolically or with higher
status in nomenklatura hierarchy. In the other domains of human activity, the state rewarded
those high achievements in science, sports, and the arts that were blessed by the Party and
official propaganda. During mass privatization in the 1990s, many managers of large enter-
prises made their fortunes, not by improving enterprise performance, but by capitalizing on
management buyout schemes. Successful performance results could be achieved by ignoring
ethical standards and rules of morality, thus making Performance Orientation a contradictory
weapon in competition. The small business (still underdeveloped), however, provides selected
examples of high Performance Orientation with socially responsible managerial behavior
(Hisrich, Gratchev, Bolshakov, Popov, & Ilyin, 1996).
Future Orientation is the degree to which individuals in organizations or society engage
in future-oriented behaviors such as planning, investing in the future, and delaying gratifi-
cation. This dimension is important to better understand the social side of the economy-in-
transition. It presents striking differences in the assessment of cultural practices versus
cultural values by the respondents. The “As Is” score (2.88) is extremely low (Rank 61, Band
D). As in the case of Performance Orientation, the Russian managers believe that economic
stabilization is contingent on changes in value orientation—at least when “As Is” (2.88) and
“Should Be” (5.48) Future Orientation scores are compared within Russia. In contrast, the
Future Orientation “Should Be” score (5.48) positions Russia not at the lower end of the dis-
tribution, as was the case for Performance Orientation “Should Be,” but at a midrange level
(Rank 34, Band B). After decades of strong beliefs in a better life under Communism and a
national long-term planning system, in the 1990s Russia has transformed into a society with
at least limited Future Orientation. The continuous government reshuffling, changes in leg-
islation, and political instability added to this enormously. People and businesses in the mid-
and late 1990s did not rely on savings, quickly transferring inflated rubles into hard curren-
cies or spending money above all reasonable limits. The signs of economic stabilization in
2000–2006 are still coupled with mass suspicion of authorities and their promises about pos-
itive future changes. However, the managers we interviewed in focus groups expressed a
strong belief in values related to stability in the economy and society, which enables them to
think and act strategically. This leads to a more optimistic conclusion about the potential
economic development of Russia and the predictability of its businesses, which seems to be
reflected in the midrange (rather than low) positioning of Future Orientation “Should Be.”
Uncertainty Avoidance is the extent to which members of a society strive to avoid uncer-
tainty by relying on social norms, rituals, and bureaucratic practices to alleviate the unpre-
dictability of future events. With an “As Is” score of 2.88, Russia ranks lowest among all
GLOBE countries (Rank 61, Band D) on Uncertainty Avoidance practices. This could be
interpreted as “uncertainty acceptance” in the transitional economy. To a certain extent, this
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 817

indicates the entrepreneurial and risk-oriented behavior of Russian managers. At the same
time, managers‘ responses to the “Should Be” questions relating to Uncertainty Avoidance
show a large gap between reality, on the one hand, and values and expectations on the other.
The “Should Be” score of 5.07 (Rank 18, Band A) positions Russia among the countries with
a clear value preference for Uncertainty Avoidance. That may indicate a still existing prefer-
ence for a planning system among Russian managers, which they feel comfortable with, or an
increased need for security and direction in times of transition where uncertainty is particu-
larly high.
In the 1990s, most of the population lost a clear sense of direction in the new fragmented and
uncertain environment. Realities of the past that provided security and supported tolerance of
uncertainty (respect for age, tradition, rule orientation, social order) are no longer valid. In the
current situation, managers quickly and creatively adjust to rapidly changing situations in the
environment. This demands specific traits for quick reaction, multiscenario thinking, network-
ing, and sharing risk. Many Russian managers and entrepreneurs work successfully in networks,
relying not only on formal agreements, but on friendship and social interaction as well.
Humane Orientation is the degree to which individuals in organizations or societies
encourage and reward individuals for being fair, friendly, generous, caring, and kind to oth-
ers. The relations between the current behavior and the values of the Russian managers look
encouraging for the prospects of the country. Whereas the “As Is” score of 3.94 positions
Russia on Rank 37 (Band C), the “Should Be” score is high, 5.59 (Rank 18, Band B), and
positions Russia among the countries with strong endorsement of humane-oriented values.
Transitional Russia can be characterized by the absence of social norms and laws that protect
the less fortunate. There is much unfairness and corruption in business, and ethical norms and
morality are not highly respected in business or in society at large. Much of the current behav-
ior in the economy is quite exploitative, and much wealth is concentrated in the hands of very
few. Poverty and social exclusion in Russia today are widespread. Suspicion and mistrust are
more a rule than an exception. At the organizational level, welfare and social benefits are
often neglected. Humane Orientation “Should Be” is usually inversely related to the fre-
quency and severity of aggressiveness and hostile actions (“As Is”) within cultures, which is
evident in contemporary Russia, with its multiple ethnic and industrial conflicts.
To summarize, GLOBE indicators and rankings for Russia seem to reflect the realities of
painful economic transformation and current “mental models” of “doing business” in Russia.
Our research had positioned Russia as having an extreme “As Is” profile when compared to
the other countries on the GLOBE dimensions: very low in Uncertainty Avoidance, Future
Orientation, Performance Orientation, and Humane Orientation, and very high on Power
Distance. An extremely low Uncertainty Avoidance score and rank could be considered favor-
able for entrepreneurship activities unless one links it to a very low Future Orientation. That
can be interpreted as a lack of vision in management and entrepreneurship, as the primary
focus is on survival and short-term business development. Low Performance Orientation
makes it difficult to encourage managers to focus on continuous improvement and learning.
Low ranking on Humane Orientation raises doubts about long-term investments in human
resources. High Power Distance scores explain the tough bureaucratic measures in crisis
management and in restructuring enterprises and industries.
An analysis of societal culture trends, evident in discrepancies between “As Is” and “Should
Be” scores, makes further interpretations possible. In particular, the discrepancies found display
deficits in, and preference for, humanistic, ethical, and democratic practices. No discrepancies
were found, for example, for In-Group Collectivism, which is strongly linked to historical
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818 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

cultural roots of collectivism. Also for Gender Egalitarianism, no discrepancies between rela-
tively high “As Is” and “Should Be” scores were found. However, when compared to the over-
all trend among the other GLOBE countries, a dramatic decline in Gender Egalitarian values is
evident (“As Is” Rank 2 vs. “Should Be” Rank 49).

6. LEADERSHIP PROFILE IN FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEWS

In focused group interviews, participants talked about characteristics of leadership and lead-
ers in Russia. They suggested that leaders should be defined differently in society on the one
hand, and in the economy on the other.
According to the interviewees, the definition of leadership in general should be based on
stereotypes of heroes, developed in history, as well as indoctrinated by official propaganda.
Leaders were associated with national success, great achievements, and heroism, inspiring
people with personal ability, creativity, courage, and risk taking. The effectiveness of leaders
was judged by interviewees via results and success. More often, strong leaders were valued
in the history of the state (Tzar Peter the Great; Dictator Joseph Stalin), in large-scale national
projects (physicists I. Kurchatov and A. Sakharov in nuclear industry, engineer S. Korolev in
space exploration). Both groups of respondents shared these views.
In the economy, however, leadership was viewed differently by representatives of Group 1
and Group 2, and without consensus. In the Soviet economy, the responsibility of factory
manager was the implementation of the plan: meeting previously indicated targets.
Extraordinary results in productivity, innovations that did not fit the “planning system” were
the factors of unbalance and were not appreciated. The state used propaganda to create an
image of those leaders who were productive, loyal to the Communist Party, and channeled
officially recognized values.
Representatives of the first group defined leadership in the economy as the ability to rep-
resent and share technical skills and expertise. Few remarks were made about managers‘ pro-
fessionalism and to deal with people effectively. The representatives of the first group thought
that the most important job of the manager was to follow the already established norms and
principles. The second group, consisting of younger aggressive entrepreneurs, with practi-
cally no experience in the old Soviet system, was more definite on leadership qualities such
as creating new companies, new businesses, and in general, taking risk and inspiring others
to follow them. The interviewed managers/entrepreneurs of this group showed themselves as
not just administrators but also “creators of organizational culture.”
One interesting comment related to charitable traditions of Russian entrepreneurs. People
from both groups appreciated the charitable activities of the pre-Revolutionary industrialists
(S. Morozov & P. Ryabushinski) who donated resources to hospitals, theaters, and museums,
and preserved Russian arts and culture.
In general, discussion with the Russian managers/entrepreneurs indicated their strong interest
in leadership qualities, and consequently in leadership development. The issues of special interest
were related to the nature of leaders: whether leaders are those with naturally developed features,
or those who have leadership qualities, based on focused individual work, individual training. It
became clear that most of those interviewed agree that one can develop these qualities.
Though displaying different interpretations of leadership, the interviewees had raised the
following critical issues. First, leadership is the reality of every society. It is based on
the freely released diverse human activity. At a certain historic moment it becomes the focus
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 819

of special attention, when it can be purposefully accumulated and developed, thus making
leadership one of management’s strategic resources. Second, leadership is a practical, social
phenomenon, which can be found in various social fabrics (individual, collective, culture, and
politics). Leadership includes the ability to catalyze practical reaction to the factors of socioe-
conomic development. This is “the first social move” to one of the possible options (scenar-
ios) of getting into the future. In other words, leadership creates something new,
nonstandard—in the practical form (precedent) by involving others into its activity. Third,
leadership also is an organizational phenomenon, and here respondents agreed with
GLOBE’s definition of leadership as “the ability of an individual to influence, motivate, and
enable others to contribute toward the effectiveness and success of the organization of which
they are members.” Fourth, leadership is also interdependent with society, and only those lead-
ers who comply with the social capital of their nation are able to absorb and distribute the
advanced international experience, without possible dangerous side effects. If a society is unable
to generate mass motivation, it may create leaders who will move the society away from the
road of ethical development. Social partnership, degree of corporate citizenship, and social
responsibilities depend on the moral potential of leadership. At the same time, the discussants
concluded that society is responsible for facilitating healthy leadership, for providing the appro-
priate level of freedom and reasonable tolerance to unexpected and unusual behaviors.

7. GLOBE SCALES: LEADERSHIP RESULTS AND INTERPRETATION

The scores of the overall profile of Russian leaders according to globally endorsed implicit
leadership theory dimensions (Charismatic, Team Oriented, Participative, Humane, Self-
Protective, Autonomous) are displayed in Figure 22.2. In Table 22.2, the scores for the 21
first-order leadership dimensions are described together with Russia’s positioning relative to
the 61 GLOBE countries (Ranks) and the country groupings (Bands) on each dimension.

Charismatic/Value-Based Orientation

Aggregate indicators for universal positive leader attributes summarized in

Charismatic/Value- Based leadership dimensions are relatively low for Russia (5.66, Rank 47,
Band D). The first-order dimensions for Charismatic/Value-Based leadership display
Visionary (6.07) as the most important dimension in considering effective leadership in
Russia. In the range for factors slightly contributing to effective leadership, we find the fol-
lowing first-order dimensions: Performance Oriented (5.92), Inspirational (5.93), Decisive
(5.95), and Integrator (5.19). Self- Sacrifice (4.28) has no impact on outstanding leadership.
Comparing these factors for Russia to the other countries, one can consider the Russian pro-
file in Band A on the Decisive dimension, in Band B on Visionary, Performance Orientation,
and Integrity, and in Band C on Self-Sacrificial.

Team Orientation

Second-order scales for Team Oriented leadership do not provide us with an optimistic
assessment of Russia’s leadership profile as well. The Team Orientation country score is 5.63
(Rank 46, Band C). The first-order scales provide us with the following data. Whereas
Administrative Competence is the factor most contributing to effective leadership in Russia
(6.01), the other global dimensions present, only somewhat contributing to this leadership are:
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820 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

Figure 22.2. Global culturally endorsed implicit leadership (CLT) scores for Russia (circles–maxi-
mum mean, squares–minimum mean within 62 countries).

Team-Oriented (5.68), Team Integrator (5.19), Diplomatic (5.35), and Malevolent (2.02,
reverse score). In the all country benchmarking, Russia is among the countries with high indi-
cators for Administratively Competent (Band A), whereas the critical factors such as Team
Orientation and Malevolence place it only into Band C. On the other two dimensions
Diplomatic and Team Integrator, Russia is placed in Band B.

Humane Orientation

The dimension that nearly universally contributes to effective leadership is Humane

Orientation, and by Russian managers it is perceived to have only limited impact on out-
standing leadership (4.08, Rank 60, Band D). The first-order dimensions related to the sec-
ond-order Humane Orientation are Modesty (4.25), which in the Russian case slightly
facilitates effective leadership, and Humane Orientation (3.91), which slightly inhibits people
being perceived as outstanding leaders.

Participative Orientation

On Participative Orientation in leadership perception, Russia scores comparatively low (4.67, Rank
58, Band D) with the two reverse-scored first-order dimensions, Autocratic (3.86, Rank 1, Band A)
and Nonparticipative (2.82, Rank 23, Band A), ranking very high and medium respectively.
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 821

TABLE 22.2
GLOBE First-Order Leadership Dimension Scores for Russia

GLOBE
Dimensions Country Rank
Subdimensions Score (Band)

Charismatic/Value Based 5.66 47 (D)

Visionary 6.07 35 (B)
Inspirational 5.93 42 (D)
Self-Sacrificial 4.28 58 (C)
Integrity 5.19 50 (B)
Decisive 5.95 26 (A)
Performance Orientation 5.92 45 (B)
Team Oriented 5.63 46 (C)
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.68 52 (C)
Team Integrator 5.19 45 (B)
Diplomatic 5.01 43 (B)
Malevolent (Recoded) 2.02 14 (A)
Administratively Competent 6.01 19 (A)
Self-Protective 3.69 17 (D)
Self-Centered 2.48 13 (B)
Status Consciousness 5.06 12 (B)
Conflict Inducer 4.43 14 (B)
Face Saver 3.40 13 (C)
Procedural 3.21 53 (D)
Participative 4.67 58 (D)
Autocratic (Recoded) 3.86 1 (A)
Nonparticipative (Recoded) 2.82 23 (B)
Humane 4.08 60 (D)
Modesty 4.25 60 (C)
Humane 3.91 57 (C)
Autonomous 4.63 1 (A)

Autonomous

In relation to all GLOBE countries, Autonomous leadership seems to be strongly endorsed in

Russian culture (4.63, Rank 1, Band A). It is based on such characteristics as individualism,
independence, uniqueness, and being autonomous.
Chhokar chapter 22.qxd 10/4/2007 3:43 PM Page 822

822 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

Self-Protective

Self-Protective leadership perceptions (3.69, Rank 17, Band A) slightly inhibit outstanding
leadership in Russia. This is based on a profile or some positive impact of the dimension
Status-Conscious (5.06) and Conflict Inducer (4.43), counterset by negative impacts of the
dimensions Self-Centered (2.48), Face Saver (3.4), and Procedural (3.21). Relative to the 61
GLOBE countries, Russia positions itself in Band B on such dimensions as Status-Conscious,
Self- Centered, and Conflict Inducer, in Band C for Face Saver, and in Band D for Procedural.
With a very low score on the Procedural dimension, it indicates that being procedural is likely
to be a greater inhibitor of effective leadership in Russia than in most countries included in
the GLOBE sample.

The Profile of Effective Leadership

In terms of GLOBE dimensions, Russia displays a clear picture of what makes effective lead-
ership in a transitional economy. The most important within-country attributes are Visionary
and Administrative Competency. They are followed by being Decisive, Performance
Orientated, and Inspirational. Also Integrity, Team Integration, Collaborative, and Diplomatic
are considered to contribute somewhat to outstanding leadership. At the same time such
dimensions as Self- Sacrifice, Modesty and Humane Orientation, Status Consciousness, and
Conflict Inducer do not make a difference; that is, if they are perceived, they do not subtract
from being perceived as an outstanding leader for other reasons. These findings display the
profile of an administratively competent manager, capable of making serious decisions and
inspiring his or her followers to meet performance targets. Only to a certain extent is there
positive reliance on diplomacy and collaborative moves. Humane Orientation and modesty in
personal behavior seem neutral to perceptions of outstanding leadership, as is the case for
face-saving behavior. However, that can mean that a positive perception of a leader (for other
reasons) would not be negatively affected by a leader who shows either face-saving behavior
and/or low humane orientation. Status does not seem important to the modern Russian
business leader.
The GLOBE results suggest that universal positive leader attributes such as
Charismatic/Value Based leadership and Team Oriented leadership are considered as contrib-
utors to outstanding leadership in Russia. However the level of such contribution is much
lower than in most of the other countries. The other two dimensions that nearly universally
contribute to leadership—Participative and Humane Orientation—have only limited impact in
Russia. Universal negative leader attributes such as Self-Protective and Autonomous seem
also less relevant to the implicit leadership theories endorsed in Russia. Summarizing these
findings, one may consider Russia as marginal in finding the ways for effective leadership
concepts and practices within the global framework.
The authors however are far from taking a morbid point of view that Russia will never
catch up with the others, even in the attitude toward leaders. Young people are more individ-
ualistic and creative. Moreover, they are ready to express their own ideas and to defend their
own principles. It’s very unlikely that today’s youngsters will blindly obey a leader, no mat-
ter who he or she is. The authors had some other positive discoveries, noticing the growing
interest in Future Orientation and in moral values. While the country is going through transi-
tion in the market and in its democracy, it’s very hard to work out an exact definition of
the Russian country-specific leadership. The situation in the economy and social sphere is
changing rapidly, and the psychology of the Russian businesspeople is not an exception.
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 823

TABLE 22.3
Media Sources for Analysis

Number of
Media Source 1996 2001 Circulation Pages

Izvestiya X X 556,284 (1996) 6 (1996)

234,500 (2001) 12 (2001)
Argumenty I Fakty X X 3,360 000 (1996) 24 (1996)
2,921 170 (2001) 20 (2001)
Moskovsky Komsomoletz X 868,523 8
Nezavisimaya Gazeta X 48,000 16
Kommersant-Daily X 400,000 12–18
Komsomolskaya Pravda X 765,000 24
Trud X 612,850 8

8. LEADERSHIP EXPRESSED IN MEDIA

Media analysis was carried out as part of the GLOBE project with a view to reveal public
opinion toward leaders and leadership in Russia. The authors’ main task was to determine
how the media portrays leaders and the phenomenon of leadership, and then to compare the
results to the other GLOBE findings for Russia.
For the media analysis two periods from November 26 to December 2, 1996 and from July
30 to August 6, 2001, were chosen. Within these periods there were neither significant polit-
ical events, nor holidays that could somehow influence the content of the media publications.
Thus, the information published in the studied newspapers was quite generic.
Russian newspapers are the second-largest source of information for the public, after tele-
vision. In recent years, however, there was a certain decline in the reading audience as com-
pared statistically to the 1980s. This is the result of growing social and political apathy in the
late 1990s. It also reflects the fact that many people are concerned with their survival rather
than with national events they can not control. Also, there is a widespread belief that the
media is increasingly controlled by tycoons and by the Kremlin administration, and as a
result, is less objective, serving populist interests of a narrow group. Five leading nationally
distributed newspapers were selected for the analysis (see Table 22.3).
Izvestiya is a daily newspaper that provides in-depth analyses of national and international
economy and politics, comments on events in sports and cultural life, and presents interviews
with well-known politicians and businesspeople. Its readers are mostly middle-aged people
with higher education, many of them civil servants. Argumenty I Fakty, a weekly newspaper
with the largest circulation in Russia, offers its readers a wide range of information in practi-
cally all possible areas: from political news to UFOs. The newspaper is oriented on mass read-
ership of all ages and occupations. Moreover, it is one of the few relatively independent
newspapers, respected by representatives of different, sometimes even extremely opposite
political groups. Moskovsky Komsomoletz, a popular daily newspaper, absorbs scandals,
sensations, piquant details of the personal life of politicians, and compromising data about
well-known people. However, this newspaper has a considerable influence on many people;
it is popular and may form public opinion on an event or a person. Nezavisimaya Gazeta, with
Chhokar chapter 22.qxd 10/4/2007 3:43 PM Page 824

824 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

the smallest circulation of all those sampled, is considered one of the best informed and most
reliable newspapers, targeting the intellectually elite segment of the market. Kommersant-
Daily was among the first newspapers in democratic Russia to be differentiated as a business
daily. Though it publishes news and opinions on politics, arts, and international affairs, busi-
ness focus is still dominating in this newspaper. One can get the latest market trends, CEO’s
opinions, and stories of mergers and acquisitions, among others. Komsomolskaya Pravda,
originally targeting a younger population, now is considered a well-informed and analytical
newspaper with a broad customer base. Trud, the former trade union daily, currently is among
the most popular newspapers for the general public, trying to distance itself from union-
oriented papers and position itself as well-informed, enjoyable reading.
Altogether 217 articles and editorials were identified that could be referred to as dealing
with issues leadership in various spheres of life: economics, politics, sports, culture, and daily
events. Among all the articles selected for media analysis 162 articles (75%) focused on
Russian leaders and 55 articles (25%) commented on leaders from foreign countries.
At the first stage the articles were sorted according to the spheres of the leaders’ activity:
politics, business, sport, arts and show business, others.
The structures of the “foreign” and “Russian” sets were different (see Table 22.4). In the
“foreign” set, the interest in political leaders was the highest with 22 articles (40% of the “for-
eign” sample); business leaders were mentioned in 16 articles (29%), in show business 7 arti-
cles (13%), and in sports also 7 articles (13%). In the “Russian” set, the highest interest was
expressed in political leaders, consisting of more than half of the sample and totaling 82 arti-
cles (51% of the “Russian” set), business leaders were described in 25 articles (16%), in
sports 10 articles (6%), arts and show business 30 articles (18%) and other areas 15 articles
(9%). These findings present a moderate interest by the Russian media of leaders in business
when compared to the other groups of leaders. Also political leadership, both international
and domestic, is a visible priority for Russian newspapers.
The next step filtered the articles and assessed the kind of leadership issues they had
discussed. At this stage, in the “Russian” set, the authors excluded interviews (as not impartial
because one can hardly speak impartially about him or herself) and simply informative articles
(as not allowing any idea of media attitude to the personality of leaders). Finally, out of 162
articles that had mentioned leaders in Russia, 130 (80%) remained for the linguistic analysis.
The words and word combinations (“typical phrases”) were sorted according to GLOBE
media analysis guidelines and grouped by category of descriptions of leaders and leadership
(Table 22.5). We identified the frequency with which these categories were mentioned. These
frequencies displayed relative importance of different categories.
The most important trait of a leader expressed by media was image with a frequency of 25
(13% of all phrases and expressions). That was not a surprise as creating an image is one of
the main tasks of media itself and is the means for the newspapers to communicate the effec-
tive and outstanding leadership. The next four characteristics were facilitate and action with
frequencies of 22 and 21 respectively (11% each), knowledge with a frequency of 19 (10%),
and energy with a frequency of 17 (9%). This result corresponds with the GLOBE leadership
profile of a manager oriented on decision making with a capability to inspire the followers.
The communication trait was somewhat less visible with a frequency of 15 (8%) and cor-
responded with moderate team orientation in a leadership profile. Moderate frequencies of
7 and 6 (4% and 3%) were displayed for change and survive traits that might be important to
the current transitional economy.
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22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 825

TABLE 22.4
The Composition of the Sets of Articles (1996/2001)

Areas of Russian Leaders Russian Foreign Leaders

Interest Number of Articles Leaders Number of Articles Foreign
Leaders (1996 + 2001 = Total) (%) (1996 + 2001 = Total) (%)

Politics 48 + 34 = 82 51 7 + 15 = 22 40
Business 10 + 15 = 25 16 12 + 4 = 16 29
Sport 5 + 5 = 10 6 3+4= 7 13
Arts and ShowBusiness 3 + 27 = 30 18 5+2= 7 13
Others 8 + 7 = 15 9 0+3= 3 5
Total 74 + 88 = 162 100 27 + 28 = 55 100

Not only those traits mentioned most frequently, but also those less frequent ones, were
reviewed by the authors. Characteristics that should be important for Value-Based
Charismatic leadership were not visible in the media analysis. Charisma, vision, and creativ-
ity were mentioned less than five times (under 2%) and role model of a leader only five times
(3%). These results correspond with the marginal acceptance of such a Charismatic leader-
ship in Russia as discussed in the previous section. It is worth mentioning that the weakness
and fault items were both rare with each trait having a frequency of 3 (1.5%), which can bring
us to the conclusion that in a non-Face Saving society, media designs more of a positive image
of a leader than the reality actually is.
Based on linguistic analysis, we can construct the following typical media leadership pro-
file. A Russian leader has a rich image linked to his or her success, competencies, and social
and professional recognition. He or she displays the action-oriented and energetic behavior of
a facilitator with entrepreneurial competencies. In particular, he or she is “full of unprece-
dented intervention,” “acts with no hesitations” as a “real fighter,” and “hard-working, rest-
less, and enduring.” He or she is somewhat capable of controlling the situation, can facilitate
change in the organization, and can survive in a turbulent environment. At the same time the
media profile does not consider him or her to be a charismatic leader with clear systemic
vision and cultural sensitivity.

9. CONCLUSIONS

The radical transformation in Russia in the 1990s and the first years of the 21st century has set
the stage for transition toward a democratic civil society. In the economy, the market is substi-
tuting a previous monopolistic and ideology-dominated system. Combined with these two
trends is the cultural change, when values, norms of behavior, and artifacts are reassessed,
renewed, created, or removed.
Culture and leadership in contemporary Russia are rooted in three groups of factors: first,
traditional and historically developed cultural features of Russian society; second, the influence
of a totalitarian heritage of the twentieth century; and third, the radical revolution in culture
 TABLE 22.5
Leadership Characteristics Displayed in Russian Media

826
Category N (1996) N (2001) Total Typical phrases
Chhokar chapter 22.qxd

Image 13 12 25 has a modest way of life; image of professional; the most popular; the most patient and stable;
in style of a man who always says I don’t know; not ordinary man; unbelievably modest;
one of the richest men of the country; I’m self-sufficient; old charming manners; extremely
ambitious; the thing in itself; round, bumpy, smell like buns; successful business; was very
successful in start-up; representative of large Russian business; famous economist; well-known
10/4/2007

expert; economic brains; a person you should trust; recognized expert in international finance and
investments; extraordinary financial leader; elite of Russian business; respected.

Facilitate 16 6 22 able to attract people; moderate, bright, clear minded; can help; can solve; will try to settle
3:43 PM

disputes; was more concrete; gave his support to all; power methods; has an entrepreneurial
talent; flexible and compliant; expressed maximum loyalty; beloved man; doesn’t worry;
can concentrate; accumulate seriously; attractive, working man; calm smile; natural liberality;
advice and support; supervised the project to its implementation; facilitator; made it possible;
Page 826

organized training the other people.

Action 13 8 21 active and fruitful cooperation; actively urged; acted self-sacrificing; actively gesticulated;
shot while arguing; offended Catholic Church; got everybody out; storm and rush; variety of
started businesses; hurry in search; well-trained aggression; impudence is good and fruitful not
only in war actions; promise; business activity; started in new position; brainstorming; worked
on a project; start-up initiative; restructuring.

Knowledge 11 8 19 a man with great organizational potential; put in all they learned successfully; soft intelligence;
awarded with diplomas; his career was impetuous; did a lot in the term when the others can only
learn the basics; has got master’s degree; respected professional; qualities of a leader; highly
professional conversation; with knowledge of facts; experienced; has strong abilities, managerial
experience, deserved authority and confidence; experience in working in international markets;
has 30 years of experience as director; has extraordinary capabilities; bachelor; master of
business administration; topic of the dissertation; accumulated experience and knowledge;
PhD in law.

(Continued)
 TABLE 22.5 (Continued)

Category N (1996) N (2001) Total Typical phrases

Energy 9 8 17 at work from 9 to 9; stays longer than anyone else; high energy; has done a hard work; resisted
Chhokar chapter 22.qxd

furiously; inspired by energy; his way was hard and he went to his goal through heavy fighting;
behaved courageously; very strong, that’s the wife who is the engine of this couple; sources for
quick success; was not job hopper, rather energetically climbed the career ladder; was courageous
to propose; he is brave as expert; business activity; 1 year was enough for breakthrough.
10/4/2007

Communicate 11 4 15 the man who can not work in team; joked and peppered his speech with phraseologisms; soft
voice; active and fruitful cooperation; read from my lips; try not to aggravate relationships; the
best propagandist; understood each other; easily communicates; let’s keep together; doesn’t
3:43 PM

speak a lot; never keeps his friends and colleagues with whom he had a business; talks a lot;
involved in international business and broad economic ties; easy going; uses simple language;
relies on cooperation.

Direct or 9 2 11 recommended; suggested; gave advise; was able to convince; enjoy planning; against war;
Page 827

Direction competition- yes; don’t take into consideration existing rules and customs if they are the
obstacles on the way up; growing leader; makes principle statements; follows clear and
simple ideology.

Obligation 8 2 10 personally make decisions and personally take responsibility; didn’t leave his stand but for
order obligation promised help; no partner betrayed him, although they were under terrible
pressure; set a high value on his position; pass responsibility to somebody else; he always
kept his point of view; easily does unauthorized things; never goes against the will of the
people; is responsible for financial and economic issues; always kept his promises.

Objective 7 0 7 has confidence; has come to bring everything in order; will be as in Europe; he’s sure
he’ll win; all his actions are aimed at an external effect; I looked for morality everywhere;
doesn’t intend to sit on two chairs.

Control 4 3 7 mighty governor; as general commands; solid capital, good power; the most influential; can
manage all the assets of the company; tries to have the process under control; full control.

827
(Continued)
828
TABLE 22.5 (Continued)

Category N (1996) N (2001) Total Typical phrases

Chhokar chapter 22.qxd

Change 3 4 7 decided to reconstruct; decided to reconstruct according to the rules of science; I know what I
want to change; transformational leadership; restructuring; changing the organization;
change master.
10/4/2007

Survive 3 3 6 survivor; had enough energy to resist; life is a series of strikes that we should survive at any
cost; learned to protect himself; was not confused with the competitors’ moves; quickly
avoided confrontation.
3:43 PM

Role Model 3 2 5 model; with care of a wolf; exemplary model; entrepreneurial talent that was awarded by life,
business and recognition; a long-term leader of a large corporation for 30 years.

Creativity 2 2 4 unique creativity; full of ideas; could creatively apply his potential; multiple hobbies.
Page 828

Charisma 2 2 4 charismatically popular; uncharismatic; man capable to create a successful business for
10 years; one of the most influential oil businessmen in the country.

Weakness 2 1 3 terrible when angry; chef’s expression wasn’t quite correct; he looked upset and didn’t know
what to do; failed only once.

Faults 1 2 3 was several times prosecuted; blamed for money laundering; criminal sources for capitals.

Culture 2 0 2 begin to use classical phrases; fond of ritual African religions.

Vision 1 1 2 estimated the situation correctly at once; made the company one of the leading businesses.

System 1 1 2 wanted to bring everything in order; multidimensional approach.

Chhokar chapter 22.qxd 10/4/2007 3:43 PM Page 829

22 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN RUSSIA 829

and leadership in the 1990s transitional period. All three were considered as substantial for
interpretation of the GLOBE findings and for comparing Russian profile to the other countries.
GLOBE research positioned Russia very low in Uncertainty Avoidance, Future
Orientation, Performance Orientation, and Humane Orientation, but very high on Power
Distance. Whereas Institutional and In-group Collectivism, Egalitarianism, and Assertiveness
dimensions displayed some agreement between the “As Is” and “Should Be” scores, dimen-
sions such as Power Distance, Performance Orientation, Future Orientation, Uncertainty
Avoidance, and Humane Orientation—primarily linked to the current economic and social
transformation—showed the visible gap between the “As Is” and “Should Be” scores.
The profile of an effective business leader in Russia is based on administrative competence
and the capability of serious decision making. He or she is able to motivate followers in order
to meet performance targets, work in teams, and integrate efforts. However, there is no serious
caring about humane motivation and modesty in personal behavior. Universal characteristics
such as Charismatic/Value Based leadership and Team Oriented leadership are considered as
contributors to outstanding leadership in Russia, however at a lower level when compared to
most of the other countries. Participative and Humane Orientation have only limited impact in
Russia. Attributes such as Self-Protective and Autonomous are also not very important.
Media analysis to a certain extent supports the findings based on the GLOBE survey.
Media create the leadership profile that is focused on personal success and recognition. The
Russian leader is action oriented and energetic, being capable of controlling the situation,
facilitating change in the organization, and surviving in a transitional society. However, media
analysis does not consider him or her as a charismatic leader and visionary.
This chapter has shed light on the state and current transformation of culture and leader-
ship in Russia. The findings presented here seem to have quite important implications for both
researchers and practitioners. The GLOBE project is one of the first attempts to collect a
research-oriented Russian data set by using internationally recognized and reliable research
methods, to provide cross-cultural comparisons among 61 nations.
As the current Russian economic situation is becoming more and more predictable, the
GLOBE findings convey certain optimism. Russia’s competitiveness at both national and cor-
porate levels could be based on advantageous characteristics of Russian managers, mentioned
in this study, such as the courage and ability to launch large-scale projects, decisiveness, the
ability to make decisions and assume responsibility, and the ability to quickly react and oper-
ate in an unstable environment. Cultural transformation related to Future Orientation and
healthy individualism also looks promising.
Certain current societal trends, however, lead the authors to more cautious predictions. In par-
ticular, in the 2000s there is a visible rapid increase in Power Distance. Russian President Putin
and his administration redesign the relations between the government and oligarchs, and
strengthen the vertical power structure. It is obvious that Russia is moving toward its traditional
center-oriented model, where even the richest oligarch is nothing but a serf to the centralized state.
Indications of the widening gap between the rich and the poor, numerous signs of status (VIP,
exclusive arrangements for the elite) on the one hand, and visible social exclusion, on the other,
are the facts of Russian life. This is also true about the widening gap between the wealthy regions
(Moscow and St. Petersburg, rich oil-and-gas Tyumen) and the other parts of the country.

Considerations for Foreign Managers in Russia

This chapter described a number of characteristics that Russian managers believe their leaders
should possess. Foreign managers, working in Russia, should be aware of these expectations
Chhokar chapter 22.qxd 10/4/2007 3:43 PM Page 830

830 GRACHEV, ROGOVSKY, RAKITSKI

and make sure that their own skills and abilities reflect a desirable leadership profile, as
described in this chapter. We are certainly not suggesting, however, that foreign managers
should get rid of their characteristics, highly valued in their own cultures, but not necessarily
in Russia. The best expatriate managers should not try to “play a role,” but should rather
enrich themselves through cultural learning. Such learning will help foreign managers to ben-
efit from cultural synergies and to be successful in Russia. We therefore advise foreign man-
agers to be open-minded and nonjudgmental when dealing with the Russian managers.
As we have tried to show in this chapter, present-day Russian business culture is rather
unstable, and the business environment is still volatile. That’s what any foreign manager
should expect. However, foreign managers should not assume that Russian business culture
does not exist at all, and that they are free to establish their own “rules of the game.” Russian
business culture is increasingly becoming more predictable and transparent. This evolution-
ary process is influenced by both increased self-awareness about the business cultures of pre-
revolutionary and Soviet periods of Russian history, and emulation of the Western managerial
principles, policies, and practices.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors acknowledge the contribution of GLOBE Research Assistants Mariya Bobina,
Mariya Frolova, and Sergei Yurkov in data collection and in preparing this manuscript for
publication.

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Naumov, A. (1996). Hofstedovo Izmerenie Rossii [Hofstede‘s dimension of Russia]. Menedzhment, 3,
70–103.
Naumov, A., & Puffer, S. (2000) Measuring Russian culture using Hofstede‘s dimensions. Applied
Psychology: An International Review, 49(4), 709–718.
Owen, T. (1981). Capitalism and politics in Russia: A social history of Moscow merchants, 1855–1905.
New York: Cambridge University Press.
Puffer, S. (Ed.). (1992). The Russian management revolution: Preparing managers for the market econ-
omy. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe.
Puffer, S. (1994). Understanding the bear: A portrait of Russian business leaders. Academy of
Management Executive, 8(1), 41–54.
Puffer, S., McCarthy, D., & Naumov, A. (1997). Russian managers’ beliefs about work: Beyond the
stereotypes. Journal of World Business, 32(3), 258–276.
Puffer, S., McCarthy, D., & Naumov, A. (2000). The Russian capitalist experiment: From state-owned
organizations to entrepreneurships. Cheltenham, England: Edward Elgar.
Rogovsky, N., Bertocci, C., & Gratchev, M. (1997). Social exclusion and business initiatives in the
economies in transition: The case of Russia. Copenhagen: Danish National Institute of Social
Research.
Shikhirev, P. (2000). Vvedenie v Rossiiskuyu Delovuyu Kul’turu [Introduction to Russian business cul-
ture]. Moscow: Novosti.
Soloviev, V. (1913). Sobranie sotchinenii [Collection of works]. St. Petersburg, Russia: Prosveshenie.
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VII ▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

MIDDLE EAST CLUSTER

The Middle East cluster in the GLOBE Research Program consisted of Egypt, Kuwait, Morocco,
Qatar, and Turkey. The last one, Turkey, is the only country represented in this volume.
In-Group Collectivism is the only societal culture dimension on which the Middle East
cluster scored high. It was in the medium range for Assertiveness, Humane Orientation,
Institutional Collectivism, Performance Orientation, and Power Distance. Its scores on Future
Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism, and Uncertainty Avoidance were in the low range (House
et al., 2004).
Although there is considerable between-country variation for the preferred leadership,
Charismatic/Value Based leadership and Team Oriented leadership are considered to be
contributing positively to outstanding leadership. Humane Oriented leadership is seen as
either contributing or neutral to outstanding leadership. Autonomous leadership covers the
entire range, from contributing to neutral to inhibiting outstanding leadership. Self Protective
leadership is considered either neutral to or inhibiting outstanding leadership. There seems to
be medium endorsement of Participative leadership across all countries in the Middle East
cluster.
There are several commonalities running through these countries such as religion (Islam),
and some geographical features such as the Nile River and the Sahara desert. The common-
alities also result from their historic, religious, and sociocultural characteristics and are
reflected in their social norms and practices (Kabasakal & Bodus, 2002).

REFERENCES

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates. (2004).
Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Kabasakal, H., & Bodur, M. (2002). Arabic cluster: A bridge between East and West. Journal of World
Business, 37, 40–54.

833
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23
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Leadership and Culture in Turkey: A

Multifaceted Phenomenon
Hayat Kabasakal
Muzaffer Bodur
Bogaziçi University, Istanbul, Turkey

The Turkish Republic is situated mainly in Western Asia and partly in Southeastern Europe.
Its geographical location over two continents serves as a bridge between East and West
culturally, economically, and politically. The country is bordered in the east by Georgia,
Armenia, and Iran, in the south by Iraq and Syria, and in the west by Greece and Bulgaria.
Inland Turkey is 297,000 square miles and is surrounded by the Mediterranean Sea in the
south, the Aegean in the west, and the Black Sea in the north.
Population is estimated to be approximately 68 million. Nearly 64.7% of the Turkish
population lives in urban areas where the major cities are Istanbul, Ankara (the capital), Izmir,
Adana, Antalya, Bursa, and Konya. Life expectancy is 69.5 years of age, and infant mortality
per 1000 is reported as 39 for the second quarter of 2001 (http://www.dpt.gov.tr).
The official language is Turkish, spoken by 90% of the population; followed by 7% Kurdish,
which is spoken mainly in the southeast. Though Islam is the religion of 99% of the population,
the Turkish Republic is a secular state (Appendix: Statistical Profile of the GLOBE Society
Sample). It was estimated that in 1986 there were approximately 100,000 Christians and in 1996
there were approximately 25,000 Jews in Turkey (The Europa World Year Book, 1996).
At the threshold of the 21st century, in view of the recent developments in Central and
North Asia, Eastern Europe, and the Middle East, Turkey is faced with the challenges of sus-
taining a Western economic and political ideology. With continuing economic liberalization,
industrialization take-off, and a highly favorable geographical location, Turkey is a promising
country for foreign investments and international trade prospects.
Turkey is a democratic and secular state formed in 1923 upon the demise of the Ottoman
Empire and after a war of liberation against foreign powers, which occupied the country at
the end of World War I. The early years of the Republic were characterized by vast economic
and social reforms. With the decline of the Empire, many Muslim groups living in former
Turkish territories in Southeastern Europe and around the Northern Black Sea migrated to the
home country. At that time these migrations created a subculture that had a Western orientation,

835
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836 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

which still prevails today. Currently, Turkish culture may be characterized as having elements
of modernity, tradition, and Islam. With the worldwide globalization trends, new lifestyles are
being created, especially among the younger population. On the other hand, the rise of the
Islamist movement in the country is leading to a new subculture. The subculture that identi-
fies itself with Islamism includes not only the aspiring middle class of the towns, but also
some university students and young professionals of the middle class, owners of small- to
medium-size firms, and the lower socioeconomic groups of the metropolises.
Turkey has been moving closer to Europe by entering into a Custom Union with European
Union (EU) countries with the intention of becoming a full member in the near future. At the
Helsinki meeting held in 1999, Turkey was officially recognized as a candidate state on equal
footing with the other candidate states. According to the Accession Partnership, Turkey par-
ticipated in meetings with the EU states in 2004 and was accepted to start the accession
process in the later part of 2005 (cf. EU enlargement, 2005). On the other hand, the recent
restructuring of the former Soviet states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Krgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and
Turkmenistan) is also offering many opportunities economically and culturally. In addition,
the proponents of the Islamist movement claim that Turkey should initiate closer ties with the
Islamic countries. Thus, a multiplicity of ideologies is seen that is leading to a
culture that has a mixture of traditional, modern, and Islamic values, and an Eastern and
Western orientation at all layers of society and organizations.
This chapter describes the unique aspects of society, organizations, and leaders in Turkish
culture with the objective of providing insights and drawing implications for culture specific
leadership and organizational practices. After an overview of the Turkish history, politics,
economy, and society, the chapter proceeds with a description of the methodology used for
generating the qualitative and quantitative GLOBE data, followed by presentation and discus-
sion of GLOBE dimension findings at societal, organizational, and leader levels.

1. AN OVERVIEW OF TURKEY: HISTORICAL, ECONOMIC,

POLITICAL, AND SOCIETAL PERSPECTIVES

A Historical Perspective and the Legal System

The Turkish legal structure is organized along Western lines. Westernization of the laws can
be traced back to the latter periods of the Ottoman Empire, specifically to the period after the
proclamation of the Edict of Reorganization (Tanzimat Fermani) in 1839. In the period from
1839 until the establishment of the Republic, the old Islamic laws and institutions were basi-
cally maintained, although some Western statutes were adopted from Europe (Güriz, 1987).
With the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I, the Ottoman government in
Istanbul collapsed and armies of the Allies occupied the country. A parallel government was
developed in Anatolia by the nationalists who had resisted the armed forces of the Allies; the
leader of the nationalists was Mustafa Kemal. The Independence War ended with the estab-
lishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923. The 1924 constitution proposed a “majoritarian”
system, rather than a system of checks and balances (Özbudun, 1987). In both the single-
party (1924–1946) and the multiparty (1946–1960) years of the constitution, the “executive”
dominated the Assembly. During this period, the Turkish political system witnessed the
authoritarian leadership of party leaders and the obedience of the parliamentarians to party
decisions.
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 837

The authoritarian measures taken by the government in the 1950s created unrest in society,
and on May 27, 1960, Turkish armed forces overthrew the Menderes government. In 1961, a
new Constitution was prepared that represented a reaction to the 1924 Constitution. This new
Constitution proposed a pluralistic, rather than a majoritarian system of democracy. After a
decade of stability, the second military takeover took place in 1972. The second half of the
1970s was characterized by considerable political instability. With the succession of weak
coalition governments, terrorism and political polarization became widespread. Turkish
armed forces intervened in the political system for the third time on September 12, 1980. In
1982, a new constitution was prepared that was a reaction to the earlier one in 1961. The
political crisis of the 1970s was attributed to the “excessive permissiveness” of the 1961
Constitution and to the weaknesses of the executive branch. The underlying objective of the
1982 Constitution was to establish both a strong state and a strong execution.
The Turkish legal system was Westernized by some radical reforms after the proclamation
of the Republic in 1923. The radical reforms in legal matters paralleled other social reforms
in all facets of life. Both in the field of private law and in the sphere of public law, Western
codes were adopted. Though societal requirements for order and consistency are spelled out
by rules and laws, in many cases, some of them are overridden by religious laws and tradi-
tions. Written laws prepared under the influence of Western laws, mainly in the early years of
the Republic, represent a need for Westernization of the country and breaking the ties with the
past, which represent the religious state. However, we often see a dual structure and mixed
applications in society. Some parts of society that aspire for Westernization adhere to the rules
and laws of the formal ideology and state (named as Kemalist ideology to represent the ideals
and vision of Kemal Atatürk), whereas other subcultures in society, mainly the rural and lower
socioeconomic groups in the urban areas, prefer to rely on the traditions.

Economic Environment and Business Structure

At the macro level, the Turkish economic environment, strengthened by the government’s
neo-liberalization measures since the early 1980s, demonstrates a commitment for growth.
The Turkish economy grew at a rate of 4.2% in the period 1990–1998 (Appendix: Statistical
Profile of the GLOBE Society Sample). However the neo-liberalization process has intensi-
fied the income inequalities (Önis, 1997) and as can be seen from the Statistical Profile of the
GLOBE Society Sample, Turkey with a Gini Index of 41.5 stands among the countries with
a highly unequal distribution of income. Nearly 65% of the GLOBE sample countries have a
more equal income distribution than Turkey.
In 2001, Turkey’s gross national product (GNP) was estimated to be U.S.$ 147,062
million, equivalent to $2,143 per person. Agriculture (including forestry and fishing) con-
tributed 12.9% to GDP and industry (including mining, manufacturing, construction, and
power) contributed 30.4% to GDP (http://www.dpt.gov.tr/dptweb/esg/esg-i.html). According
to 2002 second-quarter figures, about 35% of the employed population worked in agriculture,
and 18.7% in industry (http://www.die.gov.tr). Turkey was experiencing high inflation rates,
over 30% per year and political instability between the mid-1980s and early 2000s
(http://www.tcmb.gov.tr), yet in the 2000s inflation rates have been taken under control to
around 10 per cent and political stability was achieved to a significant degree with a single-
party government. Economic and political stability together with high economic growth rates
have created a favorable economic environment for business. On the other hand, there exist
large differences in economic development between western and eastern Turkey. The eastern
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838 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

part of the country is rural and much more traditional whereas the western region is industrialized,
more urban, and Westernized.

State (Inter)dependence of Business. Business life in Turkey is dominated by private

business groups and state economic enterprises. Since the inception of multiparty rule in
1946, a period of economic liberalization followed leading to a mixed economy, yet the state
has been an important institution in shaping the business structure in Turkey. Historically,
there was no capitalist class at the end of the Ottoman Empire. When the Republic of Turkey
was founded, there was virtually no industry and a weak infrastructure. Due to the economic
concessions made to foreign powers during the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the war
of liberation, there was suspicion of foreign investment; this coupled with the prevailing
economic ideology of the time led to the state becoming the main actor.
Turkish private companies remain highly dependent on the state for financial incentives
and the state often intervenes with frequent and unpredictable policy changes, which intro-
duce uncertainties in business life (Bugra, 1990). Although there has been significant liberal-
ization in many areas, such as the finance sector, international trade, and some privatization
of state economic enterprises, the state still remains the key actor in the economy, as well as
the distributor of resources in the second half of the 1990s and early 2000s. In their study of
Danish investments in Turkey, Bodur and Madsen (1993) conclude that personal contacts with
influential government officials become important in finalizing decisions.

The Political System and Religious Ideology

The Turkish Republic was founded in 1923 after which several reforms in social, political,
economic, and legal systems were undertaken. The first president of the Republic was
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, whose principles for reform, such as nationalism, secularism, and
statism, have come to be called Kemalism. The basis of the Kemalist ideology was to trans-
form the society into a Western and secular structure.
In the Turkish political system, the legislative power is vested in the Turkish Grand
National Assembly, whose members are elected for a 5-year term. The party leader with the
highest number of parliamentarians is assigned by the president as the prime minister. The
president is elected by the parliament for a 7-year term.
Political life has been frequently interrupted by military coups or interventions whenever
political crises developed. The military has played a unique role in Turkey over the last 40
years. Though Turkey has had three military coups, each time the military has relinquished
power fairly quickly and on its own accord. After a short period of restructuring, the military
typically hands over the system to the political parties and restarts democracy. Furthermore,
the military remains the most trustworthy institution according to the public polls (Ergüder,
Y. Esmer, & Kalaycioglu, 1991; Esmer, 1999) and the Turkish people seem to be most satis-
fied with the services of the military (Adaman, Çarkoglu, & Senatalar, 2001).
The 1990s and early 2000s were an era of coalition governments with very short life spans.
Elections conducted in 2002 yielded a single-party government, which provided political sta-
bility after a long period of instability. In parallel, Turkish society has been experiencing the
simultaneous influence of secularism and Islamism. The rise of Islamism can be perceived
as a product of the frustration of the promises of Western modernization and represents a
critique of modernism (Gülalp, 1995). In this respect, Islamism can be interpreted more as
an opposition to modernism, rather than as traditionalism. On the other hand, a majority of
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 839

Turkish society has fragmented political ideologies, ranging from strong commitment to
Kemalism to moderate rightist traditional manifestations.

Perspectives on the Social System

Education. There has been a great increase in the literacy rates during the Republican
era, though room for improvement remains. The 1990 statistics for the population aged 6
years and above indicate that 46.1% were primary school graduates, 7.6% junior high school,
7.8% high school, and 3.0% were university graduates, adding to 64.5% (State Planning
Organization, 1995, p.12). In 1999, the literacy rates for males and females were 93.2% and
75.9%, respectively (Human Development Report 2001: Turkey, 2001).
Primary school is legally mandatory, which in 1996 increased to 8 years. The average rate
of adult literacy was 84% in 1999. In Turkey, public education is essentially free at all levels
including the universities.

Human Development. Turkey’s human development practices continuously improved

during the 1990–1998 period. Based on the Human Development Index (HDI) Rank of 82
with a value of 0.735 for 1999, Turkey stands among the medium human development coun-
tries (Human Development Report: Turkey, 2001). A majority of Turkey’s population (51%)
live in provinces that have high human development indices, 47.1% in those with medium,
and 1.9% in those with low (Human Development Report 1996: Turkey, 1996).

2. METHODOLOGY

Qualitative and Quantitative Data

The country analysis is based on both qualitative and quantitative data. The following data
sources were used.

Focus-Groups and In-Depth Interviews. Two focus group interviews were conducted;
one consisted of five individuals and the other of seven. All participants had full-time work
experience as middle-level managers, supervisory-level managers, or office workers. In-depth
interviews were carried out with six middle-level managers from the financial and food-pro-
cessing sectors. We conducted the focus groups and in-depth interviews in autumn 1994.
After a preliminary analysis of the interviews and survey results, two more in-depth inter-
views were conducted to validate the findings. All interviews were recorded on tape and later
transcribed verbatim. The transcribed data served as the basis for ethnographic analysis.

Media Analysis. This analysis had the purpose of analyzing news published in the
printed media for identifying leadership patterns in the Turkish context. We collected the data
during April 4-19, 1996. Five separately printed media, which consisted of three daily news-
papers (Milliyet, Türkiye, and Dünya) and two weekly periodicals (Nokta and Ekonomist),
were used as the database.

A Survey of Middle-Level Managers. Two types of self-administered questionnaires

were conducted with 323 middle-level managers employed in 23 firms, 150 employed in the
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840 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

financial sector and 173 in the food-processing sector. The data were collected in autumn
1995. The mean age of the sample was 35.2 years, they averaged 14 years of formal educa-
tion, 71.5% were male, and the remaining 28.5% were female. On average they had 14.4
years of work experience, 11.2 years of managerial experience, and 6.7 years of tenure with
their present organization.

Organizational Demography Questionnaires. A total of six companies were selected out

of the 23 companies covered in the survey. Those six companies with the highest representa-
tions in the survey were selected for the organizational demography study. Three of these
companies were from the financial and three were from the food-processing sectors.

Participant Observation and Unobtrusive Measurement Questions. The participant

observation questionnaire included 101 questions, and the unobtrusive measurement ques-
tionnaire had 38 questions about the societal dimensions of culture. These questionnaires
were completed by the researchers and were based on their own knowledge and expert opin-
ion about the values, structures, and institutions prevalent in society.

Industry Analysis. Industry analysis included a review and ethnographic analysis of rou-
tinely printed media, in- house newsletters or magazines that cater to managers in that indus-
try, trade association newsletters, publications on industry structure, and sector-based reports.

Ethnogenic Analysis of Major Political and Industry Leaders. Leader autobiographies,

biographies, historical diaries, and news published upon their death were reviewed with the
purpose of evaluating leadership patterns, the position attributed to business and political
leaders throughout history within a societal and institutional context.
Further methodological parameters of the GLOBE study are set out in House et al. (1999,
2004).

3. TURKISH SOCIETY AND GLOBE DIMENSIONS

In this section, the results of the survey conducted with 323 middle-level managers from the
financial and food-processing sectors are presented. This section of the questionnaire probed
about the beliefs of the respondents with respect to “how are” the current norms, values, and
practices and “how they should be” in their society. In both sections of the questionnaire, a
series of 7-point Likert scale statements were given to the respondents. The items were cate-
gorized into nine dimensions. Table 23.1 portrays the societal “As Is” and “Should Be”
scores.
“As Is” scores reveal that Turkish society is viewed as having practices that are high in
In-group Collectivism (M = 5.88, Rank 5), Power Distance (M = 5.57, Rank 10), and
Assertiveness (M = 4.53, Rank 12). All three of these dimensions have high absolute scores and
belong to Band A. In terms of societal practices regarding Uncertainty Avoidance (M = 3.63,
Rank 49), Humane Orientation (M = 3.94, Rank 37), and Future Orientation (M = 3.74, Rank
36), Turkey has low absolute and relative scores. All three of these dimensions belong to Band
C. Turkey’s Gender Egalitarianism “As Is” score is low in absolute scale (M = 2.89) and it Ranks
56th; however it stands in Band B, implying that most cultures in the GLOBE sample have prac-
tices representing gender inequality. In Performance Orientation (M = 3.83, Rank 45), Turkey
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 841

TABLE 23.1
Country Means for Societal Culture Dimensions

Culture Society “As Is” Society “Should Be” Differenced

Dimensions Meana Bandb Rankc Meana Bandb Rankc “Should Be”−“As Is”
Performance 3.83 B 45 5.39 D 58 1.56
Orientation
Future 3.74 C 36 5.83 A 16 2.09
Orientation
Assertiveness 4.53 A 12 2.66 C 61 –1.87
Institutional 4.03 B 41 5.26 A 10 1.23
Collectivism
In-Group 5.88 A 5 5.77 B 22 –0.11
Collectivism
Gender 2.89 B 56 4.50 B 37 1.61
Egalitarianism
Humane 3.94 C 37 5.52 B 25 1.58
Orientation
Power Distance 5.57 A 10 2.41 D 51 –3.16
Uncertainty 3.63 C 49 4.67 B 32 1.04
Avoidance
a
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert-type scale. bBand letters A–D indicating meaningful country bands for the
scales A > B > C (>D); see Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe (2004). cThe ranking for Turkey relative to the 61 GLOBE
countries. dDifference: “As Is” score minus “Should Be” score.

has a low absolute score, yet it has a moderate relative standing, falling into Band B. In terms
of Institutional Collectivism (M = 4.03, Rank 41), Turkish society is moderate both in absolute
and relative scale scores, with a standing in Band B.
Looking at the societal values (“Should Be” scores), it can be seen that Turkey has high
absolute and relative scale scores in Future Orientation (M = 5.83, Rank 16) and Institutional
Collectivism (M = 5.26, Rank 10). In these two dimensions, Turkish society stands in Band A.
In terms of Power Distance (M = 2.41, Rank 51) and Assertiveness (M = 2.66, Rank 61),
Turkey has low scores in both absolute and relative terms. In Power Distance, Turkish soci-
ety has a standing in Band D and in Assertiveness it is in Band C. In the rest of the societal
values, Turkish society has high absolute scores, yet in terms of relative standing with respect
to GLOBE countries, it has a moderate or a low standing. In In-Group Collectivism (M =
5.77, Rank 24), Humane Orientation (M = 5.52, Rank 25), Uncertainty Avoidance (M = 4.67,
Rank 32), and Gender Egalitarianism (M = 4.50, Rank 37), Turkey has high absolute and
moderate relative scores. In Performance Orientation (M = 5.39, Rank 58), though Turkey has
a high absolute score, its low Ranking and standing in Band D places it in a low relative place.
The last column of Table 23.1 shows the differences between societal values and practices.
The highest absolute difference between “Should Be” and “As Is” scores is in Power Distance
(–3.16), followed by Future Orientation (2.09), which suggest that Turkish society desires
substantially lower levels of Power Distance and higher levels of Future Orientation. In
addition, Turkish society aspires for moderately more Gender Egalitarianism (1.61), Humane
Orientation (1.58), Performance Orientation (1.56), Institutional Collectivism (1.23), and
Uncertainty Avoidance (1.04). On the other hand, society desires a moderately lower level of
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842 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

Assertiveness (–1.87). In terms of In-Group Collectivism, the difference between societal

values and practices is negligible (-0.11), indicating that societal practices match aspirations.
In light of findings on societal GLOBE dimensions, the next sections focus on each dimen-
sion separately, integrating it with the society’s historical, social, and economic characteris-
tics. These discussions lead to interpretations of findings on organizational culture and
leadership dimensions.

Performance Orientation

Performance Orientation describes the degree to which society encourages people to contin-
uously improve performance and rewards performance effectiveness and achievements.
Turkey’s “As Is” score in Performance Orientation is low in absolute terms (M = 3.83). It
Ranks 45th among GLOBE countries and it stands in Band B, placing it in a moderate rela-
tive standing. In absolute terms, the “Should Be” score in Performance Orientation (M = 5.39)
is higher than the “As Is” score, yet its ranking (58th) and standing in Band D puts it in a low
relative place among GLOBE societies. This finding suggests that cultures around the world
aspire for very high levels of Performance Orientation and Turkey’s high score in absolute
terms stands to be relatively low compared to other societies.
In general, “As Is” and “Should Be” scores in Performance Orientation point to the fact
that Turkish society is not characterized by high performance orientation. The general indica-
tors point to rather low levels of economic productivity, foreign direct investments, and com-
petitive strength in the global arena (Uluslararasi Dogrudan Yatirimlar ve Türkiye, 2002).
Beginning with the 1990s, the Turkish public sector increasingly borrowed money from inter-
nal and external sources to compensate for the budget deficit, instead of creating resources by
increased productivity and better allocation of expenses. Parallel with low Performance
Orientation scores, Turkey’s investment in research and development is rather low. Only
0.45% of gross domestic product (GDP) is allocated to research and development, whereas
this figure is 2.7% to 3.9% in most developed nations of the world. A comparative study
shows that Turkey ranks 39th in research and development investments and 40th in size of
research and development personnel among 47 nations (Institute for Management
Development, 1999).
In general, there is a moderate level of emphasis on education in Turkish society. Primary
school education is mandatory and it was increased from 5 to 8 years in 1996. Students at uni-
versities are encouraged to study at a moderate level, yet at graduation, universities honor
students with the highest grades by awarding plaques. Public education is free at all levels,
including the university education. The emphasis on education has created a sizable group of
well-educated professionals in the labor market. The existence of a skilled and highly edu-
cated workforce was found to be one of the major strengths of Turkey in attracting foreign
direct investments (Uluslararasi Dogrudan Yatirimlar ve Türkiye, 2002).
Compared with the public sector, the private sector has a higher Performance Orientation.
Most private organizations take performance-oriented measures and invest in training and
development. In a study conducted with 307 private Turkish companies, it was found that
81% conducted performance appraisals and 82% had training and development programs
(Arthur Andersen, 2000). On the other hand, the percentage of companies that applied career
planning dropped to 42% and the organizations were quite reluctant to tie performance
appraisal results to pay, salary decisions, or career planning. This finding indicates that
variables other than performance are taken into account as rewarding mechanisms, which
supports Turkey’s mediocre GLOBE Performance Orientation scores.
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 843

Future Orientation

Future Orientation measures the extent to which society values and practices planning and
investment, as opposed to focusing on current problems and the present. The “As Is” Future
Orientation score shows that Turkish society is characterized by a low absolute (M = 3.74)
and relative standing (Rank 36, Band C) in terms of future-oriented practices. On the other
hand, compared to the “As Is” score, the “Should Be” Future Orientation score (M = 5.83,
Rank 16, Band A) is substantially higher both in terms of absolute and relative values.
The low level of “As Is” Future Orientation score in both absolute and relative scale reflect
the fact that people accept status quo and take life events as they occur rather than planning
for the future. Societal practices that encourage and reward accepting the status quo can at least
partly be explained by the Islam religion (H. Kabasakal & Bodur, 2002; H. Kabasakal &
Dastmalchian, 2001). Turkish society is 99% Muslim, which is one of the highest population
ratios in the world, in terms of religious homogeneity. The concept of “fate” in Islam can be
considered to be a factor that is associated with accepting life events and the status quo.
According to amentu in studies of Islam, believing in fate is among the basic principles of
faith in God (Ilmihal I, 1999). Many verses of the Koran openly indicate that all deeds that
happened in the past and that will occur in the future are prearranged and within God’s pre-
ordaining. Although the concept of fate in Islam is very complicated and there are some
verses in Koran that focus on the importance of individual responsibility and choice of action
in people’s lives, interpretations of Islam mostly create a passive attitude toward the future
because all conduct is perceived to come from God.
Low levels of future-oriented practices are currently perceived as lack of effective plans
for the cities on the part of municipalities, as most cities grow in an unplanned and haphaz-
ard manner. Though most of Turkey is in a high-risk area in terms of earthquakes, public
offices and individuals in the high-risk areas are found to avoid mitigation and planning activ-
ities (Iseri, Inelmen, Kabasakal, & Akarun, 2002). Part of the reason for avoiding mitigation
and planning is attributed to fatalism because one third of the participants that responded to
in-depth interviews indicated that they do not feel they can do anything to prepare themselves
for a future earthquake and close to two thirds expected fate or luck to play a role in their
future survival (Fisek, Müderrisoglu, Yeniçeri, & Özkarar, 2001).
As opposed to the low level of Future Orientation in societal practices, Turkish society is
characterized by high aspirations for planning. People believe that activities should be
planned and they should live for the future. As an indication of the high value attributed to
planning, both the 1961 and 1982 Constitutions have articles on “planning.” According to the
Constitutions, the planning of economic, social, and cultural development and the efficient
use of national resources on the basis of detailed analysis and the establishment of the neces-
sary organization for this purpose is the duty of the state. The State Planning Organization, as
established by the 1961 Constitution, is the highest body responsible for planning and directly
reports to the prime minister. Although the importance attributed to planning is evident in the
Turkish Constitution, in recent years the plans that are formulated by the State Planning
Organization are mostly bypassed by the governments.
Similarly, many large organizations have planning departments and staff responsible for
planning. They formulate vision and mission statements and conduct strategic planning. On
the other hand, most of the time plans are not applied in practice and companies focus mainly
on solving current problems. One of the reasons that can be cited for focusing on the present
is the fact that Turkey has been experiencing political and economic instability and high infla-
tion rates in the last two decades. Economic instability and high levels of inflation, coupled
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844 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

with political instability make planning very difficult for companies. Unavoidably, the decision
makers focus on the short term; sometimes even yearly plans become difficult. Because pre-
dicting the future is almost impossible, speculative activities decided by the company owners
gain importance, which reflects the relatively low levels of Future Orientation “As Is” scores
that were obtained by the quantitative findings of the GLOBE scales. Furthermore, given the
fact that there is high dependence on the state, owners of large companies and conglomerates
decide on the direction of the companies based on advice and guidance of politicians and top
state officials. In a study of Danish investments in Turkey, Danish investors pointed to the
contributions of Turkish partners in establishing relationships with government officials and
the importance of such contacts on company decisions (Bodur & Madsen, 1993).

Assertiveness

Assertiveness describes the extent to which people in society are dominant and tough, as
opposed to soft and tender. The “As Is” Mean score for Turkish society is high in both
absolute and relative scale (M = 4.53, Rank 12, Band A). On the other hand, the “Should Be”
Assertiveness score of Turkish society is low in terms of its absolute value and relative place;
indeed it has the lowest score among other GLOBE societies in this cultural dimension (M =
2.66, Rank 61, Band C). Whereas Turkish society is characterized by high levels of domi-
nance and toughness, people in society aspire for tender and nonassertive relationships.
The “Masculinity/Femininity” dimension in Hofstede’s (1980, 2001) research has some
overlaps with the GLOBE Assertiveness dimension. According to Hofstede, in masculine cul-
tures, men are supposed to be assertive, tough, and focus on material success, whereas women
are supposed to be more modest and tender. In feminine societies, both men and women are
supposed to be modest and tender. In Hofstede’s work (1980), Turkey was found to be in the
middle of the Masculinity/Femininity scale, tilting toward the femininity side, and when the
values were controlled for the percentage of women among the respondents, Turkey was
placed more on the masculinity side (Hofstede, 2001). Compared with Hofstede’s study,
GLOBE findings point to the fact that Turkish society has become a substantially more
assertive society in the last two decades.
Starting in the late 1970s, high levels of political instability, high inflation and unemploy-
ment rates, and massive migration to urban areas have created an uncertain environment and
made survival difficult for members of society. Given the difficulties and uncertainties in the
socioeconomic environment, relationships turned out to be tough and assertive in many facets
of life.
In general, at all education levels, student–teacher relations are based on teacher assertive-
ness. The relation is characterized by assertiveness and dominance of the teachers rather than
tenderness and students are usually afraid of being scolded by their teachers. There is also
strong assertiveness in the family, mainly on the part of the men, who are mostly dominant
and authoritarian toward their wives and children. In addition, mothers-in-law practice dom-
inance over their daughters-in-law after their sons get married.
The assertive and authoritarian practices in society can be observed in task-related
contexts as well. Government officials usually act in a very authoritarian and assertive man-
ner toward the citizens in public work, including the police stations, courts, and other bureau-
cratic processes. Private-sector organizations are also characterized by authoritarian
relationships between supervisors and subordinates, with supervisors typically having a
dominant style in their work relationships.
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 845

Members of Turkish society seem to be very dissatisfied with the aggressive and assertive
practices they face in everyday life. They aspire for a society where relationships are tender
and soft. Turkish society desires one of the least assertive cultures compared to other GLOBE
societies.

Institutional Collectivism

Institutional Collectivism measures the extent to which society encourages and rewards
collective work and group solidarity in societal and institutional settings. Turkish society is
found to have a moderate “As Is” score in Institutional Collectivism in both absolute and rel-
ative standing (M = 4.03, Rank 41, Band B). The Institutional Collectivism “Should Be” score
(M = 5.26, Rank 10, Band A) points to the fact that Turkish people desire for high levels of
societal and Institutional Collectivism.
Previous studies revealed somewhat similar findings about the level of collectivism in
Turkish society. In Hofstede’s (1980) study, Turkey was found to be more on the collectivist
side of the individualism–collectivism index, however not among the most collectivist soci-
eties included in the sample. In Hofstede’s work, individualism stands for a society in which
the ties between individuals are loose and collectivism stands for a society in which people
are integrated into strong, cohesive in-groups. Similarly, Göregenli (1997) found Turkey to
exhibit collectivist patterns in some areas, but not display all of the characteristics of a col-
lectivist orientation. According to Göregenli’s study, when institutional settings are consid-
ered, relationships with coworkers were found to be individualistic in consideration of
implications of one’s own decisions and actions for others, sharing of material resources, sus-
ceptibility to social influence, and feeling of involvement in others’ lives. However, collec-
tivist tendencies in institutional settings prevailed in the areas of self-presentation and face
work, and sharing of outcomes with coworkers.
Although in general the Turkish society has moderate scores on GLOBE Institutional
Collectivism, Turkish society has a strong sense of nationalism and national pride, which can
be seen historically as well as in current times. The Turkish Independence War (1919–1923)
that was won after the World War I against a coalition of nations that invaded the country is
a dramatic example of national unity and solidarity that was portrayed among members of
society. Turkish people show great respect for the Turkish flag and national anthem in cere-
monies. Winning as a nation in international sports activities has become a very important
event, one that is nationally celebrated.
On the other hand, Turkish society seems to exhibit relatively lower levels of collectivism
in terms of joining institutions that are formed for different purposes. In general, members of
society refrain from joining NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) and CBOs (community-
based organizations) (Kabasakal, Akarun, Iseri, & Inelmen, 2001). The general low level of
trust in society may be a factor in people’s refraining from joining institutions and forming
solidarity in institutional frameworks. Data collected from Turkey for the World Values
Survey in 1990 and 1997 point to the fact that Turkish people in general have very low
levels of trust in other people (Ergüder et al., 1991; Y. Esmer, 1999). In 1990 and 1997, 10%
and 6.5% of the respondents, respectively, indicated that in general most people are trustable.
In relative standing among the 43 countries that participated in the World Values Survey,
Turkey has one of the lowest scores in trusting others. The finding that Turkish people gener-
ally have low levels of trust in others may be a significant factor in reducing the level of group
solidarity and association with others in teamwork in institutional settings. Fukuyama (1995)
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846 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

ties trust levels in society to forming associations and in this sense low levels of trust in
Turkish society may be considered to be a variable that hinders forming partnerships in the
private sector as well. The Turkish private sector is dominated by family firms and even the
large business groups are owned by families, rather than partnerships with others who may
bring different expertise and resources to an organization. Despite this, Turkish people
strongly believe in the value of Institutional Collectivism as reflected in the high GLOBE
“Should Be” score for Institutional Collectivism.

In-Group Collectivism

In-Group Collectivism describes the degree of collectivism and solidarity among in-group
members, particularly in families or organizations. Turkish society is characterized by high
levels of In-Group Collectivism in societal practices and has one of the highest “As Is” scores
among the GLOBE societies (M = 5.88, Rank 5, Band A). Aspirations of people match soci-
etal practices, given the finding that the “Should Be” score (M = 5.77, Rank 22, Band B) is
very close to the “As Is” score.
Family stands at the center of life in Turkish society and people have a high trust of family
members (Ergüder et al., 1991; Kagitçibasi, 1982b). The verses of the Koran and interpreta-
tions of the Islam religion reinforce the importance of family. Mutual trust within the family
is the rule in both rural and urban families. In their socialization, children are taught to sup-
port and help their family members rather than to be self-reliant or fending for oneself. In
Turkish society there is commonly an interdependent relationship between the children and
the family. As a part of this interdependence, the family is always available to support the
children when needed. In turn, children, particularly the male children, are expected to pro-
vide material and social support to their parents in old age (Kagitçibasi, 1982b). Older broth-
ers are expected to finance the younger siblings’ education and costs incurred at marriage. It
is common practice that the older members of families arrange marriages for the younger
family members and important personal problems are solved by seeking help from the family.
In addition to the family, other in-group relationships also bear a great significance and
carry a highly collectivist nature. Among the network of interdependent relationships, belong-
ing to the same school or region plays an important role (Kiray, 1997). For example, when
people migrate to urban areas, they usually find employment and housing by the help of their
associates who migrated from the same region to the cities before themselves.
Göregenli (1997) found strongly collectivist tendencies in Turkish society in relationships
with in-groups, including spouse, mother, siblings, and friends in many categories, such as
self- presentation and face work, sharing of outcomes, sharing of nonmaterial resources, con-
sideration of implications of one’s own decision and actions for other people, and sharing
of material resources. More individualistic tendencies were apparent in relationships with
in-groups in the area of susceptibility to social influence.
Most organizations in the Turkish economy are family-owned enterprises. Family mem-
bers, rather than professionals, constitute the top management of many large business groups.
Although the domination of family members, rather than professionals, in management can
partly be explained by state–business relationships, it can also be explained by high In-Group
Collectivism that is prevalent in Turkish society. In addition to kinship and family ties,
belonging to the same school or region also plays a role in employment decisions. For example,
it is common practice in Turkish organizations that people who attended the same school are
frequently employed in the same management and professional groups. In summary, Turkish
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 847

people have a strong commitment to their relationships in a network of close interdependent

relationships.

Gender Egalitarianism

Gender Egalitarianism measures the extent to which gender differences and discrimination
against females in society is minimized. The Gender Egalitarianism “As Is” score for Turkish
society is low in absolute terms (M= 2.89) and its relative standing among GLOBE societies
is also not high (Rank 56, Band B). When one looks at the “Should Be” score, it can be seen
that there is a desire for more Gender Egalitarianism (M = 4.50, Rank 37, Band B), placing
Turkish society in a moderate place in comparative terms.
When the Republic of Turkey was established in 1923, a series of reforms were undertaken
that aimed at incorporating Westernization and modernization into society. Women were
assigned an important part in this modernization project and their progress was perceived as
a measure of reaching modernity (Arat, 1999). Although these reforms achieved a significant
amount of success in areas such as legal rights, increasing the level of literacy, and education,
the patriarchal Middle Eastern practices still exist in society.
In general, the social differences between women and men lie primarily in the area of what
they are expected to “do.” More specifically, women are expected to engage in activities that
are inside the house or the organization, basically in support roles. Alternatively, men engage
in activities that require relationships with the outside. In another perspective, women are
more in support activities, whereas men are more in positions of power and decision making.
Beyond the differences in what they are expected to do, few sex role stereotypes exist. In a
study of sex role stereotypes, high school students of both sexes judged the desirability of per-
sonality characteristics for women and men (Gürbüz, 1988). Accordingly, the six socially
desirable characteristics, “ambitious,” “analytical,” “forceful,” “rash,” “insists on one’s
rights,” “enterprising,” and three socially undesirable characteristics, “dominant,” “jealous,”
and “autonomous” were all identified as masculine traits. Four socially desirable characteris-
tics, “loves children,” “dependent,” “elegant,” and “thrifty,” and five socially undesirable char-
acteristics, “submissive,” “cowardly,” “weak,” “insecure,” and “naive” were identified as
feminine. It can be seen from the results of this study that femininity is associated with more
negative and passive attributes than masculinity, which is in line with low Gender
Egalitarianism that is obtained by the GLOBE scales.
Parallel with the low Gender Egalitarianism scores of the GLOBE study, the HDI score of
men is 0.824, whereas women have a much lower HDI value, that is, 0.648. In 1998, Turkey’s
Gender Development Index (GDI) was 0.726, standing in the last one third of the GLOBE
societies in terms of gender development (Appendix: Statistical Profile of the GLOBE
Society Sample). Hofstede’s (1980, 2001) study placed Turkey in the middle of the
Masculinity–Femininity index. On the other hand, results of a cross-cultural study shows that
there is a huge variation between the intrafamily status of Turkish women in rural settings and
urban women in professional/managerial occupations (Kagitçibasi, 1982a). Such wide varia-
tion was not found in the other eight countries where the same study was conducted.
Dual structure of women in Turkish society is also observed in the employment and labor
market. Women with rural and lower socioeconomic origins are employed mainly in the agri-
cultural sector as unpaid family workers and their representation in the paid urban force is
quite low, with a concentration in low-paying and low-status jobs (H. Kabasakal, Aycan, &
Karakas, 2004; Özar, 1994; Özbay, 1994). In 1999, only 15.8% of the urban workforce was
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848 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

female (State Institute of Statistics, 1999). On the other hand, women with middle or upper
socioeconomic backgrounds have very high percentages in highly prestigious professions. In
the 1990s and early 2000s Turkish women constituted 35% of academics, 60% of pharma-
cists, 19% of physicians, 30% of dentists, and 34 % of lawyers (Acar, 1991; Gürüz, 2001;
Koray, 1991). Despite the high ratios of women in many prestigious professions, women’s
representation in managerial and executive positions ranges between 3% and 4% in the pri-
vate sector (H. Kabasakal, 1998; H. Kabasakal, Boyacigiller, & Erden, 1994) and only 4% of
the Turkish parliament was composed of women in 1999 (General Directorate, 2001). These
statistics show that women’s representation in positions that require the use of executive and
political power is very restricted, although in general they may have high ratios in highly
professional and technical jobs.
A nationwide study conducted in 1987 points to a large wage gap between men and
women, where women received as much as 60% of men’s wages (Tan, Ecevit, & Üsür, 2000).
It is interesting to note that the wage gap decreased as the education levels of employees
increased. Women directors, entrepreneurs, and managers earned as much (95.6%) as their
male colleagues in the public sector. Although comparably lower, female managers’ wages
are 84% of male managers in the private sector (State Planning Organization, 2000). These
statistics support the interpretation that there is a dual structure in the status of women, based
on their socioeconomic backgrounds.
Despite the significant attempts at improving the status of women in the Republic of Turkey,
the reforms have achieved limited success among rural and lower socioeconomic groups within
society. Significant, success was achieved in legal, education, and employment-related areas
for women in urban, middle, and upper socioeconomic groups, yet some conflicting and tra-
ditional roles are simultaneously present in Turkish society as part of the Middle Eastern cul-
ture and Islamic ideology (Topaloglu, 1983). These traditional roles promote segregation
of gender roles, the role of women as mothers and wives, and some passive traits that are
considered to be feminine.

Humane Orientation

Humane Orientation refers to the degree to which people in society are concerned, sensitive,
and generous to each other. Turkey has low absolute and relative “As Is” Humane Orientation
scores (M = 3.94, Rank 37, Band C). On the other hand, as reflected in “Should Be” scores,
aspirations of Turkish respondents for a humane-oriented society are high in absolute terms
and moderate in comparative terms (M = 5.52, Rank 25, Band B).
In Turkey, the family and in-groups take care of many problems of individuals. Given the
prevailing social structure where individuals are surrounded by an interdependent network of
close relationships, individuals get help and assistance from their close circle. People receive
both material and psychological support, even without asking for it. The family, neighbors,
and school friends offer help and arrange the conditions for those individuals who are in need
of it in both rural and urban areas and, among all classes (Duben, 1982). Contrary to this, the
general tendency to help and act in a generous, friendly manner to others who are outside the
close network is relatively low.
Mead (1994) argues that patronage relationships foster in environments where welfare ser-
vices are weak or nonexistent. In Turkey, there is not a well-developed social security and
welfare system and many institutions that would serve the well-being of individuals are quite
weak. Instead, informal relationships, including patronage relationships take care of the
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 849

welfare of individuals. Although in patronage relationships, resources are offered to members

of the network and nonmembers are denied (Mead, 1994). In line with this proposition, in
Turkey, help and assistance is offered selectively in an informal network, rather than as a
general commodity.
As part of the patronage relationships, paternalistic leaders in Turkish organizations look
after the well-being of their employees in many personal matters (Aycan et al., 2000; Dilber,
1967). In addition, many parliamentarians spend a significant amount of their time resolving
the personal problems of their voters, such as finding jobs and hospital places and solving
their bureaucratic problems. Thus, paternalistic leaders in Turkish society provide help and
assistance to their followers in many facets of life, like a father would.

Power Distance

Power Distance measures the extent to which members of society expect power and influence
to be distributed equally in that society. Turkey has high “As Is” Power Distance scores in
both absolute and relative scale (M = 5.57, Rank 10, Band A). As opposed to the high Power
Distance practices, the “Should Be” scores indicate that people aspire for a low Power
Distance society in absolute and relative terms (M = 2.41, Rank 51, Band D).
GLOBE’s finding that practices in Turkish society represent hierarchical relationships are
in line with previous cross-cultural studies (Hofstede, 1980, 2001; Schwartz, 1994;
Trompenaars & Hampden-Turner, 1998). Hofstede’s study indicated that in high–Power
Distance societies like Turkey, employees are afraid to express disagreement with their man-
agers. Parallel with Hofstede’s definition of high–Power Distance cultures, Turkish managers
in general expect obedience from their employees and employees are quite reluctant to
declare their disagreements with their managers. Trompenaars and Hampden- Turner’s study
showed that Turkish companies have the steepest hierarchy among companies of 38 nations.
Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner indicated that the familial cultures like the Turkish soci-
ety have steep hierarchies in their organizations. In such societies, leaders get their power and
confidence from their followers and from the obedience of followers to the leaders, like in
father–child relationships. In a cross-cultural study conducted by Schwartz (1994), Turkey
was found to be among the most hierarchical societies, ranking 6th among 38 cultures in
terms of preferring high Power Distance, influence, and authority.
Previous studies together with GLOBE’s findings show that Turkish society is character-
ized by the centralization of authority and influence. Power and resource allocation is based
on hierarchy rather than an egalitarian distribution. There is a large social distance among
groups that belong to different strata in society and organizations. Vast differences in socioe-
conomic status of classes are manifested at both societal and organizational levels.
In most business organizations, the amount of office space is generally allocated accord-
ing to the status of the employees/managers, rather than the requirements of the work to be
done. Usually at places of work, titles are listed on the doors of the offices. Titles are gener-
ally used when addressing others who are not intimate friends. In business organizations, some
eating places and parking spaces are separated according to the status of the employees.
In addition, privileges such as health insurance, housing, and cars are all allocated on a
hierarchical basis.
The way people address each other in society reflects status differences. Individuals are
addressed differently: (a) with different pronouns, and (b) with their first names or the use of
sir/madam beforehand, based on status differences. Lower-status people are addressed by
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850 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

their first name, whereas for higher-status people madam or sir is added. Wealthy families
generally have three or more domestic servants. Even middle-income groups would have a
domestic servant in their houses.
Wealthy people generally have more political influence in the country. The Turkish
Businessmen’s and Industrialists’ Association includes only very wealthy owners and few
professional managers; this association frequently prepares reports on social, political, and
economic affairs. In addition, in the eastern and southeastern regions of Turkey, the wealthy
individuals who are also the patrons are usually elected as parliamentarians and have political
power in the sense that they influence their followers’ votes.

Uncertainty Avoidance

Uncertainty Avoidance is the extent to which society emphasizes orderliness, structure, and
rules in order to reduce unpredictability and uncertainty. Turkish society has low absolute and
relative “As Is” scores in GLOBE’s Uncertainty Avoidance scale (M = 3.63, Rank 49, Band C).
It seems like society can tolerate unpredictability and uncertainty to a significant extent. On
the other hand, the respondents aspired for more predictability as reflected in moderate
“Should Be” scores in absolute and relative terms (M = 4.67; Rank 32, Band B).
Hofstede (1980, 2001) classified Turkey as being a high–Uncertainty Avoidance culture,
yet it seems like society has become more tolerant of uncertainty over time. Hofstede (2001)
reported significant correlations between rule orientation and employment stability, indicat-
ing that both factors serve as uncertainty reduction mechanisms. Turkey experienced exten-
sive political and economic instability during 1980s and 1990s. Turkey was governed by
coalitions that have had short durations and experienced significant economic instability, as
reflected in high inflation and unemployment rates. A study conducted with 216 Turkish man-
ufacturing companies showed that more than half of the companies in the sample reduced
their production capacity and 30% laid off workers during the period 1998–1999 (Eren,
Bildirici, & Firat, 2000). Furthermore, employees who were laid off were from all levels, cov-
ering a range of unskilled workers to top management. The period of instability has reduced
rule orientation in organizations and society at large in an effort to produce more organic and
flexible survival techniques in the highly uncertain environment.
Political instability, high levels of inflation and unemployment rates, existence of a large
informal sector, and frequent lay-offs in the Turkish business world and economy created
flexible forms of coping mechanisms with the turbulent and uncertain conditions on the part
of individuals and organizations. The Adaman et al. (2001) study conducted among 3,021
individuals shows that people in Turkish society frequently consider giving money or presents
to public officers to receive service even for some cases that may be their legal right. It can
be argued that Turkish people have developed crude survival techniques in order to survive in
the unfavorable and uncertain conditions that were experienced in the last few decades, rather
than focusing on orderliness and rules as reflected in GLOBE’s low Uncertainty Avoidance
“As Is” scores. On the other hand, Turkish people aspire for a more orderly and predictable
environment.

4. LEADERSHIP IN TURKEY

Kemal Atatürk is the most effective leader that has emerged in Turkish society. He was the
leader in the Independence War, the establishment of the Republic, and many reforms that
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 851

aimed at the development, modernization, and Westernization of society. He is known for his
action and change orientation, decisiveness in the vision he provided to society, inspiration,
and belief in Turkish people. He consistently pointed to the need for Westernization and
modernization, took radical actions in this direction, and continuously increased the morale
of society and inspired the public. He had injected self-confidence and hope into individuals
and constantly repeated his belief in the capabilities of the Turkish people.
Apart from Atatürk, Turkey has produced very few well-known leaders. Although they are
still not completely accepted as effective leaders by the entire public, those political leaders
who have had large groups of loyal followers are Inónü, Menderes, Demirel, Ecevit, Özal, and
Erbakan. Though all of them are known for providing vision to society, these political lead-
ers have two distinct approaches. One type such as, Menderes, Özal, and Erbakan, are the
more action- and change-oriented leaders, whereas the second type, Inónü, Demirel, and
Ecevit, can be identified more as pro status quo, yet administratively skilled. Change oriented
leaders are often criticized for going against the status quo, but at the same time praised for
initiating change.
Koç, Sabanci, and Eczacibasi are among the few industrial leaders who are well known by
the public at large and particularly acknowledged for their contributions to the national econ-
omy by creating employment opportunities. They are not known to be high risk takers, but
created their wealth and business groups through intensive relations with the state (Bugra,
1987). They also engaged in a variety of cultural activities that are targeted toward contributing
to the welfare of society, such as sponsoring festivals, building schools, universities, hospitals,
and providing scholarships to a large number of students. In their speeches, they often empha-
sized their motivation to contribute to the welfare of society, rather than to their business suc-
cess. Thus, focus of industrial leadership revolves around input in to the national economy and
well-being of society, rather than market success, innovation, and managerial effectiveness.
Leaders in Turkish society are on the one hand viewed with skepticism, their integrity is
often questioned, and their source of power is discussed by the common public; whereas on
the other hand, they are appraised by their fellow followers as supreme idols. In general, atti-
tudes toward political leaders are more negative compared to business, sports, and arts leaders.
Political and industrial leaders portray a combination of an autocratic, paternalistic, and
consultative leadership style. In a study conducted by T. Esmer (1997) among 4,824 individu-
als residing in a variety of geographic locations in Turkey, working respondents were asked
to evaluate the styles of managers with whom they were familiar, together with their preferred
management styles. Responses show that the most dominant management style was authori-
tarian (53%), followed by paternalistic (25%), consultative (13.6%), and democratic (8.5%).
The most preferred style was consultative (35.2%), followed by paternalistic (28.9%), demo-
cratic (25.6%), and authoritarian (10.3%).
Paternalistic leaders tend to emerge in cultures that do not restrict the manager’s status in
the workplace. They flourish in societies where managers are provided with status in other
areas of life (Laurent, 1983). Turkey can be characterized as a society that does not restrict
the status of its managers and leaders only to the workplace but also provides them with a
large area of freedom and responsibility.

Qualitative Studies on Leadership in Turkey

Semantic Interpretations of Leadership Concept. This section includes semantic inter-

pretation of the concept of leadership in Turkish culture. For this purpose, managers who par-
ticipated in the focus groups and in-depth interviews were asked to describe the concept of
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852 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

leadership, the concept of management, and behavior/traits of ideal leaders. Narrative texts
from interviews and focus groups have been transcribed verbatim from recorded tapes and
were subjected to ethnographic analysis.
An ethnographic analysis of focus group and in-depth interviews revealed that leadership
as a concept is viewed as superior to management. Respondents indicated that whereas man-
agement is learned through education and experience, leadership is innate and inborn.
Leadership is perceived to be about sensing the opportunities that come with change, involv-
ing innovation and creativity, having vision, and keeping the group together around a com-
mon task or goal. On the other hand, management is perceived to be a less ambitious task,
routine, technical, and adhering to rules and regulations. Leadership incorporates emotions
and subjectivity, whereas management is thought to be rational and objective. In general,
management is portrayed as somewhat inferior to leadership and expectations from a man-
ager are less demanding than those from a leader. Respondents indicated that a manager needs
to be consistent in behavior and thinking and needs to take the same actions under similar
conditions, whereas, a leader’s behavior can be less predictable. Both managers and leaders
have to motivate; but in management motivation is attained through rewards and punishment
whereas in leadership, the leader finds innovative rewards to motivate.
Turkish respondents indicated that they do not know any leader in their own organization,
sector, or in society who fits their definition of an ideal leader. Their image of an ideal leader
carries the attributes that have come out to be important in the quantitative analysis of GLOBE
leadership attributes, such as decisive, visionary, team integrator, collaborative, team oriented,
inspirational, of integrity, diplomatic, and administratively competent. In addition, action-
oriented/assertive leadership came out as an important dimension in the perceptions of respon-
dents. Though paternalistic leadership is frequently described as a desired style, there were also
autocratic, consultative, and even democratic descriptions of outstanding leaders. The most fre-
quently mentioned behaviors and traits of an ideal leader are categorized as follows:

• Decisive: does not give in about own ideas in case of conflict, decides fast without hes-
itation, implements decisions with confidence, pursues own objectives and goals even if
they are contradictory, and asks for opinions but makes the decisions themselves.
• Visionary: recognizes that the world is changing and senses the opportunities that come
with change; is imaginative, anticipating, and creative; has vision; encourages innova-
tions and new ideas; balances rationality with emotions in the decision process; is not
too scientific or rational; is after a dream that may never come true; is flexible-minded;
evaluates from multiple perspectives; gives importance to the subjective and qualitative
side of the decisions; does not like to work with detailed and routine things; likes to deal
with more general conceptual overviews; interprets rules and regulations with a flexible
mind; behaves and thinks in extremes; is ahead of others in recognizing what should be
the goals and how to achieve them; his or her objectives have repercussions on society;
and is curious.
• Team Integrator: communicates and shares information; creates an environment where
people can tell their ideas to each other openly; is able to share, is accessible to follow-
ers, is empathetic, and is good in human relations; listens to people and asks people’s
opinions to make them feel part of the group.
• Collaborative Team-Oriented: puts forward his or her own ambitions, ideas, and bene-
fits, but would not go against the benefit of the group; encourages participation; instills
corporate/team culture to followers; seeks acceptance and tries to increase acceptance of
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 853

decisions; listens and really takes into account the ideas of people who do not carry the
legitimacy/formal position/status to speak out publicly; seriously takes into account all
spoken ideas or at least seems to do so; and has to keep people in extremes equally happy
in a manipulative way.
• Inspirational: tolerates failure and gets people to overcome their fear of it; gives room
for people to fail and learn from mistakes; gives as much independence to people as
possible by delegating; develops people, increases their commitment and development;
makes people feel secure under conditions of change and uncertainty; gives credit to fol-
lowers; empowers followers by viewing them as colleagues, not as subordinates, seeing
them as a resource, letting them decide, showing respect, providing recognition, and rec-
ognizing their potential; and is dynamic.
• Paternalistic: is able to say “no” in the right place if the task requires it even if people
are hurt; shows/directs people about what needs to be done; is concerned with the pri-
vate problems of followers; would take the initiative in deciding for the employees with
regard to their problems; attends social events such as wedding ceremonies of employees’
children; would act like one of the employees at social events; creates a family-like
atmosphere in the organization.
• Action oriented and assertive: is assertive and ambitious; has an aggressive approach to
life; is aggressive in a controlled way; is not necessarily well-educated; is intelligent,
dynamic, and ambitious; speaks well; likes to take challenges; uses body language and
nonverbal communication; shakes hands frequently and has direct eye contact; when
they die, common cause may fade away; are recalled by their names rather than ideas;
has a hands-on approach to solving problems; is a go-getter.
• Integrity: is a person whom people can trust; tells the truth; is trustworthy and is believ-
able; always meets promises; and is fair.
• Nonprocedural: avoids bureaucracy, challenges status quo, and is a risk taker.
• Diplomatic: is skillful in convincing others; rewards and punishes by nonmonetary
means.
• Equanimity: is mentally and emotionally mature, does not compete with anyone, is not
afraid of working with people better than themselves, is sensitive and has cultural aware-
ness, does not criticize publicly.
• Administratively competent: in delegating tasks does not interfere until there is a mis-
take; knows what is going on around them, what is taking place; does not learn it from
others.
• Self-confident and development oriented: is open to self-development, is open to criti-
cism, receives feedback, is self-confident, and accepts own mistakes.
• Outlier: need not be always ethical, is lonely, has few good friends, and lacks an estab-
lished family.

Leadership Types. Data obtained from focus groups and in-depth interviews maybe
interpreted and summarized in terms of various leadership styles. Three types of leadership
styles are dominantly observed in Turkish society: autocratic, paternalistic, and consultative
leadership.
Autocratic Leaders: Respondents indicated that autocratic leadership is frequently
observed in Turkish society. Autocratic leaders try to make all the decisions, execute impor-
tant tasks themselves, and only let others apply the decisions. They may override the defined
area of freedom of individuals and impose their own preferences. An autocratic leader says
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854 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

“no” for all things that do not pass such approval. They are afraid of working with people
better than themselves. These leaders most often do not take into account the ideas of people
who are in lower positions—not as a punishment for a particular mistake but as a common
practice. For punishment in a particular case, they scold, criticize publicly, and downplay the
individual—this is very frequently used. Respondents in general had negative feelings toward
autocratic leaders and perceived them as having adverse effects on the motivation of their
followers.
Paternalistic Leaders: Paternalistic leadership is often practiced in Turkish society. This
type of leadership is fairly similar to autocratic leadership, except that in paternalism, the
leader is like a father and takes care of the followers like a parent would. In the paternalistic
exchange between the leader and the followers, the leader provides a holistic concern for the
followers and their families in return for unquestioned obedience and loyalty on the part of
the followers. For example, a respondent indicated that the general manager of the company
accompanied a worker’s child who was receiving cancer treatment in England because the
family did not speak English. As part of being a parent, the leader may sometimes make deci-
sions for the employees in place of asking them their own decisions and preferences.
In the paternalistic relationship, employees may be punished by the leader if they act inde-
pendently. Employees who work for paternalistic leaders would be expected to be totally
committed and loyal to their leaders. Respondents indicated that most people who work for
paternalistic leaders would not leave their organizations for better payment or promotion
opportunities. Also as part of the paternalistic role, the leader would fulfill social roles, such
as attending the wedding ceremonies of the employees and their children, sharing the same
table with them at department dinners, dancing with the employees of the department at a cel-
ebration party, being a team member at the company tournaments, or having a vacation with
the families of the whole staff for a week. While fulfilling such social roles, the leaders in a
way diminish the social distance between themselves and the followers and act like a father.
At work, the social distance would creep up.
Paternalistic leaders are often looked on positively because of their fatherly concern for the
followers and their attempt to create a family-like atmosphere. The dark side of paternalistic
leadership is cited as its possibility to turn into nepotism and providing resources to only a
loyal group of followers, while excluding others.
Consultative Leaders: Respondents indicated that among Turkish leaders consultative
behavior is observed to some extent. Consultative leaders tend to make decisions after they
listen to their followers. They create an environment where people can speak about their ideas
openly, within a framework, and avoid an environment where people only try to apply the
instructions given to them. Respondents did not indicate that consultative leaders use consen-
sual decision making, but they would ask for people’s ideas and then make the decision them-
selves.
In the Turkish context, listening to subordinates’ ideas was not used mainly to increase
quality of the decisions, but rather as a strategy for making people feel good. Leaders used
consultation either to make people feel they had an input to the decisions or to create a team
spirit where people felt as part of the group. Leaders often had a small circle of close col-
leagues, a nucleus, in which a real contribution to decisions was possible. Often the nucleus
included people who were similar to the leader in terms of their socioeconomic background.
The rest would be consulted mainly to create positive feelings, such as to create a feeling of
team spirit or to make them feel valued. In general there are positive reactions to consultative
leaders who ask people’s ideas to make them feel good or to create a team spirit. Given the
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 855

large Power Distance and social differences in society, employees do not negatively react to
the fact that the leader makes the decisions alone or in a small group of close colleagues.
On the other hand, those people who perceive themselves as equals to the nucleus, in terms
of their socioeconomic background or skills, would react negatively if they were omitted from
the nucleus.

Leadership as Reflected in the Media. An ethnographic analysis of leadership patterns as

reflected in the Turkish printed media revealed that a great majority (95%) of the news about
leadership focused on political leaders. A smaller percentage was about managers/owners in
large organizations, followed by women leaders, sports leaders, and arts leaders. This finding
portrays high Power Distance prevalent in society as well as the centrality of the state in
people’s lives.
Almost all of the articles included news about the interaction of the leader with a situation,
with the focus being on the intersection or interrelationship, rather than on the leader. Very
little news focused on attributes of the leaders. Thus, it was not possible to identify verbs and
adjectives relevant to leadership. It was possible to describe leadership within a context, in
relation to other people or issues. This picture clearly demonstrates the high In-Group
Collectivism in Turkish society where the focus is not on individual attributes/actions of the
leader but on interdependencies and interrelationships between leaders and other people.
A striking finding of the media analysis about leaders was that success stories or accom-
plishments of leaders were almost nonexistent. This finding is in line with the relatively low
levels of Performance Orientation as well as the highly collectivist nature of society. It also
reflects skepticism and negative experiences with leaders.
Skepticism and negative experiences were most apparent in the case of political leaders.
The media was full of news about criticisms for nepotism, transgressions, and questions about
whether the leaders would be able to pursue the interests of the general public. There were
many pressures on the leaders, including complaints and protests or personality-based accu-
sations from other leaders. There was also an enormous demand on the leaders to supply
resources to organized groups. Such expectations of a leader being a supplier of resources are
in line with the paternalistic leader model that is prevalent in society. The role of paternalis-
tic leadership includes supplying the demands of the followers and groups. Although the
leader is expected to find the needed resources, there is great skepticism toward the leaders
who have the power to supply these resources and they are widely criticized for nepotism.
Whereas skepticism and negative reactions toward political leaders are common among the
opponents and the disenchanted public, the followers and the close circle of the leaders
demonstrate unquestioned loyalty to their leaders. Such interaction is part of a paternalistic
leadership model where the followers are expected to be devoted to their leaders in exchange
for the resources and holistic concern that the leader provides. There is frequent news about
the loyalty of the followers to their leaders. If the leaders ignored their paternalistic duties to
their close circle, the followers would criticize or leave them. In other words, when paternal-
ism transforms into autocratic leadership, the leaders would be criticized for lack of concern
for their followers and lose their loyalty.
Paternalistic leadership and loyalty to the elderly is often praised in the case of arts lead-
ers as well. More established and famous artists are praised for helping the young artists,
whereas the young ones seem to be devoted to their mentors. In addition, there was frequent
news that praised the artists who visited and helped out elderly artists. This behavior on the
part of artists is in line with the strong In-Group Collectivism in Turkish society.
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856 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

As with the lack of success stories, there was very little news about the vision of political
leaders. This finding reflects the relatively low level of Future Orientation that prevails in
society. Only in the instances of relationships with other nations was there news about a
leader’s vision. Leaders were also frequently criticized for making exaggerated promises and
having an unrealistic vision. It seems that only in the case of a proposed national policy of
foreign relations that the leaders were not criticized severely. Not criticizing national policies
regarding foreign relations is in line with the strong nationalism that resides in Turkish
society. Though it is acceptable to criticize the leaders in terms of internal affairs, when it
comes to relations concerning other nations, the issue becomes very sensitive in society.
Although there was not much news about the successes or visions of the political leaders,
they were frequently seen in symbolic roles. They were portrayed mostly receiving or giving
plaques and making speeches at ceremonies or commemorations. It seems as if an important
aspect of leadership in Turkish society is to fulfill a symbolic role. Political leaders are criti-
cized for almost everything, except for their symbolic roles.
A symbolic role seems to be an important aspect of leadership for managers/owners of
large corporations, including women leaders. Leaders are frequently shown as chairing con-
ferences. Almost all the news about women leaders involved their symbolic role, chairing
international conferences on the one hand and wearing headscarves on religious occasions on
the other. Much of the ideological debates between the Westernization and Islamization of
society focuses on the role of women in society. Thus, a woman leader’s image has an ideo-
logical connotation. For this purpose, news about women leaders concentrates on their images
rather than their performance or other roles. Chairing international conferences would have
the connotation of Westernization, whereas a focus on wearing a headscarf would indicate
that traditions or Islamization in society are not ignored. Finally, a role of sister or mother is
frequently emphasized by women leaders and takes place in the media because these roles are
commonly accepted for women.
Managers/owners of large corporations often contact representatives of the state to demand
resources or incentives for their sectors. There was more news in the media about state orien-
tation of private enterprises than their market orientation, which is a reflection of the low level
of Performance Orientation. Such news is also an indicator of the centrality of the state in the
lives of private companies. The state is commonly referred to as the “father,” indicating its
role as supplier of incentives and resources. One way to approach the government and the
state is to be elected to the boards of chambers and unions. Therefore managers and owners
of private companies seek representations on the boards of such institutions and there was fre-
quent news about board members visiting political leaders.
Compared to political leaders, managers/owners of large organizations are portrayed more
often as having vision. Some of this vision includes plans about their market orientation,
such as plans for new investments or exports. In addition, future plans of managers/owners
frequently included professionalization of the corporation given that most organizations,
including the large business groups, are run by family members in Turkey.
A common criticism of political, sports, and arts leaders is the flamboyant style of either
themselves or their family members. It would appear that leaders are expected to have more
modest private lives and not to engage in extravagant lifestyles, such as driving expensive cars
or going to flashy restaurants and bars.
Private-sector leaders as well as arts leaders are frequently shown as engaging in socially
responsible acts, such as helping charity organizations or sponsoring cultural activities. These
leaders and politicians frequently mention that they are conducting such activities for the
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 857

good of society and the nation. Leaders of the private sector often indicate that the incentives
they get or their investments are all for the benefit of the nation, such as increasing employ-
ment opportunities and export potential. They are careful not to mention to outsiders about
the profitability of the company as their target. In the Turkish context, it looks better for a
leader to prioritize national benefits in the speeches made to the public.

Leaders as Reflected From Company Newsletters. Newsletters of companies that were

included in the sample were analyzed in order to understand how leadership is portrayed in
the financial services and food-processing companies in Turkey. In general, the opinion of
leaders from company newsletters was found to be similar to media reflections. In the
newsletters of companies in the finance and food-processing sectors, there were no individ-
ual success stories and no project, change, or achievement was attributed to any one person.
Analysis of company newsletters portrayed a strong collectivist orientation with the
emphasis on “the company being like a family” and the nonexistence of individual accom-
plishments. Furthermore, the collectivist orientation is manifested with the need for achiev-
ing the “nation’s” well-being. The speech by the owner of a large food-processing company
on the anniversary of its establishment reflected such collectivist achievement orientation:
“The root of our success lies in disciplined work, integrity, love of the nation and its people.
We are a family. We will never be similar to those who only want for themselves. We will
always put the benefit of the national economy and the society in the forefront; we will grow
with Turkey.” He also announced how much tax was paid as an indication of focus on
societal contribution.
The leaders of the companies were basically presented in a symbolic role, such as cutting
a cake, making an opening speech for a commemoration, or giving a plaque. They are also
presented while making speeches on some concepts from the Western literature, such as pro-
fessionalization, total quality management, and importance of human resources management,
which reflected the importance of Westernization, knowledge, and administrative skills for
leadership.

Leaders As Reflected in Leader Autobiographies, Biographies, and News About Them.

Autobiographies, biographies, and news about political and industrial leaders were analyzed
with the purpose of finding out how leadership is presented in the Turkish context. Based on
these analyses, several themes about leadership emerged: Leadership involved a collective-
achievement orientation, state-oriented vision, being of integrity, good administrator,
emotionality, one-man show, and a symbolic role.
Collective-Achievement Orientation: Similar to the findings in media and newsletter
analyses, leaders were not presented with personal success stories. Business leaders were por-
trayed as if they have not achieved anything through their own ability. Koç, a prominent
industrial leader, mentioned in his autobiography that he owes his success to God, the coun-
try, the cooperation of work friends, and his own love of working (Koç, 1973).
The need for collective achievement, which is embodied in serving one’s community and
nation, emerges frequently. The ideas of industrial leaders about the country, state ideology,
and political and economic problems are in the forefront, rather than their business accom-
plishments. Eczacibasi, who is another prominent industrial leader, wrote in his autobiogra-
phy that an industrial institution’s main aim is to contribute to the economic and social
development of the nation. (Eczacibasi, 1982). The writings in the media about Koç and
Eczacibasi upon their death also focused on their contributions toward society and the nation
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858 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

rather than their entrepreneurial or managerial success. A newspaper article written about Koç
on the first anniversary of his death indicated that his value was derived from predominantly
two factors (Güngör, 1997): (a) He had lived through many of the significant stages of the
Turkish Republic, such as the military coups and the years where it passed to a liberal mar-
ket economy, and (b) he loved his country to the extent that he was interested in major issues
about it, for example, the traffic problem.
State-Oriented Vision: When we analyzed the entrepreneurial activities of leading busi-
nesspeople, we observed the combination of a state-oriented vision with a Western, interna-
tional focus (Eczacibasi, 1982, 1994; Koç, 1973; Sabanci, 1985). State-oriented vision
parallels and even requires an autocratic leadership approach. Many of the entrepreneurial
and trade accomplishments are achieved through personal contacts with the state, which is not
a function that is delegated to professionals.
In the case of the networks of small and medium-size enterprises, which has an Islamic
orientation, initial market-oriented vision is transformed into a state-oriented and partially
dependent structure. Through such structures, these networks also attempt to get resources
from the central and local governments.
Integrity: Another theme that emerged in the news about leaders and in the autobiographies
or biographies was the integrity of leaders. The same attribute was frequently mentioned in
the focus groups and in-depth interviews. Industrial leaders in their speeches often cite
integrity at work as an important personality trait and advise their followers to be honest and
trustworthy.
One of the means of earning integrity seems to be by showing a preference for a modest
lifestyle. Some industrial as well as political leaders advise and live a modest lifestyle, which
is reflected by economizing such as driving nonluxurious cars, avoiding unnecessary expen-
ditures and flamboyant lifestyles, and presenting a socially responsible image. They invest in
social-welfare activities, such as charity organizations that involve the poor and disabled.
Good Administrator: In the review of autobiographies, biographies, and news about lead-
ers, an important trait seems to be their administrative skills and having a comprehensive
knowledge in their field. In the organizational culture context, this attribute of a leader is
reported as a requisite for an outstanding leader. Furthermore, the leader has to have a thor-
ough comprehension and knowledge of the legal system, which is mostly adapted from
Western codes and statutes. Thus a leader who knows the procedures and practices them is
also perceived as a professional administrator with a Western outlook.
Emotionality: Similar to the findings of the focus groups and in-depth interviews, leaders
are often reflected as freely displaying their emotions. In the biographies of Atatürk and auto-
biography of Inónü, who were the two most influential political leaders during the establish-
ment and early years of the Republic, we frequently observe the emotional sides of the two
leaders (Atay, 1980; Inönü, 1985, 1987).
It is quite common to observe emotional attributes among contemporary leaders in Turkish
society. Political, religious, military, and arts leaders were often seen in the printed media and
on television crying because they were full of emotion in situations such as watching a
national play at the military school or listening to the national anthem. This observation par-
allels semantic interpretation of leadership in focus groups and in-depth interviews where
respondents differentiated leaders as emotional and managers as rational.
One-Man Show and Leader as a Symbol: Analysis of writings on leadership portrayed the
prevalence of strong leadership historically, as well as in contemporary Turkey. Leadership in
political, industrial, and other areas are exhibited as a one-man show, where the leader as the
single person has immense power and takes on the role of representing the whole institution.
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 859

The roots of strong leadership in Turkish society go back to the early Republican era
(1923–1946) when there was in existence a single-party rule (Atay, 1980; M. Kabasakal,
1991). Analyses of leadership as portrayed in these books showed that all the power was con-
centrated in the hands of the party leader. The leader was the natural head of all major party
institutions.
Turkish society historically provided its leaders with huge power and expected them to exhibit
strong leadership. Strong leadership goes hand in hand with the symbolic role of leaders, who are
heads of most activities and publicly are the sole representatives of their institutions.
A similar picture prevails in the case of founders of private-sector companies, such as Koç
and Eczacibasi, who stayed as the leader of large business groups until they died. It can be
stated that industrial leaders also fulfill a symbolic role and represent their institutions in
public appearance and chair many organizations. When the founder of a company dies, often
a close family member, a son or son-in-law, comes to power.

The Quantitative Study of Leadership in Turkey

Findings. In order to induce a profile of preferred leadership attributes and behaviors,

Turkish managers were asked to rate a set of 112 behaviors and characteristics, on a scale
ranging from 1 = greatly inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader to 7 = contributes
greatly to a person being an outstanding leader. Based on these items, 21 leadership subdi-
mensions were formed, which were further reduced to 6 dimensions (House et al., 1999,
2004). Table 23.2 presents the absolute scores and relative ratings for leader behaviors and
attributes.
When outstanding leader attributes in the six dimensions are analyzed, the highest absolute
score and relative standing among GLOBE countries is achieved in the Team Oriented dimen-
sion (M = 6.01, Rank 7, Band A). Charismatic attributes were rated highly in absolute scale,
yet its relative standing is rather low (M = 5.95, Rank 23, Band C). Participative leadership is
perceived to be contributing to outstanding leadership at a mediocre level, and it has a low
relative standing (M = 5.09, Rank 42, Band D). Humane-oriented leadership has mediocre
absolute and relative scores (M = 4.90, Rank 29, Band B). Autonomous (M = 3.83, Rank 34,
Band B) and Self-Protective (M = 3.57, Rank 26, Band E) attributes are perceived to slightly
inhibit outstanding leadership, and their relative ranking is medium and low, respectively.
When the subdimensions that form the six dimensions are analyzed in terms of relative rat-
ings, the highest ranking leadership characteristics for Turkey were Decisive (2nd), Team
Integrator (6th), Autocratic (8th), Diplomatic (10th), Administratively Competent (10th),
Visionary (13th), Status-Conscious (14th), and Collaborative Team Oriented (15th); all
dimensions fell within the first quartile among 61 cultures. Relative standings show that the
lowest ranking leadership attributes for the Turkish sample are Performance Orientation
(46th) and Self-Centered (48th), both rankings being in the last quartile.
Although the high relative and absolute ratings for outstanding leadership attributes were
fairly similar to each other, there were some differences between the two analyses. According
to the absolute scores, leadership attributes that were rated as contributing most to outstand-
ing leadership were Decisive (6.29), Team Integrator (6.28), Visionary (6.25), Integrity (6.16),
Administratively Competent (6.13), and Inspirational (6.08), all having mean values above 6.
The lowest absolute scores were obtained for Malevolent (1.76) and Self-Centered (1.93),
both perceived as greatly hindering a person from becoming an outstanding leader.
An analysis of leadership characteristics that had the highest ratings in both the relative
and absolute scores indicated that Decisive, Team Integrator, Administratively Competent,
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860 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

TABLE 23.2
Country Mean Scores for Leadership Dimensions and Subdimensions

Dimensions
Subdimensions Mean Band Rank

Charismatic 5.95 C 23
Performance Orientation 5.91 46
Visionary 6.25 13
Inspirational 6.08 38
Integrity 6.16 27
Self-Sacrificial 5.03 29
Decisive 6.29 2
Team Oriented 6.01 A 7
Team Integrator 6.28 6
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.70 15
Administratively Competent 6.13 10
Diplomatic 5.74 10
Malevolent 1.76 31
Self-Protective 3.57 E 26
Self-Centered 1.93 48
Status-Conscious 4.91 14
Conflict Inducer 4.17 23
Face Saver 2.99 27
Procedural 4.02 25
Participative 5.09 D 42
Autocratic (reverse coded) 3.22 8
Nonparticipative (reverse coded) 2.62 31
Humane 4.90 B 29
Humane 5.02 22
Modesty 4.82 40
Autonomous
Autonomous 3.83 B 34

and Visionary come out to be common in both ratings. These attributes indicate a culturally
endorsed theory of leadership where the leaders are expected to be competent in decision-
making and executive functions, and carry these attributes with integrity. In terms of decision-
making abilities, outstanding leaders are perceived as decisive and visionary. Most important,
they are perceived as decisive, rational, persistent, quick, with no hesitation, and intuitive.
They are also expected to provide a strong vision to their followers, plan ahead, have fore-
sight, have goals and ideas for the future, make plans and take action related to their vision,
be ready for future events, make realistic forecasts, and inspire the values, beliefs, and behaviors
of followers.
In terms of their executive abilities, outstanding leaders are perceived as team integrators
and competent administrators. As a team integrator, they are open to communication, are
clearly understood by the followers, are informed about issues, create an environment where
the team members work together, integrate the activities and people together, unify the efforts
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 861

of people in the team, and create a team spirit. As part of administrative skills, most important
they are perceived as being able to coordinate and control the activities of a large number of
people and manage complex office activities and systems. Furthermore, they are expected to
be trustworthy, honest, and just.
An analysis of both relative and absolute scores shows that self-centered behaviors greatly
hinder outstanding leadership. This finding is in line with the high In-Group Collectivism that
is prevalent in Turkish society.

5. ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN THE

FINANCIAL SERVICES AND FOOD-PROCESSING SECTORS

As mentioned in the section on methodology, the data on organizational culture dimensions

were collected from middle managers working in 9 financial services and 14 food-processing
companies. Presentation of the findings on organizational culture dimensions is preceded by
a short description of the two sectors.

The Turkish Financial Services Sector

Banking Sector. The banking sector in Turkey is characterized by an oligopolistic struc-

ture. The largest five banks in the sector hold more than 50% of the market. The dominant
form is “state- owned” and “business group” banks, which are owned by diversified large cor-
porations. Although this oligopolistic structure continues in the 2000s, the banking sector in
Turkey experienced a radical change in the early 1980s. The pre-1980 period was character-
ized by a tightly administered system with extensive state intervention (Öncü & Gökçe,
1991). With the deregulation policies, the post- 1980 period was identified by a significant
shift toward liberalization. The changes that were realized in the post-1980 period led to
increased competitive uncertainty in the banking sector. As a result of these changes, the sec-
tor has become dynamic and open to innovative applications. During the last decade, the num-
ber of local firms decreased from 49 in 1992 to 39 in 2002 and foreign banks decreased from
20 to 18 in the same period (Bankalarimiz 1992, 1993; http://www.tbb.org.tr). Starting with
the late 1990s, the smaller banks in the sector either were acquired by larger foreign and local
banks or those with performance problems were forced to be under the custody of a semifor-
mal auditing council, which led to a gradual decrease in the number of banks operating
in Turkey.

Insurance Sector. The oligopolistic structure of the insurance sector was changed in
1987 via modifications in the laws. New company start-ups have become possible with these
changes. Furthermore, in 1990, there were further moves toward liberalization of the sector
by deregulation of the premiums. In 1994, there were 37 local and 15 foreign firms in this
sector, and in 2000 the number of local firms increased to 59, with foreign firms decreasing
to five (Ergenekon, 1995; http://www.treasury.gov.tr). Whereas the number of foreign firms
was larger than the number of local firms before the 1960s, the trend has been reversed since
the 1970s. Although the number of local companies has been increasing at a very fast rate
since 1987, insurance premiums per person are still quite small, ranking 53rd in the world in
1992. The low rate of insurance premiums in Turkey may be related to the relatively low
levels of Future Orientation that is prevalent in Turkish society, which may be shaped by Islamic
values. In 1979, the state official responsible for Islamic Affairs declared that according to the
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862 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

TABLE 23.3
Country Mean Scores for Organizational Culture Dimensions

Organizational Culture Finance Food

Dimensions “As Is”a “Should Be”a Differenceb “As Is”a “Should Be”a Differenceb
Performance Orientation 4.15 6.06 1.91 3.91 5.80 1.89
Assertiveness 4.07 5.04 0.97 4.27 4.82 0.55
Future
Orientation 4.25 5.98 1.73 3.98 5.77 1.79
Gender Egalitarianism 3.92 4.40 0.48 2.63 4.10 1.47
Humane Orientation 3.79 4.80 1.01 4.15 4.91 0.76
Institutional Collectivism 4.16 5.13 0.97 4.27 5.16 0.89
Power Distance 4.17 3.92 –0.25 4.70 4.17 –0.53
In-Group Collectivism 4.62 6.01 1.39 4.82 6.18 1.36
Uncertainty Avoidance 3.76 4.50 0.74 3.63 4.30 0.67
a
Country mean score on a 7-point Likert scale. bDifference: “As Is” score minus “Should Be” score.

laws of Islam, contracts that are based on hypothetical arrangements or assumptions would
not be valid, and thus insurance contracts are not accepted in Islam. On the other hand, begin-
ning in the 1990s, a general increase in awareness about the opportunities brought about by
insurance is reflected by the increase in insurance purchases made by the public.

The Turkish Food-Processing Sector

Food processing is one of the major industries in the country, dominated by local firms. The
basic categories in the industry are: frozen vegetables and fruit, meat and dairy products, sugar
and sweet products, vegetable oil, canned products, and fruit juice. Turkey is a major exporter
of processed food. The sector includes a large variety of firms, ranging from small and techno-
logically less advanced firms to those much larger and more technologically advanced. In some
categories, such as sugar and dairy products, there are large state-owned institutions.

Organizational Culture in the Two Sectors

Findings. The survey administered to Turkish managers probed about the beliefs of the
respondents with respect to “how are” the current practices and “how they should be” in their
work organizations. The same nine culture dimensions that were used in measuring societal
culture were used in assessing organizational culture. The GLOBE study proposes that orga-
nizational culture has a strong impact on leader behaviors. Thus, it is important to study orga-
nizational culture as it is shaped by the immediate task environment and is more proximate to
managers and employees. Table 23.3 illustrates the culture dimensions on “As Is” and
“Should Be” for the food-processing and finance sectors.
On average, the beliefs of Turkish middle-level managers regarding “how their organiza-
tions are” do not show a strong tendency for the organizational culture dimensions. Whereas
the intensity of measures on “As Is” dimensions lie near the midpoint of the scale, the
highest mean response is attributed to In-Group Collectivism in both the finance and food-
processing sectors. The lowest “As Is” score is achieved in Gender Egalitarianism in the food-
processing sector, whereas this dimension has a moderate absolute score in the finance
sector. In-Group Collectivism dimension also received high absolute “Should Be” scores in
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 863

both sectors, indicating that In-Group Collectivism is a distinctive characteristic of Turkish

organizations in line with high In-Group Collectivism that is prevalent in societal culture at
large. Compared to other culture dimensions, Gender Egalitarianism and Power Distance
have relatively lower “Should Be” scores in both sectors, although they are moderate scores
in absolute scale.
When “As Is” and “Should Be” scores of organizational culture dimensions are compared,
it is seen that middle managers have higher “Should Be” scores in most dimensions. The
highest difference is achieved in Performance Orientation (1.91 finance; 1.89 food process-
ing), followed by Future Orientation (1.73 finance; 1.79 food processing) and In-Group
Collectivism (1.39 finance; 1.36 food processing). Turkish managers in both sectors aspired
for substantially higher levels of achievement, planning, and in-group loyalty in their organi-
zations. Turkish managers also aspired for more Humane Orientation (1.01 finance; 0.76 food
processing), Institutional Collectivism (0.97 finance; 0.89 food processing), Assertiveness
(0.97 in finance; 0.55 in food processing), Uncertainty Avoidance (0.74 finance and 0.67 food
processing), and Gender Egalitarianism (0.48 finance; 1.47 food processing). On the other
hand, managers indicated that they would prefer slightly lower levels of Power Distance
(–0.25 finance; –0.53 food processing).
In-Group Collectivism, which reflects in-group interdependence and organizational
loyalty, received relatively high scores in both “As Is” and As “Should Be” scales for the two
sectors, when compared with the scores in other culture dimensions (financial services “As
Is” M = 4.62, “Should Be” M = 6.01; food processing “As Is” M = 4.82, “Should Be” M =
6.18). Whereas organizational practices reflected medium absolute scores in the In-Group
Collectivism dimension, preferences of middle managers were high in absolute terms. This
finding is in line with the qualitative findings of a previously conducted study, where respon-
dents were asked to list the dominant practices and norms in their organizations (Pasa,
Kabasakal, & Bodur, 2001). An analysis of the listed items by referees indicated that the most
frequently mentioned practices and norms reflected the dominance of In-Group Collectivism
and the importance of loyalty between leader and followers in Turkish organizations. The
importance of loyalty in leader–follower relations is in line with the paternalistic culture that
is prevalent in Turkish organizations (Aycan et al., 2000). Both the financial services and
food-processing companies have medium Institutional Collectivism “As Is” scores and the
scores in “Should Be” are high in absolute terms (financial services “As Is” M = 4.16, “Should
Be” M = 5.13; food processing “As Is” M = 4.27, “Should Be” M = 5.16).
Organizational culture in both sectors is characterized by practices that represent medium
levels of cohesiveness and use of collective rewards. Turkish middle managers indicated that
they would prefer their organizations to be more cohesive and use collective rewards in moti-
vating their employees as reflected in the high “Should Be” Institutional Collectivism scores.
When Performance Orientation scores of the finance and food-processing sectors are
compared, it is seen that the financial services sector has higher “As Is” and “Should Be”
scores (finance “As Is” M = 4.15, “Should Be” M = 6.06; food processing “As Is” M = 3.91,
“Should Be” M = 5.80). The same pattern is observed for the Future Orientation dimension
(financial services “As Is” M = 4.25, “Should Be” M = 5.98; food processing “As Is” M =
3.98, “Should Be” M = 5.77), whereas the financial services sector has higher scores in “As
Is” and “Should Be,” compared to the food-processing sector. These findings show that the
financial services sector in Turkey has moderate absolute “As Is” scores in the Performance
Orientation and Future Orientation dimensions and managers in this sector aspire for substan-
tially higher levels of achievement and planning in their organizations. The food-processing
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864 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

sector has lower absolute scores in practices and values achievement and Future Orientation
compared to the financial services sector.
The relatively lower levels of Performance and Future Orientations in the food-processing
sector could be due to the high competitive advantage of the sector deriving from low costs
of input. The food-processing sector in Turkey employs unskilled labor with lower wages
compared to most developed nations. Furthermore, due to the large arable land in the coun-
try and the favorable climatic conditions, the food-processing sector enjoys a large variety of
high-quality agricultural inputs at low costs. These low costs of input make the Turkish food-
processing companies competitive in the international markets and Turkey has become a
major exporter of processed food. Thus, it can be proposed that the food-processing compa-
nies in the country are competitive despite their mediocre Performance and Future
Orientation practices. However, middle managers in the sector are aware that in order to
continue with their position in the world markets, they should be more excellence oriented
and make plans and investment into the future.
The financial services sector lacks many of the advantages of the food-processing compa-
nies and they focus more on Performance and Future Orientation. Financial services organi-
zations use more skilled employees and are more dependent on their human resources in order
to stay competitive. The input and ideas of employees at lower levels of the hierarchy are
more important for the financial services organizations compared to the food-processing sec-
tor. The importance of participation and input of lower levels is reflected in the relatively
lower levels of Power Distance in the financial services sector compared to food processing
(financial services “As Is” M = 4.17, “Should Be” M = 3.92; food processing “As Is” M =
4.70, “Should Be” M = 4.17). These figures show that the financial services organizations
have lower Power Distance scores and their managers furthermore aspire for less hierarchy
compared to managers in the food-processing organizations. Despite this, managers in both
sectors aspire for lower Power Distance, indicating their desire for less hierarchy and more
egalitarian distribution of power and authority in their organizations. Decentralization and
less hierarchical structures are perceived as mechanisms of competing in the more dynamic
and competitive environments that organizations are currently facing.
Gender Egalitarianism scores in the two sectors show that the financial services organiza-
tions are more egalitarian than their food-processing counterparts (financial services “As Is”
M = 3.92, “Should Be” M = 4.40; food processing “As Is” M = 2.63, “Should Be” M = 4.10).
Turkish food-processing organizations have low absolute “As Is” Gender Egalitarianism
scores, whereas the financial services sector has more mediocre scores. In both sectors,
middle managers aspire for more Gender Egalitarianism, although managers in the finance
sector perceive a greater need for it.
The Turkish financial services sector is characterized by employing a high percentage of
women. A study conducted in 64 financial services companies indicated that women constituted
43% of all employees (H. Kabasakal et al., 1994). On the other hand, several studies show that
the manufacturing sector in general employs substantially lower levels of women labor (Özbasar
& Aksan, 1976; Tabak, 1989). Furthermore, these studies pointed to the fact that representation
of women in managerial positions dropped significantly as one moved to managerial positions
in all sectors. In general, women constituted only 3% to 4% of executive positions in the Turkish
context (H. Kabasakal, Aycan, & Karakas, 2004). That is why the middle managers in both the
financial services and food-processing companies indicated that their organizations need to
become more Gender Egalitarian places. The need for greater Gender Egalitarianism is more evi-
dent in the financial services organizations given their higher dependence on their human
resources for keeping their competitive position in the market.
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 865

Organizations in both sectors have medium levels of Assertiveness and managers aspire for
more than what is apparent at present (financial services “As Is” M = 4.07, “Should Be” M =
5.04; food processing “As Is” M = 4.27, “Should Be” M = 4.82). The food-processing com-
panies have slightly more assertive and dominant practices compared to the financial services
companies, yet their aspirations regarding Assertiveness is lower than the aspirations in the
finance sector.
Managers in both financial services and food-processing organizations aspire for higher
levels of Humane Orientation (financial services “As Is” M = 3.79, “Should Be” M = 4.80;
food processing “As Is” M = 4.15, “Should Be” M = 4.91.) In general, the food-processing
organizations are more humane compared to the financial services sector. Managers in both
sectors think that their organizational culture needs to become more nurturing and generous.
Organizations in both sectors have low absolute “As Is” Uncertainty Avoidance scores and
aspire for medium levels of this cultural dimension (financial services “As Is” M = 3.76,
“Should Be” M = 4.50; food processing “As Is” M = 3.63, “Should Be” M = 4.30).
Organizational cultures in both sectors display rather low levels of rule orientation, orderli-
ness, and consistency. Managers would like their organizations to have medium levels of
Uncertainty Avoidance and be somewhat more rule oriented and orderly in their operations.
In summary, there are more differences between the “As Is” scores of the two sectors,
although they are similar in terms of desired cultural attributes, indicating that the “task per-
formed” influences organizational cultures. In general, managers prefer to work in similar
types of organizational cultures. However, when it comes to comparing their existing organi-
zational practices, the managers in the two sectors indicate dissimilarities. Organizational
demographic analysis that is based on responses obtained from top managers of six
companies in both sectors might indicate the sources of differences in the cultures of the two
industries.
Results of the organizational demography questionnaires show that the food sector is at a
steady growth stage whereas the finance sector is accelerating. Consequently, the companies in
the finance sector experience a greater amount of change in terms of their markets (4.2 vs. 3.4),
financial structures (4.3 vs. 3.3), internal organizational processes (4.3 vs. 3.4), executive per-
sonnel (4.0 vs. 3.2), divestments (3.0 vs. 2.4), acquisitions (4.0 vs.3.7), and products (4.5 vs. 3.2)
(1 = very little change; 2 = changed somewhat; 3 = changed a moderate amount; 4 = substan-
tial change, 5 = changed a great deal). The greater amount of change also necessitates more
planning on the part of personnel in finance organizations. Whereas the perceptions of man-
agers in the two sectors regarding the intensity of marketing competition was very similar (M
= 5.4 in both sectors; 1 = virtually no competition, 7 = extremely intense competition),
finance managers indicated that the market for their organizations was more unpredictable
(M = 4.8) compared to the market for food-processing organizations (M = 4.4) (1 = very pre-
dictable and very easy to forecast, 7 = very unpredictable and very hard to anticipate).
In terms of changes in government regulations and political environments, although man-
agers in both sectors evaluated the external environment as very unpredictable, finance man-
agers indicated greater unpredictability. In addition, finance managers indicated that
competition for purchases or inputs (raw materials, parts, or equipment in the case of manu-
facturers, cash with respect to financial service firms) and for technical manpower such as
engineers, accountants, or programmers were extremely intense, whereas managers in food-
processing organizations perceived the intensity of competition as moderate.
The accelerated growth stage of the sector, the greater amount of change in the operations
of the organizations, the unpredictability of the market, and the unpredictability of the likely
changes in regulations and political environment all necessitate more planning and future
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866 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

TABLE 23.4
Comparison of the Organizational Mean Scores for Leadership Attributes in the Financial
Services and Food-Processing Sectors: Turkey

Finance Food

Within- Within-
Country County
Characteristics Mean Rank Mean Rank

Decisive 6.33 1 6.34 3

Team Integrator 6.31 2 6.36 2
Visionary 6.22 3 6.30 4
Integrity 6.15 4 6.40 1
Administrative Competent 6.10 5 6.27 5
Inspirational 6.09 6 6.12 6
Performance Oriented 5.88 7 5.76 9
Diplomatic 5.84 8 5.83 8
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.65 9 5.98 7
Humane Oriented 5.02 10 4.98 13
Self-Sacrificial 4.90 11 5.20 10
Modesty 4.78 12 5.03 11
Status-Conscious 4.73 13 4.98 13
Conflict Inducer 4.09 14 4.29 14
Procedural 3.89 15 4.15 15
Autonomous 3.65 16 3.90 16
Autocratic 3.15 17 3.24 18
Face Saver 2.93 18 3.28 17
Nonparticipative 2.47 19 2.71 19
Self-Centered 1.91 20 1.94 20
Malevolent 1.75 21 1.67 21

focus on the part of personnel in the finance sector, compared to those in the food-processing
industry. Furthermore, the greater amount of organizational change and unpredictability in the
external environment of the finance sector seems to create high stress and thus less friendly, less
sensitive, and less concerned relationships among the employees, resulting in less Humane
Orientation in the organizational culture. In addition, the fact that the food-processing companies
are producing tangible products, which are directly related to the health of people, might
create a more humane organizational culture.

Leadership in the Two Sectors. In order to analyze organizational leadership, Turkish

middle managers employed in the financial services and food-processing sectors rated 112
leadership attributes in terms of their contribution to outstanding leadership on a 7-point
Likert scale. Based on these items, 21 leadership subdimensions were formed. Table 23.4
reports the perceptions of Turkish managers in the two sectors regarding the contribution of
these attributes to outstanding leadership.
Analysis of leadership attributes based on the two sectors indicates that the
Charismatic/Value Based dimension of leadership is endorsed in both. Most subdimensions
of charismatic/value-based leadership, including decisive, visionary, integrity, and inspira-
tional, were perceived to be important contributors to outstanding leadership in both sectors.
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 867

Among the charismatic/value- based characteristics, the highest mean is attributed to integrity
(M = 6.40) in the food-processing sector, whereas the mean of this attribute is slightly lower
in the financial services sector (M = 6.15). Given the fact that the food-processing organiza-
tions are producing outputs that are directly related to the health of people and that the press
has been providing large space and attention to the relationship between food products and
health in the recent years, integrity is attributed the utmost importance in the food-processing
sector. Leadership in the food-processing sector is particularly expected to include honesty,
sincerity, justice, and trustworthiness.
In the financial services sector, the highest mean is attributed to decisive leadership quali-
ties (M = 6.33) and this characteristic also received very high in importance in the food-
processing sector (M = 6.34). Other characteristics of charismatic/value-based leadership,
including visionary (financial services M = 6.22, food processing M = 6.30) and inspirational
(financial services M = 6.09, food processing M = 6.12), are attributed high importance in
both sectors, followed by a slightly lower importance attributed to performance orientation
(financial services M = 5.88, food processing M = 5.76). In both sectors, managers perceived
the importance of performance orientation to be slightly lower compared to other character-
istics of charismatic/value-based leadership. It can be proposed that the importance of perfor-
mance orientation as a leadership attribute would increase as competition in the sectors
increased in the future. The self-sacrificial aspect of the charismatic/value-based leadership
was not perceived to carry high significance in both sectors and the managers attributed
slightly more importance to self-sacrifice in the food-processing organizations (M = 5.20)
compared to the finance organizations (M = 4.90), with an important ranking of 10th and
11th, respectively. It seems like managers in both sectors do not perceive self-sacrifice
by risk-taking and convincing behavior to be among the most important characteristics
contributing to outstanding leadership.
The Team Orientation dimension is attributed as being of high importance as a leadership
quality by Turkish managers working in the two sectors. The team integrator subdimension
received the second-highest importance in both the financial services (M = 6.31) and food-
processing (M = 6.36) organizations. It can be proposed that team integrator qualities of team
builder, integrator, coordinator, informed, and clear are in line with the In-Group Collectivism
that is dominant in Turkish culture and organizations. An outstanding leader in the Turkish
context is expected to keep the team together by serving as an integrator and coordinator, pro-
viding the required information, and communicating in a clear way with the followers. In
addition, the administratively competent characteristic (financial services M = 6.10 and food
processing M = 6.27) received the ranking of 5th most important in both sectors, with very
high absolute values. Outstanding leaders in both sectors are expected to be orderly, admin-
istratively skilled, and organized. The diplomatic (financial services M = 5.84 and food pro-
cessing M = 5.83) and Collaborative Team Oriented (financial services M = 5.65 and food
processing M = 5.98) dimensions were attributed slightly lower importance compared to the
other characteristics of the Team Orientation dimension.
Humane-oriented characteristics are perceived to contribute slightly toward outstanding
leadership in both the financial services and food-processing sectors. Managers in both value
generous and compassionate qualities, as well as modest, calm, and patient behaviors—all of
which contribute to outstanding leadership. These leadership qualities received medium
importance as they were in Ranks 10 to 13 in the two sectors.
The Self-Protective dimension of leadership was perceived to impede outstanding leader-
ship in the Turkish organizations in both sectors. Among the self-protective characteristics,
procedural, face-saver, and self-centered attributes were particularly perceived as negative
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868 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

leadership qualities. Leaders are not expected to be procedural and they need to eliminate
bureaucratic, ritualistic, formal, habitual, and cautious behavior. Furthermore, face-saving
qualities are perceived negatively and leaders are expected to eliminate indirect and evasive
behavior. In addition, self-centered behaviors, including serving self-interest, asocial, and
loner attributes are perceived negatively.
Turkish managers in the financial services and food-processing industries perceived
nonparticipative and autonomous characteristics as impeding outstanding leadership to a
great extent. Leaders are expected to evade domineering, bossy, autocratic, and elitist behav-
iors for effective leadership. Furthermore, they need to eliminate micromanagement and non-
delegation attributes. Finally, autonomous leadership, including individualistic, independent,
and unique behaviors are perceived to impede outstanding leadership in the financial services
and food- processing sectors.

6. CONCLUSIONS

Given its geographic location as a bridge between Europe and Asia, its state ideology that
aims at modernization and Westernization, predominance of Islam among most members of
society, and its historical roots in the Middle East, Asia, and Europe, Turkish society is char-
acterized by the contrasts and combinations of East and West, having elements of modernity,
traditionalism, and Islamism. The GLOBE study conducted in Turkey attempts to describe,
explore, and explain the interrelationships between the contextual elements of Turkish society
and its societal and organizational culture. Furthermore, it attempts to analyze the impact of
contextual and cultural elements on existing leadership patterns and behaviors in Turkish
society. For this purpose, various methodologies, including quantitative and qualitative
studies, were employed to understand cultural and leadership patterns.

Limitations

A limitation of the study is that the data were collected from companies with specific demo-
graphics and may not be considered to be representative of all types of firms in Turkey. The
sample included private companies in food-processing and financial services sectors, which
are the major large/medium-size firms in these sectors and situated in the western part of the
country. Given that economic activity is significantly focused in the western, more developed
regions of Turkey, researchers chose to collect data from firms that are densely populated in
this region. All 23 companies that are included in the sample are located in western Turkey
and thus may reflect specific regional values and practices. Furthermore, the sample is not
representative of other types of companies, like small and publicly owned firms.
Future Research

In order to overcome the methodological limitations, future research can focus on collecting
data from firms carrying a wider array of demographic characteristics. A more representative
sample would include companies of a variety of sizes and ownership, and located in eastern
and less developed parts of the country.
The qualitative part of the study has revealed some culture specific leadership attributes,
including paternalism, emotional, consulting, or collective-achievement orientation. These
are worth investigating further. Future research can test the prevalence of these culture-spe-
cific attributes in terms of their contribution to outstanding leadership in a large sample of
Turkish respondents and in other cultural contexts.
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 869

Summary and Discussion

In terms of the GLOBE societal “As Is” dimensions, Turkey has absolute and relative high
scores in terms of In-Group Collectivism, Power Distance, and Assertiveness, whereas it has
lower scores in Gender Egalitarianism, Uncertainty Avoidance, Performance Orientation,
Humane Orientation, and Future Orientation. In terms of the societal “Should Be” scales,
Turkey is found to have high absolute and relative scores in Future Orientation, Institutional and
In-Group Collectivism, Humane Orientation, and Uncertainty Avoidance, and has lower scores
in Performance Orientation, Assertiveness, Power Distance, and Gender Egalitarianism.
A comparison of the societal “As Is” with the “Should Be” dimensions indicate that
the respondents prefer to have higher levels of Future Orientation, Performance Orientation,
Gender Egalitarianism, Humane Orientation, Institutional Collectivism, and Uncertainty
Avoidance, whereas they would like to have lower levels of Power Distance and Assertiveness.
The preferred level of In-Group Collectivism is as high as the actual level in Turkish society.
GLOBE societal dimension findings strongly match the major characteristics of Turkish
society. Turkish society is indeed high in In-Group Collectivism, where group solidarity
among members is both valued and practiced. Part of this solidarity stems from the role
family plays in people’s lives. Strong ties among the family members create a nurturing and
trustworthy environment for the individuals. Islamic ideology and verses of the Koran rein-
force the importance of family and patriarchal relationships inside. Family is always available
to give support, advice, and direction whenever members face important personal problems.
Another manifestation of In-Group Collectivism is observed when people migrate from rural
to urban areas. Coming from the same region or kinship ties create a strong interdependent
network of relationships, where migrants are drawn into a nucleus of close ties and are given
a hand in finding jobs and dwellings.
The strong network of interdependent relationships in Turkish society reduces the impor-
tance attributed to Future Orientation as individuals feel secure about their futures because the
network would always provide the assistance and help that may be needed in the future. The
low scores in GLOBE’s Future Orientation dimension in Turkish society can also be
explained by interpretations of Islam that promote fatalism.
In the context of GLOBE societal dimensions, Turkey is characterized as an assertive and
high–power distance society. In the Turkish context, assertive and dominant relationships pre-
vail in the education system, family, and public at large. In these contexts, assertive and author-
itarian practices are common in teacher–student, husband–wife, mother in-law–daughter in-law,
and government official–citizen relationships. As GLOBE findings reveal, Turkish people are
unsatisfied with the level of assertiveness in society and aspire for more tender relations. In
addition, Turkish society’s high–power distance characteristics go hand in hand with the cen-
tralization of authority and influence. Power and resource allocation is based on hierarchy and
there is a large social distance among different socioeconomic groups in society. The way
people address each other also reflects the social status of individuals. On the contrary,
Turkish people desire a culture that is substantially less hierarchical.
Turkish organizations, similar to society, are workplaces where in-group ties and network
of interdependent relationships are both practiced and valued. Although at the organizational
setting Turkish managers aspire for more performance orientation and planning, collectivism
at institutional and in-group dimensions receive higher standings. As a manifestation of
in-group collectivism, family members usually constitute the top-management team and
board of directors in companies. Family members are trusted more than professionals in
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870 KABASAKAL AND BODUR

running the business and with the relations with state officials in the state-interdependent
context of Turkey. In addition to family members, other in-groups, including the same school
or region, serve as a basis of trust in organizations and business relationships.
An emerging profile of leadership in Turkey based on the absolute and relative scores of
the GLOBE leadership attributes show that outstanding leaders are perceived to be decisive,
team integrators, diplomatic, administratively competent, visionary, of integrity, and collabo-
rative team oriented. These attributes and behaviors reflect that charismatic and team-oriented
leadership is highly valued by Turkish managers, whereas self-protective, autonomous, and
nonparticipative leadership attributes are perceived to inhibit outstanding leadership.
A series of qualitative analyses were conducted in order to explore the culture-specific
leadership attributes and patterns in the Turkish context. The qualities of paternalistic, consul-
tative, collective achievement-oriented, hands-on, and action-oriented types of leadership are
regarded as positive characteristics in Turkish society.
Paternalistic leadership in Turkey (Aycan et al., 2000; Dilber, 1967) is associated with the
prevailing patronage relationships and high in-group collectivism, where the leaders are
expected to take a holistic concern for their followers and their families. A paternalistic leader
acts in an authoritarian manner like a father would, even making decisions for their followers
when necessary, which goes hand in hand with dominant and assertive practices in Turkish
society. Furthermore, there is a high societal distance between the leaders and followers in the
paternalistic relationship. The highly valued leadership attribute of hands-on, action orienta-
tion coincides with the assertive and high–power distance practices that are prevalent in
Turkish society. In addition, qualitative data show that consultative leaders are perceived pos-
itively because consultation is used as a mechanism to make people feel important and val-
ued in making decisions, make them feel part of the group, and increase their commitment,
rather than for obtaining consensus. Leaders often make decisions by taking the input of a
small nucleus of close associates, whereas consulting people in general is used more for the
purpose of creating group loyalty. Thus, consultation in the Turkish context goes hand in hand
with high in-group collectivism.

Practical Implications

Given the importance of acquaintances and close personal relationships in societal and
organizational contexts, managers in Turkey should spend time on developing personal trust
before going into business. This becomes paramount in both international and local contexts.
Implications of this business setting for international companies planning to enter into
Turkish markets are various. A joint venture type of entry mode would require a great deal of
time for relationship development. In the negotiation process of international business, poten-
tial foreign partners need to demonstrate their capabilities and competencies in building trust
by spending time on socialization and activities that even include their families.
Altogether, when the universal and culture-specific manifestations of outstanding leader-
ship attributes are taken into consideration, leaders and managers in the Turkish context
should act without hesitation, be knowledgeable about the topics and what is going on around
them, be a go-getter, keep things under control, yet be concerned about the private and orga-
nizational problems of followers, and make them feel important and part of the group by
consultation and integrating them into activities. An outstanding leader has integrity and,
together with their family members, should pursue a modest lifestyle by avoiding luxurious
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23 LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN TURKEY 871

consumption and flamboyant practices. Additionally, an outstanding leader should not be self-
centered or autonomous, and thus present achievements as collective accomplishments or as
contributions to the nation and well-being of society.
Leadership in Turkish society is a multifaceted phenomenon. A societal culture that is
characterized with high In-Group Collectivism, Power Distance, and Assertiveness expects its
leaders to enhance team integration and inspire togetherness in unique ways. Kozan and Ergin
(1998) point to the importance of the mediation role that leaders and managers play in Turkish
society, where leaders are expected to intrude into conflict resolutions in order to preserve
peace and group solidarity. Thus, effective Turkish leaders develop mediation skills that “give
face” to both parties and keep the group together at peace. The integrity of the leaders enables
them to exercise power, which further builds on their symbolic and supreme roles.
Assertiveness as a cultural trait implies that leaders who are decisive and hands-on, who can
offer solutions to problems with new ideas, and who satisfy their followers’ needs in a pater-
nalistic way are the ones who can maintain their status.
Leadership in Turkish society is a paradoxical concept. Leaders on the one hand are granted
with supreme status and power, and on the other, there is great skepticism and suspicion about
them. This duality about the position of leaders stems from the competing values and practices
that are simultaneously present in Turkish society. Turkey carries Eastern and Western values,
traditional and modern practices, religious and secular ideologies at the same time, which cre-
ate conflicting expectations from leaders. Leaders are expected to maintain in-group solidarity
and behave in a paternalistic style, yet at the same time encourage performance and improve-
ment in their organizations. There is a push in Turkey away from paternalism with the criticism
of leading to nepotism and inefficiencies. Leaders in Turkish society and organizations face the
dilemma of managing this duality between expectations of efficiency and performance and the
more traditional hierarchical, assertive, and paternalistic values. Because Turkish society values
performance, planning, and more egalitarian distribution of authority and resources, together
with collectivistic tendencies, the ideal leader will be a person who is able to initiate change and
provide vision and performance excellence by keeping group solidarity and at the same time
avoiding nepotism.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We would like to thank Hakan Özçelik, Tolga Akçura, and Çigdem Arsiray for their assistance
in data collection phase of the study.

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CONFUCIAN ASIA CLUSTER

The Confucian Asia cluster in the GLOBE Research Program consisted of China, Hong
Kong, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan. Three of these countries, China, Hong
Kong, and Singapore, are represented in this volume.
The Confucian Asia cluster scored high on In-Group Collectivism, Institutional
Collectivism, and Performance Orientation. The remaining dimensions of societal culture,
namely, Assertiveness, Future Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism, Humane Orientation,
Power Distance, and Uncertainty Avoidance were in the midrange. It was not in the low-score
range of any of the societal culture dimensions. (House et al., 2004).
The most strongly endorsed leadership dimensions in this cluster were Charismatic/Value
Based and Team Orientated. Humane Oriented leadership and Participative leadership were
also positively endorsed. Self-Protective leadership, though seen as neutral or inhibiting out-
standing leadership, is the highest among all the clusters.
The theme running across this cluster is the strong influence of Confucian ideology and
the influence of the Chinese civilization. Some of the distinctive Confucian teachings—such
as the emphasis on learning through a hierarchical and family-modeled institution; teaching
principles such as diligence, self-sacrifice, and delayed gratification—seem to be reflected in
the societal norms and practices of this cluster. Singapore and China seem to be two distinct
countries, possibly because of the colonial past of Singapore, and political developments in
both China and Singapore.

REFERENCES

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates. (2004).
Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.

875
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Chinese Culture and Leadership

Ping Ping Fu
The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong

Rongxian Wu
Suzhou University, Suzhou, China

Yongkang Yang
Jun Ye
Fudan University, Shanghai, China

Preface

As authors of the chapter on the Chinese GLOBE findings, we would like to make it clear that
ours is, by no means, a comprehensive reflection of what the topic might suggest. Try as we
possibly can, there is just no way we could do any justice to the topic within the space given
and with the knowledge we have as individuals. Although the general information applies to
the rest of the country, the quantitative information gathered for the analyses was from
Shanghai only. The data for the project were collected in Shanghai, where the focus group
interviews were conducted. For that reason, we would like to warn our readers against any
incorrect impression that the Chinese are homogeneous among themselves, bearing only the
characteristics described in the chapter. What is presented should be used as a useful refer-
ence for getting to know the culture and leadership in China, rather than an overview of the
topic in the country.

1. INTRODUCTION

The opening of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to the rest of the world has changed
the world’s economic landscape (Tsui & Lau, 2002). The steady economic growth in the past
few years, together with WTO (World Trade Organization) membership, has aroused an

877
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878 FU ET AL.

increasing interest in Chinese organizations in the business world. Chinese culture and
leadership has also become an interesting topic, even to the general public. In this chapter,
we use the Chinese GLOBE data as our empirical support and briefly introduce the societal
culture in China and its leadership. The first part discusses societal culture, starting with a
brief introduction about Confucianism, which forms the roots of the Chinese societal cul-
ture, followed by a brief introduction of the Chinese history, culture, contemporary eco-
nomics, and politics. We refer to it as a brief introduction because China is such a large
country with such a long history, that anything written within such a limited space can only
be viewed as such. Following this, we present the results from the GLOBE project about
Chinese societal culture and organizational culture. We end the first part with a summary and
integration of the findings.
The second part focuses on leadership in China. We start with a brief introduction about
leadership in China, and use the stories of three historical leaders to show the persistent influ-
ence of Confucianism. The results of three focus group interviews are then presented to show
that many of the desired attributes and behaviors of the contemporary leaders are still similar
to those that have been historically respected. The connection clearly shows the influence of
Confucianism, but at the same time, there is an obvious influence from Communist ideolo-
gies and Western management philosophies. Finally, we present the results from the GLOBE
leadership survey to demonstrate the empirical evidence about the desirable leadership attributes
and behaviors in China. The chapter ends with a summary of the findings in leadership and
discussion of the implications of the findings.

2. CONFUCIANISM: ROOTS OF CHINESE CULTURE

Of all the ideologies that influenced the thinking and life of traditional and agricultural China,
Confucianism should account for the most. Over a century ago, an American missionary in
China observed: “Confucianism is the base, and all Chinese are Confucianists, as all English
are Saxons” (Smith, 1894, p. 295). In fact, since the Song Dynasty (960–1126), Confucianism
has exerted such an enormous influence on Chinese history that the word Confucianism is
almost synonymous with the words “Chinese traditional culture” (Li, 1986). Therefore, in
order to understand Chinese culture, one must first understand Confucianism.
Confucianism was founded by Kong Fuzi (551–479 BC), who was later called Confucius
by the Jesuit missionaries (all the Chinese names in this chapter are written according to the
pronunciation of the standard Chinese). Confucius died almost a decade before the birth of
the ancient Greek philosopher Socrates (469–399 BC). However, the basis of the Confucian
ideology were laid by the ceremonies and rituals established by Zhou Gong, brother of
Emperor Wu of the Shang Kingdom. Zhou Gong, and others, enforced order and status among
people at the start of the Zhou Dynasty, almost 300 years before Kong Fuzi was born.
Confucius led his disciples to disseminate the rituals and ceremonies from the Zhou Dynasty
and organized them in books. But it was in the Han Dynasty, more than 300 years after his
death, when Confucian philosophy was officially accepted.
In 134 AD, Dong Zhongsu, a famous Confucian scholar, proposed the banning of all
schools of thought except the Confucian school. Emperor Shun accepted Dong’s proposal and
government officers were then selected from among Confucius’s disciples. Ever since then,
Chinese culture has almost exclusively been identified with Confucianism. Even though
Buddhism and Taoism were other two major schools of thought, and filled the needs of
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 879

popular imagination and a popular religion, it is Confucianism that has continuously influenced
the Chinese people and formed the Chinese culture (Li, 1986).
Although the “five constant virtues: benevolence (ren), righteousness (yi), propriety (li),
wisdom (zhi), and fidelity (xin)” in Confucianism are the guidelines for behaviors, ideologi-
cally there are four major virtues in Confucianism: class system, obedience, doctrine of the
mean, and renqing.
The class system refers to maintaining the ancient rituals and proper ordering of positions
in society. According to Confucius, a person’s social status, no matter how high or low, was
given at birth and in the order specified by the five cardinal relationships (“wu lun”; Yang,
1993; cited in Farh & Cheng, 1999, p. 99). “By affirming and embracing patriarchy as the
organizing principle of society, China’s imperial rulers solidified their absolute authority over
their subjects as well” (Farh & Cheng, 2000, p. 103).
The four virtues are closely connected to each other. The observance of orders would not
have been possible without obedience, the next major virtue, which is also embedded in the
order of the hierarchical relationship. Of the five cardinal relationships, three of them
(father–son, husband–wife, and brother–brother) explicitly address social relations within the
family (Tom, 1989). Because wisdom gained in a long life experience comes with old age,
obedience is essentially the doctrine of filial piety in the family. Therefore, the eldest male
possessed absolute authority, and all others were expected to be absolutely obedient and loyal
to the family head. In ancient China, a country was perceived as a large family with the
emperor as the head, so all countrymen were the children, and were expected to obey the
emperor as their own parent (Yu, Cheng, & Chen, 1999). Therefore, we can say that the virtue
of obedience is the cultural root of paternalistic leadership found in many overseas Chinese
enterprises (Farh & Cheng, 2000).
Despite the orders and the expectations of obedience, however, there are always conflicts.
When conflicts occur, doctrine of the mean (avoiding extremes, also translated as moderation)
is the principle to handle them. Confucius believed that any extreme ideas would
lead people astray and create disorder in society, and therefore urged people to control their
emotions and refrain from desires in order not to lose insightfulness and the ability to remain
obedient to one’s superiors under all circumstances.
The last virtue, renqing, refers to being kind, benevolent, righteous, or respecting the feel-
ings of other people. According to Confucianism, renqing is an internalized moral virtue that
is more powerful than laws, because laws can force people to obey temporarily, but only
moral virtues can teach people to have a sense of shame, which will then prevent them from
doing bad things at any time, and urge them to be kind and righteous.
Chinese historian Li Zehou pointed out (1986) that Confucianism’s domination of Chinese
traditional culture is by no means accidental. Compared to numerous other schools of
thought, Confucianism is more deeply related to ancient Chinese economic traditions and
family legal practices. Active enforcement of Confucius ideologies can be seen in the social-
ization, education, and daily living practices.

3. CHINA: HISTORY, ECONOMY, POLITICS, AND CULTURE

China is situated in the eastern part of Asia, on the west coast of the Pacific Ocean. It has a
total land area of 9.6 million square kilometers, next only to Canada. From north to south, it
measures some 5,500 kilometers, stretching from the central line of the Heilong River, north
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880 FU ET AL.

of the town of Mohe, to the Zengmu Reef at the southernmost tip of the Nansha Islands. From
west to east, the territory of China extends about 5,200 kilometers from the Pamirs to the
confluence of the Heilong and Wusuli rivers.
China’s land border is 22,800 kilometers long. The nation is bordered by Korea in the east;
Mongolia in the north; Russia in the northeast; Kazakhstan, Kirghizia and Tadzhikistan in the
northwest; Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan in the west and south-
west; and Myanmar, Laos, and Vietnam in the south. Across the seas to the east and southeast
are the Republic of Korea, Japan, the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia, and Indonesia.
The Chinese mainland is flanked by the Bohai, the Huanghai (Yellow Sea), and the East
China and South China seas in the east and south. The territorial waters of the People’s
Republic of China extend 12 nautical miles out from the base line drawn where China’s land
territories and interior waters border the sea. More than 5,000 islands are scattered over
China’s vast territorial seas.
The coast of the mainland, 18,000 kilometers long, is dotted with excellent harbors and
ports, the most famous of them, from north to south, being Dalian, Qinhuangdao, Tianjin,
Yantai, Qingdao, Lianyungang, Nantong, Shanghai, Ningbo, Wenzhou, Fuzhou, Xiamen,
Guangzhou, Zhanjiang, and Beihai. Among them Shanghai is the largest city in China with a
population of 13.56 million and well-developed industry, commerce, finance, and ocean
transportation (information from the materials prepared by the Chinese Embassy to the
United States).

History

With records showing the establishment of the Xia Dynasty in the 21st century BC, China has
a written history of over 4,000 years. The history of China is usually divided into four major
epochs: ancient times (from antiquity to 1840 AD), modern period (1840–1919), new demo-
cratic revolution (1919–1949), and the People’s Republic of China(1949– ).
Ancient China was fairly well developed in both economy and culture. During the apex of
the Chinese feudal society, the Han and Tang dynasties (agriculture, handicrafts, weaving,
and shipbuilding) were advanced. Transportation by both land and water was made possible;
extensive economic and cultural relations were established with Japan, Korea, India, Persia,
and Arabia. Ancient China was also home of the four major creations, papermaking, printing,
gunpowder, and the compass, which exerted an enormously profound influence on the history
of mankind. Influential thinkers such as Confucius, Lao Zi, and Sun Zi (the author of The Art
of War) all lived in ancient China.
The Opium War (1840) was a turning point in Chinese history. The Treaty of Nanking with
Britain signed by the corrupt Qing court in 1842 resulted in bartering away China’s national
sovereignty, and marked the reduction of China to a semicolonial, semifeudal country. The
situation remained till the Revolution of 1911, when Dr. Sun Yat-sen led the bourgeois demo-
cratic revolution, which ended the rule of the Qing Dynasty, and founded the provisional
government of the Republic of China, thus putting an end to the monarchy that had existed
for 2,000 years.
The May Movement against imperialism and feudalism took place in 1919. Two years
later, with the help of the former Soviet Union, the Chinese Communist Party held its first
National Congress and founded the Communist Party of China. After almost three decades
of hard struggle, including civil wars against the Kuomintang headed by Chiang Kai-shek,
and the war of resistance against Japan following the first Party Congress, the Chinese
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 881

Communist Party, led by the late Mao Zedong, proclaimed the founding of the People’s
Republic of China on October 1, 1949.
For the next three decades, following the economic recovery in the first three years
(1950–1952), China underwent several major political movements, including the socialist
transformation (1953–1956), large-scale socialist construction (1957–1966), and finally the
Cultural Revolution, which lasted for 10 years from 1966 to 1976. The Cultural Revolution
brought great calamity to the country and the people, causing the most serious setbacks and
most damaging losses since the founding of the People’s Republic of China.

Economy

The Cultural Revolution left the Chinese economy on the verge of collapse. Fortunately, the
Party held its historical Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Congress in 1978 and decided
to open up the country to the outside world and started the economic reform. Ever since then,
the country has not engaged in any large-scope political movements but instead has focused
on building a socialist modernization with Chinese characteristics. Prior to the reform, the
Chinese economic system had the following four main characteristics:

1. State ownership: Because state ownership was required by state socialism, all major
industrial enterprises were owned by the state. There were many privately owned
small businesses when the new China was first established, but they were all elimi-
nated during the 3-year “Socialist Transformation” movement launched in 1956. In the
two decades that followed, private ownership was virtually non-existent. Family-
owned businesses were also collectivised and transformed into collectively owned
types of businesses in order to sustain their existence. By 1984, about 70% of the
industries were state owned, and 30% collectively owned. Therefore, until the reform,
state enterprises were the backbone of China’s business industry.
2. Central planning: Together with socialism, the Chinese government also copied the
highly centralized planned economic system that the former Soviet Union established
in the early stage of its industrialization. Under the central planning system, there is
an institutional framework with the State Council at the top and several state commis-
sions underneath it. The two most important economic administrative commissions
were the State Planning Commission (SPC), established in 1952 and responsible for
long-term plans, and the State Economic Commission (SEC), established in 1956 and
in charge of annual operational plans. Established in the same year was the General
Bureau for the Supply of Raw Materials, which allocated resources and materials, and
the State Technology Commission, which was created to plan long-term technical
development.
3. Local government involvement: It would have been impossible for China to implement
the central planning system without the agencies at various levels. The structure of the
local government and their functions usually corresponded to that of the central govern-
ment and embraced the local planning and economic commissions and industrial and
functional bureaus. Organizations were also categorized into provincial, municipal, or
county level, and were controlled by the government agencies correspondingly.
4. Dominance of the Chinese Communist Party: The relationship between the Central
Government and central Chinese Communist Party Committee is displayed in Figure
24.1. As can be seen, the Communist Party committee exists at every level and was,
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882 FU ET AL.

Figure 24.1. Industrial governance in the Chinese urban industrial sector. From Lu (1996).
Copyright 1996 by Macmillan. Adapted by permission.

and still is in many organizations, part of the decision-making body. Party committees
or general branches (depending on the size of the enterprise), headed by the Party
secretary, issued directives and commands, supervised individual Party members and
other non-Party staff, determined personnel issues (within the organization), and
organized political educational programmes.
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 883

The rapid economic development over two and a half decades has lifted millions out of
poverty and seen China emerging increasingly prosperous and confident. With China’s enter-
ing into the WTO in 2001, “past speculations about China as a world economic power in the
21st century have become a reality few would dispute anymore” (Tsui & Lau, 2002).
However, the rapid pace of change has not been without its costs. According to China Briefing
(http://www.asiasociety.org), a growing economic gap has opened up between the prosperous
coastal regions of the east and the poverty-stricken western hinterland. Even within the more
prosperous regions, economic inequality is becoming more pronounced. Unemployment is
also rising. All these problems, fortunately, have been put on the agenda of the ruling Party,
and the development of the country’s west is already under way.

Politics

Under China’s socialist political and economic system, the government was explicitly respon-
sible for planning and managing the national economic. A major portion of the governmental
apparatus was devoted to managing the economy; all but a few of the more than 10 ministries,
commissions, administrations, bureaus, academies, and corporations under the State Council
were concerned with economic matters (see The State Council, Chap. 10).
Under the old system, economic policies and decisions adopted by the National People’s
Congress and the State Council were passed on to the economic organizations under the State
Council, which incorporated them into the plans for the various sectors of the economy. Each
of the economic organizations under the State Council directed the units under its jurisdiction
through subordinate offices at the provincial and local levels. A major objective of the reform
was to reduce the use of direct controls and to increase the role of indirect economic levers.
By 1987, the majority of state-owned industrial enterprises, which were managed at the
provincial level or below, were partially regulated by a combination of specific allocations
and indirect controls, and the planned economy is shifting increasingly to the market-oriented
economy.
Starr (1997), author of a guidebook on China, wrote:

China’s political system has three branches—a legislature, an executive branch, and a judiciary—
but in practice there are really two, since the Chinese judiciary functions more as a department
of the executive than it does as an independent check on the other two arms of the government.
Similarly, the legislature has only very recently come to see itself as a potential check on the oper-
ations of the executive branch and the judiciary. The branches are not equal partners, and there is
no provision in the Chinese constitution for checks and balances to maintain equality.
(p. 60)

The constitution itself, the fifth since the People’s Republic of China was founded in 1949, is
“probably best understood as a mission statement or policy platform with a finite duration”
(Starr, 1997, p. 60) rather than laws for regulating behaviors.

Culture

Because culture is the major theme of the chapter, it is discussed in more detail. We men-
tioned earlier that Confucianism is the root of the Chinese culture. As such, many of
the Chinese cultural characteristics are related to the four virtues discussed previously. To a
certain extent, we can say that the Chinese society is structured around webs of social rela-
tionships (Bian, 1994), and Chinese people all live in an invisible network of guanxi
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884 FU ET AL.

(relationships or ties). When dealing with relationships, one has to be careful with renqing
(individually internalized sense of moral responsibility) and mianzi (face). All these can be
viewed as major Chinese cultural characteristics and have deep roots in Confucianism.

Guanxi. The Chinese term is used in this chapter instead of the word relationship,
because guanxi has a much more involved connotation than the latter. “Guanxi ties people
together according to the specific relationship between these people” (Hui & Graen, 1997,
p. 454). A survey of Chinese citizens conducted a few years ago showed that 92% affirmed
the importance of guanxi in their daily lives, and 72% preferred to use guanxi connections
over normal bureaucratic channels to advance personal interests and solve problems (Yeung
& Tung, 1996). Western business people who have done some business with China also know
that companies wanting to get in on the ground floor in China need guanxi in addition to plan-
ning, funding, and a good product (Murphy, 1996).
The reason guanxi is so important is because China is a country “ruled by people” (ren zhi)
not by law, and the predefined nature of guanxi dictates the behavior. The notion of rule by
people can be seen as a result of the belief in morality as defined under Confucianism.
According to Confucius, governance by ethics (li zhi) is preferred over governance by law (fa
zhi), and people follow ethics, making China ruled by people. The reliance on people rather than
law would naturally promote the practice of guanxi, because an individual (rather than institu-
tional authority) defines what is permissible in a given context at a particular time. Even the cen-
tral government deals with provincial and municipal governments by means of myriad of ad hoc
agreements made after complex bargaining negotiations. As Lee Kuan Yew, former premier of
the Republic of Singapore, put it, the Chinese use guanxi “to make up for the lack of the rule of
law and transparency in rules and regulations” (Yeung & Tung, 1996, p. 56). To some extent, it
is correct to say that without guanxi, nothing happens in China (Murphy, 1996).

Renqing and Mianzi. We explained earlier that the notion of renqing is one of the
Confucius virtues, and mianzi is almost inseparable from renqing. Generally speaking, ren-
qing indicates the emotional responses of an individual confronting the various situations of
daily life (Hwang, 1987). Individuals are expected to control their anger, hatred, and desire,
because the notion of renqing is reciprocal and a person is believed to be treated however the
person treats others. Also, if the person lets his or her emotions take over, she or he will cause
the other to lose “face.” Over a hundred years ago, Arthur Smith pointed out that in China the
word face does not signify simply the front part of the head, but is “literally a compound noun
of multitude, with more meanings than we shall be able to describe, or perhaps to comprehend”
(Smith, 1894, p. 16).
There is a Chinese saying that “mianze is like the bark of a tree; without which, the tree
dies.” People who have lost mianzi in Confucian societies are more than social outcasts.
A loss of mianzi brings shame not only to the individuals, but also to their family members,
leaving them unable to function in society (Yeung & Tung, 1996). In Chinese history, there
are people who have actually killed themselves in order to save face. A district magistrate in
the Ming Dynasty, as a special favor, was allowed to be beheaded in his robes of office in
order to save face (Smith, 1894).
Swaak (1995, p. 43) pointed out that the Chinese value the notion of mianzi because it allows
them to maintain their esteem and personal dignity. It is a difficult value to comprehend for
people who believe in being direct and open. But in China, you can cause someone to lose
mianzi, esteem, or personal dignity by saying exactly what you mean or feel. In turn, the
person who has lost mianzi may—indirectly—make you lose mianzi without you knowing it.
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 885

This is because Confucianism provides a prescribed response to most situations and individuals
are judged by the way they use these prescribed patterns of behavior when dealing with other
people. So long as the person conforms to the expected behaviors this person’s face is
maintained. The loss of mianzi occurs when the prescribed expectations are not met. This is still
true to this day. For example, friends are expected to help each other out in times of difficulty.
If Person A asks his friend, Person B, for help and Person B cannot or does not give the help,
then Person B is not giving Person the face, and Person A would feel that he lost his face.
The concept of mianzi is especially intriguing because it also involves the influence of
other cultural notions. For example, the Chinese vastly prefer consensus to a simple majority
rule when making a decision. If people have different views about a decision, they will keep
pushing the decision to higher authorities until a unanimous consensus is reached, so that
people whose opinions were rejected by peers would not lose face. Here the concern for
mianzi is mixed with the belief in high power distance. It is that belief that makes succumb-
ing to the higher authority easier than agreeing with peers. In addition to guanxi, renqing. and
mianzi, another much-emphasized phenomenon in Chinese culture is the notion of political
morality, which too is historically rooted in Confucianism.

Political Morality. Throughout China’s history, political thought has been one of the
essential branches of literature. Moral forces are the means by which “this incomputable mass
of human beings, dwelling on the Chinese plains from the dawn of history has until now, been
controlled,” and made itself “an exception to the universal law of the decay and death of
nations” (Smith, 1894, p. 287). Unlike in the West, where the source of morality is the indi-
vidual conscience, in China morality fixes social norms as well as individual codes of behav-
ior, and in doing so it plays the role that religion does in the West (Tom, 1989).
For Confucius, morality and government were so closely related that it was scarcely pos-
sible to think about them separately. According to Confucius: “Lead the people with govern-
mental measures and regulate them with laws and punishment, and they will avoid
wrongdoing but will have no sense of honor and shame. Lead them with virtue and regulate
them by the rules of propriety, and they will have a sense of shame and, moreover, set them-
selves right” (Confucius, 1992, 2:3).
Throughout Chinese history, political thought has been one of the essential branches of
literature. The extensive coverage in the media on various types of meetings is good evidence.
In ancient China, emperors and government officers were also scholars. The late Chairman
Mao Zedong himself wrote poems and studied calligraphy. In fact, the construction of polit-
ical morality is one of the three tasks of the Communist Party, and weekly meetings to discuss
moral issues are routine in all types of organizations everywhere in China. Often the deputy
president or director in an organization is specialized in handling the work of political morality.
These people are expected to act somewhat like fathers in churches or clinical psychologists
(even though they are not trained as such), listening to people’s problems and providing
advice when they can, but often they are also expected to find the necessary resources and
help solve practical problems.

Summary

The preceding section has provided a very brief overview of China’s history, economy,
politics, and culture. In particular, it talks about the few characteristics that have made the
Chinese culture “unique” and somewhat “difficult” for Western people to understand.
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886 FU ET AL.

Although the past two decades’ rapid development has dramatically turned China from a
poverty-driven country to a new rising economic power, China itself has remained
“unchanged” (Chine, 1999, p. 34) in many ways, and the state paternalism is still a dominant
feature of China’s business environment. According to Child and Tse (2001), “so long as
China retains its one-party system, this feature is likely to persist” (p. 17). Chinese people, on
the other hand, are still largely clinging to the traditional values (see Goldman, 1994; Ralston,
Egri, Stewart, Terpstra, & Yu, 1999; Ralston, Gustafson, Terpstra, & Holt, 1995; Ralston
et al., 1993) and “Confucianism is now again at the core of the national essence that is being
rediscovered, reinvented, and re-embraced today” (People’s Daily, 1994).
However, Chinese business leaders, living and working under the Chinese Communist
Party, are also exposed to communist ideology, which discourages autocratic and dictatorial
leadership. Leaders are encouraged to show concerns for their followers, respect them, and
are expected to sacrifice themselves for their followers. Furthermore, the country has been
going through an unprecedented influence of Western management philosophies (Chen,
1995). Naturally, in addition to the Confucius values, the influence of Communist and
Western managerial values would also be obvious. In the following section, we present the
Chinese results of the GLOBE societal cultural survey, which show the influence of the mul-
tiple values we stated previously.

4. GLOBE FINDINGS ABOUT CHINESE SOCIETAL CULTURE

The Chinese data of the GLOBE Project were collected in Shanghai, which is the largest indus-
trial city in China. Shanghai was selected as the research site because of its rapid development
and strategic position in China. With a population of 13 million people, a well-developed infra-
structure for utilities, communications, and all forms of commercial transportations, and a
political climate conducive to foreign investment (Fung, Yan & Nin, 1992), Shanghai serves
as an ideal environment to investigate changes in values and implications of such changes in
managerial practices. Whether development in Shanghai can be generalized and extended to
the rest of China is an unresolved question, but there is a strong case for similar patterns of
economic development and increased foreign investment throughout China’s urban centers
and coastal port cities (Ralston et al., 1995).
A total of 158 responses were collected from middle managers working in the finance
industry (77) and food industry (81).1 Table 24.1 presents China’s mean scores on each of the
cultural dimensions “As Is” (the perceived practices in society) and “Should Be” (how the
society should be in an ideal situation). Next to the mean scores are the rankings of the scores
in reference to the other scores by the 61 participating countries (for the purpose of the
research, regions like Hong Kong are also referred to as countries). Also presented in Table
24.1 are the absolute differences between the “As Is” score and the “Should Be” score, the
highest and lowest mean scores on each of the dimensions.

Performance Orientation. Performance Orientation refers to the degree to which a society

encourages and rewards group members for performance improvement and achievement of
excellence. According to House, Javidan, Hanges, and Dorfman (2002) and House et al.

1
The detailed information on the sample is missing because the demographic data of the project was lost in the
mailing process.
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 887

TABLE 24.1
Results of GLOBE Societal Value Survey

Absoluteb
Cultural Dimension Mean Ranka Difference Bandc Highest Score Lowest Score

Performance Orientation
“As Is” 4.45 13 1.22 A 4.94 3.20
“Should Be” 5.67 50 C 6.58 4.92
Future Orientation
“As Is” 3.75 34 0.98 C 5.07 2.88
“Should Be” 4.73 60 C 6.20 4.33
Assertiveness
“As Is” 3.76 51 1.68 B 4.89 3.38
“Should Be” 5.44 2 A 5.56 2.66
Institutional Collectivism
“As Is” 4.77 7 0.21 A 5.22 3.25
“Should Be” 4.56 9 B 5.65 3.83
In-Group Collectivism
“As Is” 5.80 9 0.71 A 6.36 3.53
“Should Be” 5.09 58 C 6.52 4.94
Gender Egalitarianism
“As Is” 3.05 48 0.63 B 4.08 2.50
“Should Be” 3.68 58 C 5.17 3.18
Uncertainty Avoidance
“As Is” 4.94 10 0.34 A 5.37 2.88
“Should Be” 5.28 9 A 5.61 3.16
Power Distance
“As Is” 5.04 41 1.94 B 5.80 3.89
“Should Be” 3.10 12 B 3.65 2.04
Humane Orientation
“As Is” 4.36 17 0.96 B 5.23 3.18
“Should Be” 5.32 39 C 6.09 4.49
a
The rank order for China relative to the 61 societies. bAbsolute difference between the “As Is” and “Should Be”
scores. cLetters A to D represent statistically different clusters of countries (Bands) with A > B > C > D (cf.
Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004).

(2004), GLOBE’s Performance Orientation is similar to Hofstede and Bond’s (1988)

Confucian work dynamism, which focuses on social hierarchy, protecting the status quo, and
personal virtue. The Chinese score was among the higher ranking countries on “As Is” (4.45,
Rank 13), which is supportive of the traditional Chinese culture in which hard work and dili-
gence were highly praised and appreciated. When describing the same value as how it
“Should Be,” the average scores among other countries are much higher than those on “As Is.”
The Chinese score was also higher than its score on “As Is” (5.67 vs. 4.45). However, the
score was much lower compared to those of other countries (ranked 50th out of 61 compared
to the 13th out of 61 on “As Is”).
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888 FU ET AL.

Like China, the scores of Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan on Performance Orientation
“As Is” were among the highest ranking countries (2, 3, and 8, respectively) and their scores
on Performance Orientation “Should Be” were higher than their scores on “As Is,” but their
respective rankings are also much lower compared to their rankings on “As Is” (48, 52, and
46, respectively). In other words, the discrepancies between the “As Is” and “Should Be”
scores for the four Chinese-speaking societies are all low. To find out the more accurate expla-
nation to the reason will require much more investigation, but a couple of possible reasons
might be: (a) the tendency for the Chinese people to score toward the mean as a result of the
influence by the “doctrine of the mean” (although no response bias has been identified for the
Chinese sample for this dimensions; Javidan, 2004, p. 250); (b) the Chinese people think good
performance is already highly encouraged, (c) the Chinese, being more collectivistic, may not
like extreme emphasis on encouraging individual performances.

Future Orientation. The Future Orientation dimension in the GLOBE instrument mea-
sures values and beliefs pertaining to long-term orientation (e.g., delaying gratification, plan-
ning, and investing in the future). The results showed that Chinese managers’ score on Future
Orientation “As Is” (3.75) ranked about the middle (34) among the 61 countries; whereas their
score on Future Orientation “Should Be” (4.73) ranked 60, which is next to the lowest among
the 61 countries. Hofstede (1993) pointed out that Chinese culture is long-term oriented. China
is a farming country, and for farmers, planning long-term means to save as much as you can
and thriftiness was a virtue cherished in the traditional agricultural society that forms the
backbone of China (Cheung et al., 1996). But the GLOBE items on this dimension do not
capture thrift or saving. If we look at the dimension as emphasizing on conscientiously plan-
ning for the future, this might be a reason for the low score.
Unlike most religious societies, the Chinese society does not have a dominant religion, but
it was exposed to multiple schools of thought in ancient times and people have the habit of
using often seemingly contradictory principles to rationalize their thinking when necessary.
Whereas Confucianism encouraged people to be thrifty and to think long-term, the founder
of Taoism, Lao Zi, opined that the cosmos is uncertain, and therefore we had better leave
things alone, letting things take their natural course. To him, planning is both unnecessary and
against nature.
Another possible reason might be due to the high level of uncertainties caused by the too
many changes in China. Take the saving habit, for example. Chinese people used to put into
the bank every single penny they could spare. But now that the government has dropped the
interest rate to such a low level in order to stimulate expenditure there is no incentive to save
anymore. Therefore, it may be safe to say that the current situation in China discourages
people to think long-term. As Cherry Li, a middle-level manager in a U.S.-owned Chinese
company who was getting on-the-job training in the U.S. said: “Americans pay a lot of
attention to individual development. They have ‘road maps’ for individuals and try to lay
ahead where you are going to be in the next five years. We Chinese don’t do that at all. We
watch our steps as we walk along. How can we plan ahead when we don’t even know which
company we’ll be working for in the next five years?” (Li, 1997, personal communication). It
is suggested that further research is required in order to decipher the real reason.

Assertiveness. Assertiveness measures the degree to which individuals in a society are

assertive, dominant, and aggressive in social relationships. China has traditionally been a
male-dominant society. Until modern times, men in China were always superior to women.
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 889

Being a woman in China meant being a servant to the men in their lives—“first father, then
husband, then son”—and there has been a long-standing prejudice against females in China
although literature relevant to masculinity ideology in China is quite sparse (Levant, Wu, &
Fischer, 1996). In fact, even to this day, traditional masculinity ideology is still endorsed
highly as shown in the Levant et al. study. Masculine behaviors such as assertiveness, domi-
nance, and aggression should therefore be highly acceptable in China.
In fact, a number of studies, which included the United States, Hong Kong, China, and
Taiwan, found Chinese more masculine and assertive than Americans (Schmit & Yeh, 1992;
Shermerhorn & Bond, 1991). However, literature on unique Chinese cultural concepts such
as mianzi (face; maintaining the respect of others as well as to respect others), renqing (being
kind or respecting the feelings of other people), and guanxi (relatedness or connections
among individuals) strongly indicate otherwise. These terms distinguish the Chinese from
other cultures (Bond, 1991). They constrain the behaviors of Chinese individuals and dis-
courage them from behaving assertively. The conflict of interests may explain the large dis-
crepancy between China’s two scores on assertiveness “As Is” (3.76) and “Should Be” (5.44).
The respective “As Is” ranking (51 out of 61) indicates that the respondents did not think
Chinese society encouraged individuals to be assertive. However, the Chinese score on how
society should value such behavior ranked 2nd highest among the 61 scores, showing that
Chinese managers have a much stronger desire for the society to value assertive behavior in
comparison to others. An accurate explanation of the discrepancy between the two scores
requires further study, but a plausible reason that the current Chinese society has a lower level
of assertiveness than many other societies could be because Chinese managers are still influ-
enced by their concerns for notions such as renqing (emotional responses), guanxi (relations
or ties), and mianzi (face), whereas their strong aspirations for such behavior could be due to
the fact that rapid changes in society created an extremely high level of uncertainty, urging
Chinese people to become increasingly aggressive in order to protect themselves.

Institutional Collectivism. This scale measures the degree to which individuals are
encouraged by societal institutions to be integrated into broader entities, such as the extended
family, the firm, or the village. For centuries, the individual as an end in itself was de-empha-
sized in Chinese society. Instead, the network of obligations and responsibilities as a group
member of the society was emphasized (Chew & Putti, 1995). As Michael Bond (1991)
described it: “Chinese think of themselves using more group-related concepts (such as atten-
tive to others) than Americans do; and they see their ideal ‘self’ as being closer to their social
(or interpersonal) self than Westerners do” (p. 34). Based on these traditional values, it would
be natural for one to expect China to score relatively higher on this dimension.
Consistent with the assumption, the Chinese score on Institutional Collectivism “As Is”
(4.77) was among the highest, ranking 7th among the 61 countries, meaning Chinese society
is very collectivistic. The Chinese score on Institutional Collectivism “Should Be” (4.56), how-
ever, is slightly lower compared to the “As Is” score. Although it ranked in the middle (36
among the 61 countries), the absolute difference between the two scores was very minimal
(0.21). The relative discrepancy to other countries may be the result of the changes taking
place in China, especially within the business context, which is particularly likely to be picked
up by sampling from a managerial population. Like many other Chinese cultural ideologies
that are being threatened by the acceptance of Western views, the collectivistic orientation,
too, is being challenged. For example, the extremely egalitarian practices that were derived
from the collectivistic orientation and that were preached in China for decades are now often
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890 FU ET AL.

being rejected and replaced by more equitable standards (Chen, 1995). Individual contribu-
tions are now being acknowledged and rewarded. However, overall, people’s values in col-
lectivism are still quite consistent with the traditional values.

In-Group Collectivism. The second collectivism, labeled In-Group Collectivism, mea-

sures the degree to which members of a society take pride in membership in small groups
such as their family and circle of close friends, and the organizations and units in which they
are employed. Like its scores on the Institutional Collectivism dimension, Chinese scores on
In-Group Collectivism “As Is” (5.80, ranked 9th) were slightly higher than the scores on
family cohesiveness “Should Be” (5.09, ranked 58th). The absolute difference between the
two scores is bigger than that for Institutional Collectivism. However, the reasons for the dis-
crepancy are similar to the ones discussed previously. The concept of family has always been
important to the Chinese people. Pursuit of individual interests at the sacrifice of families has
always been discouraged. In China, altruism and loyalty, loyalty to parents at home and to
bosses at work, are values that the society tries very hard to instill in children. A close
parent–children relationship is a virtue that is widely respected and valued. “Chinese parents
take great interest in their children throughout their lives, and their children, imbued with the
doctrine of filial piety, are constantly reminded of their filial duty towards their parents”
(Chao, 1983, p. 72). Most Chinese children live with their parents until they get married. Very
often even after they get married, if they do not have a place to live, they continue to live with
their parents. In many rural areas, new extensions are made to the house when male children
get married. The tradition that all children live under the same roof is still kept there. So the
current practice reflects the lingering influence of the traditional values.
The reforms, nevertheless, have forced the Chinese to take care of themselves. A study that
compared values held by Chinese managers before and after the Tian An Men Square incident
in 1989 found a growing spirit of “Chinese-style” individualism, which is “tempered by cultural
relationships and centralized controls, yet compatible with Western values” (Ralston et al.,
1995, p. 15). Young people are becoming increasingly independent. They move away from their
parents as soon as they can. At work, they are no longer constrained to the organization, and
therefore can “afford” not to be loyal to their employers. The increasing divorce rate and the
one-child-per-family policy also make it impossible to maintain some of the traditional values
of a family. That is probably a good reason explaining why the Chinese score on In-Group
Collectivism “Should Be” is much lower than its score on In-Group Collectivism “As Is.”

Gender Egalitarianism. Gender Egalitarianism refers to the extent to which a society

minimizes gender role differences. It measures the level of stereotype held by a society that
favors one gender over the other (House et al., 2002). A lower score favors male-oriented
behaviors, a middle score means egalitarian values, and a higher score favors female-oriented
behaviors. Chinese scores on both Gender Egalitarianism “As Is” (3.05) and “Should Be”
(3.68) are low, indicating that the society favors men more (ranking 48th among scores on “As
Is” and 58th on “Should Be”). In fact, the two means are also very close to each other. There
are historical reasons for such obvious favor for the men.
In China, despite all the economic advances, the majority of the population is still poor and
a large proportion still depends heavily on farming and on men for labor. In these places, women
are still discouraged in education or employment except as “wet nurses, maids, or cooks” (Chia,
Moore, Lam, Chuang, & Cheng, 1994, p. 25). Women still lag behind men in terms of salary,
job benefits, and job privileges (Eaton, 1998; Shaffer, Joplin, Bell, Lau, & Oguz, 2000).
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 891

Gender Egalitarianism may not happen until China becomes more economically developed.
People in rural areas may still have to rely on men for heavy manual labor, and it will be hard
for the Chinese to treat the two genders equally when one is, in practice, more useful than the
other. Until the majority of the population is liberated from the land and women become more
independent, the bias in favor of men will remain.

Uncertainty Avoidance. Uncertainty Avoidance indicates the extent to which people

seek orderliness, consistency, structure to cover situations in their daily lives, try to avoid
uncertain and ambiguous situations by reliance on social norms and procedures and belief in
absolute truths and the attainment of expertise (House et al., 2002; 2004). As can be seen in
Table 24.1, China’s two scores on Uncertainty Avoidance are fairly consistent between “As
Is” (4.94) and “Should Be” (5.28), ranking 10th and 9th, respectively.
The high Chinese scores are consistent with the traditional Chinese value of order. Starting
with Confucius, who thought the “Golden Age is in the past” (Smith, 1894, p. 115), the
Chinese seek peace and security by clinging to the past. Under that kind of mind-set and being
exclusively shut off from the rest of the world, the Chinese people’s creativity withered like
flowers deprived of sunshine and water. For centuries, Chinese people were comfortable and
felt secure only when they “played-it-safe.” It may sound bizarre to Westerners, actually
ridiculous even to us Chinese now, but it was unfortunately true that during the 1960s and
1970s people in China were led to seek “unity and order” to such a degree that they would
run their businesses the same way year after year without change, maintaining the same struc-
ture, the same products, the same everything. They even wore clothes in the same uniform
color, making the country either “a sea of blue” or “a sea of green.” Therefore, if one under-
stands the long history and the traditional values of order, one should have no problem under-
standing why the current Chinese society has such a high intolerance for uncertainty.
The Chinese’s strong desire to see more order in society, as reflected in their high score on
“Should Be,” reflects the anxiety caused by the unprecedented changes going on in China. It
is true that all Chinese people enjoy the better living they have now and welcome change in
that sense, but many of them are worried about the loss of “order,” therefore longing for more
rules and regulations to reduce uncertainties.

Power Distance. Power Distance measures the extent to which a culture accepts inequal-
ities between various groups within a culture such as social classes and organizational
hierarchy (House et al., 2002). The two Chinese scores on Power Distance “As Is” (5.04) and
“Should Be” (3.10) showed the largest discrepancy among the nine pairs of scores. In fact,
scores of all countries on “Should Be” were lower than “As Is,” showing a common desire
that people in all these countries aspire for more equality than they currently have. The rela-
tively higher ranked Chinese “Should Be” score (12th) compared to “As Is” (41st) among the
61 countries may indicate that, compared to managers from other countries, the Chinese man-
agers demonstrate a higher level of tolerance for inequality of power in society. The discrep-
ancy between China’s two scores may be viewed as an indicator of the existing two forces:
while the internal forces from the still highly-respected traditional values are pulling the
Chinese business leaders away from becoming competitive, the external pressures form an
opposite force, pushing these leaders toward becoming increasingly competitive.
The influence of Western democracy in recent years has made the younger Chinese strive
for equality in power. More and more, they break away from the traditional norms that
restricted their behaviors, such as absolute respect for the senior and obedience. The reformed
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892 FU ET AL.

system has also made it possible for them to do many things they could not, or dared not, do
before. For example, they can quit their jobs for better opportunities now. They can look for
jobs themselves instead of having to be assigned by the government. They no longer have to
work in places where they were born, but can work thousands of miles away from home with-
out being punished. So the score on “As Is” was surprisingly lower than previous studies have
reported.
Nevertheless, the influence of traditional values can still be observed among middle man-
agers. As stated earlier in the chapter, in ancient China, people were born with status and it
was a virtue for subordinates to show respect for their superiors. Until the early 1980s, it was
“dangerous and self-destructive to struggle openly against persons whose authority over one
is broadly approved” (Bond, 1991, p. 35). The reforms have changed people’s behaviors on
the surface, but deep inside, their values, which were formed at an early stage in life, are still
there. Even now, people holding official titles are still addressed formally and deferentially in
China. Social rights and privileges are still closely tied to one’s status. The higher Chinese
score on Power Distance “Should Be” may indicate the lingering influence of traditional
values for hierarchical power and order.

Humane Orientation. Humane Orientation measures the degree to which a society

encourages and rewards individuals for being fair, altruistic, generous, caring, and kind to oth-
ers (House et al., 2002). Being humane is consistent with the Confucian principles of modera-
tion and human heartedness. The GLOBE results show that Chinese participants scored among
the higher ranking countries on Humane Orientation “As Is” (4.36, rank 17) but China’s score
dropped much lower when describing how much they thought Humane Orientation “Should
Be” (5.32) valued by their society (rank 39). This result shows another paradoxical situation:
Because the notion of humane is closely related to ren (benevolent, kind), one of the “five con-
stant virtues,” so people are expected to be kind and humane, and yet the future values as
perceived by middle managers seem to push the Chinese culture away from that.
Traditionally, the Chinese people think it is more important to maintain a harmonious envi-
ronment than to get a job done on time. A person high on Humane Orientation would be
described as having a strong sense of renqing in China, which implies an “implicit set of
rules” that involve reciprocation in the form of money, goods, information, status, service,
and affection (Cheung et al., 1996). Under these rules, two basic kinds of social behavior are
expected: (a) ordinarily, one should keep in contact with acquaintances in one’s social net-
work, exchanging gifts, greetings, or visitations with them from time to time, and (b) when a
member of one’s network gets into trouble or faces a difficult situation, one should sympathize,
offer help, and “do a renqing” for that person (Hwang, 1987, p. 954). All those expectations
urge Chinese individuals to be kind and considerate to others.
However, the society is going through so much change and the ways in which things used
to get done are all being reformed, creating an extreme amount of uncertainties. Many tradi-
tional values are also being challenged by realities and people there find it increasingly impor-
tant to be assertive and aggressive in order to survive. Therefore, the notion of being kind and
maintaining harmony with others is not as important as it used to be. Maybe that is why the
score on Humane Orientation “Should Be” dropped so much from the “As Is” score.

Summary

From the preceding discussion, we can see that the current Chinese culture still heavily
reflects the influence of Confucianism ideologies. However, there seem to be historical as
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 893

well as contemporary reasons for current Chinese society to be so intolerant of uncertainties,

relatively more collectivistic oriented, more humane, and comparatively unassertive and still
favor men more than women. We compared data from the food industry and the finance indus-
try, but the results showed that none of the pairs of scores differed significantly, indicating the
representativeness of the views on the societal values.
How do these values affect leadership behaviors? What are the implications of this profile
for leadership in Chinese society? The GLOBE project studied the effect of cultural values on
effectiveness of leadership behaviors. In the following sections, we first give a general
overview of leadership in China. We then tell stories of two royal ministers and one more
recent leader, the first premier of the new China, to show the permanence of the Chinese
culture and its persistent influence on its leaders over the thousands of years.

5. LEADERSHIP IN CHINA

The idea of business leadership is a new product of the economic reform that started about 20
years ago. The view of leadership as a science did not exist previously. This is due largely to
the planned economic system prevalent in prereform China. When the new China was
founded in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) adopted state socialism. In doing so,
the Chinese government followed the central ideological tenet of socialism, which empha-
sized collective ownership and identity. Under that system, the state and the Party were sup-
posed to represent the interests of the working class as a general collective, thus legitimizing
the hierarchical control of organizations. Business enterprises followed the plans set up by the
planners. Their objectives were to do nothing but to fulfill or exceed the quota the government
established. They paid part of their profits, rather than tax, to the government. So there was
not much for the leaders to do at the organizational level in terms of leadership so long as their
businesses fulfilled the production quota (Fu & Wu, 2000).
Figure 24.1 describes the relationships among dan wei (organizations) at various levels. As
can be seen in the figure, all organizations in China were under different industrial bureaus or
government agencies under the central government. Each industry had a ministry at the top
overseeing the overall performance of all the factories under its auspices. For example, the
Capital Steel Complex belonged to the Ministry of Metallurgy. Yanshan Petrochemical
Factory belonged to the Ministry of Chemistry. Leaders in business organizations were also
administratively parallel to department leaders in government agencies. For example, leaders
in large state-level enterprises could be ministry-level or deputy ministry-level leaders. Such
comparability made it possible for the personnel system to operate the way it did.
The reform in China terminated the planned economic system and instilled a market econ-
omy with socialist characteristics in the country. The past two decades have pushed China’s
metamorphosis into a hybrid economic system with many forms of corporate governance and
economic control (ownership): state-owned companies, collectives, township and village
enterprises, joint ventures, solely foreign-owned enterprises, private and individual enter-
prises. The Chinese central government has been trying very hard to separate government
from business practices so that businesses can follow the rules under the market economy.
State-owned companies have lost their reliable support, having to become economically inde-
pendent entities, which must find ways to survive by themselves. As a result, the term lead-
ership in China has gained meaning and substance. Leaders who used to be followers of
orders from the central authorities found themselves having to be accountable and to lead in
order to keep their companies going (Fu & Wu, 2000).
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894 FU ET AL.

The pressure to transition from managers into leaders has brought new challenges to the
business leaders and has also changed people’s expectations in leaders as well. However,
many of the qualities that Chinese people expect to see in their leaders are surprisingly simi-
lar to what well-respected leaders throughout history displayed. In the following section, we
introduce three Chinese leaders who lived in a period of 1,500 years to illustrate our point.

Stories of Three Leaders

Famous leaders in China are like stars in the sky, which are bright and visible, but too many
to count. The three leaders we chose lived in different times but shared very similar charac-
teristics and have been very well respected to this day. The two royal ministers are compared
to today’s business leaders because there were no parallel business organizations then, and
they were responsible for decision making in the sense contemporary business leaders do,
according to Managing Crises in Northern Song Dynasty (Wang, 1998). The information
about the two ministers is taken from Biographies of Famous Chinese Generals (1987).

Zhu-Ge Liang of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Zhu-Ge Liang (181–234), minister of the
Shu kingdom of the Eastern Han Dynasty, has been a role model for generation after genera-
tion. The Han Dynasty was the period in Chinese history that witnessed the most fighting
among the warlords. Zhu-Ge lost his parents when very young and lived a secluded life in his
early days, studying war strategies by reading all sorts of books. At an early age, he was
already known for his extreme intelligence and broad knowledge. As a result, Liu Bei, who
was an offspring of a royal family and later became the ruler of the kingdom, went to Zhe-Ge
three times in person to invite him to come out of seclusion and be his adviser. Touched by
Liu’s sincerity, Zhu-Ge eventually did so, determined to fight with Liu Bei to restore the lost
kingdom.
Zhu-Ge’s life can be divided into two parts. In the first part, he led the army fighting for
the establishment of the Shu Kingdom, and in the second part, he did all he could to enable
the most incapable son of Liu Bei to rule the country after Liu died. During the last few years
of his life, he continued leading armies to attack the neighboring Wei Kingdom even though
all his attempts failed. He fought endlessly, knowing he would not succeed. He wrote down
his reasons for these attacks, explaining to the incapable son of the late emperor that what he
did was to protect the Kingdom of Shu from being destroyed by the powerful Wei. Although
Zhu-Ge is regarded as a legalist rather than a Confucian, his efforts were surprisingly similar
to those of Confucius, who kept leading his students touring around the country, trying to per-
suade the rulers to adopt the ceremonies of the Zhou dynasty, knowing they would not listen.
Because of his unyielding determination, despite many failures, Zhu-Ge has been remem-
bered as an extremely intelligent man, as well as a faithful and devoted minister. His quote
“ju gong jing cui, si er hou yi” (I have no regret when I die if I did all I could possibly do)
has been greatly respected and is still frequently cited. Modern people use the saying
to encourage the self-sacrificing and hard-working spirit. The Communist Party also uses
Zhu-Ge’s saying to encourage its members to be devoted and faithful.

Sima of the Song Dynasty. Sima Guang (1019–1086) was also a famous minister. Besides
being an administrative officer, he was a thinker, a literary man, and a historian. Sima Guang
is known for his broad knowledge and hard-working spirit. He started reading classics at 6
and received a very restrictive family education. To this day, Chinese people still read
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 895

stories about him using a round piece of wood as a pillow to prevent himself from sleeping too
deeply. Because of the pillow, Sima Guang would easily wake up when turning his body
around at night and would continue reading. His hard-working spirit made him a local gov-
ernment officer at the age of 20 and an officer of the central government at 27.
A faithful believer of Confucianism, Sima Guang was always honest and straightforward
with his opinions. Politically, he advocated cultivating people with ceremonies and rituals and
being merciful to them. He was determined to build an ideal Confucian society by reducing or
eliminating taxes, cutting down government expenses, and establishing special storehouses to
provide aid to people in bad years. Sima Guang was such a firm believer of Confucian doctrines
and had such a stubborn personality that he stepped down twice from his positions when he
could not pursue his ideals. After leaving his official position the second time, Sima Guang con-
centrated on writing the “Conclusions on Reading the Mirror of History,” in which he elaborated
a theory of social evolution, exalted national heroes and denounced traitors in all ages, and dis-
sected the failings of bureaucratic society. In 1085, one year before his death, he became a min-
ister once again and reversed all the reforms made by another reformist. He was a genuine
Confucian scholar and fought hard till death stopped him. When cleaning up his effects, his
family members found unfinished papers that he was writing to report to the emperor. People
compared him to Zhu-Ge Liang for his selfless devotion and hard-working spirit. Like Zhu-Ge,
Sima was also highly respected for maintaining the Confucian ideology and has been regarded
as a good model for standing up for his conviction and fighting for his beliefs at all costs. His
case also shows that true loyalty is not manifested by complete obedience to emperors or mas-
ters, but by standing firm for righteousness, which is an essential part of the Confucius virtues.

Zhou Enlai of Modern China. Very few Westerners may know Zhu-Ge Liang or Sima
Guang, but many have heard the name of Zhou Enlai. The former Secretary of State Henry
Kissinger, who found Zhou “one of the two or three most impressive men” he had ever met,
called him “urbane, infinitely patient, extraordinarily intelligent, subtle” (Wilson, 1984, p.17).
To the 1.2 billion Chinese, Zhou was their “beloved Premier.” For 27 years, Zhou was the
only premier of the nation. He understood people’s problems and sympathized with their
painful plight. People adored him, simply loved him. January 8, 1976, the day he died, seized
the nation with grief. The mourning for him spread all over the country, with his pictures hung
on walls, in the streets, and in the homes of millions. In the few days that followed, people
everywhere sang songs and recited poems in tribute to his memory and to express their love
for him. The singers’ tears flowed as they sang; so did the listeners’. Zhou touched the masses
to the extent of a spontaneous show of love and affection.
Why would an individual have such an enormous power to capture the heart of billions?
To put it simply, Zhou was everything the Chinese people worship. He was “gentle, honest
and uncomplicated” to the people (Chang, 1984, p. 41). He was “loyal, selfless, open and
straightforward, modest and prudent” (Deng, 1976, p. 1) to his comrades-in-arms in the
central Chinese government. In the classical Chinese tradition, he would have been called a
“perfect man” because he conformed to the expected behaviors. Although by classical
Confucian standards, Zhou would not be considered a good Confucian because he did not
stand up for what is right, but his life exemplified many of the fine qualities advocated by
Confucianism and praised in history over the thousands of years.
Zhou was a pragmatic communist who was determined irrevocably by both broad convic-
tion and current expediency to give his full loyalty to the Party and its policies in spite of
his personal reservations. He did the best he could in terms of damage control, exercising the
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896 FU ET AL.

doctrine of the mean. At an early age, he had proven himself a leader of tact, reconciliation,
personal integrity, and self-assurance. He retained a popular respect throughout his entire
career as a Chinese statesman from 1927 to his death in 1976 and became “China’s man for
all seasons, a complex, charming, and intelligent character, who embodies many of the
contradictions of an ancient land in rapid transition” (Dittmer, 1978, p. 459).

Summary. Brief as these vignettes are, they gave a general picture of the three men who
lived in a period of almost 1,500 years. Admittedly, the descriptions tend to oversimplify the
historical events and the interpretation of their leadership behaviors probably should not be
as straightforward as depicted in the chapter. They are not meant to represent all generals/
premiers in Chinese history. However, for the purpose of this chapter, they are to show the
uninterrupted influence of Confucius values and some of the qualities they shared despite of
the different times they lived.
All three individuals were highly intelligent people, studied hard, and were known as
well-learned men. They firmly followed their beliefs and were all extremely loyal to their
superiors. They all conformed to Confucian’s “five constant virtues.” Their behaviors were
consistent throughout their lives and they were well respected by their peers, and by people
who survived them. Surprisingly, the qualities these three people displayed are still very much
those that the Chinese people respect in current China despite all the material changes that
have taken place in the country as shown in the later sections.
In the following sections, we introduce the results of three focus group interviews with
some middle managers in Shanghai to show that many of the desired qualities have remained
unchanged although some are different as a result of the reform. We then introduce the results
from the Chinese GLOBE project to provide some quantitative support for the findings from
the interviews.

Results of Focus Group Interviews

Three focus group interviews were conducted with managers from the same or similar orga-
nizations in Shanghai where the questionnaire survey data were collected in the spring of
1997. The focus group interviews were conducted to explore qualitatively, the desired lead-
ership attributes and behaviors and to find out what kinds of values influence the thinking and
behavior of business leadership in China. The first group consisted of 7 managers from 7 dif-
ferent organizations including heavy industry, service, and government agencies. The second
group consisted of 12 managers from 12 companies under a large service-oriented corpora-
tion. The corporation started 10 years ago and has become one of the four largest corporations
in the industry since the company was publicly traded in 1992. The third group consisted of
6 managers from a food-manufacturing corporation. The majority of the participants were
middle managers; a few were higher-level managers. Of the 25 people, 6 were women, and
the rest were male managers, with an average age of 40 years.
The interviewees’ answers to the focal question, “What are the qualities of your ideal
leader?”, were all recorded and transcribed. The most emphasized was the quality of the
leader, including honesty, trustworthiness, and integrity. Interviewees unanimously agreed
that without a high level of integrity no leader can hope to establish high level of credibility,
and without credibility no leader can hope to be effective. The following summarized a few
other major characteristics people described during the interviews.
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 897

A Good Leader Knows How to Balance Between Being Conservative and Aggressive.
Conservative and aggressive sound opposite to each other because aggressiveness is highly
discouraged: It is against the essential Confucian ideologies, and yet to be effective in the
increasingly competitive business world, business leaders have to be aggressive. Leaders had
to be conservative under the planned economy, because “At that time if you followed the
orders and did what you were told to do, you would be a good leader.” But nowadays, one
also needs to be assertive because “you have to take the responsibility and make sure that the
market accepts the products your people make.” According to the focus group respondents,
however, a balance between the two is necessary because the Chinese are “crossing the water
by feeling out the way.” There is no precedence to most of the things the Chinese are doing;
therefore, “you have to be conservative while being assertive.”
One example given was a 50-year-old Party secretary and director:

He is constantly looking for new ideas to surpass himself. He established the largest Real Estate
Corporation Ltd. in Shanghai when the stock market was just starting. He has just bought a pro-
cessing company to increase funding. His actions are often big and aggressive, but he also appears
very conservative and assured to you because he periodically talks about his ideas and the company
status at meetings to make you understand what he is doing and what the company needs to do next.

The balance between two seemingly contradictory values may be consistent with the large
discrepancy between Assertiveness “As Is” and “Should Be” in the value survey we discussed
earlier.

A Good Leader Must Have a Vision, Must Be Able to Look Far Ahead. The term vision-
ary leadership is new in the Chinese vocabulary according to the result of a media analysis
that compared desired leadership attributes in two national newspapers over 20 years (Fu &
Tsui, 2003). Confucians certainly would not emphasize visionary because emperors were the
only real decision makers. And under the planned economy, the hierarchical power structure
also made it impossible for managers to have a vision. But now things are different. One of
the interviewees used one of his former bosses as an example to illustrate the difference in
expectations:

He was regarded as a good leader back then. He used to do everything he asked his subordinates
to do and set a good example using his own behaviors. One time, a factory leader asked a molder
in the department to do a job, and the molder refused. But when the department head asked him
to do it, he happily did it. Why? Because the worker respected his immediate boss and was will-
ing to “give him face.” But such a leader now will not be good enough, because you need to look
beyond what your workers can see in order to remain competitive, you should know where the
department is heading.

The example shows that even though managers still relate compliance to the notion of face,
being able to lead is obviously considered more important than to win followers’ compliance.
Another example showed how being visionary is recognized. One of the subdivisions
under the Municipal Economic Commission is in the oil business and has been very success-
ful for the past few years. Two years ago, Mr. Wang was named the director of the division.
As soon as he got there, he foresaw the increasing competition as a result of the growing auto-
mobile market and decided to build 20 additional gas stations every year. The goals for the
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898 FU ET AL.

past 2 years were both successfully fulfilled. That year, the division fulfilled their annual
target in the first 5 months. Such a leader in the old days would very likely be regarded as
“discontented with his lot,” but now he is hailed as an outstanding leader.

A Good Leader Must Be Open to New Ideas and Constantly Try to Improve Himself.
This quality should not be viewed as a new one, because one of the things that Confucius
repeatedly asked his disciples to do was to “take great pains in learning.” However, in the past
several decades, only learning Marxism and Mao Zedong thought was encouraged. Learning
a trade was discouraged. Now all managers have to learn managerial skills because, “The new
structure of the economy forces you to have a brain of your own. You have to manage the fol-
lowers, not just to make them do what your leaders told them to do.” Almost all the leaders
whom the participants talked about have obtained an MBA degree while working full-time.
A female manager said her boss had a “really broad interest” and he reads “all sorts of things”
and “gets his ideas from different sources.” A male manager from the steel complex said his
superior had gone to Australia for 6 months to learn English in order to “read and appreciate
Western management ideas better.”
Several interviewees from the same corporation said their general manager kept a very
close relationship with his friends working in different companies from whom he found out
what his competitors were up to. “Nothing can beat such guanxi when it comes to informa-
tion,” they said. The general manager also requires employees in the company to work 5 days
and studying 1 day every week (“5+1” schedule). All middle-level managers in the corpora-
tion are rotated every 6 months to receive systematic training in management, thus all the
middle managers “who are still ‘lambs’ now can all be turned into ‘lions’ so they could be bet-
ter leaders.”

A Good Leader Must Initiate Change and Be Determined to Carry Out the Change. As
was reflected in the media analyses (Fu & Tsui, 2003), change orientation was also said to be
one of the most important leadership qualities. According to the participants, nobody now
trusts leaders who have “the head of a tiger, but the tail of a snake” (people who make lots of
empty promises without carrying through them). A female manager, who happened to be a
personal friend of a CEO and knew how much pressure he went through for each of his new
ideas, said “People give him a lot of respect and admiration after he succeeds. But most of them
shy away when he needed the support and understanding most.” Therefore, good leaders not
only have the ideas to change, but should also be very determined to carry out their ideas.

A Good Leader Must be Humane. As reflected in GLOBE societal value survey and
media analyses, which found being humane an important leadership quality (Fu & Tsui,
2003), the quality of being humane was also viewed as important by the interviewees. In fact,
good business leaders are described as “Confucius businessman,” because the word Confucius
indicates benevolence or kindness, but the image of a businessman used to be regarded as bad,
someone who was most concerned with money and had no sense of renqing, thus being a
“Confucius businessman” means to be humane while being profit oriented.
In one company, there is a policy that forbids coaches from accepting any forms of bribes
in the company’s driving school. Once, one of the coaches accepted a packet of cigarettes,
thinking that was not a big deal. But he was fired according to the rule. A few weeks later, the
person came back to the company, asking his former employer to let him come back because
he could not find a job anywhere else that could pay him as much. The company did not take
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 899

him back because that would be against the rule. However, they called around and introduced
him to another company. “We wanted to be humane to him because we know he needed the
money he had been making but we also did not want to violate the rules,” an interviewee said,
adding: “We are Chinese. Renqing is a big thing to us.”
Other interviewees offered more examples. One said that his boss would go to the hospi-
tal if he heard of someone in the company being hospitalized if he could find the time, or send
someone else to go on his behalf if he could not find the time: “Even when family members
are sick or have an accident, he would ask people in his office to show concerns and to help
in ways the company can.” Another respondent said that his boss “would make sure that he
call[ed] on their families when some employees go on business trips just to check and see if
everything is OK and offer them help if needed.” These behaviors were consistent with
Confucius virtue of renqing (benevolence, righteousness). One of Confucius’s favorite say-
ings was: “The character of a ruler is like wind and that of the people is like grass. In what-
ever direction the wind blows, the grass always bends” (Confucius, 12:19).

A Good Leader Knows What Works for the Chinese While Learning From the West.
Since the reform, the Chinese Communist Party, which had been emphasizing ideological
construction till the reform, has been urging the whole country to learn Western managerial
philosophies in order to speed up its modernization (Fu & Tsui, 2003). Textbooks published
by Harvard Business School, management cases, and translated books on successful Western
businesspeople are everywhere. However, all our interviewees pointed out that “what works
for the Americans or the Germans may not work as well or may not work at all, for the
Chinese.” China has a unique history and culture; to succeed, “China’s reforms must have
Chinese features,” they said. They gave many examples to explain what they meant by
“Chinese features.”
One interviewee said most of the employees in his company were researchers and used to
be very self-centered and opinionated. All of them were good at what they were doing, but
they were not very good collaborators. To get them to cooperate with each other, his boss vis-
ited those people one by one after work and had long talks with them in their homes. He also
invited them to have dinner together on a weekly basis to give them the opportunity to get to
know each other. “These ways may not be written anywhere in Western management books,
but they surely worked with this group of people,” he said.
“My boss knows how to touch people’s hearts,” he said. “Westerners use job descriptions
to tell workers what they are expected to do and reward people accordingly, but those kinds
of things don’t work very well here.” He gave an example to illustrate that. One of the senior
researchers was living in a one-bedroom apartment because his research projects failed to get
any of the prizes, which were necessary to get bigger living spaces according to the company
policy. However, his projects were of great value. When the company built another apartment
building, the manager gave the senior researcher a three-bedroom apartment. But the
researcher’s wife did not want to move because she did not like the location. He went to the
researcher’s home to talk to the wife in person and also talked to her several times on
the phone, explaining to her why he thought they should take the bigger apartment. Finally,
the couple accepted it and the researcher, even though 70 years old now, is still producing new
product designs.
Another interviewee said: “Chinese people ‘jiang renqing’ (value renqing),” which implies
reciprocity; “if you touch their heart, they will for sure devote themselves to you.” Still another
participant said: “Rules and policies can make people work hard, but can never win their hearts.”
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900 FU ET AL.

Summary. The interview results show clear connections between the profile of Chinese
society generated from the GLOBE cultural survey and the desired leadership attributes and
behaviors. For example, the high degree of uncertainty avoidance, as well as the desire for the
society to encourage more assertive behaviors can be seen in the emphasis on the balance
between conservatism and aggressiveness. The results also show that whereas the influence
of the traditional values, which consist of class system (social hierarchical order), obedience,
doctrine of the mean, and renqing, have been the most deep-rooted, the influences of
Communist ideologies, which advocate values such as action orientation, confidence, and
determination, and Western management philosophies, which promote aggressiveness, ambi-
tiousness, and competency, are also obvious (Fu & Tsui, 2003).
The connections between the societal value survey results and the findings from the qual-
itative data are further supported by the quantitative results from the GLOBE leadership
survey, which are presented in the following section.

Results of GLOBE Leadership Survey

The GLOBE leadership questionnaire survey was conducted along with the societal value sur-
vey. The same group of respondents completed the survey. We compared the responses by
managers from the two industries, using independent sample t tests. Because there were no
significant differences, we combined the two groups of answers in our analyses. The results
of the survey are presented in Table 24.2. The table shows the average score by the Chinese
managers on each of the 21 first-order and each of the 6 second-order (bold letters in Table
24.2) leadership dimensions (Dorfman, Hanges, & Brodbeck, 2004; for definitions, see also
the introductory and concluding chapters in this volume), as well as the ranks of those scores
among the 61 participating countries. It also shows the highest and the lowest country scores
on each of the scales.
The GLOBE leadership dimensions are summary indexes of the characteristics, skills, and
abilities (cf. Dorfman et al., 2004, p. 675) that are perceived to inhibit outstanding leadership
(greatly = 7, somewhat = 6, slightly = 5), have no impact (4), or contribute to outstanding
leadership (slightly = 5, somewhat = 6, greatly = 7).
On one hand, the table shows that compared to managers in other countries, Chinese man-
agers are less likely to perceive Face Saving (3.97, ranked 4th) to have a negative impact on
a person being an outstanding leader than managers in most of the other countries. Similarly,
Nonparticipative leadership (3.24) is perceived to only slightly inhibit a person from being an
outstanding leader (Rank 8). These relatively more positive views about face-saving and non-
participative attributes of leaders could be due to the fact that Chinese are discouraged to take
extreme views on any matter (e.g., none of the Chinese scores on the 21 first-order scales is
below 2 or above 6 on the scale from 1 to 7). However, as was described earlier about soci-
etal culture dimensions, there was no indication of response bias to result in distorted values
for China.
On the other hand, Chinese managers seem to place particular positive emphasis on
Humane Orientation (5.40, Rank 6), which corresponds with the societal cultural emphasis
on personal dignity (mianzi).
The highest scores within China were on subscales such as Integrity (5.98), Inspirational
(5.92), Administratively Competent (5.88), and Visionary (5.85). These findings suggest that,
despite comparatively low scores (the second-order dimension of Charismatic Leadership
ranks 54), among the 61 GLOBE countries, the universally endorsed charismatic value-based
leadership (cf. Dorfman et al., 2004) is also relatively strongly espoused within the Chinese
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 901

TABLE 24.2
Chinese Results of GLOBE Leadership Survey

Leadership Dimensions Mean Rank Highest Score Lowest Score

Self-Protective Leadership 3.80 14 4.62 2.55

Self-Centered 2.22 23 6.20 1.55
Status Conscious 4.47 25 5.93 3.00
Conflict Inducer 4.40 14 5.01 3.09
Face Saver 3.97 4 4.63 2.05
Procedural 3.94 28 5.12 2.82
Humane Leadership 5.19 16 5.75 3.82
Humane 5.40 6 5.68 2.23
Modesty 5.03 32 5.86 4.14
Autonomous Leadership 4.07 18 4.63 2.27
Participative Leadership 5.04 44 6.09 4.50
Autocratic (reverse scored) 2.66 27 3.86 1.89
Nonparticipative (reverse scored) 3.24 8 3.61 1.86
Team-Oriented Leadership 5.57 51 6.21 4.74
Team Integrator 5.71 14 6.09 4.42
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.36 57 6.43 4.10
Administrative Competent 5.88 26 6.42 4.53
Diplomatic 5.05 58 6.05 4.49
Malevolent (reverse scored) 2.04 12 2.67 1.33
Charismatic Leadership 5.56 54 6.46 4.51
Performance Orientation 5.64 56 6.64 4.51
Visionary 5.85 48 6.50 4.62
Inspirational 5.92 45 6.63 5.04
Integrity 5.98 43 6.79 4.72
Self-Sacrificial 4.70 51 5.99 3.98
Decisive 5.29 57 6.37 3.62

sample, when compared to the scores of the other leadership dimensions for China. This is
consistent with the results of a recently completed media analyses (Fu & Tsui, 2003).
The other dimension that received relatively high scores within China was Team-Oriented
leadership, the subscales of which include Team Integrator (5.71), Administratively Competent
(5.88), and Collaborative Team Orientation (5.36), indicating that Chinese managers consider
various facets of team-oriented leadership (blended with administrative skills) to be important
facilitators of outstanding leadership. Such findings are also consistent with the results of
another recent study by Fu and associates on the top-management teams in Chinese high-tech
firms (see Fu et al., 2002), which shows that there is a tendency for high-tech firms to rely on
a team of leaders rather than a single leader. Furthermore, it seems that the dual identity (see
later) of many business leaders, who tend to be also members of the Communist Party, left its
trace in relatively high scores for Administrative Competency.
The subscales that received the lowest scores included Autocratic (2.66, Rank 27), Self-
Centered (2.22, Rank 23), and Malevolent (2.04, Rank 12), showing that Chinese managers
regard these factors as clear inhibitors of outstanding leadership. The inhibiting self-protective
leadership style, also universally endorsed among GLOBE countries, is obviously also not
accepted by Chinese managers. However, China’s comparatively high score on the second-order
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902 FU ET AL.

Self-protective leadership dimension (3.80, Rank 14), which comprises some of the afore-
mentioned and further subscales (e.g., Status-conscious, 4.47; Conflict Inducer, 4.40; see
Table 24.2), is comparatively high within the 61 GLOBE countries. Its score is near 4.00,
which marks the scales’ center (no impact on outstanding leadership).

Additional Chinese Characteristics

The profile of the Chinese leadership presented by the scores on the GLOBE leadership dimen-
sions is quite consistent with the findings of other empirical research. In fact, due to the small
N for the study, the first author used the GLOBE instrument and collected data from more than
400 middle managers in the US and China, respectively, and then from another over 400
Chinese only sample in a different study. The results were all consistent with those presented
here. However, there are a couple of additional features about Chinese leadership that were not
evaluated in the GLOBE leadership survey and yet will help our readers better understand
Chinese business leaders.

Dual Identity. This may not be a historical heritage, but this is definitely an emic (i.e.,
culture-specific) Chinese feature for now: Almost all business leaders are, at the same time,
Communist Party members. The leaders who participated in our focus group interviews were
all Party members. Some of them held leading positions in the Party committee as well, there-
fore having dual identities. In fact, the most important difference between the American and
the Chinese political systems may concern the political parties. In the United States, the
Democratic and the Republican parties compete with each other, but in China, the only
ruling party is the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and all the other parties have to work col-
laboratively with the ruling Party.
A selective organization, the Party recruits its members on the basis of their suitability for
leadership in its political life or for role models for their coworkers. One in every 22 Chinese
now is a Party member, for a total membership of about 57 million in 1997 (Fu & Wu, 2000).
Functioning somewhat like a board of directors for the country, the CCP defines its function
as that of making all the critical decisions, which the government must then carry out. Unlike
a board of directors, however, the CCP has created an organizational structure operating in par-
allel to that of the government bureaucracy, so that Party members oversee the work of the
bureaucrats at every level (Starr, 1997): “[Communists] must be modest and prudent, restrain
themselves from any presumption and any precipitation, be capable of practicing self-criticism
and have the courage to correct inadequacies and errors in their work. In any case, they should
not hide their errors, take all the credit for themselves and lay all the blame on others” (Mao,
cited in Bouc, 1977, p. 199). Being Communist Party members, organizational leaders all have
to abide by rules stipulated by the Party and all have to contribute to the construction of the
Party ideology. They have to meet at least once a week as a Party committee to reflect on what
happened during the week and to study the works of Party leaders or documents issued by the
Central Committee. As Party members, they are also expected to be role models for their fol-
lowers, working hard and serving the people whole-heartedly. Those who hold both Party lead-
ership and managerial positions are expected to lead in morality cultivation.

Paternalism. Paternalistic is another feature of the Chinese leaders. Confucius extended

the family structure to organizations and made government leaders “heads of families.” As a
result, some researchers explicitly call Asian leadership “headship” to distinguish it from
Western leadership (e.g., Holloman, 1986). Traditionally, in Chinese contexts, a person was
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 903

born into a headship position and was thereby expected to display leadership by virtue of that
background and position: This is the reverse of the situation in the West where people show
leadership capabilities or qualities before becoming a leader. Although leaders are no longer
explicitly “heads of families,” expectations for fatherly roles are still visible; therefore it is
suggested that leadership in China is still somewhat paternalistic. This leadership concept is
well in line with the Chinese societal cultural perceptions and values of low Gender
Egalitarianism as was discussed previously.
Weber (1951) expressed the foundation for the paternalistic feature when he characterized
the form of domination prevalent in the Chinese context as patrimonial, and linked it to the
patriarchal traditions whereby absolute power is invested in the male head of the household.
Bond and Hwang (1986) argued that Chinese leadership is modeled on this father’s role as
household head, and Bond (1991) explicitly stated that “The effective model for leadership
systems like the Chinese is thus the wise and loving father” (p. 453). In fact, the whole coun-
try was considered as a huge family with the late Chairman Mao being the “father.”
Organizations were also viewed as families; the top leader of an organization was regarded as
the head of the family. Therefore, it was only natural that members in the organization expect
themselves to be taken care of once they joined the organization.
This feature is still obvious in today’s media, even though not as strong as it used to be.
You can still read descriptions such as so-and-so cares for the young workers “like his own
children,” or a leader sacrifices his “small family’s interests for the bigger family” (the orga-
nization). The purpose of these various formulations is also to make employees feel that the
organization they work for is like a big family for them. For example, a factory leader in
Shanghai heard that young employees in his factory were having difficulties finding lovers.
He found another factory in town whose majority workforce were female and organized par-
ties for the workers in the two factories and also purposely let his young employees who
were still single work day shifts only so “they can go out dating” in the evening.

Integration, Limitations, and Future Research

If you remember the stories of the three leaders we discussed earlier, you would probably
agree that despite the lapse of time, many of the qualities people look for in good leaders in
China now remain surprisingly unchanged from earlier times. Qualities such as hard-working,
knowledgeable, and capable all conform to the expected behaviors under Confucianism and
are still well respected. Most of the leaders’ qualities mentioned by the participants, such as
humane, aggressive, change-oriented, and eager to learn, are similar to those covered in the
media (Fu & Tsui, 2003).
Qualities such as visionary, aggressive, anxious to learn, and humane, which were unani-
mously pointed out as the most important in the interviews, are also most frequently men-
tioned attributes in the printed media (Fu & Tsui, 2003). But in addition to those, a few other
characteristics such as problem solving, devoted, and hard-working, which were also among
the frequently mentioned in stories on leaders in the printed media, were not mentioned by
the interviewees.
The interviewees shared most of the media opinions, but differed on a few. Where
they could not agree with each other actually reflects the differences caused by emphases on
different values. For example, managers from one large corporation, who were mostly in their
late 40s and early 50s, all thought that management should be accomplished by a group of
people, because one individual person could not have all the favorable qualities. However, one
participant explicitly pointed out that leadership should be individualized. She was a few
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904 FU ET AL.

years younger than most of the participants and received her MBA in the United States.
She argued that group leadership was irresponsible, because when a group made a decision,
individuals tended to just go along with it rather than voice their real opinions.
Another group of participants pointed out that many of the traditional values, such as
hard-working and setting up role models, were still necessary even though they alone no
longer made leaders effective. However, the female participant argued that those were not
important qualities and did not, and should not, affect the effectiveness of a leader. It was hard
to judge whose view is more representative. More research is necessary to qualitatively examine
whether age serves as an intervening factor on choice of leadership styles.
The inability to reach any conclusion due to limited sample size was an obvious limitation of
our study. Due to this limitation, there were several other unresolved differences. For example, in
the current printed media, one can still read descriptions of leaders such as “on his calendar, there
are no holidays or weekends”; “He stayed with his workers, feeling guilty that he could not be
with his dying mother”; or “He stayed in cheap hotels, eating instant noodles.” However, most
participants in our focus group interviews explicitly pointed out that “qualities such as frugality,
not caring for home” were not necessarily good qualities; at least they were not the most impor-
tant ones to make good leaders. This shows that the Chinese government is still trying to use those
traditional values to influence its leaders, but the leaders seem to be more interested in keeping
up with the fast-growing trend of using the West as the model and trying to keep up with the rest
of the world. In fact, due to the small N for the study, for the first author used the GLOBE instru-
ment and collected data from over 400 middle managers in US and China respectively, and then
from another over 400 Chinese only sample in a different study.

6. CONCLUSIONS

“Deep cultural undercurrents structure life in subtle but highly consistent ways that are not
consciously formulated. Like the invisible jet streams in the skies that determine the course of
a storm, these currents shape our lives; yet their influence is only beginning to be identified”
(Hall, 1981, p. 12). It is interesting to notice that the analogy Hall made in the preceding quote
is very similar to the one American missionary Arthur Smith gave over a century before in his
book on Chinese characteristics: “The Confucian Classics are the chart by which the rulers of
China have endeavored to navigate the ship of state.” Confucianism has affected the Chinese
people for thousands of years. In fact, Confucianism, as a system of thought, is “among the
most remarkable intellectual achievements of the race” (Smith, 1894, p. 287). It has navigated
the Chinese craft into waters they have sailed and is still steering the ship of state. Indeed, as
Dr. Williams (quoted by Smith) said: “It would be hard to overestimate the influence of
Confucius in his ideal princely scholar, and the power for good over his race which this con-
ception has ever since exerted” (p. 287).
Chinese society is going through unprecedented changes. Though traditional values are
still highly respected, and constantly pull back Chinese organizational leaders and urge them
to conform to the traditional values, their internal desires to become competitive and the
external pressure to do so are all pushing them toward modern Western ideologies, encour-
aging them to challenge the norms. In its endeavor to modernize itself, China has absorbed
much of the Western influences. However, the influence of Confucianism still exists. The doc-
trine that the virtuous and the able should be the rulers, and that their rule must be based on
virtue, the comprehensive philosophy of the five relations of men to each other, and the doc-
trine that no one should do to another what he would not have done to himself are still deeply
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24 CHINESE CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP 905

embedded in the Chinese thought. At the same time, the influence of communist ideologies
and the rising influence of Western philosophies are also very prominent.
It is true that there are many problems in China: aging, corruption, company downsizing,
pollution, poor efficiency, to name just a few. However, China is also full of hope. Despite the
Asian financial crisis and the SARS epidemic, China’s economy has been growing steadily.
In the past 20 years, its gross domestic product (GDP) has increased more than 10-fold
(Ahlstrom, Bruton, & Lui, 2000), and its economic growth has been sustained at 8% every
year according to the data released by International Monetary Fund (IMF). “Despite the dim
economic report, China looks robust compared to the shrinking economies of many Asian
countries, economists said.” (AFP, 1998).
Even though made over three decades ago, Zhou Enlai’s prediction still applies: “I can
predict China’s future is bright and colorful; a few clouds will in the end be driven away by
thunder and lightning; and the raindrops under the bright sunshine will reflect our fatherland
in more beautiful colors. What follows will be the discharging beauty of competing flowers by
the hundreds, and it will be the springtime for all mankind. Let this prediction be my last part-
ing words” (Chang, 1984, p. 167). Epstein, an American journalist who went to China in the
1920s and later became a Chinese citizen, wrote:

China is the fastest developing country in the world, with one fifth of the world’s population. …
Of course, she still has a long way to go. Alongside the positive effects of reform and opening to
the outside world, there is garbage, meaning corruption and inflow of old world values. But
China is neither going all out for privatization—a la Russia—nor going to be partitioned like the
Soviet Union. Nor is China preparing to be the next big expansionist conqueror as some like to
depict her. In the world, China is a positive presence, and likely to be more so in the coming cen-
tury. (Epstein, 1998, p. 23)

The bright future of China makes it necessary and useful to study and understand Chinese
culture and its influence on its business leaders. We tried to present some basic information in
the previous pages and hope it will help our readers understand the influence of cultural values
on Chinese business leaders. But we know we have only barely touched those “cultural under-
currents.” Maybe together we can continue the exploration of the cultural undercurrents that
shape the thinking and behavior of the people in this ancient land, and gain a good understand-
ing of the traditional values that have lasted for thousands of years. Such an understanding will
be beneficial to us all in our endeavor to make this world a better place to live in.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We would like to acknowledge the contributions made by Fudan doctoral student Zhou Jian
and other project team members in the collection and analyses of the data. We would also like
to thank the comments from our anonymous reviewers, which have made the chapter more
informative and readable.

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Culture and Leadership in Hong Kong

Irene Hau-siu Chow
The Chinese University of Hong Kong

Hong Kong was known to the world as “pearl of the orient.” Now it repositions itself as
“Asia’s world city” and a gateway to China. Hong Kong is a major hub of Asia and is one
of the world’s largest trading economies. This tiny city plays an important role in the global
market. Over the past two decades, the Hong Kong economy has tripled with per capita gross
domestic product (GDP) more than doubling. Over 60% of the FORTUNE Global 500 com-
panies have a presence in Hong Kong. One of the critical success factors was the founder’s
paternalistic leadership style and risk-taking behavior. Hong Kong has been under British rule
for 150 years and on July 1, 1997, it was returned to China. What makes Hong Kong unique
is the combination of Chinese culture and British bureaucracy.
Culture plays a strong influence in organizational practices and leadership behaviors.
Hofstede and Bond (1988) suggest that differences in power distance and individualism deter-
mine the type of leadership most likely to be effective and differences in uncertainty avoid-
ance affect people’s motivation. Leadership perceptions in a society are unique and to a
certain extent very likely to be influenced by culture and other contextual variables, such as
beliefs, values, and needs as well as political, and socialcultural factors. The leadership per-
ceptions associated with the GLOBE factors differed in ways that could be better understood
within specific social and cultural environments.
The purpose of this study aims to identify the unique societal and organizational cultures
and leadership perceptions quantitatively and qualitatively by using both qualitative and
quantitative measures. This chapter begins with a historical overview, as well as the eco-
nomic, political, and sociocultural background. It describes unique aspects of the Hong Kong
culture and provides a better understanding of how culture influences organizational and lead-
ership practices. In the following section, the societal culture, Confucian philosophy, and the
political and economic systems that may have significant effects on values of Hong Kong
Chinese managers are described. Included in the study are survey results from 171 middle
managers from two industries, telecommunications and financial services. Next, the organi-
zational culture of the two industries is examined. Cultural practices at the organizational
level are compared with the societal culture. Following this, the leadership perceptions
in Hong Kong are explored. The quantitative data relevant to these cultures are interpreted
in relation to the qualitative findings and both theoretical and practical implication are

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910 CHOW

discussed. The chapter concludes with a summary of findings and their implications and
future research directions are provided.

1. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF THE SOCIETY AND

CULTURE IN HONG KONG

As a result of Opium War in 1839, the British seized the deserted rocky island of Hong Kong.
The tip of Kowloon was ceded in 1860 under the Convention of Peking. In 1898, the New
Territories were ceded under a 99-year lease. China refused to recognize any of the three
unequal treaties regarding Hong Kong and insisted on its full return. After the lease ended,
Hong Kong was reverted back to China. It was the first-ever return of a prosperous, free-market
economy to communist rule.
Hong Kong is located in southern mainland China and is largely populated by Cantonese
from Guangdong province who adhere to tradition cultural patterns. The total land area covers
1,078 sq. km., with a population of 6.8 million. It was under British rule for 150 years so its
political, educational, and legal systems, to a certain extent, reflect the British influence. Long
before the reunification with China, Hong Kong was well integrated with China economically.
On July 1, 1997, Hong Kong was returned to China under the “one country, two systems”
principle. Hong Kong could retain its own economic, legal, and social systems that were dras-
tically different from Communist China. The concept of “Hong Kong people ruling Hong
Kong” with a high degree of autonomy assured the Hong Kong people that China would not
interfere the territory’s domestic affairs or seek to change its lifestyle. Hong Kong’s success
was attributed to an independent judiciary, a free system of press, creativity of its people, and
the entrepreneurial spirit (Davies, 1996). The rapid economic development in Hong Kong
and Taiwan has been attributed to the entrepreneurial spirit of the founders of many small and
medium-size firms (Redding, 1990). These enterprises were flexible in adapting to the fast-
changing environments. One of the critical success factors for performance was the founder’s
paternalistic leadership style and risk-taking behavior.

Economic and Political Background

Economic transformations of Hong Kong in the past few decades have greatly been influ-
enced by political and economic developments in the mainland China. Starting from the
1950s, Hong Kong experienced rapid economic growth and developed a labor-intensive man-
ufacturing industry dominated by textiles and electronics. The Hong Kong economy has gone
through another dramatic structural change following China’s decision to embark on eco-
nomic reforms and open up to trading in 1979. Manufacturers in Hong Kong took advantage
of China’s open-door policies by relocating to the mainland. By shifting their labor-intensive
manufacturing processes across the border, Hong Kong manufacturers were able to keep their
production costs down and their products very price competitive in international markets. At
the same time it offered great opportunities for expansion of production and outsourcing
capacity. Since the 1980s, Hong Kong has transformed into a service economy and financial
center, capitalizing on its vital links with offshore production and the rapid economic growth
in the mainland. Eighty-four percent of the workforce was engaged in the service sector,
employing nine times as many workers as manufacturing sector. At the macro level, Hong
Kong had the highest per capita GDP but in the last few years recorded the lowest economic
growth among the Chinese societies, that is, Singapore, Taiwan, and China. GDP per capita
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 911

in 1997 was U.S.$26,610. Hong Kong is the freest economy in the world, according to the
Heritage Foundation. In terms of world competitiveness, Hong Kong ranked third, just after
United States and Singapore, but ahead of Taiwan and China (International Institute for
Management Development [IMD], 1998).
The economic development of Hong Kong was spectacular, measured in material terms. In
1960, the average per capita income was 28% of that in Great Britain; by 1996, it had risen
to 137% of that in Britain (Information Service Department, Hong Kong Government, 1997).
Now Hong Kong is a major hub of Asia—it is the world’s 10th-largest trading economy
(equivalent to about a fifth of China’s GDP), the fifth-largest banking center and foreign-
exchange market, and the busiest container port. Foreign investments in Hong Kong total
around $100 billion. It is a remarkable success story. The economic miracle took place in just
the last three decades. Within a generation the average living standards rose from Third World
levels to levels exceeding those in some of the Western European countries, including the UK.
After 5 years under the Chinese rule, the rosy economic environment has changed.
During China’s modernization process, Hong Kong acted as a major source of manage-
ment expertise and business skills. Starting from the mid-1980s, over 52,000 Hong Kong res-
idents were working in China, most of them professionals and managerial staff. They brought
in experience and expertise regarding business operation in mainland and thereby helped
Hong Kong to establish close relations with the mainland. At the same time, about the same
number of people from the mainland worked in China-funded companies in Hong Kong. In
the late 1980s and early 1990s, about 1% of the Hong Kong professional and experienced
businesspeople left Hong Kong and immigrated to other countries because of the anxiety
about Hong Kong’s reversion to China. The emerging dynamic economies and growth poten-
tial attracted a large number of overseas Chinese businesspeople to return to Hong Kong to
take the advantage of the opportunities. These returnees contributed positively with a broader
international perspective. The influx of professionals from outside Hong Kong served Hong
Kong well, boosting its efficiency and economic vitality.
The Basic Law has granted Hong Kong residents the freedom of religion. The church pro-
vides a high percentage of health care (20%), education (40%), and social welfare (60%) in
Hong Kong (Kwok, 2000, p. 102). In education, the Roman Catholic Church is running all
kinds of schools including kindergartens, primary and high schools, and adult education.
On the political side, Hong Kong was described as “undemocratic and unrepresentative,
executive led, and based on a colonial form of constitution.” The last governor, Chris Patten,
brought in political reforms. It was criticized as too little too late by the democratic, and con-
demned by the Chinese government. The legislature was elected under the democratic reform
of Patten, and Beijing ordered it to be disbanded as of July 1, 1997, replacing it with a
Provisional Legislature that would rubber-stamp China’s dictates. After the handover, the
Legislative Council was immediately replaced by the Provisional Legislative Council.
Elections in May 1998 were far more restricted, with 20 directly elected legislators (one third)
representing geographic constituencies. Several provisions of the British-introduced Bill of
Rights were scrapped. The reinterpretation of the basic law concerning the right of abode rul-
ing for mainland-born children of Hong Kong permanent residence and the legislation of the
controversial Article 23 that prohibits succession, subversion, and the theft of state secrets,
undermined the society’s confidence in the legal system. The majority of the Hong Kong
people are willing to sacrifice their political participation in order to retain economic vitality.
Even if Hong Kong were to become like Shenzhen in terms of freedom, human rights, and
legal systems, the people would still be expected to consider it tolerable.
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912 CHOW

The sentiment toward China’s 1997 embrace is much more ambiguous and complex. It is a
mixture of happiness over Britain’s departure and anxiety over what could happen under
Chinese rulers who ordered the army attack on Beijing in 1989. After the handover, there has
been little sign of direct interfering from the central government in Beijing with the day-to-day
running of the Special Administrative Region (SAR). The key members of the government
under British rule were retained after 1997, in an effort to bolster confidence about Hong
Kong’s future autonomy in the run-up of the handover. The conditions largely remain
unchanged in the initial posthandover period. After the territory reverted to Chinese sover-
eignty, the political and economic environments were expected to deteriorate, with a forecast
that the business environment score would fall from 8.71 for 1994–1998 to 8.24 for 1999–2003
(Economist Intelligence Unit, 1998). China’s resumption of sovereignty over the territory
would have an adverse affect on both political stability and effectiveness. The economic down-
turn, together with the legitimacy deficiency of the government is likely to reduce political
effectiveness. The regional economic problem has worsened the macroeconomic environment
and the city’s competitive edge continues to erode. Hong Kong has lost its top position on the
global ranking, falling to 12th among the 60 countries covered by the EIU’s Country Forecasts.
However, Hong Kong will remain to be an outward-looking, international city.
During the 5 years under Chinese rule, Hong Kong suffered from both internal economic
structuring and the external Asian financial crisis that resulted in a region economic down-
turn. The trade-dependent Hong Kong was severely hit and ran into recession in 1998, one of
the worst recessions and the most difficult times. When the Internet era faded, the economy
went into recession again. Hong Kong has encountered a double-dip recession within the last
4 years. Unemployment rose to 7.8% in mid-2002 and further up to 8.7% after the hard hit by
the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) crisis on the economy. Hong Kong has been
experiencing mild deflation for 4 consecutive years. The consumer price index dropped a total
of 13% during the same period. The average GDP recorded a negative figure (–0.2%) from
1997 to 2001. The prolonged adjustment period created a sense of frustration and pessimism
among the people in Hong Kong. A survey conducted by the Hong Kong General Chamber
of Commerce revealed concerns looming over the city’s economic competitiveness and frus-
tration with the local government. Their worries ranged from high property and labor costs to
declining educational standards and air pollution (Wonacott, 2000).
Despite of all this, Hong Kong is still considered as one of the best business hubs in Asia.
Hong Kong’s business environment is relatively attractive because of its low tax rates, a
stable political environment, the absence of trade barriers, and exchange controls.

2. SOCIETAL CULTURE OF HONG KONG

Confucian and Chinese Culture

Hong Kong is a place where the East meets the West. It offers a cosmopolitan culture that
reflects the native Chinese culture and the British colonial influence. The Hong Kong people
have adopted Western ideas in order to achieve commercial success. Despite the strong
British influence, Hong Kong still keeps much of its Chinese cultural tradition. The empha-
sis placed on certain Confucian values, such as filial piety and harmony, may reflect the lin-
gering influence of traditional Chinese culture. The governors were all British, and all of them
were appointed at the Crown’s will. The British national flag and portrait of the Queen of
England were over most of the government buildings. Yet the majority of the people of
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 913

Chinese descent in Hong Kong do not identify with the British. A century and half of British
presence have left remarkably little impression on the Chinese population of Hong Kong, who
never identified with the colonial rulers. Although living under a colonial regime and experi-
encing low social and political participation, the majority of the Hong Kong people identify
themselves as “Hongkongese” rather than Chinese. They are proud of their identity and main-
tain a sense of belonging to Hong Kong. Over half of the population came from China and
settled for quick money. Living “on borrowed time, in borrowed place” (Hughes, 1968),
people in Hong Kong tend to develop a very short-term orientation, with a preference for
short- term measures and quick profit.
The Chinese have historically been dominated by respect for a hierarchy of authority, which
can be traced back to the Confucian value of loyalty between sovereign and ministry (Von
Glinow & Teagarden, 1988). Chinese cultural traits attributable to an upbringing in the
Confucian tradition are: (a) socialization within the family, (b) a tendency to help the group,
(c) a sense of hierarchy, and (d) a sense of complementary relations (Kahn, 1979). Confucianism
is a Chinese social philosophy and set of moral guidelines. Confucian values emphasize the
importance of education, obedience to authority, interpersonal harmony, loyalty to the family,
kinship affiliation, and individual responsibility (Hofstede & Bond, 1988; Yeh, 1989). When
there is conflict between loyalty and filial piety, the Chinese tend to show loyalty only to the
family. The deeply rooted cultural values of Confucianism still guide individual actions and atti-
tudes (Adler, Docktor, & Redding, 1986; Shenkar & Ronen, 1987; Tung, 1981). Hong Kong res-
idents have been brought up with the virtues of Chinese culture as well as the instinctively
Chinese values such as humility, patience, persistence, and working hard. They also appreciate
the Western traits such as creativity, aggressiveness, and directness that often get things done.
Hong Kong people are pragmatic enough to preserve the virtues of Chinese culture while at the
same time assimilating the knowledge and experiences of the West.
The people of Hong Kong have long lacked a common identity. Over half of the popula-
tion has successfully escaped the communist rule and settled in Hong Kong with a refugee
mentality. The recent new immigrants or new arrivals from mainland are in a poor economic
situation and in need of financial assistance to integrate into the community. Some better-off
people migrated to foreign countries, mainly Canada and Australia, to secure a foreign pass-
port and then returned to Hong Kong. These overseas returnees have evolved into a curious
hybrid of Eastern and Western culture with a different identity.
Others may not consider Hong Kong as their permanent home. Living in a “borrowed place,
borrowed time,” there is a limited sense of belonging. Facing the identity crisis, the chief exec-
utive, Tung Chee-hwa, shared his vision in governing Hong Kong in the following way:

Trust, love and respect for our family and our elders, integrity, honesty and loyalty towards all,
commitment to education and strong desire to strive to improve and advance oneself, a belief in
order and stability, an emphasis on obligations to the community rather than rights of the indi-
vidual; a preference for consultation rather than open confrontation. These are some of the share
values which make our society more cohesive. Together with a strong identity, they will provide
us with clarity of direction and unity of purpose. (Howlett, 1998, p. 2)

3. METHODOLOGY

In this study, both qualitative and quantitative methods were used to collect the data. Three
themes were addressed by the GLOBE questionnaire (House et al., 1999, 2004): (a) perceptions
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914 CHOW

TABLE 25.1
Sample Characteristics

Sample Size: N = 171 Mean Std.Dev.

Age 35.67 9.06

Years of formal education 17.54 13.09
Years staying in Hong Kong 31.64 12.32
Years of full-time work experience 14.11 11.36
Years as manager 9.96 21.47
Years with current employer 7.98 9.61
Gender Male n = 102 (60%) Female n = 6 9 (40%)
Work for an MNC Yes n = 92 (54%) No n = 79 (46%)
Member of a professional association Yes n = 31 (18%) No n = 139 (82%)

about effective leadership, (b) societal cultural practices and values as perceived (“As Is”) and
as desired (“Should Be”), and (c) organizational cultural practices and values as perceived
(“As Is”) and as desired (“Should Be”). The sample of respondents comprises altogether N =
171 middle managers in the telecommunications and financial services sectors. The sample
characteristics are described in Table 25.1.
The qualitative research methods include interviews, unobtrusive measures, and content
analysis of narratives, for example, media, literature, and archival records. These methods
provide a rich description of the specific societal culture and leadership perceptions that are
endorsed in Hong Kong. The culture-specific characteristics are also discussed in terms of
how they influence leadership perceptions.

Results of the Quantitative Study of Societal Culture in Hong Kong

Results of the quantitative analysis are presented in Table 25.2. It contains Hong Kong’s coun-
try score (mean score of all respondents) and its ranking among the 61 countries that partici-
pated in the GLOBE research program for the nine societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be”
scales. The highest mean scores obtained by Hong Kong were on In-Group Collectivism (5.32)
and Power Distance (4.96), followed by Performance Orientation (4.80). Relatively low scores
were measured for Humane Orientation (3.90) and Future Orientation (4. 03) at the society
level. A comparatively low score for Institutional Collectivism indicates that Hong Kong is indi-
vidualistic in its societal culture. When comparing the within-country scores of In-Group
Collectivism (5.32) and Institutional Collectivism (4.13) a discrepancy becomes apparent. It
seems to reflect that Hong Kong Chinese individuals are more collectively oriented to their
family but they are more individualistic oriented within their society. Despite the importance
that Hong Kong Chinese respondents placed on family cohesiveness, the score is significantly
lower than that of other Chinese communities (e.g., 4.77 for China, 4.59 for Taiwan).
It is worth noting that Hong Kong society ranked 3rd in Performance Orientation, 5th in
Assertiveness, and 28th in Gender Egalitarianism among the 61 GLOBE countries and
regions included in the study.
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 915

TABLE 25.2
Results of the Nine GLOBE Cultural Dimensions at the Societal Level

“As Is” “Should Be”

HongKong HongKong
Culture Dimension Mean scorea Rankb Mean scorea Rankb

Assertiveness 4.67 5 4.81 5

Future Orientation 4.03 21 5.50 33
Gender Egalitarianism 3.47 28 4.33 41
Humane Orientation 3.90 41 5.32 38
In-Group Collectivism 5.32 33 5.11 57
Institutional Collectivism 4.13 34 4.43 41
Performance Orientation 4.80 3 5.64 52
Power Distance 4.96 43 3.24 5
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.32 21 4.63 38
a
7-point Likert scale. bThe rank order is relative to the 61 GLOBE countries.

Value or “Should Be” items describe the respondent’s perception of what people claim to
want or desire for themselves. For the “Should Be” score, there appears to be a clear preference
for higher level of Performance Orientation (5.64), and Future Orientation (5.50), followed
by Humane Orientation (5.32). It should be noted that all of the “Should Be” scores were
higher than the “As Is” scores, with the exception of Power Distance. In fact, Power Distance
was the lowest (3.24) in the nine “Should Be” dimensions. This indicates that the Chinese
respondents desire to have a lower power distance society. In comparing the “As Is” scores
with “Should Be” scores, there were significant differences. In general, the “Should Be”
scores are higher than the “As Is” scores in most of the cultural dimensions, except for Power
Distance. This may reflect the social desirability, or something people want to have. The
discrepancies between the “As Is” and “Should Be” scores can be interpreted to indicate the
desired direction for societal change.
Hong Kong ranked third in Performance Orientation (“As Is”), however the respective “Should
Be” ranking dropped tremendously to 52. Conversely, Power Distance “As Is” (4.96) ranks 43rd
and Power Distance “Should Be” (3.24) ranks 5th highest among the 61 GLOBE countries.
Other scales that attract attention are Gender Egalitarianism and Humane Orientation.
A moderate level of Gender Egalitarianism “As Is” (3.47) is evident and the respective
“Should Be” score indicates a desire for higher levels of Gender Egalitarianism (4.33). The
Hong Kong society is not considered as a very humane society as indicated by a low-ranked
“As Is” Humane Orientation score (3.90, Rank 41). In line with the worldwide trend, the
respective “Should Be” score is considerably higher (5.32, Rank 38), which makes it a desir-
able cultural value in Hong Kong’s society. A similar trend is apparent for Future Orientation
“As Is” (4.03, Rank 21) and “Should Be” (5.50, Rank 33). Interestingly, In-Group
Collectivism, which received the highest “As Is” from middle managers in Hong Kong,
received a much lower “Should Be” score (5.11), which positions Hong Kong among the
lower end of all 61 GLOBE countries (Rank 57). The high ratings for Assertiveness remained
about the same for both dimensions, “As Is” (4.67, Rank 5) and “Should Be” (4.81, Rank 5).
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916 CHOW

Results of the Qualitative Study of Societal Culture of Hong Kong

This section describes the Hong Kong societal culture based on unobtrusive indicators and
archival data.

Uncertainty Avoidance. Hong Kong is characterized as a free-market capitalist econ-

omy. Being a laissez-faire economy, the government provides few tax incentives for new busi-
nesses. Unlike the economic development of Taiwan, Singapore, and South Korea, the Hong
Kong government adopts the “positive nonintervention” philosophy. Such a hands-off, lais-
sez-faire culture greatly enhances entrepreneurial activities. This can be reflected by a large
proportion of entrepreneurial firms and high rate of new business start-ups. Greater industri-
alization also encourages individual initiatives, and Hong Kong is known for having a large
number of risk-taking entrepreneurs and a general speculative attitude among its people.
Hong Kong people are more speculative than other capitalistic societies and are more prone
to take calculated risks. They recognize and acknowledge the significant rewards that may
result from taking risks to start a new business (McGrath, MacMillan, Yang, & Tasi, 1992).
Terpstra, Ralston, and Bazen (1993) found that U.S. managers and Hong Kong managers have
no significant difference in risk-taking propensity. On the other hand, the relatively low
expenditures for research and development and reluctance to invest in high-tech industry
reflect the mentality of uncertainty avoidance. Without government subsidy, investors are
simply not willing to bear the risk of failure in high-tech industry.

Power Distance. A person’s influence is based primarily on one’s ability and contribu-
tion to society. Hong Kong Chinese are more confined by social classes and organizational
hierarchy. People in positions of power tend to increase their social distance from less pow-
erful individuals and so power is concentrated at the top. Followers are expected to obey their
leaders without questioning.
Hong Kong is a social class–conscious society and its people are endlessly chasing money.
Wage differential is high with great discrepancy in wealth distributions. Every year the media
identifies the wealthiest and the most powerful families in the Hong Kong. Most of them
make their fortune in the property industry. These wealthy families generally have more
domestic servants, luxury houses, and expensive cars. Anything that reflects class, status, and
power distance is welcome. The dressing code also reflects one’s status with managers tend-
ing to dress formally. Graduating students are also ranked and classified into different class
of honors degree according to their academic records.
Power stratification can also be reflected in the number of hierarchical levels in a particu-
lar organization, status-relevant occupational and honary titles, and size of office. The amount
of office space is generally allocated according to the status rather than the requirements of
the work to be done. It is viewed as a privilege. The way people address each other in soci-
ety reflects status differences. In Hong Kong, management practices in small and medium-
size organizations are often based on kinship relationships and involve obedience to elders,
based on deference to the wisdom of experience.
There were very few historical heroes or leaders in Hong Kong. The main streets and
buildings were named after the Royal Family of England. The Royal Crest was found on most
of the government buildings and post boxes before the 1997 handover. The governors
were appointed by the Crown in England. Local people believed that the governor served the
interest of England rather than the interest of the Hong Kong people. There is an absence of
public symbols that attest to the greatness of national leaders.
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 917

Institutional Collectivism. Hofstede and others describe Hong Kong as a moderately

collective-oriented society, with individuals belonging to a set of different and overlapping
social networks. Contrary to Hofstede’s (1980) findings two decades previously, Hong Kong
society seems to be more individualistic now. In a large social survey conducted in Hong
Kong, the conception of happiness is very personal and individualistic and good health and
money were the major concerns. In a densely populated city-state, the majority of the people
lives in crowded high-rise buildings. They are only concerned with their private life and
seldom socialize with their neighbors.

In-Group Collectivism. In a family- and relationship-oriented society, in-group collec-

tivism becomes more important. Aging parents generally live at home with their children and
children live at home with their parents until they are married. Parents take pride in the
accomplishments of their children.
Because of the space constraint, the prevalence of extended families is increasingly more
difficult. A more affluent society can afford to have better accommodation for the nuclear
family. The share of the nuclear family increased from 54% in 1981 to 63.6% in 2000.
Married children with their own children will no longer live with their parents; however, they
will get together for dinner at least once a week or several times a month. Members of the
extended family stay nearby to offer help. It is also a common practice to have communal
dishes, which are shared by all family members. It is the government policy to encourage
households living with aged parents. Commitment to live and take care of aged parents will
be given high priority in the allotment of government-subsidized public housing for low-
income families. Despite the growing incidence of family conflicts and rise in divorce rate,
survey results show that the highest satisfaction is consistently found in the domain of family
life (Lee, 1992).

Gender Egalitarianism. In most Chinese societies, the traditional family remains patrimo-
nial (absolute power is vested in the male head of the household). Male children are preferred
to carry the family name. The patriarch would be the ruler and leader of the household, making
all-important decisions and dictating his wishes. He would enjoy the highest status in the family,
and the domestic burdens would fall on to his wife. Husbands are masters of the households and
wives are expected to submit to their authority. Despite the centrality of family in Chinese soci-
eties, the importance of love and marriage is given a relatively low significance (Lee, 1992). In
Hong Kong, as far as the gender aspect of family life was concerned, there was evidence of a
strong departure from the male-centered gender-unequal family. The Hong Kong families were
far more gender-equal than commonly assumed. In a large social survey, the majority of the
respondents disagreed that “women should put family before everything else and even give up
work if there is the need.” It can be argued that in Hong Kong people are pragmatic enough to
see the advantage of having a second paycheck (Lee, 1992, p. 14).
In the education system, there is a tendency for male students to enroll in mathematics and
the hard science, and for female students to enroll in the arts. This is quite a universal phe-
nomenon. Requiring the female students to take courses in needlework and domestic science
and male students to take courses in wood and metal work reinforces the gender roles. The
gender role is also implicitly reflected in the content of textbooks in junior high school
(Shamdasani, 2002). Content analysis of Chinese history textbooks in Hong Kong revealed
more than 2,900 episodes on gender roles. Out of these episodes, only 99 described the
female role, just 1 out of 30. In most cases, women were described as housewives, sex slaves,
concubines, and so on. The female roles were seriously downgraded whereas the men were
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918 CHOW

projected to have attained high levels of achievement and made significant contributions to
the country. One may question that there were very limited female role models in traditional
Chinese history. More recently, in a survey of integrated social studies that included more
than 10,000 lines of text and more than 250 pictures, the frequency of men appearing in text
and pictures compared with women was found to be more than double. The image of the man
is projected to be more important and professional than the woman. Women are shown to take
more responsibility related to homemaking and child caring.
In the workplace, the involvement of women in the labor force has been rising. Female
labor force participation rate was 51.1% in 2001. As more and more women join the work-
force, together with the equal opportunity in both the educational system and the workplace,
women have a better chance to move into the managerial and professional occupations. There
is a high proportion of women represented in the senior civil service and the private sector. In
1999, one third of the civil servants were female (Civil Service Personnel Statistics, 1999). In
the directorate grade, 24% are female and in public office, females represented 11.5% and
16.7% in the Executive Council and Legislative Council membership, respectively
(Department of Census and Statistics, Hong Kong Government, 2001).
Ngo (2000) investigated the trends in occupational segregation by gender in Hong Kong.
Antidiscrimination legislation regarding women’s employment has been enacted only recently.
Education and job opportunities have been available for women in Hong Kong, owing largely
to prosperous economic conditions; for instance, female labor force participation rate was
51.1% in 2001. In the past 15 years, the female labor force increased by 45%, compared to 14%
of their male counterparts. However, women predominantly work in jobs that have lower status
and lower income such as clerical (72.5%), sales, and personal services (45%). Rising levels of
educational attainment qualifies young women to enter a broad range of jobs. There is an
increase in women’s representation in managerial/administrative (25%) and professional
(32.7%) occupations (Department of Census and Statistics, Hong Kong Government, 2001).
The restructuring of the Hong Kong economy has changed occupational sex segregation
due to two major forces. First, Hong Kong has undergone a process of “occupational upgrad-
ing,” which is characterized by an increased share of higher status administrative, profes-
sional occupations in the labor market. The growth of managerial and professional jobs over
the last decade has facilitated women’s entry into these prestigious jobs, which have been tra-
ditionally dominated by men. Second, the middle-aged, less-educated women who lost their
jobs in the manufacturing sector have also possibly sought employment in low-skill service
occupations. Only the skilled and craft male workers remained in their original job positions.
The blue-collar occupations have become more sex segregated.

Assertiveness. It measures the extent to which a society is assertive, dominant, and tough
in social relationships. A previous study by Schermerhorm and Bond (1991) found that Hong
Kong Chinese are more masculine and assertive than Americans. However, the Chinese cultural
concept indicated otherwise. In a society where strong emphasis is placed on harmony and face
saving, confrontations are avoided. Tung Chee-hwa, the chief executive of Hong Kong Special
Administrative Region, “strongly believes in greater harmony, less hostility, less unnecessary
quarreling, but more rational discussion” (www.Info.gov.hk/gia/General2000/0/111011 40.htm).
After all, “quiet negotiation does not mean weakness.”

Future Orientation. Chinese in general are often described to have a long-term orienta-
tion (Hofstede & Bond, 1988). Future orientation and future investments of enterprises in
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 919

Hong Kong ranked number 7 and 10 respectively (IMD, 1997). As for attitudes toward the
future, Hong Kong people do not have much confidence in the territory’s future. A significant
and expanding percentage of graduates in the professional fields, such as engineering and com-
puter science, opt for jobs in the financial sector, or in the business field, instead of trainee posts
in engineering or manufacturing industries. Young people are reluctant to engage in long-term
planning and long-term investment in improving their qualifications. Living in a “borrowed
time, borrowed place,” people in Hong Kong tend to focus on the short term. There is a saying
that “Hong Kong is a place where you can have an idea at nine, incorporated by noon, and have
your profits by six.” Investors with long-term objectives are skeptical about Hong Kong’s future
and tended to engage in short- or medium-term investment only. The economic downturn in the
past few years further deteriorates entrepreneurs’ investment confidence.
Investment in research and development is another indicator of future orientation. Hong
Kong manufacturers do not have a tradition of innovation. Many of them started their busi-
ness as original-equipment manufacturers (Chua et al., 2002) and very few of them are will-
ing to spend resources on research and development. According to a report written by
researchers from Massachusetts Institute of Technology (Berger & Lester, 1997), the propor-
tion of research and development was estimated to be 0.1% of GDP, compared with 2.4% in
the United States and 2.9% in Japan. Only 1% of the total number of patents granted in Hong
Kong originated from a proprietor from Hong Kong (Department of Census and Statistics,
Hong Kong Government, 2003). The SAR government proposed to increase spending on
research and development and upgrade technology. The infringement of intellectual-property
rights in Hong Kong and China is so widespread that without proper intellectual-property
protection, being innovative to improve performance is not substantially rewarded.

Performance Orientation. Hong Kong is still strong in business and was ranked third in
the world in terms of competitiveness for a short period. Unfortunately, its ranking dropped
to 7th in 1999, and further down to 14th in 2000. Management efficiency and entrepreneur-
ship ranked second.
Though work is of utmost importance in life, high priority is placed on performance
orientation. The support of competitiveness as indicated by working hard, tenacity, or loyalty
ranked on top of the world (IMD, 2000). The average number of working hours per year
was 2,500.
In a high performance- or achievement-oriented society, students are encouraged to strive
for continuously improved performance. At the age of 12 students are assessed by Academic
Aptitude Tests and get a secondary-school place according to the banding of 1 to 5. Students
attending Band 1 schools are labeled as high achievers. The Academic Aptitude Tests were
abolished and the branding was reduced to 3 to avoid a labeling effect. Good academic
records are still very much emphasized. There is a strong tendency to chase credentials in the
form of certificates, diplomas, and university degrees. Both parents and the government are
willing to invest in human capital and education.
Hong Kong is far closer to Western-style management than most other Asian nations.
People in the former British colony, with a weak political and national identity, developed a
pragmatic orientation that emphasizes survival and growth by pursuing material gains. They
tend to be more result and performance oriented. Hard work and good performance are
always valued by employers. Hong Kong’s workforce has been maintaining its efficiency and
high spirits very well. They are very dedicated to their work and they derive considerable job
satisfaction alongside financial rewards.
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920 CHOW

Hong Kong is a place full of opportunities with a high degree of social openness. Wealth
is considered as an important criterion to determine one’s social status. It is generally
accepted that to become rich is glorious. The entrepreneurial spirit among the Hong Kong
people has remained strong. The culture encourages people to be their own boss and entre-
preneurs and those who have become wealthy by setting up businesses are respected and
admired in the society. The self made billionaires, taipans, are glorified for their wealth-
creating ability. Major rewards are based on performance effectiveness and the use of a for-
mal performance appraisal system is a common practice.

Humane Orientation. Renqing, the affect and care components of the relationship
(Guanxi), is particularly important in the Chinese society. Results from Chinese Culture
Connection (1987) found no difference between the United States and Hong Kong on this
dimension. Ralston, Gustafson, Elsass, Cheung, and Terpstra (1993) found that U.S. man-
agers are more concerned with getting jobs done whereas the Chinese managers were more
concerned with maintaining a harmonious environment.
Treatment of the poor and the less fortunate reflects the society’s humane orientation.
Direct government spending is about 21% of national income in Hong Kong, despite the fore-
casted budget deficit of HK$36.5 billion for the year 2000 (2.8% GDP). During the period of
economic downturn (coupled with demands for greater social expenditure) the total public
expenditure increased by 4.3%. The largest share of spending is on education (19% of the
total expenditures), amounting to HK$55.2 billion, and the greatest increase in spending is on
social welfare, which has risen to 13.7%. Despite all these efforts, Hong Kong residents still
consider this to be not enough. Another indicator of increasing humane orientation is that
human rights organizations are gaining a bigger voice and are becoming more visible in Hong
Kong society. The Hong Kong –style protest (display of public indignation) is seen as tame
by Western standards.

Overall Profile of Societal Culture of Hong Kong

An overall profile of the societal culture of Hong Kong based on a combination of the find-
ings of both the quantitative and qualitative studies can be summarized as follows.
The findings of the GLOBE study presented in this chapter reflect the changes in societal
culture during the last decade, particularly after Hong Kong was returned to China. The soci-
etal culture is described as high in Power Distance and Performance Orientation. In contrast,
Hong Kong society is relatively low in Institutional Collectivism, Future Orientation, and
Humane Orientation. One of the most striking observations is the medium to low score on In-
Group Collectivism. Family business is overwhelmingly the dominant form in Hong Kong.
The major characteristics of small family business are centralized, paternalistic, and nepotis-
tic in nature that rely on personal networks for external linkage. The dependence, conformity,
and Lau’s (1982) depiction of “utiliarianistic familism” are the most prevailing societal
values of Hong Kong. The key success factors are adaptability and flexibility in response to
the rapidly changing demand of their clients and markets. The laissez-faire policy and free
market provide the opportunities for entrepreneurial spirit to flourish. The people of Hong
Kong are pragmatic and materialistic, with short-term orientation.
In terms of values at the societal level, it is interesting to note that Hong Kong scored lower
in several cultural dimensions (Power Distance, Institutional Collectivism) than the other
three Chinese societies (PRC, Taiwan, and Singapore). In contrast, Hong Kong people are more
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 921

individualistic in societal cultural practices and values than citizens in other Chinese societies.
In-Group Collectivism was considered as the most important cultural dimension in Hong Kong,
yet the score was still lower than the other three Chinese societies. And, the Hong Kong society
seems to prefer a more assertive pattern of behavior. Hong Kong women are no longer subordi-
nated to men and confined to domestic work as in traditional Chinese society and women are
more readily accepted in the business world due to Hong Kong’s long exposure to the more egal-
itarian Western view. Hong Kong scored higher in Gender Egalitarianism than other Chinese
communities (e.g., Taiwan, PRC) as indicated by a medium score in the Gender Egalitarianism
scale. To a certain extent, this may be due to the prolonged Western influence. The preference
for higher female orientation (high equality on the top positions, employment opportunity, edu-
cation, etc.) was expressed as desirable for the future.
Hong Kong is still struggling with uncertainty and economic downturn after its return to
Chinese sovereignty and it is attempting to regain its competitiveness. Emphasis should be
placed on Future Orientation and Performance Orientation. It is the pervasive anxiety about
the future that releases the boundless energy of the community. The anxiety also spurs self-
employment and entrepreneurship. Unfortunately, there is increasing evidence on the erosion
of entrepreneurial values and increasing risk aversion as well as reliance on government sup-
port. Currently Hong Kong has one of the lowest entrepreneurial participation rates in the
world because of deteriorating business sentiment (Chua et al., 2002). Just like Singapore and
other welfare states, Hong Kong people have fewer incentives to start a business because their
basic needs are being well taken care of with subsidized public housing, an inexpensive
public health system, and increased welfare spending. All these have affected their motivation
to work hard to meet their own needs. Other developments of cultural and social norms, such
as rising professionalism and higher living standards, are unlikely to nurture entrepreneurial
spirit. Following the breakdown of the “Hong Kong economic miracle” and the difficult time
encountered after its return to China, consumer confidence was relatively pessimistic about
the future regarding employment, the economy, regular income, stock market performance,
and quality of life. According to Master Card International’s biannual survey around the
Pacific region, Hong Kong’s score was 21.3 based on a scale of 100, second to last in the 13
markets studied (V. Yu, 2003).
According to IMD’s (2000) world competitiveness survey, Hong Kong scored 6 on a 10-
point (most satisfied) scale in overall life satisfaction. The average number of weekly work
hours was 50, the highest, whereas job autonomy was only 2.2, the lowest among all the coun-
tries surveyed. Work was under a great deal of pressure. Satisfaction with the relationship
with supervisor was 4.9, also the lowest on a 7-point scale. Subordinates do not think their
superiors are weak in abilities or poor in work attitudes, but they are weak in management
communication skills and too results oriented, creating too much pressure for staff. Hong
Kong employees are much less satisfied with their jobs and the management practices of the
firms than their European counterparts (Leung, 2002).

4. ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE IN HONG KONG

Organizational culture is obtained by using GLOBE questionnaires surveys from respondents

in the telecommunications and financial services sectors. A brief history of both sectors
in Hong Kong is provided in the Appendix. The results obtained from the GLOBE study are
presented together with the societal value for comparison.
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922 CHOW

TABLE 25.3
Organizational Culture for the Telecommunications and Financial Industry

“As Is” “Should Be”

Culture Dimension Telecom Financial Financial Telecom
Assertiveness 4.77 4.60 4.93 4.72
Future Orientation 4.08 3.98 5.29 5.67
Gender Egalitarianism 3.51 3.43 4.41 4.31
Humane Orientation 3.84 3.95 5.31 5.34
Performance Orientation 4.79 4.80 5.61 5.67
In-Group Collectivism 5.24 5.39 4.92 5.26
Institutional Collectivism 4.17 4.09 4.52 4.36
Power Distance 4.87 5.03 3.22 3.26
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.45 4.21 4.57 4.68

The results of organizational culture in telecommunications and financial industries are

presented in Table 25.3. It should be noted that there is no significant difference between the
two industries in both “As Is” and “Should Be” scores. The scores for In-Group Collectivism
are the highest among all cultural dimensions in both industries. The importance of In-Group
Collectivism remained high at the organizational level. Gender Egalitarianism and Humane
Orientation scored around the midpoint on a 7-point scale in both industries. It implies that
Gender Egalitarianism is pretty much achieved in organizations. Power Distance is also high
in these two industries. It is desirable to have lower Power Distance in an organization as indi-
cated in the way it “Should Be.” Future Orientation is not practiced as it is now but is highly
desirable. Assertiveness, Institutional Collectivism, Future Orientation, Humane Orientation,
and Performance Orientation all received higher scores for the way it “Should Be” than the
way it is. It highlights room for improvement in these dimensions.
In terms of “As Is,” the organizational-level culture of both the telecommunications and
financial sectors followed more or less the same pattern as the societal level. In general, there
was a consistent pattern on these cultural dimensions on both the societal and organizational
level. For example, Gender Egalitarianism received a similar score at the societal level and
the organizational level. The medium scores around 3.5 at the organizational level implied a
preference for gender equality. Assertiveness remained high at the organization level in both
“As Is” and “Should Be” scores. Assertive behaviors are considered important in organiza-
tions. Future Orientation (“As Is”) is highly desirable but did not receive the same level of
attention at the organizational level, with a lower score in both industries. Humane
Orientation scored low at both the societal and organizational level. Facing the financial pres-
sure of downsizing and salary cuts, organizations were not doing enough to take care of their
employees. At the societal level, In-Group Collectivism received the highest score (5.32), and
it remained very important at the organizational level, but was slightly less desirable in the
telecommunications industry. Power Distance was less desirable, even more so at the organi-
zational level than the societal level, and value placed on the way it “Should Be.” In compar-
ison with the society-level values, the score of Uncertainty Avoidance is lower at the
organizational level for both “As Is” and “Should Be.” Even though the organizations
surveyed are not family-owned business, the organizational culture is characterized by family
control and personal authority.
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 923

5. LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG

Until 1994, all the top posts in the public administration were held by British expatriates. In
the private sector, top-management positions in traditional Hongs (trading houses or con-
glomerates) are held primarily by British and Anglo-Saxons. There is a marked difference in
the culture and leadership before and after the reunification with China. Up to the 1980s, the
Hong Kong business community was dominated by a few large Hongs, such as The Hong
Kong Bank, Jardine, Matheson & Company, and The Swire Group. These British Hongs
monopolized the market and played a leading role in the domestic economy. The operations
of these Hongs have had a significant influence on culture and leadership style, the typical
Western style. Since the reunification, the China-controlled firms have gained importance and
started exerting more powerful influence on the Hong Kong economy. The new dominant
organizations in Hong Kong are headed by Chinese taipans. It is estimated that the market
value of the listed companies controlled by Chinese capital in Hong Kong amounts to about
55% of the gross value of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange (Liu, 1997, p. 136). When Patten’s
proposed reform was attacked by China, Hong Kong business leaders were less enthusiastic
about his reforms. Some prominent businesspeople and probusiness voices endorsed the idea
of “democratizing” the Legislative Council. Tycoon Li Ka-shing threatened to pull out a $10
billion project simply because he was worried about the political climate (criticism from
political parties). Business leaders also complained that the business community’s influence
was being diluted by increasingly powerful elected politicians (South China Morning Post,
December 23, 1998, p. 1), which has generated the irrepressible energy propelling Hong
Kong to its economic prosperity (S. L. Wong, 1997).

Review of Prior Research and Literature on Leadership in Hong Kong

Westwood and Chan (1992) tried to distinguish leadership and headship in the Chinese con-
text. Leadership is related to individual qualities or behaviors. The person who is the head of
an organization may achieve that status through some means outside of the leader-led rela-
tionship (e.g., inheritance or ownership). Headship is viewed as being imposed on the
followers. This is particularly true in the family-owned business. A Chinese businessman’s
headship of an enterprise will be accepted and his rights as owner will not be challenged.
Westwood and Chan’s (1992) study of headship of Chinese-owned organizations found
Chinese entrepreneurs to be very autocratic. They believed that their rights as owner should
not be challenged. Silin (1976) argued that Chinese leaders, in order to protect their organi-
zational status, would withhold information and power from their subordinates. Only when it
was necessary would Chinese supervisors release this information and power so that subor-
dinates would remain dependent to their leaders. Silin found that the vertical hierarchy in
Chinese organizations facilitates control and did not give much room for subordinates’ initia-
tive. Chinese supervisors also regularly played down or denied the contributions of subordi-
nates so that their own position could be strengthened (Redding & Wong, 1986, p. 288).
Coaching subordinates to encourage intellectual exploration would go against the supervi-
sors’ wishes. Smith, Misumi, Tayeb, Paterson, and Bond (1989) studied the leadership style
of Hong Kong using Misumi’s PM (performance–Maintenance) leadership theory, which is
parallel to Ohio State’s study of initiating structure and consideration. The maintenance
supervisor’s distinctive behaviors include discussing a subordinate’s personal difficulties,
spending time together socially both at work and after hours, and talking about work
problems. In addition to all these behaviors, the performance leader engages in more frequent
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924 CHOW

LBDQ Factors
1. Representation 5. Initiation of structure 9. Production emphasis
2. Demand reconciliation 6. Tolerance of freedom 10. Predictive accuracy
3. Tolerance of uncertainty 7. Role assumption 11 Integration
4. Persuasiveness 8. Consideration 12. Superior orientation

Figure 25.1. LBDQ—Ideal leader versus Hong Kong manager.

meetings with subordinates, discussion on career plans, and communication with other work
groups. The distinction between P and M is not clear-cut. The maintenance leader is best
exemplified by the tactfulness employed in resolving personal difficulties in an indirect man-
ner, whereas the performance leader encourages cooperative work behaviors.
Selmer (1996) studied Hong Kong managers using the Leadership Behavior Description
Questionnaire (LBDQ–XII). The ideal leader is expected by subordinates to be high on “pre-
diction accuracy,” and “integration,” low on “tolerance of uncertainty,” “role assumption,” and
“production emphasis.” The scores for the ideal leader are consistently higher than actual
Hong Kong managers in all 12 leadership behavior factors. In another study, Black and Porter
(1991) found none of the 12 dimensions of managerial behaviors were related to performance
as measured by the LBDQ among Hong Kong Chinese managers. The comparison of results
from these two studies is provided in Figure 25.1. It should be noted that Black and Porter’s
study recorded consistently lower scores on these factors except for “tolerance of uncertainty”
and “consideration.”
Okechuku and Man (1991) compared the managerial traits in Canada and Hong Kong and
concluded that the role of manager in the Hong Kong context is different from Canada as power
concentration reduces discretion and increases dependence. Compliance inhibits initiatives
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 925

from subordinates. From a Confucian perspective, a leader should be a morally superior per-
son and should behave in ways that conform to the key virtues of consideration and human-
heartedness and should follow the rules of propriety. Relationships may be unequal but they
are also reciprocal and contain mutual obligations. Owner managers expect loyalty and obe-
dience from their subordinates, and they must also reciprocate by taking care of and nurtur-
ing their subordinates. Paternalism is the kind of generally well-known management style in
Hong Kong (Westwood & Chan, 1992). Paternalism combines discipline and authority with
fatherly concern and benevolence. The leader must show paternal qualities of care, concern,
and protection of subordinates. Managers who are high on both initiating structure and con-
sideration are effective.

Results of the Quantitative Study on Leadership in Hong Kong

The quantitative data on leadership attributes were collected from 171 middle-level managers in
the telecommunications and financial services sectors. The sample characteristics are given in
Table 25.1. All of the sample were ethnic Chinese working in local companies. The average age
of the participants was 35.7 years old, ranging from 21 to 55. They had an average of 17.5 years
of formal education. Sixty percent of the respondents were male and had an average of more
than 14 years of full-time work experience and 10 years as a manager. The respondents had
worked for their current employer for an average of 8 years. About half of the participants have
worked for a multinational corporation and 18% of them belong to professional associations or
networks. The average time that the respondents have lived in Hong Kong was 31.6 years and
they have lived in two to three foreign countries for longer than a 1-year period.
The questionnaire aims to identify the characteristics and behaviors of a leader who is per-
ceived to be outstanding. GLOBE defines a leader as a person who is able to motivate others
and influence or facilitate in others behavior that contributes to the achievement and the suc-
cess in a business organization. The questionnaire items consisted of behavioral and trait
descriptors (e.g., autocratic, benevolent, nurturing, visionary). There were 112 attributes and
behaviors to be rated on a 7-point Liekert scale that ranges from greatly inhibits (1) to con-
tributes greatly (7) to making a person an outstanding leader. Based on the total GLOBE
sample, a series of exploratory factor analyses and internal consistency analyses were con-
ducted resulting in 21 leadership prototypicality dimensions. The Cronbach alphas of these
scales range from .83 to .98 and within-group correlation range from .78 to .97. All scales
demonstrated significant and nontrivial within-country response agreement, between-culture
differences, and respectable interitem reliabilities (cf. House et al., 1999, 2004). The country
scores together with the ranking of Hong Kong among the 61 countries on leadership
prototypicality are presented in Table 25.4.
The implicit theory of leadership among Hong Kong managers favors behaviors and atti-
tudes that include inspirational, performance orientation, decisive, visionary, team integrator,
integrity, administrative competent, diplomatic, collaborative, self-sacrificial, and modesty.
All the dimensions received a score above 5 on a 7-point scale. On the other end of the spec-
trum, procedural, autocratic, nonparticipative, self-centered, and malevolent are perceived as
the least desirable characteristics of a leader. These attributes are viewed as ineffective or
impediments to outstanding leadership. Procedural and face saving will slightly inhibit a per-
son from being an outstanding leader and these attributes are seldom found in the media
reports (see later discussion). The ranking of Hong Kong’s scores among the 61 countries
help to further refine the picture. On the one hand, malevolent, autocratic, nonparticipative,
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926 CHOW

TABLE 25.4
The Average Score and Ranking of GLOBE Leadership Scale for Hong Kong

Hong Kong

Leadership Dimension Mean Rank

Charismatic Inspirational 5.85 48

Performance Orientation 5.82 48
Charismatic Visionary 5.76 51
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.76 40
Integrity 5.73 49
Administratively Competent 5.71 37
Diplomatic 5.60 23
Decisive 5.57 40
Team Integrator 5.28 45
Charismatic—Self-Sacrificial 5.13 21
Modesty 5.00 33
Humane 4.77 31
Autonomous 4.38 8
Conflict Inducer 4.34 15
Status-Consciousness 4.31 33
Procedural 3.83 36
Malevolent 3.34 4
Autocratic 3.27 5
Face Saver 3.14 21
Nonparticipative 3.02 13
Self-Centered 2.63 9

and self-centered attributes were perceived to inhibit a person from being an outstanding
leader by Hong Kong managers. On the other hand, the rankings for Hong Kong relative to
all 61 GLOBE countries are comparatively high. For example, self-centered scored 2.63, the
lowest among all dimensions within Hong Kong, but it ranked high (9th) in comparison to all
GLOBE countries. Or, malevolent scored 3.34, yet it ranked fourth among the 61 countries.
This indicates that Hong Kong managers perceive these attributes to be less inhibitory to
effective leadership than managers in most of the other GLOBE countries do.
In contrast, Hong Kong managers perceive inspiration, performance orientation, visionary,
and integrity to most strongly facilitate effective leadership in comparison to the other lead-
ership dimensions. But the relative ranking of Hong Kong on these leadership attributes when
compared to all 61 countries is relatively low. In particular, visionary and integrity are two of
the vital characteristics of value-based leadership. In this respect, Hong Kong ranks only 51
and 49, respectively, in the GLOBE sample. Overall, these results seem to suggest that Hong
Kong business leaders are not perceived very favorably compared with leaders in other coun-
tries included in the GLOBE study. However, this may be due to the fact that in Asian cul-
tures, including Hong Kong, respondents tend to avoid the extreme ends of a scale and prefer
the midrange responses (Adler, Campbell, & Laurent, 1989; Bond & Hwang, 1986; Hofstede,
1980). GLOBE controlled for response bias (House et al., 2004) and found that a substantial
level of agreement existed between the “corrected” and “uncorrected” leadership scales
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 927

TABLE 25.5
Second-Order Leadership Scales

Leadership Dimensions Mean Rank

Charismatic/Value-based: 5.68 47
Visionary, Inspirational, Self-sacrifice, Integrity, Decisive, and
Performance orientation
Team Oriented: 5.58 50
Collaborative team orientation, Team integrator, Malevolent,
Diplomatic Administratively competent, Diplomatic
Humane: 4.89 31
Humane orientation, Modesty
Participative: 4.86 54
Autocratic, Nonparticipative (reverse scored)
Autonomous 4.38 7
Self-Protective: 3.67 18
Self-centered, Face saver, Status-consciousness, Procedural,
Conflict inducer

(range of correlations: .85 to .99, average correlation: .94). This implies that cultural-response
bias plays a small role in the GLOBE leadership scales.
Compared with China, Taiwan, and Singapore, the GLOBE data showed no significant
difference in administrative competence and nonparticipative behavior among all four
Chinese societies. Compared to the scores of other Chinese economies in the GLOBE study,
Hong Kong leaders rank high in terms of autonomous and autocratic leadership attributes.
Differentiating from their counterparts in other Chinese societies, Hong Kong people try to
solve problems by themselves without seeking help from others. Seeking help from others
means an obligation people owe to friends, with an expectation to return the favor in the
future. The mentality of “to achieve self-renewal with one’s own effort” is strongly held.
Compared with other Chinese societies, Hong Kong scored lowest in relation to modesty, face
saving, integrity, and administratively competent. On the surface, this profile appears to be
consistent with the portraits of Hong Kong managers described in the literature. There were,
however, some contradictory results in team-oriented leadership. People in Hong Kong are
very individualistic. They show solidarity only to protect their own interests.
Based on the 21 primary leadership factors, the second-order factor analysis yielded six
dimensions (House et al., 1999, 2004) which are presented in Table 25.5. Hong Kong leaders
received the score of 5.66 and 6.58 for charismatic and team-oriented leadership, respectively.
It implies that value-based leadership is complemented with collaborative team-oriented
attributes. Humane and participative leadership received medium scores of 4.89 and 4.86,
respectively. Only autonomous and self-protective scored below 4.5. Self-protective is the
least desirable attribute for outstanding leaders, with a score of 3.67. More discussion of these
factors is given as follows.

Charismatic/Value Based. Items loaded in this factor are visionary, inspirational, self-
sacrificial, integrity, decisive, and performance. Hong Kong managers live through an increas-
ingly uncertain environment; a clear vision is critical for leaders during the transitional period.
They are inspirational, performance oriented, decisive, and visionary.
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928 CHOW

Team Oriented. Items include collaborative team orientation, team integrator, modesty,
diplomatic, malevolent, and administratively competent. In a moderately collective society,
dominant leaders form alliance to protect their interests. They also need the support from the
masses. This is the only scale that showed no significant difference among the four Chinese
economies. Hong Kong people seem to be very individualistic in the workplace. Yet they are
very cohesive to their family and friends.

Humane Orientation. Consistent with the paternalistic style of management in the

Chinese society, leaders show their command and authority together with the care and con-
cern. Hong Kong ranked in the middle among the 61 countries in humane orientation and
modesty. Hong Kong received the lowest score among the four Chinese communities on
this dimension, possibly indicating that Hong Kong managers perceive personal care of the
well-being of followers to be less important for effective leadership.

Participative. Hong Kong ranks 54th on this scale. Hong Kong managers perceive auto-
cratic and nonparticipative attributes to inhibit effective leadership less strongly than most of
the other managers in the GLOBE sample do. This can be confirmed in both the literature and
the interviews (see later discussion). Participation is not necessarily effective in Hong Kong.
Redding and Richardson (1986) found no apparent connection between participative attitudes
and productivity in their study of Hong Kong managers. Empowerment is still not well
accepted in Hong Kong because of the deep-rooted belief in the Confucian analects of filial
piety and the unquestioning obedience expected from the subordinates. Leaders should be
respected, obeyed, and not questioned.

Autonomous. Hong Kong ranks 7th with a score of 4.38 on autonomous leadership. The
desire for autonomy and self-reliance in matters relating to work is very persistent in Hong
Kong. This is consistent with the Hong Kong government’s “positive nonintervention” policy.
Hong Kong’s success, compared with Asia’s newly industrialized economies, Singapore,
Taiwan, and Korea, to a large extent depends on the freedom and entrepreneurship spirit. In
the case of economic downturn and rising unemployment situation, the typical response of the
Hong Kong resident was not to press for government assistance or unemployment benefits.
Instead, they were planning to upgrade their qualification and considering the possibility of
starting their own businesses. It is apparently there is a burning desire for autonomy.

Self-Protective. Self-centered, face saver, status-consciousness, procedural (or bureau-

cratic), and conflict inducer were believed to slightly impede making a person an outstanding
leader. Self-serving, greedy, and exploitative were seen as some of the negative attributes of
leadership. Pursuit of one’s own interest projects a negative image of selfishness.

Results of the Qualitative Studies on Leadership in Hong Kong

In addition to the quantitative survey results, the qualitative analysis yields rich information
that is important to identify the culture-specific aspect of leadership behaviors. The following
description is based on data that were collected from 30 branch managers and bank
officers attending a part-time course from a large local bank. The participants were asked to
select their preferred leaders and describe leader attributes and behaviors that enhance
outstanding leader performance. An interview was conducted with a professor who taught the
graduate-level leadership course. The interview lasted for an hour and the purpose was to
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 929

identify the beliefs held about how leaders behave and what is expected of them. Secondary
sources also include analysis of media coverage of leaders and biographies.
In the interview with a professor teaching the leadership course to Executive MBA participants,
he supported the idea that:

Headship and ownership of Chinese entrepreneurs will affect the leadership style of Hong Kong
managers. Their background and low mobility in the organization makes a difference. Unlike
other large companies in the Western countries, the tenure of CEO is about five years; Chinese
owners/managers stay in their organizations for life. The Hong Kong people are very pragmatic.
They talk about vision, but only a few are able to put it into practice.

Characteristics and Behaviors of an Outstanding Leader. The findings based on the con-
tent analysis of the data collected from branch managers and bank officers regarding their per-
ception of leader are listed in Table 25.6. The content analysis centered on the differences
between outstanding leaders and effective managers. The most common description of an out-
standing leader is charming, confident, and decisive, with foresight and strong gut feelings.
Good communication, trust, reputation, and a desire to lead are considered important com-
ponents of leadership. To be seen as an outstanding leader, respondents also indicate that
charisma, providing a role model, and setting direction are important. Other items endorsed
include risk taking, sacrifice, and long-term/future orientation. Effective managers are seen to
be persistent, knowledgeable, sensitive, responsive, hard-working, and responsible. They are
experienced, skillful enough to carry out the required work efficiently, and follow through on
procedures. They rely on position power and authority but also try to maintain harmony.
A consensus approach is preferred to an adversarial style.

Media Analysis on Public Image of Leaders. One way to understand leadership is

through leadership image projected in the mass media. Media analysis was conducted on arti-
cles describing outstanding leaders as well as content analysis of recruitment advertisements
for managerial and professional positions. An attempt was made to carry out an analysis of
the media reports on leadership behavior in two time periods, 1 week in June 1997 (16th to
22nd) from the Ming Pao (one of the well-respected comprehensive daily Chinese newspa-
pers) before the 1997 handover, and the first week in February (1st to 6th) 1998 (before the
Chinese New Year) from the Hong Kong Economic Journal. During each time period, articles
pertaining to leadership were content analyzed. In the first period, 82 articles were selected
with 205 extracts. In the second period, 127 articles were identified with 347 extracts for fur-
ther analysis.
In the first period, the major focus was on the change of leadership during the transitional
period. On June 23, Time magazine identified the 25 most influential leaders from different
sectors in the new Hong Kong. Though the leaders differ from each other in terms of social
background, educational level, and professional qualifications, the public image from the
media exhibits a common characteristic: high achievement motivation. Leaders are glorified
for their ability to get rich and for being successful and results-oriented. A number of these
successful business tycoons came from a humble background. They are very dedicated
and hard-working. They deeply believe in maintaining credibility and trust in their working
relationships.
The media analysis confirmed several of the themes identified through the discussion with
bank managers. These features are relevant and, to some extent, consistent with some of the
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930 CHOW

TABLE 25.6
Content Analysis Results of Narratives from Bank Managers and Officers

Category Effective Managers Outstanding Leaders

Skills Communication Interpersonal skills

Strategy formulation Attention to details
Resolve conflict Delegate
Problem solver Risking taking
Blend of rights and duties Emphasis on leading role
Enabling process flexible Aligning people
Tactics Autonomy
Negotiate Empowered
Instruction Human relations
Express opinion Consultative
Involvement Capture the opportunities
Contingent reward Articulate
Compromise
Flexible tactics
Take precaution
Personality Hard working Charismatic
Smart Coach
Loyal Active
Good temper Intelligence
Kind Tremendous memory
Considerate Maturity
Team Role model
Stable Good exemplar
Calm
Sensitive
Genius
Open-minded
Abilities Experience Set direction
Carry out required work Shaping ideas
Follow the rules, procedures, direction New ideas
Handling routine Intuitive
Operating efficiency Enthusiastic
Analytical Independence
Team work Flexibility
Task oriented Darling and resolution
Meeting deadline
Completion schedules
Execute the stated policy
Closely monitor progress
Values Responsible Innovative
Tolerate Imaginative
Goodwill Long-term/future orientation
Goals arise out of necessity rather than Ideal
desires Objective
Harmony Responsive
Accomplishment Pervasive
Persistence Aggressive
Tough-mindedness Long-term goals

(Continued)
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 931

TABLE 25.6 (Continued)

Category Effective Managers Outstanding Leaders

Reputation Heroism
Good temper Inspiring
Balance Ambition
Creative Challenge
Reputation
Trust
Devoted
Achievement
Drive
Motivation
Courage
Respect
Tough attitude
Reputation
Considerate
Affectionate
Behaviors Efficient Sacrifice
Productivity Cooperative
Coercive power Team
Appointed Encouragement
Involvement Appreciate
Assist Strategic
Coordinate Influential
Position power and authority

core dimensions of the GLOBE study. The effective leaders as portrayed in the media are
summarized in Table 25.7. The media image of a leader is of a person with high achievement
orientation and a strong desire for success. They continuously aim for the best. Similarly,
administrative competence, experience, and expertise are highly valued. Some elements of the
value-based leadership are also present. They may not be regarded as visionary leaders.
However, they serve as a role model and lead by example. Operating under a competitive
environment, outstanding leaders tend to develop a strategic orientation. They are forward
looking, with accurate business judgment. The characteristics most frequently mentioned in
the media reports are how leaders seize opportunities and become wealthy, followed by turn-
ing around a failing business. Hong Kong leaders are very opportunistic. Paternalistic leader-
ship style is a common practice. Leaders are portrayed as benevolent and caring. They treat
their longtime employees and business partners generously. Leaders are also seen as less
autonomous and independent and are described as decisive and determined, with little evi-
dence of participative and face saving. “Face” is important in the Chinese society. The impor-
tance of “face” to the Chinese is similar to the bark of the tree. But “face” has to be earned.
When a person is successful, he or she will be given “face.” It is akin to honor and glory.
There are not many saint like historical heroes or leaders in the Hong Kong community.
One can hardly find a local leadership figure in stamps, banknotes, or statues. However, there
are more prevalent business leaders as indicated by an analysis of magazine articles from major
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932 CHOW

TABLE 25.7
Media Analysis on Public Image of Leaders

ADMINISTRATIVE COMPETENCE
Expertise, competence, educated, talented, experience, global mind-set, professional knowledge, potential

CHARISMATIC/VALUE-BASED
Confidence, long-term objective, long-term consideration, long-term planning, personal image,
vision, favorable impression, dignity, charisma, value and expectation, role model, mission, ideal,
influential, recognition, appraise, principle, standing out from the crowd

INSPIRATIONAL
Commitment, moral support, moral responsibility, assertive, ambitious, strong will, aggressive,
political wisdom, courage

INTEGRITY
Justice, trustworthy, enthusiastic, fair, truth, honest upright, no prejudge, equal opportunity,
credibility, frank

PERFORMANCE ORIENTATION
Reward outstanding performance, profit oriented, improvement, lesson learnt, try the best, merit,
emphasis efficiency, contribution, distinguished achievement, management objectives

HUMANE ORIENTATION
Help employees, fighting for right and benefits, friendly, social contract, talkative, sociable, approaca-
ble, help the less fortunate, easy to get along with, compassionate, attention to the needs of employees,
considerate, generous, supportive, contact, understanding, expressive, humble, sense of humor

TEAM ORIENTATION
Coalition, partnership, collaborate and support, coordination, cooperative, harmony, support from
the mass, resolve the differences, consultative rather than fighting/struggling, daring and resolution,
communication, public opinion

PARTICIPATIVE
Consult, delegation, consensus, democratic, autocratic, develop talent, constructive suggestion

AUTONOMUS
Independent, independent assessment, empower, freedom, remain mutual, mutual respect,
cool-minded, calm

NARCISSISTIC (SELF-PROTECTIVE)
Self-discipline, avoid conflict, role conflict, preaches what he says, authority, arouse emotional
conflict, sacrifice, power, self-restraint, status, self-interest, isolated, strong personality, show
extreme forbearance, control emotional/feeling

DECISIVE
Solve problem, objectivity, determined, reasonable, clear message, investigate, viewpoint, rational,
prepared, detailed investigation, logical, information dissemination, listen to opinion, criticism,
persistence, open-minded, carefully conceived, well thought, broad-minded, seek true from fact,
judgment, handling the dilemma, stand firm

(Continued)
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 933

TABLE 25.7 (Continued)

STRATEGIC ORIENTATION
Advantage, adaptive, flexible, capture the opportunity, competitive, innovative, risk taking, future
oriented, invention, curiosity, handling crisis, conservative, optimistic, goals, legal principles, turn
threat into opportunity, correct judgment

DUTY AND RESPONSIBILITY

Responsible, resourceful, provide resources, cautious, devoted to one’s duty, how perilous it is,
duty-bound, no passing the buck, intervention, innovative operative concepts, down to earth, know
one’s place, take protective measure in advance, attention to details, face the consequence,
practical, correct, action oriented, monitor, admit mistake, passive, play politic, successor, stress on
traditional culture, selfless, appeal for higher authority, tolerate, workaholic, active, pragmatic,
simplicity, simply life, try the best, stress, worry, coercive, uneasy

PROCEDURAL
Rule of law, rigorous, monitoring mechanism, follow the rules and regulations, manipulation, order
and procedure

periodicals. “Men of the Decade” were chosen for their contributions to Hong Kong by
Hong Kong Business, a monthly magazine. Among them was Tung Chee-Hwa, the first chief
executive of the Hong Kong SAR of China. Gordon Wu was chosen twice within 4 years for his
visionary investment in infrastructure projects in China and Asia. Larry Yung, a red capitalist,
stepped into the spotlight for his successful steering of the China-backed conglomerate, CITIC
Pacific Ltd., within a short period. These men have proven themselves to be visionaries.
Mr. Tung Chee-hwa, a former shipping magnate and the first chief executive of Hong Kong
SAR, is now serving his second term in office, running until 2007. He was born in Shanghai,
raised in Hong Kong, educated in Britain, and trained in the United States. Throughout his
career he has gained the trust of the Chinese authorities. Evidence of this was shown when
Tung’s failing business was bailed out by China in the early 1980s. Intensely patriotic and
instinctively conservative, he was very reluctant to take the position of chief executive. He did
so out of a sense of patriotism and responsibility rather than ambition. Mr. Tung was portrayed
as a puppet of Beijing by the foreign media. His background in business seems to have left him
ill-equipped to meet the demands of modern politics, especially in handling the media as indi-
cated by his deteriorating popularity (ratings fell from 89% in October 1997 to 56% in August
1998). Steven Vines, former foreign correspondent for the Independent and founding editor of
the Eastern Express, described the new chief executive hand-picked by China in this way:

Tung Chee-hwa embodies almost everything the new sovereign power expects of a leader. He is
conservative and cautious. He shares the views of China’s leaders about the need to preserve
order. He is suspicious of representative government. He is instinctively authoritarian and he is
intensively patriotic. Unlike most senior cadres in Peking, he is also rather affable and has a
knack of not making personal enemies. (Vines, 1998, p. 77)
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934 CHOW

Tung Chee-hwa outlined his vision when addressing the people of Hong Kong on the first day
of Chinese rule: “I see an economy that is one of the most important in the world. Hong Kong
will be the most important trade, transportation, communication, education and entertainment
center in Asia.” Hoping that to inspire the trust and confidence of the community, the slogan,
“Government cares about the people,” revealed his typical paternalistic style of leadership.
During his 5 years in office, Mr. Tung did not show strong leadership. Property prices fell
65%; the stock market lost more than one third of its value; unemployment soared; and there
was a record high budget deficit. There was no relief for the growing number of unemploy-
ment. The performance of the government was not inspiring and the people’s trust in the gov-
ernment has been declining. The dramatic changes in Hong Kong’s economy began to
reverberate throughout the society. In June 1998, 1 year after the turnover, Hong Kong saw a
steady economic decline. Satisfaction with life in Hong Kong had plummeted to a record low
never seen in the 1990s (Hong Kong Transition Project, 1999, 2002).
Tung was reelected by an electoral committee made up of China’s supporters in spite of
his unpopularity. He initiated some changes to improve the government’s accountability to the
public. The ministerial system was introduced to replace top civil servants. In his policy
address for his second term, the main theme was “revitalizing our economy” through
economic restructuring, forging closer economic co-operation with the mainland, and elimi-
nating the fiscal deficit. But his policy address did not bolster the confidence of Hong Kong’s
citizens. The opinion survey conducted by the University of Hong Kong revealed that half of
the respondents were not satisfied with the policy address. The approval rating for the chief
executive dropped to a record low of 46.9 points out of 100. The disappointment was partly
due to the lack of initiatives of the new team of ministers.
Leaders are viewed as heroes who come forward at a time of crisis to resolve a problem.
With the lack of confidence in the chief executive and his administration, Hong Kong’s world-
class civil service could be ruined by the poor performance in handling the posthandover cri-
sis. This may reflect a general downplay of leadership quality in the public sector due to
premature promotion during the transitional period and the team-based orientation. This has
created a tendency to devalue the perception of leaders.
In the business circle, Li Ka-shing, nicknamed “superman,” represents the new generation
of Chinese taipans, coming from a rice field in China and ending up as Hong Kong’s richest
man. He has a slice of virtually every profitable pie in Hong Kong. Li is among the global
power elite and ranked the world’s wealthiest person by Forbes magazine. His net worth was
estimated to be $11 billion (Tanzer, 1997). He began by making plastic flowers for a living
and now controls property, utilities, retailing, telecommunications, and infrastructure compa-
nies. In 1979, he acquired a controlling stake and became the first Chinese to win control of
a large British trading conglomerate, Hutchison Whampoa. He is the most admired and influ-
ential person in Hong Kong and Asiaweek (May 2000) ranked him as the most powerful
person in Asia.
Li Ka-shing is also very successful in grooming his two sons, Victor and Richard, for the
new generation of high-flying Hong Kong entrepreneurs. The elder son, awarded young leader
of the year 1997, is the successor of the family’s flagship Cheung Kong (Holdings) and the
younger son, Richard, is also a rising star in the corporate world. Richard, at the age of 30, was
the deputy chairman of Hutchison Whampoa, a company capitalized at $270.2 billion, the
second-largest company in Hong Kong. In 1990, he founded Star TV, Asia’s first pan- Asia
satellite television network operating in more than 50 countries across the continent.
Subsequently it was sold to Rupert Murdoch at approximately six times what was invested in
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 935

it. Richard, currently CEO and chairman of Pacific Century Cyberworks, built his company by
taking over the formerly British-controlled Cable and Wireless Hong Kong Telecom.
Gordon Wu is a different type of entrepreneur with a vision of constructing the largest and
most significant infrastructure for the development of China. Often referred to as a visionary,
he is prone to dreaming big dreams. After graduating from Princeton University in 1958, he
returned to Hong Kong to start his career. His company, Hopewell, was set up in 1969. After
a decade of dealing with eight governments, problems with the ministers of transport, and
cancellation of mass transit in Thailand, Sir Gordon still thinks about Hopewell’s vigorous
infrastructure plans in the Pearl River Delta.
Beijing has been cultivating numerous pro-China leaders with the new elite group embrac-
ing a pro-Beijing, patriotic view. Larry Yung is the founder and chairman of CITIC Pacific,
the Hong Kong–listed subsidiary of China’s premier state-owned investment conglomerate. It
is China’s most powerful conglomerate in Hong Kong and its empire spans property, aviation,
telecommunications, and civil works. Larry, son of PRC Vice President Rong Yiren, has
already established himself into the traditional power elite by becoming a steward of the Hong
Kong Jockey Club. He helped raise China’s equity stake in major Hong Kong institutions such
as Swire Group’s Cathay Pacific Airways and the electric power utility China Light and
Power.
In Hong Kong, political leaders are often found in comic strips that are prohibited in
Singapore and China. The majority of the people remains largely apolitical due to there being
no strong and powerful leader on the political scene. Political leadership refers to those indi-
viduals who either directly or indirectly exercise influence and/or control over the process of
governmental decision making. In Hong Kong, the process of decolonization is complicated
by the fact that the state is to be reverted back to a communist system that is fundamentally
incompatible with its capitalist system. Political leaders have to accommodate the conflicting
claims and pressure from Hong Kong, China, and Britain in the transition to 1997. During the
transition period, an atmosphere of uneasiness and mutual skepticism and distrust overshad-
owed the relationship between Hong Kong and China. Every Chinese policy on Hong Kong
was seen as an attempt to exercise greater control over the territory. Any consensus reached
between Britain and China was seen as a British betrayal of Hong Kong’s interests. Beijing
saw some of the political leaders as confrontational and radical. Since the return of Hong
Kong to China, public demonstrations are part of the daily life in Hong Kong. China worried
that Hong Kong would be potentially become subversively anti-China. The Article 23 (the
proposed national security law to legislate against subversion) controversy will undermine the
confidence in Hong Kong if the issue is mishandled.
The introduction of electoral politics had a significant impact on the evolving political
leadership in Hong Kong. The Democratic Party and grassroots leaders were introduced into
the Legislation Council. They would fight for Hong Kong’s interests and occasionally
condemn the autocracy of the Chinese leadership. However, the dominance of the elite was
continued through political appointment. The leadership style of the Chinese officials was
very imposing and dominating. After the handover, the pro-China figures enjoyed better
access to and acceptance by the Chinese officials.
In Hong Kong, the Leader of the Year is elected annually by a group of prominent judges.
The Hong Kong Standard (a local English newspaper) printed an eight-page special on the
event. The profile of the award winner will shed some light into the characteristics of an
outstanding leader. Victor Fung was honored Leader of the Year 1999 by a panel of nine
judges. Dr. Fung was Chairman of the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, the statutory
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936 CHOW

body responsible for the promotion of Hong Kong’s external trade and member of Hong Kong
SAR Chief Executive’s Commission on Strategic Development. Currently he chairs the
Airport Authority Management Board. He wears many hats in public positions. Born and
raised in Hong Kong, Dr. Fung holds bachelor’s and master’s degrees in electronic engineer-
ing from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and a doctorate in business economics
from Harvard University. He was a professor at Harvard Business School before returning to
Hong Kong. Victor is the chairman of the Li and Fung Group, a leading Hong Kong–based
regional trading company. In 1995, Dr. Fung was voted businessman of the year under the
Hong Kong Business Awards Scheme for his success as an entrepreneur and for his contribu-
tion to Hong Kong’s economic development. He is one of the most influential people in Hong
Kong. He has featured in more than 200 media interviews. The criteria for being elected
include reaching out to society, contribution to society’s well-being, not just in his own dis-
cipline, having a compassion and empathy, and voluntarily contributing time, effort and
money for the well-being and betterment of Hong Kong society. Dr. Lawrence Wong, chair-
man of the panel of judges, described Dr. Fung as an “achiever [who] points [the] way with
compassion.” He gave further comments on being a leader:
A leader is a little like a priest, an evangelist. You have to preach, you have to convince your people.
… The most important quality of a leader is the ability to manage change. … A good leader must
have vision so he can lead the organization to respond and adapt to external change. … You have
to be a coach, on top of that you have to be cheerleader and sometimes you have to be a little bit
of a godfather. (Leader of the Year, 1999).

Media analysis also included an analysis across 63 pages of the Classified Post, a total of
1,127 recruitment advertisements in the South China Morning Post (a highly regarded English
newspaper in Hong Kong and the region) on March 6, 1996 (a peak recruitment
season of the year). The content analysis of recruitment advertisements for managerial or pro-
fessional positions provides the attributes of the person they are seeking. The qualifications
and attributes required for senior management are summarized in Table 25.8. It can be seen
that in addition to educational qualifications, technical skills, and relevant experience, inter-
personal skills, communication, and personal attributes, such as energetic, motivated, dedi-
cated and confidence, are also considered important.

Overall Profile of Leadership in Hong Kong

The leadership profile emerges from the quantitative and qualitative data emphasizes on
results, decisiveness, and competence. Through aspiration and vision are important, Hong
Kong leaders are rather pragmatic, focusing more on results and performance. They place
high traditional values on the virtue of being industrious as well as being frugal (England,
1989, p. 40). In a materialistic and social class–conscious society, leaders are glorified for the
ability to get rich and be successful. There is strong desire for success. Business leaders are
very opportunistic and seize every opportunity to become affluent. They are the wealthiest
and the most powerful people within society.
With wide exposure to Western culture, Hong Kong Chinese remain Sino-centric, regarding
themselves as modern without losing their “Chineseness” (Bond & King, 1985). Indigenous
leadership styles and work values include relationships, harmony, order, and discipline. As a
group, the Chinese are higher than Western groups on various measures of authoritarianism
(Bond, 1991). Several empirical studies have shown that Chinese also scored higher on power
stratification when compared with the United States (Cragin, 1986; Ralston, Gustafson,
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 937

TABLE 25.8
Qualifications and Attributes in Recruitment Ads

• Professional qualifications
• Degree holder of reputable university, MBA
• Work experience
• High level of commercial awareness
• Forward thinking
• High proficiency in English, Mandarin, and Cantonese
• Good communication and analytical skills
• Cross-cultural sensitivity
• Extensive travel within the Greater China region
• Knowledge in PC, computer software
• Familiar with Internet and IT, Web- and media-related experience
• Ability to critically evaluate issues and solve problems
• Ability to organize and lead
• Ability to work in fast-paced and busy environment
• Ability to develop strong customer relationships
• Commitment to working with team, good team player
• Excellent interpersonal skills
• Hard working
• Driven, result-oriented, and strategically minded
• Highly energetic
• Motivated individual
• Mature, dynamic, proactive, business oriented, confidence
• Independent
• Reliable and dedicated, cool, calm under pressure, meeting deadline
• Positive and pleasant personality
• Creative, innovative
• Ideas people, a lot of initiative, energy, patience, and tolerance

Terpstra, et al., 1993b). The leadership style is substantially influenced by Confucian values on
order and compliance and acceptance of authority, resulting in a predominantly autocratic
manner. High power distance creates hierarchical structure, conformance, and dependence.
Subordinates have little discretion and initiative and are seldom consulted before decisions are
made. They simply obey their leaders without questioning. Managers are reluctant to share
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938 CHOW

information with subordinates and are averse to a participative system. In a relationship-

oriented society, leaders need to maintain harmony, order, and discipline. In addition, leaders
are expected to be sensitive to the needs of subordinates and uphold a high moral standard.
To summarize, leadership style appears to be culture specific. The predominant leadership
style is paternalistic and benevolent autocratic. Leaders are expected to be nurturing, consid-
erate, and sympathetic in exchange for unquestioning loyalty, dedication, and compliance
from subordinates.

6. MANIFESTATIONS OF LEADERSHIP AND CULTURE IN HONG KONG

The Chinese society is governed by guanxi. The guanxi relational network is defined by “five
cardinal relationships,” or in Chinese wu-lun, that is, master–servant, father–son, husband–wife,
elder–young siblings, and friends–friends. These five relationships give order and stability to the
social system and offer the role-context requirements for individuals in the five fundamental
relationships of life. It ties people together according the specific relationship between people.
The unique Chinese culture on the preset fundamental relationships determines the order of
social hierarchy. Wu-lun and guanxi networks can be used to explain these societal dimensions
of Collectivism, Gender Egalitarianism, and Power Distance.
Family occupies the central position within the nested guanxi relationships. Such relation-
ships will be extended to distant relatives, friends, and new acquaintances. Chinese are
expected to have different role obligations within the network in comparison to close and
distant guanxi networks. Guanxi defines who is a member of the close inner circle and who
is a member of distant outside groups. This is analogous to the in-group and out-group dif-
ferentiation in the social-psychological literature. That is why family cohesiveness remains
important.
Hong Kong people seem to be very individualistic in the workplace and society, yet family
solidarity is strong. The collectivism in the Chinese culture is actually family network
group–specific. In the Chinese society, developing a close parent–child relationship is a virtue
that is widely respected and valued. Children are taught to be obedient, conforming, and
dependent. They are often reminded of the bounded filial duty toward their parents. There are
close bonds, loyalties, and a strong sense of duty associated with the family network.
Family business orientation remains strong in Hong Kong. Owners-managers thrive on
being involved in every aspect of their business. A leader has the authority to rule and lead
the organization as well as the responsibility to provide and protect (Bond, 1991). Leaders
need to show their command and authority as well as their caring and consideration. This is
a typical paternalistic or benevolent authoritative style. The Chinese style of leadership tends
to exert tight control as the owner of the organization has absolute power. The authority fig-
ure should not be challenged. There is little discussion on empowerment and decentralization
in the media. In such a highly personal management, ability to inspire is less important. In a
typical Chinese family business, the inner circle of the top-management team is reserved for
family members only. The owner-manager will prepare and arrange for the next generation to
be the successors. There is less concern about developing subordinates and potential succes-
sors outside the family members.
Hong Kong people are pragmatic enough to preserve the virtue of Chinese values and at
the same time absorb the knowledge and experience of the West. The deep-rooted Confucian
values, such as humility, patience, and persistence, still guide individual actions and attitudes.
The Confucian values emphasize modest, humble, and harmonious relationships. The notions
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 939

of “face” and mutual respect also constrain the behavior of Chinese individuals and discourage
them from being assertive. Respect for hierarchy also creates social-class consciousness.
Wealth is considered as an important criterion to determining one’s social status. In compar-
ison, Hong Kong people are more materialistic. Leaders make accurate business judgment by
capturing every opportunity to create wealth. They are glorified for their ability to get rich.
High levels of work motivation exhibited by the Chinese as a group have been explained
by culture-based work values and strongly held cultural traditions and beliefs tied to
Confucianism such as working hard, self-control, frugality, and willingness to adapt (Chinese
Culture Connection, 1987). In work organizations, individual contributions are rewarded.
Individuals work hard to achieve personal success, however individual achievement was only
encouraged if it would not harm others and would lead to group success (A. B. Yu, 1996).
Hong Kong people maintain a strong work ethic as a result of the cultural heritage of work-
ing hard, dedication, and uncritical abdication of responsibility to higher authority. Thus
employees in general suffer and work under stress from their demanding bosses.

Implications for Foreign Managers Doing Business in Hong Kong

Hong Kong, as a gateway to China, provides great opportunities for multinational business. The
findings in this study offer some important implications for foreign managers doing business in
Hong Kong or dealing with managers from Hong Kong. For multinational firms, it is necessary
to pay more attention to the cultural differences and the unique leadership characteristics. As
Project GLOBE (House et al., 1999) has pinpointed, multinational firms need to pay attention
not only to basic cultural differences between their home country and the host country, but also
to the subcultural differences between different societies that share the same language, religion,
and ethnic traditions, and leadership styles (e.g., China, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan).
Even for an ethnic Chinese manager, it is still necessary to understand the cultural difference in
other Chinese societies. Hong Kong managers behave differently than their counterparts in
China and Taiwan. An effective leadership style from one Chinese society may not be effective
or even applicable to other Chinese societies. This has special implications for multinational
companies in managing their global workforce. Developing cultural awareness and sensitivity
is an important starting point. Globalization and standardization may be a cost-effective way to
handle global business, however the universal approach in applying headquarter policies to for-
eign subsidiaries is not necessary the best way to do business. Cultural differences should be
taken into consideration. Paying attention to cultural differences and the unique leadership per-
ceptions by detailed investigation of the determinants for managing in a global context can pay
dividends. Research findings support the idea that local differences should be contextualized
rather than minimized (N. Wong, 2000). Knowledge of global, regional, and subcultural differ-
ences enables practitioners to formulate their human resources (HR) policies and strategies
accordingly. In addition to technical knowledge, soft skills such as relational/interpersonal skills
are important in the relationship-oriented Chinese society.
Another implication is preparation for international assignments such as selecting and
training expatriates and developing skills in coping with the growing need for global man-
agement. It helps international assignees adapt to a new and different environment outside
their country. Expatriates should be aware of the cultural differences and develop skills in
handling employees and customer needs more effectively. Without understanding the national
culture, multinational firms may make mistakes in selecting and training their staff, in
marketing and promoting their products, or in making short-term and long-term investments.
The costs of sending expatriates overseas are very high both directly (salary and allowances)
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940 CHOW

and indirectly (damaged reputation, career prospects, relationship with clients, etc.). Thus
becoming familiar with local culture and leadership behavior is critical in selecting local part-
ners, locating and retaining staff, as well as establishing HR policies and practices.
Hong Kong is playing a vital role in the international arena; however, the traditional
Chinese family business features, like cronyism and nepotism, which coexist with interna-
tional business practices, may have been difficult for some Westerners to understand. Chinese
family business is rooted in Chinese values, and has a strong sense of Chinese tradition. The
traditional Chinese view tends to treat employees as family members. Employers expect loy-
alty from employees and reward their diligence. It is not a good practice to retrench an
employee. If one doesn’t succeed, it is not necessary to get rid of him or her right away. The
person will be given a chance to move around if poor results are a consequence of something
other than their efforts.
Harmony is crucial in societal and corporate culture. This can be achieved by avoiding
extreme behavior. Situations such as direct confrontation that could lead to loss of “face” or
shame should be avoided. Western managerial techniques that are built heavily on individu-
alistic assumptions may not be effective. Aggressive bargaining is not practiced in a collec-
tive and high–power distance society. Employees are not supposed to challenge the decisions
on compensation and leaders will assure workers they can get what they are promised in
exchange for their loyalty and efforts. Contingent reward seems to be a very powerful tool to
motivate subordinates. Hong Kong business leaders are more transactional and this tends to
be instrumental.
All in all, multinational corporate managers doing business in Hong Kong need to be
aware of the effectiveness of managerial practices that are embedded in different institutional
contexts, and take into account those specific cultural dimensions that are manifested in Hong
Kong. The present study provides managers in international business some universal valid
behaviors as well as allowances for comparison and contrast in culture-specific behaviors.

Limitations and Future Research Directions

The present study utilizes both quantitative comparative and qualitative culture-specific measures
to draw an altogether richer picture of Hong Kong’s societal, organizational, and leadership cul-
ture. Triangulation research methods from multiple sources of data such as questionnaire
surveys, interview, media analysis, and archival data were used to cross-validate the research
findings. The quantitative data were interpreted with qualitative data. No matter how vigorous the
research design is, limitations are unavoidable. Some limitations of the present study and
possible directions for future research are suggested.
The sample was restricted to middle managers from the telecommunications and financial
services sectors and this limits the generalizability of the findings. These two industries are the
most important business sectors in the Hong Kong economy. Generalizing the results to other
industries should be approached with caution. As such, future research should include respon-
dents from different industries and economic sectors to extend the generalizability of the results.
This study suggests many avenues and promising directions for future research.
Longitudinal studies and more in-depth case analyses are needed to provide insight into how
outstanding leaders respond to environmental changes. Equally important, the present study
focuses on the embedded cultural environment and its impact on leadership behaviors. Future
research could investigate the causal relationships on antecedents, leadership behaviors, and
performance measures.
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25 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN HONG KONG 941

7. CONCLUSIONS

The present study identified the effects of societal and organizational culture on leader-
ship behaviors and practices in Hong Kong. The findings of the GLOBE study presented
in this chapter reflect the changes in societal culture and leadership during the last
decade, particularly after Hong Kong was returned to China. The leadership behaviors
that emerge from the quantitative data are consistent with the qualitative study and the
cultural dimensions.
Consistent with the universally endorsed leadership attributes, the GLOBE results for lead-
ership dimensions in Hong Kong indicated that effective leaders were seen to be inspirational,
of high integrity and vision, as well as being decisive and performance oriented. These were
considered crucial factors for success of an outstanding leader.
A few key exceptional leadership elements include being hard-working, results-oriented,
and highly adaptive. In general, outstanding leaders are expected to be the role model, have
high moral standards, have integrity, and maintain good interpersonal relations. In addition,
demonstrated competences to solve critical problems, plan, and communicate are of vital
importance. The Confucian values, to coincide with the culturally endorsed leader attributes,
place great emphasis on integrity, dependability, trustworthiness, and honesty.
In a high–power distance environment, leaders can carry out positive actions for the entire
organization more easily and generally receive fewer challenges. Major decisions are made
and carried out in a top-down manner. Charisma is considered as the respect subordinates
have for their leaders, who have the power and authority to allocate resources at their own
will. Contingent reward is explicit in Hong Kong, and in this respect it is necessary to pro-
vide appropriate rewards and incentives for the desirable outcomes. As such, Hong Kong
managers are perceived to be more transactional than transformational.
Hong Kong people are pragmatic and realistic. The ability to earn money and create
wealth is very important. They hold a down-to-earth view of leadership that concerns per-
formance rather than charisma and responsibility, not just privilege. To this end, there is a
strong belief in maintaining harmony. The virtues described in biographies on leadership
characteristics, such as courage, authenticity, integrity, vision, passion, conviction, and
competence, are not necessarily found in real situations. Leaders can be unwilling to listen
to or share information with others, and lead by using power, manipulation, and coercion.
Seldom do they inspire trust and confidence in their followers, who in turn are encouraged
to serve, sacrifice, and comply. Empowerment and granting ample authority to their subor-
dinates is not very likely to happen in Hong Kong organizations. Employees expect to be
treated with dignity and respect, and to participate only in decisions that affect their
work life.
Hong Kong is an ideal place where the Western system had been successfully transplanted
to Chinese society. Hong Kong people are more individualistic than the other three Chinese
societies studied in GLOBE. The Chinese society pays attention to education and knowledge
and wisdom are regarded as important virtues. The new generation of leaders are better edu-
cated with many of them receiving their education in Western countries. Their management
styles represent a blend of Confucian and Western philosophy. They are willing to expend a
portion of their effort toward work- or career-oriented activities and improve the individual
well-being by enlarging one’s personal resources, for example, social ties, education, and
professional qualifications. This type of orientation will serve to enhance the career- or work-
oriented performance of the Hong Kong Chinese.
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942 CHOW

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Appendix

Overview of Financial and

Telecommunications Industries
The two industries included in this project were telecommunications and financial services.
Both these industries play a vital role in the Hong Kong economy. The financial sector is the
single largest sector and telecommunications is one of the fast-growing sectors in Hong Kong.
In 2000, financing, insurance, real estate and business services contributed 23.2%, the
second-largest contribution to the gross domestic product (GDP). The share of transport, stor-
age, and communications in the GDP was 10.3%. Regarding the contribution to total employ-
ment, the service sector as a whole accounted for about 79% in 2000. Within this total,
financing, insurance, real estate, and business services accounted for 13%, whereas transport,
storage, and communications accounted for 11.3% (Department of Census and Statistics,
Hong Kong Government, 2000).

Telecommunications Industry

Hong Kong has a world-class telecommunications infrastructure that is an important factor in

Hong Kong’s success as a leading business and financial center. The infrastructure comprises
fixed-line telephone companies, mobile-phone services, paging operators, and over 170
value-added service providers offering a wide range of services including facsimile, data
communication, Internet access, and so on. Hong Kong serves as Asia’s telecommunications
hub. Hong Kong is among the world’s top-ranked in terms of using video cameras, mobile
phones, and the Internet. Hong Kong maintains the highest telecommunications penetration
and usage rates in the world as is evident by the portable phone–toting executives conducting
business while they eat, drive, and walk. Hong Kong has one of the most modern telecom-
munications systems in the world.
Since 1925, domestic telephone services in Hong Kong have been provided exclusively by
Hong Kong Telephone Co., Ltd. Its franchise expired in 1995. Cable Wireless (Hong Kong)
Ltd. has had the exclusive right to handle Hong Kong’s international communications
services since 1981. The government’s policy on telecommunications is to encourage the com-
petitive provision of telecommunications services. Competition is viewed as a mechanism that
fosters economic and efficient supply of services and that disciplines supplier behavior such
that prices to consumers are fair and reasonable (Office of the Telecommunications Authority,
1997/1998). In order to satisfy demands within the telecommunications industry for greater
participation, the industry was deregulated. The deregulation of the telecommunications indus-
try has progressed steadily, with the result of increasing level of competition in the market.
Increased competition in telecom forces prices down.
One half of the Hong Kong households installed a PC at home. The penetration of the
Internet at home was 73.3% (Department of Census and Statistics, Hong Kong Government,
2003), one of the highest Internet household penetration rates in Asia. Thirty-one percent of
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Hong Kong’s population has used the Internet to access government information (Saranow,
2001). It leads the rest of Asia in using Internet for accessing information but not for doing
business like online transactions. The prevalent use of e-government services is due to the ter-
ritory’s high Internet usage and educated population.

Finance Industry

Hong Kong has emerged as an important international banking and financial center. Eighty-
five of the world’s top 100 banks are present in Hong Kong. The 6,957 financial institutions
employed a total of 127,012 employees (Department of Census and Statistics, Hong Kong
Government, 1999). The banking industry in Hong Kong is operating under fierce competition.
As a snapshot of the competitive environment, there are 367 authorized financial institutions
with 1,485 branches in a small city-state with 6.8 million people. As of April 1998, there were
177 banks; 31 are locally incorporated and the rest are incorporated outside Hong Kong. Hong
Kong is thus an important regional financial center. The stock market capitalization ranked 7
in the world, with U.S.$7,449.4 billion. According to the International Institute for
Management Development’s world competitiveness report (2000), access to local capital mar-
ket and availability of capital market ranked number two in the world.
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26
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Culture and Leadership in Singapore:

Combination of the East and the West
Ji Li
Hong Kong Baptist University

Phyllisis M. Ngin
National University of Singapore

Albert C. Y. Teo
National University of Singapore

As a newly industrialized economy in Southeast Asia, Singapore stands out as a unique

country in terms of culture and leadership style. This uniqueness can be attributed to the influ-
ences of both the East and West. In this chapter, we examine Singapore’s unique culture based
on the results of our recent study, which is a part of the GLOBE research effort. To better
understand the results, we first provide a brief discussion regarding Singapore’s cultural her-
itage, and then discuss the environmental factors that have influenced the country’s culture
and leadership style in recent years. After that, we review past research on leadership style in
Singapore. Finally, we report on the findings of our studies and discuss their implications.

1. CULTURAL HERITAGE OF SINGAPORE

Background

At one time, Singapore was a British Crown colony, founded by Sir Stamford Raffles in 1819.
It suffered Japanese occupation during World War II and was granted internal self-government
status by Britain in 1959. After briefly entering into a federation with Malaysia in 1963,
lasting until 1965, Singapore has since existed as an independent country. It has been under
the uninterrupted leadership of the People’s Action Party, specifically the party’s stalwart, Lee
Kuan Yew, since 1959.
According to the latest estimates, ethnic Chinese account for 77% of Singapore’s popula-
tion of 3 million and have control over 81% of Singapore’s listed companies in terms of

947
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948 LI, NGIN, TEO

market capitalization (see, e.g., C. Tan & Torrington, 1998, p. 471). Over 40% of Singapore’s
ethnic Chinese can trace their ancestral roots to the Fujian Province, and another 40% to the
Guangdong Province. In terms of dialect background, 40% of the Chinese in Singapore are
Hokkien, 18% Cantonese, 23% Teochew, 9% are Hakka, 7% Hainanese, and the remainder
comprise an assortment of other dialect groups. In terms of language preference, around 20%
of the Singaporean Chinese speak English as their preferred language. These tend to be the
political, bureaucratic, and professional elite. A further 65% speak English adequately, but
prefer to speak in Mandarin or other dialects. The remaining 15% either cannot speak English
at all or speak it very poorly (East Asia Analytical Unit, 1995, p. 240).
The Chinese junk traders of the Fujian and Guangdong Provinces had been active in dealing
with Southeast Asian countries for several centuries before the actual founding of Singapore. The
first arrivals of Chinese to Singapore are known to have come from Malacca. These Malacca-
born Chinese were originally attracted to Singapore’s free-port status. Chinese emigration to
Singapore was largely based on economic pursuits and was an unorganized, individual process,
unaided by government although there were instances of indentured labor. Commerce and trade
formed the primary basis of business activity among the Singapore Chinese. However, the earlier
Singapore economy also needed the knowledge of the English and Malay that had been gained
by the earlier Chinese merchants and traders who had arrived from Malacca. These Malacca-born
Chinese also knew the habits and commercial procedures of both the European merchants and
the natives. They showed great skill and perseverance in their methods of bargaining and hag-
gling over business transactions with the natives, a procedure considered as being demeaning by
the European merchants (Selmer, 1997). Finally, the establishment of Singapore as a free port
provided traders with an environment to match the motivation and skills of these Singapore
Chinese. As Cheng (1985) pointed out:

In a colonial laissez faire economy based on trade, the Chinese realized that the effective avenue
of upward mobility lay in petty trade. This accounts in part for the strong desire of the Chinese
to be their own masters in business. The easy entry into petty trade provided the individual
Chinese entrepreneur a chance to exercise his talent. It is through petty trade that skills were
developed and more capital was accumulated. (p. 102)

Because the ethnic Chinese are the majority population in Singapore, Chinese cultural values
have great influence over the culture and leadership styles adopted there. This is especially
true in recent years with the emphasis that has been placed on Confucianism by the Singapore
government. In the rest of this section, we provide a brief review of Chinese cultural values
and discuss their influences on Singapore today.

Chinese Cultural Value and Its Influences

It is easy to see the influences of Chinese cultural value in Singapore today. In other words,
notwithstanding the strong influence of the British and other cultures in Southeast Asia,
Singapore still manages to maintain much of its Chinese cultural tradition. This is because the
majority of Singaporeans come from traditional Chinese family backgrounds, rather than
Peranakan backgrounds. For instance, Chinese family and clan associations are prevalent in
Singapore. These associations often hold valuable real estate, and function to provide mutual
help, loans, and scholarships for the children of its members (Cheng, 1990). Leadership
among the Chinese is reflected in the role of clan associations. Nearly all of the traditional
Chinese associations have been initiated, controlled, and led by wealthy businesspeople who
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 949

accordingly have enjoyed high social status and prestige as leaders. This indicates that wealth
has always been a very important variable in determining one’s social position, particularly
during the colonial era. Furthermore, with leadership’s link to the association, the association
has been turned into an institutional base for those who aspire to become dialect or com-
munity leaders. Over the years, a strong conviction about the association leader has been
developed among the Chinese; a leader is required to be public spirited, generous, and
willing to serve.
An example of a successful clan association is the Ngee Ann Kongsi. It was founded in the
20th century by 12 families who paid $175 for 75 acres of land alongside what is now
Singapore’s (City) Orchard Road, a major shopping and tourist precinct. The Kongsi subse-
quently developed Ngee Ann City, Singapore’s largest shopping mall, in a joint venture with
a Japanese department store. Net revenues from such projects enable clan associations to con-
tinue funding schools and other charitable works (Kraar, 1971).
To promote greater coordination and mutual assistance among clan associations, an
umbrella organization, the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations (SFCCA), was
formed in 1986. The objectives of the SFCCA, listed next, reflect the determination of
Singapore Chinese to maintain their cultural heritage:

• To promote, foster, and encourage better and closer relationship, coordination, coopera-
tion, and understanding among the various Chinese clan associations in Singapore.
• To promote, organize, or finance educational, cultural, social, and other activities for
greater awareness, understanding, and appreciation of the Chinese language, culture, and
traditions.
• To encourage, finance, or undertake research related to the Chinese language, culture,
and traditions.
• To promote better relationships, understanding, and cooperation between the SFCCA
and other organizations in the public and private sectors.
• To organize, participate, or help in community and welfare services.
• To promote and protect the interests and welfare of its members.
• To do all such other things as are incidental or conducive to the aforementioned objectives.

It should be pointed out that the Chinese cultural values in Singapore differ, in some aspects,
from those values in mainland China. For example, the traditional Chinese culture reflected
heavily on the philosophy of Confucius, which emphasized the importance of farming rather
than business. Businesspeople were considered the lowest in the social hierarchy, below officials
(intellectuals), farmers, and workers (Creel, 1953). The early Chinese cultural value in
Singapore, on the other hand, valued entrepreneurs’ spirit and encouraged the setting up of busi-
nesses, especially family-run businesses (e.g., Godley, 1981; Hicks, 1993). These differences
can be attributed to the history of the ethnic Chinese in Singapore. As it was mentioned earlier,
some of the Chinese came to Singapore as traders, and some were brought into Singapore in the
19th century as indentured labor. After paying off their bonds, many of these laborers also set
up their own businesses. With the development of the Malay Peninsula as a major tin- and
rubber-producing region at the beginning of the 20th century, a major business activity of these
Chinese became that of purchasing goods from Malaysia and Indonesia, and then selling them
to European or American importers. An outcome of this trading activity was the development
of the “traders’ mentality” (i.e., a preference for short-term measures and quick profits), which
is acknowledged to still persist in Singapore society today (Cheong, 1991).
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950 LI, NGIN, TEO

Finally, we should note that an important part of Singapore’s cultural heritage is the
culture of the Straits Chinese or Peranakans. Peranakans are a distinct ethnic group peculiar
to Singapore and parts of Malaysia, who can trace their ancestry to both ethnic Chinese and
Malays. Their unique culture is an eclecticism of Chinese, Malay, and English cultural ele-
ments. Many of Singapore’s first-generation political leaders came from this British-educated
Peranakan elite (including the country’s most influential leader, Lee Kuan Yew, ex-Deputy
Prime Minister Goh Keng Swee, and ex-Cabinet Minister Lim Kim San). Along with the
British during the colonial period, these first-generation leaders formed many of the institu-
tions that made Singapore what it is today (East Asia Analytical Unit, 1995). For example,
these leaders built a British-style public administration (albeit with increasing Confucian
characteristics in recent years) rather than a traditional Chinese structure.
In summary, the cultural heritage of Singapore reflects values of both the East and the
West. This heritage has had a strong influence on the formation of the country’s culture and
leadership style. Further discussion on this issue is provided in other parts of this chapter.

2. ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS INFLUENCING CULTURAL

VALUES AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE

In this section, we focus on two environmental factors that have had a major effect on the
development of culture and leadership style in Singapore. One factor is the presence of a large
number of foreign firms; the other is the heavy involvement of the government in all aspects
of the country’s social life.

Role of Foreign Firms in Singapore

One important environmental factor in Singapore is the preeminence of foreign firms in the
country’s economy. In this island nation comprising only 650 square km in territory, the
industrialization process began in the early 1960s with an import substituting thrust. This
thrust was intensified during the 2-year federation with Malaysia. However, by the late 1960s,
it was apparent that the import substitution strategy (greatly limited by the small size of the
domestic market) was not working (Cheong, 1991).
The Singapore government then decided to shift to an export-oriented focus. Specifically,
the government implemented trade liberalization policies and introduced export subsidies to
equalize incentives across different activities and to ensure that domestic producers competed
on equal terms with foreign firms. Additional export promotion measures, such as the devel-
opment of overseas marketing services, were also undertaken by the government (Tay, 1986).
Most import duties had been set at 5% since 1981, and in 1988 the last quota (on air condi-
tioners) was removed, making Singapore practically a free-trade economy.
The government also changed its foreign investment policies to encourage foreign direct
investment (FDI). For example, tax incentives to encourage FDI were introduced in 1967 and
extended later. This encouragement of foreign investment, particularly that of multinational
corporations (MNCs), enabled Singapore to combine local productive factors with foreign
technical and managerial know-how, and to overcome local producers’ lack of knowledge or
information about world markets.
The shift in trade and foreign investment policies in Singapore was accompanied by labor
law revisions, introduced with the explicit intent of enhancing the attractiveness of Singapore
to foreign investors. Legislation enacted in 1969 lengthened the standard workweek; reduced
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 951

the number of holidays; placed various restrictions on the payment of retirement benefits,
paid leave, overtime, and bonuses; limited unions’ ability to represent managerial or execu-
tive employees; exempted promotions, transfers, firings, and work assignments from collec-
tive bargaining; and lengthened the minimum and maximum durations of labor contracts
(Haggard, 1990).
Over the years, the presence of foreign companies in the Singapore economy has steadily
increased. This is especially true in manufacturing, where foreign firms regularly account for
more than 80% of net investment. By 1984, for instance, foreign companies (defined as firms
with more than 50% foreign equity) produced 71% of Singapore’s total output, and accounted
for 63% of value added and 82% of manufactured exports (A. T. Koh, 1987). Other sectors of
the Singapore economy, such as finance and banking, are similarly dominated by foreign
firms (East Asia Analytical Unit, 1995).
The operations of these foreign firms in Singapore have had a major effect on the country’s
culture and leadership style. Most of these MNCs come from the Organization of Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, particularly the United States,
Japan, and the European Union. As each MNC is given a free hand in developing its man-
agement system, Singapore has acquired a wide selection of advanced management systems,
developed and tested in different parts of the world. For instance, American management
systems and Japanese corporate philosophies have been effectively implemented in the
Singapore context (Tan & Torrington, 1998).
According to Cheong (1991), a typical American subsidiary in Singapore usually prepares
a long- term plan for about a 3- to 5-years duration. The planning process involves all levels
of managerial, technical, and supervisory personnel. The plans are generally concentrated in
the areas of products, pricing, personnel selection and development, salary standards, and
plant investment. American subsidiaries in Singapore typically pay good wages to their local
employees and give them sufficient training and business exposure so that they can assume
very senior management positions. The chief executive officers (CEOs) of Hewlett Packard
and National Semiconductor, for example, are local employees, trained and promoted from
within their respective organizations. In general, the manpower management policies in a typ-
ical American subsidiary in Singapore are fairly well structured. Human resource manage-
ment techniques, such as job evaluation, promotion criteria for managerial and technical
personnel, and training programs, are frequently employed. The training grants provided by
the government- administered Skills Development Fund (SDF) have enabled the American
companies to have long-term training programs for the development of their employees.
As for the Japanese companies, they have promoted the value of teamwork or Japanese-
style collectivism by setting up Quality Circles (QCs). Surveys done by the National
Productivity Board show that QCs have improved teamwork both among workers and
between workers and management. The activities of QCs also help increase employee morale
and change the leadership style in Singapore from autocratic to more participative. Moreover,
the subsidiaries of Japanese MNCs also encourage a leadership style that helps promote
harmonious labor–management relations. This style is often characterized by management
spending more time with the local staff, especially after office hours, through company
dinners or after-dinner visits to bars and pubs.

Effects of Heavy Government Involvement

Another important characteristic in the environment of Singapore is the heavy involvement of

the government in the economy and other aspects of social life. This heavy government
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952 LI, NGIN, TEO

involvement makes Singapore different from other Chinese communities with a similar
economic development, such as Hong Kong and Taiwan. For instance, only in Singapore can
one see such powerful government organizations as the Economic Development Board (EDB)
and the Trade Development Board (TDB). The government has either direct or indirect con-
trol over all the major local banks. For example, the largest local bank, the Development Bank
of Singapore (DBS), is a well-known government-linked bank.
This issue is best discussed and understood by doing a comparison of Singapore with
another country such as Hong Kong. Both entities are island cities, with ethnic Chinese rep-
resenting the majority of their society. Both cities also share historic similarities. They were
both former British colonies and were occupied by the Japanese during World War II.
Additionally, the two cities possess similar levels of technological and economical develop-
ment. Nevertheless, these two Chinese communities differ immensely in governance, specif-
ically with regard to government involvement in business and other aspects of social life.
In Hong Kong, the government has always adopted a laissez-faire approach to the econ-
omy (see, e.g., East Asia Analytical Unit, 1995). There also exists a very low level of gov-
ernment control and involvement in business. Government policies have created an
environment that thus allows the survival of a substantial number of small and medium-size
firms in Hong Kong’s manufacturing industry (East Asia Analytical Unit, 1995). The small
size of the firms and the free-market environment favor risk taking and entrepreneurship. In
Singapore, on the other hand, there has been heavy government involvement in business since
the country’s independence. For example, the Singapore government often gets involved in
the mergers of local companies, including taxi companies, high-tech firms, or banks.
Consequently, the Singapore economy is now dominated by two groups of large companies:
the MNCs, of which there are some 7,000 in the country, and the government-linked compa-
nies, which have penetrated almost all industries in Singapore, from taxi operations to news-
paper publication.
The Singapore government not only maintains a heavy economic presence, but also makes
individuals in the country much more dependent on the government, compared to Hong
Kong. For example, the people in Singapore depend on the government for housing, low-cost
medical service, and pension (i.e., the Central Provident Fund). This dependence has become
so significant that, in recent years, even the Singapore government leaders have begun
to worry. Recently, a senior government official referred to Singaporeans as “flowers in a
greenhouse,” who are unable to survive without the greenhouse (Lianhe Zaobao, July 8, 1997,
p. 11).
One direct consequence of this heavy government involvement is an increase in
Uncertainty Avoidance, a cultural value first identified by Hofstede (1980). When Hofstede
studied the cultures in Asian countries in the 1970s, he found that all Chinese communities
included in his study (such as Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan) had low Uncertainty
Avoidance (UA) values. Hofstede and Bond (1988, p. 17) subsequently linked this low UA to
what they called East Asian entrepreneurship. Similar findings have been obtained by other
studies using historical data and observations (e.g., Godley, 1981). This explains why, histor-
ically, there was little need for any government to encourage entrepreneurial activity among
ethnic Chinese.
Interestingly, in the 1990s, the Singapore government had to make great efforts to encour-
age entrepreneurship in the country. In fact, as early as 1986, the government had already
detected the decline of entrepreneurship in Singapore society. That year, a special government
committee, headed by Lee Hsien Loong, then minister of state for defense and trade & industry
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 953

and currently deputy prime minister, was formed to study this decline. In its report to the
government, the committee pointed out that: “Entrepreneurship has historically been a key
ingredient in the economic success story of Singapore. As Singapore progressed from its
entrepot role to that of a low cost export oriented assembly centre, and recently to that of a
high tech manufacturing and services centre, the significance and impact of local entrepre-
neurship in the private sector gradually declined in relative terms” (Lee, 1985, p. 1).
In the report, the committee attributed the decline of entrepreneurship in Singapore mainly
as a result of economic and technological development. In doing so, the committee failed to
consider an important fact: High-tech manufacturing, service industries, and/or socioeco-
nomic development have not led to less entrepreneurship in other societies. For instance,
Hong Kong and Taiwan, which have similar conditions to those in Singapore, have shown no
decline in entrepreneurship. Neither has the United States, with its highly developed high-
tech and service industries. Having failed to understand the real cause of declining entrepre-
neurship in Singapore, this committee could not really propose effective measures to address
the issue. As a result, lack of entrepreneurship remained a problem in Singapore’s economic
development.
In the early 1990s, while Hong Kong and Taiwanese firms aggressively invested in China
and other Asian emerging markets, Singapore firms remained reluctant to venture abroad,
suggesting little improvement in entrepreneurial spirit. In response, the Singapore govern-
ment formed another special committee in 1993 aimed at studying how Singapore enterprises
can be promoted overseas (Ministry of Finance, 1993). In its report to the government, the
committee commented:

As we seek to encourage Singapore companies to venture abroad, the local enterprise sector takes
on a greater significance as we need to depend on our home grown enterprises, and our home
grown entrepreneurs to lead the way. But some have argued that our companies are not suffi-
ciently well developed to compete abroad, as compared to those from the developed countries, or
Hong Kong and Taiwan, and that Singaporeans are generally risk averse, preferring to take safe
professional and managerial jobs rather than to strike out on their own. (Ministry of Finance,
1993, p. 31)

Once again, the committee failed to identify the root of the problem. In explaining the lack of
entrepreneurial spirit in Singapore, the committee simply said that:

Economic success has brought about even higher expectations of success, but it has also brought
the expectation that progress and growth is assured. It has brought about a desire for more pos-
sessions, but also a reluctance to risk what we already have. There also appears to be a common
perception amongst younger Singaporeans that to be successful, it is only necessary to do well in
school, graduate with a good degree or diploma, and then join a large local or foreign company
to get onto the escalator of stable jobs, ever growing wages, and good future prospects. We need
to correct this misconception. (Ministry of Finance, 1993, p. 34)

Without identifying the real cause of declining entrepreneurial spirit, the Singapore govern-
ment has made little progress in encouraging entrepreneurship. Recent empirical observation
and academic research support this assertion. For example, Yeo’s (1997) research showed
that, among managers in manufacturing industries, those from Singapore have significantly
higher Uncertainty Avoidance scores compared to their counterparts in Hong Kong and
Taiwan. More significantly, studies on the actual behavior of Singapore firms also showed a
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954 LI, NGIN, TEO

strong risk avoidance tendency. A recent study conducted by the Singapore Chartered
Institute of Marketing (C. Tan, 1997), which examined over 150 companies, found that local
Singapore firms are reluctant to invest in other countries even though limited local markets
and resources constitute serious impediments to a firms survival and growth. The study also
found that only 40% of local firms in Singapore have plans to expand to other countries in
Asia the following year. This low percentage contrasts with the 70% of Western MNCs with
regional headquarters in Singapore, and the 80% of MNCs from other Asian countries with
regional headquarters in Singapore.
Among Singapore firms that do conduct business in foreign markets, they tend to adopt a
different approach than their Hong Kong and Taiwanese counterparts. In China, for example,
whereas the firms from Hong Kong and Taiwan rely mainly on their kinship and friendship
networks in China, the majority of Singapore firms rely on the networks built by the govern-
ment. In other words, regardless of business opportunities, Singapore investors prefer to go
into those Chinese cities where their government has already established relations with the
local governments. The reason is that this approach involves lower risks. As a group of
Australian government researchers observed:

Despite 80% of Singapore’s Chinese having ancestral origins in either Guangdong or Fujian
Provinces, only 24.1% of recently announced projects are in either province. Very few
Singaporeans have ancestral origins in Jiangsu or Hebei Provinces and yet 45.1% of recent
projects are there. Thus, Singapore might well be a “gateway to China” for Western investors, but
the means of access will usually not be traditional Chinese networks. (East Asia Analytical Unit,
1995, p. 240)

Singapore government officials are aware of this problem and have expressed their concern.
For example, some government officials such as Ow Chin Hock, the secretary of state for for-
eign affairs, have argued that Singaporeans should learn from Hong Kong and Taiwanese
entrepreneurs and adopt a more aggressive and higher risk-taking strategy in their foreign
ventures. His views were published in a major Singapore newspaper, Lianhe Zaobao (July 8,
1997, p. 11). These views highlight a prevalent mind-set that pervades much of Singapore
society today: kiasuism, the fear of failure or of losing out to others. Kiasuism is derived from
the word, kiasu, in the Hokkien dialect (which is equivalent to the term pa(4) shu(1) in the
Mandarin dialect). According to Singapore government officials, the negative consequence of
kiasuism is the lack of creativity and entrepreneurial spirit among Singaporeans. In fact, there
has been support among empirical studies for a partial relationship between government
involvement and the level of Uncertainty Avoidance in any society. According to the data col-
lected by Hofstede (1980), among industrialized countries, societies with high degrees of
government involvement in the economy and with well-developed social welfare systems
(e.g., France and North European countries) tend to register high values of Uncertainty
Avoidance. On the other hand, societies with low levels of government involvement in the
economy and with less developed social welfare systems (e.g., the United States) generally
have low Uncertainty Avoidance scores. Thus, if a government adopts extensive social
welfare policies, people in that society will enjoy a high level of certainty from childhood,
and will grow up feeling less comfortable with uncertainty and risk. As a result, the culture
in that society will move toward the direction of high Uncertainty Avoidance.
In summary, the cultural values and leadership style in Singapore can be influenced by many
environmental factors. Among them, two factors, according to past research and empirical
observations, may have the most important effect. One of these two factors is the influence
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 955

TABLE 26.1
Ranks and Scores of Societal Cultural Dimensions In Singapore

“As Is” “Should Be”

Dimension Rank Score Rank Score

Future Orientation 1 5.07 22 5.51

Performance Orientation 2 4.90 48 5.72
Uncertainty Avoidance 3 5.31 46 4.22
Institutional Collectivism 4 4.90 37 4.55
Gender Egalitarianism 11 3.70 36 4.51
In-Group Collectivism 17 5.64 40 5.50
Assertiveness 28 4.17 12 4.41
Power Distance 42 4.99 14 3.04
Human Orientation 55 3.49 3 5.79
Note. Dimensions are listed from highest to lowest “As Is” rank (out of 61 GLOBE countries).

of Western MNEs operating in Singapore; the other is the influence of the Singapore
government since the independence of the country. In the rest of this chapter, we report on the
GLOBE studies about societal cultural practices, values, and leadership style in Singapore.

3. RESEARCH FINDINGS ON SOCIETAL CULTURE IN SINGAPORE

In this section, we report the results of the GLOBE questionnaire survey (cf. House et al.,
2004), which was used to evaluate societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should
Be”) in Singapore. GLOBE results about leadership concepts held in Singapore are reported
in the next section.

Respondents. The respondents were middle managers working in two Singapore indus-
tries: the food industry and the finance and banking industry. After reading a letter inviting
them to take part in this study, 217 managers (i.e., 113 women and 104 men) agreed to par-
ticipate. Eighty-three managers responded to the GLOBE questionnaire dealing with societal
culture; the remaining 134 managers (58 and 76 managers from the food and banking indus-
tries, respectively) responded to the GLOBE questionnaire about organizational culture.
All the subjects who participated in this study were ethnic Chinese. The mean age of these
managers was 36 years. On average, they had about 16 years of work experience and 11 years
of management experience. The average number of subordinates for each manager was 23
persons, indicating that they were mainly middle managers.

Results

Table 26.1 reports the cultural values in Singapore’s society and their rankings among the 61
countries sampled in the GLOBE project.

Uncertainty Avoidance. On “what things are” of this cultural dimension, Singapore is

ranked third (see Table 26.1, “As Is” section) among 61 countries sampled. Its score on this
dimension is lower than only two of those north European countries, Switzerland and
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956 LI, NGIN, TEO

Sweden. In fact, among the top eight countries on this dimension, Singapore is the only Asian
society. All the others are north or west European countries (i.e., Switzerland, Sweden,
Denmark, Germany, Finland, and Austria), which typically have the best social welfare and
security systems in the world. Therefore, on this particular dimension of societal culture,
Singapore seems to have become very similar to these European “welfare” states. This find-
ing seems to support our argument that the more a government gets involved in the social lives
of its citizens, and the better this government takes care of its citizens, the higher the societal
value of Uncertainty Avoidance. As for the other Chinese societies, China’s higher rank of 9,
compared with the lower ranks for Hong Kong and Taiwan (ranks of 20 and 19, respectively),
is also consistent with this argument.
However, on the “Should Be” of this cultural dimension, the score from Singapore is much
lower. This seems to reflect the effect of education campaigns by the Singapore government
in recent years. As was suggested earlier, the Singapore government has been making great
efforts recently to encourage people to go regional/international, to overcome the psychology
of fearing failure, and to learn from successful entrepreneurs at home and abroad. Therefore,
Singapore managers seem to agree that the culture in their society should have less
Uncertainty Avoidance.

Gender Egalitarianism. For the societal cultural practices (“As Is”) on this cultural
dimension, Singapore (Score 3.70, Rank 11, see Table 26.1) is much less male dominated
than Hong Kong (Rank 40), China (Rank 58), and Taiwan (Rank 52). On the dimension of
“Should Be,” Singapore managers Score 4.51 (Rank 36), which is still higher than their coun-
terparts indicate in China (Rank 58) or Taiwan (52). Knowing that in the GLOBE sample of
61 countries, the overall trend is toward more Gender Egalitarianism “Should Be,” it would
be interesting to investigate why Singapore managers’ societal cultural values in terms of
Gender Egalitarianism score go up (from 3.70 to 4.51) but in terms of the worldwide ranking
it goes down (from Rank 11 to Rank 36).

Future Orientation. The Future Orientation score given by the Singapore respondents
shows that the current societal culture in Singapore is very future oriented (Rank 1). This high
score can at least partially be attributed to the Singapore government’s practice of making
“unpopular” but far-sighted decisions. However, it is interesting to note that, on the dimen-
sion’s “Should Be,” Singapore’s score was lower (Rank 22). This lower score seems to sug-
gest that the Singapore respondents may want to see less Future Orientation in their societal
culture.

Power Distance. Again, on this cultural value, Singapore (Rank 42) is very similar to
Hong Kong (Rank 43). Interestingly, in respect to this dimension of culture, all four Chinese
communities are very similar, with China ranking 41 and Taiwan ranking 32. However, on
the “Should Be” dimension all four Chinese communities show similar desires to have less
power stratification in their societal culture, which is also apparent in nearly all 61 GLOBE
countries.

Institutional Collectivism. On the dimension of Institutional Collectivism, Singapore is

ranked fourth, while Japan is third and China is seventh. In contrast, Hong Kong, Taiwan,
and the United States are ranked lower. These observations are consistent with recent findings
by other researchers. In the case of Singapore, the government has been instrumental in
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 957

cultivating a greater degree of collectivism. For example, Singapore’s prime minister, Goh
Chok Tong, recently urged young Singaporeans to turn away from Western materialism and
Western-styled democracy (see, e.g., “Singapore: West-Bashing,” 1994), which are closely
related to Western individualism. Recent studies confirm that a high collectivistic value does
exist among Singaporeans (e.g., Chew & Putti, 1995; Yeo, 1997). In fact, Chew and Putti’s
study found that Singapore managers value collectivism even more than their Japanese coun-
terparts. In contrast, the societal cultures in Hong Kong and Taiwan seem to be moving toward
the direction of Western individualism (e.g., McGrath, MacMillan, Yang, & Tsai, 1992;
Westwood & Posner, 1997; Yang, 1986, 1991; Yeh, 1988; Yeh & Lawrence, 1995; Yeo, 1997).
Finally, on the “Should Be” Institutional Collectivism dimension, Singaporean’s do show a
desire to have less collectivism (Rank 37) or more individualism. This seems to be consistent
with the fact that many Western-educated Singapore professionals emigrated to the West in
recent years. Many middle managers included in the study were also young professionals who
received their education in the West. Therefore, they show the same tendency to prefer less
collectivism.

Humane Orientation. Singapore’s score on “As Is” of this cultural value was very low
among the other countries included in this study (Rank 55). Singapore’s score is also lower
than the scores of other Chinese communities. This seems to reflect some of the dimensions
of reality in Singapore society today. Compared with the majority of countries in the world,
Singapore society has a high degree of control on individual behaviors. Moreover, many rules
adopted by British colonists, such as punishment with a cane, remain unchanged.
On the other hand, with a very high score in “Should Be” (Rank 3), respondents indicated
that Humane Orientation should be much higher in its culture. This is consistent with the sit-
uations in other Chinese communities. We believe that this desire to have more Humane
Orientation also reflects the influence of modern civilization from the West.

Performance Orientation. On the dimension of “As Is,” Singapore’s score on Performance

Orientation is high, ranking second among all of the countries tested in the GLOBE project.
Here again, Singapore and Hong Kong had very similar scores whereas China and Taiwan had
lower ones.
These scores seem to indicate that the society in Singapore stressed performance or
achievements as much as that in Hong Kong. However, stressing performance or achievement
might not mean risk taking. According to the scores on both Uncertainty Avoidance and
Performance Orientation, it seems arguable that the Singapore culture stresses performance
but not risk taking.
On the other hand, the culture in Hong Kong stresses Performance Orientation as well as
risk taking. On the “Should Be” dimension, the absolute score from Singapore in respect of
Performance Orientation is even higher (5.72). However, the score ranks only 48th among all
of the GLOBE countries tested. Almost all of the countries seem to believe that there should
be more Performance Orientation in their societal cultures. This is also true for Singapore
although the “Should Be” score is comparatively low.

In-Group Collectivism. Whereas institutional collectivism refers to the degree to which

individuals are encouraged by societal institutions to be integrated into broader entities (e.g.
the government), In-Group Collectivism refers to the extent to which members of a society
take pride in membership in small groups such as their family and circle of close friends, and
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958 LI, NGIN, TEO

the organizations and units in which they are employed. Singapore’s score (Rank 17) on this
value is the second highest among the four Chinese communities. Several studies have found that
as Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan become industrialized, the traditional Chinese family
value is decreasing in these societies (e.g., Westwood & Posner, 1997; Yang, 1986, 1991; Yeh,
1988; Yeo, 1997). Singapore’s score on this cultural value may be higher than those from other
Chinese societies due to the efforts by the Singapore government to cultivate family value and
Confucian philosophy in recent years. For example, in 1999, the Singapore government launched
the Singapore 21 Committee with a purpose to strengthen the “heartware” of Singapore in the
21st century. “Heartware” refers to the intangibles of society such as social cohesion, political
stability, and the collective will, values, and attitudes of a people (cf., “Co-opt People,” 1999).
After talking to 6,000 Singaporeans from all walks of life, to help the country navigate the chal-
lenges of the new millennium, five key ideas evolved that form a vision for the future. One of
these ideas is the importance of the family; that is, “Strong families are our foundation.”
However, in terms of “Should Be,” middle managers from all four Chinese communities
seem to prefer less In-Group Collectivism (Rank 40). This seems to be the result of fast eco-
nomic development and the improvement of living standards in these societies.
Interestingly, this value in the United States and Japan seems to be changing in the opposite
direction. Although these two developed societies reported low scores on “As Is,” the managers
from these countries indicated that they prefer more In-Group Collectivism in their culture.
In summary, in terms of societal culture, Singapore has been influenced by values from
both the East and the West. Specifically, compared with other cultures in the “As Is” part of
the testing, the Singapore subjects have been found to have high scores on the dimensions of
Uncertainty Avoidance and Future Individualism/Collectivism, and low scores on the dimen-
sion of Humane Orientation. Also, the Singapore respondents are often similar to their coun-
terparts from Hong Kong on such dimensions as gender differentiation and others. On the
other hand, compared with other cultures in the “Should Be” part of the testing, the Singapore
respondents score high on only one dimension, that is, Humane Orientation (Rank 3), and
medium to high on Power Distance “Should Be” (Rank 13), Assertiveness “Should Be” (Rank
14), and Future Orientation “Should Be” (Rank 22).
As a follow-up study, it would be interesting to examine the process in which these influ-
ences have taken place and to explain why certain values have become more salient/less
salient. It seems that the two environmental factors that we mentioned earlier (i.e., the domi-
nance of Western MNCs in Singapore’s economy and the heavy involvement of the Singapore
government in all aspects of social life) have much to do with the direction of malleability of
societal culture in Singapore.

4. RESEARCH FINDINGS ON LEADERSHIP STYLE IN SINGAPORE

In this section, we discuss leadership research in Singapore and report the results of three
studies, (a) focus group interviews, (b) media analysis, and (c) the GLOBE questionnaire
study, each of which is focused on leadership style in Singapore. These studies were con-
ducted during the period of 1994–1996.

Past Research

Influenced by the same cultural heritage and environmental factors, one can also observe a
process of malleability in Singapore’s leadership style. Some earlier studies suggested that
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 959

management practices among the local Chinese companies were poorly developed, and that
the traditional leadership style could best be characterized as paternalistic autocratic (see, e.g.,
Cheong, 1991). In other words, traditional Singapore managers or leaders typically made
decisions promptly, ordered their subordinates to take certain actions (without sufficiently
explaining the rationale behind those actions), and expected their subordinates to comply
regardless of the correctness of those actions. Although these traditional Singapore leaders
showed little respect for the opinions of their subordinates, they tried hard to make all their
employees feel that they were members of a large extended family. Not surprisingly, these
leaders could be found visiting employees or their family members when they were ill, and
often subsidizing their medical expenses (Cheong, 1991).
According to Hofstede (1980), such a paternalistic autocratic leadership style tends to be
favored in all large–Power Distance societies in Asia (Hofstede, 1980). Some other
researchers have tried to explain this observation in the context of Singapore. For instance, it
has been argued that the large Power Distance in Singapore’s culture could be attributed to
the autocratic rule of British and Japanese governors before the independence of Singapore
(Yeh, 1988).
Following the influx of direct foreign investment into Singapore in the 1970s, more advanced
management practices were gradually introduced. With American, Japanese, German, French,
and British MNCs being the major investors in Singapore, new cultural values and leadership
styles were introduced to Singaporeans. These new styles and practices subsequently influenced
the behaviors of local managers or leaders.
Several studies reflect the changes in leadership style in Singapore over the recent years.
For example, Chew and Putti (1995) interviewed Chinese managers in Singapore firms and
found that these managers “generally emphasize the total welfare of their staff by under-
standing as well as explaining to and cultivating their staff” (p. 1167). These managers
preferred talking to their subordinates and maintained a “relatively small Power Distance”
(p. 1167). A study by Koh, W. L. Steers, and Terborg (1995) examined transformational lead-
ership in Singapore schools, and concluded that the transformational leadership style of
school managers predicted the satisfaction of their subordinates (i.e., the teachers).
In spite of the aforementioned studies, our understanding of culture and leadership style in
Singapore is still not sufficient. Several issues need to be addressed further. First, past study
results often contradict each other. It is hard to decide which result is more reliable
and defendable. For example, some studies indicated that the societal culture in Singapore is
characterized by low Uncertainty Avoidance, but some suggested that the Singapore society
emphasizes high Uncertainty Avoidance (Yeo, 1997). The same is true on the issue of pater-
nalism. Whereas some authors suggested that the leadership style in Singapore could be char-
acterized as paternalistic autocratic (e.g., Cheong, 1991), others may imply that, in recent
years, the employer–employee relationship is becoming more business like than family
oriented (e.g., Yeo, 1997). Second, past research relied on questionnaire survey only. Other
research methods, such as focus group interviews and media analysis, have never been
adopted in studying cultural and leadership issues in Singapore. It is still not clear whether
the results from studies with different methods can converge. Finally, few empirical studies
tested culture together with leadership styles at both the societal and the organizational level.
It remains a question as to whether and how cultures influence leadership styles in a society.
To address these issues, we conducted, as part of the GLOBE research project, empirical
studies on culture and leadership styles in two main industries in Singapore (food processing
and financial services). Our results show some interesting consistencies with the results of
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960 LI, NGIN, TEO

past research as reported previously. In the following sections, we first report on the results
of the media analyses and focus group interviews in the first part of the research methods por-
tion of the chapter. We follow that with a report on the results of a large-scale questionnaire
survey.

Study 1: Focus Group Interviews

From 1994 to 1997, we conducted four focus group interviews with middle managers from
both the banking and food industry sectors in Singapore. The purpose of these interviews was
to identify the cultural values and preferred leadership styles among managers and leaders. In
total, 21 participants took part in these interviews: 9 were female managers; those remaining
were male managers. The average age of participants was 32 years, average work experience
13 years, and finally, their average education was 11 years.
We asked all participants to respond to two questions: (a) What are the qualities of a capa-
ble leader? And (b) What are the qualities of an outstanding leader? Following is a summary
of their opinions.

The Quality of a Capable Leader. There are different opinions on what should be the
quality of a capable leader. When asked to provide an example about a capable leader, the
majority of the participants seemed to agree that some of the business leaders in Singapore,
such as some well-known bankers or leaders in the subjects’ own corporations, could be seen
as capable leaders. The qualities of these leaders were mainly hardworking, knowing how to
identify and capitalize on opportunities, and overcoming great difficulties to achieve great
successes in their businesses. Interestingly, no female business leader was mentioned by the
subjects in these interviews.
Some of the participants mentioned student leaders whom they had remembered in their
high schools or universities. The qualities of these leaders, according to participants, were the
knowing of how to organize people in activities, and being able to overcome difficulties and,
get things done.
One participant considered the former Chinese premier, Zhou Enlai, as a capable leader;
the major quality of this leader being said to be “the ability to get things done.” The partici-
pant did however obtain her information mainly from books and newspapers.. It should be
pointed out that no Western leaders were mentioned in these interviews; neither were any
military leaders, be they from the West or the East.

The Quality of Outstanding Leaders. The majority of the participants in the interviews
believed that the founder and leader of the Republic of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, should be
considered as an outstanding leader. The qualities of an outstanding leader, according to
these participants, included being visionary, making unpopular but farsighted decisions, and
overcoming great difficulties to achieve success. Two of the participants pointed out that they
themselves did not favor or support some of the decisions made by Lee Kuan Yew in the
past. Some even believed that he had previously being doing something wrong against the inter-
ests of the Chinese community in Singapore. However, seeing the success of Singapore in the
past decades, these subjects now believed that Lee Kuan Yew was in fact doing the right thing.
It is interesting to note that none of the participants, in spite of their ethnic Chinese
background, discussed the moral quality of the leaders. Confucian philosophy stresses the
moral quality of a leader. If these Chinese participants are heavily influenced by
Confucianism, they should have more or less discussed the moral quality of the leaders in the
interviews. The fact that moral quality was not even mentioned seems to suggest that the
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 961

Singapore middle managers are less influenced by traditional Chinese values, such as those
from Confucianism.

Study 2: Media Analysis

In this report, we discuss the media analysis in three parts: (a) the selection of the media;
(b) the coding of stories, and (c) results and implications.

Selection of the Media. We selected three printed media sources for this analysis. One is
the largest local English newspaper in terms of circulation, the Strait Times. Another is a
government publication by Singapore’s Information Ministry, the Singapore Bulletin. Finally,
the third publication is a magazine targeting the business community, the Singapore Business
Review. Considering the fact that Singapore is a small country with less than 4 million people
and few newspapers and magazines, we believed that the number of publications included in
this media analysis was sufficient.
Two time periods of the newspaper were selected. One was between mid-October and mid-
November 1998. The other was between mid-December and mid-January 1999. For the news-
paper in these two periods, we covered all the major sections including politics, foreign
affairs, economy, sports, and society.
For the magazines, we covered eight issues from February to September 1998. These
issues were read from cover to cover to identify stories about leaders’ behavior and activities.

The Coding of Stories. An instrument for data coding was developed based on the
GLOBE pilot leadership survey and the methods described in the Australian and Indian
GLOBE chapters (chaps. 9 and 27, this volume). Specifically, this instrument consisted of 50
dimensions of leader behaviors or activities, such as “aggressive,” “objective,” or “live a
simple life.” Among these 50 dimensions, 16 were from the GLOBE pilot leadership survey
(cf. Hanges & Dickson, 2004, p. 127). Others were developed based on the findings of the
two pilot studies mentioned previously.
Two student research assistants (research students at Master level) were employed to code
the stories from the aforementioned publications. Training was provided by asking the
research assistants to practice coding several sample stories together with the first author of
this chapter. For example, if a leader in a story was reported to get things done effectively, the
activity would be coded as “capable.” If a leader was proposing reform or changes, the cod-
ing would be “change oriented.” Finally, if a leader was praised for doing or proposing some-
thing because of a certain value, we would code the leader’s behavior as “value driven.”
After the training, we requested the research assistants read stories in the three publica-
tions together, and code all the discussions about leaders’ activities and behaviors. If there was
any disagreement, these research assistants would first discuss the discrepancy and then reach
a consensus between them. The first author of this article would get involved if these student
assistants could not reach an agreement on a certain coding decision.

Results of Media Analysis. In total, 57 stories about leaders’ behavior or activities were
found. Out of these stories, 29 of them were about business leaders (50%), 18 of them were
about political leaders (32%), and the rest were about leaders in other areas, such as leaders
in the military or in sports (18%).
Table 26.2 presents the information about the characteristics of these Singapore leaders.
The most frequently praised characteristics of the leaders are, visionary (51 times), confident
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962 LI, NGIN, TEO

TABLE 26.2
Results of Media Analysis

Leadership
Characteristics Rank No. of Times Raised Percentage

Visionary 1 51 13.08
Confident 2 45 11.54
Objective 3 35 8.97
Considerate 4 27 6.92
Capable (competent) 5 24 6.15
Change oriented 6 23 5.90
Open to learning 7 20 5.13
Understanding 8 18 4.62
Competitive 9 18 4.62
Charismatic 10 15 3.85
Dependable 11 15 3.85
Cooperative 12 10 2.56
Decisive/Value-driven 13 9 2* 2.31
Face saving 15 8 2.05
Determined/Inspirational 16 7 2* 1.79
Directive/Energetic/Entrepreneurial 18 6 3* 1.54
Self-Sacrificing 21 5 1.28
Humane 22 4 1.03
Impartial 23 4 1.03
Live a life sample/Modest / 24 3 4* 1.03
Self-Observed/Collectivistic
Relying on followers/Relationship 28 2 3* 0.51
oriented/Democratic
Procedural/Diplomatic 31 1 2* 0.26
Autocratic/Aggressive/Status- 33–39 0 8* 0.00
conscious/Bureaucratic/Devoted/
Action-oriented/Performance-
oriented/Control-oriented/Individualistic

(45 times), objective (35 times), considerate (25 times), capable (competent) (24 times),
change oriented (23 times), and open to learning (20 times).
The results of this media analysis are largely consistent with the focus group analysis.
Some of the most praised characteristics of leaders, such as being visionary, are mentioned
by the middle managers in the focus group interviews as the most important ones for
outstanding leaders. However, it is interesting to note that many behaviors that commonly
exist among Asian leaders, such as autocratic, bureaucratic, and face saving, were not even
mentioned in this media analysis. This seems to suggest that there are differences between the
behaviors encouraged by the media and those actually practiced by the Singapore leaders.
Also, it should be pointed out that Singapore media seldom publish anything that is inconsis-
tent with the policies or ideas of the Singapore government. Therefore, the results of the
media analysis can be seen as a reflection of the government policies in Singapore.
To summarize, among the Singapore participants, the qualities of capable leaders were
said to be hardworking, knowing how to identify and taking advantage of opportunities, and
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 963

TABLE 26.3
Comparison of All Countries From the Confucian Asian Cluster

Confucian Asian Cluster

Leadership
Dimensions Singapore China Hong Kong Japan Korea South Taiwan

Charismatic 5.95 > 5.56 5.66 5.49 5.53 5.58

Team Oriented 5.76 5.57 5.58 5.56 5.52 5.69
Participative 5.30 > 5.04 4.86 5.07 4.92 4.73
Humane 5.24 5.19 4.89 4.68 4.87 5.35
Autonomous 3.87 4.07 4.38 3.67 4.21 4.01
Self-Protective 3.31 < 3.80 3.67 3.60 3.67 4.38

Note. Compared to the other countries from the Confucian Asian cluster, Singapore scores more similar to
Western country clusters (e.g., Anglo, Germanic, Nordic), that is, higher on Charismatic and Participative
Leadership and lower on Self-Protective leadership.

overcoming great difficulties to achieve great successes in their businesses. On the other hand,
the qualities of an outstanding leader, according to these participants, included being vision-
ary, making unpopular but farsighted decisions, and overcoming great difficulties to achieve
success. The media analysis suggested that, among some of the major Singapore’s news
media, at least the major English news media, the most frequently mentioned characteristics
of good leaders include visionary, confident, objective, considerate, capable (competent),
change oriented, and open to learning.

Study 3: GLOBE Questionnaire Survey

In Table 26.3, Singapore’s scores on the second-order GLOBE leadership dimensions are
compared to five countries (China, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan), which
also belong to the Confucian Asian cluster (cf. Dorfman, Hanges, & Brodbeck, 2004).
Compared to these countries, Singapore scores more similar to “Western” country clusters
like Anglo, Germanic, or Nordic, than to the countries in the Confucian Asian cluster. In
particular, Singapore scores higher on Charismatic and Participative Leadership and lower
on Self- Protective leadership than the other Confucian Asian countries. On the other hand,
Singapore scores high on Team Oriented and Humane Leadership, which is typical for the
Confucian Asian but also for the Southern Asian cluster. This supports our argument
that the cultural values and leadership style in Singapore are influenced by both the East
and the West.
A more detailed view is given in Table 26.4 which shows the scores and ranks of the 21
first- order and the 6 second-order GLOBE leadership dimensions for Singapore, together
with highest and lowest country scores in the GLOBE sample of 61 countries.
It is interesting to note in Table 26.4 that, on several dimensions related to Confucian cul-
tural values, the scores from Singapore managers ranked high. Specifically, on the dimension
Self-Sacrificial, Singapore ranked 11, which is consistent with empirical observations in
recent years. For example, since the 1998 financial crisis, the governments in both Hong Kong
and Singapore have faced some financial difficulties and needed to cut the salaries of its
employees. In Hong Kong, there has been fierce resistance among government employees
recently against cuts to their incomes or benefits, which is necessary to control the government’s
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964 LI, NGIN, TEO

TABLE 26.4
Scores and Ranks of the 21 First-Order and the 6 Second-Order
GLOBE Leadership Dimensions

Second-Order Leadership
Dimensions Highest Lowest
First-Order Leadership Score Rank Score Score

Charismatic Leadership 5.95 23 6.46 4.51

Performance Orientation 6.11 26 6.64 4.51
Visionary 6.17 25 6.50 4.62
Inspirational 6.09 37 6.63 5.04
Integrity 6.15 28 6.79 4.72
Self-Sacrificial 5.39 11 5.99 3.98
Decisive 5.85 32 6.37 3.62
Team-Oriented Leadership 5.76 34 6.21 4.74
Team Integrator 5.41 38 6.09 4.42
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.94 33 6.43 4.10
Administratively Competent 5.71 37 6.42 4.53
Diplomatic 5.58 27 6.05 4.49
Malevolent (reverse scored) 1.83 21 2.67 1.33
Participative Leadership 5.30 32 6.09 4.50
Autocratic (reverse scored) 2.73 25 3.86 1.89
Nonparticipative (reverse scored) 2.68 28 3.61 1.86
Humane Leadership 5.24 10 5.75 3.82
Humane 5.10 17 5.68 2.23
Modesty 5.35 13 5.86 4.14
Autonomous Leadership 3.87 30 4.63 2.27
Self-Protective Leadership 3.31 40 4.62 2.55
Self-Centered 2.05 37 6.20 1.55
Status-Conscious 3.78 46 5.93 3.00
Conflict Inducer 3.64 46 5.01 3.09
Face Saver 3.19 11 4.63 2.05
Procedural 3.81 37 5.12 2.82
Note. Leadership scores where compared across industries (food, finance) within Singapore. Only one significant
result out of 21 comparisons was obtained, which equals chance probability.

huge financial deficits. Similar resistance has never occurred in Singapore, even when the
Singapore government actually asked its people to make a greater sacrifice for the long-term
interests of their society. Here the explanation can be that, influenced by the Confucian cul-
tural values, which see the society as one family, Singapore managers are more willing to
make self-sacrifice for their society. On the other hand, influenced by a societal culture with
more Western individualistic value, Hong Kong managers are less willing to make personal
sacrifice.
Similarly, on such items as Humane leadership and Face Saver, one can also see the heavy
influences of Confucian cultural values in Singapore. Singapore manager ranked high on
these dimensions, whereas other East Asian societies with less Confucian influences today,
such as the case of Hong Kong, ranked lower on these dimensions.
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 965

5. CONCLUDING DISCUSSION

In this chapter, we have shown that the cultural values and leadership style in Singapore can
be seen as a combination of the East and the West. To understand the culture in this country,
one needs to consider the interactions of various environmental factors, especially the signif-
icant role of foreign MNCs in the country and the heavy involvement of the government in
social life. All of these have important implications for future research. Take the involvement
of government as an example. Past research has largely attributed cultural change to such fac-
tors as technological revolution and socioeconomic development, and pays insufficient atten-
tion to the role of government in this process. On the other hand, in a society heavily
influenced by Confucian cultural value, such as Singapore, the role of government in shaping
and changing the societal and organizational cultures seems to be very significant. Although
the dominant view today suggests that government policies reflect societal cultures (e.g.,
Hofstede, 1980), the cases of Singapore and other Chinese societies in East Asia often sug-
gest a reverse notion. This is especially true in those societies where Western-style democracy
does not exist. In such societies, governments do not necessarily reflect majority opinion or
societal culture when generating policy. Instead, it may be the societal and organizational cul-
tures that are more often influenced by the government policy (cf. Li & Karakowsky, 2002).
Therefore, a contingency approach regarding the relationship between cultures and govern-
ment policies may be more useful for future study.
Also, consistent with past research findings, Singapore’s societal culture has been observed
to have a greater effect than specific organizational cultures on individual Singaporeans’
perceptions and attitudes about leadership. This finding is in line with the results from an analy-
sis across all 61 GLOBE countries showing that societal culture is a much stronger predictor of
organizational cultural practices than is industry sector (Brodbeck, Hanges, Dickson, Gupta, &
Dorfman, 2004).

Limitations and Implications for Future Research

The culture in Singapore seems to have changed dramatically over the years, making it inap-
propriate to label its societal culture as Chinese or Asian. This finding is important for both
researchers and practitioners. For researchers, it suggests the need to deal with the issues of
cross-cultural management within a more dynamic, more comprehensive, and more timely
approach. First, cross-cultural management issues need to be addressed not only from the
dominant perspective of cross-cultural research that treats culture as a constant and indepen-
dent variable (e.g., Hofstede, 1980), but also from a dynamic perspective that examines
culture as a dependent variable that can be influenced by other environmental factors. This
approach will improve our understanding of cultural differences and their consequences.
Researchers who continue to employ a broad and static definition of Asian culture, for exam-
ple, may find it difficult to explain important differences in individual and organizational
behaviors that continue to emerge across different Asian societies. To effectively conduct
cross-cultural studies in modern societies, we need to adopt a more dynamic approach.
Second, we argue for a more comprehensive approach to examine the nature of culture, its
antecedents, and the processes of change, and not merely the differences and consequences
of culture. Whereas past research has often attributed cultural change to technological revo-
lution and socioeconomic development, the cultural changes noted in this study and some
other recent studies on culture (e.g., Ralston Gustafson, Cheung, & Tarpstra, 1993) suggest
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966 LI, NGIN, TEO

more complex processes are at play. With comparable levels of economic and technological
development in many modern societies (e.g., the development of information technology), the
effects of other antecedents, such as government policy, may act as much more significant
roles. Consequently, examining cultural values and their effects should entail a more com-
prehensive approach that considers additional factors as well as the interactions among these
factors.
Finally, we also need a more timely approach to cross-cultural research. Because the ele-
ments of cultural value may change rapidly, cross-cultural research faces a new challenge—
outdated data. Many studies currently published may actually be reporting on data collected
many years ago. This can be seen as a common limitation of these studies, including
our studies reported in this chapter. On the other hand, the increasing level of influence
exerted by foreign sources, for example, may call into question the accuracy of such data.
Specifically, with globalization, greater interactions among modern societies and the rapid
development of communication technology are increasing the level of access to foreign
cultures, which, in turn, will accelerate and magnify the influence of foreign cultures on cul-
tural values in a given society. This will create difficulty for researchers studying cultural dif-
ferences and their consequences. For example, the research data collected not long ago may
soon become obsolete or irrelevant because of partial changes to some elements of culture in
a society. A study conducted today may show that Taiwan manifests a high Power Distance
in societal culture, whereas a study conducted in 3 years’ time may show that Taiwan pos-
sesses a low Power Distance culture. Therefore, for cross-cultural management studies con-
ducted in modern societies, we need to adopt a more timely approach. For example, more
frequent measurements may be needed in those societies where rapid political, social, tech-
nological, or economic changes are taking place.
In addition to the limitations that we have already mentioned, another major restriction of
this study is its relatively small sample size. Because of the difficulty in collecting data from
middle mangers in Singapore, we could not obtain a larger sample. Therefore, we had to
adopt a practical anthropological approach toward an understanding of cultural values and
leadership in Singapore. Yet this approach limits the generalization of the conclusion to the
nation. It also prevents us from conducting a more powerful study in our empirical testing,
such as the testing of cultural differences between the two types of industrial organizations in
Singapore. Future study should commit more resources to data collection in order to obtain a
larger sample size. With a large sample size, more power data analyses can be conducted and
more significant findings may be obtained.
Still another limitation of this study is its failure in obtaining more information about the
consequences of the cultural values in Singapore. Future study should test more dependent
variables that may be influenced by the cultural values, especially those dependent variables
measuring individual and organizational performance in Singapore. With more such depen-
dent variables, more interesting findings for both researchers and practitioners may be found.

Practical Implications

Our findings also have some practical implications for mangers or leaders within international
business. As our data suggested, there exist significant differences even among East Asian
Chinese societies. Accordingly, managers or leaders of international business need to pay
more attention to the difference in cultural values and the factors that have caused the
partial changes. As Huo and Randall (1991) have argued, multinational firms need to pay
attention not only to basic cultural differences between their home country (e.g., the United
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26 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN SINGAPORE 967

States) and the host country (e.g., China), but also to differences between different societies
that share the same language, religion, and ethnic traditions (e.g., Singapore compared to
Hong Kong and Taiwan). This is also true for ethnic Asian managers from an Asian society,
such as Singapore. Even for an ethnic Asian manager, it is still necessary to understand cul-
tural changes that have taken place in other Chinese societies. Experience from one Chinese
society may not be applicable to other Chinese societies. A successful business policy in
Hong Kong may not work well in Singapore; and a successful manager who works well in
Taiwan may not work well in China (e.g., Li, Lam, & Qian, 2001). Without an awareness of
the differences caused by cultural change and the consequences that follow, multinational
firms will risk failure in any attempts to generate effective strategies in areas such as selec-
tion and training, marketing and promotion, and business investment.

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“Singapore: West-bashing.” (1994, April 27). The Economist, pp. 28–29.
Godley, M. (1981). The Mandarin-capitalists from Nanyang: Overseas Chinese enterprise in the
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Haggard, S. (1990). Pathways from the periphery: The politics of growth in the newly industrializing
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Hanges, P. J., & Dickson, M. W. (2004). In R. J. House, P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan, P. Dorfman, &
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(pp. 122–151). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Hicks, G. L. (1993). Overseas Chinese remittances from South East Asia 1910–1940. Singapore:
Selected Books.
Hofstede, G. (1980). Cultural consequences: International differences in work-related values. Beverly
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Hofstede, G., & Bond, M. H. (1988). The Confucius connection: From cultural roots to economic
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House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & Globe Associates. (2004). Culture,
leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
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Huo, Y. P., & Randall, D. M. (1991). Exploring subcultural differences in Hofstede’s value survey: The
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Koh, W. L., Steers, R. M., & Terborg, J. R. (1995). The effects of transformational leadership on teacher
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Kraar, L. (1971, March). The wealth and power of the overseas Chinese. Fortune.
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Westwood, R. I., & Posner, B. Z. (1997). Managerial values across cultures: Australia, Hong Kong and
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Yang, K. S. (1991, July). Will traditional and modern values co-exist? Paper presented at the
International Conference on Values in Chinese Societies: Retrospect and Prospect. Taiwan: Taipei.
Yeh, R. S. (1988). Values of American, Japanese and Taiwanese managers in Taiwan: A test of
Hofstede’s Framework. Academy of Management Best Papers Proceedings, pp. 106–110.
Yeh, R. S., & Lawrence, J. (1995). Individualism and Confucian dynamism: A note on Hofstede’s
cultural root to economic growth. Journal of International Business Studies, 3, 655–669.
Yeo, H. P. (1997). Fit of culture in Asian emerging markets: An empirical study of Singapore manufac-
turing firms (Research Paper). Singapore: National University of Singapore.
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IX
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SOUTHERN ASIA CLUSTER

The Southern Asia cluster in the GLOBE Research Program consisted of India, Indonesia,
Iran, Malaysia, Philippines, and Thailand. India is the only country from this cluster repre-
sented in this volume.
The Southern Asia cluster is among the high scores on Humane Orientation, and In-Group
Collectivism. Its scores on Assertiveness, Future Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism,
Institutional Collectivism, Performance Orientation, Power Distance, and Uncertainty
Avoidance are in the midrange (House et al., 2004).
Charismatic/Value Based leadership and Team Oriented leadership are seen to be con-
tributing the most to the outstanding leadership in this cluster. Participative leadership and
Humane Oriented leadership are viewed positively. Autonomous leadership and Self-
Protective leadership are reported to be neutral toward outstanding leadership in this cluster.
One of the distinct features of this cluster is the assimilation of foreign cultures, often those
of the conquerors, with the result that people of widely different beliefs have coexisted peace-
fully in the countries of this cluster (Levi-Strauss, 1951). Peaceful coexistence of people of
different religions, different ethnic groups, and so on, is thus, quite common in this cluster.
Commenting on the existence of places of worship of different religions next to each other,
Levi-Strauss has observed that “complementary forms of faith seem irreconcilable yet they
co-exist peaceably.”

REFERENCES

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates. (2004).
Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Levi-Strauss, C. (1951). Foreword to documents on South Asia. International Social Science Bulletin,
III(4).

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India: Diversity and Complexity in Action

Jagdeep S. Chhokar
Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad, India

India is a country of great diversity. There are substantial regional, linguistic, cultural, and
religious variations across the country. Given the wide range of variation, it should be impos-
sible to generalize not only about the society, organizations, and leaders in India, but also
about organizational and leadership practices in Indian organizations. There is, however, hope
because:

In spite of the fact that the languages of India are many, and there are well marked differences
between one regional culture and another, yet there is an over-all unity of design which makes them
all members of one family. This stems primarily from the economic and social organization of the
country and extends to commonness of intellectual and emotional attachments and obligations. The
details might vary from place to place, and from one caste to another, yet the sameness of the
traditions on which all of them have been reared cannot be overlooked. (Bose, 1967, p. 9)

It is in this spirit that this chapter reports the India-specific findings of the GLOBE Research
Project. The following section attempts to describe the evolution of India’s society and cul-
ture, concluding with a description of the current situation. It is followed by a brief descrip-
tion of leadership in India. The methodology of GLOBE research in India is described next,
followed by presentation of the results of the qualitative and quantitative analyses. A brief
note containing some basic information on India can be found in Appendix A.

1. SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN INDIA

Any attempt at describing society and culture in India must begin with three assertions. One,
though the political entity that is today known as India formally came into being only 50 years
ago, the broader region that has been the cradle for what is called Indian culture, society, and
civilization, has long been a loose, informal confederation joined by an indefinable similarity
of social and cultural customs and practices. It is therefore more accurate to refer to it as a
cultural unit rather than a political entity. Two, the physical boundaries of this cultural unit

971
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have differed during various periods of history. The boundaries were almost never identical
to what the boundaries of today’s India are. The cultural unit in terms of geographical area
was almost always larger than what India is today. Lastly, India as it exists today is a com-
posite of multiple influences in a civilization that has continued to evolve for more than 5,000
years. What may be termed as the culture of India today is the outcome of, or merely the
current stage in, a process of evolution of a continually living and changing culture. What
follows is a brief, somewhat inadequate description of the origins and evolution of Indian cul-
ture, because any attempt at capturing the mosaic of Indian culture in a few pages is bound to
be inadequate.
The social and cultural roots of India are shrouded in antiquity. Archaeological excavations
of the Indus Valley civilization at several locations, of which Harappa and Mohenjo Daro are
the best known, attest to a highly developed civilization in the third millennium BC (Basham,
1954/1967).

I shall not now speak of the knowledge of the Hindus … of their subtle discoveries in the science
of astronomy—discoveries even more ingenious than those of the Greeks and Babylonians—of
their rational system of mathematics, or of their method of calculation which no words can praise
strongly enough—I mean the system using nine symbols. If these things were known by people
who think that they alone have mastered the science because they speak Greek they would
perhaps be convinced, though a little late in the day, that other folk, not only Greeks but also men
of a different tongue, know something as well as they. (Sebokht, AD 662; quoted in Basham,
1954/1967, p. xi).

The study of ancient Indian civilization in the Western scientific mode began in the
mid-1700s during the British period. However, India had a long tradition of oral history.
Indian folklore is full of kings and noblemen of all shades—good, brave, wise to bad, cow-
ardly, and foolish. A constant refrain in folklore is the presence of sages, seers, and saints who
renounced the material world, and practiced and propagated spiritualism. Though agriculture
was the predominant occupation, other activities such as trade and commerce, art (e.g., Ajanta
cave paintings), architecture (temples), performing arts (classical dance forms), music, poetry,
education (e.g., Taxsila and Nalanda Universities1), science (particularly astronomy), urban
planning and design (Indus Valley cities), and religion also thrived.
Basham (1954/1967) claims that Indian history emerged from “legend and dubious tradi-
tion” in the sixth century BC, and what emerged was a society highly developed materially,
intellectually, and spiritually. It was also characterized by a great sense of fairness in social
and civic relations. “In no other early civilization were slaves so few in number, and in no
other ancient law book are their rights so well protected as in the Arthasastra. No other
ancient lawgiver proclaimed such noble ideals of fair play in battle as did Manu.… The most
striking feature of ancient India’s civilization is its humanity” (Basham, 1954/1967, p. 8).
Basham stresses the “secular literature, sculpture, and painting” of the time and points out
that the “people enjoyed life, passionately delighting both in the things of the senses and the

1
Taxsila flourished as a large center of learning around 550–500 BC in the northwestern part of India and
attracted scholars and students from far and wide. Nalanda was set up in third century AD as a Buddhist monastery
in Bihar. It “did not confine itself to training Buddhist novices, but also taught the Vedas, Hindu philosophy, logic,
grammar and medicine. … The student population was not confined to the Buddhist order, but … candidates of other
faiths who succeeded in passing a strict oral examination were [also] admitted.… It provided free training for no less
than 10,000 students” (Basham, 1954/1967, p. 166).
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 973

things of the spirit” (p. 9). He describes ancient India as “a cheerful land, whose people, each
finding a niche in a complex and slowly evolving social system, reached a higher level of kind-
liness and gentleness in their mutual relationship than any other nation in antiquity” (p. 9). The
collectivist and humane nature of Indian society can thus possibly be traced back to these
ancient roots.
The predominant political system was of kings ruling their individual territories. Though
kings were originally elected, the system soon became one of succession based on heredity,
with the king being succeeded by the eldest son. Women were excluded from succession
though there were a few exceptions. The equivalent of modern-day councils of ministers and
state assemblies often existed, but the authority and responsibility for governance rested
almost exclusively with the king. Nehru (1985) describes the king in ancient India as an
“autocratic monarch” who most of the time functioned within established conventions. This
possibly contributes to the fairly widespread preference for “strong” leadership in India even
today.
The culture of ancient India was continuously modified by a series of invasions, the last one
being the British, which ended in 1947. These began about 2000 BC with what has come to be
called the Aryan invasion. “The Aryan invasion of India was not a single concerted action, but
one covering centuries and involving many tribes, perhaps not all of the same race and lan-
guage” (Basham, 1954/1967, p. 30). The native people of India were peace-loving agricultur-
alists, and did not offer much resistance to the invading tribes. All these tribes got assimilated
and absorbed in to the native population in a thorough mix. The system of a king being the
head of a tribe that occupied a demarcated geographical area continued. This was also the
period when the well-known spiritual texts, the Vedas and the Upanishads, were composed,
and to which the popular epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, are attributed. The sixth
century BC saw the advent of Buddhism and Jainism as separate religions. Buddha himself
was a prince who renounced the material world for the spiritual. India was invaded by the
famous Greek general, Alexander of Macedon (also called Alexander the Great) in 326 BC,
who left behind garrisons, and appointed satraps to govern the conquered territories. However
revolts in Indian provinces and the death of Alexander in 323 BC lessened the Greek control,
and the last of Alexander’s generals, Eudamus, left the Indian northwest in 317 BC.
The first major Muslim invasion of India was by the Turkish chieftain Mahmud, who had
established a powerful kingdom at Gazni in Afghanistan. Mahmud of Gazni conducted 17
raids on northwestern India between 1001 and 1027 AD. These were essentially pillaging
raids and Mahmud did not stay to reign. Mahmud died in 1030 AD, and the next important
invasion was that by Shahab-ud-din Ghuri, another Afghan, who conquered Delhi in 1192
AD. Such periodic incursions continued until the beginning of the Mughal Empire in India
when Babar, a Turco-Mongol and a prince of the Timurid line in central Asia, occupied Delhi
in 1526. The Mughal Empire lasted for about 200 years and its decline started with the death
of Aurangzeb in 1707. After a period of strife and struggle, the British Empire began its reign
in 1757 when Robert Clive won the battle of Plassey in Bengal.2 There were, however, other
smaller invasions that had taken place in between. Following a visit by Vasco de Gama to
Calicut, on the western coast of south India, the Portuguese set up a colony in Goa in the early

2
Unlike the earlier invasions, the British Empire had its roots in traditional Indian hospitality. A local ruler in one
of the eastern provinces allowed a British trading post to be set up in his kingdom. This trading post grew into the
East India Company. Over time, the protection of commercial interests evolved into the British taking complete con-
trol of governance over the area.
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974 CHHOKAR

1500s. British rule ended with the independence of India in 1947 and the present Republic of
India was proclaimed in 1950 with the adoption of a new constitution.
Throughout these long periods of domination, by the Mughals and the British, the political
structure in the region remained more or less the same. There were territories directly
administered by the conquerors, along with a large number of local “princely” states that had
individual and varying relationships with a major ruling administration. Some were semi-
autonomous and were formal protectorates of the ruling administration; some were quite inde-
pendent and had a friendly relationship, whereas others maintained an independent and
antagonistic relationship. Most of the invaders, except the Greeks and the British, stayed on in
India, and in some ways got absorbed and assimilated in to the local indigenous social and cul-
tural milieu, also influencing and changing it in the process. The British period, for example,
resulted in a new group referred to as “Anglo-Indians” consisting of the offspring from the
marriages between the British and native Indians, which continues to exist as an integral part
of Indian society even today. Intermarriages among the invaders-turned-local-rulers and the
indigenous nobility, though not frequent, did take place from time to time. There were long,
almost continuous periods of ferment when India reacted to these new situations subcon-
sciously, absorbing the new foreign elements into itself, and herself changing in the process.
These influences percolated all aspects of culture including language, religion, and traditions,
and resulted in a situation where the different groups coexisted in mutual harmony despite the
differences of language and religion.

Caste System

One of the most widely known and commented upon features of Indian society is the caste
system. The origin of this particular usage of the term caste is traced by Basham (1954/1967)
to the 16th century when the Portuguese came to India and “found the Hindu community
divided into many separate groups which they [the Portuguese] called castas, meaning tribes,
clans or families” (p. 149). The well-known four fold classification—Brahmins, Kshatriyas,
Vaisyas, and Sudras—in descending order of social status, is believed to have been first enun-
ciated by the ancient law giver Manu some time in the Vedic period (1500–1000 BC). These
four are the varnas, aggregated macro groupings, which were further divided into a myriad
castes and subcastes. Each varna, caste, and subcaste had an internal hierarchical social order.
The distinctions between adjacent hierarchical levels both between and within a varna, caste,
and subcaste were somewhat blurred, particularly at the boundaries.
Caste is often “defined as a system of groups within the class which are normally endog-
amous (marriage being legitimate only within the group), commensal (food to be received
from and eaten only in the presence of members of the same or higher group), and craft-
exclusive (each man to live by the trade or profession of his own group, and not take up that
of another)” (Basham, 1954/1967, p. 149). Though the origins and rationale of the caste sys-
tem are obscure, it gradually evolved into a social as well as economic structuring of society.
Originally a feature of Hindu society, the influence of caste often transcended religion, and
most non-Hindu religions in India developed their own versions of something like a caste sys-
tem. Though it is the maladies of the caste system that attract the most comment today, there
is also a view that maintains that the caste system served a useful purpose in society. It is
claimed that the system provided “economic security in spite of obvious inequalities; and this
security was guaranteed both by law and by custom” (Bose, 1967, p. 221).
The complementary noncompetitiveness was not confined to occupations; it also extended
to the use of natural resources. Some recent analyses and interpretations of the workings of
traditional Indian villages maintain that these were sustainable societies consisting of various
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 975

castes. Each caste was dependent on a different component of the natural resource base for
their primary economic activity. “Caste groups tended to pursue a relatively specialized and
hereditary mode of subsistence. With their overlapping distributions and occupational spe-
cializations, the different caste groups were linked together in a web of mutually supportive
relationships. This is not to say that caste society was at all egalitarian. It was in fact a
sharply stratified society” (Gadgil & Guha, 1992, p. 93).
Though most descriptions portray the caste system as a rigid hierarchy, its actual practice
appeared to have had at least some scope for changes. Basham (1954/1967) maintains that
“castes rise and fall in the social scale, and old castes die out and new ones are formed”
(p. 149). Srinivas (1966) referred to the concept of “sanskritisation” to denote attempts of
lower castes to raise their status in society. The continued, though dynamic, existence of the
caste system is one of the major sources of the high power distance index for India found in
Hofstede’s (1980) studies.
The caste system, being the basis of social and economic structuring of society, has obvi-
ously influenced the practice of leadership in India over the centuries. The ability to lead in
wars with other states being a major requirement to defend a state, warrior-kings belonging
to the martial group, Kshatriya, were very common. The kings were however often guided by
the high priest, who belonged to the highest group, Brahmin, and had an exalted position in
the king’s court. Business, trading, and commerce, not being considered very noble activities,
were left to the third level, Vaisya. These patterns of leadership continued until very recently,
and can be seen in operation even today. A lot of social and political leaders have been from
the so-called higher castes, whereas a number of business leaders continue to be from the
lower castes. There has however been a distinct though gradual shift in political leadership
with more leaders from the lower castes emerging, possibly as a result of the universal fran-
chise system introduced since independence.

The Current Situation

The evolution of Indian society and culture has continued its course along with the march of
time. The current situation is captured well by the People of India, a large-scale ethnographic
project undertaken by the Anthropological Survey of India from 1985 to 1992 (Singh, 1992).
It was found that “caste has weakened to some extent in recent years in terms of its adherence
to hereditary occupation and norms of purity and pollution. It has also acquired new strength
in a political sense as a constituency and as a vote bank” (p. 24).
The survey found that about 75% of the 4635 communities studied followed Hinduism,
12% followed Islam, 7% Christianity, 2.5% Sikhism; 2% each, Jainism and Buddhism; and
about 0.2% for both Judaism and Zoroastrianism. An interesting finding was that as many as
393 communities comprised followers of two religions, and 16 had followers of as many as
three religions. Linguistically, the survey identified a total of 325 languages belonging to 12
different language families. Apart from the languages, 24 different scripts were found to
be in use. The incidence of bilingualism was found to be as high as 65.51% in terms of the
number of communities.
The change in the rigidity and influence of the caste system also continues. The emerging
national identity seems to coexist with the castes and communities acquiring clearly identifi-
able political identities:

Social progress since independence has served to heighten the awareness of cultural pluralism. …
There is an all pervasive sense of “Indianness” often elusive and indefinable but ever present as
noted by colonial ethnographers. Risely, for example, in 1891 spoke of an “equally mysterious
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976 CHHOKAR

thing called national character” and that “beneath the manifold diversity of physical and social
type, language, custom and religion there is an Indian character, a general Indian personality
which we cannot resolve into its component elements” (Singh, 1992, pp. 102–104).

The ferment in Indian society continues. With universal adult suffrage adopted as part of the
Constitution of the Republic in 1950, the general populace has gradually come to realize the
power of their franchise. This has led to a political awareness that differs from the political
movement to end colonial rule. The Constitution also put in place a program for the uplift of
the depressed sections of society by way of quotas and reservations for certain groups in
employment, education, and so on. This affirmative action program, according to the
Constitution, was originally meant for certain exceptionally disadvantaged groups and was to
be in place for 10 years, which was considered an adequate length of time to bring them into
the mainstream. It has subsequently been expanded to cover more groups, and has also been
extended from time to time—almost indefinitely. There have been attempts by several
communities to get into these special categories that get preferential treatment, prompting
some social commentators to refer to the phenomenon as “de-sanskritisation.” These devel-
opments have led to a much more acute desire for equality, social as well as economic, on the
part of large sections of society. It has also resulted in the emergence of several political for-
mations whose ideology is essentially based on what is referred to as “social justice.” The
entire system is thus embroiled in an intense and broad-based struggle with multiple stake-
holders and contestants who are forever increasing in numbers and hence resulting in the
formation of new groups.
Yet another struggle is at the religious and cultural levels, broadly coinciding with the
resurgence of strong religious beliefs elsewhere in the world (e.g., Islam, Christianity, etc).
Also in India there has been a resurgence of some strong beliefs in Hinduism, once described
as a very broad-based, tolerant, and resilient faith (Basham, 1954/1967, p. 347). In Nehru’s
words, “Hinduism as a faith, is vague, amorphous, many sided, all things to all men. It is
hardly possible to define it, or indeed to say definitely whether it is a religion or not, in the
usual sense of the word. In its present form, and even in the past, it embraces many beliefs
and practices, from the highest to the lowest, often opposed to or contradicting each other. Its
essential spirit seems to be to live and let live” (Nehru, 1985, p. 75). Being so amorphous,
Hinduism allows itself to varying and differing interpretations. Some political groupings have
chosen Hinduism as a platform that they feel would help them attain political power.
Coinciding with religious resurgence elsewhere in the world, as suggested by changes in Iran,
Bosnia- Herzegovina, and the United States, it has also become an important and potentially
contentious social and political issue in recent times.
Liberalization and restructuring of the economy has also been a major influence in recent
years with particular emphasis on business and industry in India. India had been more or less
a centrally planned economic system for almost four decades since its independence in 1947.
Though there was a fairly well-developed and strong private sector, the overall economy was
controlled and regulated by the government. Though some initial and tentative steps toward
easing of controls were taken in the mid-1980s, a major exercise in restructuring and liberal-
ization of the economy was undertaken from 1991 onward. Far-reaching changes in the
economic environment have taken place in the last few years. Globalization is becoming an
often-used expression. It is significant that broad economic policies have continued without
any serious disturbance despite frequent changes in the government with political parties of
different ideologies being in power.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 977

Another feature of Indian society in the recent past has been the growth of materialism. In
some ways it is also linked with economic liberalization and restructuring, and the informa-
tion explosion resulting from the increasing spread of electronic mass media, particularly
television. The rise of materialism coupled with a desire to get rich quickly has blurred the
distinction between ends and means, resulting in fairly large-scale and deep-seated corrup-
tion. It has not been confined only to the lower levels of government officials but has also
spread to almost the entire political system (Walsh, 1996).
The disillusionment with corruption in high places is somewhat counterbalanced by the judi-
ciary, which has, over the last few years, become quite proactive. India has the fairly standard
system of the three organs of the state—the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary—each
being independent of one another as a system of checks and balances. The judiciary, for most
of the time, had been a conservative, reactive, and sedate upholder of the law and interpreter of
the statutes and the Constitution. Over the last few years, with the general populace losing con-
fidence in the executive, particularly the bureaucracy, and becoming clearly disenchanted with
the political class, the judiciary seems to have taken on its role much more actively. “Public
interest litigation” in which concerned citizens file suits in court on matters of public and social
interest, although they may not be affected by it individually, has become quite common. In
some major and sensitive cases, the courts monitor the progress of investigations by decreeing
that the investigating agencies report to them periodically, at specified intervals.
A major change is also under way concerning the political governance in the country. For
almost 35 years since independence, the ruling party at the central government and in most state
governments was the Indian National Congress, which had also been at the forefront of the inde-
pendence movement. Some of the states had been governed by non-Congress parties for varying
durations, and there were two short-lived attempts at a non-Congress government at the center.
In the last 5 to 7 years however, a majority of states have voted non-Congress parties to power,
and there is currently a coalition of 13 non-Congress parties in power at the center. Another dis-
tinguishing feature is that a number of parties in power in the states are regional in character, sev-
eral confined solely to their respective states. Some of these regional parties also play significant
roles in the coalition government at the center. The era of strong national parties and single-party
governments at the center and in the states seems to be giving way to a system of strong regional
parties that work together for mutual benefit at the national level. The political governance sys-
tem thus seems to be moving from a unitary to a truly federal one.
All of the aforementioned developments are taking place against a general backdrop of
increasing urbanization, gradual breakdown of the traditional rigidities of the caste system
particularly in urban areas, increasing spread of literacy and education,3 and above all, rising
levels of awareness and expectations. The situation in India therefore appears to be one of
“sharing of environment and ethos by communities and of their vibrant participation in polit-
ical and economic processes and ritual roles [and] a sense of harmony … in spite of conflicts
and contradictions” (Singh, 1992, pp. 100–101). This situation suggests that India is likely to
score high on the GLOBE societal collectivism dimension.
One of the leading social commentators, reviewing the developments in India as
it approached the completion of 50 years of independence, described India to be a “major

3
“Nationwide, literacy is 52 percent, compared with 24 percent three decades ago. More than a third of the coun-
try’s lower-caste people were literate in 1991, up from 10 percent in 1961” (Spaeth, 1996, p. 44).
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978 CHHOKAR

socio-historical entity representing one idea of one civil society that is composed of a small
set of closely interrelated attributes. One large unity composed of diverse yet co-terminating
pluralities” (Kothari, 1997, p. 7). He identified the following three major forces that have
strongly influenced India over time and whose interactions have got “deeper and sharper [as]
the Indian cultural landscape took a more political thrust”:

(i) a hierarchical social order through which infinite ambiguities have been at once tolerated and
regulated, (ii) a multi-cultural framework of governance which has restrained hegemonical
and “majoritarian” tendencies, and (iii) a highly flexible ethical code through which constant and
continuing contradictions, clash of personalities, major paradoxes in elite behavior as well as
instances of humiliation, acrimony and hypocritical behavior in the conduct of public affairs are
managed. (Kothari, 1997, p. 7)

GLOBE Dimensions of Societal Culture

Given this kind of a background in society and culture, how may India be expected to show
up on the core GLOBE dimensions of societal culture? This is a tricky question given the
diversity and complexity of Indian culture and the transition it seems to be going through.
Nonetheless some assessments follow. Collectivism, Humane Orientation, and Power
Distance can be expected to be relatively high. Gender Egalitarianism is likely to be low
because India continues to be a male-dominated society, like many others in spite of all sorts
of laws and reforms that have been initiated from time to time. A high tolerance for uncer-
tainty can be expected; hence low values of Uncertainty Avoidance. On similar lines, one may
expect high Future Orientation. Both of these are based on the general long-term and even
“hereafter” approach that is not too uncommon. Performance Orientation is more difficult to
comment on and perhaps an expectation of moderate Performance Orientation is the most
reasonable. This is in some way influenced by the teachings of what has been called “the most
famous ethical text of ancient India, the Bhagvad Gita.” The essence of the teachings “is
summed up in the maxim ‘your business is with the deed, and not the result.’” The general
philosophy is that:

In every circumstances there are actions which are intrinsically right (and) the right course must
be chosen according to the circumstances, without any considerations of personal interest or
sentiment. … The inspiration of the Bhagvad Gita has been widely felt in India from the time of
the Guptas to the present day, and it has been commended by Christians and Muslims, as well as
by Hindus, whose most influential scripture it is. (Basham, 1954/1967, pp. 344–345)

It enjoins people to do their duty without thinking about or expecting the outcome or results.

2. LEADERSHIP IN INDIA

Leadership is a very popular issue in India. It is, or at least leaders are, a very common topic
of discussion among people from all sections of Indian society. Whereas discussions about
political leadership are possibly the most common, often with a certain amount of disdain,
cynicism, and even disgust, leaders in other areas such as the captain of the Indian cricket
team, and owners, founders, chief executives of leading business houses, are also discussed
often. The importance of leadership is also attested to by the fact that statues of a variety of
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 979

leaders—political, social, and religious—are erected all over, from big cities to small towns.
A large number of public-service institutions such as hospitals, schools, colleges, and airports
are named after leaders. Portraits of historical and religious leaders are often voluntarily dis-
played in public places such as shops, cafes, and offices.
India has obviously produced a large number and a wide variety of leaders over the
centuries, and several of them have been very popular. The range of effective leadership can
be illustrated by four examples, those of Chandragupta Maurya, Ashoka, Akbar, and Gandhi.
Chandragupta Maurya ruled for 24 years around 320 BC and has been described as the chief
architect of the greatest of India’s ancient empires (Basham, 1954/1967). He was a warrior-
king who consolidated several smaller states into one large kingdom. He was the beneficiary
of the advice from Chanakya (also known as Kautilya) who is believed to be the author of
Arthasastra, a treatise on statecraft and governance. Chandragupta therefore was also very
skillful at political manipulation. Ashoka, whose reign began around 269 BC, ruled as a tyrant
for the first 8 years, which culminated in the conquest of Kalinga in which more than 100,000
people were believed to have been killed and over 150,000 captured. Ashoka then had a
change of heart and became a pacifist. This is found in many of his “own inscriptions which
are the oldest surviving Indian written documents of any historical significance … [consist-
ing] of a series of edicts engraved in a very similar form on rocks and pillars at widely scat-
tered points all over India” (Basham, 1954/1967, p. 53). These show Ashoka to be a
benevolent king who introduced humanity in to his internal administration and abandoned
aggressive warfare in his dealings with other states. He also strongly supported the doctrine
of ahimsa, meaning nonviolence and noninjury to humans as well as animals, which was used
very effectively centuries later by Gandhi in the Indian struggle for independence from the
British rule. After his first 8 years, Ashoka became a prime example of a philosopher-king, an
example that in a way was later repeated in modern India when Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, a
scholar and professor of philosophy, was elected as the president of India in 1962.
The third example of historically effective leadership is that of Akbar (1555–1606), who
was one of the Mughal Emperors. He seemed to have understood the complexity of Indian
society and polity, and realized that tolerance of differences in religion, language, social
customs, and so forth, was essential for the empire to survive. He abolished all preferences
and discriminations based on religion, appointing people to high state offices with disregard
to their religious beliefs, and encouraged intercommunal marriages by setting an example
himself. He even tried to propagate a new integrative religion, Din-e-Illahi, which attempted
to combine the best of all existing religions in India at that time. Akbar could thus be consid-
ered an enlightened pragmatic ruler.
The last example is that of Gandhi, who symbolized a unique style of leadership that
converted materialistic weaknesses into spiritual and political strengths. Starting his profes-
sional life as a barrister, trained in Britain, and evolving into something like a self-sacrificing
saint, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi4 was without doubt the most important leader of the
20th century who shaped the destiny of modern India. He is referred to as the “Father of the
Nation” due to his signal contribution to the Indian freedom movement against the British
rule. His approach consisting of nonviolent struggle and civil disobedience, which had its
beginnings during his stay in South Africa, had a profound impact on the course of the Indian
freedom struggle. His concept of Satyagraha (literal translation meaning “insistence on
truth”) has found a permanent place in the industrial relations scenario in India as a common

4
Popularly almost universally called Mahatma Gandhi, Mahatma meaning the great soul.
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980 CHHOKAR

method of protest by unions and dissatisfied employees. It often takes the form of the employees
sitting down and refusing to move unless their demands are met or satisfactory negotiations
are concluded. Gandhi’s statues are found in almost all cities and towns, roads and public
buildings are often named after him, his birthday is observed as a national holiday, and his
philosophy and teachings are invoked on numerous public occasions, though very little of it
is followed in practice. It is not easy to label Gandhi’s leadership style but charismatic, inspi-
rational, visionary, and value based come closest to capturing the essence of his impact on
the multitude of his followers.
Other important leaders of the 20th century were all those who contributed to the freedom
struggle. Although there is almost a pantheon of these, two stand out: Jawaharlal Nehru and
Vallabhbhai Patel. Nehru was the prime minister of the country for the first 17 years of its
independent existence, until his death in 1963. He is credited with creating the industrial and
technical infrastructure that India today has in terms of basic industries, though his economic
policies of a planned economy have become a matter of debate over the last few years.
Vallabhbhai Patel, often referred to as the Iron Man of India, was the minister for home affairs
in the government of independent India. He was reputed to be a very able and strong admin-
istrator. He is credited with bringing about the merger of all the “princely” states with the
Union of India, thus making the geographic expanse of India into a single political entity.
Though both Nehru and Patel were extremely close to Gandhi, it is believed that Gandhi
chose Nehru as his successor. It is widely speculated that independent India may have evolved
into a very different kind of country had the practical and action-oriented administrator, Patel,
been chosen by Gandhi instead of the romantic intellectual and visionary, Nehru, with his
belief in Fabian socialism.5
It is interesting, as well as curious, that in spite of such widespread interest in leaders,
rigorous academic research studies have been lacking. A review of research by Sinha (1994)
identified two broad streams of leadership studies. One of these streams dealt with the
personal characteristics and traits, distinguishing leaders from nonleaders, and did not yield
any theoretical formulation. The other dealt directly with effective leadership styles that
reflected a mixture of concern for task, for turbulent environment, and for the cultural needs
and values. Culturally specific phenomena such as personalized and dependency relationship,
power distance, care, consideration, and familial attachment were all found to affect leader-
ship practices.
Whereas there is a dearth of rigorous research-based writing, there is a plethora of writing on
leadership in the popular press. Political leadership is of course the most common topic for such
writings. The writings cover a wide spectrum—from profiles and lives of political leaders, to
serious conceptual issues such as the implications of the waning of charisma for democratic
politics (Beteille, 1996). There is also a lot written on and about business, religious, and social
leaders. Most of the writing on religious and social leaders is done by their followers, sects, or
cults, but business leaders are written about by a wide cross-section of people (e.g., Karkaria,
1992; Lomax, 1986; Piramal, 1996). The business press also often writes about various aspects
of leadership such as leadership training (Jayakar & Parthasarathy, 1996), and requirement of
leadership for the emerging business environment (Jayakar, 1996).
Political leadership in India has become highly discredited over the last few years.
Expedience, self-serving actions, use of caste, community, corruption, and religion for political

5
A tremendous amount of writing is available on and by Gandhi, and also about Nehru albeit to a somewhat lesser
extent. Two representative references about Patel are Shankar (1974) and Gandhi (1990).
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 981

and vote-gathering purposes, all are commonplace. It has been described as “a brazen-faced
game of power, competitive in all its pejorative connotations … [with] commercialization and
criminalization of politics and its caste and class based in-breeding [leading to] manipulation
of mass psyche, blatant communalization and misdirection on the basis of narrow, partisan
identities” (Kabra, 1994, p. 285). There is a general disenchantment with political leaders and
a hankering for what it was like in the past. “We had wonderful leaders, people who had
sacrificed everything for their country” recalls P. N. Bhagwati, who was chief justice of the
Supreme Court in the mid-1980s (Time, 1996, p. 36).
Leadership of business organizations is however somewhat different. There are big business
houses whose founders, and even some of their successors, are often looked up to with admira-
tion, adulation, and respect. The House of Tatas is one such example whose founder Jamsetji
Nusserwanji Tata, and later his successor JRD Tata, have both been admired (Fyzee, 1991; Harris,
1958). The business press writes about leaders, leadership, and related issues quite
frequently. A recent feature titled “How to Use the New Leadership to Run Your Company” in
one of the business magazines, based on interviews with leaders from some prominent business
organizations, proposed five “leadership qualities and behaviors that the CEO of the futurcorp
must demonstrate.” These were leading by vision, by inspiration, by influence, by empowerment,
and by expertise. The feature concluded that currently the situation in India is one whereby a
business leader needed to “inspire highly-empowered employees to greater heights. … Set orga-
nizational goals more audacious than ever thought possible. … Lead his people to fulfilling those
ambitions by convincing them of the need for doing so. Greatness, not efficiency, is his guiding
passion” (Jayakar, 1996, p. 82). Extracts from some of the interviews are given in Appendix B.

3. METHODOLOGY OF GLOBE RESEARCH IN INDIA

The GLOBE research in India consisted of focus groups, interviews, media analysis, literature
review, participant and unobtrusive observation, and questionnaire-based data collection. Three
focus groups were conducted, two in India, one in the United States. Of the two in India, one was
carried out with nine managers from the Indian subsidiary of an American company. This
company was very close to the private sector, the free-market end of the continuum of Indian
economy. All of the nine participants worked at a manufacturing plant located in western India.
The second focus group in India had eight participants; all were managers of a very large bank
owned and operated by the government. This bank came very close to the public sector–
controlled economy end of the Indian economy. Although the bank operated all over the country
and its managers could be located anywhere, participants in the focus group had only been situ-
ated in one of the states in western India. The work experience of the participants in these two
focus groups ranged from 8 to 32 years with a mean of 18.26 years, and they belonged to differ-
ent levels of middle management. Participants in both the focus groups in India were given a
preparatory assignment prior to the focus group. The assignment is shown in Appendix C.
The focus group conducted in the United States had nine participants, all of whom had
work experience in India ranging from 1 to 8 years with a mean of 3.2 years. All of the
participants were engaged in graduate studies in the United States at the time of the focus
group. Four participants had worked in public-sector organizations, four in the government,
and one in a private-sector firm.6

6
The focus group in the United States was conducted by Rabi Bhagat.
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982 CHHOKAR

Two types of interviews were conducted. Semistructured interviews were carried out with
15 managers (8 from the manufacturing plant and 7 from the bank) who had participated in
the two focus groups in India. These interviewees, though belonging to different states, had
spent a major portion, if not all, of their working lives in the same state in western India. The
duration of these interviews ranged from 45 minutes to 1½ hours. These interviews were
semistructured in the sense that though the interviewer had a list of questions to be asked,
these were only possible and guiding questions, the later ones being open-ended questions.
The interviews were thus essentially free-flowing in which the interviewees were actually
encouraged to express themselves freely. Some of the guiding questions used in the inter-
views are given in Appendix D.
Interviews in the second set were almost completely unstructured and free-form. These
were conducted with three middle managers from a financial services firm. This firm had a
network of offices and branches all over the country. All three interviewees worked at the cor-
porate office and their work experience ranged from 3 to 8 years. One of the three was a
woman. The interviewees belonged to different parts of the country; one was from a western
state, one from a state in the northwest of India, and one from the south. The duration of these
interviews varied from 1½ to 2½ hours. The interviews began with a brief description of the
project and the interviewees were asked to describe their perception and understanding of
leadership. Some of the opening comments by the interviewer were as follows:

What, in your opinion, is leadership? What is a leader? What makes a good leader? What do you
think are different types of leaders? Why are some good, why are some not so good? … It is a
free-flowing thing—trying to capture your concept and understanding of leadership in all its
essence, in all its diversions, in all its components. … Please give me your spontaneous views—
but in as much detail as possible.

After the opening remarks, the interviewees expressed themselves as unhindered and the inter-
viewer did not interfere except either to request clarification, or elaboration, or to ask a question
when the interviewee seemed to come to the end of the description of an idea, an incident, or a
concept. The three interviews were audiotaped and were subsequently transcribed. The tran-
scriptions were content analyzed and the conclusions were shared with the interviewees in a
follow-up discussion. The interviewees were asked for their reactions to the results of the con-
tent analysis of the transcripts. These discussions lasted for about half an hour with each inter-
viewee. The interviewees agreed with most of the findings and did not suggest any significant
changes in what had been inferred from the analysis as their view of leadership.
Media analysis was done by reviewing the contents of two daily newspapers, one general
(The Times of India) and one business (The Economic Times) for two periods of two weeks
each, with a gap of one month in between; and two news magazines, one general (India
Today) and one business (Business India), two issues of each, with a gap of 1 month in
between. The circulation figures for these four publications are given in the accompanying
Table 27.1. The Times of India had the highest circulation among all the daily newspapers,
and The Economic Times had the highest circulation among all the business, economic, and
financial newspapers.
All reports that had anything to do with or referred even parenthetically to leadership were
marked and extracted for analysis. These were then content analyzed with the objective of
developing an understanding of leadership as it is viewed by society. Obviously this emergent
view of leadership in society was to some extent influenced by the editorial slant of these four
publications.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 983

TABLE 27.1
Newspaper Circulation Rates

Newspaper Circulation

The Times of India 1,074,000

The Economic Times 372,000
India Today 407,000
Business India 97,572
Note. From Audit Bureau of Circulations, New Delhi (July to December 1996).

Content analyses of the interviews and media reports were done by a research associate
following guidelines contained within GLOBE documents authored by Agar (n.d.) and
Thomas (n.d.). Findings of the analyses by the research associate were reviewed and cross-
checked by the author. Participant and unobtrusive observations were made by some of the
researchers involved in the project, and three other individuals who were considered informed
and knowledgeable. These participants responded to a pool of items that could be observed
by people who were part of the society.
The quantitative data were collected from a total of 214 middle-managerial respondents
belonging to 10 organizations in two industries, financial services and food processing, with
113 and 101 respondents respectively. (Brief notes on these two industries are in Appendices
E and F). There were five organizations in each industry. Six of the organizations were in the
private sector and four were in the public sector. Seven were located in the western part of the
country, two in the north, and one in the south. The number of respondents per organization
varied from 10 to 44. Woman accounted for 30 out of the total 214 respondents. The average
age of the respondents was 38.36 years, ranging from 21 to 63 years.

4. RESULTS

The results of the qualitative analyses are presented first, followed by those of the quantita-
tive data.

Qualitative Analysis

Focus Group and Semistructured Interviews

All participants in the focus groups and all the interviewees almost unanimously saw lead-
ership and management to be different. A large majority felt that leadership was a broader and
somewhat “higher level” function than that of management.
The most common descriptions of leadership included having a vision, and a clear and
broad direction and goal or objective. Leaders were expected to carry people with them,
inspire individuals, and get them to do near impossible things. Effective communications and
risk taking were considered important components of leadership. Leaders were also described
as “knowing the pulse of the people,” “finding out how people’s minds tick and making it hap-
pen that way,” having an intuitive understanding of people, caring—almost like a parent or “a
king in the old days,” being “natural,” courageous, and innovative. They were also expected
to develop the trust and loyalty of the followers and command their respect without having to
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984 CHHOKAR

ask for it, to set an example through their behaviors and actions, and to practice what they
preached. Demonstrated capacity to solve problems, being high on integrity, ability to get an
active consensus from a core group, and maintaining a network of contacts and connections
were some of the other characteristics of outstanding leaders.
Most participants considered political leaders to be different from business leaders.
Political leaders were considered to be more self-serving, clever, and exploitative, whereas
business leaders were normally considered to be visionaries and charismatic, particularly
within the context of their business organizations. Some truly exceptional business leaders
were felt to have transcended the boundaries of their organizations and become leaders in
society at large.
The definitions of leadership that emerged were “steering a group of people to contribute
willingly towards a vision” and the “ability to get people to work willingly and enthusiastically
towards one’s own and organizational goals and priorities.” A minority definition was “getting
the job done through people.” This rather small proportion of respondents felt that leadership
was one of the components of management and that this component was confined to people
or the human element of management. They, unlike the majority, thought leadership to be a
narrower function than management.

Outstanding Leadership. When asked to cite critical incidents to illustrate outstanding

leadership, participants referred to unusual and almost dramatic behaviors such as Gandhi
going on a fast to stop communal riots during India’s partition and independence in 1947, and
the chief executive of an organization making a decision, which he was apparently not autho-
rized to make, publicly and on the spur of the moment, and sticking to it later. Outstanding
leaders were thus expected to do things that were unusual, path breaking, and considered wor-
thy, noble, innovative; and having done such things, were expected to stand by them and carry
them through. Inspiring people, and being (a) a change agent and challenging the status quo,
and (b) a visionary, were considered integral to being an outstanding leader. Perseverance,
dedication, charisma, empathy, valuing people as individuals and as human beings and not
only as followers or employees, capacity to spot the right people, high personal output, and
going beyond the normal, were other characteristics of outstanding leaders. Courage,
integrity, and self-confidence were considered to be the basic requirements for outstanding
leadership.
Actions of leaders which significantly increased the motivation and commitment of the
participants and made them “go above and beyond the call of duty” included (a) giving recog-
nition for a job well done and for doing something that was not in the normal range of their
responsibilities, (b) providing a sense of achievement to followers, (c) encouraging new,
unusual initiatives, (d) reposing faith and confidence in followers, and giving them freedom,
(e) involving followers in areas of work not directly related to them, and (f) taking personal
care of the well-being of followers.

Leadership Style. There were two broad conclusions. One, outstanding leaders have to
be flexible in their behaviors and have to display a complex mixture of leadership styles
depending on the situations they face. Two, there appeared to be general support and prefer-
ence for proactive, morally principled and ideological, and bold and assertive styles of lead-
ership as compared to reactive, pragmatic, and instrumental, and quiet and nurturing styles,
respectively. Some participants felt that although expediency was acceptable, it had to be con-
fined within certain limits saying “though achieving the end is what a leader is judged on,
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 985

means are also important.” An overwhelming majority, however, maintained that ideological
and moral commitment is essential for outstanding leadership. The greatest flexibility
appeared to be expected and accepted on the bold/assertive and quiet/nurturing dimensions.

Obstacles and Constraints Faced by Outstanding Leaders. Two broad obstacles men-
tioned by respondents related to people (followers) not wanting to take responsibility, and
communication problems and barriers. Leaders dealt with these by setting a personal exam-
ple, and by clarifying the message and objective. Most respondents, however, felt that obsta-
cles and constraints, though ubiquitous, do not really affect an outstanding leader. A common
refrain was that obstacles and constraints can always be overcome if the leader is on high
moral ground. One of the respondents said, “It is the mind-set which is more important.”
Another way to deal with obstacles and constraints was to “change people’s perceptions of
the constraints and obstacles, and to modify people’s limits of compromise.”

Role Models and Status. Leaders are expected to be role models of values such as right-
eousness, dynamism, and innovation. Leadership is considered as not only desirable but nec-
essary and even admirable. Leaders usually have high status and are generally looked up to
and respected.
However, not all individuals in positions of authority are considered to be leaders in the
real or strict sense. Current political leaders are an interesting example. They are specifically
referred to as “political” leaders because of their present positions or because they have made
political activity or politics as their profession. They also have a somewhat high status and are
given importance because they happen to be part of the political establishment and can be
instrumental in getting things done in a society such as India where there is considerable
political meddling in almost all walks of life.
However, they are generally not considered to be good role models and do not evoke real
respect and admiration. Interestingly, out of the 19 people mentioned as examples of out-
standing leadership during the focus groups and interviews, only 4 were political leaders.
Three of these four belonged to an earlier generation that was involved in India’s freedom
struggle in the 1940s, and one was India’s prime minister from the early 1970s to mid-1980s.
The latter died in 1984 and, therefore, may not really qualify as a contemporary political
leader. Contemporary political leadership, thus, occupies a somewhat enigmatic position in
Indian society—more like a necessary evil.
The remaining individuals mentioned as examples of outstanding leaders included 10
business and industry leaders, 3 social workers (including 2 environmentalists), 1 army gen-
eral, and 1 spiritual-cum-religious leader. The complete list of these 19 individuals is in
Appendix G. Most of these 19 are very well known although a couple of names are less
familiar. These were senior managers in the organizations for which some of the participants
worked.
The attributes of a normally effective manager, an above-average manager, and an out-
standing leader, as listed by the participants in the two focus groups conducted in India, are
given in Table 27.2.
In addition to what is mentioned in Appendix C, participants from both of the focus groups
in India were asked to choose a country other than India, and compare the characteristics of
managers in that country with those of managers in India. Participants in both the
focus groups chose the United States for this comparison. The results of this are contained in
Table 27.3.
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986 CHHOKAR

TABLE 27.2
Findings of Focus Groups Conducted in India

Outstanding Manager in
(addition to “above average”
Normally Effective Manager Above-Average Manager manager)

Getting things done on time Getting things done on time, Inspiring people to unusual
with fewer resources dedication and strong
commitment
Carry out given work Demanding from his or her Visionary, Future oriented
Maintenance function, peoples, Inspires people; hard task Imaginative, creative,
motivates people master, if situation demands innovative; always works with
and leads the team
Uses power and fear Will carve out little bit extra Inspires confidence, not only
work; over & above given work below but also above the
line/hierarchy
Just about manages to do what Creative, above maintenance Looks for new opportunities,
is set out for him or her untrodden paths
Goal set by the organization is Creates atmosphere to make work Charismatic
the ultimate, nothing itself motivating
beyond that
Routine worker-type Uses love and willingness Good communicator
Generally less often, to lesser Thinks beyond his or her area Vision more expanded, going
extent the characteristics of of immediate responsibility beyond the commonly under
above-average manager stood boundary of
organizations, society, etc.
Attaches a lot of value to work, Getting people to do something
also to people that most others have not been
able to do
Greater delegation, selective Rises to the occasion
monitoring
Gets involved in things outside Looks at things in totality, macro
the work environment view, overall picture
Flexibility of behaviors Quick grasping power
Concerned about development Pushing boundaries beyond what
of his or her people is considered possible
Practices what he or she
preaches
Courage to take larger or greater
risk
Fast response
Also builds the team
Translating vision into mission
Trust of followers
Motivator
Empathy
Carrying people with him or her
Human element (humane)
Deductive, decisive
Conceptual abilities
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 987

TABLE 27.3
Comparison of Indian and American Managers in Focus Groups Conducted in India

Indian Managers American Managers

• Somewhat lackadaisical and indifferent • Task oriented

• More relationship oriented • Impersonal
• Somewhat knowledgeable in several areas/fields • Tend to be specialized but only in one area
• Long-term time horizon • Short-term time horizon (here and now,
at the most couple of years)
• Believe verbal statements • Don’t believe in verbal statements; require
documentary proof
• More trusting • Less trusting
• Emotion oriented • Fact oriented
• Efforts oriented • Result oriented
• Less demanding • More demanding
• Conservative, cautious • Generally less conservative
• Low risk taking • Higher risk taking
• “Hurting others is not good” • “Does not matter if others are hurt”
• Greater human touch (humane) • Materialistic, cold
• Formal • Informal
• Better equipped in terms of equipment &
facilities
• Better time managers

Media Analysis
The summarized findings of the media analysis are shown in Table 27.4. The characteris-
tic most frequently mentioned in the context of leadership and leaders is “change,” followed
by a somewhat distant second, “action.” The rankings of these two are identical in both time
periods, indicating consistency across time periods. Characteristics other than change and
action, which appeared consistently among the top 10 in both periods, were control, direction,
communication, culture, and charisma. Some statements illustrative of these characteristics
that appeared in media reports are given in Appendix H.
Leaders, according to media analysis, therefore are above all expected to be harbingers of
change, and action oriented. They should be able to exercise control and provide direction. The
ability to communicate effectively is also an important requirement. An interest in and a concern
for cultural values is also useful for effective leadership. Though charisma was among the top 10
in both time periods, its relatively low ranking is worth noting. A possible and partial explanation
may be that a large majority of media reports pertained to political leadership and the low ranking
of charisma may be a reflection of the low esteem of the current political leadership in society. The
even lower ranking of “vision,” which overall ranked 15, is also worth noting. It was ranked 17
and 11 in the two time periods. The explanation for this also could be similar to that for charisma.

Unstructured Interviews
The results of the content analysis of unstructured interviews are shown in Table 27.5. In
this case the top two characteristics of leaders are communication skills and vision, followed
by direction, action, change orientation, and charisma. Some illustrative statements made by
the interviewees about these characteristics are given in Appendix I.
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TABLE 27.4
Results of Media Analysis

Characteristics of Total First Period Second Period

Leadership
and Leaders Rank Freq. % Rank Freq. % Rank Freq. %

Change 1 103 27.76 1 46 27.06 1 57 28.36

Action 2 52 14.29 2 19 11.18 2 34 16.92
Control 3 24 6.47 3 16 9.41 5 8 3.98
Direction 4 22 5.93 4 15 8.82 7 7 3.48
Communication 5 19 5.12 9 7 4.12 3 12 5.97
Culture 6 18 4.85 10 6 3.53 3 12 5.97
Charisma 7 17 4.59 6 9 5.29 5 8 3.98
Objective 8 13 3.50 6 9 5.29 11 4 1.99
Energetic 9 11 2.96 8 8 4.71 15 3 1.49
Systematic 9 11 2.96 5 11 6.47 – – –
Image 11 9 2.43 12 3 1.76 8 6 2.99
Strategy 12 6 1.62 – 0 – 8 6 2.99
Caste 12 6 1.62 – 0 – 8 6 2.99
Autocratic 12 6 1.62 12 3 1.76 15 3 1.49
Commitment 15 5 1.35 11 4 2.35 23 1 0.50
Aggression 15 5 1.35 15 2 1.18 15 3 1.49
Role Model 15 5 1.35 17 1 0.59 11 4 1.99
Vision 15 5 1.35 17 1 0.59 11 4 1.99
Knowledge 19 4 1.08 17 1 0.59 15 3 1.49
Survival 19 4 1.08 12 3 1.76 23 1 0.50
Facilitate 19 4 1.08 – 2 – 11 4 1.99
Confident 19 4 1.08 15 1 1.18 20 2 1.00
Shrewd 23 3 0.81 17 – 0.59 20 2 1.00
Manipulative 23 3 0.81 – – – 15 3 1.49
Corruption 23 2 0.54 – – – 20 2 1.00
Ambition 26 1 0.27 – – – 23 1 0.50
Glamour 27 1 0.27 – – – 23 1 0.50
Optimistic 27 1 0.27 – – – 23 1 0.50
Accusation 27 1 0.27 – – – 23 1 0.50
Competition 27 1 0.27 – – – 23 1 0.50
Accommodate 27 1 0.27 – – – 23 1 0.50
Avoidance 27 1 0.27 17 1 0.59 – – –
Democratic 27 1 0.27 17 1 0.59 – – –
Responsibility 27 1 0.27 17 1 0.59 – – –
Total 371 100.3 170 10.00 201 100.4

Though the rankings of the media analysis and unstructured interviews do exhibit a gen-
eral and overall similarity, the differences in the ranking of specific characteristics may indi-
cate a subtle yet important difference. Unstructured interviews were conducted with middle
managers of a business organization and the importance given by them with regard to com-
munication, vision, and direction possibly reflects a view about business leadership, whereas
the media reports may reflect a general view somewhat more focused on political and social
leadership.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 989

TABLE 27.5
Content Analysis of Unstructured Interviews

Characteristics of Leaders Rank Frequency Percent

Communication Skills 1 12 16.00

Vision 2 9 12.00
Direction 3 6 8.00
Action 3 6 8.00
Change Orientation 3 6 8.00
Charisma 3 6 8.00
Understanding 3 6 8.00
Responsibility 8 4 5.33
Knowledge 9 3 4.00
Aggression 10 3 4.00
Strategy 11 2 2.67
Autocratic 11 2 2.67
Energy 13 1 1.33
Optimistic 13 1 1.33
Cultured 13 1 1.33
Dynamic 13 1 1.33
Systematic 13 1 1.33
Value-Driven 13 1 1.33
Entrepreneurial 13 1 1.33
Egoistical 13 1 1.33
Delegative 13 1 1.33
Broad-minded 13 1 1.33
Total 75 100

Summary of Qualitative Results

Combining the results of all the qualitative data, six characteristics seem to be most
strongly associated with effective leadership in India. Communication and direction are the
most important followed by vision, action orientation, charisma, and change.

Participant and Unobtrusive Observation

A summary of participant and unobtrusive observations pertaining to the core GLOBE
dimensions of societal culture is given next.

Performance Orientation. Most organizations of a medium to large size have formal per-
formance appraisal systems in place. It is, however, not uncommon for evaluators to avoid
giving poor performance ratings. Promotions are often based on a combination of perfor-
mance rating, seniority, and suitability. Society as a whole does recognize and respect indi-
vidual achievement. Several schools recognize scholastic performance through rewards.
Universities usually award medals to top-performing graduates. The government also confers
awards for achieving excellence in various fields including sports. Admissions to leading
undergraduate colleges are almost always based on the academic performance at the high
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school level. Entrepreneurship, traditionally confined to certain community groups, has in the
past few years started becoming more widespread; and entrepreneurs have started attracting
increasing social recognition.

Future Orientation. Historically and traditionally, Indian society has emphasized the
“hereafter” in preference to the “here and now,” and therefore has been generally future
oriented. The government also encourages future orientation by providing tax breaks on
savings. There is no state-funded social security system, but employers are required by law to
contribute to what is called a provident fund to provide postretirement benefits for employees.
Interest paid on housing loans is eligible for tax benefits. The concept of providing for the
“hereafter” at times extends to even providing for after death, with some people engaging in
actions, ceremonies, and rituals that they hope will improve their lot in their next lives
following the doctrine of karma. These sometimes take the form of contributions to charitable
and religious activities and institutions.

Gender Egalitarianism. India’s society continues to be male-dominated in spite of having

had a very strong woman prime minister (who was sometimes described as “the only man in
the cabinet”), who had one of the longest tenures in that position. The number of women in
the higher echelons of all professions is still minuscule. A large majority of women continue
to be homemakers and are expected to be so, in spite of making substantial contributions to
the income-generating activities of the family such as agriculture in rural areas. In urban areas
where more women work outside their homes, caring professions such as nursing and teaching
are considered more appropriate for women. There are no professions that women are legally
prevented from entering. India has women working as commercial pilots and as officers in the
Army, for example. Even when they work as professionals outside the home, responsibility for
housework and childrearing continues to rest almost solely with women.
A large majority of national and social heroes are men. The literacy rate for women is
lower than that for men. Traditionally it was considered preferable and sometimes even
necessary for a woman to bear male children for two reasons, dowry and continuing the
family lineage; and having female children was often considered undesirable. This situation
continues in some sections of society even today, though dowry is forbidden by law.
Polygamy is illegal except for some religious groups under certain conditions. Women were
excluded from entering some temples and from priesthood until very recently but legal action
has abolished these restrictions. There has been a substantial amount of legislation to reduce
gender differentiation, including the reservation of 33% of elected positions in the panchayats
(village councils) for women.

Humane Orientation. Accidents at work are required to be investigated and reported to

designated authorities. There are specific provisions in law for compensation for injuries arising
in the workplace. There is a law against begging but its implementation is very slack. There
are a few institutions, generally religious, that provide food for the homeless and the poor.
Adult and child prisoners are kept in separate facilities. There are special schools for handi-
capped people, but not all those with handicaps can take advantage of them. Organizations
are encouraged by the government to employ handicapped people. Cases of brutality and
torture by the police do happen but they also create uproar. The preferred mode of settling
personal disputes is conciliation or arbitration, as opposed to involving the police, partly due
to their reputation for not helping. Whenever an individual suffers a personal or family
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 991

tragedy, neighbors, friends, and acquaintances always offer and do provide help. Being altruistic
and charitable is also considered to help in improving one’s lot after life, and thus overlaps
with future orientation.

Power Distance. Indian society is quite structured and stratified. Two major contributors
to this are the centuries-old caste system and almost 200 years of British rule. The Indian
Civil Service, which the British used as a major instrument of governance, and an Indianized
version of which continues even today, was a very hierarchical and formal structure, and has
had a widespread impact on Indian organizations. Work titles are often displayed on doors.
Offices, office spaces, and privileges at work tend to reflect one’s status in the organization.
Eating places for workers and managers are often different. Social rights and privileges vary
with one’s status and are fairly clearly understood. There are “powerful” families in every vil-
lage, town, and city, and their power is generally accepted by most other residents. Certain
groups or classes of people are considered to be influential and they evoke respect from oth-
ers. Wealthier families tend to have full-time domestic help, often referred to as servants.
Families of political leaders often come to be considered to have higher status.

Collective Orientation. The family continues to be one of the basic units of Indian society.
Children are trained to first depend on, and subsequently support, the family. The concept of
“joint” or “extended” family where more than two generations live as part of one household,
which weakened for some time, seems to have acquired a new lease on life particularly in urban
areas. With an increasing number of women in cities working outside the home, grandparents are
now often considered a welcome resource for the child care that they provide because it is not
easily available otherwise. Unmarried adults usually live with parents, and the “joint family”
arrangement often continues even after the children get married. In some major cities, it also
happens as an economic necessity as affordable housing is often hard to find. In such joint house-
holds, a “common kitchen” is often a standard feature where meals for everyone are cooked and
eaten together. When friends and colleagues at work go out to eat, dishes are invariably shared.
It is quite common for older members of the family to arrange marriages for younger members,
even when the latter are professionally and economically independent. Help of family members
and friends is often sought, and provided, in dealing with personal problems and crises.

Uncertainty Avoidance. Attempts to reduce the unpredictability of future events are

quite common. There are specified age limits for voting and for holding public offices, and
there is a minimum age for marriage. Social customs and norms especially for major life
events such as birth, marriage, and death are quite well established and are widely followed,
though these vary depending on religious and social grouping. There is great stress on good
performance at school particularly among children of middle-class parents, at times resulting
in too much pressure on the children. Religious beliefs and practices arising out of them are
a major source of attempts to reduce uncertainty of the future.

Culture-Specific Manifestations of Indian Culture

Given the diversity and complexity of society and culture in India, it is not easy to find man-
ifestations of “Indian” culture that are (a) common to the entire country without exception and
(b) unique to the country insofar as these are not found in other countries. A few characteris-
tics, however, do stand out, though they are also found in several other countries whose soci-
eties may be termed as traditional and collectivist. Some of these are briefly described next.
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Rituals and Ceremonies. Rituals, ceremonies, and other similar practices are quite com-
mon in almost all walks of life. Initiation of major activities, such as starting a new business,
opening a new plant, date of marriage, and even swearing-in of cabinets, are often scheduled
around what are considered to be auspicious dates and times. There is a widespread interest
in astrology. Astrologers are often consulted not only to reveal what the future holds, but also
to determine the appropriate date and time to undertake important activities.

Concept of Time. There is a kind of ambivalence about time and punctuality. Whereas a
number of official and business activities do occur in a preset, though somewhat flexible time
frame, social activities and functions are often delayed. This ambivalence was attributed by a
Western observer to language when he discovered that the word for yesterday and tomorrow
in some Indian languages was the same (kal), and therefore it did not make a difference if a
meeting was held yesterday or tomorrow, for example. It was, however, explained to this
observer that whereas one particular day might be critical in a finite and limited concept of
time, it was not so in an unending continuum of time, which goes on even before and after
one’s present life. This was a possible reason as to why the need for two different separate
words for yesterday and tomorrow was not felt. This is in some ways similar to the different
concepts of time mentioned by Edward Hall (1976).

Family-Controlled and -Managed Business Organizations. Some of the largest business

organizations in India are controlled by the families of their founders. The families control the
management of these companies even though they own only a minority of common stock.
Some of the current prominent business families are the Tatas, Birlas, Ambanis, Mahindras,
and Shrirams. Such companies, or groups of companies, are usually headed by a member of
the family, often a son or grandson of the founder. Key positions in management are often
held by members of the “extended” family, which might include relatives by marriage, or by
close friends and confidants. A dilution of management control to professional managers,
who are not connected to the family, happens with generational changes and often becomes
substantial by the third generation after the founder.

Deference to Age and Status. In keeping with the traditional nature of the society and in
spite of being in transition, people of higher age and status are still often treated with respect
and deference. Seniority continues to have value in almost all types of organizations. It is
common for seniors to be addressed formally by their last name. Honorifics such as Mr., Mrs.,
Sir, and Madam, and their equivalents in Indian languages are widely used.

Quantitative Analyses

The results comparing India with other cultures are presented first, followed by somewhat
detailed results of confirmatory and exploratory factor analyses of leadership items.

Societal Culture “As Is” and “Should Be”

Table 27.6 contains India’s average scores for societal culture “As Is” and societal culture
“Should Be” based on the nine core GLOBE dimensions of societal culture. The table also
shows the ranking of India for each of the dimensions when compared against the other
61 countries that participated in Phase 2 of the GLOBE Research Program. Countries scoring
the highest and the lowest on each dimension are also identified along with their average scores.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 993

TABLE 27.6
Societal Culture “As Is” and “Should Be”

Societal Culture India Highest Lowest

“As Is” (Rank) (Country) (Country)

Assertiveness 3.73 4.80 3.38

(53) (Albania) (Sweden)
Institutional Collectivism 4.38 5.22 3.25
(Collectivism I) (25) (Sweden) (Greece)
In-Group Collectivism 5.92 6.36 3.53
(Collectivism II) (4) (Philippines) (Denmark)
Future Orientation 4.19 5.07 2.88
(15) (Singapore) (Russia)
Gender Egalitarianism 2.90 4.08 2.50
(55) (Hungary) (South Korea)
Humane Orientation 4.57 5.23 3.18
(9) (Zambia) (Germany)
Performance Orientation 4.25 4.94 3.20
(23) (Switzerland) (Greece)
Power Distance 5.47 5.80 3.89
(16) (Morocco) (Denmark)
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.15 5.37 2.88
(29) (Switzerland) (Russia)

Societal Culture India Highest Lowest

“Should Be” (Rank) (Country) (Country)

Assertiveness 4.76 5.56 2.66

(7) (Japan) (Turkey)
Institutional Collectivism 4.71 5.65 3.83
(Collectivism I) (32) (El Salvador) (Georgia)
In-Group Collectivism 5.32 6.52 4.94
(Collectivism II) (50) (El Salvador) (Switzerland)
Future Orientation 5.60 6.20 4.33
(29) (Thailand) (Denmark)
Gender Egalitarianism 4.51 5.17 3.18
(36) (England) (Egypt)
Humane Orientation 5.28 6.09 4.49
(44) (Nigeria) (New Zealand)
Performance Orientation 6.05 6.58 4.92
(26) (El Salvador) (S.Africa
Black Sample)
Power Distance 2.64 3.65 2.04
(38) (S.Africa (Colombia)
Black Sample)
Uncertainty Avoidance 4.73 5.61 3.16
(29) (Thailand) (Switzerland)

The highest rankings obtained by India for Society “As Is” are on In-Group Collectivism,
Humane Orientation, Future Orientation, and Power Distance. This is as would be expected
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994 CHHOKAR

from the description of the evolution of Indian culture in an earlier section of this chapter. The
contradiction in Indian society has been described as follows: “The conflict is between two
approaches to the problem of social organization, which are diametrically opposed to each
other: the old Hindu conception of the group being the basic unit of organization, and the
excessive individualism of the west, emphasizing the individual above the group” (Nehru,
1985, p. 246).
The scores for India are quite high among all of the participating countries on all dimen-
sions except Gender Egalitarianism and Assertiveness. The score for Uncertainty Avoidance
is somewhat different from the expectation of a lower value as mentioned in an earlier sec-
tion. The relatively low score on Gender Egalitarianism indicates a greater emphasis on the
male role, as expected. High scores on In-Group Collectivism and Power Distance are also in
keeping with expectations. The relatively high score on Performance Orientation is somewhat
surprising because only a moderate Performance Orientation was expected. This might be due
to the increasing focus on material success and may also be a reflection of the recent changes
in the economic policy and environment, which have consciously encouraged competition.
The most significant finding following a comparison of the “As Is” scores of India with the
“Should Be” scores is that for Power Distance. A strong preference for the reduction of Power
Distance is indicated. This is in keeping with the earlier conclusion that political equality
experienced since independence has increased the desire for social equality, and that a strug-
gle for altering broad power relations in the society at large is currently in existence. Another
dimension for which a preference for lowering, though marginal, has been expressed is In-
Group Collectivism. The focus on materialism is possibly also causing an increase in indi-
vidualism in society, particularly among the managerial class, which experiences competition
every day, particularly at work. There appears to be a clear preference for a higher level of
Performance Orientation, Future Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism, and Assertiveness. The
preferred increases in Humane Orientation and Uncertainty Avoidance are not as high as
those in the former four dimensions. The least increase preferred is in Institutional
Collectivism. Though India is a traditional, conservative, and male-dominated society in a
number of ways, respondents’ preference for equal emphasis for male and female roles is an
indicator of the depth of the change which society is going through on the gender issue.7

Leadership
India’s average scores and rankings based on the 21 first-order leadership scales used in the
GLOBE research program are in Table 27.7, which also shows the countries scoring the high-
est and the lowest on these scales.
Among intercountry rankings, the highest rankings for India are for charismatic (self-
sacrificial), face saver, self-centered (9 each), and malevolent (2). It is, however, important to
note that these are the scales getting the highest ranking for India in the intercountry com-
parisons, and that these are not the scales that got the highest ranking among different scales
within India.
The five highest ranking scales within India are charismatic (visionary), integrity, admin-
istratively competent, performance orientation, and charismatic (inspirational), in that order.
These are followed by decisive, team integrator, and diplomatic. Malevolent, self-centered,
nonparticipative, autocratic, and face saver are the five lowest ranking scales within India.

7
This assumes even greater significance as only 14% of the sample were women.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 995

TABLE 27.7
First-Order Leadership Dimensions

Attribute India (Rank) Highest (Country) Lowest (Country)

Administratively Competent 5.98 6.42 4.53

(20) (Iran) (France)
Autocratic 3.10 3.86 1.89
(12) (Russia) (Canada)
Autonomous 3.85 6.05 2.27
(32) (Argentina) (Brazil)
Charismatic (Inspirational) 5.93 6.63 5.04
(42) (Ecuador) (Qatar)
Charismatic (Self-Sacrificial) 5.45 5.99 3.98
(9) (Ecuador) (France)
Charismatic (Visionary) 6.02 6.50 4.62
(40) (Ecuador) (Qatar)
Collaborative Team Oriented 5.51 6.09 4.42
(31) (Brazil) (Qatar)
Conflict Inducer 4.24 5.01 3.09
(18) (Taiwan) (Denmark)
Decisive 5.83 6.37 3.62
(33) (Philippines) (Qatar)
Diplomatic 5.70 6.05 4.49
(12) (Argentina) (Qatar)
Face Saver 3.57 4.63 2.05
(9) (Albania) (Finland)
Humane 5.17 5.68 2.23
(12) (Georgia) (Argentina)
Integrity 5.99 6.79 4.72
(42) (Ecuador) (Argentina)
Malevolent 2.35 2.67 1.33
(2) (S-Africa Black Sample) (Brazil)
Modesty 5.33 5.86 4.14
(14) (Iran) (Kazakhstan)
Nonparticipative 2.93 3.61 1.86
(17) (Albania) (France)
Performance Orientation 5.96 6.64 4.51
(41) (Ecuador) (Qatar)
Procedural 4.1 5.12 2.82
(23) (Albania) (Denmark)
Self-Centered 2.63 6.2 1.55
(9) (Albania) (Finland)
Status Conscious 4.18 5.93 3.00
(36) (Kuwait) (Argentina)
Team Integrator 5.83 6.43 4.1
(37) (Brazil) (Qatar)

India was among the countries that scored quite high on the latter scales. The high inter-country
ranking of India on these scales can be understood in the context of Indians having “developed
‘encompassing systems’ (Dumont, 1970) through which contradictions between thoughts and
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TABLE 27.8
Second-Order Leadership Dimensions

Attribute India (Rank) Highest (Country) Lowest (Country)

Autonomous 3.85 4.63 2.27

(32) (Russia) (Brazil)
Charismatic 5.85 6.46 4.51
(36) (Ecuador) (Qatar)
Humane 5.26 5.75 3.82
(9) (Iran) (France)
Participative 4.99 6.09 4.5
(48) (Canada) (Albania)
Self-Protective 3.77 4.62 2.55
(15) (Albania) (Finland)
Team Oriented 5.72 6.21 4.74
(41) (Ecuador) (Qatar)

actions, instead of leading to dissonance and confrontation, are balanced, accommodated,

integrated, or allowed to coexist (Marriott, 1976)” (Sinha, 1997, p. 61, emphasis in original).
Being self-centered also has roots in the importance assigned to understanding oneself in
some of the traditional belief systems in India. Introspection is often valued as an important
activity even to process external experiences. Roland’s (1988) observation that Indians can
keep important secrets in a much more guarded manner and for longer durations than
Americans, even in therapeutic situations, may also be considered as an indicator of being
self-absorbed. Face saving acquires importance due to the high sensitivity of Indians to con-
text their thoughts and practices (Ramanujan, 1989). Triandis and Bhawuk (1997) claim even
lying to be acceptable in collectivist cultures when it serves the purpose of saving face. The
preference for autocratic leadership can possibly be traced to the long history of benevolent,
autocratic monarchs. The rankings following the five highest, those of decisive, team integra-
tor, diplomatic, collaborative (team oriented), charismatic (self-sacrificial), modesty, and
humane, appear to fit the expectations from the description of Indian leadership given earlier.
It is also worth noting that the average scores for India are placed in the top half of all the par-
ticipating countries for 13 of the 21 scales. These 13 scales are administratively competent,
autocratic, charismatic (self-sacrificial), collaborative (team oriented), conflict-inducer, diplo-
matic, face saver, humane, malevolent, modesty, nonparticipative, procedural, and self-cen-
tered. This gives a general idea of the comparative perception of the attributes for effective
leadership in India.

Second-Order Leadership Dimensions

India’s average scores and rankings on the six second-order leadership dimensions of the
GLOBE Research Project are in Table 27.8. The countries scoring the highest and the lowest
on these dimensions are also shown.
In the intercountry comparison, India’s highest rankings are on the humane (9) and self-
protective (15) dimensions. In a comparison of the dimensions within India, charismatic
scores the highest (5.85), followed by team oriented (5.72), and humane (5.26). Participative
(4.99) is the middle dimension, whereas self-protective (3.77) and autonomous (3.85) are the
lowest two dimensions.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 997

TABLE 27.9
Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Leadership Scales Goodness-of-Fit Indicators

Second-Order CFA
First-Order CFA Modified Factor Structure

(16 Scales Structure 16 Scales Could Load

Acc. to Pilot Study 2) 14 Scales on Different Factors

Statistics Column 1 Column 2 Column 3

Chi Square 2454.94 313.97 30.11

Df 510 70 58
P 0.00 0.00 0.99
Number of items 36 14 16
CFI 0.62 0.91 1.00
GFI 0.62 0.84 0.98
AGFI 0.48 0.77 0.96
PGFI 0.45 0.56 0.42
NFI 0.58 0.88 0.99
NNFI 0.51 0.88 1.02
PNFI 0.44 0.68 0.48
RMSEA 0.13 0.12 0.00
RMSR 0.19 0.10 0.02
Sig Load 1 ns 1 ns 3 ns
Note. CFI = comparative fit index; GFI = goodness of fit index; AGFI = adjusted goodness-of-fit index;
NFI = normed fit index; PGFI = parsimony goodness-of-fit index; NNFI = non-normed fit index; PNFI =
parsimony normed fit index; RMSR = root mean square residual; RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation.

Factor Analysis of Leadership Items

Though the leadership instrument contained 112 items, only 76 items were used for the factor
analyses reported next. The remaining items were not included for the following two reasons:

• Previous work with these items in the two pilot studies of GLOBE indicated that these
were universally endorsed as being indicators of effective leadership, and failed to load
on the previously developed GLOBE scales. These items were thus referred to as the
“universals.”
• Using 76 items with 214 observations provided an adequate item–observations ratio for
performing factor analysis.

Confirmatory Factor Analyses. A confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) of the 76 items was
attempted to determine if the data were best represented by the 16-factor solution of the GLOBE
Pilot Study 2.8 The 76 items were aggregated into 36 parcels, which is a common practice in
structural equation modeling (Bernstein & Teng, 1989; Kishton & Widaman, 1994; Takahashi &
Nasser, 1996). The rules employed for aggregation were: (a) Each factor should contain at least
2 parcels and at most three parcels, and (b) only items that were highly correlated were com-
bined so that to the extent possible only items with common variance were aggregated. The
results of this and subsequent CFAs are presented in Table 27.9.
8
The CFA was done with reference to the analysis and findings of GLOBE Pilot Study 2 because that was the
final step in developing the GLOBE instruments. Please see House et al. (2004) for a description of the process of
developing the GLOBE instruments.
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998 CHHOKAR

TABLE 27.10
Confirmatory Factor Analysis for Second-Order Factor Structure of Leadership Scales

Second-Order Factors

Characteristic Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 Factor 5

Visionary 0.90*
Performance Orientation 0.89*
Inspirational 0.88*
Decisive 0.85*
Diplomatic 0.84* 0.05
Integrity 0.52* 0.34*
Collective 0.89*
Procedural 0.83*
Bureaucratic 0.59*
Calm 0.89*
Humane Orientation 0.67*
Individualism 0.89*
Autocratic 0.89*
Status-Conscious 0.54*
Note. Five second-order factors, 14 scales of Pilot Study 2, India data. Factor labels: 1 = Charismatic and
Action-Oriented Leadership; 2 = Bureaucratic Leadership; 3 = Humane Leadership; 4 = Individualistic Leadership;
5 = Autocratic Leadership.
*
p < 0.05.

From column 1 of Table 27.9 it is seen that the 16-factor model indicated a poor
data–model fit. None of the indices meet the generally accepted criterion levels for fit
(Tabachnik & Fidell, 1996). However, this result was not entirely unexpected. Attempting to
capture 16 latent variables through 36 parcels is expected to be unwieldy due to the high levels
of random error in the items (parcels) (Bagozzi & Heatherton, 1994), further exacerbated by
the covariations among the 16 latent variable themselves. Subsequently, to overcome the prob-
lems associated with the partially disaggregated approach explained earlier, a second-order CFA
of the 16 scales identified in the Pilot Study 2 was attempted with the Indian data, to examine
the stability of the five-factor structure that emerged in Pilot Study 2. A 16 × 16 correlation
matrix was analyzed using maximum likelihood estimation. The CFA did not converge due to
problems of multicollinearity particularly with the self-centered and face-saving dimensions.
Because these two dimensions were contaminating the entire data set, they were eliminated and
the resulting 14 × 14 correlation matrix was analyzed. The results showed a remarkable improve-
ment in fit indices (chi-square = 313.965, p < .00, CFI = 0.905, GFI = 0.844, AGFI = 0.766,
RMSEA = 0.123—column 2 of Table 27.9). All factor loadings, as shown in Table 27.10, were
significant except for the loading of the diplomatic dimension on Factor 5. Also, the pattern of
factor loadings closely matched the factor loadings obtained in Pilot Study 2, which are shown
in Table 27.11.
Although the fit indices improved substantially, they did not reach acceptable levels.
However, this is to be expected. Given that the items theoretically classified under their
respective content domains did not empirically load correspondingly in the Indian sample,
the second-order CFA displayed problems of multicollinearity that worked to reduce the
overall data–model fit. Though it would have been ideal to do a second-order CFA of the
18-scale Indian model with a second sample from India, it could not be done because a
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 999

TABLE 27.11
Confirmatory Factor Analysis for Second-Order Factors Structure of Leadership Scales

Second-Order Factors

Characteristic Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 Factor 5

Decisive 0.83*
Visionary 0.80* 0.23*
Performance Orientation 0.67*
Inspirational 0.62* –0.20*
Diplomatic 0.62* 0.22*
Integrity 0.46* 0.51 *

Face Saving –0.34*

Self-Centered –0.64* 0.11 0.76*
Collective 0.90*
Procedural 0.77*
Bureaucratic 0.56*
Status-Conscious 0.29* 0.40*
Calm 0.83*
Humane Orientation 0.80*
Individualism 0.57*
Autocratic 1.00*
Note. Pilot Study 2 data. Factor labels: 1 = Charismatic and Action-Oriented Leadership; 2 = Bureaucratic
Leadership; 3 = Humane Leadership; 4 = Individualistic Leadership; 5 = Autocratic Leadership.
*
p < 0.05.

second sample was not available. However, some preliminary modifications were attempted
that helped in increasing the overall data–model fit. The modifications effected were the
following:

• Face-saving dimension was allowed to load on Factor 5.

• Humane orientation was allowed to load on Factor 2.
• Bureaucratic dimension was allowed to load on Factor 5.
• Self-centered dimension was allowed to load on Factor 5.
• Procedural dimension was allowed to load on Factor 1.

The fit indices of this CFA are in column 3 of Table 27.9 and the resultant factor loadings are
in Table 27.12.
With these modifications the data–model fit improved further and even the chi-square value
was nonsignificant, indicating a good fit. Some possible explanations for the results are:

• The self-centered dimension has been problematic in all the analyses performed on the
Indian sample, indicating a multicollinearity problem. It loaded significantly on both Factors
1 and 5, whereas theoretically it should have loaded on Factor 4. This could mean that in the
Indian context, self-centeredness is more strongly positively associated with autocratic
leader behaviors and strongly negatively associated with charismatic leader behaviors.
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1000 CHHOKAR

TABLE 27.12
Confirmatory Factor Analysis for Second-Order Factors Structure of Leadership Scales

Second-Order Factors

Characteristic Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 Factor 5

Performance Orientation 0.98* –0.15*

Inspirational 0.89* 0.20* –0.18*
Decisive 0.85*
Visionary 0.77* 0.19*
Collective 0.64* 0.34*
Procedural 0.58* 0.01 0.28*
Integrity 0.51* 0.38*
Diplomatic 0.41* 0.49*
Face Saving –0.13 0.78*
Self-Centered –0.57* 0.86*
Humane Orientation 0.90*
Bureaucratic 0.46* –0.27* 0.68*
Status-Conscious 0.14 0.49*
Calm 0.89*
Autocratic –0.28* 0.79*
Individualism 0.89*
Note. Five second-order factors, 16 scales of Pilot Study 2, Indian data. Scales allowed to load on other than
original factors. Factor labels: 1 = Charismatic and Action-Oriented Leadership; 2 = Bureaucratic Leadership;
3 = Humane Leadership; 4 = Individualistic Leadership; 5 = Autocratic Leadership.
*
p < 0.05.

• The face-saving dimension, which in Pilot Study 2 had a negative loading on Factor 1,
displayed a high positive loading on Factor 5 in the Indian sample. Again face saving is
highly related to autocratic leadership styles.
• The higher loading of the bureaucratic dimension on the autocratic factor (Factor 5), than
on the bureaucratic factor (Factor 2) itself, and the high loading of the humane orientation
on the bureaucratic factor are somewhat surprising. Although these results are not easily
explainable, it is possible that some of the bureaucratic items covary with autocratic items
and some with humane orientation. This could be an interesting pointer to the way bureau-
cracies work in India. Certain features where the top management forces all important
decisions on the lower levels, may be perceived to be autocratic, while at the same time a
degree of fairness on issues such as promotions, salaries, perks, and welfare, which the sys-
tem ensures, may be perceived to be facets of an humane orientation.
• Another surprising finding was that the procedural dimension did not load on the bureau-
cratic factor (Factor 2). It instead showed significant loadings on Factors 1 and 3. This is
probably more due to problems of multicollinearity in the data than to substantive reasons.
• All other dimensions loaded on the theoretically specified factors.

Individual CFAs of the 16 Scales. Individual CFAs of the 16 scales were done to confirm
the unidimensionality of each of them. CFA of one factor (Humane Orientation) could not be
carried out due to underidentification (two-item scale). The results are presented in Table 27.13.
 Chhokar chapter 27.qxd

TABLE 27.13
Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Individual Leadership Scales (Pilot Study 2)
10/4/2007

Perf. Self-
Statistics Orieneted Autocratic Calm Charismatic Inspirational Collective Decisive Diplomatic Face-saver Visionary Integrity Bureaucratic Procedural Individualism centered

Ch2 0.42 4.54 0.082 4.81 0.97 1.72 0.082 0.48 6.03 18.88 0.014 1.07 0.0038 0.079 0.28
Df 1 6 1 1 8 6 2 3 1 20 1 2 1 1 2
3:45 PM

P 0.52 0.60 0.77 0.03 1.00 0.94 0.96 0.92 0.014 0.53 0.91 0.787 0.95 0.78 0.87
# Items 3 6 4 3 8 6 4 5 3 9 4 5 4 4 4
CFI 1.00 1.00 1.00 0.86 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 0.45 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00
GFI 1.00 0.99 1.00 0.99 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 0.98 0.98 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00
AGFI 0.99 0.98 1.00 0.92 1.00 0.99 1.00 1.00 0.90 0.96 1.00 0.99 1.00 1.00 1.00
Page 1001

PGFI 0.17 0.28 0.10 0.16 0.22 0.29 0.20 0.20 0.16 0.44 0.10 0.20 0.10 0.10 0.20
NFI 1.00 0.97 1.00 0.84 1.00 0.99 1.00 1.00 0.50 0.97 1.00 0.99 1.00 1.00 1.00
NNFI 1.01 1.03 1.03 0.58 1.07 1.04 1.04 1.06 −0.65 1.00 1.02 1.06 1.02 1.07 1.09
PNFI 0.33 0.39 0.17 0.28 0.29 0.40 0.33 0.30 0.17 0.54 0.17 0.30 0.17 0.17 0.33
RMSEA 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.13 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.15 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
RMSR 0.010 0.023 0.003 0.054 0.008 0.015 0.004 0.008 0.064 0.028 0.001 0.001 0.001 0.005 0.008
Sig Load All All All All All All All All 1 ns All All 1 ns All 3 ns All

Note. Indian data. CFI = comparative fit index. GFI = goodness-of-fit index. AGFI = adjusted goodness-of-fit index. PGFI = parsimony goodness-of-fit index. NFI = normed
fit index. NNFI = non-normed fit index. PNFI = parsimony normed fit index. RMSR = root mean square residual. RMSEA = root mean square error of approximation.

1001
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1002 CHHOKAR

TABLE 27.14
Leadership Scales Based on Indian Data Principal Components Analysis (Varimax Rotation)

Scales No. of Items % Var. Explained Alpha

Integrity 11 26.4 0.91

Charismatic 7 7.0 0.88
Performance Oriented 7 4.8 0.88
Collective 6 4.2 0.83
Organized 4 3.7 0.80
Entrepreneurial 3 2.7 0.60
Self-starter 4 2.5 0.79
Autocratic 5 2.5 0.71
Consultative 4 2.3 0.74
Visionary 4 2.2 0.66
Problem Solver 2 2.1 0.69
Evasive 2 2.0 0.55
Individualistic 4 2.0 0.62
Bureaucratic 2 1.8 0.55
Elitist 1 1.7 –
Dictatorial 1 1.6 –
Inspirational 2 1.5 0.45
Worldly 1 1.3 –
Total 72.3

It is seen from Table 27.13 that all scales except face saving and charismatic demonstrate
adequate fit indices indicating unidimensionality. The problems with the face-saving scale
have already been discussed. In addition, the face-saving items indicate very low interitem
correlations (from 0.08 to 0.17), which explains poor unidimensionality. The case is the same
with the charismatic dimension, the items of which had inter-item correlations ranging from
.19 to .26. Unidimensionality was replicated for the remaining 13 scales.

Exploratory Factor Analysis. Because the 16-factor Pilot Study 2 model did not seem to
fit the Indian data very well, an exploratory factor analysis of the 76 leadership items was con-
ducted. An initial principal components analysis yielded 19 factors. Because 4 four of these
19 factors consisted of only one item each, a 16-factor solution was extracted and rotated
using the varimax criterion, to compare it with the results of Pilot Study 2. The factors that
emerged were significantly different from the results of Pilot Study 2 and were not inter-
pretable under the original 16-factor classification of Pilot Study 2. The 16-factor solution
was therefore abandoned for the Indian sample.
The 19-factor solution resulted in many of the factors of Pilot Study 2 being duplicated,
though the pattern of loadings and the factor structure differed significantly. One factor
(worldly, number 18), which had only one item (effective bargainer), was eliminated as it also
loaded highly (.7633) on Factor 2. It was decided to retain this item under Factor 2 because
it was interpretable. Table 27.14 presents the resulting 18 scales, along with the number of
items in each scale, Cronbach’s alpha coefficients, and percentage of variance explained by
each of the scales.
Two scales that emerged from the Indian data and that do not correspondingly appear in the
results of Pilot Study 2 are worldly and elitist. This is probably because respondents in the Indian
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 1003

sample did not see any of the other characteristics in the leadership scales to covary with worldly
and elitist resulting in these emerging as two distinct scales. Calm, which appears as a scale in
Pilot Study 2, does not show up in the Indian data. This is probably because the calm factor con-
tains items such as self-effacing, which may not have been fully and completely understood by
some of the respondents. Self-effacing is not a very commonly used expression in India.
Respondents in the Indian sample do not seem to have been able to clearly distinguish
between the items indicating autocratic and dictatorial natures. Items indicating individualism
and self-centeredness have merged, which is not unexpected. Similarly, items from the orig-
inal procedural dimension have merged with the organized and bureaucratic scales respec-
tively, which again is not surprising.
The first scale in Pilot Study 2 seemed to clearly indicate performance orientation, whereas
in the Indian data the first factor with 11 items loading on it points to items indicating a col-
lective orientation, integrity, and diplomacy. It is a tentative pointer that there was reasonable
consensus in the Indian sample over the characteristics that contribute to a person being an
effective leader. This is consistent with the overall impression that whereas Western managers
emphasize greater task orientation, Indian managers are more relationship oriented. Findings
of the two focus groups conducted in India, given in Table 27.3, also confirm this.
In conclusion, the leadership scales that emerged from the Indian data seem to generally
agree with the scales that emerged in Pilot Study 2. The relative importance of the factors as
seen from the order of emergence and the pattern of loadings are somewhat different, possi-
bly due to differing perceptions of the characteristics of effective leaders.

Second-Order Exploratory Factor Analysis of Indian Data. The 18 scales that emerged
from the exploratory factor analysis of Indian data were subjected to a principal components
factor analysis with a varimax rotation. A total of three factors accounting for 58.7% of the
variance emerged. The factor loadings for the rotated factor solution, along with the variance
explained by each factor, are presented in Table 27.15.
The three factors were labeled as “charismatic and action-oriented leadership,” “autocratic
leadership,” and “bureaucratic leadership,” generally in keeping with the labels used in the
second-order exploratory factor analysis in Pilot Study 2. The Indian data did not yield
the remaining two second-order factors of Pilot Study 2, namely, humane leadership and
individualist leadership.
A word of caution is necessary here about the within-society factor analysis of the data
reported earlier. As discussed in Hanges and Dickson (2004), the GLOBE scales were
designed to measure organizational or societal-level variability. The scales were never
intended to meaningfully differentiate among individuals within a particular society.
However, even though the scales were not constructed to provide such information, it may be
interesting to assess whether similar factors differentiate individuals within a society. It
should be noted, however, that we expect that the loadings of the GLOBE scale’s items on
within society factors should be lower than reported in Hanges and Dickson (i.e., because of
the within-society restriction of the GLOBE scales true-score variability, which was based on
between-society differences). Furthermore, one should not interpret these within society fac-
tor analyses as replications of the GLOBE factor structure. This analysis is intended as an
exploration of the themes captured by GLOBE in a new domain (i.e., individual differences
within a society). Finally, the absence of a GLOBE factor within a society should not be auto-
matically interpreted as the factor being irrelevant to the people in that country. Rather, a
factor may fail to emerge within a society even when that theme is extremely critical because
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1004 CHHOKAR

TABLE 27.15
Second-Order Factor Structure of 18 Leadership Scales—Exploratory Factor Analysis

Second-Order Factors
Leadership
Characteristics Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3

Integrity 0.89
Organized 0.84
Action Orientation 0.83
Self-Starter 0.81
Charismatic 0.75
Collective 0.73
Problem Solver 0.72
Visionary 0.67
Entrepreneurial 0.67
Inspirational 0.56
Worldly 0.54
Autocratic 0.82
Dictatorial 0.87
Individualistic 0.58
Evasive 0.53
Consultative –0.59
Bureaucratic 0.79
Elitist 0.52
Eigen Value 7.02 2.52 1.02
% Var. Exp. 39.0 14.0 5.7
Note. Factor labels: Factor 1: Charismatic and Action-Oriented Leadership; Factor 2: Autocratic Leadership;
Factor 3: Bureaucratic Leadership.

there was no variability in how the individuals from a single society rated the items (e.g., they
all rated the items a 7). Factor analysis requires variability and so a factor could fail to emerge
because it is extremely critical or completely irrelevant to the people within a society.

Summary of Analyses of Leadership Data

Various analyses of the leadership data indicate that:

• The results obtained from the Indian data are generally similar but not identical to those
obtained in Pilot Study 2.
• The leadership scales seem to exhibit satisfactory psychometric properties with the
Indian data.
• Relationship orientation seems to be a more important characteristic of effective leaders
in India than performance or task orientation.
• At the aggregate level, the most effective leadership styles in India seem to be charis-
matic and action oriented, autocratic, and bureaucratic.

The most effective leadership style in India would thus combine integrity, being organized, an
action orientation, being a self-starter, charisma, and a collective orientation; with being a
problem solver, a visionary, entrepreneurial, and inspirational, in that order. This would be a
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 1005

tall order for any one person to fulfill but is not really surprising given that “two sets of
values—vertical collectivism and individualism—coexist in Indian organizations” (Sinha,
1997, p. 60). It is possibly the existence of such seemingly mutually contradictory sets of
values that makes such a comprehensive set of demands for being an effective leader in Indian
organizations.

5. DISCUSSION

The findings of both qualitative and quantitative analyses are in general agreement on the impor-
tance of action orientation and charisma, and these can therefore be considered to be the most
important characteristics for effective leadership in India. Four characteristics, communication,
direction, vision, and change orientation, which the qualitative analyses found to be important,
did not attain the same level of importance as in the quantitative analyses. Similarly, being
bureaucratic, autocratic, and collectivistic, which emerged as important in the quantitative analy-
sis, were not as prominent in the qualitative analysis. In part this could be a function of the two
methodologies, qualitative and quantitative. It may also be a reflection of the complexity of India,
which has been described as “a land famous for extremes” (Walsh, 1996, p. 30).
Collectivism and humane orientation continue to be the most important characteristics of
Indian culture. This is in keeping with earlier findings (Triandis et al., 1986). Society appears
to be in a period of major transition toward power equalization. At the same time there is an
increasing preference for individualism.
Taking an overall view, two distinct though interrelated characteristics of Indian society
seem to stand out. One is that Indian culture is ancient yet continuously living and evolving.
The second is the great complexity and diversity of Indian society and culture. These two
characteristics, in combination with other features of Indian society, do demand unique attrib-
utes, abilities, and behaviors of leaders in India. This may require a high tolerance for ambi-
guity, and the ability to balance a diverse set of factors not at the lowest but at a rather high
common denominator. A phrase often used in India, “unity in diversity,” does seem to capture
some of this special requirement but not all of it.

Practical Implications for Foreign Managers Working in

India or Dealing With Indian Managers

It is therefore important for managers and leaders from other cultures who have to, or plan to,
work with organizations in India, to be prepared to deal with a wide range of organizational
and leadership practices. Given the size, diversity, and complexity of the country and society,
and variations within them, it is not possible to provide a list of “do’s and don’ts.” The inter-
action, and more often mere coexistence, of collectivist and individualist values; and the adop-
tion, by many Indian organizations, of the formal systems of management in a vertical
collectivist culture (Sinha, 1997), often creates an unpredictable situation. The experience of a
foreign national visiting India on work is likely to go through three phases of surprise. First is
the surprise, and often shock in the first instance, being at how things work, or more often don’t
work, and how different they appear to be from what the visitor is used to in his or her culture.
As the visitor becomes somewhat knowledgeable about the situation, the cause of surprise is
likely to be the similarity to a number of practices in their own culture. This is because the
range of phenomena in Indian culture is so broad that almost every visitor finds something
that is familiar. The surprise in the third stage comes when one discovers that although the
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1006 CHHOKAR

practices seem similar, their basic causes or driving forces are quite different. The quest thus
continues, leading to a deeper and richer understanding of and appreciation for the country and
its culture. Reaching this stage obviously requires time and therefore a strong recommendation
for any foreign manager working in India is to have a lot of patience. The resultant prescrip-
tion for dealing with India, and also for any other foreign culture, is to expect differences, to
accept differences, and also to respect differences, without overlooking similarities.

Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research

Any attempt at capturing the totality of societal and organizational culture, and leadership
practices in a country such as India with a sample of 214 respondents from 10 organizations
in two industries, has obvious limitations even if it is complemented by a number of qualita-
tive research methods. A much larger sample would be required for any attempt at random-
ization and representativeness. It would also be very useful to match subsamples based on
factors such as regions, industries, languages, religions, ownership especially private and pub-
lic sectors, and size.
Other limitations arise out of embeddedness and pervasiveness of culture. A person
researching his or her own culture has the potential for experimenter bias, which is perhaps
best captured by the saying “fish will be the last to discover water.” The influence that
Western perceptions and characterizations of India have had on the self-perceptions of Indians
themselves compounds these complications (Sen, 1997). Formal management education in
India, introduced in the early 1960s, has certainly had an impact on organizational and man-
agement practices in the country, some of which must obviously have been reflected in the
responses of participants in various aspects of GLOBE research in India.
Complexity of society also creates limitations of its own. For example, the media analysis
in this study was restricted to the English-language press. It would obviously have been
revealing to also analyze press reports of some of the Indian languages. The multiplicity of
languages (12 different language families, 15 “official” languages recognized by the
Constitution of the country, and 24 different mutually unintelligible scripts) makes it a major
endeavor in itself. It is these features of India that make it an almost ideal setting for a
full-blown GLOBE project of its own.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Leena Bhandari was involved in several aspects of the GLOBE Project in India. Her contri-
butions to the collection and analysis of both quantitative and qualitative data for Phase 2 of
the project and the literature review are especially acknowledged. E. Sendil Kumar con-
tributed significantly to the analysis of leadership data, particularly the confirmatory and
exploratory factor analyses. His contribution is gratefully acknowledged. This chapter, and
indeed this book, would not have been possible without the unstinted cooperation of my
secretary, Sugatha Nair. Her assistance has been invaluable, and I am grateful to her.

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Sinha, J. B. P. (1997). A cultural perspective on organizational behaviour in India. In C. P. Earley &
M. Erez (Eds.), New perspectives on international industrial/organizational psychology (pp. 53–74).
San Francisco: New Lexington Press.
Spaeth, A. (1996, March 25). Society. Time, pp. 43–44.
Srinivas, M. N. (1966). Social change in modern India. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Tabachnik, B. G., & Fidell, L. S. (1996). Using multivariate statistics (3rd ed.). New York:
HarperCollins.
Takahashi, T., & Nasser, F. (1996, April). The impact of using item parcels on ad hoc goodness of
fit indices in confirmatory factor analysis: An empirical example. Paper presented at the annual
meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New York.
The gravy train (1997, July 7). Business World, pp. 18–25.
Thomas, J. (n.d.). The effective leader as portrayed in the US popular media. GLOBE Research Project.
Time. (1996, March 25).
Triandis, H. C., & Bhawuk, D. P. S. (1997). In C. P. Earley & M. Erez (Eds.), New perspectives on inter-
national industrial/organizational psychology (pp. 13–52). San Francisco: New Lexington Press.
Triandis, H. C., Bontempo, R., Betancourt, H., Bond, M., Leung, K., Brenes, A., et al. (1986). The mea-
surement of the etic aspects of individualism and collectivism across cultures [Special issue].
Australian Journal of Psychology, 38, 57–267.
Walsh, J. (1996, March 25). India. Time, pp. 29–34.
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Appendix A

Basic Information on India

India is located in the continent of South Asia, between the Arabian Sea and the Bay of
Bengal. It shares borders with Bangladesh, Bhutan, China, Myanmar (Burma), Nepal, and
Pakistan. Its total area is 3.3 million square kilometers, and it has a coast line of almost 7,000
kms. It has a variety of climate zones from tropical monsoon in the south, to temperate in the
north, to cold in the Himalayas. The terrain also varies from upland plain (the Deccan Plateau)
in the south, to flat and rolling plains along the Ganges, to desert in the west, and mountains
in the north. It has the fourth-largest coal reserves in the world, and a number of other min-
eral deposits.
It is the second most populous country in the world with the latest estimates of population
exceeding 1 billion. The economy is a mixture of traditional village farming and handicrafts
on one end, to modern agriculture, a wide range of modern industries, and a multitude of ser-
vices on the other. It has emerged as one of the world’s leading exporters of computer soft-
ware in the last decade. Other industries include textiles, chemicals, food processing, steel,
transportation equipment, cement, mining, petroleum, machinery, and machine tools. The
World Bank estimated the gross domestic product (GDP) in 1995 to be U.S.$329.9 billion.
Local estimates however placed the GDP for 1995–1996 at Rupees 9.85,787 crores (equiva-
lent of U.S.$281.65 billion, @U.S.$1 = Rs.351) showing an increase of 14.5% over the simi-
lar estimates for the previous year. Per capita income for 1995–1996 was estimated at Rupees
9,321, with an increase of 12.54% over the previous year.

SOURCES

India: A reference. (1996). New Delhi: Government of India, Publications Division.

National Accounts Statistics. (1997). New Delhi: Government of India, Central Statistical Organization,
Department of Statistics, Ministry of Planning and Programme Implementation.
Trends in developing economies. (1996). Washington, DC: The World Bank.

1
This was the exchange rate in 1998. In 2003, it was U.S.$1 = Rs.46.82. This also applies to figures in Appendixes
F and G.
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Appendix B

Quotations From Prominent

Business Leaders of India
Sanjay Lalbhai, Managing Director, Arvind Mills, describes today’s leader as follows:

The new leader has a well balanced intellect, mind and multi-disciplinary (holistic) perspective.
He listens more and speaks less, observes more and concludes less, uses “we” more than “I,” and
says “let’s go” more often than “go.” He takes more than his share of blame and less than his
share of credit. He’s open and yet decisive, focuses on human processes rather than only on end
results, and is more of a coach and less of a boss (Jayakar, 1996, p. 80).

And according to Maitreya Doshi, Managing Director, Premier Automobiles “The self-
confidence to share power with others in the organization is crucial for the leader” (Jayakar,
1996, p. 82).

Leading by Vision

On leading by vision, S. D. Kulkarni, Managing Director, Larsen, & Tubro, said: “The CEO
has to influence and direct, through a vision, how the organization wants to position itself,
and what it wants to do” (Jayakar, 1996, p. 83).
And according to Adi Godrej, CEO, Godrej Group, “A leader needs to formulate and
understand his company’s strategy, take a major part in building it, ensure that it secures the
commitment of everyone in the organization, and then devote a lot of energy and time in
ensuring that it is carried through” (Jayakar, 1996, p. 83).

Leading by Inspiration

On leading by inspiration, N. Sankar, Managing Director, Champlast Sanmar, said: “The new
leader has to be first among equals” (Jayakar, 1996, p. 84).
And according to Suresh Krishna, CEO, Sundaram Fasteners, “A leader needs not just far-
sighted vision, but also commitment to his beliefs, and, above all, commitment to his people”
(Jayakar, 1996, p. 84).

Leading by Influence

On leading by influence, Arun Maira, Vice President, Arthur D. Little, said: “The CEO-as-
leader will have to influence the performance of the network that his company is becoming,
without exercising line authority over every part of the network” (Jayakar, 1996, p. 80).
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 1011

Leading by Empowerment

On leading by empowerment, Anand Mahindra, Deputy Managing Director, Mahindra and

Mahindra, said: “The leader has to spend a lot of time on selecting appropriate people, and
on designing processes to get the best performance and behavior” (Jayakar, 1996, p. 86).

Leading by Expertise

On leading by expertise, Ajay Piramal, CEO, Piramal Group, said: “The main challenge for
the new leader is to convert managers into entrepreneurs” (Jayakar, 1996, p. 88). And later,
“Dhirubhai Ambani, Chairman of the Reliance Group is a hero in the eyes of his company’s
employees … precisely because of his demonstrated—and disseminated—competence of
financing and finishing mega projects on global scales” (Jayakar, 1996, p. 88).
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Appendix C

Focus Group Exercise

Participant Assignment
This assignment should take about 45 minutes.
To begin with think of a person whom you know, or have observed several times, and
whom you judge to be an outstanding leader. If you do not know such an individual person-
ally, select a prominent leader about whom you have read or one whom you have observed in
the media, and whom you judge to be an outstanding leader.
Now visualize an important incident in which the leader has interacted with one or more
of her or his subordinates or followers. Spend about 3 minutes recalling the incident in detail,
and visualizing the behavior of both the leader and the subordinates/followers.
1. Please write a short story about the incident using the following questions as guides.
Devote one or two paragraphs to each of the following questions. The total story
should take no more than about 15 minutes.
What were the background circumstances that led up to the event?
Who were the people involved? What were their formal positions, relationships to
each other?
What was said during the incident? Did the leader do anything that was particularly
effective? Ineffective? Please describe.
What feelings were experienced by each party?
What was the outcome? Was it a successful incident? Did the leader achieve his or
her objective?
Now think of a person whom you know, or have observed several times, and whom you judge
to be a competent manager but not an outstanding leader. Visualize an important incident in
which the manager has interacted with one or more of her or his subordinates or followers.
Spend about 3 minutes recalling the incident in detail, and visualizing the behavior of both
the manager and the subordinates/followers.
1. Now write another short story in which you address the same questions mentioned above.
2. Now please develop a list of attributes (skills, abilities, personality traits, values,
behaviors) that you believe distinguish outstanding leaders from competent managers
in general.
Please send both the short stories and the list of attributes to:
Professor J. S. Chhokar
Indian Institute of Management
Vastrapur
Ahmedabad—380 015
Thank you.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 1013

Appendix D

Guiding Questions for

Semistructured Interviews

• What is your understanding or personal definition of leadership?

• Is there a difference between a competent manager and an outstanding leader? If yes,
what is it? Please elaborate.
• What is your perception of the opposite of outstanding leadership? Can you think
of someone who is or was in positions of leadership but does or did not exercise out-
standing leadership? What kind of, and what specific behaviors does or did this person
engage in?
• Please describe a critical incident that illustrates outstanding leadership.
• Did the leader face any obstacles in the incident just described by you? If yes, what were
these and how did the leader get over them?
• Can you name two or three people whom you think were or are outstanding leaders,
preferably well-known individuals?
• What makes these people outstanding leaders? Are there some characteristics, qualities,
behaviors of these people that (a) are common among them, and (b) differentiate them
from other people?
• Can you think of something that a leader did that resulted in your strong acceptance or
support of that leader, or resulted in significantly increased motivation or effort on your
part in the interest of the leader’s vision, objective, or mission?
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Appendix E

Financial Services Industry

Money lending was a recognized activity in India even in ancient times. Somewhat formal
financial activity also had an early beginning. Exchange and trading of shares (stock) began
in Bombay in 1870 and the Native Share and Stock Brokers’ Association was established in
1875. This association subsequently evolved into the Bombay Stock Exchange (Parekh,
1975). By the early 1940s, stock exchanges had been set up in most large cities. After inde-
pendence in 1947, there was greater institutionalization of the finance function and the finan-
cial services industry came under increasing government control. The Reserve Bank was
nationalized in 1949. Several financial institutions were set up by the government, the promi-
nent ones being the Industrial Finance Corporation of India (IFCI) in 1948, State Financial
Corporations in various states during 1952 and 1953, the Industrial Credit and Investment
Corporation of India (ICICI) in 1955, and the Industrial Development Bank of India (IDBI)
in 1964. There was also a gradual growth of the capital market in India. The setting up of the
Unit Trust of India (UTI), a mutual fund, in 1964 brought the savings of small investors into
the capital market. Nationalization of banks and life insurance in 1969 strengthened govern-
ment control within the industry. The Indian banking sector in 1995 consisted of 280 sched-
uled commercial banks (including 27 public-sector banks and 24 foreign banks) and 2
nonscheduled commercial banks spread over 62,000 branches. The deposits of public-sector,
private-sector, and foreign banks in 1995 were Rs.3,10,456 crore, Rs.26,106 crore, and
Rs.28,350 crore (U.S.$88,700 million, U.S.$7,459 million, and U.S.$8,100 million)1 respec-
tively. The respective advances were Rs.1,84,361 crore, Rs.15,159 crore and Rs.16,761 crore
(U.S.$52,675 million, U.S.$4,331 million, and U.S.$4,789 million) (Gelli, 1996).
The financial services sector has undergone major changes with economic restructuring
and liberation, which has acquired a lot of momentum since 1991. Although the pace of
change has certainly accelerated since 1991, gradual changes had been taking place even
before that. The 1980s, for example, saw the introduction of new services such as leasing,
venture capital, factoring, and specialized merchant banking. Several new institutions such as
the Security and Exchange Board of India (SEBI), Credit Rating and Information Service of
India Limited (CRISIL), and Stock Holding Corporation of India Limited (SHCIL) also came
into being. New financial instruments, such as cumulative convertible preference shares
(CCPSs), zero coupon bonds (ZCBs), commercial paper (CP), and warrants, added variety to
the financial services industry.
Subsequent to the advent of liberalization, the industry has changed and continues to
change rapidly. Currently, there is no control on the pricing of securities; a regulatory agency,
the Controller of Capital Issues, has actually been closed down with some, but only some, of
its functions being transferred to SEBI; the rupee has been made partially convertible; private

1
This was the exchange rate in 1998. In 2003, it was U.S.$1 = Rs.46.82. This also applies to figures in Appendixes
F and G.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 1015

and foreign mutual funds have been allowed to operate. This period of rapid change and
deregulation has also seen some instances where almost the entire financial system has been
abused by individuals for personal, unlawful gain. These aberrations seem to appear from
time to time but so far have not caused serious, nonrepairable damage to the system.
The financial services industry in India is currently, and has been for the last few years,
very dynamic and competitive. The competition is quite fierce with a number of new and
aggressive firms being set up and heavy investments in the Indian market by foreign institu-
tional investors (FIIs). The involvement of foreign financial services companies has also had
a strong impact on the industry, further increasing intensity of the competition.
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Appendix F

Food Processing Industry

Whereas food-processing activity has been in India since times immemorial as an essential
part of human existence, the development of the food-processing industry has been described
as “diminutive.” “India is an agricultural giant, but a foods pygmy” (“The Gravy Train,”
1997). The combined turnover of the country’s 10 largest food companies is U.S.$2 billion
(Rs.7,200 crore),1 about one 10th of what Nestlé’s European operations achieve (de Boer &
Pandey, 1997). Even then food production and processing accounted for 26% of India’s GDP,
and for over 60% of employment (“The Gravy Train,” 1997).
The primary reason for the industry not having developed to anywhere near its potential
seems to be the preponderance of the small-scale and unorganized sectors within the indus-
try. Several value-added food items, ice creams, for example, were until recently “reserved”
for the small-scale industries (SSI) sector with the result that economies of scale and the
required levels of investment could not be achieved. According to a recent estimate “two
thirds of the industry is accounted for by small-scale units and unorganized sectors, which
together account for half the total value of foods produced” (“The Gravy Train,” 1997, p. 21).
The very close interlinkages between agriculture and food processing also make the latter
quite a sensitive political issue because any changes in the food-processing industry have a
significant impact on, and consequences for, agriculture. “Low yields, combined with exces-
sive number of intermediaries in the procurement chain, the waste, and the loss of value, lock
India’s food chain in a vicious cycle of low investment, low skill, low yield, low efficiency,
and low added value” (de Boer & Pandey, 1997, p. 92).
The government seems to have recognized the need and potential to develop this industry
in the mid-1980s when a separate Ministry of Food Processing was set up at the central (fed-
eral) government. With progressive restructuring of the Indian economy, which began slowly
in the mid-1980s and has become the cornerstone of all economic policy since 1991:

The government’s focus has recently turned to encouraging the role of agriculture in India’s
development. In consequence it is actively reforming both food legislation and the taxation struc-
ture.… There now seems to be increasing recognition that developing the food industry is crucial
to raising agricultural productivity and achieving rural prosperity. As a result, large-scale invest-
ment is being more actively encouraged. (de Boer & Pandey, 1997, pp. 92–93)

The industry is thus undergoing a major transition with a certain amount of consolidation tak-
ing place and larger companies getting more actively involved, the government trying to play
a facilitative and enabling rather than a controlling role, and a number of multinational com-
panies entering the industry. As a consequence of increasing population and prosperity, the
overall market for value-added foods is expected to treble from the current level of U.S.$21.4
billion (Rs.74,900 crore) to U.S.$62.5 billion (Rs.2,18,750 crore) by the year 2005 (Food and
Agriculture, Integrated Development Action, 1997).

1
This was the exchange rate in 1998. In 2003, it was U.S.$1 = Rs.46.82.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 1017

Appendix G

Outstanding Leaders Mentioned

During Focus Groups and
Semistructured Interviews
Political:

Mahatma Gandhi
Jawaharlal Nehru
Subhaschandra Bose
Indira Gandhi

Social Workers:

Ela Bhat
Medha Patkar
Sunderlal Bahuguna

Military:

Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw

Spiritual-Religious:

Swami Vivekananda

Business:

JRD Tata
Jamsetji Nusserwanji Tata
Rusi Mody
RK Talwar
DN Ghose
GD Birla
Aditya Birla
Ashwin Nagarwadia
Dhirubhai Ambani
Rahul Bajaj
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Appendix H

Illustrative Statements from Media Analysis

Change

• India is going through a major transition in all spheres: economic, social, and political.
By and large the political structure follows the contours of the social power structure.
Sections of society that have been excluded from positions of power have become polit-
ically conscious. Parties like the Janata Dal, the Samajwadi Party, and the Bahujan
Samaj Party directly reflect their aspirations. But all of the other parties are also fielding
increasing numbers from these social groups.
• Change is a two-sided coin. It can fire up imaginations and churn up the juices in an
organization. Equally, it can induce fear and a spell of uncertainty. One change that pro-
duces a feeling akin to dread is a change in a company’s ownership or top management.
Both are inevitable in this liberalized world. Mergers and acquisitions are going to
increase in number, as industrial houses restructure their business portfolios. In the per-
formance-oriented culture that multinationals are now brining in, chief executives have
to deliver or suffer the ignominy of being turfed out.
• “We need a pragmatic approach and should change with the times in our own self inter-
est,” he said.

Action

• As a nation, “we have to reinvigorate our efforts to eliminate social and economic injus-
tice and this involves the task of immense magnitude in which all of us have to partici-
pate actively. Purposive action is the need of the hour.” The President advised.
• Action against ministers who are continuing to campaign against party candidates,
despite repeated warnings by the state leadership, also appears imminent. The suspen-
sion of the MLAs is being seen here as the final warning to them.

Charisma

• For ultimately those leaders who have shown vote catching magic, the ability to form
governments and forge ruling alliances, are likely to tap their personal power bases, caste
discrimination and personal charisma in order to emerge as India’s new king makers.
• Amid the flock of Hindutva hawks, Vajpayee is the moderate voice and the BJP’s star
campaigner. His considerable charisma apart, he lends a liberal touch to the party’s
image and, therefore, is the BJP’s best bet to attract a significant chunk of the undecided
voters.
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27 INDIA: DIVERSITY AND COMPLEXITY IN ACTION 1019

Control

• Rao had assumed control at a crucial period, headed a minority government and
successfully piloted the affairs of the country for the full term.

Culture

• The BJP is committed to the concept of one nation, one people, one culture, and asserts
that its nationalist vision is defined by the nation’s ancient cultural heritage.

Direction

• Though issues such as corruption, casteism, communalism, stability and price-rise are
likely to figure prominently in the campaigning by both of the main parties, the BJP, a
senior party leader said, would concentrate its energies on giving a new direction to soci-
ety, its “clean” rule and “splendid” record in implementing its poll promises in the state.

Communication

• When Indira Gandhi found herself up against a powerful syndicate, she broke loose by
communicating directly with the people and went on to exercise complete control over
the party apparatus.
• Vajpayee’s greatest appeal is his oratorical skills, which he uses to a telling effect. His
style is that of an accomplished stage actor—his speeches punctuated with pregnant
pauses, voice high pitched one moment, and down to a whisper the next, as if he were
sharing a secret with the crowd.
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Appendix I

Illustrative Statements From Unstructured

Interviews
“Communications … the ability to communicate … is also very important in leaders … of
course.”
“He should be able to communicate effectively. And in communication, I think one of the
major skills in communications is listening.… So if you are not a good listener, you cannot
be a good communicator because one way communication is no communication, you’re just
talking. So, that is the third thing that comes out of this … [not clear] … decision making,
being able to communicate that, decisions and all … those things … those are important.”
“Communication skills … here I mean not the … the way he talks … that kind of … thing
… his ability to … make … people understand … what exactly he wants to communicate
basically … actually … there should not be any kind of gaps like.… It is not necessary to have
language skills and all …”
“He should be good at communication, whatever is that vision … that he is going to see,
he should be able to communicate it … and he has to be articulate because … that vision that
he is seeing, he should be able to put it in the way that … would inspire people to follow and
make them also see the same thing.”
“Either he makes the vision evolve or he communicates it in such a way that … [pause] …
they are sold on it you know, that they can identify themselves … with the same … a’h …
vision or the mission he has.”
“I would say a very important quality of leadership would be that you should be able to
see much beyond … (pause) … because that is how you are going to lead. And the perspec-
tive should be not only that much beyond but a holistic … larger perspective of everything.”
“He has got a clear vision, direction … he is very knowledgeable … very influential in the
industry and as a person he has got some kind of clear-cut vision.”
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X
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA CLUSTER

The Sub-Saharan Africa Cluster in the GLOBE Research Program consisted of Namibia,
Nigeria, South Africa (Black sample), Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Some characteristics of this
cluster are included in the chapter of South Africa which provides also some information on
the black population of South Africa.
The only societal culture dimension on which the Sub-Saharan Africa cluster was amongst
the high scores is Humane Orientation. Its scores on all the remaining eight dimensions of
societal culture viz. Assertiveness, Future Orientation, Gender Egalitarianism, In-Group
Collectivism, Institutional Collectivism, Performance Orientation, Power Distance, and
Uncertainty Avoidance were in the mid range. It was not in the low score range in any of the
societal culture dimensions.
The Sub-Saharan Africa cluster viewed Charismatic/Value Based, Team Orientated, and
Participative leadership as positive contributors to outstanding leadership. Humane Oriented
leadership is also seen as a high contributor to outstanding leadership. Autonomous leader-
ship and Self Protective leadership were seen as slightly impeding affective leadership.
Countries in this cluster share a common heritage of colonization and suppression through
slavery. This common experience has resulted in a deep sense of sharing the common faith
of suffering and the region is therefore characterized by norms of reciprocity, suppression of
self-interest, the virtue of symbiosis and human interdependence (Mangaliso, 2001).

REFERENCES

House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V., & GLOBE Associates (2004).
Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publications, Inc.
Mangaliso, M. P. (2001). Building competitive advantage from Ubuntu: Management lessons from
South Africa. Academy of Management Executive, 15(3), 23–33.

1021
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28
▼▼▼▼▼▼▼▼

Culture and Leadership in 25 Societies:

Integration, Conclusions, and Future
Directions
Felix C. Brodbeck
Aston University, Birmingham, England

Jagdeep S. Chhokar
Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad, India

Robert J. House
University of Pennsylvania, USA

The GLOBE (Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness) Research

Program is a worldwide organization of some 170 scholars from about 60 nations who inves-
tigate the cross-cultural forces relevant to effective leadership and organizational practices.
Approximately 17,300 middle managers from 950 organizations in 61 countries participated
in the first two phases of the GLOBE program.
In his foreword to the previous volume of GLOBE studies (House et al., 2004), Harry
Triandis calls GLOBE “the Manhattan Project of the study of the relationship of culture to
conceptions of leadership” (p. xv). Others see it “as the most ambitious study of leadership”
(Morrison, 2000) and “perhaps the most large-scale international management research
project that has ever been undertaken” (Leung, Foreword, this volume, p. xiii). Not only has
its unique magnitude and scope been acknowledged in management research, but so too have
the contributions it has made to the field of applied social sciences. For these, GLOBE was
awarded the Scot E. Meyers Award for Applied Research in the Workplace, 2005, from the
U.S. American Society of Industrial and Organizational Psychology (SIOP).
GLOBE is a multiphase project. In the first two phases (Phase 3 is currently under way) quan-
titative instruments were developed and used to measure various aspects of the 61 countries
studied. Emphasis was laid on the development of reliable and valid instruments for
cross-cultural measurement and on the validation of a cross-level and cross-cultural theory of the
relationships between culture, and societal, organizational, and leadership effectiveness. These

1023
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1024 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

two phases are described in the first GLOBE volume (House et al., 2004) in which a culture-
general approach is taken by emphasizing quantitative methods and comparisons between indus-
tries, countries, and cultural clusters. The objective was to provide a description of the relative
rankings of 61 countries with respect to reported leadership effectiveness, of societal cultural
attributes, and their effect on organizational processes in the context of each of 61 countries.
During the first two phases of GLOBE there was also an emphasis on culture-specific
approaches by using an array of qualitative methods with the aim to provide a rich ethno-
graphic description of societal culture, organizational processes, and managerial leadership in
the context of particular countries.
The present GLOBE volume is devoted to combining both the culture-general and the cul-
ture-specific approaches. It addresses the criticism of culture-general research, with high
levels of abstraction and its neglect of subtle, but important local variations and nuances
(Morris, Leung, Ames, & Lickel, 1999), by augmenting culture-general constructs and frame-
works with the richness of culturally contingent concepts and findings (Yang, 2000). The
collection of 25 country chapters presented here with their culture-specific findings and
insights give the “culture general skeleton flesh and blood” as Kwok Leung has formulated it.
What is meant by this, we could not say better than he did in his foreword to our book:
“Combining qualitative and quantitative results, and drawing on the extant cultural knowl-
edge and indigenous research on leadership, each of the 25 country-specific chapters
describes how leadership is conceptualized and enacted in its cultural milieu, and explores
how emic dynamics are related to the etic constructs and frameworks derived from the
GLOBE project. It is exactly this type of synergistic integration of culture-general and
culture-specific knowledge that is able to address the respective deficiencies of pan-cultural
and indigenous research.” No wonder, that Kwok Leung in the foreword to this volume asserts
that GLOBE will “go down in the history of management research as a hallmark for diversity,
inclusiveness, richness, and multilateralism.”
This second GLOBE book is a product of collective efforts of about 60 scholars from the 25
countries it includes. Most of them have also participated in the overall GLOBE project from its
beginnings in the mid-1990s as Country Co-Investigators (CCIs). They thus have firsthand expe-
rience with the GLOBE data collection process and with the manifold discussions among
GLOBE CCIs about how to best use the developed methods and concepts and about how to inter-
pret the results found in Phases 1 and 2 of the GLOBE research program (House et al., 2004).
In preparing their country chapters, authors worked from a master template that is
described in the introduction chapter of this book. The overall task was to link the quantita-
tive and comparative results obtained during the GLOBE Phases 1 and 2 with the results from
the country-specific data that the authors have gathered and analyzed themselves consisting
of country-specific literature reviews, one-to-one interviews with managers, focus group
interviews, media analyses, unobtrusive measures, and participant observation. The culture-
specific qualitative research has been also directed toward triangulating the quantitative find-
ings. Such triangulation can reveal corroboration of some of the quantitative findings and
contradictions to these findings. Where contradictions were found the investigators were
encouraged to dig further to yield meaningful interpretations. The overall purpose of the master
template was to give guidance for making chapters similar in scope and structure, but also to
provide for the freedom to explore and further investigate country-specific characteristics and
findings about culture, organization, and leadership.
Each chapter draft has been reviewed several times. In a first round, two or three management
and social science scholars reviewed each chapter draft. They originated from or had lived
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1025

sufficiently long in the country described in the chapter they reviewed. This was done to increase
the culture-specific reliability and validity of each chapter’s content. In the second round of
reviews, which was conducted by the editors of this book, chapter authors were supported in
relating their culture-specific findings and interpretations to the culture-general GLOBE concepts
and measures. This way, proper use of concepts and methods was ensured. Furthermore, the draft
to this conclusion chapter has been sent out to all chapter authors for reviewing and their
comments were taken into account. In some cases, the interpretations of findings required further
discussions and the present collection of chapters reflects how these were resolved or were
further developed into intriguing questions when resolution could not be achieved.
Each of the 25 country chapters discloses the unique aspects of the country and presents
numerous insights about the society, organization, and leadership in the culture studied. The
volume is filled with a wide variety of country-specific findings and interpretations. It offers
answers for many country-specific questions of interest for those who live in the respective
country, for those who intend to live and work there, and for those who want to know more
about a country’s societal and organizational culture and leadership.
We now turn to an integrative view to point out particularly interesting findings, to iden-
tify commonalities among culture-specific findings, and to discuss intriguing theoretical and
methodological issues. We derive questions for future research and practical implications,
from which researchers, students, and practitioners can benefit.
In the first part of this chapter, we address issues about societal culture. In the second part,
we describe leadership and the link between culture and leadership from a between-country
perspective and from multiple within-country perspectives.

1. SOCIETAL CULTURE

For Project GLOBE culture is defined as, “shared motives, values, beliefs, identities, and
interpretations or meanings of significant events that result from common experiences of
members of collectives that are transmitted across generations” (House et al., 2004, p. 15).
For the culture-general purposes of GLOBE, culture has been operationalized by the use of
indicators reflecting cultural manifestations of the commonality (agreement) among members
of collectives with respect to the psychological attributes described in the aforementioned def-
inition of culture, and with respect to observed and reported practices of entities such as fam-
ilies, schools, work organizations, economic systems, legal systems, and political institutions.
The objective is to compare a large sample of societies on dimensions of culture that are
cross-culturally valid.
Results from such a culture-general approach can be also useful for a culture-specific
analysis of societies by positioning societies within a sample of relevant others. For this, it is
important that the definition of culture also addresses culture-specific aspects. As Triandis
(2004) points out, GLOBE defines culture in accord with anthropologists’ definitions; for
example, Redfield (1948) defines culture as “shared understandings made manifest in act and
artifact”(p. vii). The GLOBE dimensions of cultural practices represent perceptions of acts
or of “the way things are done in a culture,” and the GLOBE dimensions of cultural values
are human made artifacts in the sense of judgments about “the way things should be done.”
As part of GLOBE, culture was measured on the basis of both the cultural-practices and the
cultural-values perspectives, which have not been investigated separately and simultaneously
in previous cross-cultural research.
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1026 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

Cultural Practices and Cultural Values

The nine core cultural dimensions identified by GLOBE (Assertiveness, Future Orientation,
Gender Egalitarianism, In-Group Collectivism, Humane Orientation, Institutional Collectivism,
Uncertainty Avoidance, Performance Orientation, Power Distance) consist of items that
incorporate the previously described entities and events (for definitions, see the introduction
chapter of this book; for detailed coverage of each dimension, see House et al., 2004).
Furthermore, they address two distinct kinds of cultural manifestations: modal practices and
modal values.
Modal practices within a country are measured by the responses of middle managers to
questionnaire items concerning “What is” or “What are” common behaviors, institutional prac-
tices, proscriptions, and prescriptions in their society (termed “As Is” dimensions). Modal val-
ues are measured by questionnaire items concerning judgments about “What should be”
common behaviors, institutional practices, proscriptions and prescriptions (termed “Should
Be” dimensions). Both sets of GLOBE measures have been validated (e.g., by establishing
convergent and discriminant validity) on the country level of analysis with different sets of data
from outside GLOBE (Gupta, De Luque, & House, 2004) and with societal-value data from
prior cross-cultural studies (Hanges & Dickson, 2004; Hanges & Dickson, 2006).
There have been long discussions among GLOBE researchers about the meaning of dis-
parities between societal cultural practices and values scores on the GLOBE dimensions
within countries. Various views on this issue are presented in the country chapters of the pre-
sent volume. We think that it is premature to seek closure to this debate and therefore present
one hypothesis that aligns well with the empirical data from GLOBE. We termed it the depri-
vation hypothesis.
On an individual level of analysis (the level that the GLOBE measures tap to make infer-
ences about societal and organizational culture) the disparity between perceptions of practices
and value judgments can be interpreted as deprivation. That is, when respondents perceive
practices as less or more dominant in their society or organization than they think they should
be, or perceive them as inappropriate, there will be a disparity between their reports of prac-
tices and values. On a society or organizational level of analysis, their common perceptions
of a disparity between practices and values imply the people’s sympathy with respectively
higher or lower levels of cultural values than practices. Empirical evidence for the deprivation
hypothesis is presented in a later section of this chapter together with a discussion about how
deprivation can result in cultural change and which factors and psychological processes are
likely to be involved.

Culture Clusters

The authors of the country chapters also reflected on the relative positioning of their coun-
try’s practices and values scores and they triangulated these results within the context of the
qualitative results they obtained about their country’s societal culture, organizations, and lead-
ership. Furthermore, in many cases chapter authors compared their country’s scores and fur-
ther qualitative evidence to relevant other countries or to meaningful groups of countries. One
particularly meaningful subset of reference countries are those that are positioned in the same
cultural region or cluster of countries. For an example, in the chapter about Singapore, this
society’s scores are compared to the scores of other Confucian Asian countries (China, Hong
Kong, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan). These have been identified by GLOBE to belong to the
same cultural cluster as Singapore.
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1027

TABLE 28.1
The Ten GLOBE Cultural Clusters of 61 Countries

Anglo Cultures Latin Europe Nordic Europe Germanic Europe Southern Asia

Australia France Finland Austria India

England Portugal Sweden Germany Indonesia
Ireland Spain Denmark (Former West & East) Iran
New Zealand Israel Netherlands Malaysia
South Africa Italy Switzerland Philippines
(White Sample) Switzerland (German speaking) Thailand
(French
USA speaking)
Canada

Eastern Europe Latin America Sub-Sahara Africa Middle East/Arab Confucian Asia

Greece Argentina South Africa Turkey China

Russia Colombia (Black Sample) Egypt Hong Kong
Albania Mexico Namibia Kuwait Singapore
Georgia Bolivia Nigeria Morocco Japan
Hungary Brazil Zambia Qatar South Korea
Kazakhstan Costa Rica Zimbabwe Taiwan
Poland Ecuador
Slovenia El Salvador
Guatemala
Venezuela

Note. Countries named in bold letters are covered by a chapter in this volume.

On the basis of the data on cultural practices and values from 61 countries, GLOBE has iden-
tified altogether 10 cultural clusters around the world (see Table 28.1) that correspond highly
with previously published attempts to identify distinguishable cultural regions (Gupta &
Hanges, 2004). Countries from the same cluster share characteristics such as geographic
proximity and climate zone, mass migration and ethnic social capital, and religious and lin-
guistic roots. For example, countries within the Germanic cluster (Germany–former East and
West, Switzerland–German speaking, Austria, the Netherlands) share a geographic region
(central Europe), are similar in climate, and have common linguistic, religious, and geopolit-
ical roots in history. Each of the Germanic countries is covered by a chapter in this book and
in each chapter (from a country-specific perspective) the respective underlying historical and
cultural developments are reflected so that the reasons why they have highly similar profiles,
and also where and why there are subtle differences on the GLOBE dimensions between
these countries, become apparent. For another example, countries from the Anglo cluster
(England, Ireland, United States, Canada–English speaking, New Zealand, Australia, South
Africa–White sample) span across various continents with different climatic zones, however,
colonization and mass migration formed the basis for common linguistic and religious roots
and for similarity in ethnic social capital.
Although different levels of economic development can moderate cultural differences between
countries, the characteristics of the societal cultural background shape the people’s fundamental
attitudes, beliefs, values, and behaviors to an extent that accounts for a large proportion of the
prevailing differences between societies and cultural regions (Gupta et al., 2004).
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1028 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

We used the 10 cultural clusters identified by GLOBE to structure the presentation of

country chapters in this book. This is meant to be helpful for the reader who wants to com-
pare countries from the same and different cultural regions, for example, in order to identify
subtle differences between countries of the same cluster or to identify interesting overlap
between countries from different cultural clusters. This helps to understand cultural similari-
ties and differences between countries and cultural regions better and to become aware of the
impact the sometimes subtle differences in societal culture and leadership concepts can have
on the effectiveness of cross-cultural encounters at work. We are convinced that the 10 clus-
ters identified by GLOBE serve as a useful framework for managing complexities of multi-
cultural operations.1
In Figures A1 to A9 (see Appendix A) the 10 cultural clusters are used to group the 25
countries covered in this book (plus one further entry, because Germany is represented by two
samples, one for former East and one for former West Germany) together with the remaining
35 GLOBE countries that are also covered in the wider GLOBE study. Figures A1 to A9 show
the relative positioning of countries and country clusters with respect to the GLOBE dimen-
sions of societal cultural practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”). In the following sub-
sections, we give examples of how country comparisons within and across cultural clusters,
in combination with selected information from the country chapters in this book, can be a
useful tool to improve our understanding of a country’s societal culture and development.

Cluster-Typical and Boundary-Spanning Societies

Certain societies can be seen as more or less typical for a particular cultural cluster. Some
societies’ characteristics are highly prototypical for the country cluster they are member of.
For example, the United States and England are positioned well in the middle of the Anglo
cluster for most of the nine GLOBE dimensions (see Figures in Appendix A1 to A9); the same
holds true for Germany-West or Austria within the Germanic cluster or for Argentina and
Colombia for the Latin America cluster. There are also countries that are positioned at the
boundaries of culture clusters with respect to several GLOBE dimensions. For example, the
Netherlands’, which is in the Germanic cluster, societal characteristics overlap with charac-
teristics of societies from the Nordic European cluster, notably for Power Distance, In-Group
Collectivism, Institutional Collectivism, and Gender Egalitarianism (see Figures A2, A3, A4,
and A8). In some characteristics, the Netherlands also fits to the Anglo cluster, notably for
Uncertainty Avoidance (see Figure A1). Gupta and Hanges (2004) present evidence that the
Nordic and the Germanic cultural clusters overlap considerably, due to common cultural roots
and geographical proximity.
Societies that are at the boundaries of cultural clusters may share several characteristics
with countries from several cultural clusters also for reasons other than geographic proximity.
For example, in the chapter about Singapore, GLOBE societal culture scores from countries
that also belong to the cultural cluster of Confucian Asia (China, Hong Kong, Japan, South
Korea, and Taiwan) are compared to the respective scores for Singapore. The profile of
Singaporean GLOBE scores often align with the average profile of the Confucian Asia

1
Note that some aspects of culture and leadership in the 10 cultural clusters are also described in various chapters
in the book edited by House et al. (2004). A special Issue of the Journal of World Business (Vol. 37, 2002) is devoted
to describing culture and leadership in 6 of the 10 GLOBE cultural clusters (Germanic Europe, Anglo, Latin Europe,
Eastern Europe, Middle East, and Southern Asia).
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1029

cluster, but also with the profiles of other countries (e.g., Japan) and country clusters (e.g.,
Anglo). Specifically, in Figure A1 it can be seen that Singapore scores about as high on
Uncertainty Avoidance practices as other Nordic and Germanic countries. When comparing
Singapore to the countries from the Confucian Asian cluster it can be seen in Figure A1 that
Singapore’s scores differ from the average profile in this cluster. Moreover, Singapore shows
a marked downward trend from high practices to low values in Uncertainty Avoidance. Only
Hong Kong shows the same downward trend, which, however, is much less in magnitude. All
other countries from the Confucian Asian cluster show lower practices than values in
Uncertainty Avoidance, indicating a different developmental trend for their societies. Other
examples where Singapore deviates from its cultural cluster’s profile are Assertiveness
(Singapore’s scores and trend resemble more the profile of the Anglo cluster; see Figure A7)
and Gender Egalitarianism (scores and trend resemble more the profiles of the Anglo and the
Nordic European cluster; see Figure A8). As has been discussed in the chapter about
Singapore, these findings align with the results from the historical and ethnographic analyses.
The authors conclude that Singapore blends Chinese, Malay, and English cultural elements as
a result of colonialism (from the UK), emigration (from China and Malaysia), and openness
to managerial and business practices from Western cultures (e.g., UK, United States) and also
from modern Asian cultures (e.g., Japan).
From a practitioners’ point of view, establishing subsidiaries in boundary-spanning soci-
eties such as Singapore or the Netherlands can help multinational companies to gain easier
access to the necessary cultural know-how and experiences before they establish subsidiaries
in countries that belong to the same cultural cluster but are more foreign to them. For example,
the GLOBE data indicate that from the perspective of a company based in the Anglo cluster, the
countries from the Confucian Asian cluster should be approached via Singapore and countries
from the Germanic or Nordic European clusters via the Netherlands.

Subcultures Within Societies

The question of whether the GLOBE sample represents the societies well enough has been
raised by cross-cultural scholars (e.g., Triandis, 2004). What is meant is that subcultures in
societies, especially of large and culturally heterogeneous countries (e.g. China, India, or the
United States) may not be adequately represented by GLOBE because samples were not
systematically drawn to cover different subcultures. This is true and future research needs to
address this issue, especially for the larger countries just mentioned. However, some system-
atic sampling that accounts for the existence of subcultures was performed in several societies
covered by GLOBE. The German sample systematically represents regions from former East
Germany and former West Germany. These two regions were separated after World War II into
two different nations each belonging to a different political and economical system. West
Germany was embedded in the Western economic system and the NATO military alliance.
East Germany was embedded in the communist economic system and the Warsaw Pact for
about 40 years until Germany was reunited in 1990 (for details, see the German chapter).
Switzerland is also represented with two samples: One sample was drawn from the German-
speaking part, which is covered by the Swiss chapter in this volume. Another sample was
drawn from the French-speaking part of Switzerland. Although not covered by a chapter in
this book, its data contributed to the overall GLOBE results that are covered in the figures of
this chapter (see Appendixes A and B).
In Figures A1 to A9, one can see that on most GLOBE dimensions, East and West
Germany score highly similar. Overall, the data support the view that both parts of Germany
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1030 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

are very close to each other culturally and are centrally positioned within the Germanic cul-
tural cluster. Only subtle differences exist between these regions, some of which point toward
the legacy of the “iron curtain” that separated the Eastern communist from the Western
capitalist systems. In contrast, the cultural practices and values in French-versus German-
speaking Switzerland differ so much that the respective subcultures were positioned in
different cultural clusters. French-speaking Switzerland shares more characteristics with
countries from the Latin European cluster than with countries from the Germanic clusters—
the opposite is true for German-speaking Switzerland.
Thus, GLOBE not only presents evidence for subcultures within countries to exist, its
results also underline the fact that subcultures within the same country may be positioned in
different cultural clusters with considerable differences in their societal cultural profile.
Furthermore, all chapter authors took great care in specifying the cultural group from which
they selected the respondents. For example, in the chapter about England it is described
clearly that its content is representative of the English, but not necessarily of the Welsh, the
Scottish, or the Northern Irish within the United Kingdom. The major cultural divides within
countries are also acknowledged in each chapter.

Different “Species” of Collectivistic Societies

The constructs of collectivism and individualism have attained the status of paradigm in cross-
cultural psychology (Segall & Kagitçibasi, 1997). In the last 25 years, more than 1,400 articles
and numerous books have been published on these dimensions (for a review, see Gelfand,
Bhawuk, Nishii, & Bechthod, 2004). Triandis (1994) pointed out that collectivistic and indi-
vidualistic cultures, on the one hand, can be specified by some common defining attributes, but
on the other hand, they differ on additional culturally specific elements of the constructs. He
therefore suggested that the construct should be polythetically defined as in other sciences, for
example, in zoology: The defining features of the category “bird” are wings and feathers, but
distinguishing between different species of birds requires consideration of some further
combinations of attributes (e.g., yellow beak, carnivorous). Analogously, for distinguishing
between the cultures of societies, the simple dichotomy of collectivism versus individualism is
not sufficient. Further theoretical and empirical refinement is necessary.
GLOBE established the distinction between In-Group Collectivism and Institutional
Collectivism. In-Group Collectivism is the degree to which individuals express pride, loyalty,
and cohesiveness in their organizations, families, circle of close friends, or other such small
groups. Institutional Collectivism is the degree to which institutional practices encourage and
reward collective distribution of resources and collective action. The latter scale measures an
aspect of collectivism that differs from those published in the literature. Gelfand et al. (2004)
note that “Institutional Collectivism seems to be part of a cultural syndrome wherein such cul-
tures are future focused and performance oriented yet [they] seek to accomplish such orien-
tations through practices that emphasize being concerned about others, and not being
assertive or power domineering” (p. 476). More detailed descriptions of these two dimensions
and manifold empirical data about the scales’ interrelations with established measures of col-
lectivism are given in Gelfand et al.
For the purposes of this chapter, we focus on the culturally specific descriptions made in
the country chapters in order to reflect the variety of meanings the culture-general GLOBE
constructs imply when seen from a within-country perspective. Furthermore, by taking
multiple GLOBE dimensions into account, we explore “further combinations of attributes”
that are helpful in distinguishing between different “species” of collectivistic societies.
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1031

From inspection of Figures A3 and A4 it can be seen that the GLOBE societies and country
clusters differ substantially in their positioning on In-Group Collectivism and Institutional
Collectivism practices and values. Let us first take a bird’s-eye view by looking at the country
clusters.
For In-Group Collectivism (Figure A3) the Nordic, Anglo, and Germanic countries (which
are typically seen as individualistic societies) and the Latin European countries display
medium levels in cultural practices (exceptions are Portugal, Spain, and Ireland with some-
what higher levels). The countries in these clusters aspire for significantly higher levels of In-
Group Collectivism values (“Should Be”). The countries from the Latin America cluster show
high practices (“As Is”) scores and all but one aspire to even higher levels in respective val-
ues (“Should Be”). In contrast, the countries from the remaining clusters (Eastern Europe,
Middle East, Confucian Asia, Southern Asia, Sub-Sahara Africa), most of which are posi-
tioned on high levels of In-Group Collectivism practices, show high variance in how the In-
Group Collectivism values deviate from the respective practices. Note that the range of values
scores overlaps strongly with the range of practices scores (see Figure A3). This variance calls
for closer inspection of individual countries.
Before we do this, let us take another bird’s-eye view on Institutional Collectivism
(Figure A4), which shows a picture different from the aforementioned. Most country clusters
display medium levels on Institutional Collectivism practices while aspiring for higher levels
in values. One exception is the Nordic Europe cluster, where Institutional Collectivism prac-
tices are seen to be rather high and the desired values are positioned much lower. A similar
trend, but less in magnitude and more around the midpoint, is apparent for the Anglo cluster.
Interestingly, the countries from the Confucian and Southern Asian clusters, which tradition-
ally are seen as prototypes of collectivistic societies, score only medium on Institutional
Collectivism practices (with only one exception in the Confucian Asia cluster), and the coun-
tries of the Confucian Asian cluster display a pattern of sometimes higher and sometimes
lower levels of value scores (see Figure A4).
We now explore culturally specific “combinations of attributes” for some selected societies—
China, India, Turkey, and Sweden—in order to distinguish between different “species” of col-
lectivistic societies.

China. Positioned in the Confucian Asia cluster, China is traditionally seen as a typical
example for a collectivistic society. The disparity between high levels of In-Group
Collectivism (Figure A3) and only medium levels of Institutional Collectivism (Figure A4)
finds an explanation in what the chapter authors write about the kind of collectivism that is
endorsed in the Chinese culture. Chinese people live within networks of guanxi (relationships
or ties) and are very careful with renqing (emotional reactions to other people) and mianzi
(face). Moreover, they prefer governance by ethics (li zhi) over governance by law (fa zhi).
The reliance on people rather than on law naturally promotes the practice of guanxi, because
the social context of individuals (rather than institutional authority) defines what is permissi-
ble in a given context. This explains why In-Group Collectivism is more strongly endorsed in
China than Institutional Collectivism. Thus, the two GLOBE dimensions help us to represent a
specific “combination of attributes” that identifies the specific nature of China’s collectivism in
more detail.
There is another interesting “combination of attributes” to explore. Within the Confucian
Asia cluster, China shows the strongest downward trend from high levels of In-Group
Collectivism to medium levels of respective values (the disparity is even stronger than for
Hong Kong; China starts at a considerably higher practice level than Hong Kong does). The
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1032 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

chapter authors argue that this is the result of the dramatic changes taking place in China,
especially within the business context. China’s collectivistic orientation is being challenged
by the import of Western-style management principles and market economy–oriented values.
The chapter authors speak of “a growing spirit of ‘Chinese-style’ individualism” and give
examples of respective developments in the Chinese society in their chapter.

India. The In-Group Collectivism scores reported for India (Southern Asia cluster) are
similar to the scores reported for China. As is described in the chapter about India, its form
of collectivism is primarily based on the family, which continues to be one of the basic units
of Indian society. This explains, in a somewhat different way from the case of China, why the
In-Group Collectivism score for India is higher than its Institutional Collectivism score.
Furthermore, India’s downward trend from high In-Group Collectivism practices to medium
values is about as strong as for China. This trend provides an explanation that is similar to the
reasons given for China: For India the focus on materialism is said to cause an increase in
individualism in society, particularly among the managerial class, which experiences compe-
tition every day at work.

Turkey. Turkey (Middle East cluster) is also positioned in the high bands of In-Group
Collectivism practices. It ranks fifth highest on practices in the total GLOBE sample. Its
respective In-Group Collectivism cultural values score is very much on the same level as the
respective cultural-practices score. Thus, there seems to be no societal cultural reflection of
an influx of materialistic and individualistic practices and values into the Turkish society. For
Turkey (similar to India) the family stands at the center of life in society, which is also
endorsed by the Turkish interpretations of the Islam religion, and people have a high trust of
family members (note that most organizations in Turkey are family owned). Furthermore, ties
between people in Turkey are also established by belonging to the same region (i.e., born and
raised with family roots there), and more generally, the people have a strong commitment to their
relationships in social networks (similar to China). All this together explains Turkey’s higher
levels of In-Group Collectivism practices as compared to Institutional Collectivism practices.
Aside from no apparent differences between high levels of In-Group Collectivism (which
sets Turkey’s collectivism apart from China’s and India’s) there is a strong upward difference
towards Institutional Collectivism, from medium levels of cultural practices to high levels in
the respective cultural values. The chapter authors explain the medium level of Institutional
Collectivism practice by the marked distrust of the Turkish people in institutions and “others”
within and outside their society (apart from family and regional bonds), which they trace to
the long history of multiple invasions of the region. Despite considerably higher Institutional
Collectivism values than practices (which may indicate developments toward more state
control over collective goods and individual risks), Turkey’s other cultural characteristics do
not align with the cultural syndrome related to high Institutional Collectivism that was
described previously (cf. Gelfand et al., 2004). In contrast, the levels of Power Distance
(Figure A2) and Assertiveness (Figure A7) are comparatively high and the levels of Future
Orientation (see Figure A5) and Performance Orientation (Figure A6) are comparatively low.
Overall these results for Turkey suggest that the Turkish blend of collectivism continues to be
mainly based on In-Group Collectivism (pride, loyalty, and cohesiveness within organizations,
families, circles of close friends, and other small groups). An actual cultural change toward
higher levels of Institutional Collectivism practices (institutional practices that encourage and
reward collective distribution of resources and collective action) appears difficult to achieve.
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1033

Sweden. It seems to be a paradoxical finding, but Sweden’s traditionally individualistic

society (it scores second lowest on In-Group Collectivism cultural practices; see Figure A3)
displays the highest score of all GLOBE countries for Institutional Collectivism cultural prac-
tices (see Figure A4). As the chapter authors point out, in Sweden individual independence
and strength is stressed, which is expressed as a tendency to be left alone or the desire
“not to be beholden to anyone.” The word ensamhet (solitude) has a positive connotation. It
suggests inner peace, independence, and personal strength. Swedish children are encouraged
to become independent from their family at an early stage. The character Pippi Longstocking
(Pippi Långstrump), created by the Swedish author Astrid Lindgren, symbolizes the “mature”
Swedish child. Being able to take care of oneself, independent of a family, as Pippi always
does, is regarded as something positive. The family context as a basis for life-long social
bonding does not seem to play a significant role in Swedish society.
That Sweden is a prototypical “species” of the cultural syndrome of Institutional Collectivism
is apparent in its comparatively low practices scores for Power Distance (Figure A2) and
Assertiveness (Figure A7), and its high levels of Future Orientation (see Figure A5).
Furthermore, it is apparent in some peculiarities of the Swedish society. According to the
chapter authors’ descriptions, a very high proportion (87%) of employees are unionized
compared to 34% in the UK, 24% in Japan, and 9% in France, Sweden’s tax rates are extremely
high compared to other countries and taxation is used to enable state and local governments to
assume extensive responsibility for many collective services such as education, the labor
market, industrial policies, care of the sick and elderly, pensions and other types of social insur-
ance, and environmental protection. The Swedish enjoy unique collective rights, for example,
the Right of Public Access (Allemansrátten; “Every Man’s Right”), which makes the individual
landowner’s interests subordinate to collective interests by granting every individual the right to
access other people’s property (to pick wildflowers, mushrooms, berries; to bathe in and travel
by boat on other people’s water). All these indicate clearly that collective goods in Sweden, and
the people’s access to them, are well protected and maintained by their institutions.
We concur with the Swedish chapter authors who develop a plausible explanation, on the
basis of their within-country analyses, for the contradiction between the GLOBE results and
Hofstede’s (1980) assertion that Sweden is clearly an individualistic culture. Hofstede did not
distinguish between In-Group Collectivism (what Hofstede’s Individualism-Collectivism
dimension mainly measures)2 and the form of Collectivism which is based on a whole society.
The distinction between In-Group and Institutional Collectivism is obviously important for
better specification of the Swedish type of collectivism. And it appears helpful for character-
izing “individualistic” societies, which rank highly on the Institutionalized Collectivism
dimension (further examples are Norway, Denmark, or New Zealand), as well as for distin-
guishing between the different blends of “collectivism” shown in societies such as China,
India, and Turkey.
For distinguishing between the cultures of societies and for characterizing cultures from a
culture-specific perspective, the simple dichotomy of collectivism versus individualism is not
sufficient. On the one hand, the previously described findings provide a further theoretical and
empirical refinement of concepts for cross-cultural measurement as was suggested by

2
As was shown by Gelfand et al. (2004), based on between-country analyses, Hofstede’s Individualism scale cor-
responds mainly with GLOBE’s In-Group Collectivism practices scale (r = -.83, p < .05), and it is nearly unrelated
to the Institutional Collectivism practices scale (r = .15, ns).
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1034 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

Triandis (1994). On the other hand, the findings serve as an example for how results from
culture-specific (within-country) and culture-general (between-country) analyses can corroborate
into new insights.

Implications for the Evolution of Culture

One major question in cross-cultural research is, “how do different cultures evolve?”
Numerous cross-cultural scholars have posited that cultural species or syndromes develop as
adaptations to the ecological context (e.g., Berry, Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen, 1992; for alter-
native views, see Cohen, 2001). Existing cultures can thus be seen as viable solutions to a
certain set of problems in their history that derive from the respective ecological context
within which they have developed. For an example, Barry, Bacon, and Child (1959) illustrated
in a classic study that cultural individualism, which supports self-reliance and freedom, is cru-
cial for the survival in hunting-and-gathering ecologies, whereas in agricultural ecologies,
societal collectivism, which endorses conformity and obedience, is crucial for survival. And
as societies move toward industrialization, Triandis (1994) further argued, there is a shift
toward an emphasis on individualism.
From principles of biological evolution, however, we know that shifts “backward” in the
developmental history are extremely unlikely. Similarly, sustained survival of a culture is less
about solving yesterday’s problems than about solving today’s problems and those in the
future. Thus, it is important for societies to recognize the relevant ecological factors of the
present and anticipate those in the future in order to adapt to them successfully.
Considering the preceding discussion, the GLOBE findings about the cultural syndrome
around Institutional Collectivism can help us to better understand different “species” of
collectivism and how they are developing. For example, societies like Sweden, which show
high levels of Institutional Collectivism, seem to have found a formula for combining the
fulfillment of individualized needs with collective economic prosperity and social welfare.
Interestingly, in Sweden at the end of the 20th century, the In-Group Collectivism seems
much more desirable than the Institutional Collectivism the Swedish society had managed
creating, whereas in China, a clear trend toward more individualism in general is apparent.
In-Group Collectivism and Institutional Collectivism are both desired to be less important in
China. It appears that the Chinese culture responds to its problems of industrialization by a
trend toward individualism whereas the Swedish society seems to adapt to a postindustrial-
ization environment by a trend toward In-Group collectivism. Note that from a western point
of view, the Chinese societal cultural development may be seen as a “backward trend,”
however, viewed from China’s perspective with its long history of collectivism and its
shorter history of communism, it is not.

Summary

In the first part of this chapter we have described how the GLOBE practices and values
measures of societal culture, in combination with qualitative and ethnographic descriptions of
individual societies, can help to improve our understanding about what the similarities and
differences in societal cultures actually mean, about how they come to be, and how we can
identify societal changes that are likely to happen in the future.
Obviously, a much more detailed account of each of the culture-specific issues mentioned
earlier, and many more, are discussed in the individual country chapters presented in this volume.
It is neither possible nor necessary to include all of them here.
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1035

In the next part, we combine the GLOBE findings about societal culture and leadership
from a culture-general perspective with the findings from the culture-specific analyses about
culture and leadership undertaken in each of the 25 country chapters of this book.

2. LEADERSHIP ACROSS AND WITHIN CULTURES

For GLOBE the focus is on organizational leadership—not leadership in general or leader-

ship in other domains, such as political, military, or religious leadership. GLOBE defines
organizational leadership as “the ability of an individual to influence, motivate, and enable
others to contribute toward the effectiveness and success of the organizations of which they
are members” (House & Javidan, 2004, p. 15).
Because one of the major research questions of GLOBE is to estimate the extent to which
societal and organizational culture influence the cognitions people hold about the nature of
effective leadership, the concept of implicit leadership theory (ILT; Lord & Maher, 1991) is
used. ILT focuses on individual-level differences in cognitions about which leadership attrib-
utes such as personal characteristics, attitudes, and behaviors contribute to or impede effec-
tive leadership. Such leadership prototypes (also referred to as schemas, cognitive categories,
or mental models in the social-psychological literature) are assumed to affect the extent that
an individual accepts and responds to others as leaders (Lord & Maher, 1991).

Culturally Endorsed Implicit Leadership Theory (CLT)

GLOBE extended ILT to a culture-level theory that explains how culture influences leader-
ship by focusing on cognitions about effective leaders that are shared by members of an orga-
nization or society. On the basis of the GLOBE data, Hanges and Dickson (2004) provide
convincing evidence for agreement in the people’s cognitions about leadership within cultural
groups, which validates the aggregation of individual ratings to the organizational and soci-
etal level of analysis. Dorfman, Hanges, and Brodbeck (2004) refer to the shared cultural-
level analogue of individual ILT as culturally endorsed implicit leadership theory (CLT) and
describe universal as well as culture-contingent dimensions of CLTs and how these are
endorsed within the GLOBE countries and cultural clusters.
In the current volume, a further step forward is taken by combining the culture-specific and
culture-general analyses about leadership prototypes in order to describe particular “species”
and “combinations of attributes” of leadership prototypes that are endorsed in the 25 societies
covered in this book.

How Leadership Prototypes Link to the Cultural Context

The GLOBE hypotheses about relationships between societal culture and leadership CLTs are
derived on several grounds. Culture (on societal and organizational levels) can be seen to
define a set of acceptable and unacceptable behaviors and values. Through socialization and
acculturation, on the one hand, individuals develop a set of expectations about what consti-
tutes effective leadership (leadership prototypes), and on the other hand, individuals learn to
conform to respective cultural norms when they act as leaders themselves. Over time, certain
individuals become particularly skilled at acceptable behaviors; for example, successful
managers are particularly well socialized and acculturated. On the basis of predictions from
ILT, those individuals who display leadership attributes that are more in line with the culturally
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1036 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

accepted CLTs have a higher likelihood to be accepted and responded to as a leader by

followers of the same cultural group. Thus, from the perspective of cross-cultural transitions,
successful adaptation to a particular cultural environment can be dysfunctional when managers
are placed in a different cultural environment (e.g., via expatriation) within which the cultur-
ally endorsed leadership concepts are different from those endorsed in their home culture.

Leadership Effectiveness in Cultural Context

Our culturally endorsed theory of leadership predicts that leader behaviors that are accepted
and effective within a collective are the attributes and behaviors that most clearly fit within
the parameters of the cultural forces surrounding the leader (House, Wright, & Aditya, 1997).
However, it is arguable whether leaders need to fully match their behaviors and values to cul-
tural expectations to be effective. Leader behavior that deviates slightly from dominant cul-
tural values can encourage innovation and performance improvement. Thus, nontraditional
and unexpected leadership attributes, especially when they are in line with espoused values
that indicate developmental trends within a society or organization (i.e. “Zeitgeist” for culture
change), can also have higher acceptance and stronger positive response on part of the fol-
lowers. These propositions are in line with Hollander’s social exchange theory (1958, 1980),
which suggests that innovation from leaders is not only accepted but expected.
It is also possible that certain leadership attributes are universally accepted and considered
effective worldwide, regardless of the specific cultural values espoused in a particular collective.
With these theoretical considerations in mind, the GLOBE researchers operationalized and
empirically explored CLT prototypes in the way described in the following subsection, which
has been used in all 25 country chapters presented in this book.

Measurement of CLTs

For the culture-general purposes of GLOBE, leadership prototypes have been operationalized
by the use of indicators reflecting individual ILTs. The GLOBE respondents were instructed to
think of people in their organization or industry who are exceptionally skilled at motivating,
influencing, or enabling them, others, or groups to contribute to the success of the organization
or task. Managers responded to 112 questionnaire items, each containing behaviors or character-
istics that describe leaders with a short definition for clarifying what is meant (e.g., Item
2-16: Trustworthy—Deserves trust, can be believed and relied upon to keep his/her word) and
rated them on a 7-point Likert-type scale (1 = greatly inhibits; 2 = somewhat inhibits; 3 = slightly
inhibits a person from being an outstanding leader; 4 = has no impact; 5 = contributes slightly; 6
= contributes somewhat; 7 = contributes greatly to a person being an outstanding leader).
Hanges and Dickson (2004, 2006) describe how these 112 leadership attributes were statis-
tically grouped into 21 first-order factors (termed primary leadership dimensions) and consol-
idated into 6 second-order factors referred to as global leadership dimensions. Justification for
the term global is based on the use of several techniques that provide evidence that the final
composition of factor attributes are comparable across all GLOBE countries:

1. In order to avoid ethnocentrism in item selection, GLOBE colleagues from around the
world participated to generate the original item pool of about 735 attributes.
2. In order to assure common understanding of items and reliability in dimensional
categorization, Q-sorting was undertaken involving colleagues from around the world.
3. In order to make sure that item wordings and meanings are not distorted or culturally
unacceptable, independent translation and back- translation was performed and item
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1037

reports were written for each country, indicating potential difficulties—for example,
in Germany, the word Leader could not be directly translated into “Führer” because of
the negative connotation of this word since the Holocaust.
4. Only those items that “survived” the aforementioned procedures were used in the
GLOBE questionnaire.
5. Based on two independent country samples, multilevel exploratory and confirmatory
factor analyses were undertaken to derive leadership dimensions that differentiate
between the GLOBE societal cultures regarding attributes that are perceived by more
than 17,000 managers from about 950 organizations in 61 societies to influence
effective leadership.

The resulting global CLT leadership dimensions are labeled and defined as follows (see also
Table 28.2):

1. Charismatic/Value Based leadership: reflects the ability to inspire, to motivate, and to

expect high performance outcomes from others based on firmly held core values. It
includes six subscales labeled visionary, inspirational, self-sacrificial, integrity,
decisive, and performance oriented.
2. Team Oriented leadership: reflects effective team building and implementation of
a common purpose or goal among team members. It includes five subscales labeled
team collaborative, team integrator, diplomatic, malevolent (reverse scored), and
administratively competent.
3. Participative leadership: reflects the degree to which managers involve others in
making and implementing decisions. It includes two subscales labeled autocratic
(reverse scored) and participative.
4. Humane Oriented leadership: reflects supportive and considerate leadership but also
includes compassion and generosity. It includes two subscales labeled humane orien-
tation and modesty.
5. Autonomous leadership: refers to independent and individualistic leadership. This is a
newly defined leadership dimension that has not previously appeared in the literature.
It includes a single subscale labeled autonomous.
6. Self-Protective leadership: focuses on ensuring the safety and security of the individual.
This leadership dimension includes five subscales labeled self-centered, status-conscious,
conflict inducer, face saving, and procedural.

The six global leadership dimensions are summary indices of the characteristics, skills, and
abilities culturally perceived to contribute to, or inhibit effective leadership.

Universal Dimensions of Leadership

The GLOBE team hypothesized and empirically demonstrated that members of different cul-
tures share a common frame of reference regarding effective leadership (House et al., 2004).
Dorfman et al. (2004) determined the extent to which specific leadership attributes and behav-
iors are universally endorsed as contributing to effective leadership, in contrast to those that
are culturally contingent. Most leadership attributes from the Charismatic/Value Based and
Team Oriented leadership dimensions were universally seen as positive. We first take a bird’s-
eye view on how the 25 societies described in this volume are distributed on these two uni-
versal dimensions of leadership.
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1038 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

TABLE 28.2
GLOBE Leadership Dimensions, Scales, and Items

Global Dimensions Questionnaire Items (Definitions omitted)

First-Order Factors

Charismatic/Value Based
Visionary Visionary, foresight, anticipatory, prepared,
intellectually stimulating, future oriented, plans
ahead, inspirational.
Inspirational Enthusiastic, positive, encouraging, morale booster,
motive arouser, confidence builder, dynamic,
motivational.
Self- Sacrificial Risk taker, self-sacrificial, convincing.
Integrity Honest, sincere, just, trustworthy.
Decisive Willful, decisive, logical, intuitive.
Performance Oriented Improvement, excellence, and performance oriented.

Team Oriented
Team Collaborative Group oriented, collaborative, loyal, consultative,
mediator, fraternal.
Team Integrator Clear, integrator, subdued, informed,
communicative, coordinator, team builder.
Diplomatic Diplomatic, worldly, win/win problem solver,
effective bargainer.
Malevolent (reversed) Irritable, vindictive, egoistic, noncooperative,
cynical, hostile, dishonest, nondependable,
intelligent.
Administrative competent Orderly, administratively skilled, organized, good
administrator.

Participative
Autocratic (reversed) Autocratic, dictatorial, bossy, elitist, ruler,
domineering.
Participative Nonindividual, egalitarian, nonmicromanager,
delegating.

Humane Orientation
Humane Orientation Generous, compassionate.
Modesty Modest, self-effacing, patient.
Autonomous Individualistic, independent, autonomous, unique.

Self-Protective
Self-Centered Self-interested, nonparticipative, loner, asocial.
Status-Conscious Status-conscious, class-conscious.
Conflict Inducer Intragroup competitor, secretive, normative.
Face Saving Indirect, avoids negatives, evasive.
Procedural Ritualistic, formal, habitual, cautious, procedural.

Charismatic/Value Based Leadership. In Figure B1 (see Appendix B), the country scores
for Charismatic/Value Based leadership are plotted and grouped according to the 10 GLOBE
country clusters. It can be seen that with very few exceptions, the country scores range
between 5.5 and 6.5 on the 7-point scale and the median is 5.9. From the overall distribution
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1039

(even the outlier scores are above the mid-point of the scale) it is evident that Charismatic/Value
Based leadership is positively endorsed in all GLOBE countries and cultural clusters.
Figure B1 (Appendix B) also shows statistically derived “bands” (gray shaded) of country
scores (Hanges, Dickson, & Sipe, 2004). The scores of countries within the same band are
statistically not significantly different from each other. For example, applying the banding
procedure to the country distribution for Charismatic/Value Based leadership shows that
France is an outlier (due to response bias; see Hanges, 2004). Furthermore, it can be seen that
Singapore (Confucian Asian cluster) is positioned in a higher band of Charismatic/Value
Based leadership than the other Confucian Asian cluster countries, and it is positioned in the
same band as most of the countries in the Nordic and German clusters.

Team Oriented Leadership. Figure B2 depicts the results for Team Oriented leadership,
which was identified to be the second universally endorsed leadership dimension. This time,
and again with very few exceptions, the country scores range between 5.5 and 6.3 (median =
5.8), which speaks for a generally positive endorsement of Team Oriented leadership in all
GLOBE countries and country clusters. Overall, the country scores for Team Oriented lead-
ership are slightly lower than for Charismatic/Value Based leadership. However, the least
variability among culture clusters was found for the Team Oriented and not for the
Charismatic/Value Based leadership dimension (Dorfman et al., 2004), although the range of
the latter dimension is likely subject to restriction of range due to the scores being nearer to
the end of the scale. Thus, Team Orientation seems to be a leadership principle that very much
unites managers’ culturally endorsed cognitions about the nature of effective leadership in
societies and cultural clusters around the world.

Links Between Culture and Leadership

Despite the culture-general evidence for the universal endorsement of most of the
Charismatic/Value Based and Team Oriented leadership items (Dorfman et al., 2004), applying
the banding procedure described previously shows that there are significant differences
between societies and cultural clusters in how strongly each of these leadership dimensions
is endorsed. Furthermore, based on the total sample of countries, GLOBE has presented
empirical evidence according to which there are significant links between these leadership
dimensions and societal cultural and organizational cultural dimensions (Dorfman et al.,
2004, Table 21.10, p. 699 ff).
As hypothesized by GLOBE researchers, regression analyses revealed that the most
important predictor of the Charismatic/Value Based leadership dimension is the Performance
Orientation cultural dimension. Societies and organizations that value excellence, superior
performance, performance improvement, and innovation will likely seek leaders who exem-
plify Charismatic/Value-Based qualities. Team Oriented leadership was best predicted by
cultural values of In-Group Collectivism and Humane Orientation and was negatively related
to Assertiveness cultural values and practices. Unexpectedly, a positive relationship between
Team Oriented leadership and Uncertainty Avoidance emerged. The more a society or orga-
nization values the reduction of uncertainty, the more team orientation is reported to
contribute to effective leadership.
The remaining four leadership dimensions introduced earlier are all culturally contingent.
There is high variability between country scores and sometimes even obvious disagreement
between managers from different cultures about whether the respective leadership characteris-
tics inhibit or contribute to outstanding leadership. In the next section, we therefore summarize
the findings for Participative, Autonomous, Humane, and Self-Protective leadership (see
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1040 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

Figures B3 to B6). It can be seen that different “species” of leadership prototypes emerged
for each leadership dimension depending on which societies and cultural clusters were
examined. Together with the previously described evidence, this also leaves the possibility
that there exist different “species” or “combinations of attributes” for Charismatic/Value
Based and Team Oriented leadership prototypes. These are explored in the section after the
next.

Culturally Endorsed Dimensions of Leadership

According to the scatter plots in Figures B3 to B6, the medians of the four remaining leader-
ship dimensions are positioned considerably lower than the medians for the aforementioned
two universal leadership dimensions. Furthermore, the distributions of country scores show
considerable variation among countries and country clusters for the culturally contingent
leadership dimensions. This means that they are particularly sensitive to societal cultural
differences, and thus can add significantly to our understanding of the peculiarities of leader-
ship prototypes endorsed in particular societies.
For each dimension, we describe the distributional characteristics of country scores across
cultural clusters and we highlight country-specific data and interpretations provided within
the country chapters in order to enrich our understanding about the leadership prototypes
endorsed in particular societies. This is done separately for each leadership dimension, so that
we can also develop a better understanding about how GLOBE dimension are contextualized
within particular societies and what the respective manifestations are.

Participative Leadership. Participative leadership (median = 5.3, range: 4.5–6.1) is

reported to contribute to outstanding leadership for all societies and culture clusters studied.
However, considerable variation exists among countries and clusters (see Figure B3). From
GLOBE’s culture-general analyses, we know that Participative leadership positively relates to
societal and organizational cultural values of Humane Orientation, Performance Orientation,
and Gender Egalitarianism, and negatively to Uncertainty Avoidance (Dorfman et al., 2004).
From inspection of Figure B3, it can be seen that the Nordic Europe, Germanic Europe, and
most of the Anglo countries as well as some individual countries, notably France, Argentina, and
Greece, are particularly attuned to Participative leadership. Most of the countries from Latin
Europe, Latin America, Eastern Europe, Middle East, Confucian Asia, Southern Asia, and
Sub-Saharan African clusters only slightly endorse this leadership dimension positively.
Interestingly, several countries that score particularly high on participative leadership are
from different cultural clusters: Finland (Nordic), France (Latin European), Austria, Switzerland
and West Germany (Germanic), United States (Anglo), Argentina (Latin American), and Greece
(East European). From the respective country chapters, it emerged that different “species” of
Participative leadership are endorsed in these societies.
In the Finnish and the Argentine chapters, Participative leadership is mentioned only a few
times. Managers from Finland are portrayed to lead not by giving orders, but by motivating,
setting an example to subordinates, and allowing for participation in decision making, which
aligns with Finland’s low scores on Assertiveness societal cultural practices and values. In
Argentina, it is the nonparticipative leadership style the authors focus on, which is described
as most suspicious of being “in the service of [a leader’s] own greed.” Whereas in Finland,
Participative leadership is seen as one of several leadership characteristics that positively
define effective leadership, which is in opposition to directive leadership, in Argentina, the
authors solely focus attributes of nonparticipative leadership as strongly rejected by managers.
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1041

In the French chapter, participation is among the most often used and cited terms to
describe leadership. Principles of participation seem to be much more important for leader-
ship in France and for the French societal culture in general than in most other countries. On
the one hand, Participative leadership serves as a counterpart to a narcissistic leadership style
apparent among French managers (Lebel, 1985). This leadership style appears to trace back
to the pre-Revolutionary period in France (before 1789) where elegance, grandeur, elitist, and
aristocratic values were endorsed. On the other hand, Participative leadership is described to
help maintain the “one person, one vote” principle (rooted in the principle of egalitarianism
in France’s post-Revolutionary period) and to oppose the principle of weighting people’s
votes on the basis of accumulated power and capital (which apparently stems from the pre-
Revolutionary period). The French chapter authors conclude that French managers seem to
not espouse a consistent principle of participation, but to consistently reject nonparticipative
leadership behavior.
In contrast, in Austria, as well as in German-speaking Switzerland and in Germany,
participation is described to be a well-established societal cultural practice, represented in
legal principles such as the social partnership model. This is also mirrored in the cultures of
Austrian organizations, represented through the legal principles of codetermination, which is
also endorsed in Germany. Thus, rather than being used as an “opposing” principle (e.g.,
against directive, autocratic, or elitist leadership), for Austrian and other Germanic societies,
participation and Participative leadership are positively defined cultural practices and values
manifest in various societal and organizational institutions.
Additional empirical evidence from behavioral field experiments (along the lines of the
Vroom & Yetton model of participation) presented by Reber, Jago, Aucr-Rizzi, and Szabo
(2000) positions Austria as significantly higher in participative decision making at work (sim-
ilar to Germany and Switzerland; Brodbeck et al., 2000; Szabo, Reber, Weibler, Brodbeck, &
Wunderer, 2001) than Finland, France, the Czech Republic, Poland, Turkey, and the United
States. Furthermore, Austrian as well as German managers are portrayed to use participation
to bring more information and different perspectives to bear on the task. Even more interest-
ing, the Austrian managers respond to and resolve conflict among subordinates by becoming
more participative. In contrast, managers in France, Finland, the United States, Poland, and the
Czech Republic tend to display more autocratic leadership behaviors when conflict occurs.
The U.S. chapter authors portray Participative leadership to be not part of the traditionally
U.S. American prototype of a “heroic” leader. However, it seems to be on the rise. On the one
hand, the U.S.-based leadership literature diagnoses a need for Participative leadership in
accord with a need for process-oriented, collaborative, systemic, and “global” leadership. On
the other hand, on the basis of the quantitative and qualitative GLOBE findings, the chapter
authors conclude that Participative leadership is positively connoted and associated with treat-
ing others as equals, being highly informal, tapping into the inner passions of the people, and
being not preoccupied with oneself. In the United States, the nature of Participative
leadership is described as being part of a set of personal characteristics. Outstanding
contemporary leaders should have Participative leadership as well as Charismatic and
Humane Oriented characteristics.
For the Greeks, who are portrayed by the country chapter author as natural participators
and compulsive egalitarians, the management is characterized to a large extent by formal rela-
tionships, which, however, are usually not approved of and are often questioned by the
people. What is meant by contemporary Participative leadership in Greece seems to focus
mainly around certain communication behaviors, which the chapter authors describe as
“listening to suggestions and inviting comments from employees.”
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1042 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

In summary, from the described multiple country-specific accounts of Participative lead-

ership, we can derive at least four different “species” that describe how Participative leader-
ship manifests itself and is rooted in different societal cultural practices and values: (a) as an
opposition to nonparticipative, autocratic, or directive leadership (e.g., Finland, Argentina,
France); (b) as a legal principle to organize interactions at work between labor and capital (or
management) manifest in societal and organizational cultural practices and values (e.g.,
Austria and other Germanic countries); (c) as a set of personal characteristics in modern
North American leadership conduct that surface, for example, in treating others as equals,
being informal and not preoccupied with oneself (e.g., United States); and (d) as a set of com-
munication behaviors like listening and inviting suggestions from others that aligns with soci-
etal cultural resentment against formal rules and a preference for open exchange (e.g.,
Greece).
From a purely culture-general perspective, these different “species” of Participative lead-
ership would not have surfaced because all described societies score in the same high band of
the GLOBE scale of Participative leadership (see Figure B3).

Humane Oriented Leadership. Humane Oriented leadership (median = 4.9, range:

3.8–5.8; see Figure B4) was reported among cultures and clusters to contribute to effective
leadership in varying degrees or to have no impact. From GLOBE culture-general analyses
(Dorfman et al., 2004), we know that the most important predictor of Humane Oriented lead-
ership are Humane Orientation societal and organizational cultural values such as concern,
sensitivity, friendship, tolerance, and support for others. According to Figure B4, higher
scores are found for the Anglo, Confucian Asian, Southern Asian, and Sub-Saharan Africa
clusters. Lower scores are reported for most of the Nordic, Germanic, and Latin European
countries. France as an outlier is positioned below the midpoint of the scale. The scores
reported for countries from the Middle East and East European clusters vary considerably on
this dimension. Again, different “species” of Humane Oriented leadership emerged from the
further information presented in country chapters.
In the chapter about Ireland, which is one of the prototypical representatives of the Anglo
cultural cluster, the authors diagnose a match between comparatively high levels on Humane
Oriented leadership (explained on the basis of societal values for nonassertiveness and indi-
rectness in interpersonal communication) and Humane Orientation societal cultural practices
(explained by strong Christian and Catholic heritage and the small size of the country) in their
society. These translate into the expectation that Irish leaders should behave in a humane,
modest way and not flaunt their authority. In the other countries from the Anglo cluster, a pat-
tern similar to the Irish is found (although levels of societal cultural Humane Orientation prac-
tices are somewhat lower) in that Humane Oriented leadership focuses mainly around issues
of interpersonal behavior.
For the United States, Humane Orientation societal cultural values and practices translates
into friendly, open, and generous interpersonal behavior, compassionate in times of crisis,
which is mirrored by the quantitative and qualitative findings for Humane Oriented leadership
indicating that leaders should appreciate and respect the inherent humanity and dignity of the
people they work with, communicate with a wide range of different people, and actively
encourage them to express their different points of view, beliefs, and values. For Australia, an
enigma is presented, in that the media analysis suggests on the one side, in line with the
quantitative GLOBE results about high Humane Oriented leadership, that leaders are
expected to show modesty, equanimity, egalitarianism, and a lack of pomposity. This is also
in line with low–Power Distance societal cultural practices—the lowest among all Anglo
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1043

countries. On the other side, media analysis also suggests that Australian leaders can become
more aggressive and face-saving in confrontational and crisis situations. In New Zealand, an
egalitarian approach is seen to be an important part of Humane Oriented leadership, but cou-
pled with clear and direct communication. Finally, for South Africa–White sample, which is
also part of the Anglo cluster, the high GLOBE score on Humane Oriented leadership is sup-
ported by similar results from media analysis. However, South Africa seems to differ from
other countries of the Anglo cluster by showing very low levels of Humane Orientation societal
cultural practices (see Figure A9), which compare to the low levels shown by Germanic coun-
tries, including the Netherlands, which had colonial influence on South Africa’s population
in the past.
In Confucian Asian countries, such as China and Singapore, the strong endorsement of
Humane Orientated leadership has somewhat different behavioral consequences and it is
based on different societal cultural roots than in Anglo countries. In China, where Humane
Orientation societal cultural practices are comparatively high, being a humane leader means
to align with Confucian principles of moderation and human-heartedness, which is closely
related to ren (being benevolent, kind). Thus, people in general and leaders in particular are
expected to be kind to others and to maintain a harmonious environment with a strong sense
of renqing (i.e., implicit set of rules that involves reciprocation in the form of money, goods,
information, status, service, and affection). China’s high score on Humane Orientated leader-
ship is also supported by results from interview and media analyses.
For Singapore, the chapter authors diagnose low Humane Orientation societal cultural
practices, which they see as a consequence of the high degree of control on individual behav-
iors and many rules adopted from British colonization (e.g., punishment with a cane) that
remain unchanged until today. The high scores on Humane Orientated leadership are seen as
a consequence of Confucian principles. However, the Confucian principles for leadership
endorsed in Singapore seem to be contextualized within Institutional Collectivism practices
(e.g., Singapore managers are more willing to make self-sacrifice for their society) in addi-
tion to In-Group Collectivism cultural practices, as is the case for China, where leaders are
expected to behave according to the principle that organizational members are seen as
“family” members and treated accordingly.
For India, both scores, for Humane Orientation societal cultural practices and for Humane
Oriented leadership, are positioned very high among the GLOBE countries. As put forward
by the Indian chapter author, ample proof can be cited for the most striking feature of ancient
India’s civilization being its humanity. For just one example from India’s recent history, the
traditional doctrine of ahimsa, nonviolence and noninjury to humans as well as animals, was
used effectively by Gandhi in the Indian struggle for independence from British rule. India’s
humanity is primarily rooted in family bonds (high In-Group Collectivism), but is contem-
porarily challenged by a considerable influx of Western-style individualism. For leaders, the
expectation with respect to Humane Orientated leadership is to repose faith and confidence in
followers, give them freedom, and take personal care of their well-being. The latter seems to
match to some extent with Confucian principles endorsed in China, however, it is rooted in a
different philosophical tradition in India. Finally, and different from the course taken by
Singapore, which has maintained principles of human conduct from British colonization, in
India, traditional humane principles in society and contemporary leadership prototypes seem
to be more strongly aligned with each other.
From these multiple culture-specific accounts of how differently humane orientation is
rooted and manifests itself in different societies, we can again derive several different
“species” of Humane Oriented leadership: (a) as a set of values and behaviors that espouse
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1044 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

equanimity, egalitarianism, and not flaunting one’s own status as a leader (evident in several
Anglo countries); (b) as friendly, open, and generous interpersonal conduct; in times of crisis
direct and clear (in New Zealand), compassionate (in the United States) or aggressive (in
Australia); (c) as a Confucian principle of moderation and maintaining harmonious social
relationships (China, partly in Singapore); or (d) as a traditional principle of humanity repos-
ing faith and confidence in followers, giving them freedom, and taking personal care of their
well-being (India).
How does it come about that in some societies Humane Oriented leadership is reported to
be more or less unrelated to outstanding leadership? This is the case in Finland, Germany,
Russia, and France from the chapters included in this book (see Figure B4).
For Finland, despite the fact that according to the Finnish Tourist Board (see chap. 4, this
volume), foreigners find Finnish people friendly and ready to help, despite a medium to high
score on Humane Orientation cultural practices (encouraging fairness, altruism, caring and
kindness to others), and despite a low score on Assertiveness societal cultural practices,
Humane Oriented leadership is perceived to not relate to effective leadership in Finland.
Inspection of the results from interviews and media analysis reveals that the humane princi-
ples of leadership endorsed in Finland are somewhat different from what is measured by the
respective GLOBE leadership scale. Among the top-ranked attributes of outstanding leaders
in Finland are “developing others” (i.e., the leader involves subordinates and helps develop
their self-esteem), “being sensitive” (i.e., leaders show their feelings), and a “good listener”
(i.e., leaders know and notice their subordinates needs). Compared to these leadership attrib-
utes, which obviously promote Humane Orientation at work, the leadership attributes mea-
sured by the GLOBE Humane Oriented leadership scale (i.e., being generous, compassionate,
modest, self-effacing, and patient; see Table 28.2) tap aspects that only partially overlap with
the behaviors described for Finland. The Humane Oriented leadership attributes measured by
GLOBE match particularly well with the forms of friendly, open, and generous interpersonal
conduct, which is endorsed in countries from the Anglo cluster.
Further evidence from Germany, Russia, and France strengthens the case for different
cultural “species” of Humane Orientated leadership. In Germany, the reason why Humane
Oriented leadership is reported as only marginally related to effective leadership is different
from Finland. For Germany, the chapter authors argue that the low levels of Humane
Orientation societal cultural practices and values are in line with the high Assertiveness cul-
tural practices endorsed in Germany. This consists of getting the task done, minimizing errors,
and achieving high-quality standards being more important at work than being friendly,
generous, modest, and patient. Furthermore, the authors describe that the German approach
in Humane Orientation cultural practices is manifest in institutionalized societal caring for
people, rather than in interpersonal relations between people. Driven by a strong tendency to
avoid uncertainty in people’s lives, very elaborate and costly social systems have been devel-
oped by the state in order to take care of people and to reduce risks to individuals. Here the
underlying societal cultural values are mirrored by how the relationships between employees
and leaders are organized. As was pointed out earlier, the labor–capital relations in several
countries of the Germanic cluster are based on principles of codetermination and participation,
which are institutionalized by law in society and in organizations, which is also the case for
Germany. Accordingly, it appears that leadership in Germany is more institutionalized, and
thus also more depersonalized, than in many other countries. This leaves less room for
Humane Oriented leadership with respect to interpersonal behavior (as it was measured by
GLOBE) to impact on perceived leadership effectiveness.
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1045

In Russia, Humane Orientation and modesty in leadership conduct are reported to be neutral
to perceptions of outstanding leadership. This corresponds also to the findings from media
analyses, according to which an outstanding Russian leader should have a good image, linked
to success, competencies, and social and professional recognition. These serve to facilitate the
ability to attract people, settle disputes, bring about change in organizations, and control the
situation. Russian leaders also are reported to display strong action orientation such as being
nonhesitant, a real fighter, hard-working, restless, enduring, and self-sacrificial. Characteristics
of interpersonal relationships at work between leaders and followers or peers are rarely men-
tioned in the chapter about Russia. There seem to be neither societal cultural norms nor lead-
ership principles that prescribe kindness, compassion, being generous, modest, or patient in
interpersonal behavior at work. Humane Oriented leadership is portrayed to be irrelevant to the
concept of effective leadership in Russia.
For France, the chapter authors report, that Humane Oriented leadership is perceived to
actually inhibit outstanding leadership because it can affect a leader’s credibility. The authors’
explanation of how this comes about is in brief: (a) In France managers have a low tolerance
for mistakes at work, and thus are likely to come across as task oriented rather than people
oriented (similar to German managers); (b) the focus is on events that materialize and the role
of the leader as the main actor is downplayed in favor of a “whole systems” view; and (c)
leaders are key actors in public and as such are expected to be rational, intellectual, objective,
and concerned about the “whole system” rather than concerned about individuals. Being more
concerned about individuals can result in suspicions about their credibility. The French also
diagnose that a leader’s “neutrality” is an important culture-specific trait. Leaders are
expected to be very well educated, operate discreetly, and be strong in serving their company
and country. The French view of an outstanding leader as being “objective,” “neutral,” and
concerned about the “whole system” shares some characteristics with the institutionalized
and depersonalized leadership concept held in Germany.
In summary, we have identified two reasons why Humane Oriented leadership is perceived
to be unrelated or even an inhibitor to outstanding leadership in certain societies: (a)
Characteristics other then the ones measured by GLOBE seem more relevant for humane ori-
entation (as in Finland); and (b) a preference for depersonalized and institutionalized forms of
leadership prevails in a society, which make certain characteristics of Humane Orientated lead-
ership (at least those interpersonal facets that were measured by GLOBE) appear as obsolete
to the responding managers (e.g., Russia, Germany) or even as dysfunctional (e.g., France).

Autonomous Leadership. For Autonomous leadership (median = 3.9, range: 2.3–4.7) the
highest variation among cultures and culture clusters is apparent (see Figure A5). The
GLOBE culture-general analysis (Dorfman et al., 2004) demonstrates that Autonomous lead-
ership is negatively related to Institutional Collectivism values at both societal and organiza-
tional levels of analysis.
Between societies and culture clusters, there exists a marked disparity about whether
Autonomous leadership inhibits or contributes to effective leadership. Some individual coun-
tries from different cultural clusters are positioned more clearly in the range where
Autonomous leadership is perceived to contribute to effective leadership (e.g., Austria,
Argentina, Russia, Hong Kong), whereas other countries (e.g., the Netherlands, Colombia) or
several countries that are part of the same cultural cluster (e.g., Spain, Portugal, France from
the Latin European cluster) are positioned below the midpoint of the scale where Autonomous
leadership is perceived to inhibit effective leadership.
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1046 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

A comparison of two cultural clusters, the Germanic and the Anglo clusters, which are par-
ticularly distinct from each other on the Autonomous leadership dimension (see Figure B5),
can shed some light on why there is disparity about the role of Autonomous leadership being
perceived as a contributor or inhibitor to effective leadership: In most country chapters of the
Germanic cluster, Autonomous leadership is explicitly discussed in relation to effective lead-
ership behavior, whereas in the chapters about Anglo countries autonomy is mainly seen as a
societal cultural value or an individual right and seldom referred to as a leadership attribute
relevant for effective leadership.
In the chapter about Germany East and West, autonomy on both the leader’s and the
followers’ sides is reported to have positive implications for effective leadership, because it
relates to principles of participation by which autonomous and technically competent leaders
and followers negotiate their contributions to performing the tasks at hand to the highest
possible standards. The latter is also addressed in the Austrian chapter, although not directly
referred to as “Autonomous leadership,” but rather as “long leash” leadership, which means
giving the employees space to come up with their own ideas and solutions, and thus, to
actively participate at work. As for Germany, the Austrian “long leash” blend of Autonomous
leadership seems to also tie into principles of participation (see earlier discussion on
Participative leadership).
The German-speaking Swiss are reported to generally respect autonomy and freedom in
their society. From within-country factor analysis, the authors infer that leaders who display
Autonomous leadership characteristics may be seen as “bossy.” This can explain why leaders
from the neighbor Germany, when they are working in Switzerland, are sometimes perceived
as “too bossy.” Due to their cultural background, leaders from Germany tend to be less subtle
in displaying Autonomous leadership behaviors (this is discussed in more detail in the German
chapter). Furthermore, on reinspection of the factor analytical results presented in the Swiss
chapter, we found that autonomous leadership is also positively related to what they term the
“Great Leader,” who is described as inspirational, decisive, and performance oriented (among
other attributes). This is in line with the culture-general findings for Switzerland, showing that
in relation to other countries (see Figure B5), the Swiss managers seem to tolerate autonomous
leadership to at least some degree, although not as strongly as managers from Germany and
other Germanic countries do.
For the Netherlands, which displays the lowest scores on Autonomous leadership among
all Germanic countries (below the scale’s midpoint and significantly lower than the other
Germanic countries; see Figure B5), the chapter authors report that although a high degree of
individual autonomy with an emphasis on self-reliance is positively endorsed in the Dutch
society, Autonomous leadership is perceived to relate strongly to the negatively connoted
attributes of self-centeredness and autocratic leadership that are part of the Self-Protective
leadership dimension discussed later. The findings for the Netherlands align more with what
is described about Humane Oriented leadership for Anglo countries; namely, leaders should
not flaunt their authority and should behave in an egalitarian way. This is in contrast to the
other Germanic manifestations of Autonomous leadership.
Similar to what is described for the Netherlands, the U.S. chapter authors note that the high
individualism in society does not automatically translate into a preference for Autonomous
leadership. And for New Zealand, Autonomous leadership is described to relate to negatively
perceived self-promoting leadership, which includes elements of self-centered and directive
leadership (which are part of Self-Protective leadership, discussed later).
The finding that Autonomous leadership is rejected in the Netherlands for reasons similar
to those in the United States and other Anglo countries provides further evidence for the
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1047

Netherlands to be seen as a “boundary-spanning” society between the Anglo and Germanic

cultural clusters.
In summary, depending on how Autonomous leadership is connoted and manifested within
a society, there seems to be something to gain and something to lose with respect to leader-
ship effectiveness. In Germanic cultures (except for the Netherlands) where the task-oriented
aspects of autonomy at work are important, Autonomous leadership is seen as a promoter of
independent thought and action that is likely to result in high performance quality. In Anglo
cultures and the Netherlands, people-oriented aspects of autonomy are more generally
endorsed, Autonomous leadership is more likely to be seen as an inhibitor to effective lead-
ership due to an overlap with self-centered, autocratic, and directive leadership attributes.
An addendum for France needs to be made with respect to the concept of autonomy. It
seems to be embedded in the same societal cultural practices and values with the same nega-
tive consequences as was described for Humane Oriented leadership. In France, Autonomous
leadership is reported to be an inhibitor of effective leadership. Leaders are expected to adjust
to the constraints imposed by the government, the social milieu, and regional peculiarities. If
they are seen to act autonomously, as individuals or loners, who try to achieve the goals on
their own with low Participation, they appear to work against the “whole system,” and thus
are subject to suspicions, thereby losing credibility.

Self-Protective Leadership. For Self-Protective leadership (median = 3.5: range: 2.5–4.7),

which is mainly perceived as an inhibitor or neutral to effective leadership, there is also con-
siderable variation among cultures and culture clusters. From GLOBE’s culture-general analysis
(Dorfman et al., 2004) we know that Self-Protective leadership positively relates to Power
Distance and Uncertainty Avoidance societal and organizational cultural values. In Figure B6
a clear trend is visible: For Nordic, Germanic, Anglo, and Latin European cultural clusters,
Self- Protective leadership is reported to be a clear inhibitor of effective leadership (note their
ascending scores). In contrast, for Latin American, East European, Middle East, Confucian
Asia, Southern Asia, and Sub-Saharan African clusters, higher scores are shown, most of
which are in the region of “no impact” or even “slightly contributing” to effective leadership.
Not very much other than rejection for Self-Protective leadership is diagnosed for all
Nordic, Germanic, Anglo, and several Latin European societies. Throughout the respective
chapters, it is reported to inhibit outstanding leadership and to relate to a variety of other
maladaptive leadership attributes such as high power orientation.
For Turkey, the chapter authors report Self-Protective leadership to impede effective lead-
ership, but it also links with the status consciousness, which is positively connoted in Turkey.
For Russia, Self-Protective leadership is reported to overall impede effective leadership,
though it is linked to the concepts of status consciousness and conflict-inducing behaviors,
which are both positively connoted in Russia.
For Mexico, where the country score for Self-Protective leadership comes very close to the
“no impact” midpoint of the scale, the chapter authors report positively connoted paternalis-
tic attitudes combined with dominance orientation (Assertiveness) and a tendency to accept
high levels of Power Distance, which all nurture acceptance of or at least negligence toward
Self-Protective leadership. It is therefore not surprising that for Mexico some positive
endorsement of Self-Protective leadership is manifest for two attributes, status consciousness
and procedural, which are seen to slightly contribute to effective leadership.
With the exception of Singapore, in Middle East, Confucian Asian, Southern Asian, and
Sub-Saharan African countries, the scores for Self- Protective leadership cross the scale’s
midpoint toward contributing to effective leadership. Unfortunately, none of the countries that
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1048 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

are positioned well above the midpoint of the scale provided a country chapter for this
volume. So we can’t learn more from these countries about how concepts of Self-Protective
leadership link positively to societal culture practices, values, and leadership effectiveness.
However, from the chapters assembled in this volume we can learn more about what Self-
Protective leadership means within their respective cultural contexts when we delineate the
dimension into its scales; face saving on the one side, with attributes such as indirect, avoids
negatives, and evasive (see Table 28.2), and hierarchic or paternalistic leadership on the other
side, manifest in status-conscious, conflict-inducing, or procedural leadership behaviors and
attributes such as status and class consciousness, intragroup competitor, secretive, normative,
ritualistic, formal, habitual, cautious, and procedural (see Table 28.2).

Face-Saving Leadership. Other researchers have speculated that the relative tolerance for
Self-Protective leadership in Asian cultures may be due to the concept of face saving to reflect
group-protective rather than self-protective motives, and therefore would be viewed more
positively in these more collectivistic societies (e.g., Dorfman et al., 2004). Proponents of the
“face saving” hypothesis claim that even lying is acceptable in collectivist cultures when it
serves the purpose of saving face (e.g., Triandis & Bhawuk, 1997).
We think that how face saving is connoted in relation to leadership within societies is a
matter of what is prescribed by the societal cultural practices and values for answering the
question of whose “face” is to be primarily protected by leaders, their own, the face of other
individuals, or the face of a whole group or collective. It is plausible to assume that in col-
lectivistic societies, it is the face of the group or collective that should be primarily protected,
but not at the neglect of group members as individuals.
In a first step, we investigated the assumption that face-saving leadership is viewed more
positively in collectivistic as compared to individualistic societies on the basis of culture-
specific descriptions from selected country chapters in this book. For China, the Self-
Protective leadership score is slightly below the midpoint of the scale and the chapter authors
conclude that it has no impact on effective leadership. From closer inspection, it is evident
that face-saving leadership behavior is seen as neutral or inhibiting effective leadership in
China. Interestingly, a stronger tolerance for Self-Protective leadership is manifest in the pos-
itive endorsement of status consciousness and conflict-inducing behaviors, which speaks to
hierarchical or paternalistic concepts of leadership rather than to face-saving leadership. The
Indian chapter author underlines the fact that “face saving” is among the five lowest ranking
subscales within India, perceived to inhibit effective leadership. He explains the relatively
high rank on “face-saving” leadership (Rank 9) India holds among all GLOBE countries
on the basis of its importance for social sensitivity and contextualizing one’s thoughts and
practices within relevant social contexts. Interestingly, similar to China, status-conscious,
conflict-inducing, and procedural leadership are more positively endorsed (all above the scale
midpoint) than face-saving leadership, which also speaks for a stronger endorsement of hier-
archical or paternalistic leadership than for face-saving leadership in India. In Singapore,
face-saving behavior is negatively endorsed and Self-Protective leadership scores signifi-
cantly lower than in other Confucian Asian countries. The chapter authors argue that this is
likely to be a consequence of Western (individualistic) cultural influences.
In the second step, we undertook a more systematic review of all GLOBE countries with
the following results: First, with the exception of Albania (4.63), Taiwan (4.53), and Iran
(4.03), in all GLOBE countries face-saving leadership behaviors are negatively connoted.
Second, from correlation analyses of cultural practices a pattern emerged that supports the
view that face-saving leadership correlates positively with In- Group Collectivism (r = .60,
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1049

p < .01, N = 61). No particular distinction emerged for Asian cultures compared to other
cultures with an In- Group collectivistic profile, such as Latin America, Eastern Europe, or
the Middle East.
The societal cultural divide between individualistic and collectivistic societies is apparent
for face-saving leadership, is restricted in its relevance, in that it predicts the degree to which
face-saving leadership behavior is seen as neutral or rejected within societies. The divide
does not predict the degree to which face-saving leadership is accepted or rejected. Second,
the divide extends across all In-Group Collectivistic societies, no matter whether they are
from Asian clusters or not. This speaks against the assumption that face-saving behaviors are
particularly important for being perceived as an effective leader in collectivistic societies or
in Asian countries in particular. It rather seems to not promote or to nurture effective leader-
ship in nearly all Globe countries.

Hierarchic-Paternalistic Leadership. Another dimension that divides collectivistic and

individualistic cultures seems more important to effective leadership. We termed it Hierarchic-
Paternalistic Leadership, which taps the components of Self-Protective leadership that do not
directly connote face-saving behavior. To the extent that Self-Protective leadership reflects
status-conscious, conflict-inducing, or procedural behaviors (see Table 28.2) it is perceived
positively in In-Group collectivistic societies and negatively in individualistic societies. In
order to underpin these observations with broader empirical data, we undertook a systematic
post hoc review of all chapters on the respective subscales with the following findings: Status
consciousness, conflict inducer, and procedural behaviors are mostly positively endorsed in
countries from Eastern Europe (including East Germany!), Middle East, Confucian Asia
(excluding Singapore!), Southern Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa. In contrast, the same leader-
ship behaviors are perceived to inhibit outstanding leadership in countries from the Nordic
European, Germanic (excluding East Germany!) and Anglo (including Singapore!) clusters.
For Latin America and Latin Europe, results are mixed with a trend toward positive endorse-
ment. The divide translates into correlations between In-Group Collectivism practices and the
leadership subscales- status conscious (r = .60, p < .01, N = 61), conflict-inducing (r = .62,
p < .01, N = 61), and procedural behaviors (r = .65, p < .01, N = 61).
For these hierarchic-paternalistic leadership attributes, the cultural divide is similar in mag-
nitude to the cultural divide reported for face-saving leadership. However, the theoretically
important difference is that it cuts across the respective scale’s midpoints, which partitions soci-
eties in which the respective leadership behaviors are perceived as either inhibiting or con-
tributing to outstanding leadership. Thus, it is of particular relevance to the leadership context.
In summary, we conclude that along the In-Group Collectivism–Individualism dimension
there are two different cultural divides, one for “face saving” and another one for “hierarchic-
paternalistic” leadership. They differ in that face-saving leadership is perceived as neutral or
inhibiting outstanding leadership among nearly all GLOBE countries, whereas hierarchic-
paternalistic leadership is perceived as either contributing to effective leadership in In-Group
Collectivistic societies or inhibiting effective leadership in individualistic societies.3

3
Participative leadership, which is perceived to contribute slightly or more to outstanding leadership among all
GLOBE countries, can be seen as the opposite end to both face-saving and hierarchic-paternalistic leadership. On the
country level, it correlates highly negatively with face-saving leadership (r = –.74, p < .01, N = 61), and with each of
the elements of “hierarchic-paternalistic” leadership: status-conscious (r = –.46, p < .01, N = 61), conflict inducing
(r = –.73, p < .01, N = 61), and procedural leadership (r = –.59, p < .01, N = 61).
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1050 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

Cultural Variations in CLT Profiles

From GLOBE, the answer to the common question that permeates the cross-cultural man-
agement literature, “does culture influence leadership?” is a clear “Yes.” The GLOBE find-
ings indicate that although there are commonalities across societies, culture influences
leadership in a number of ways. As was described earlier, not only do societies and cultural
clusters vary considerably on the CLT dimensions of Humane Oriented, Participative,
Autonomous, and Self-Protective leadership, they also show a variety of culture-specific lead-
ership concepts by which particular “species” of CLT dimensions become manifest.
Dorfman et al. (2004) note that the findings about the GLOBE leadership dimensions pre-
sent an enigma; they highlight commonalities among cultures by illustrating their universal
endorsement of some leadership attributes and global CLT leadership dimensions while
simultaneously highlighting meaningful differences indicated in the findings of cultural
specificity for certain leadership attributes and CLT dimensions.
It appears that herein the cultural-general approach described in the first GLOBE book
(House et al., 2004) has reached a limit that calls for culture-specific analyses of multiple
countries and cultural clusters. Therefore, in the current GLOBE volume, both approaches
were combined.
In earlier parts of this chapter, we have discussed culture-specific in combination with
culture-general findings about societal cultural practices and values and about the four
culturally contingent leadership dimensions. Understandably, we can’t discuss (or even just
acknowledge) all culture-specific findings that are presented in the individual country
chapters. They can give you a much more detailed account of culture-specific leadership phe-
nomena accompanied by ample and rich examples.
For the readers’ convenience, we have undertaken a systematic review of all chapters result-
ing in summary descriptions of country- specific CLT profiles, which we combined with quali-
tative findings about leadership reported in the respective chapters (see Table 28.3).
In Table 28.3, also a closer look can be taken at how the “universal” Charismatic/Value
Based and Team Oriented leadership dimensions combine with the other four CLT dimen-
sions within each of the 25 societies. We summarized the most prominent country-specific
“combinations of attributes” of CLT prototypes (see Figures B1 to B6), grouped them accord-
ing to the 10 cultural clusters identified by GLOBE, and highlight the differences and
commonalities of countries from the same cluster and what distinguishes the latter from other
clusters. Our assessments are underpinned by culture-specific examples of leadership attrib-
utes, which featured prominently within the country chapters.
The descriptions of CLT profiles of the countries and country clusters in Table 28.3 are
necessarily incomplete. The purpose of the summary descriptions was not to substitute the
country chapters; instead the purpose was to highlight culture-specific aspects of CLT profiles
by demonstrating the extent to which the perception and enactment of leadership is culture
bound and can vary between cultures within and between cultural clusters.
From the descriptions in Table 28.3 and from the country scores depicted in Figures B1 to
B6, it is apparent that the leadership data reported for France and for countries from the
Middle East cluster are most distinct from the rest of the GLOBE countries. We therefore
explore potential reasons for these findings and their implications for the study of cross-
cultural leadership.

A Note About the French CLT Profile. The French chapter authors provide some back
ground information that is helpful to interpret their county’s CLT profile summarized in
 TABLE 28.3
Summary Descriptions of CLTs for the 10 GLOBE Country Clusters and the 25 Countries Covered in the Present Volume

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Nordic European Cluster Finland. Effective leaders are portrayed to be not What is common to Finland and Finland and Sweden seem to differ
Finland, Sweden, Denmark only inspirational figureheads in the forefront Sweden and sets them apart from particularly on how Humane
who energize an organization (Charismatic/Value other countries in the GLOBE Oriented leadership is enacted:
A blend of high Charismatic/ Based) but also to instill a creative work climate, study is that Charismatic/Value
10/4/2007

Value Based and high Team collaborate with subordinates, to be unusually Based and Team Oriented In Finland, it is enacted by
Oriented leadership is endorsed communicative (Team Oriented and Participative), leadership combine with a very personal sensitivity and
with considerable elements of and to actively help employees develop (Humane strong dislike for Self-Protective developmental support. In
Participative leadership, thereby Orientated leadership). Self-Protective leadership and Nonparticipative leadership. Sweden, it is enacted by
3:45 PM

tolerating Autonomous leadership is most strongly rejected. egalitarian approaches that grant
and strongly rejecting Self- individual autonomy.
Protective leadership. Sweden. Effective leaders are perceived to be not
only Charismatic/Value Based (especially visible,
inspirational, visionary, performance oriented,
Page 1051

decisive, with integrity) and Team Oriented

(especially egalitarian, team integrative, and
collaborative) with a strong belief in the power
of teams, but also Participative by allowing and
asking for individual autonomy and involvement.
They are accepted as rational and pragmatic
leaders who don’t display procedural, conflict-
inducing, administrative, or status-conscious
behaviors.

Germanic Cluster Austria. Effective leaders are perceived as high on What is common to the Germanic
Austria, Germany East/West, Participative leadership (especially in decision countries and sets them apart How Participative leadership is
Switzerland (German-speaking), making, responding to conflict, following the from other countries in the achieved in Germanic countries
the Netherlands institutionalized systems of social partnership and GLOBE study is that Participation differs notably:
codetermination) and high on Charismatic/Value is a key principle that combines
Based leadership with Charismatic/Value Based and Austrians have institutionalized

1051
participation but basically trust a
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

1052
GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Participative leadership is very (especially visionary with high integrity, “a Team Oriented leadership. leader with “handshake qualities”
positively endorsed—highest person with handshake qualities,” decisive). “Heroic” leaders are not accepted. and “long leash” supervision who
among all 10 country clusters. It Team Orientated leadership is less strongly brings people together. Germans
is seen to be as important as endorsed. Leaders are expected to be oriented Further insights about societal institutionalized participation and
Charismatic/Value Based toward consensus and long-term benefits for all culture and leadership in the leadership thereby downplaying
10/4/2007

leadership and even somewhat by placing a focus on communication (“talking Germanic country cluster are the leader as a person. The Swiss
more important than Team brings people together”) with a concept of team described by Szabo et al. (2002). work from consensus principles
Oriented leadership. working that also allows for autonomy at work (See also Weibler et al., 2000.) and dislike leaders who try to
Autonomous leadership is often (“long leash” supervision). position themselves in the center
3:45 PM

viewed in a positive manner (an of attention. The Dutch work from

exception is the Netherlands) Germany. Participative leadership is a key principles of consultation and
and Self-Protective leadership is principle (less so in East Germany) combined integration (“polder model”) and
commonly viewed more with tolerance for Autonomy, whereas Self- don’t welcome a strong “single-
negatively than in most other Protected leadership is strongly rejected (less so person” leadership style.
Page 1052

country clusters. in East Germany). The CLTs of East and West

Germans strongly overlap in Charismatic/Value
Based leadership (especially visionary,
performance oriented, inspirational) in
combination with Team Orientation (especially
administrative competence and team integrative
behaviors), technical competency, and a clear
task focus. Humane Orientation is only weakly
endorsed. Instead leadership is institutionalized
and depersonalized and the impact of the leader
as a person is downplayed.

Switzerland (German-speaking).
For a Swiss leader, Participative leadership is a
key principle alongside low Assertiveness.
Second most important is Charismatic/Value
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Based leadership (especially integrity, visionary,

inspirational, self-sacrificial, performance
orientation, decisive) combined with Team and
Humane Oriented forms of leadership (especially
diplomatic, administratively competent, team
10/4/2007

integrator, collaborative, modest). Leaders should

avoid placing themselves in the center of
attention.
3:45 PM

Netherlands. Effective leaders are perceived to

combine Charismatic/Value Based (especially
inspirational, visionary, achievement oriented,
innovative, trustworthy), Team Oriented
(especially good communicator and team player),
Page 1053

and Participative leadership with consultation,

consensus seeking, integrating different opinions
(“polder model”), flexibility, and the willingness
to share power. A strong, single-person type of
leadership is not welcomed, which also aligns
with Autonomous leadership to be seen as an
inhibitor of effective leadership.

Anglo Cluster Australia. Effective leaders are perceived as What is common to the Anglo How Anglo leaders are expected
being predominantly achievement orientated, countries and sets them apart from to achieve charismatic, person,
Australia, England, Ireland, New visionary, inspirational, decisive (Charismatic/Value other countries in the GLOBE study and team oriented leadership
Zealand, South Africa (White Based) with high egalitarian standards, so that is the paramount role of differs notably:
sample), United States, Canada they can always be seen as team and humane Charismatic/Value Based leadership,
(English-speaking) oriented (“one of the boys,” “a mate”). Leaders followed by Team Oriented and In England, leaders are expected
who are seen to overperform, Participative leadership. to earn their followers’ loyalty

1053
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences

1054
Charismatic/Value Based being arrogant or status-conscious (Self- In all Anglo countries, a person- with a consultative and informed
leadership is strongly endorsed Protective leadership) are likely to find oriented leadership concept is approach. In Ireland, leaders should
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

(highest of all clusters), themselves in the position of the “tall poppy” endorsed wherein leaders are not flaunt their authority and
combined with Team Oriented expected to deliver the desired inspire followers to buy into their
leadership (less in New —ready to be cut down. results by operating as part of vision with integrity, loyalty, and
Zealand) and elements of “teams” or “clans” rather than as consensual decision making. In
10/4/2007

Participative leadership, which England. Effective leaders in England are part of “bureaucracies” or Australia, leaders need to be seen
is enacted in a Humane perceived as decisive, inspirational, visionary, “institutions” (as, for example, in as “one of the boys,” to have high
Oriented manner. Self- performance oriented, with high integrity Germany or France). egalitarian standards, and to not
Protective behaviors are viewed (Charismatic/Value Based) and diplomacy. They stick out as overperforming or
3:45 PM

negatively. don’t rely on the followers’ loyalty but rather Further insights about societal arrogant (a “tall poppy”). In
earn it with a consultative and informed approach culture and leadership in the New Zealand, “tall poppies” are
(Team and Humane Oriented leadership), while Anglo country cluster are also cut down. However, apart from
being dependable and honest. Merchant presented by Ashkanasy, being in line with the “Kiwi”-
adventurers (self-centered, individualistic, Trevor-Roberts, and Earnshaw culture archetype (flexible and
Page 1054

intelligent, egotistic, nonegalitarian, ruthless, (2002). pragmatic), a strong autocratic

cunning) are described as an antiprototype of leader seems preferable to a
leadership who sometimes emerge as successful sensitive facilitator. Among the
self-made millionaires. White population of South Africa,
leaders are expected to be strong
Ireland. Charismatic/Value Based leadership and direct, fair and firm, but there
(especially vision, performance orientated, future also seems to be the hope that
focused, self-sacrificing in the interest of their business leaders establish more
organization) is strongly endorsed. Effective democracy and principles of
leaders have a “helicopter view” and inspire empowerment. In the United
followers by getting them “to buy into their States, the image of the “heroic”
vision,” achieved by integrity, trust, loyalty, and leader who promotes team spirit
consensual decision making, not flaunting their and who cares about people seems
authority (Participative and Team Orientated to develop toward Participative
leadership), which can sometimes translate into leadership.
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
remaining in the background and influencing
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

through networking and clientelist relations.

Leaders should behave in a kind and modest way
(Humane Oriented). The chapter authors note
that business leaders have not yet earned a place
in public memory, which is focused on an ideal
10/4/2007

of leadership centered on the patriot-hero and

liberator.

New Zealand. Paramount for a leader is

3:45 PM

performance orientation, taking action, and

delivering results. They should also enthuse and
inspire followers via personal commitment,
perseverance, and example, all balanced by a
modest, self-deprecating (Humane Orientation)
Page 1055

“one of the boys” attitude combined with a

strong egalitarian emphasis—“tall poppies” are
also cut down. Flexible rule application (lack of
red tape), and a good understanding of the “clan”
rather than the “bureaucracy” approach to
management (Team Orientation, Participation)
helps leaders to be accepted. The “Kiwi”-culture
archetype is practical— “can fix anything with a
piece of No. 8 fencing wire”—with a dislike for
autocratic leaders. However, the chapter author
notes that “respect for the dictator is lurking,”
because the country’s pioneering background
seems to make a strong autocrat preferable to a
sensitive facilitator.

1055
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

1056
GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

South Africa–White sample. Effective leaders are

perceived to take risks, to be trustworthy,
persistent, and motivating, who can inspire others
to willingly follow a vision (Charismatic/Value
Based), who show strong and direct, fair and firm,
10/4/2007

but also democratic, empowering, and authority-

delegating leadership (Participative). Tendencies
toward bureaucratic leadership are tolerated.
Effective leaders make followers more self-
3:45 PM

confident and to believe in themselves, their

abilities, and their worth (Humane Oriented).

United States. Charismatic/Value Based leadership

(especially inspire, stand up, focus efforts, strive
Page 1056

for excellence, seek change, and act quickly) is

most strongly espoused. Effective leaders are often
seen as a “hero” but should also be Participative
(egalitarian, informal, open to suggestions,
delegates, engages followers), Team Oriented
(e.g., promote team spirit), and Humane Oriented
(open, friendly, respecting the dignity of each
person, help others grow, mentor them). Finally,
outstanding leaders are expected to understand
their own personal strengths, liabilities, and
vulnerabilities and to not take themselves overly
seriously (low on Self-Protection).

Latin Europe Cluster France. Participative leadership is most strongly It is difficult to identify a theme The French refrain from the high
France, Portugal, Spain, Italy, endorsed and Self-Protective Leadership is for effective leadership that endorsement of Team Oriented
Switzerland (French-speaking), strongly rejected. Charismatic/Value Based and unifies the three Latin European leadership that is dominant among
Israel Team Oriented leadership contribute to outstanding countries described. Latin European countries. Instead,
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
In this cluster, there is large leadership (although France ranks lowest on these Between-country variance is among Latin European countries
between-country variation on all among all GLOBE countries) whereas considerably high (see column on they show the strongest
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

CLT dimensions (in part due to Autonomous and Humane Oriented leadership the right). endorsement of Participative
the distinct positioning of inhibit it. When the leaders’ actions are interpreted leadership. The least endorsement
France). An effective leader is as personal considerations rather than serving “the Further insights about societal of Humane Oriented leadership
expected to show Team Oriented whole” their credibility suffers. Furthermore, culture and leadership in the Latin among all GLOBE countries is
10/4/2007

leadership with elements of intellectualism, planning, and abstraction skills are European country cluster are shown in France. Team Oriented
Charismatic/Value Based noted to be important for an outstanding leader. presented by Jesuino (2002). leadership is most pronounced in
leadership (except for France, The chapter authors suggest that an effective Spain and Portugal. Both also
where Participative leadership is leader in France also needs to act “according to endorse “improvisation” as an
3:45 PM

most strongly endorsed). French standards” and that the quantitative part of attribute of effective leadership,
Autonomous leadership is seen the GLOBE study may not have properly picked although slightly different in
as neutral or rejected and up the peculiarities of leadership in France (see connotation: “efficient, flexible,
Humane Oriented leadership further discussion in the text). and pragmatic” in Spain and
does not seem to play a particu- “muddling through” in Portugal.
Page 1057

larly important role (in France it Portugal. Effective leaders are perceived to be Finally, similar to most Latin
is even seen to inhibit effective primarily Team Oriented (affiliation motives are American countries, the Spanish
leadership). Self-Protective stronger than power motives, interpersonal skill, seem to tolerate Self-Protective
leadership is overall not persuasion skill, fairness, consideration). leadership to a higher extent than
endorsed. Charismatic/Value Based (especially visionary, most countries from the Latin
imaginative, courageous, hard-working, honest) and European cluster including
Participative leadership (especially contactable, Portugal and France.
communicative, democratic) are also positively
endorsed, but secondary to Team Orientation.
Humane Oriented leadership (especially
friendliness, tolerance, generous, gentle) is
positively endorsed. Also helpful are diagnostic and
technical skills, as well as a talent for improvisation
(“Muddling through”). The chapter authors note
that a suspicion toward power still lingers over the
collective memory of the Portuguese people.

1057
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

1058
GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Spain. An effective leader in Spain is perceived

to be high on Team Oriented (especially
collaborative) and Charismatic/Value Based
leadership (especially performance oriented,
inspirational, decisive, visionary, integrity), with
10/4/2007

elements of Participative and Humane Oriented

leadership. Autonomous and Self-Protective
leadership are perceived as inhibitors to
outstanding leadership, although the relative
3:45 PM

tolerance for Self-Protective behavior is

significantly higher than in other Latin European
countries. Spanish leaders should also be
efficient, pragmatic, flexible, and master the
dichotomy of being “soft and nurturing” while
Page 1058

being “strong and self-confident.”

Latin America Cluster Argentina. Charismatic/Value Based, Team What is common to the three Some marked differences are also
Oriented, and Participative leadership are Latin American countries apparent:
Argentina, Colombia, Mexico, endorsed equally strongly. Autonomous described and sets them apart
Bolivia, Brazil, Costa Rica, leadership is endorsed comparatively highly and from other countries in the In Argentina, comparatively high
Ecuador, El Salvador, some elements of Self-Protective leadership GLOBE study is the endorsement leader autonomy is tolerated and a
Guatemala, and Venezuela (especially status-oriented and conflict-inducing of Team Oriented and “strong man ruling” seems to be
behavior) are positively endorsed. The chapter Charismatic/Value Based no surprise. In contrast, in
On the basis of all listed authors note that people in Argentina identify leadership in combination with a Colombia, leader autonomy is not
countries from the Latin with individual leaders and not with their relatively high tolerance for Self- accepted. Instead leaders are
American cluster, leaders are programs, but that “to govern” and “to rule as a Protective leadership. Status expected to be accessible,
expected to practice strong man” are never far apart. A leader’s vision consciousness and conflict- nonautocratic, and to work well
Charismatic/Value Based and can fascinate followers despite them knowing inducing behaviors seem accepted with people. In Mexico, leaders
Team Oriented leadership, while that many leaders may be manipulative. leadership attributes. In all three are expected to treat followers “as
being lenient to Self-Protective Skepticism prevails among Argentinean countries, people seem to part of the extended family,”

(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
leadership. Humane Oriented respondents who find true Charismatic/Value identify with individual leaders to be machismo and simpatico, but
and Participative leadership are Based leadership unlikely to exist in their who operate within paternalistic also performance oriented.
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

positively endorsed, however, society. social structures.

with high between-country
variation for the latter and low Colombia. Charismatic/Value Based (especially
variation for the former. performance, future and performance orientation,
10/4/2007

Autonomous leadership is vision, integrity, decisive) and Team Oriented

perceived negatively (e.g., in leadership (especially team integrator,
Colombia), neutrally administratively competent, diplomatic) combine
(e.g., in Mexico), or with flexibility, creativity, and a long-term vision
3:45 PM

positively (e.g., in Argentina). for innovation. Humane Oriented (in the sense of
“has a way with people,” “works well with
people,” modesty) and Participative leadership
(especially nonelitist and nonautocratic) are
positively endorsed. Autonomous leadership is
Page 1059

seen as impeding outstanding leadership, but

some acceptance of Self-Protective leadership
(i.e., conflict inducer and status consciousness) is
evident.

Mexico. Charismatic/Value Based leadership

with a high emphasis on performance
orientation, a machismo image, and Team
Oriented leadership (emphasizing personal
networks, which are trusted more than costs and
profits) are the major contributors to effective
leadership. Humane Oriented leaders appear
paternalistic, but show sensitivity to the dignity
and worth of individuals by being simpatico.
This somewhat contributes to effective leadership

1059
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

1060
GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

as well as several elements of Self-Protective

leadership such as status consciousness and
procedural. Participative leadership is seen as near
to neutral but Autonomous leadership is seen as
less desirable. Strong paternalistic attitudes in
10/4/2007

Mexico contribute to employees’ expectations to be

treated “as part of the extended family.”

Eastern Europe Cluster Greece. For an effective leader, Team Oriented For the exception of the common Greece and Russia are positioned
3:45 PM

(especially collaborative, administratively endorsement of Self-Protective on opposite ends of the

Greece, Russia, Albania, competent, diplomatic, and decisive) combines leadership attributes (high status distribution of country scores in
Georgia, Hungary, Kazakhstan, with Charismatic/Value Based leadership consciousness), the CLTs the Eastern European cluster for
Poland, Slovenia (especially visionary, inspirational, integrity, self- endorsed in Russia and Greece, nearly all CLT dimensions (see
sacrificial). The also positively endorsed representing the Eastern Europe Figures B1 to B7).
Page 1060

An exemplar of effective Participative leadership approach defines a set of cluster in our volume, couldn’t be
leadership typical for that cluster communication behaviors (e.g., listening, inviting more different from each other.
would be one who combines suggestions, open exchange of opinion) that align
Team Oriented with with resentment against formal rules and a Further insights about societal
Charismatic/Value Based preference for open exchange apparent in Greek culture and leadership in the
leadership, displays society. Humane Orientated leadership is Eastern Europe country cluster
comparatively high levels of positively endorsed (here the authors note that are presented by Bakacsi, Sandor,
Autonomous leadership, and is personal connections with peers and subordinates Andras, and Victor (2002).
not reluctant to engage in Self- speed up operations). Status consciousness, self-
Protective behaviors. There is centeredness (Self-Protective leadership), and
considerable variation between autonomous leadership behaviors, which seem to
countries from that cluster on service a leader’s “ego,” appear tolerated in
Participative leadership (from Greek society. In contrast, nonparticipative and
slight positive to strong positive autocratic leadership behaviors are strongly
endorsement) and for Humane rejected.
Oriented leadership (from neutral
to positive endorsement).
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
Russia. For effective leaders in Russia,
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Autonomous leadership (especially individualistic,

independent, and unique) is paramount. It is linked
to “action-oriented” leadership, also strongly
endorsed in Russia (i.e., act with no hesitation, real
fighter, hard-working, enduring, self-sacrificial)
10/4/2007

and is as strongly endorsed as are

Charismatic/Value Based (especially visionary,
decisive, inspirational) and Team Oriented
leadership behaviors. The latter mainly means to
3:45 PM

be administratively competent and collaborative

oriented. Autocratic leadership behaviors seem to
be tolerated. What matters are a good “image” (it
is linked to success, competency, professional and
social recognition) and acting as a “facilitator”
Page 1061

(i.e., attract people, settles disputes, controlling the

situation), which seems to be the Russian
manifestation of Participative leadership. Humane
Orientation is seen as neutral to effective
leadership whereas status consciousness and
conflict-inducing behaviors (Self-Protective
leadership) are positively endorsed.

Middle East Cluster Turkey. Effective leaders in Turkey should See text for further discussion of
display high Team Oriented (especially team Turkey and countries from the
Turkey, Egypt, Kuwait, integrator, administratively competent, Middle East cluster.
Morocco, and Qatar diplomatic) and Charismatic/Value Based
leadership (especially decisive, visionary,
There is considerable between- integrity, inspirational), which set Turkey apart
country variation, especially for from most other Middle East countries.

1061
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

1062
GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
Charismatic/Value Based and
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

An emphasis on Participative leadership that is

Team Oriented leadership, over- open to feedback and criticism, and accepting of
all viewed as contributing to one’s own mistakes, and Humane Oriented
effective leadership. Humane leadership is visible. Although, the Turkish blend
Oriented leadership is perceived of the latter seems paternalistic because leaders
10/4/2007

as contributing or neutral, are expected to create a family-like atmosphere,

Autonomous leadership as con- be concerned and interfere with private problems
tributing, neutral, or inhibiting, of followers, and attend their social events such
and Self-Protective leadership as as wedding ceremonies of their children.
3:45 PM

neutral or inhibiting to effective Autonomous leadership is tolerated. Several

leadership. Medium endorse- aspects of Self-Protective leadership are
ment of Participative leadership positively endorsed (status consciousness) or
seems to be common among all neutral (conflict inducer, procedural) to effective
Middle East countries. leadership.
Page 1062

Confucian Asia Cluster China. For an effective leader in China, the What is common to the three In China and Hong Kong, the
qualities of Team Oriented leadership (especially countries from the Confucian Asia common Confucian themes in the
China, Hong Kong, Singapore, administrative skill, integrator, collaborative), cluster described here and sets Asia cluster are complemented by
Japan, South Korea, Taiwan Charismatic/Value Based (especially integrity, them apart from other countries in the acceptance of conflict-
inspirational, visionary), and Humane Oriented the GLOBE study is their inducing behaviors and status
Charismatic/Value Based and leadership should combine. The Chinese way of Confucian blend of Team consciousness, which speaks to a
Team Oriented leadership are Humane Oriented leadership aligns with Oriented leadership, manifest in traditional hierarchic-paternalistic
most strongly endorsed among Confucian principles of moderation and humane the endorsement of mainly leadership concept: Leaders
the societies of this region. heartedness, or ren, which means to be collaborative and administrative nurture, consider, and show
However, the levels on these two benevolent and kind, and maintaining harmony competencies, and Humane sympathy in exchange for the
dimensions are lower than for by renqing, meaning reciprocation. Participative Oriented leadership, manifest in followers’ unquestioned loyalty,
most other country clusters. leadership, which is slightly positive endorsed, moderation and human- dedication, and compliance. This
Humane Oriented leadership is seems to be manifest in a particular Chinese heartedness. traditional view of leadership
positively endorsed with levels way: Apart from showing modesty, leaders seems less pronounced in
that are similar to the Anglo should be open to new information and well Singapore,

(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

cluster. Participative leadership “networked” (guanxi) thereby constantly trying where a more democratic
is somewhat positively endorsed, to improve themselves. This system assures input approach to leadership emerged,
but ranks significantly lower from all relevant sources, but in a different way manifest in the highest levels of
than in Nordic, Germanic, than the egalitarian-democratic principles of participation within Confucian and
Anglo, Latin European, and participation enacted in individualistic cultural Southern Asia, which signals
10/4/2007

Latin American countries. Self- clusters do, which are based on an individualistic source acceptance of
Protective leadership, although concept of the “Self.” The Confucian concept of empowerment principles.
seen as neutral or as inhibiting the “Self” is collective in nature, and thus, when
outstanding leadership, ranks leaders are well networked and therefore develop
3:45 PM

among the highest within all themselves, the collective as a whole can profit.
country clusters alongside Self-Protective leadership in the form of face-
Southern Asia and Middle East. saving and procedural behaviors is seen as
neutral, as is Autonomous leadership, but in the
form of status-conscious and conflict-inducing
Page 1063

behaviors it is seen as contributing to outstanding

leadership.

Hong Kong. Team Oriented (especially

collaborative, administrative skill, diplomatic)
and Charismatic/Value Based leadership
(especially inspirational, visionary, performance
oriented, delivering results) are major
contributors to effective leadership. Humane
Oriented and Participative leadership matter to
some extent. True empowerment, however, is not
accepted. In line with Confucian values, leaders
should be respected, obeyed, and not questioned,
resulting in a predominantly autocratic conduct
of leadership. This would explain the positive
acceptance of Self-Protective leadership

1063
(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences

1064
attributes such as status consciousness and
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

conflict-inducing behaviors. Autonomous

leadership, in the sense of entrepreneurial spirit,
cool-mindedness, calm, individualistic at
work–collectivistic with family and friends, is
perceived positively. This view of Autonomous
10/4/2007

leadership sets Hong Kong apart not only from

all Confucian Asian but also from all Anglo
countries—despite its colonial past and economic
development up until 1996, which were shaped
3:45 PM

by representatives of the Anglo culture.

Singapore. Effective leadership is linked with

Charismatic/Value Based (especially
performance oriented, visionary, integrity) and
Page 1064

Team Oriented attributes (especially

collaborative, administrative skilled, diplomatic).
The Charismatic/Value Based and the
Participative leadership scores are in a
significantly higher band than those from all
other Confucian countries (see Figures 1B and
3B). The relatively high endorsement of Humane
Oriented leadership aligns partially with
Confucian principles of moderation and
maintaining harmonious social relationships.

Southern Asia Cluster India. For effective leadership Charismatic/Value India positions very much near
Based (especially inspirational, integrity, the median of the distribution of
India, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, performance orientation, visionary, decisive) all countries from the Southern
the Philippines, Thailand and Team Oriented leadership Asia Cluster, except for a lower

(Continued)
 TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
In the countries from this clus- (especially administratively competent, team level of Team Oriented leadership.
ter, Charismatic/Value Based integrator, collaborative), are most strongly The country chapter on India may
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

and Team Oriented leadership endorsed. Humane Oriented leadership is seen to therefore give a good first glimpse
are perceived to contributing be next most important. India is positioned into basic concepts of societal
most to effective leadership. among the highest ranking countries on this culture and leadership behaviors
Participative leadership is dimension. Participative leadership is viewed in the Southern Asian region.
viewed positively, as is Humane
10/4/2007

somewhat positively and Autonomous leadership

Oriented leadership, on which is reported to slightly inhibit outstanding
the Southern Asian cluster ranks leadership. For Self-Protective leadership,
highest among all country clus- attributes of face saving and self-centeredness are
3:45 PM

ters. Autonomous leadership is negatively endorsed, but conflict-inducing

reported to be neutral as is Self- behaviors and status-conscious are tolerated, with
Protective leadership, on which a slight positive endorsement. Overall,
the Southern Asian cluster also relationship orientation seems to be a particularly
ranks highest (alongside important characteristic of outstanding leaders in
Page 1065

Confucian Asia and the Middle India, which is positively accepted when it
East) among all country clusters. combines with charismatic and action-oriented
behaviors, but also tolerated when it combines
with paternalistic and bureaucratic behaviors.

Sub-Sahara Africa Cluster South Africa (Black sample). As is described by

the South African chapter authors, they have
South Africa (Black sample), gathered quantitative data about South Africa’s
Namibia, Nigeria, Zambia, black population in a somewhat different way
Zimbabwe than was prescribed by GLOBE. Therefore, we
cannot report on the endorsement of CLT
Charismatic/Value Based, Team leadership dimensions. Instead, we cite here
Oriented, and Participative lead- some examples from the authors’ qualitative
ership are viewed as contributors findings where South Africa’s white and black
to effective samples were directly compared: Blacks are

1065
(Continued)
1066
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

TABLE 28.3 (Continued)

10/4/2007

GLOBE Country Cluster Countries Described in a Chapter in this Volume Commonalities Differences
leadership. Humane Oriented not as results driven as whites,” “Blacks focus
leadership is most highly on people instead of skills,” “Whites are more
endorsed in comparison to all task focused than people oriented,” “Blacks
3:45 PM

other country clusters. The divide/share responsibility in order to protect the

Autonomous and Self-Protective non performer,” “Blacks emphasize the team
CLT dimensions are seen as above the individual.” On the basis of these and
slightly impeding effective further qualitative and quantitative findings, the
Page 1066

leadership. chapter authors portray a cultural divide between

South Africa’s Black and White populations in
terms of what constitutes effective leadership: for
the White sample a euro-centric performance and
individualism oriented leadership style is
portrayed, which is also reflected in the
respective GLOBE data, whereas among the
Black sample a people and collectivism oriented
leadership style is preferred.
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd 10/4/2007 3:45 PM Page 1067

28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1067

Table 28.3. The state and regional governments in France are intimately related to how busi-
ness is done, as are other factors such as type of industry or a firm’s size (e.g., human rela-
tions are particularly important in smaller, family-based firms). For leaders it is thus essential
to adapt to the peculiarities in the regional, economical, and social milieus in which they oper-
ate. If these factors are indeed more strongly shaping the business and leadership culture in
France than in most other GLOBE countries, as is argued by the French chapter authors, it is
highly relevant for our discussion of “species” of French leadership prototypes.
When leadership cultures differ strongly due to governmental, industry, regional, and
social factors, flexible modification of leadership styles and techniques for handling manage-
ment–employee relations are required, especially when managers are likely to transfer from
one milieu to another several times during their career. This may be the reason for why the
French leadership prototype is the most different from all GLOBE countries. The many rule
systems and social milieus to which French leaders need to adapt may require a whole vari-
ety of different leadership styles and attributes. When these are statistically aggregated to the
country level of analysis, the resulting country score may to some extent represent an “artifi-
cial” statistical aggregate of many heterogeneous mental representations of leadership, rather
than a shared concept of leadership about which there is sufficient consensus across the whole
society to warrant the use of statistical aggregation techniques (for a detailed discussion of
how culture analysis can account for such phenomena, see Atran, Medin, & Ross, 2005).4

A Note About the CLT Profiles in the Middle East Cluster. Dorfman et al. (2004) diag-
nose a number of striking differences between the Middle East cluster and the other GLOBE
country clusters. They also note that almost all Middle East CLT dimension scores rank at the
low end of the continuum when compared to other country clusters, with the exception of
Self-Protective leadership where scores are relatively high. Thus, the possibility of response
biases affecting the findings has to be taken into account (Hanges, 2004). However, only two
of the five Middle East countries were identified as having strong response biases on GLOBE
scales (75% for Morocco, 44% for Qatar; Hanges, 2004, p. 749).
One could speculate that in countries of the Middle East and Arab world less leadership is
required from their leaders as compared to other countries, but this seems unlikely.
Alternatively, as is described in the Turkish chapter and for Middle East countries (Bakacsi,
Sandor, Andras, & Victor, 2002), leaders may be predominantly perceived within the social
context they are part of (i.e., in relation to others) rather than as an individual with a particu-
lar set of attributes, which relates to In-Group collectivistic values. Another explanation is that
some of the critical leadership attributes for this cluster were not part of the GLOBE attribute
list (a similar point was made for the French country chapter). In a separate study, after hav-
ing established confirmatory factor analytical evidence that the six GLOBE CLT dimensions
hold up in this region, Dastmalchian, Javidan, and Alam (2001) identified additional leader-
ship attributes that point to a culture-unique traditional leadership profile (i.e., familial, hum-
ble, faithful, self-protective, and considerate leadership). These leadership attributes underline
the notion that the pervasive influence of the Islamic religion is a key to understanding the
Middle East or Arab world. For a more in-depth discussion of societal culture and leadership

4
Our considerations gain credibility in the light of two further findings for France. First, for the exception of
Participative Leadership, all other country scores for France are at the lower end of the CLT scales. Second, when
accounting for cultural response bias (Hanges, 2004, p. 749) it was found that 72% of the French GLOBE scales
scores were biased and thus identified as outliers. This is the second-highest outlier rate among the 61 GLOBE
countries (Morocco ranks first with 78%).
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1068 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

in the Middle East/Arab regions, see Kabasakal and Bodur (2002). Further examples of lead-
ership attributes not measured as part of GLOBE, which emerged in other countries as well,
are discussed later in this section.

Further Issues

Some further issues emerged from the combined culture-specific and culture-general assess-
ment of culture and leadership in the country chapters.

Mixed Leadership Types. Leadership prototypes are seldom found in purity. For exam-
ple, for Germany, it is reported that some attributes of the disliked oppressive leader (loner,
asocial) resemble attributes of the more positively perceived autonomous leader (indepen-
dent, unique). Due to the overlap with Autonomous leadership, oppressive leadership behav-
ior may be tolerated to some extent. In social reality, there is always uncertainty, incomplete
information, and ambiguity, which allow substantial latitude for the formation of impressions
about people in general and leaders in particular. Therefore, there can be variance in individ-
ual perception of leaders. For example, Autonomous leadership can also lead to an unjustified
perception of leader weakness or lack of knowledge concerning the work of the followers
when it is misperceived as an oppressive leadership style. Similar examples can be cited for
all possible combinations of CLT dimensions.

Boundary-Spanning Societies and Subcultures in Leadership. In the first part of this

chapter, so-called “boundary-spanning” societies were identified, which combine societal
cultural practices and values from two or more cultural clusters, for example, the Netherlands
(Anglo, German, and Nordic) and Singapore (Anglo, Confucian Asian, and Southern Asian).
On the basis of their Leadership CLT dimensions, these countries emerged again as boundary
spanners, in that the leadership CLTs found comprise a respective mix of characteristics.
Similarly, the same subcultures of one country that were distinguishable on the basis of soci-
etal cultural practices and values emerged again as distinct from each other on the basis of
their CLTs. Examples are French- versus German-speaking Switzerland, and East versus
West Germany. East and West Germany are overall very similar in societal culture. However
they differ considerably on Power Distance societal practices, which are higher in East
Germany. In the same way, they differ on Self-Protective leadership, which is related to Power
Distance across all GLOBE countries.
These findings can be taken as a further support of the overall proposition made by
GLOBE that culture shapes leadership perceptions.

Leaders as Managers and in Other Roles

In several country chapters, the issue of whether there is a difference between leaders and
managers, and which characteristics distinguish between the two, has been described as a
result of qualitative analyses, such as interviews and focus group discussions. In all those
chapters, a difference between leaders and managers is reported to have emerged. The over-
all gist across all chapters is that leaders try to do the right thing, are good with people, and
are change agents. Managers try to do things right, are good with tasks, and keep the system
running. Still, there is ample cultural variation in what the specific attributes, connotations,
and prescriptions for leaders are.
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1069

For China, it was pointed out that generally their leaders are also Party members and are
expected to enact their leadership role in accordance with the political prescriptions. For exam-
ple, the leaders who participated in the focus group interviews conducted in China were all Party
members, some of them in leading positions. A similar point was made for leaders in the for-
mer East Germany before its reunification with West Germany in 1990. In East Germany before
1990, leading positions were preferably given to Party members and it was expected that they
educate and develop followers according to the doctrines of the Socialist Party.
From these observations it appears that, over and above societal cultural factors, the char-
acteristics of the leadership CLTs also depend on the roles within which organizational lead-
ership is usually practiced within a society.

Leadership Attributes That Emerged Within Country Chapters. As described earlier, all
effort was undertaken to ensure that the array of leadership attributes sampled as part of the
GLOBE study is as broad as possible and derives from the sample of countries studied (cf.
House et al., 2004). We did not expect to have captured them all and we are pleased with the
fact that many leadership attributes and themes emerged from the country chapters that were
not in the plans of GLOBE.
On the basis of within-country factor and cluster analyses of the GLOBE item pool and
from the qualitative studies, some unexpected leadership attributes and themes emerged.
In Germany and New Zealand, technical skills, in the sense of mastering the nonmanage-
rial components of a particular job, emerged as an attribute of effective leadership. In France
and Germany, being well educated, in the sense of a broad knowledge base and good abstrac-
tion skills, was identified as an important leadership attribute. A good sense of humor was per-
ceived to be important for being an effective leader, for example, in China and Hong Kong.
In the Finnish chapter, clear, in the sense of being explicit about rules, values, and policies in
the company, and being sensitive, that is, the leaders show their feelings, were pointed out as
important leadership characteristics.
More leadership attributes that were not anticipated by GLOBE researchers in Phases 1
and 2 can be found in the country chapters, often as part of a discussion about the societal cul-
tural context in which they are embedded.

Summary

CLT profiles based on the combination of the six GLOBE leadership dimensions are useful
for portraying commonalities and differences in leadership perceptions across a variety of
countries and culture clusters. However, the CLT profiles do not tell us the whole story. In
several instances, we identified a variety of “species” that represent different culture-specific
connotations and enactments of Humane Oriented, Participative, Autonomous and Self-
Protective leadership. We also identified certain “combinations of attributes” manifest in the
overall CLT profile, which help us to better understand the different culture-specific conno-
tations and enactments of Charismatic/Value Based and Team Oriented leadership in each
country. Finally, several leadership themes and attributes emerged not reported in the first
GLOBE volume (House et al., 2004).
Overall, these findings demonstrate the importance of doing both quantitative and qualita-
tive research with respect to the study of cultures and leadership. They also suggest that we
should expect considerable variability in how managerial leadership is perceived, understood,
and enacted in different societies.
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1070 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

We find it remarkable how similar, for example, Austria, Germany, and Switzerland score
on the CLT dimensions when viewed from a culture- general perspective. But when analyzed
in more depth from a culture-specific perspective, differences emerge in how leadership is
embedded within different systems of cultural practices and values, how leadership is thus
perceived differently, and which different prescriptions for the enactment of leadership follow
from that. Still, when the CLT profile of the Germanic cluster is compared to other countries
or cultural clusters, the commonalities are clearly visible and they make the Germanic cul-
tural region distinct from other cultural regions and countries. Analogously this holds true for
each of the other cultural clusters and groups of countries analyzed.
We realize that not only is there considerable variability among cultural regions and soci-
eties, there is also variability among subcultures and individuals within each society.
However, given that countries as well as country clusters vary significantly in leadership
CLTs, this implies that differences among individuals within cultures do not overwhelm coun-
try and cluster differences and that we are justified in thinking of societies and clusters as
viable entities that reveal interesting leadership CLTs across the world.

3. LIMITATIONS AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

The GLOBE researchers have made some deliberate decisions that set clear limitations on the
samples and methods used within each country.
For good reasons (see House et al., 2004) only leadership in organizations was studied,
and only middle managers were sampled from only two to three identical industries per coun-
try. Clearly this does not constitute a fully representative sample, though it does help consid-
erably in comparisons across countries. Across these three industries, GLOBE results for
societal culture and leadership (Dorfman et al., 2004; Gupta et al., 2004; Hanges et al., 2004;
House et al., 2004) and even for organizational culture (Brodbeck, Hanges, Dickson, Gupta,
& Dorfman, 2004) are very consistent, although there are considerable differences in tech-
nology, environment, methods of management, and government control. As a consequence, it
is likely that our findings concerning culturally generalizable CLT dimensions are truly gen-
eralizable across a much wider array of industries. On the basis of these data, construct vali-
dation on the country level of analysis was established by triangulating all GLOBE scales
with a whole variety of external data sources. The results increase our confidence in the
GLOBE scales to provide us with a good basis to start with (House et al., 2004).
The limitations of the GLOBE study that focus on the quantitative culture-general part of the
GLOBE project have been discussed elsewhere (House et al., 2004). Here we focus on those
limitations that result from or directly affect the combined culture-general and culture-specific
approach taken in this volume.
In order to combine the two approaches, CCIs from all 61 countries from the original
GLOBE sample were asked to conduct an array of qualitative data analyses within their country
by nonobtrusive measurement of observable cultural indicators. The individual country chapters
included in this volume account for a little less than half of these countries. Of the 10 major
regions of the world that were identified in Phase 2 of GLOBE, 7 are represented in this
volume by at least two countries and two further clusters are represented by one country.
However, not all country chapters conducted the full set of qualitative analyses specified for
reasons unique to their own environment and access to relevant data.
Another limitation may be seen in the argument that the CCIs who research their own
culture have a bias-potential that is perhaps best captured in the saying “fish will be the last to
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1071

discover water.” This, however, is offset by the benefit of the multiple standard instruments and
methods used in GLOBE Phase 2 (House et al., 2004) that helped to establish objectivity.
Furthermore, working from a within-country perspective permits a deeper interpretation of the
quantitative and qualitative findings. For being able to sensibly interpret culture-specific data,
firsthand knowledge and experience with the cultural context is necessary and helpful.
For an example, the Dutch chapter authors notice that some culture-specific features of
their culture are hard to describe so that people from different cultural context would know
what it means. The Dutch word gezelligheid is a very common term in the Netherlands, which
can be defined as a cozy, pleasant, rather “intimate” social climate within a group. But if you
have not experienced it, it is difficult to understand what it really means. Our German coedi-
tor, however, felt that he we have an idea of what it meant, because in Germany, the term
Geselligkeit refers to a similar social phenomenon (note that the Dutch and the German words
are very similar to each other). Still we doubt whether the Dutch authors would agree if we
were to imply that the Dutch and the German terms mean exactly the same. Moreover, we
even doubt that there would be complete agreement among a group of Dutch people that
gezelligheid means exactly the same to each one of them. The point we are trying to make is
that for creating agreement about what is meant by a term or concept, we need to make
abstractions, which means to subtract idiosyncrasies of individual understanding (when
agreement about a term between individuals needs to be established) or to subtract idiosyn-
crasies of a particular societal cultural understanding (when agreement about a term between
societies needs to be established). This abstraction–concretion dilemma is at the very heart of
combining culture-general with culture-specific research.
With the double strategy taken by GLOBE, the quantitative culture-general approach result-
ing in validated measures (House et al., 2004) combined with the qualitative culture-specific
approach taken by 25 GLOBE countries, we hope we have contributed to the cross-cultural
study of leadership, in the form of developing meaningful abstract concepts about societal
culture and leadership for comparing societies, in combination with the multiethnic study of
leadership, in the form of meaningful idiosyncratic concepts within societies that relate to the
aforementioned in a comprehensible way.

Perceived Leadership and Its Effects “In Situ”

By focusing on CLTs, GLOBE has implicitly reaffirmed the critical role of “leadership in the
eye of the beholders.” From theory and empirical research about ILTs, we know that
perceived effective leadership is likely to fit the implicit leadership concepts held by followers.
And leadership is most effective when the fit between attributes of a leader and the followers’
leadership concepts is high. Followers are more motivated and committed when their leader-
ship expectations are met and misunderstandings and reluctance against influence attempts
are less likely (cf. Lord & Maher, 1991).
Accordingly, GLOBE researchers predict that the societal cultural distance is relevant for
the leadership concepts endorsed in societies, and differences in CLT profiles matter for lead-
ership effectiveness across cultural boundaries. The higher the fit the more effective cross-cul-
tural leadership attempts would be. This proposition is currently being tested on an
organizational level of analysis as part of GLOBE Phase 3. Further research is needed at the
individual level of analysis, for example, by experimentally investigating the hypothesized
link between the degree of fit between culturally endorsed leadership concepts and the behav-
ioral consequences on part of followers, peers, and superiors of target leaders.
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1072 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

A related point was made in the country chapter on Austria, where it is argued that the par-
ticular work context “in situ” within which leadership takes place should also be taken into
account. This was done by Smith et al. (2002) in which middle managers from 47 countries
reported how they handled eight specific situations at work. Results from a subsample of the
GLOBE study have been shown to strongly relate to earlier findings reported by Smith (1997;
cf. Brodbeck et al., 2000). Thus, there seems to be not only an occasion for further research
but also a common basis from which to work.

Considering Cultural Change

In several country chapters, the point was made that due to dramatic changes during the
sampling of the GLOBE data, some distortions of the findings are likely. Argentina, for exam-
ple, underwent a deep economic crisis during the mid-1990s. This may have affected the man-
agers’ responses to the cultural practices and cultural values. Respondents may have shifted
their values toward more value idealization. They also may have changed their leadership per-
ceptions such that they found true Charismatic/Value Based leadership unlikely to exist in
their society. Observations like these cast doubt on the stability of the GLOBE findings for
countries that underwent considerable change during the data-gathering phase. However,
there is considerable corroboration between the Phase 2 quantitative findings and the findings
reported in this book.
Some precautions against the described problem were taken. For example, the quantitative
GLOBE data were linked to historical, economical, and cultural developments described
within each country chapter, and for the across-countries analyses, external data sources,
which cover a time span of up to 50 years, were used to triangulate the GLOBE scales. These
precautions, however, do not fully solve the problems a changing environment imposes on the
analysis of culture and leadership prototypes.
Another way of going about the problems imposed by environmental changes is by focusing
on the particular cultural and leadership dimensions where skepticism is permissible within a
particular society. The Portuguese chapter authors, for example, express skepticism about the
viability of the high endorsement of Team Oriented and Participative leadership. This is due
to the 1996 political environment in which the Portuguese were striving for a drastic change
from an autocratic orientation toward more dialogue and team spirit at work. The authors see
the high endorsement of the Charismatic/Value Based and Team Oriented leadership concepts
to be more temporary rather than a valid cultural pattern.
Similar discussions, each resulting in different conclusions depending on the country-
specific circumstances, are described for New Zealand, where data collection took place fol-
lowing one of the most significant periods of economic and social restructuring, for Germany
with respect to various pos-reunification consequences (after 1990), for Hong Kong’s high
future orientation, which is seen as a consequence of the “handing over” to China in 1996, for
Spain with respect to the 40 years of Franco dictatorship, or for Austria, in which a change of
the political landscape was diagnosed during the time of data sampling (for details, see the
respective chapters).
We also believe that cultural changes occur slowly over long periods of time in the range
of 50 or more years. For example, East Germany was found in Phase 2 of GLOBE to be more
similar to West Germany than to other Soviet-dominated countries, despite the fact that East
Germans lived under communist doctrines for about 40 years since the end of World War II.
There is no question about GLOBE currently being a basically cross-sectional study, for
which the problems of controlling the impact of context factors, changing conditions, and
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1073

establishing empirical evidence for making causal inferences remain valid. Future research
should therefore investigate the relationships between societal and organizational culture and
leadership effectiveness longitudinally. The methods developed and the insights reported in
the previous volume (House et al., 2004) and in the current volume provide a basis from
which to start.

The Convergence Hypothesis. One particularly intriguing proposition in the cross-

cultural management literature is that modern industrialization and globalization will lead to
worldwide cultural convergence so that effective and ineffective global management practices
will inevitably surface (convergence hypothesis; cf. Dorfman et al., 2004). In some of our
chapters, an influx of Western societal cultural values and leadership approaches in other cul-
tural regions have been diagnosed, for example, in China, India, and Singapore, which seem
to support the aforementioned proposition, if one is prepared to accept convergence toward
Western values as a global trend. However, in other societies, this has not been the case,
although political developments may make us expect it. For example, Turkey has been and
will continue to negotiate with the European Community to become a full member.
According to the GLOBE data, however, no marked influx of Western societal cultural
values and leadership concepts into the Turkish society are currently apparent.
The United States is described to even move away from the Charismatic/Value Based
“heroic” leadership prototype, which from a Western point of view appears as a likely focus
for global convergence. The U.S. chapter authors diagnose a shift toward more Participative
leadership, which is currently endorsed in Nordic and Germanic countries, as well as in
France, Argentina, and Greece. Thus, change in leadership prototypes around the world seems
to happen. However, it appears to go in various directions rather then to converge into one
focus.
Overall, the GLOBE results present us with an enigma. On the one side, they speak to the
universal endorsement of certain leadership characteristics (Charismatic/Value Based and
Team Oriented leadership). On the other side, GLOBE provides equally strong evidence for
the existence of culture-specific “species” or “combinations of attributes” of leadership con-
cepts held within individual countries and cultural regions. Thus, it remains to be seen,
via longitudinal studies, whether there is cultural convergence or divergence apparent in the
modern world.
Based on the notion that the values and beliefs of people in various societies are funda-
mentally stable in nature, put forward by historians and social psychologists (e.g. Inkeles,
1981; Smith & Bond, 1993), the more leadership prototypes are shown to be culturally
endorsed, the less likely they are to converge worldwide. Thus, with an eye on the possibility
of future GLOBE phases with a longitudinal design, the convergence hypothesis can be refor-
mulated into the following questions: “Which leadership dimensions are likely to converge
and which are not?” and “Which dimensions converge more quickly than others?” We think
that the universal and culturally contingent leadership dimensions identified by GLOBE pro-
vide us with a useful tool for answering these questions. Dimensions that change very slowly
might be referred to as core leadership dimensions. And those dimensions that change more
rapidly might be referred to as peripheral leadership dimensions. For any particular society,
knowledge of both is necessary for a comprehensive understanding of that culture and the
leadership practiced within it.

The Deprivation Hypothesis. Earlier in this chapter, the deprivation hypothesis was
introduced as an explanation for disparities between societal cultural practices and values
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1074 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

scores. The disparity is based on respondents who perceive societal cultural practices as less
or more dominant in their society or organization than they think they should be, or perceive
them as inappropriate. On a society or organizational level of analysis, the respondents’
common perceptions of a disparity between practices and values imply their sympathy with
respectively higher or lower levels of cultural values than practices.
The deprivation hypothesis receives support from the GLOBE data. Whereas the standard
cross-cultural literature assumed that societal cultural practices and values are positively cor-
related on the country level of analysis (Triandis, 2004), the GLOBE data show that they are
mostly negatively related. For seven out of the nine GLOBE dimensions, the country-level
practices dimensions are significantly negatively correlated with their values counterparts:
Uncertainty Avoidance (r = –.62, p < .05), Institutional Collectivism (r = –.61, p < . 05),
Power Distance (r = –.43, p < .05), Future Orientation (r = –.38, p < .05), Humane Orientation
(r = –.32, p < .05), Performance Orientation (r = –.28, p < .05), and Assertiveness (r = –.26,
p < .05). The two exceptions are In-Group Collectivism (r = +.21, p < .10) and Gender
Egalitarianism (r = +.32, p < .05). It appears that higher scores on practices dimensions are
mostly associated with lower scores on respective values dimensions and vice versa.5
The deprivation hypothesis does not suffice to explain or predict actual cultural change
because the behavioral consequences of deprivation are not specified. Cognitive dissonance
theory (Festinger, 1957) can assist us in deriving assumptions about the likelihood of actual
cultural change. On an individual level, disparity between perceptions of practices and values
can be seen as evidence of cognitive dissonance in the respondents’ minds (i.e., two or more
cognitions about a target oppose each other). Cognitive dissonance creates a tension that
needs to be resolved, which according to Festinger (1957) results in a drive toward establish-
ing consonance among related cognitions. Cognitive consonance can be achieved by two dis-
tinct processes:
First, cognitive consonance can be brought about by actual behavior change, which is
intended to result in an alignment of the current practices (“As Is”) with the desired values
(“Should Be”) into future practices. However, most people (often correctly) assume that
change in individual behavior is unlikely to result in culture change. So they don’t even try.
However, if changes in cultural practices in the desired direction appear (likely) to happen for
most people in a society, actual changes in individual behavior are more likely. We think that
an important factor that improves the deprivation hypothesis’s predictive power for cultural
change is whether people believe that cultural change is possible or is already ongoing
(“Zeitgeist”). Under these conditions people are more likely to respond positively to changes
toward the cultural values they desire by respective behavior changes.
Second, cognitive consonance can also be established by changing the relevant cognitions
without changing behavior. That is, the differences in perceptions of “what is” and “what
should be” on an individual level may represent the result of previous attempts to reduce cog-
nitive dissonance without (expected) behavior change. A restructuring of individual cognitions

5
For some cultural dimensions, virtually all cultures studied by GLOBE desire less (Power Distance, Figure A2
in Appendix A) or more (Future Orientation, Figure A5; Performance Orientation, see Figure A6) than they have now.
For these dimensions, the negative-country level correlations between practices and respective values are based on a
specific distributional pattern. Those countries who have lower scores on worldwide positively connoted dimensions
(Performance Orientation, Future Orientation) desire more of an increase than those who have higher scores, and
those countries who have higher scores on a worldwide negatively connoted dimension (Power Distance) desire more
of a decrease than those who have lower scores. Thus, the negative correlations for these dimensions do not imply
that countries who are high on, for example, Performance Orientation want to be less performance oriented or coun-
tries who are low on Power Distance do want to have more. On other dimensions this may be the case.
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1075

about the culture one lives in is particularly likely when changes in the cultural practices in
the desired direction seem unlikely or impossible to happen from the perspectives of most of
the respondents.
For example, let us assume that the societal cultural practices of high Uncertainty
Avoidance in a culture are perceived to be rather high but the people do not like certain impli-
cations that come with these high levels of Uncertainty Avoidance (e.g., people dislike the
restrictions and limitations imposed on them by high–Uncertainty Avoidance practices). If
respective changes in the cultural practices seem unlikely to happen from the people’s point
of view, the behavioral routes for reducing cognitive dissonance by alignment of cultural
practices with values appear blocked. As a consequence, people change their cognitions in
order to reduce cognitive dissonance; more specifically, the perceptions of negatively
connoted cultural practices are exaggerated (in this example, toward higher levels of
Uncertainty Avoidance practices), because this makes them more consonant with the negative
connotations people hold about them (i.e., current levels appear “too high”), and the judg-
ments about cultural values are exaggerated to the opposite end of where the practices are
seen, because this makes them more consonant with the people’s negative connotations about
the current cultural practices. Both processes taken together augment the difference between
the perception of cultural-practices and -values scores. Thus, when marked differences
between cultural-practices and -values scores are evident, this can also be taken as an indicator
of practical skepticism (i.e., exaggerated negative perceptions of “what is”) paired with value
idealism (i.e., exaggerated positive perceptions of “what should be”).
The two explanations of what the disparity between practices and values scores indicate
for the development of societal or organizational culture do not necessarily contradict each
other. The people’s readiness for change toward the desired values, on the one side, and the
people’s sympathy for the desired values paired with skepticism about real change, on the
other side, at least point in the same direction, namely toward the level of the desired values.
Whether the espoused values in a society will be enacted in the future depends on whether the
people feel that the change in the desired direction is realistic or not.
In the GLOBE program, we have not yet measured the extent to which people perceive
change toward desired values to be realistic in their society. Thus, the predictive power of the
described theory needs to be tested in future research. However, judgments about whether
future change in certain cultural aspects in a society (or organization) is likely or not can be
derived from the culture-specific evidence discussed in country chapters.
For an example, in several countries people show considerable disparity between their
responses to comparatively high practices and comparatively low values levels of Uncertainty
Avoidance (e.g., Sweden, Germany, Switzerland–German speaking, and Singapore).
Based on the qualitative findings about their respective country, the chapter authors give
different answers to the question of whether future change is likely or not. In Sweden,
Uncertainty Avoidance practices are rated lower than Uncertainty Avoidance values. This may
suggest a movement toward the reduction of Uncertainty Avoidance practices. The same dis-
parity is reported by the German respondents. However, the authors of the German chapter
are more skeptical about their society’s future development in that respect. They argue that
high Uncertainty Avoidance is so deeply rooted in German society and history (e.g., via
people’s beliefs, institutional and organizational practices, economic and legal systems) that
it is rather difficult to change. For Singapore, which scores highest among Asian societies for
Uncertainty Avoidance cultural practices, well within the region of the high levels of Nordic
and Germanic societies, the authors make the point that current governmental policy is
actively encouraging people to overcome their “fear of failure” by supporting them to learn
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1076 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

successful entrepreneurship at home and abroad, which in the authors’ view makes true
change of the society toward less Uncertainty Avoidance more likely.
For another example, again with Singapore, we can ask the question of whether the high
Humane Oriented leadership score (see Figure B4) can be taken as an indicator of a
Confucianism-based force that drives the disparity between very low Humane Orientation
cultural practices and very high respective values in Singapore (see Figure A9) toward more
Humane Orientation cultural practices in the future. The answer is: It depends on how the cur-
rent cultural trends are interpreted by most of the people in Singapore. The disparity between
Humane Orientation cultural practices and values may well be the expression of practical
skepticism, because the people believe that the strict governmental regime is unlikely to
change with respect to Humane Orientation, paired with high value idealism, because people
overly adore Confucian principles of humane conduct and project them into their concepts of
effective leadership. A similar example can be derived from the situation in South Africa: It
shows the highest score of Humane Oriented leadership among all Anglo countries and the
lowest score on Humane Oriented cultural practices. Again, this may reflect a practical skep-
ticism paired with value idealism, which expresses the people’s hope in their business lead-
ers to create a better and more humane society (see the very high scores on Humane Oriented
leadership for South Africa in Figure B4).
The GLOBE data from quantitative and qualitative analyses show in the instances, where
disparities between cultural practices and desired values were found, that cultural values
rather than cultural practices more strongly predicted what is perceived to be effective lead-
ership. For a similar point, see Dorfman et al. (2004). In the case of disparity between cul-
tural practices and values, it seems that the leaders are valued for representing the desired
societal cultural values, perhaps in compensation for the low emphasis placed on the respec-
tive cultural practices. This seems to express the people’s hope that their leaders can help to
implement desired cultural change.

Cultural Diversity Within Societies

Culture not only changes in time, it also disperses geographically via emigration and
multicultural coexistence. We have described previously, that one shortcoming of GLOBE is
that cultural subgroups within countries were not systematically taken into account. And
despite the great care taken by chapter authors for describing the dominant culture and
various subcultures in their society, some limitations still remain.
For example, as is noted in the English chapter, in Britain a mixture of different cultures
coexists in different ways, (a) as geographically bound societal entities, for example,
Scotland, Wales, and England, and (b) as ethnic cultures that overlay the English, Scottish, or
Welsh cultures, for example, Jewish, Quaker, Islamic, and other religious-based cultures, and
Chinese, African, Indian, and Pakistani and other ethnic-based cultures. Not only in the
United Kingdom, but also in many other countries such as Singapore, United States, Mexico,
Turkey, or Germany, the influx of populations from other parts of the world has created a
diversity of subcultures. Their values more or less fuse with those of the dominant culture and
create nuances in business style and practice. These nuances are not represented within the
GLOBE data. Instead, a perhaps naive approach was taken, such that the dominant culture
within each country was measured. However, this shortcoming in the GLOBE database does
not need to remain a permanent one. We see no particular difficulties in using the measures
and methods presented in this and the previous GLOBE volume for a more fine-grained study
of the various subcultures within different countries.
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1077

Measuring Leadership in Various Subgroups and Contexts

The middle managers who participated in the GLOBE study are a particular subgroup in society
that may have different views than other groups from the same society have. For example, in
Austria and Ireland, it was tested with the GLOBE scales whether managers and students
from the same society converge in their views more strongly than Irish and Austrian students
on the one side, and Irish and Austrian managers, on the other side (Keating, Martin, & Szabo,
2002). Although several differences between the groups were identified—obviously they
differ in age or work experience—the cultural practices and values of both groups differenti-
ated the two cultures significantly. This is only one study and it is based on only two coun-
tries and two subgroups within each. Further studies are necessary to validate the GLOBE
country-level findings in this respect on the basis of different and more representative
samples of respondents and countries.
There is also a great deal to learn about gender differences across cultures. On the basis of
the GLOBE sample, Emrich, Denmark, and den Hartog (2004) demonstrated statistically
significant, but not substantial, gender differences for four of the six leadership dimensions
(the variances accounted for are very low; they range from 0.2% to 0.9%). Female managers
rated Charismatic/Value Based, Participative, and Team Oriented leadership higher as con-
tributing to effective leadership than the male managers did, who in return rated Self-
Protective leadership as more inhibiting to effective leadership than female managers did.
Furthermore, gender differences were more apparent in certain cultures than in others. For
example, gender differences on Team Oriented leadership were much smaller in the United
States than in Hong Kong. Further empirical evidence shows that male and female managers
rate CLT dimensions more similarly the more Gender Egalitarian their societies is reported to
be (see the dissertation from Paris, 2003, which gives a more complete exploration of gender
differences in the GLOBE sample).
There are further issues with respect to subgroup effects. For some countries although the
distribution of gender was noted to be representative for the respective country and industries,
the resulting numbers as part of the country sample drawn seem rather low with respect to
considerations of statistical power. For example, in Spain, 12% from a total of N = 173 par-
ticipants were female, which sums up to about only 20 respondents from the female manage-
rial population in Spain.
Other issues related to subgroups of respondents are more conceptual in nature. The GLOBE
sample relies on middle managers as informants. Thus, it does not represent the perceptions of
nonmanagerial staff. If one agrees that leadership is “in the eye of the beholder,” which is a cen-
tral focus of the CLTs measured by GLOBE, then more research is necessary to also learn about
the values, beliefs, and expectations of those who are not in leadership positions.
In order to get a more balanced view across the various job levels in organizations with
leadership functions, it is necessary to also include lower and higher levels of management.
Some chapter authors took the managerial level explicitly into account. For example, in
Portugal, the expectations about leadership behavior were shown to vary depending on which
managerial level (top, middle, lower) is concerned. The U.S. chapter authors suggest that their
finding of a relatively high endorsement of Participative leadership may be due to the choice
of middle managers as respondents, whose particular role as managers “in the middle” of
their organizational environment necessitates that they be participative and sensitive to oth-
ers’ needs. Thus, not only the results for the United States may differ to some extent when
other managerial levels are investigated. Again, we think the GLOBE scales provide the tools
to test this and related propositions.
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1078 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

In the chapter about Turkey, it is noted that few or none of the responding managers
worked in small or publicly owned organizations, which is in line with the characteristics of
most of the organizations in the overall GLOBE sample. However, for Turkey it may have dis-
torted the picture to some extent, because most of their organizations are family-owned small
businesses.
The effects the three industries measured (telecommunication service providers, food pro-
cessing, and financial service providers) may have were explicitly taken into account by
GLOBE. In most chapters where results were compared across industries, no marked differ-
ences were found. This is in line with the GLOBE results reported by Brodbeck et al. (2004)
according to which industry main effects on organizational culture are low (Eta2 range from
.00 to.11) when compared to the much higher effects of societal culture (Eta2 range from .21
to .47). However, Brodbeck et al. also report interaction effects of medium magnitude (Eta2
range from .06 to .42), indicating that there can be marked differences in organizational cul-
ture between industries within particular societies, depending on which legislation or eco-
nomic dynamics are in effect for individual industries and not for others. Against the
background of these findings, the issue of not having sampled industries that are of particu-
lar importance for an individual country, such as in Finland, the paper and metal industries,
is noteworthy.
Two issues are of particular relevance to further developing the concept of leadership that
has been used by GLOBE.
The U.S. chapter authors argue that the research methodology of the GLOBE leadership
questionnaire invited an a priori definition of leadership as something that an individual does.
Indeed, as was described previously, their chapter displays a preference for a trait-based bias
of leadership as well as an influence model of leadership, potentially preventing other perhaps
more collective notions of leadership to emerge. We think that the GLOBE leadership con-
cept and the methods used may have been somewhat biased in favor of a trait-based and per-
sonalized understanding of the leadership process. However, it appears from several country
chapters that the bias did not affect the understanding and descriptions of culture-specific
leadership concepts that differ from a trait-based understanding. In many country reports,
leadership is described to reside more within organizations or institutions rather than in an
individual, such as in France or Germany, or in a person with a collective Self, which makes
her an intimate part of a group or collective, such as in China or India, or the person as a
leader is downplayed and not seen as something special, such as in the Netherlands, Finland,
or Switzerland.
The authors of the chapter on Spain make the point that the way the GLOBE research was
carried out may have led to the expression of overly enthusiastic views about charismatic
leaders that contrasts the skepticism history would suggest. “Throughout history, charismatic
political leaders in Europe and Mediterranean countries have been a source of initially stable
governments, which later promoted a long series of bloody, criminal, or belligerent actions.
It has been the case, in this century, of Bin Laden, Franco, Gadafi, Hassan II, Hitler,
Milosevic, Mussolini, Stalin, and Yeltsin. Each of these leaderships combined visionary as
well as inspirational perspectives” (adopted from the Spanish chapter). The authors continue
by saying that “the historical reality should at least temper the enthusiasm of some foreign
observers who highlight the short-term advantages of charismatic leadership without paying
to much attention to the disastrous long-term consequences.”
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1079

Questions for Future Research

From the results and limitations described in the preceding sections, many questions for
future research can be derived. We close this section by summarizing some of them that seem
particularly pertinent and compelling.
The GLOBE data generated to date do not allow stringent predictions about actual leader-
ship behavior in organizations and cross-cultural situations. This requires further in situ investi-
gations of how particular cultural backgrounds influence leadership behavior and effectiveness
within and across cultural boundaries. The latter would translate into the following research
question: If the CLT profiles of the hosting cultures are not enacted by the leader or expatriate,
will the leader be less accepted, less effective? In accord with this question, it is worth investi-
gating whether and to what extent the behaviors of existing leaders typically reflect the leader-
ship profiles endorsed in their home culture.
Also, not very much is known about the psychological, social-psychological, and socio-
logical mechanisms by which leadership prototypes, and their respective behavioral conse-
quences are linked to societal cultural and organizational cultural practices and values. In that
respect, the previously described theory that uses principles of cognitive dissonance theory to
predict how differences between perceived practices and values translate into change on the
individual, the organizational, and the societal level, deserves some attention.
More focused on the leadership process are the two further questions raised by House,
Wright and Aditya (1997): Does leader behavior that deviates slightly from dominant cultural
practices and/or values encourage innovation and performance improvement—as such behav-
iors are nontraditional and unexpected? Are leader behaviors that may be universally accepted
also more effective, within and across cultural contexts?
The limited scope of GLOBE with respect to cultural subgroups within societies, but also
with respect to the degree of variability within societies, or the density or looseness of cul-
tural prescriptions, may be turned into research questions like these: Are CLT leadership
dimensions more rigidly set for homogeneous societies, such as Japan, than for culturally
diverse societies, such as the United States? (Dorfman, 2004; Dorfman et al., 2004).
Furthermore, with increasing globalization it is likely that leadership prototypes derive from
experiences made in more than one culture? Would cross-cultural experience be reflected in
“blended” leadership prototypes? How can these be measured? Are culturally endorsed blends
of leadership prototypes also reflected in respective leadership behaviors? Would these be
more effective in respective cross-cultural leadership contexts?
Another direction for future research is the assessment of the magnitude and speed with
which perceptions of cultural practices and values, including managerial and leadership prac-
tices, change and the degree to which between-country differences remain stable or vary over
time, which requires longitudinal approaches. Such admittedly very time-intensive and costly
projects could help us to answer many important questions, like the validity of the culture
convergence hypotheses. Such projects could also help to estimate the accuracy of cross-
cultural data more generally, for example, with respect to the question of whether and how
quickly the data become outdated or obsolete. In that respect, an interesting point was made
in the country chapter from Singapore: After portraying Singapore as a society that can
change rapidly, the question was raised of whether investigating culture as a dependent vari-
able could be helpful to identify the relative importance of culture shaping factors in societies,
such as technological change, modernization, or governmental policy.
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1080 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

4. PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS

Multinational and domestic organizations are becoming more and more culturally diverse, as
is their customer base, which tends to spread around the whole world. Alongside these effects
of globalization, there is a growing need for managers in organizations who can effectively
work in different cultural environments and in multicultural settings (Dorfman et al., 2004).
It is known that organizations that proactively take part in the globalization process increase
the number of their expatriate managerial staff throughout the world (Cullen, 2002).
More generally, worldwide immigration during the past century up to today has resulted in
hundreds of millions of people with different cultural background who work and live in close
regional proximity. This trend is particularly apparent in the metropolitan regions in which soon
50% of the world population will be living and working. Another sphere where different
cultures encounter is the Internet (World Wide Web), which provides for an environment of its
own, within which people from anywhere in the world can interact and work together anytime.
Despite the increase of multicultural diversity in many people’s immediate social environ-
ment and in a fast-growing virtual environment, it is unlikely that the major societal
cultures in the world converge into an amalgam of a global cultural standard. Some authors
perceive it to be more likely that cultural differences among societies will be exacerbated as
they adapt to modernization while simultaneously striving to preserve their cultural heritage
and social identity (cf. Dorfman et al., 2004). As has been described previously, the GLOBE
findings (House et al., 2004) and other cross-cultural studies (e.g. Smith, 1997, Smith et al.,
2002) suggest that the fundamentally stable nature of the values and beliefs of people in
different cultural regions is likely to remain stable. If the multicultural world doesn’t change
into a monocultural one, it is time for us to change and to become more aware of the cultural
backgrounds of people different from us.
This volume of 25 country chapters provides the basis for developing a comprehensive
understanding of the cultural practices, values, and behaviors that are associated with effec-
tive leadership in a variety of societies from all major cultural regions in the world. This
should be of interest not only to managers who want to develop their awareness of the criti-
cal aspects of effective leadership in different cultures, but also to everyone who is interested
in developing a better understanding of the different cultural backgrounds that shape the way
other people feel, think, and act at work and in other contexts.
Before we discuss how the GLOBE results can be used to inform managers and everyone
about cultural practices and values that are more or less foreign to them, two general notes
about interpersonal and cross-cultural encounter need to be made:
First, anyone who works with others—from a different culture or not—should try to gain
a deeper understanding of the other person’s implicit and explicit theories about working
together, leadership, and followership, and of his or her own respective concepts. By reflecting
on both, the similarities and differences come into focus and can be reflected on.
Second, as was lucidly described in the U.S. chapter of this volume, one should “continu-
ously and repeatedly assess, hypothesize, and act (AHA principle) when entering and working
in a new cultural environment. As Germanic cultures tend to say, ‘the devil is in the detail’ (in
the United States, it is said at times that ‘God is in the detail’). Whatever the case may be,
things are not always what they appear to be and often seemingly clear similarities in
expected leader behaviors may lead to the greatest misunderstandings and/or conflicts.”
In each of the 25 country chapters, many examples and rich descriptions are given about
how the working relationships and leadership processes in organizations are shaped by the
cultural practices and values. Most chapters devote a whole section to recommendations
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28 CULTURE AND LEADERSHIP IN 25 SOCIETIES 1081

about what foreign and domestic managers should keep in mind when acting as a leader in
the respective societal contexts. Apart from the solid empirical data these descriptions and
recommendations are based on, additional credibility derives from the fact that the chapters
were written by GLOBE CCIs who grew up or have spent a considerable amount of time
working and living in the country they write about.
At first glance, some of the examples and recommendations given may appear somewhat
strange or incomprehensible to the reader. This is actually the best starting point to ask the
important “Why” questions and to discover more about the underlying “logic” a culture
works from. Note that we seem to intuitively use the logic of the culture we grew up with,
similar to how we learned our primary language. However, remember how many “Why”
questions children ask once they know the primitive basics. Asking them and trying to answer
them, for example, by using the AHA principle, is an effective way to develop your under-
standing of a culture—be it your own or a different one.
The culture-general results from GLOBE provide empirically well-grounded information
about any combination of target countries from the 61 societies studied. A set of cross-cul-
turally validated measurement tools is also provided: altogether nine dimensions, each for
cultural practices and cultural values, each for societal cultures and organizational cultures,
plus six global leadership dimensions, which consist of 21 subdimensions and altogether 112
item descriptions, carefully defined in their meaning. These results and tools can be used to
develop the content of cross-cultural training and coaching exercises, as well as diagnostic
tools and training exercises that mimic situations of cultural overlap.
Cultural overlap is known to evoke critical situations, where ambiguities and inconsistencies
prevail to each of the parties involved. This is likely to result in dysfunctional work behavior.
Critical situations emerge when members of different cultures interact, because they hold
different reference frames and approach the situation with their own culture-specific perspec-
tive. The GLOBE data can be used to identify those dimensions that most likely contribute to
the emergence of critical situations between parties from certain target cultures and to develop
training situations accordingly.
In addition to that, the findings from the culture-specific analyses in each chapter help to
specify, for example, which concept and which ambiguous signal or misunderstanding should
be addressed when developing cross-cultural training and coaching situations and how to tai-
lor them to leader–follower relationships involving delegation, consultation, and normal,
everyday decision making. Each chapter provides rich and valuable information regarding
effective leadership actions that match or mismatch cultural norms.
When cultures differ in their practices and values, expatriates’ preparation and adjustment
is generally necessary. It is more difficult, and thus takes more time, effort, and preparation,
to adjust to another culture if the cultural differences are large and manifold because it implies
that a higher amount of cognitive and behavioral restructuring is necessary. The combination
of culture-general and culture-specific reflections in each country chapter, and the integrated
summaries and overviews described in this chapter, can inform senior management and inter-
national HR staff about the critical issue of how much prior training, coaching, and actual
experience in a particular host country is necessary to ensure effective leadership.
Furthermore, the comparative analysis of societal culture practices and values, graphically
displayed in Figures A1 to A9 (Appendix A), informs about the direction and the likelihood
of cultural change in particular countries and regions.
The positioning of individual countries within cultural clusters can also help to identify to
what extent and in which respects a target country can be seen as a typical or an atypical rep-
resentative of the cultural region it is a member of, in terms of cultural values and practices
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1082 BRODBECK, CHHOKAR, HOUSE

(see Figures A1 to A9) and in terms of leadership profiles (see Figures B1 to B6). Furthermore,
several boundary-spanning societies, which share cultural elements or elements of leadership
prototypes with two or more cultural clusters, have been identified. They may serve as cultural
transition points through which a whole cultural region can be more safely explored.
One final note on the conventional wisdom that cultural distance is dysfunctional and often
leads to failure of cross-border collaboration, joint ventures, or mergers. We think cultural dis-
tance is not dysfunctional per se. It rather should be seen as an opportunity to discover
cultural practices elsewhere, which can be helpful to solve problems at home and vice versa.
It has to be acknowledged, though, that it is difficult to understand how foreign practices func-
tion without knowing more about the context within which they operate. In the multiple
within-country perspective of the country chapters, the attempt is to display each culture’s
“logic” of functioning and the deeper meaning of what the abstract GLOBE concepts mean
once they are embedded within the respective cultures. The country chapter authors under-
took great efforts to carefully explain what the meanings behind the abstract GLOBE
concepts within their society are, how the cultural practices and values have developed
throughout history, how they relate to effective leadership, and what future developments are
likely to occur. We are therefore convinced that the content of this volume facilitates the
discovery of cultural and leadership practices in other cultures that may be helpful to solve
problems at home and elsewhere.

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Triandis, H. C. (2004). Foreword. In R. J. House, P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan, P. Dorfman, & V. Gupta
(Eds.), Leadership, culture, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 societies (pp. xv–xix).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Triandis, H. C., & Bhawuk, D. P. S. (1997). Culture theory and the meaning of relatedness. In
P. C. Earley & M. Erez (Eds.), New perspectives in international/organizational psychology
(pp. 13–52). New York: New Lexington Free Press.
Weibler, J., Brodbeck, F. C., Szabo, E., Reber, G., Wunderer, R., & Moosmann, O. (2000). Führung
in kulturverwandten Regionen: Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede bei Führungsidealen in
Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz [Leadership in culturally related regions: Communalities
and differences of leadership concepts in Germany, Austria and Switzerland]. Die Betriebswirtschaft
(DBW), 60, 588–606.
Yang, K. S. (2000). Mono-cultural and cross-cultural indigenous approaches: The royal road to the
development of a balanced global psychology. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 4, 241–263.
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd 10/4/2007 3:45 PM Page 1085

APPENDIX A: Societal Culture “As Is” and “Should Be” in

25/61 Globe Countries
Should Be

Southern Sub Sahara

Asia Africa
Confucian
Asia
Middle
East
Eastern
Europe
Uncertainty Avoidance: As Is

America
Latin
Europe
Latin
Anglo
Germanic
Europe
Europe
Nordic
7

1
High

Medium

Low

Figure A1. GLOBE dimension of societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”)—
Uncertainty Avoidance.

1085
 7 Power Distance: As Is Should Be

1086
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Power Distance.
6

High
10/4/2007

5
3:45 PM

Medium 4
Page 1086

Low

2
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Asia Africa

Figure A2. GLOBE dimension of societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”)—
1
 7 In-Group Collectivism: As Is Should Be
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Group Collectivism.
High
10/4/2007

5
3:45 PM

Medium 4
Page 1087

Low

2
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Asia Africa

Figure A3. GLOBE dimension of societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”)—In-

1087
 7 Institutional Collectivism: As Is Should Be

1088
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

High

Institutional Collectivism.
10/4/2007

5
3:45 PM

Medium 4
Page 1088

Low

2
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

Figure A4. GLOBE dimension of societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”)—
1
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd 10/4/2007 3:45 PM Page 1089

Southern Sub Sahara

Should Be

Asia Africa
Confucian
Middle
East
Eastern
Europe
Future Orientation: As Is

America
Latin
Europe
Latin
Anglo
Germanic
Europe
Europe
Nordic
7

1
High

Medium

Low

Figure A5. GLOBE dimension of societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”)—
Institutional Collectivism.
1089
 7 Performance Orientation: As Is Should Be

1090
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

High

Performance Orientation.
10/4/2007

5
3:45 PM

Medium 4
Page 1090

Low

2
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

Figure A6. GLOBE dimension of societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”)—
1
 7 Assertiveness: As Is Should Be
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Assertiveness.
6

High
10/4/2007

5
3:45 PM

Medium 4
Page 1091

Low

2
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

Figure A7. GLOBE dimension of societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”)—
1

1091
 7 Gender Egalitarianism: As Is Should Be

1092
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Gender Egalitarianism.
High
10/4/2007

5
3:45 PM

Medium 4
Page 1092

Low

2
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

Figure A8. GLOBE dimension of societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”)—
1
 7 Humane Orientation: As Is Should Be
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Humane Orientation.
High
10/4/2007

5
3:45 PM

Medium 4
Page 1093

Low

2
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

Figure A9. GLOBE dimension of societal culture practices (“As Is”) and values (“Should Be”)—
1

1093
 greatly 7
Charismatic/Value-Based Leadership

1094
Figure B1.
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Contributes...
... to being an 6
outstanding leader
10/4/2007

slightly 5
3:45 PM

No impact 4
Page 1094

slightly 3
Theories (CLTS) in 25/61 Globe Countries

Inhibits...

Global leadership dimension—Charismatic/Value-Based Leadership.

APPENDIX A1: Culturally Endosed Leadership

... from being an 2

outstanding leader
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

greatly 1
 greatly 7
Team Oriented Leadership

Figure B2.
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Contributes...
... to being an 6
outstanding leader
10/4/2007

slightly 5
3:45 PM

No impact 4
Page 1095

slightly 3

Global leadership dimension—Team Oriented Leadership.

Inhibits...
... from being an 2
outstanding leader
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

greatly 1

1095
 greatly 7
Participative Leadership

1096
Figure B3.
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Contributes...
... to being an 6
outstanding leader
10/4/2007

slightly 5
3:45 PM

No impact 4
Page 1096

slightly 3

Global leadership dimension—Participative Leadership.

Inhibits...
... from being an 2
outstanding leader
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

greatly 1
 greatly 7
Humane Oriented Leadership

Figure B4.
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Contributes...
... to being an 6
outstanding leader
10/4/2007

slightly 5
3:45 PM

No impact 4
Page 1097

slightly 3

Global leadership dimension—Humane Oriented Leadership.

Inhibits...
... from being an 2
outstanding leader
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

1097
greatly 1
 greatly 7
Autonomous Leadership

1098
Figure B5.
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Contributes...
... to being an 6
outstanding leader
10/4/2007

slightly 5
3:45 PM

No impact 4
Page 1098

slightly 3

Global leadership dimension—Autonomous Leadership.

Inhibits...
... from being an 2
outstanding leader
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

greatly 1
 greatly 7
Self-Protective Leadership

Figure B6.
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd

Contributes...
... to being an 6
outstanding leader
10/4/2007

slightly 5
3:45 PM

No impact 4
Page 1099

slightly 3

Global leadership dimension—Self-Protected Leadership.

Inhibits...
... from being an 2
outstanding leader
Nordic Germanic Anglo Latin Latin Eastern Middle Confucian Southern Sub Sahara
Europe Europe Europe America Europe East Asia Africa

greatly 1

1099
Chhokar chapter 28.qxd 10/4/2007 3:45 PM Page 1100
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1101

Author Index
A Amado, G., 575, 578
Åman, R., 80, 105
Aaltonen, M., 91, 95, 104 Amann, B., 551, 578
Abbruch Ost, 155, 194 American Association of Fund-Raising Council,
Abric, C., 570, 578 505, 530
Acar, F., 848, 871 American Demographics, 505, 530
Ackerblom, S., 610, 611, 619 Ames, D., xv, xvi, 1026, 1086
Ackerman, R. W., 246, 247 Amnesty International Österreich, 126n, 141
Adair, J., 341, 353 Anagnosteli, G., 780, 801
Adaman, F., 838, 850, 871 Andersch-Niestedt, H., 169, 194
Aditya, R. N., 19, 30, 39, 69, 101, 105, 242, 248, Anderson, D., 805, 830
252, 260, 287, 446, 473, 491, 532, 548, 579, Andras, K., 765, 765, 1062, 1070, 1084
591, 619, 804, 831, 1038, 1081, 1086 Andrews, G., 412, 426
Adler, N. J., 194, 194, 340, 353, 493, 494, 504, Andriessen, J. H. E., 226, 247
530, 913, 926, 942 Ansley, B., 402, 406, 409, 425
AFP, 905, 905 Arat, Z., 847, 871
Agar, M., 28, 30, 675, 685, 692, 711, 719, 736, Ardila, R., 747, 761
761, 983, 1006 Argyris, A., 682, 685
Agar, M. H., 68, 73, 117, 118n, 140, 260, 285 Argyris, C., 124, 141, 604, 618
Ageev, A., 805, 809, 830 Arias, M. E., 694, 718n, 722
Ah Chong, L. M., 413, 425 Armbrüster, T., 157, 194
Ahlstrom, D., 905, 905, 919, 921, 942 Armstrong, A., 778, 801
Ahonen, P., 81, 104 Arnaiz Villena, A., 625, 652
Ahrendt, D., 339, 353 Arrien, A., 498, 530
Ahtisaari, M., 112, 141 Arrubla, M., 691, 719
Airola, V., 90, 104 Arthur Andersen, 842, 871
Akande, A., 593, 620 Arvonen, J., 88, 105
Akarun, L., 843, 845, 873 Ashkanasy, N. M., 309, 310, 316, 330, 330,
Akerblom, S., 23, 30, 59n38, 62, 69, 130, 141, 332, 1056, 1084
151, 172, 175, 191, 194, 367, 394 Ashmore, J., 375, 396
Aksan, Z., 864, 874 Assadourian, E., 479, 534
Alam, K., 1070, 1085 Atay, F. R., 858, 859, 872
Albeda, W., 225, 247 Atran, S., 1069, 1084
Alderson, S., 378, 385, 395 Au, K., 919, 921, 942
Alduncin, A. E., 732, 761 Audia, G., 23, 30, 130, 141, 151, 172, 175, 191,
Alexander A., 782, 789, 801 194, 610, 611, 619
Alho, K., 81, 104 Auer-Rizzi, W., 130, 137n, 138, 142, 169, 196,
Allouche, J., 551, 578 277, 288, 1043, 1086
Almeida, J. F., 590, 618 Aust, S., 638, 652
Altman, Y., 551, 578 Austin, J., 710n, 720
Altschuh, E., 170, 175, 196 Austin, N. K., 508, 533
Altschul, C., 667, 675, 683, 685, 685, 694, Avolio, B. J., 282, 285, 413, 425, 454, 468,
718n, 722 470, 472
Altwegg, J., 285, 285 Aycan, Z., 847, 849, 863, 864, 870, 872, 873
Alvarez-Junco, J., 628n, 652 Ayestaran, S., 593, 620
Alvesson, M., 51, 68 Aymen, R., 735, 761

1101
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1102

1102 AUTHOR INDEX

B Berglund, J., 38, 50, 68

Bergmann, A., 264, 266, 281, 285
Baamonde, C., 668, 685 Berliner, J., 805, 830
Bacon, M. K., 1036, 1084 Bernin, P., 408, 429
Badaracco, J., 704, 720 Bernstein, H., 997, 1007
Baden-Fuller, C., 53, 70 Berry, J. W., 1036, 1085
Bader, U., 256, 285 Berry, N., 496, 530
Bagozzi, R. P., 998, 1006 Berschin, H., 149, 194
Bailey, J., 691, 720 Berthouzoz, R., 267, 285
Bakacsi, G., 23, 30, 130, 141, 151, 172, 175, Bertocci, C., 805, 831
191, 194, 367, 394, 610, 611, 619, 765, Betancourt, H., 1005, 1008
765, 805, 830, 1062, 1070, 1084 Beteille, A., 980, 1007
Bales, R. F., 274n28, 285 Bhawuk, D. P. S., 996, 1008, 1050, 1087
Bankalarimiz 1992, 861, 872 Bian, Y., 883, 905
Banks, A. S., 112, 125, 141 Bildirici, M. E., 850, 872
Barham, K., 494, 535 Binedell, N., 452, 472
Barón, A., 667, 670, 686 Biographies on Famous Chinese Generals,
Barron, F., 376, 385, 393 894, 905
Barry, D., 423, 429 Black, J. S., 924, 942
Barry, H., III, 1036, 1084 Blackwell, W., 805, 830
Barsoux, J. L., 168, 177, 178, 196, 551, 552, Blanchard, K., 492, 530
553, 578 Blangger, T., 504, 530
Bartol, K. M., 422, 425 Block, P., 498, 530
Basham, A. L., 972, 973, 974, 975, 976, 978, Blonk, A., 218, 221, 247
979, 1007 Blount, F., 318, 322, 323, 327, 328, 330
Bass, B., 711, 717, 720 Bochner, S., 593, 620
Bass, B. M., 5, 14, 93, 104, 169, 194, 252, 275, Bodur, M., 833, 833, 838, 843, 844, 863, 872,
276, 282, 285, 309, 330, 413, 425, 491, 873, 874, 1070, 1086
492, 530, 549, 578, 632, 633, 652, 733, Boehnke, K., 170, 175, 194
734, 736, 761 Böhnisch, W., 130, 136, 137n, 142, 151, 195
Basu, B., 685, 687 Boldy, D., 635, 652
Bauer, B., 80, 86, 91, 102, 103, 105 Bolshakov, Z., 816, 831
Bauer, M., 552, 578 Bond, M. H., 3, 14, 127, 141, 263, 286, 504,
Bautista, A., 735, 736, 754, 762 527, 531, 532, 736, 741, 762, 887, 889,
Bazen, S., 916, 944 892, 903, 905, 906, 907, 909, 913, 918,
Beamish, P., 805, 830 923, 926, 936, 938, 942, 943, 952, 967,
Beaty, D. T., 454, 464, 470, 472 1005, 1008, 1076, 1086
Beckhard, R., 704, 720 Bonfil Batalla, G., 725, 726, 761
Bedoya, J. G., 629, 652 Bönisch, W., 278, 288
Behrman, J. N., 483, 495, 507, 528, 530 Bontempo, R., 1005, 1008
Belich, J., 398, 401, 402, 406, 425 Boon, M., 465, 469, 472
Bell, M. P., 890, 907 Boone, L. E., 503, 509, 531
Bellah, R., 480, 481, 496, 498, 507, 508, 530 Booth, P., 401, 425
Bendova, H., 23, 30, 130, 141, 151, 172, 175, Booysen, A. E., 433, 452, 454, 464, 465, 466,
191, 194, 367, 394, 610, 611, 619 470, 472
Bennett, M., 476, 481, 483, 484, 504, 534 Booysen, L., 433, 443, 462, 464, 466, 469, 472
Bennis, W., 492, 530, 601, 618, 664, 683, 686, Bornman, E., 465, 466, 472
704, 720 Bose, N. K., 971, 974, 1007
Benzecri, J.-P., 559, 578 Boss talk, 172, 194
Berger, M., 466, 472 Bouc, A., 902, 906
Berger, P. L., 50, 68, 476, 530 Bourantas, D., 774, 780, 785, 788, 801, 802
Berger, S., 919, 942 Bourke, A., 374, 393
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1103

AUTHOR INDEX 1103

Bouzas, R., 664, 686 C

Boyacigiller, N., 848, 864, 873
Brandenburger, A. M., 271, 285 Cabral, M. V., 598, 619
Braudel, F., 218, 247 Calder, B. J., 492, 531
Braverman, E. P., 751, 762 Callan, V., 310, 331, 593, 620
Breen, R., 362, 394 Calori, R., 367, 394
Brenan, G., 628n, 640, 649, 652 Cammock, P., 412, 413, 426
Brenes, A., 1005, 1008 Campbell, A., 162, 169, 170, 175, 178,
Bridges, J., 401, 425 194, 196
Briggs, A., 410, 425 Campbell, D. T., 117, 143, 261, 289, 376, 396
Bright, N., 402, 405, 409, 410, 426 Campbell, J., 497, 531, 778, 801
Brilman, J., 553, 578 Campbell, N., 926, 942
Brislin, R. W., 19, 30 Campbell-Hunt, C., 412, 426
Brockhaus Encyclopedia, 194, 200 Cape, E., 339, 353
Brodbeck, F. C., 23, 30, 51, 62, 68, 107, 107, Carbonell, R., 683, 685, 685
130, 140, 141, 142, 148, 151, 157, 166, Çarkoglu, A., 838, 850, 871
168, 169, 170, 172, 175, 177, 182, 189, Carl, D., 598, 619
191, 194, 194, 195, 196, 252, 260, 263, Carless, S., 310, 331
272, 277, 282, 284, 285, 287, 289, 290, Carr, R., 628n, 652
367, 394, 570, 578, 610, 611, 619, 900, Carstensen, F., 805, 807, 830
906, 963, 965, 967, 1037, 1039, 1041, Carswell, P. J., 406, 426
1042, 1043, 1044, 1047, 1049, 1050, 1052, Carter, I., 400, 426
1054, 1069, 1072, 1074, 1075, 1078, 1080, Cavalli, R., 261n, 286
1081, 1082, 1085, 1086, 1087 Cavanagh, G. F., 483, 531
Bromby, R., 319, 330, 330 Center for International Earth Science
Brook, L., 339, 353 International Network (CIESIN), 78, 104
Broome, B. J., 774, 781, 782, 784, 786, 788, Central Statistics Office, 361, 394
789, 799, 801 CEPAL Foreign Trade data base, 658, 686
Brosnan, T. F., 733, 761 Chaadaev, P., 806, 830
Brown, D. J., 751, 762 Chan, A., 923, 925, 944
Browne, M., 371, 394 Chang, D. W., 895, 905, 906
Brown-Humes, C., 81, 104 Chao, P., 890, 906
Brulin, G., 59n38, 68 Charlton, G. D., 453, 472
Bruton, G. D., 905, 905 Chartered Institute of Personnel and
Buckley, P. J., 271, 286 Development, 340, 353
Bugra, A., 838, 851, 872 Chemers, M. M., 735, 761
Bundesamt für Statistik, 251, 253, 265, 266, Chen, C. C., 59, 68
269, 286 Chen, M., 890, 906
Bundeskammer für Arbeiter und Angestellte, Chen, W. Z., 879, 907
115, 141 Cheng, B. S., 879, 890, 906
Bundeskanzleramt, 115, 116, 141 Cheng, L. K., 948, 967
Bundespressedienst, 125, 141 Cheng, W. W., 879, 907
Burger, P. C., 633, 652 Cheong, W. K., 949, 950, 951, 959, 967
Burns, J. M., 93, 104, 309, 331 Cheung, F., 920, 936, 943
Burr, V., 50, 68 Cheung, F. M., 886, 888, 892, 906, 907,
Business Women’s Association South Africa, 965, 968
462, 472 Chew, I. K., 889, 906, 957, 959, 967
Bustamante, C., 694, 718n, 722 Chia, R. C., 890, 906
Butchatsky, O., 309, 310, 332 Child, I. L., 1036, 1084
Bütler, H., 276n32, 286 Child, J., 115, 141, 340, 353, 886, 906
Butler, M. C., 755, 763 Child, Youth and Family, 408, 426
Butterfield, D. A., 493, 494, 531 Chine, F., 886, 906
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1104

1104 AUTHOR INDEX

Chinese Culture Connection, 920, 939, 942 D

Chislett, W., 630, 631, 653
Choi, S.-C., 393, 395 Dachler, H. P., 281, 286
Chow, L., 319, 331 Dakin, S. R., 412, 413, 426, 427
Christie, P., 452, 472 Dalton, M., 494, 531
Chua, B., 919, 921, 942 Dalziel, P., 402, 426
Chuang, C. J., 890, 906 Dana, L. P., 114, 127, 141
Civil Service Personnel Statistics, 918, 942 Dasen, P. R., 1036, 1085
Clark, B., 193, 195 Dastmalchian, A., 843, 873, 1070, 1085
Clarke, F. G., 301, 306, 311, 331 Daun, Å., 48, 49, 50, 68
Clegg, S., 309, 310, 327, 331 Davies, K., 910, 942
Coakley, J., 364, 394 Dávila, C., 691, 694, 704, 718n, 720, 722
Coetsier, P. L., 226, 247 Davin, D., 406, 426
Cohen, D., 1036, 1085 Davis, J. H., 733, 761
Cohen, M., 312, 332 Day, A. J., 112, 125, 141
Coldwell, D. A. L., 465, 472 Day, D. V., 22, 30, 751, 762
Collier, M. J., 465, 466, 472 Deal, J., 494, 531
Collins, J., 496, 498, 529, 531 Deane, S., 361, 394
Collins, M., 373, 394 de Boer, K., 1007, 1016
Confederation of Finnish Industry and de Cillia, R., 126, 143
Employers, 87, 104 Deeds, S. M., 725, 726, 728, 763
Confucius, 885, 906 Deeks, J., 400, 426
Conger, J., 673, 686 Degenne, A., 604, 619
Consumer Reports, 506, 531 de Jong, J. R., 225, 249
Coons, A. E., 275, 286 de la Cerda Gastélum, J., 731, 761
Cooper, C., 341, 352, 353 del Carril, M., 667, 670, 686
Cooper, C. L., 408, 429 Deller, J., 849, 863, 870, 872
Co-opt people, ideas at all levels, urges BG de Luque, M. S., 7, 10, 14, 29, 30, 1028, 1030,
Lee, 958, 967 1072, 1085
Corbett, L., 412, 426 de Moor, R., 481, 531, 590, 619
Corner, J., 338, 353 DeMott, B., 528, 531
Corta, A., 124, 141 Denevi, M., 666, 669, 686
Cosío Villegas, D., 724, 761 Deng, X. P., 895, 906
Costa, W. G., 303, 331 den Hartog, D., 23, 30, 140, 142, 384, 394, 596,
Cotton, J. L., 635, 653 597, 598, 599, 610, 619, 620, 804, 830,
Coulter, C., 371, 394 1054, 1086
Coverdale, J. F., 631, 653 den Hartog, D. E., 107, 107, 148, 151, 166,
Covey, S., 704, 720 169, 196
Covey, S. R., 508, 531 den Hartog, D. N., 240, 242, 248, 260, 263,
Cozarinsky, E., 670, 686 289, 417, 419, 426, 596, 619, 1079, 1085
Cragin, J. P., 936, 942 Denmark, F. L., 596, 619, 1079, 1085
Craig, G. A., 151, 195 Department of Census and Statistics, Hong
Creel, H. G., 949, 967 Kong Government, 918, 919, 942, 945, 946
Crispo, J., 116, 141 Department of Statistics (New Zealand),
Crocombe, G., 426, 430 400, 426
Cruz, J., 591, 619 DePree, M., 704, 720
Cullen, J. B., 1082, 1085 Derossi, F., 740, 761
Cummings, L. L., 633, 649, 653 Devanna, M. A., 492, 534
Curtice, J., 336, 353 de Vries, M., 805, 809, 830
Cushman, G., 408, 426 Dewes, K., 403, 429
Czarniawska-Joerges, B., 49, 50, 59n38, Díaz-Loving, R., 734, 749, 761
64, 68 Dick, P., 266, 281, 290
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1105

AUTHOR INDEX 1105

Dickinson, C., 310, 331 Dubisch, J., 785, 801

Dickson, J. W., 228, 238n, 248 Dudorkin, J., 151, 195
Dickson, M., 55, 56, 69, 95, 104, 117, 141, 252, Dukerich, J. M., 493, 533, 1047, 1086
260, 263, 273, 274, 275, 284, 287, 417, Dumont, L., 153, 195
427, 594, 597, 619, 624, 653, 742, 751, Duncan, W., 364, 394
752, 804, 831, 859, 873 Dunphy, D., 309, 331
Dickson, M. W., 7, 9, 14, 17n, 18, 19, 22, 24, Duysters, G., xv, xvi
30, 41, 69, 121, 129, 130, 141, 157, 165, Dyllick, T., 281, 286
173, 194, 195, 263, 273, 274n24, 286, 344, Dyson, K., 551, 578
349n, 353, 369, 394, 404, 406, 418, 419n,
427, 447, 473, 637, 653, 694n, 695, 720, E
780, 795n, 801, 841, 872, 887, 906, 913,
925, 927, 939, 942, 961, 965, 967, 1003, Earnshaw, L., 1056, 1084
1007, 1028, 1037, 1038, 1041, 1072, 1074, Eason, R., 319, 322, 331
1080, 1085 East Asia Analytical Unit, 948, 950, 951, 952,
Dilber, M., 849, 870, 872 954, 967
Dillon, S., 730, 763 Easton, B., 406, 426
Dimaki, J., 779, 801 Eaton, J. S., 890, 906
d’Iribarne, P., 483, 529, 531, 553, 568, Ecevit, Y., 848, 874
575, 578 The Economist Intelligence Unit, 912, 942
Dittmer, L., 896, 906 Eczacibasi, N. F., 857, 858
Docktor, R., 913, 942 Edström, A., 64, 68
Doohan, J., 372, 394 Egan, D., 376, 385, 393
Dorfman, P. W., xxix–xxx, xxxi, 1, 2, 6n, 9, 11, Egri, C. P., 886, 907
12, 14, 19, 23, 29, 30, 31, 31, 39, 51, 55, Ehrlich, S. B., 493, 533, 1047, 1086
56, 62, 68, 69, 82, 90, 93, 95, 104, 107, Eidgenössisches Departement für Auswärtige
107, 117, 122, 130, 141, 144n23, 151, 155, Angelegenheiten, 255, 286
157, 161, 162, 166, 173, 182, 189, 191, Ellis, G., 412, 427
193, 194, 195, 213, 223, 248, 252, 260, Ellsworth, R., 704, 720
263, 268, 271, 273, 274, 275, 283, 284, Elsass, P., 920, 943
286, 287, 297, 298, 299, 331, 361, 368, Emrich, C. G., 252, 271, 287, 596, 619,
383, 384, 394, 395, 417, 419, 423, 426, 1079, 1085
427, 446, 454, 473, 481, 482, 526, 528, England, J., 936, 942
531, 532, 545, 546, 570, 579, 594, 597, Engwall, L., 59n38, 68
599, 610, 619, 624, 642, 653, 658, 686, Enright, M., 426, 430
735, 736, 742, 746, 751, 752, 754, 755, Eppler, E., 189, 195
757, 762, 765, 765, 767, 801, 804, 830, Epstein, I., 905, 906
831, 833, 833, 840, 859, 873, 875, 875, Erden, D., 848, 864, 873
886–887, 890, 891, 892, 900, 906, 907, Eren, E., 850, 872
913, 925, 926, 927, 939, 942, 955, 963, Ergenekon, C., 861, 872
965, 967, 969, 969, 997n, 1007, 1025, Ergin, C., 871, 873
1026, 1027, 1028, 1030n, 1037, 1039, Ergüder, Ü., 838, 845, 846, 872
1041, 1042, 1044, 1047, 1049, 1050, 1052, Ernst, C., 494, 531
1069, 1071, 1072, 1073, 1074, 1075, 1078, Esmer, T., 851, 872
1080, 1081, 1082, 1085, 1086 Esmer, Y., 838, 845, 846, 872
Doumanis, M., 783, 801 Ester, P., 590, 619
Downs, D., 401, 425 Etkin, J., 664, 686
Drath, W. H., 491, 495, 496, 531 EU enlargement, 836, 872
Drenth, P. J., 227, 248 European Employment Observatory, 371, 394
Drost, E., 734, 735, 736, 762 Europe has a problem—and its name is
Drucker, P., 704, 717, 719, 720 Germany, 155, 195
Duben, A., 848, 872 Excellence Ireland, 377, 385, 393
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1106

1106 AUTHOR INDEX

F Fu, P. P., 893, 897, 898, 899, 900, 901, 902,

903, 906
Fabrigar, L. R., 420, 426 Fuentes, C., 627, 628n, 653
Fahey, T., 366, 394 Fukuyama, F., 845, 872
Fahrni, D., 253, 286 Fung, K., 886, 906
Fairburn, M., 400, 426 Furusten, S., 59n38, 68
Falbe, C. M., 278, 290 Fyzee, M., 981, 1007
Faludi, S., 494
Fan, R. M., 888, 892, 906 G
Fanelli, J., 669, 686
Fanelli, J. M., 664, 686 Gadgil, M., 975, 1007
Farh, J. L., 879, 906 Gage, N., 784, 801
Farrell, B., 377, 378, 381, 382, 385, 391, 394 Gallagher, M., 364, 394
Faucheux, C., 575, 578 Gallagher, T., 336, 353
Fearing, M., 414, 426 Galligan, Y., 365, 394
Feather, N. T., 309, 310, 316, 331, 400, 426 Galvin, M., 309, 311, 312, 331
Federation of European Employers, 365, 394 Gandhi, R., 980n, 1007
Fels, A., 319, 331 Gannon, M. J., 503, 508, 531, 639, 651, 653
Fermor, P. L., 785, 789, 801 Ganter, H. D., 168, 177, 178, 196
Fernández, C., 715, 720 Gantman, E., 664, 686
Fernández Arenas, J., 625, 628n, 653 García, J. S., 753, 762
Ferreira, V., 596, 597, 619 García Canclini, N., 671, 686
Ferrer, A., 664, 686 García Márquez, G., 715, 720
Festinger, L., 1076, 1085 Gardiner, J., 310, 331
Fey, C., 805, 830 Gardner, H., 381, 394
Fidell, L. S., 998, 1008 Gardner, W. L., 282, 285
Finfacts, 257, 286 Gatta, M. L., 505, 534
Finnemore, M., 442, 473 Geertz, C., 495, 531
Fiore, Q., 59, 70 Gelfand, M. J., 1032, 1034, 1035n, 1085
Firat, Þ., 850, 872 Gelli, R., 1007, 1014
Fischer, J., 889, 907 Gendall, P., 402, 405, 409, 410, 426
Fisek, G. O., 843, 872 General Directorate of Women’s Status and
Fiske, M., 711, 721 Problems (Turkey), 848, 872
Fitzmaurice, J., 115, 141 Geraets, J., 406, 426
Flament, C., 570, 578, 604, 619 Gergen, K. J., 39, 50, 68, 508, 531
Flood, P., 378, 385, 394 Gerstner, C. R., 22, 30
Food and Agriculture, Integrated Development Ghiselli, E. E., 252, 286, 632, 653, 675, 686
Action, 1007, 1016 Gibb, J. R., 278, 286
Foster, G., 734, 762 Giddens, A., 339, 353
Foster, S., 576, 578 Gidlow, R., 408, 426
Frater, P., 412, 426 Gilgoff, D., 490, 531
Frater, P. R., 402, 429 Gilligan, C., 493, 531
Frederick, H. H., 406, 426 GLOBE Associates, xxix–xxx, xxxi, 1, 2, 6n, 9,
Frese, M., 23, 30, 130, 141, 151, 170, 172, 175, 11, 12, 14, 19, 23, 29, 30, 31, 31, 39, 51,
189, 191, 194, 195, 284, 285, 367, 394, 69, 82, 90, 93, 104, 107, 107, 122, 141,
570, 578, 610, 611, 619, 1043, 1085 144n23, 155, 157, 161, 162, 173, 189, 191,
Frey, B. S., 270, 286 193, 195, 213, 223, 248, 268, 271, 274,
Friedl, E., 779, 801 283, 286, 297, 298, 299, 331, 368, 383,
Friedman, T. L., 494, 527, 531 384, 395, 417, 427, 446, 454, 473, 545,
Friedrich, C., 682, 686 546, 570, 579, 594, 599, 610, 619, 624,
Frowein, J., 112, 141 642, 653, 658, 686, 746, 751, 762, 765,
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1107

AUTHOR INDEX 1107

765, 767, 801, 804, 831, 833, 833, 840, 331, 368, 383, 384, 395, 417, 423, 427,
859, 873, 875, 875, 886–887, 891, 906, 446, 454, 473, 481, 482, 526, 532, 545,
913, 925, 926, 927, 942, 955, 967, 969, 546, 570, 579, 594, 598, 599, 610, 619,
969, 997n, 1007, 1025, 1026, 1027, 1028, 624, 642, 653, 658, 686, 746, 751, 762,
1030n, 1052, 1071, 1072, 1073, 1075, 765, 765, 767, 801, 804, 831, 833, 833,
1082, 1086 840, 859, 873, 875, 875, 886–887, 891,
Glunk, U., 116, 143, 169, 170, 195 906, 913, 925, 926, 927, 942, 955, 965,
Godfrey, K., 414, 427 967, 969, 969, 997n, 1007, 1025, 1026,
Godley, M., 949, 952, 967 1027, 1028, 1029, 1030, 1030n, 1052,
Goetschy, J., 550, 578 1071, 1072, 1073, 1074, 1075, 1080,
Goggin, G., 322, 331 1082, 1085, 1086
Gókçe, D., 861, 874 Gürbüz, E., 847, 872
Gold, H., 406, 407, 409, 410, 427 Güriz, A., 836, 872
Goldman, M., 886, 906 Guroff, G., 805, 807, 830
Goldman, N., 672, 673, 686 Gurowitz, E. M., 177, 195
Gómez, A., 667, 670, 686 Gürüz, K., 848, 872
Gómez, H., 704, 720 Gustafson, D., 920, 936, 943
Gómez-Liaño, J., 643, 653 Gustafson, D. J., 886, 890, 907, 965, 968
Gordon, P., 80, 104 Gutierrez, C., 643, 653
Gorman, L., 378, 385, 395 Gutiérrez, S., 736, 762
Gould, A., 339, 353
Government of Ireland, 366, 394 H
Graen, G., 884, 907
Graetz, B., 301, 302, 311, 331 Hackman, J. R., 493, 531
Gratchev, M., 805, 809, 816, 830, 831 Hagedoorn, J., xv, xvi
Graumann, C. F., 673, 686 Haggard, S., 951, 967
Graves, D., 553, 578 Hahn, H. J., 192, 195
The gravy train, 1007, 1016 Häikiö, M., 75, 76, 78, 104
Gray, A. W., 365, 394 Haire, M., 252, 286, 632, 653, 675, 686
Gray, C. D., 349, 354 Hall, E. T., 375, 394, 484, 531, 600, 619, 904,
Gray, J., 309, 310, 327, 331 906, 992, 1007
Greece—Industrial Relations Background, Hall, M. R., 484, 531, 600, 619
778, 801 Hall, S., 337, 353
Greenleaf, R. K., 482, 531 Halman, L., 481, 531, 590, 619
Greer, C. R., 736, 763 Halsey, A. H., 337, 338, 353
Grinnell, J. P., 493, 494, 531 Hamilton, R., 412, 426
Grint, K., 59, 68 Hamilton, R. T., 412, 427
Grobler, P. A., 452, 473 Hammer, T., 169, 195
Grunwald, W., 252n, 290 Hammer, T. H., 116, 141
Guerra, E., 691, 722 Hampden-Turner, C., 48, 68, 849, 874
Guha, R., 975, 1007 HandelsZeitung, 259, 286
Guiomard, C., 364, 375, 382, 394 Hanges, P. J., xxix–xxx, xxxi, 1, 2, 6n, 7, 9, 11,
Gülap, H., 838, 872 12, 14, 17n, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 29, 30, 31,
Gulliver, P. H., 393, 394 31, 39, 41, 51, 55, 56, 62, 68, 69, 82, 90,
Güngór, Z., 858, 872 93, 95, 104, 107, 107, 117, 121, 122, 129,
Gupta, V., xxix–xxx, xxxi, 1, 2, 6n, 7, 9, 10, 11, 130, 141, 144n23, 151, 155, 157, 161, 162,
12, 14, 19, 29, 30, 31, 31, 39, 51, 69, 82, 165, 166, 173, 182, 189, 191, 193, 194,
90, 93, 104, 107, 107, 122, 130, 141, 195, 213, 223, 228, 238n, 248, 252, 260,
144n23, 151, 155, 157, 161, 162, 166, 173, 261, 263, 268, 271, 273, 274, 274n24, 275,
189, 191, 193, 194, 195, 213, 223, 248, 283, 284, 286, 287, 297, 298, 299, 331,
268, 271, 274, 283, 286, 297, 298, 299, 344, 349n, 353, 361, 368, 369, 383, 384,
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1108

1108 AUTHOR INDEX

394, 395, 404, 406, 417, 418, 419, 419n, Hicks, G. L., 949, 967
423, 426, 427, 446, 447, 454, 473, 481, Hickson, D. J., 367, 395
482, 526, 532, 545, 546, 548, 570, 576, Hiebsch, H., 169, 195
579, 594, 597, 599, 610, 619, 624, 637, Hilb, M., 256, 271, 286
642, 653, 658, 686, 694n, 695, 720, 742, Hill, J., 380, 395
746, 751, 752, 762, 765, 765, 767, 780, Hill, K. D., 736, 763
795n, 801, 804, 830, 831, 833, 833, 840, Hines, G., 411, 427
841, 859, 872, 873, 875, 875, 886–887, Hingley, P., 341, 352, 353
887, 890, 891, 892, 900, 906, 907, 913, Hirdman, Y., 36n8, 69
925, 926, 927, 939, 942, 955, 961, 963, Hirschman, A. O., 140, 141
965, 967, 969, 969, 997n, 1003, 1007, Hisrich, R., 805, 809, 816, 830, 831
1025, 1026, 1027, 1028, 1029, 1030, Hobsbawm, E., 337, 353, 672, 686
1030n, 1037, 1038, 1039, 1041, 1042, Hodler, B., 259, 286
1044, 1047, 1049, 1050, 1052, 1069, Hofstadter, R., 483, 532
1069n, 1070, 1071, 1072, 1073, 1074, Hofstätter, K., 126, 143
1075, 1078, 1080, 1081, 1082, 1085, 1086 Hofstede, D., 783, 786, 787, 788, 801
Hannan, D. F., 362, 394 Hofstede, G., xv, xvi, 3, 4, 14, 22, 30, 48,
Hansen, D., 399, 427 49n29, 50, 69, 82, 87, 89, 104, 120, 122,
Hansen, E. C., 749, 763 124, 125, 126, 127, 141, 147, 151, 155,
Hargreaves, D., 78, 104 162, 195, 227, 229, 235, 248, 260, 263,
Harnett, D. L., 633, 649, 653 264, 265, 266, 282, 286, 340, 353, 366,
Harper, D., 412, 426 367, 370, 371, 374, 375, 376, 395, 446,
Harris, F. R., 981, 1007 473, 476, 481, 482, 483, 491, 499, 504,
Harris, P., 427, 431 505, 507, 508, 509, 527, 528, 532, 566,
Harrison, M., 625, 653 579, 592, 593, 594, 598, 599, 619, 634,
Hart, L., 786, 801 638, 653, 668, 669, 682, 686, 695, 704,
Härtel, C. E. J., 330, 332 720, 736, 741, 762, 844, 845, 847, 849,
Hartlyn, J., 691, 720 850, 873, 887, 888, 906, 909, 913, 917,
Harvey, S., 338, 353 918, 926, 942, 952, 954, 959, 965, 967,
Hastings, C., 553, 579 975, 1007, 1035, 1085
Haughton, J., 363, 395 Hofstede, G. H., 408, 409, 427
Hauser, M., 7, 10, 14 Hogg, M., 577, 580
Healey, K., 307, 331 Hollander, E. P., 1038, 1086
Heatherton, J. F., 998, 1006 Holloman, C. R., 902, 906
Heifetz, R. A., 496, 532, 675, 682, 686 Hollstein, W., 266, 286
Heino, H., 79, 104 Holm, M., 401, 427
Heino, R., 80, 104 Holmberg, I., 33, 59n38, 62, 66, 67, 69
Held, D., 337, 353 Holt, D. H., 886, 890, 907, 936, 943
Helepi, G., 469, 473 Holt, J., 312, 320, 324, 332
Helgesen, S., 493, 532 Hong Kong Transition Project, 934, 942
Hellgren, B., 53, 69 Hooper, J., 628n, 653
Hemphill, J. K., 275, 286 Höpli, G. F., 265, 286
Hendin, H., 47, 69 Hoppe, M. H., 479n, 481, 482, 483, 484, 503,
Henshall, B., 412, 427 505, 507, 508, 509, 526, 532, 535
Herold, D., 591, 619 Horgan, P., 735, 736, 762
Herrán, M. T., 705, 720 Horne, D., 306, 315, 331
Herzfeld, M., 783, 800, 801 Hoskin, G., 691, 720
Hewison, R., 338, 353 House, R. J., xxix–xxx, xxxi, 1, 2, 3, 6, 6n, 7, 9,
Hewlett, N., 550, 579 10, 11, 12, 14, 19, 23, 29, 30, 31, 31, 39,
Heyse, V., 170, 175, 195 51, 55, 56, 69, 71, 82, 90, 93, 95, 101, 104,
Heyward, J., 414, 426 105, 107, 107, 117, 122, 141, 144n23, 155,
Hibino, S., 735, 736, 754, 762 157, 161, 162, 173, 189, 191, 193, 195,
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1109

AUTHOR INDEX 1109

213, 223, 242, 248, 252, 260, 261, 263, Inglehart, R., 481, 532
268, 271, 273, 274, 275, 283, 284, 286, Inkeles, A., 1075, 1086
287, 297, 298, 299, 331, 361, 368, 383, Inkson, J. H. K., 402, 411, 412, 413, 427, 428
384, 394, 395, 417, 419, 426, 427, 446, Inónü, I., 858, 873
454, 473, 481, 482, 491, 526, 532, 545, Instituo Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e
546, 548, 570, 579, 591, 594, 597, 599, Informática (Mexico), 730, 731, 762
610, 619, 624, 642, 653, 658, 686, 742, Institute for Management Developments,
746, 751, 752, 762, 765, 765, 767, 801, 842, 873
804, 830, 831, 833, 833, 840, 859, 873, International Institute for Management
875, 875, 886–887, 890, 891, 892, 906, Development, 911, 919, 921, 943, 946
907, 913, 925, 926, 927, 939, 942, 955, International Labor Organization, 506, 532
967, 969, 969, 997n, 1007, 1025, 1026, International Labour Organization, 789, 801
1027, 1028, 1030, 1030n, 1037, 1038, Inzerilli, G., 116, 143
1039, 1052, 1071, 1072, 1073, 1075, 1081, Irurita, V., 309, 331
1082, 1085, 1086 Irving, D., 411, 427
Household income hits all-time high, 505, 532 Iseri, A., 843, 845, 873
Hövels, B., 226, 248 Isuani, A., 666, 686
Howell, J. P., 252, 286, 735, 736, 754, 755, 757, 762 Izyumov, A., 815, 831
Howlett, B., 913, 942
Hubbell, L., 491, 497, 532 J
Huber, A., 256n7, 287
Huczynski, A. A., 59n38, 69 Jaap, T., 704, 720
Hughes, R., 913, 942 Jack, A., 548, 550, 552, 579
Hughes, T., 403, 427 Jackofsky, E., 736, 763
Hui, C., 884, 907 Jackson, S., 736, 763
Human, L., 453, 454, 473 Jäger, U., 262n14, 279n, 287
Human Development Report 1996: Turkey, Jago, A., 704, 722
839, 873 Jago, A. G., 130, 136, 137n, 138, 139, 142,
Human Development Reports, 113, 141 151, 169, 195, 196, 252, 277, 278, 288,
Hunt, J. G., 492, 532 1043, 1086
Huntington, S., 806, 831 Jain, S., 635, 652
Huo, Y. P., 966, 968 Jarkko, L., 407, 424, 429
Hwang, K., 926, 942 Järvinen, J., 80, 105
Hwang, K. K., 884, 892, 903, 905, 907 Javidan, M., xxix–xxx, xxxi, 1, 2, 3, 6, 6n, 7, 9,
Hyde, T., 427, 432 10, 11, 12, 14, 19, 29, 30, 31, 31, 39, 51,
55, 56, 69, 82, 90, 93, 95, 104, 107, 107,
I 117, 122, 141, 144n23, 155, 157, 161, 162,
173, 189, 191, 193, 194, 195, 196, 213,
IDEA, 665, 686 223, 248, 252, 260, 263, 268, 271, 273,
Ilmihal, I., 843, 873 274, 275, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287,
Ilshammar, L., 39, 69 297, 298, 299, 331, 361, 368, 383, 384,
Ilyin, A., 816, 831 395, 417, 427, 446, 454, 473, 481, 482,
IMD International, 407, 427 526, 532, 545, 546, 570, 578, 579, 594,
Im Hof, U., 253, 267, 287 595, 597, 598, 599, 610, 619, 620, 624,
Imrek, V., 805, 830 642, 653, 658, 686, 742, 746, 751, 752,
INDEC, 668, 669, 686 762, 765, 765, 767, 801, 804, 831, 833,
Industrial Democracy in Europe International 833, 840, 859, 873, 875, 875, 886–887,
Research Group, 224, 226, 227, 248 888, 890, 891, 892, 906, 907, 913, 925,
Industriförbundet, 55n34, 69 926, 927, 939, 942, 955, 967, 969, 969,
Inelmen, K., 843, 845, 873 997n, 1007, 1025, 1026, 1027, 1028,
Information Service Department, Hong Kong 1030n, 1037, 1039, 1052, 1070, 1071,
Government, 911, 942, 943 1072, 1073, 1075, 1082, 1085, 1086
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1110

1110 AUTHOR INDEX

Jayakar, R., 980.981.1010.1011, 1007 Kassem, M., 491, 532

Jermier, J. M., 492, 532 Katz, D., 601, 620
Jesuino, J. C., 545, 546, 600, 601, 610, 612, Kavanagh, K., 373, 394
620, 1059, 1086 Kavcic, B., 116, 134, 142
Johnson, L., 336, 337, 354 Kazantzakis, N., 778, 801
Johnson, P., 477, 479n, 480, 481, 532 Keating, M., 168, 170, 177, 189, 194, 196, 392,
Johnson, S., 492, 530 393, 395
Johnson, T. W., 736, 763 Keating, M. A., 139, 141
Jones, D., 399, 413, 424, 427 Keckeis, P., 262n14, 287
Jones, M. A., 307, 331 Kefalas, A., 780, 801
Jones, M. T., 302, 331 Kellerman, B., 491, 532
Jönsson, S., 35, 36n6, 37, 38, 39, 50, 64, 68, 69 Kelley, R. E., 493, 532
Joplin, J. R. W., 890, 907 Kemp, N., 453, 473
Joss, B., 318, 322, 323, 327, 328, 330 Kendall, P. L., 711, 721
Journal of World Business, 13, 14 Kennedy, J. C., 414, 417, 419, 426, 427
Jung, B., 495, 532 Kenny, I., 285, 377, 378, 380, 381, 382, 395
Junnila, P., 85, 106 Kenny, V., 374, 395
Jupp, J., 302, 303, 332 Kerr, S., 492, 532
Jupp, R., 372, 373, 395 Khoza, R., 452, 454, 473
Jüstrich, J., 262n15, 287 Kieser, A., 168, 177, 178, 196
Kim, U., 393, 395
K King, A. Y. C., 936, 942
Kinnear, P. R., 349, 354
Kääriäinen, K., 77, 78, 79, 86, 88, 105 Kipnis, D., 278, 287
Kabanoff, B., 312, 320, 324, 332 Kiray, M., 846, 873
Kabasakal, H., 833, 833, 843, 845, 847, 848, Kishton, J. M., 997, 1007
863, 864, 873, 874, 1070, 1086 Kivikko, L., 85, 105
Kabasakal, M., 859, 873 Kivistö, M., 90, 105
Kabra, K. N., 981, 1007 Kjellberg, A., 42n18, 69
Kagitçibasi, C., 393, 395, 846, 847, 873, Kleindel W., 113, 142
1032, 1086 Kline, H., 691, 720
Kahila, P., 85, 105 Kluchevskii, V., 805, 806, 831
Kahn, H., 913, 943 Kluckhohn, C., 367, 395
Kahn, R. L., 601, 620 Kluckhohn, F., xv, xvi
Kaivola, K., 80, 86, 91, 102, 103, 105 Kluckhohn, F. R., 3, 4, 14, 122, 142, 252, 260,
Kakabadse, A., 367, 378, 385, 395, 396 263, 287, 594, 597, 620, 632, 653
Kalaycioglu, E., 838, 845, 846, 872 Knuckey, S., 410, 427
Kallifatides, M., 58, 69, 73 Koç, V., 857, 858, 873
Källström, A., 64, 69, 99, 105 Koeningsberger, H. G., 218, 219, 220, 248
Kammel, A., 284, 287 Koh, A. T., 951, 968
Kane, E., 362, 379, 393, 395 Koh, W. L., 959, 968
Kanton Zurich, 265, 287 Kohler, G., 284, 287
Kantrowitz, B., 493, 506, 532 Kohn, A., 527, 532
Kanungo, R. N., 849, 863, 870, 872 Konrad, E., 596, 597, 598, 599, 610, 620
Kaplan, M., 53n32, 69 Koopman, A., 468, 473
Karacsonyi, A., 805, 830 Koopman, P. L., 225, 226, 227, 248, 596, 597,
Karakas, F., 847, 864, 873 598, 599, 610, 620
Karakowsky, L., 965, 968 Koopman-Iwema, A. M., 226, 248
Karamzin, N., 805, 831 Koray, M., 846, 848, 873
Kargl, M., 126, 143 Korkala, P., 80, 105
Karkaria, B. J., 980, 1007 Kothari, R., 978, 1007
Karpin, D., 306, 310, 311, 332 Kotter, J., 704, 712, 720, 721
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1111

AUTHOR INDEX 1111

Kotter, J. P., 601, 602, 620, 673, 682, 687 Leeming, D. A., 497, 532
Kousnes, J. M., 492, 532 Leiberson, S., 492, 533
Kouzes, J. M., 709, 721 Leland, G., 400, 403, 428
Kozan, K. M., 871, 873 Leonard, A., 78, 80, 105
Kraar, L., 949, 968 Leslie, J., 494, 531
Kras, E. S., 735, 762 Leslie, J. B., 490, 533
Krauze, E., 724, 731, 747, 762 Lessem, R., 452, 469, 473, 528, 533
Kriminalvårdsstyrelsen, 45, 70 Lester, R. K., 919, 942
Kring, W., 170, 195 Leung, K., xiii, xiv, xv, xvi, 888, 892, 906, 921,
Krippner-Martínez, J., 726, 762 943, 1005, 1008, 1026, 1086
Krulis-Randa, J. S., 281, 287 Leung-Wai, J., 410, 427
Kucher, M., 270, 286 Levant, R. F., 889, 907
Kuhn, T., 276, 278, 281, 287, 290, 482, 532 Levine, R., 495, 533
Kulla, J., 90, 104 Levi-Strauss, C., 969, 969
Kuzmichev, A., 805, 831 Lewis, D., 310, 332
Kwok, N. W., 911, 943 Lewis, D. A., 635, 653
Lewis, P., 663, 687
L Lewis, R. D., 75, 79, 81, 85, 90, 91, 94, 95,
102, 103, 105
Laakso, A.-U., 80, 81, 105 Li, J., 965, 967, 968
La figura del día, 692, 720 Li, Z. H., 878, 879, 907
Laine-Sveiby, K., 90, 94, 99, 105 Lickel, B., xv, xvi, 1026, 1086
Lalive d’Epinay, C., 269, 287 Liebhart, K., 126, 143
Lam, K., 967, 968 Lijphart, A., 691, 721
Lam, K. N., 890, 906 Likert, R., 717, 721
Lammers, C. J., 227, 248 Lilge, H.-G., 169, 194
Langedijk, D., 218, 248 Lilja, K., 86, 105
Langedijk, M. C., 244, 248 Limouzin, P., 556, 579
Lattimore, R. G., 427, 430 Lindell, M., 81, 85, 88, 90, 105, 804, 830
Lau, C.-M., 877, 883, 907 Lindley, R. M., 598, 620
Lau, S., 920, 943 Lipiansky, E. M., 550, 579
Lau, T., 890, 907 Liu, S., 923, 943
Laurent, A., 575, 578, 851, 873, 926, 942 Locke, C., 495, 533
Law, C., 919, 921, 942 Lodge, G., 527, 533
Lawlor, T., 630n, 653 Logue, P., 377, 380, 395
Lawrence, J., 736, 762, 957, 968 Lóizaga, P., 666, 669, 672, 687
Lawrence, P., 168, 169, 170, 194, 195, 551, Lomax, D., 980, 1007
552, 553, 578 Lombardi, V., 503, 533
Lazonick, W., 340, 341, 354 Loney, R. P., 412, 427
Leader of the year, 936, 943 López, M., 664, 665, 669, 687
Leavis, F. R., 336, 337, 354 Lopez, S. L., 628n, 653
Leavy, B., 378, 381, 385, 386, 395 Lord, R., 51, 70, 751, 763
Lebel, P., 552, 579, 1043, 1086 Lord, R. G., 22, 30, 179, 195, 242, 248, 252,
Le Bouédec, G., 570, 579 271, 287, 425, 428, 751, 762, 1037,
Ledingham, P., 428, 431 1074, 1086
Lee, D., 789, 801 Love, M., 413, 428
Lee, J., 735, 736, 754, 762 Love, P., 428, 431
Lee, J. J., 362, 370, 371, 385, 393, 395 Löwstedt, J., 38, 50, 68
Lee, M., 322, 332 Lozano, C., 673, 687
Lee, M. K., 917, 943 Lu, Y., 882, 907
Lee, S. L., 953, 968 Luckmann, T., 50, 68, 476, 530
Leeds, C. A., 552, 579 Lui, S. S. Y., 905, 905
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1112

1112 AUTHOR INDEX

Lumia, M., 90, 104 Mbigi, L., 454, 468, 473

Lynch, J. J., 372, 395 McAdams, D. P., 597, 620
Lynch, K., 371, 373, 395 McAllister, I., 301, 302, 311, 331
McCann, D., 276, 287
M McCarthy, D., 805, 831
McCauley, C. D., 496, 529, 533
MacCallum, R. C., 420, 426 McClelland, D., 367, 395, 590, 591, 594, 598,
Maccoby, N., 59n38, 70 599, 620, 716, 721
MacDonald, J., 711, 719 McClelland, D. C., xv, xvi, 3, 4, 14, 260, 287,
Macharzina, K., 170, 175, 195 741, 763
Mackay, H., 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 315, McFarlin, D. B., 635, 653
316, 317, 326, 327, 329, 332 McGinn, D., 507, 510, 533
MacLaury, R. E., 570, 572, 579 McGrath, R., 916, 943
MacMillan, I. C., 957, 968 McGrath, R. G., 957, 968
MacMillan, R. I., 916, 943 McGregor, D., 602, 620, 704, 717, 721
Maczynski, J., 130, 136, 137n, 142, 151, 195 McGrew, T., 337, 353
Madi, P., 452, 454, 470, 473 McKinlay, P., 407, 428
Madsen, R., 480, 481, 496, 498, 507, 508, 530 McLauchlan, G., 408, 428
Madsen, T. K., 838, 844, 872 McLaughlin, E., 371, 373, 395
Maher, K. J., 51, 70, 179, 195, 242, 248, 252, McLuhan, M., 59, 70
271, 287, 425, 428, 751, 763, 1037, McMahon, J. T., 367, 396
1074, 1086 McMillen, C., 694, 718n, 722
Mahon, E., 367, 395 Mead, R., 848, 849, 874
Maier, G., 169, 196 Medin, D. L., 1069, 1084
Maier, M., 493, 533 Meeding, I., 465, 469, 473
Mair, D., 318, 322, 323, 327, 328, 330 Mehrtens, S. E., 494, 533
Makino, S., 919, 921, 942 Meindl, J. R., 59, 68, 493, 533, 1047, 1086
Makwana, M., 453, 473 Melich, A., 269, 287
Man, V. Y. W., 924, 943 Melin, L., 53, 69
Mangaliso, M. P., 1023, 1023 Melleuish, G., 300, 332
Mann, L., 310, 331 Mendonca, M., 849, 863, 870, 872
Manning, T., 452, 453, 454, 473 Meng, Y. K., 330, 332
Mansfield, K., 425, 428 Merritt, A., 481, 533
Mant, A., 336, 340, 354 Merton, R., 711, 721
Mantes, G., 780, 801 Merz, C., 24, 142, 144
Manz, C. C., 515, 533 Meskill, M., 410, 427
Margerison, C., 276, 287 Meyer, M. C., 725, 726, 728, 763
Markus, R., 778, 801 Michailova, S., 805, 831
Markwald, Lamadrid y Asociados, 670, 687 Mikheyev, D., 806, 831
Marnham, P., 337, 354 Miller, L., 379, 396
Marseille, J., 551, 555, 579 Milward, H. B., 271, 288
Marsh, N., 412, 427 Ming, L. W., 733, 761
Martin, D. C., 422, 425 Ministry of Defense (New Zealand), 403, 428
Martin, G., 392, 393, 395 Ministry of Education (Finland), 79, 87, 105
Martin, G. S., 139, 141, 168, 170, 177, 189, Ministry of Finance (Singapore), 953, 968
194, 196, 367, 374, 392, 395 Ministry of Youth Affairs (New Zealand),
Martínez, R., 631, 654 408, 428
Martínez, S. M., 740, 743, 744, 745, 750, 754, Mintzberg, H., 246, 248, 529, 533, 601, 602,
760, 763 620, 685, 687
Matamala, R., 704, 710n, 721 Mishler, E., 711, 721
Matze, M., 193, 195 Misumi, J., 613, 620, 923, 943
Maynard, H. B., 494, 533 Mjoset, L., 365, 396
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1113

AUTHOR INDEX 1113

Moane, G., 362, 374, 396 New Zealand Government, 403, 428
Möckli, S., 256, 267n, 269, 288 Ngo, H. Y., 918, 943
Moerdyk, A. P., 465, 472 Nic Ghiolla Phádraig, J., 363, 366, 396
Moore, J. L., 890, 906 Niedhart, L., 257, 284, 288
Moosmann, O., 191, 196, 272, 290, 1054, 1087 Niemelä, K., 77, 78, 79, 86, 88, 105
Morgan, D. L., 711, 721 Nilakant, V., 412, 413, 426
Morgan, J., 408, 428 Nin, Y., 886, 906
Morris, M. W., xv, xvi, 1026, 1086 Nino, C., 666, 687
Morris, T., 635, 654 Noer, D. M., 498, 506, 510, 533
Morrison, A. J., 1025, 1086 Nokia, 78, 105
Moscovici, S., 570, 579, 604, 620 Norbäck, L.-E., 64, 68
Motshabi, K. B., 452, 474 Northey, K., 635, 652
Motta, P. R., 704, 721 Nowotny, E., 115, 142
Mouzelis, N., 774, 802 Nurmi, R., 87, 98, 100, 102, 105
Moyet, S., 552, 579 Nyberg, F., 76, 80, 105
Müderrisoglu, S., 843, 872 Nyström, L., 90, 104
Mulder, M., 736, 763
Mulgan, J., 397, 428 O
Mullen, T., 704, 722
Muller, T. C., 112, 125, 141 Oakes, D., 435, 437, 474
Müller, W. A., 168, 196 Oakes, P. J., 577, 580
Müller, W. R., 266, 277, 281, 287, 288 O’Connell, J. J., 631, 643, 653
Munetsi, W., 469, 474 O’Connell, M. K., 22, 30
Murphy, I. P., 884, 907 O’Connell, M. S., 22, 30
Mutis, G., 704, 721 O’Conner, J. F., 492, 533
Myers, A., 367, 396 O’Connor, B. P., 420, 428
O’Connor, C., 309, 316, 330
N O’Driscoll, M. P., 408, 429
Oerlemans, J. W., 218, 221, 247
NAC/UNESCO, 303, 332 Office for National Statistics (England), 338, 354
Nadler, D., 492, 533 Office of the Telecommunications Authority
Naipaul, V., 406, 428 (Hong Kong), 943, 945
Nalebuff, B. J., 271, 285 Office of Treaty Settlements (New Zealand),
Nanus, B., 484, 492, 530, 533, 601, 618, 664, 399, 428
683, 686, 704, 720 Ogilvie, G., 401, 428
Nas, P., 226, 248 Ogilvie, R., 169, 170, 195
Nasser, F., 997, 1008 Ogliastri, E., 691, 692, 693, 694, 696, 704, 705,
National Center for Policy Analysis (Ireland), 707, 710n, 711, 715, 718n, 720, 721, 722
373, 396 Oguz, C., 890, 907
The National Commission on Philanthropy and O’Higgins, E., 365, 366, 371, 372, 375, 396
Civic Renewal (U.S.), 505, 533 Ohlott, P. J., 506, 534
Naughton, K., 507, 510, 533 Okechuku, C., 924, 943
Naukkarinen, A., 85, 105 Olson, M., 245, 248
Naumov, A., 805, 831 Öncü, A., 861, 874
Navarro, J., 643, 653 O’Neill, G., 372, 373, 395
Nehru, J., 973, 976, 994, 1007 One-third of bank branches closed, 428, 431
Nelson, B., 508, 533 Önis, Z., 837, 874
Neubauer, F., 528, 533 O’Reilly, T., 399, 428
Newitt, S., 341, 354 Oreja, M., 112, 141
News & Record, 504, 533 Organization for Economic Cooperation and
New Zealand Department of Internal Affairs, Development (OECD), 45, 70, 630, 653,
401, 428 775, 802
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1114

1114 AUTHOR INDEX

Osborn, R. N., 492, 532 Pfeifer, D., 413, 428

Osório, L., 607, 608, 609, 620 Phillips, J., 400, 428
Österreichischer Gewerkschaftsbund, 116, 142 Phillips-Martinsson, J., 49, 50, 70
Österreichischer Rund Funk, 111n4, 142 Pierson, G. W., 481, 482, 534
O’Sullivan, d., 414, 426 Pillay, D., 469, 474
O’Toole, J., 479n, 480, 507, 509, 533 Pinto, A. C., 585, 621
Owen, T., 805, 831 Piramal, G., 980, 1007
Özar, S., 847, 874 Pool, J., 227, 248
Özbasar, S., 864, 874 Poortinga, Y. H., 1036, 1085
Özbay F., 847, 874 Popov, D., 816, 831
Özbudun, E., 836, 874 Porac, J. F., 53, 70
Özkarar, G., 843, 872 Porras, J. I., 496, 498, 531
Porter, L. W., 252, 286, 632, 653, 675, 686,
P 924, 942
Porter, M., 426, 430
Page, N. R., 635, 654 Portugal. Economy, productivity, immigration,
Pandey, A., 1007, 1016 absenteeism—and a fiesta of football,
Papalexandris, N., 774, 779, 785, 788, 801, 802 614, 621
Parekh, H. T., 1007, 1014 Posner, B. Z., 492, 532, 957, 958, 968
Paris, L., 1079, 1086 Potgieter, C., 452, 474
Parker, J., 400, 426 Powell, G. N., 493, 534
Parkes, H. B., 724, 763 Powers, J., 597, 620
Parry, K. W., 309, 310, 330, 332, 413, 417, 419, Pozner, B. Z., 709, 721
421, 428 Preston, J., 730, 763
Parsons, J., 592, 620 Prieto, J. M., 630, 631, 639, 643, 645, 648,
Parthasarathy, R., 980, 1007 653, 654
Pasa, S. F., 863, 874 Prime, N., 465, 466, 468, 474
Patchett, S., 402, 405, 409, 410, 426 Pringle, J., 399, 413, 424, 427
Paterson, M., 923, 943 Pritchard, W., 704, 720
Patterson, J. R., 411, 429 Probst, G., 270, 289
Paul, J., 757, 762 Proctor, S. B., 413, 417, 419, 421, 428
Pavett, C., 635, 654 Provan, K. G., 271, 288
Paz, O., 734, 736, 754, 763 Prugh, T., 479, 534
Pearson, B., 423, 428 Puffer, S., 805, 831
Pearson, C., 497, 533 Pugh, D. S., 367, 395
Peel, S., 402, 413, 428 Putnam, R. D., xv, xvi, 3, 4, 14, 597, 621
Peeler, J., 691, 722 Putti, J., 889, 906
Pelinka, A., 112, 142
Pelled, L. H., 736, 763 Q
Peper, B., 226, 248
Pereira, F. C., 604, 620 Qian, G., 967, 968
Pereira, O. G., 601, 620 Qualtinger, H., 24, 142, 144
Pérez, S., 630, 654
Perkins, H., 408, 426 R
Perry, N., 400, 426
Peters, T., 483, 492, 508, 533, 534 Rabinowitz, N. S., 505, 534
Peterson, M., 593, 620 Ralston, D., 920, 936, 943
Peterson, M. F., xiii, xvi, 140, 142, 252, 289, Ralston, D. A., 886, 890, 907, 916, 944,
593, 613, 620, 621, 1074, 1082, 1086 965, 968
Peterson, R. S., 167, 196 Ramanujan, A. K., 996, 1007
Petrov, R., 805, 831 Ramos, S., 747, 754, 763
Pfeffer, J., 59, 70, 492, 509, 534, 603, 620 Randall, D. M., 966, 968
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1115

AUTHOR INDEX 1115

Randlesome, C., 338, 354 Rottman, D. B., 362, 394

Rangle, C., 734, 763 Rowen, P., 469, 474
Ravlin, E. C., 423, 429 Ruderman, M. N., 506, 534
Razumnova, I., 815, 831 Ruiz-Quintanilla, S. A., 23, 30, 55, 56, 69, 95,
Ready, D. A., 526, 535 104, 117, 141, 252, 260, 261, 263, 273, 274,
Reber, G., 107, 107, 130, 136, 137n, 138, 139, 275, 284, 287, 361, 384, 394, 395, 417,
140, 142, 148, 151, 166, 169, 191, 195, 419, 426, 427, 548, 579, 594, 597, 610,
196, 252, 260, 263, 272, 277, 278, 288, 619, 624, 653, 742, 751, 752, 804, 830,
289, 290, 1043, 1054, 1086, 1087 831, 859, 873, 913, 925, 927, 939, 942
Redding, S. G., 910, 913, 923, 928, 942, 943 Ruth, S., 362, 374, 392, 396
Redfield, R., 1027, 1086 Ryan, R., 400, 426
Regnet, E., 169, 196
Reicher, S., 577, 580 S
Reinert, M., 559, 579
Reisigl, M., 126, 143 Sabanci, S., 858, 874
Rendahl, J.-E., 64, 68 Sábato, J., 657, 663, 687
Rentsch, J. R., 751, 762 Sainsaulieu, R., 552, 579
Reto, L. A., 601, 620 Salancik, G. R., 59, 70
Rhinesmith, S. H., 494, 534 Salonen, K., 77, 78, 79, 86, 88, 105
Ribbens, B. A., 886, 907, 936, 943 Salvatore, R., 672, 673, 686
Richardson, S., 928, 943 Salzer-Mörling, M., 66, 69
Richlin, A., 505, 534 Sampson, E. E., 495, 527, 534
Riding, A., 736, 747, 749, 763 Sanchez, J. I., 408, 429
Rigby, M., 630n, 653 Sánchez Solar, M., 628, 654
Rijpma, E., 218, 248 Sanders, I., 785, 802
Riklin, A., 256, 267n, 269, 288 Sandor, T., 765, 765, 1062, 1070, 1084
Rippin, S., 412, 417, 423, 428 Santora, J., 309, 310, 332
Risely, H. T., 975, 1007 Santos, B. S., 617, 621
Robbie, P., 402, 405, 409, 410, 426 Saranow, J., 943, 946
Roberts, D. F., 59n38, 70 Sarin, R., 505, 534
Robinson, J., 482, 506, 534 Sarros, J., 309, 310, 332
Robinson, M., 361, 396 Sartori, G., 672, 687
Roche, F. W., 372, 395 Saunders, P., 339, 354
Roche, W. K., 375, 396 Sauser, M., 266n, 288
Rodrigues, M. J., 614, 621 Savage, C. M., 101, 105
Rodríguez, C., 711, 722 Savage, J., 409, 429
Rogovsky, N., 805, 831 Sayles, L. R., 479n, 496, 534, 535, 601, 602,
Roland, A., 996, 1008 621, 712, 722
Romein, J., 218, 221, 247 Scannell, Y., 371, 396
Romero, E. J., 757, 762 Schäfer, P., 150, 196
Ronen, R., 913, 943 Schama, S., 218, 222, 248
Ronen, S., 151, 166, 196, 367, 396, 482, 534, Schein, E. H., 300, 332, 492, 534, 594, 595,
592, 621 621, 664, 683, 687
Roos, P. A., 505, 534 Schermerhorn, J. E., Jr., 889, 907, 918, 943
Rose, D., 412, 426 Schindler, D., 284, 288
Rosen, R., 495, 534 Schmidt, S. M., 278, 287, 889, 907
Rosenqvist, G., 90, 105 Schneider, G., 255, 258, 288
Rosner, M., 116, 134, 142 Schnibben, C., 638, 652
Ross, C. J., 628n, 654 Schön, D., 604, 618
Ross, N. O., 1069, 1084 Schön, D. A., 124, 141
Roth, C., 261n, 279n, 288 Schroll-Machl, S., 193, 196
Rotherham, F., 409, 428 Schuler, R., 736, 763
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1116

1116 AUTHOR INDEX

Schultz-Gambard, J., 170, 175, 196 “Singapore: West bashing,” 957, 967
Schvarzer, J., 664, 687 Singer, M., 412, 429
Schwartz, J. H., 617, 621 Singh, K. S., 975, 976, 977, 1008
Schwartz, R. D., 117, 143, 261, 289, 376, 396 Singh, S., 323, 324, 326, 327, 328, 332
Schwartz, S., 505, 508, 509, 534 Sinha, J. B. P., 980, 996, 1005, 1008
Schwartz, S. H., 140, 142, 393, 396, 481, 534, Sipe, M. T., 41, 69, 121, 129, 141, 228, 238n,
849, 874, 1074, 1082, 1086 248, 263, 273, 274n24, 286, 344, 353, 369,
Schweiger, G., 109, 142 394, 447, 473, 637, 653, 694n, 695, 720,
Schweiz bleibt reichstes Land, 257, 288 780, 795n, 801, 841, 872, 887, 906, 1041,
Schweizerische Bankiervereinigung, 258, 259, 288 1072, 1085
Schweizerische Nationalbank, 258, 288 Sipe, W. P., 751, 762
Schweizerische Raio- und Fernesehgesellschaft, Sköldberg, K., 51, 68
259, 288 Skolverket, 47, 70
Sciuchetti, G.-C., 284, 288 Slater, P. E., 274n28, 285
Scott, D., 379, 396 Slocum, J., Jr., 736, 763
Searls, D., 495, 533 Smith, C., 115, 142
Sechrest, L., 117, 143, 376, 396 Smith, P. B., 5, 15, 140, 142, 252, 289, 593, 620,
Sechrest, L. B., 261, 289 621, 923, 943, 1074, 1076, 1082, 1086
Sedgwick Noble Lownes, 374, 396 Smith, S. H., 878, 884, 885, 891, 904, 907
Segall, M. H., 1032, 1036, 1085, 1086 Smith, T. W., 407, 424, 429
Segesser, J., 266, 288 Smith, W. C., 751, 762
Selmer, J., 924, 943, 948, 968 Smyth, A., 380, 396
Sen, A., 1006, 1008 Snow, C. P., 336, 354
Senatalar, B., 838, 850, 871 Snow, J., 90, 104
Senge, P., 492, 534 Soete, L., 614, 621
Senge, P. M., 664, 683, 687 Solaun, M., 691, 722
Serle, G., 303, 332 Soloviev, V., 805, 831
Shaffer, M. A., 890, 907 Solsten, E., 627, 628n, 631, 654
Shamdassani, R., 917, 943 Sonderegger, C., 266, 288
Shame, S., 591, 619 Song, W. Z., 888, 892, 906
Shankar, V., 980n, 1008 Sonn, J., 452, 474
Shapiro, T., 469, 474 Soose, A., 170, 195
Shaw, A., 339, 353 Sotelo Valencia, A., 747, 763
Shaw, J. B., 22, 30, 252, 271, 289 SOU (Statens offentliga utredningar), 37, 70
Shenkar, O., 151, 166, 196, 367, 396, 482, 534, South African Central Statistical Service, 440,
592, 621, 913, 943 443, 461, 474
Shepherd, D., 399, 413, 424, 427 South African Department of Labour, 433, 474
Sherman, W. L., 725, 726, 728, 763 South African Government Web site, 439, 474
Sherrard, P., 778, 801 Spaeth, A., 977n, 1008
Shikhirev, P., 805, 830, 831 Spangler, D., 591, 619
Shumway, N., 667, 687 Sparks, K., 408, 429
The sick man of the euro., 167, 189, 196 Spector, P., 408, 429
Sieber, M., 269, 289 Spender, J.-C., 53, 70
Silin, R., 923, 943 Spony, G., 367, 396
Simon, H., 80, 86, 91, 102, 103, 105, 148, 196 Srinivas, M. N., 975, 1008
Simons, A., 685, 687 Stace, D., 309, 331
Simons, T. L., 167, 196 Stahl, G., 191, 196, 849, 863, 870, 872
Simonton, D. K., 6, 15 Stahl, G. K., 282, 287
Simpe, M. T., 404, 427 Stamm, H., 256n6, 289
Simpson, C., 408, 426 Stampfli, M., 266, 288
Sims, H. P., 515, 533 Standing Committee on Industry, Science, and
Sinclair, K., 409, 429 Technology (Australia), 321, 332
Chhokar - Author-Index.qxd 10/4/2007 3:33 PM Page 1117

AUTHOR INDEX 1117

Stanislaw, J., 401, 429 252, 260, 263, 272, 277, 288, 289, 290,
Starr, J. B., 883, 902, 907 392, 393, 395, 1043, 1054, 1086, 1087
State Institute of Statistics (Turkey), 848, 874
State Planning Organization (Turkey), 848, 874 T
Statistical Yearbook of Finland, 77, 78, 79, 82,
87, 89, 105 Tabachnik, B. G., 998, 1008
Statistics New Zealand, 398, 401, 410, 429, 430 Tabak, F., 864, 874
Statistics South Africa, 439, 440, 474 Takacs, S., 805, 830
Statistics Sweden, 34, 44, 70 Takahashi, T., 997, 1008
Statistisches Jahrbuch Österreichs, 114, Takala, P., 82, 106
126n, 142 Talens, J., 628n, 653
Staw, B. M., 492, 534 Tamames, R., 630, 654
Steers, R. M., 959, 968 Tan, C., 948, 951, 954, 968
Steidlmeier, P., 282, 285 Tan, M. G., 848, 874
Steinbock, D., 86, 106 Tannen, D., 493, 534
Stephens, G. K., 736, 763 Tannenbaum, A. S., 116, 134, 142
Stephens, R. J., 402, 429 Tanzer, A., 934, 944
Stevens, O. J., 633, 649, 653 Tapsell, S., 413, 429
Stewart, E. C., 476, 481, 483, 484, 504, 534 Tate, U., 735, 736, 754, 762
Stewart, J. C., 372, 396 TAT Group, 76, 80, 91, 92, 106
Stewart, R., 168, 177, 178, 196, 601, 602, 621 Tay, B. N., 950, 968
Stewart, R. H., 886, 907 Tayeb, M., 341, 351, 354
Stewart, V., 412, 429 Tayeb, M. H., 923, 943
Steyn, M. E., 452, 474 Taylor, W. B., 726, 727, 763
Steyrer, J., 277n, 289 Teagarden, M. B., 755, 763, 913, 944
Stogdill, R. M., 491, 534 Teichelmann, D., 284, 287
Stone, S. N., 301, 332 Telecom Corporation of New Zealand, 429, 432
Storey, J., 336, 354 Telstra Corporation, 319, 332
Strahan, E. J., 420, 426 Teng, G., 997, 1007
Strannegård, L., 33, 66, 67, 69 Terborg, J. R., 959, 968
Strodtbeck, F. L., xv, xvi, 3, 4, 14, 122, 142, Terpstra, R., 920, 936, 943
252, 260, 263, 287, 367, 395, 594, 597, Terpstra, R. H., 886, 890, 907, 916, 944, 965, 968
620, 632, 653 Terry, D., 310, 331
Stuart, G., 412, 426 Terry, P., 341, 352, 354
Studer, H.-P., 270, 289 Terry, R. W., 492, 534
Stumpf, S., 704, 722 The Economist, 667, 687
Sudarsky, J., 700, 722 The Europa World Year Book 1996, 835, 874
Sullivan, W. N., 480, 481, 496, 498, 507, Thierry, H., 225, 225n, 226, 244, 248, 249
508, 530 Thiveaud, J. M., 554, 579
Sully, M., 111, 112, 142 Thomas, D. C., 413, 423, 425, 429
Swaak, R. A., 884, 907 Thomas, H., 53, 70, 919, 921, 942
Swanson, G., 691, 720 Thomas, J., 28, 30, 70, 73, 675, 687, 983, 1008
Swedish Bankers’ Association, 54n, 70 Thompson, D., 336, 354
Swedish Institute, 34, 38, 39, 44, 45, 70 Thompson, E., 300, 301, 303, 304n10, 305,
Sweeney, P., 375, 396 308, 311, 312, 316, 332
Sweeney, P. D., 635, 653 Thompson, E. P., 336, 354
Swidler, A., 480, 481, 496, 498, 507, 508, 530 Thoumi, F., 692, 722
Swiss Federal Office of Communication, Tichy, N. M., 492, 534
259, 289 Tieleman, H. J., 245, 246, 249
Swiss Federal Statistical Office, 264, 289 Time, 981, 1008
Szabo, E., 107, 107, 130, 137n, 138, 139, 140, Tipton, S. M., 480, 481, 496, 498, 507, 508, 530
141, 142, 148, 151, 166, 169, 191, 196, Tollgerdt-Andersson, I., 62, 70
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1118 AUTHOR INDEX

Tollgerdt-Andersson, L., 93, 106 van Velsor, E., 490, 496, 529, 533
Tom, K. S., 879, 885, 907 Vargas, G. A., 736, 763
Tönnies, F., 38, 70 Vasconcelos, J., 724, 763
Topaloglu, B., 848, 874 Veranen, J., 85, 106
Torrington, D., 948, 951, 968 Vergès, P., 604, 619
Torvi, K., 77, 106 Vianello, M., 116, 134, 142
Toulson, P. K., 418, 429 Victor, I., 1062, 1070, 1084
Transparency International, 419, 429 Vihavainen, T., 92, 106
Trevor-Roberts, E., 1056, 1084 Viktor, J., 765, 765
Triandis, H. C., 2, 15, 17, 29, 30, 127, 0132, Villanueva, D., 628n, 653
142, 260, 289, 393, 395, 503, 534, 741, Vines, S., 933, 944
763, 779, 783, 786, 802, 996, 1005, 1008, von Glinow, M. A., 734, 735, 736, 755, 762,
1027, 1031, 1036, 1050, 1076, 1087 763, 913, 944
Trollestad, C., 59n38, 70 von Rosenstiel, L., 169, 196
Trompenaars, F., 48, 68, 124, 125, 127, 142, Vorwerg, M., 169, 195
340, 341, 352, 354, 504, 534, 592, 593, Vroom, V., 704, 722
598, 621, 635, 654, 849, 874 Vroom, V. H., 130, 136, 138, 143
Tsai, W., 916, 943
Tsai, W. T., 957, 968 W
Tse, D. K., 886, 906
Tsui, A., 897, 898, 899, 900, 901, 903, 906 Waldegrave, C., 402, 429
Tsui, A. S., 877, 883, 907 Waldersee, R., 312, 332
Tung, R. L., 884, 907, 913, 944 Walgenbach, P., 168, 177, 178, 196
Turner, J. C., 577, 580 Walsh, J., 977, 1005, 1008
Tushman, M., 492, 533 Walshe, J., 366, 396
Tussell, J., 628, 654 Wang, Y. F., 894, 907
Ware, A., 403, 429
U Warner, M., 162, 169, 170, 175, 178, 194, 196
Warnes, H., 370, 396
Ulrich, H., 270, 289 Wasiman, C., 664, 687
Uluslararasi dogrudan yatirimlar ve Türkiye, Waterman, R., 483, 492, 534
849, 874 Watkins, T., 407, 429
An uncertain giant: A survey of Germany, 148, Watson, K., 407, 429
154, 196 Watzlawick, P., 113, 143
United Nations Development Programme, 596, Wearing, A., 310, 331
597, 621 Webb, E. J., 117, 143, 261, 289, 376, 396
U.S. Census Bureau, 493, 505, 506, 529, 534 Weber, H., 552, 553, 580
Üsür, S. S., 848, 874 Weber, M., 222, 249, 269, 275, 289, 663, 665,
683, 687, 903, 907
V Webster, A., 406, 407, 409, 410, 427
Wegener, D. T., 420, 426
Vachette, J.-L., 550, 580 Weibler, J., 107, 107, 130, 140, 142, 148, 151,
Vaill, P., 483, 492, 535 166, 169, 191, 196, 252, 252n, 260, 263,
Valdés Ugalde, F., 740, 763 264, 265, 266, 270, 271, 272, 277, 278,
Van der Merwe, R., 442, 473 281, 282, 284, 287, 289, 290, 1043, 1054,
van Deursen, A. T., 220, 249 1086, 1087
Van de Vijer, F., xiv, xvi Weierter, S. J., 310, 330
van Luijk, H. J., 245, 246, 249 Weinberger, D., 495, 533
van Noort, W. J., 245, 246, 249 Weiss, S., 256, 290
van Riemsdijk, M. J., 245, 246, 249 West, P., 309, 311, 312, 331
van Strien, P. J., 223, 249 Westwood, R. I., 923, 925, 944, 957, 958, 968
Van Tonder, C. J., 448n, 474 Wetherell, M., 577, 580
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AUTHOR INDEX 1119

Wevers & Company, 412, 429 278, 281, 282, 289, 290, 1043, 1054,
Wevers International Ltd/Centre for Corporate 1086, 1087
Strategy, 410, 429 Wuppertaler, Kreis, 170, 175, 197
Wheatley, M. J., 492, 535 http://www.die.gov.tr, 837, 874
Whelan, C., 362, 394 http://www.dpt.gov.tr, 835, 874
White, C., 306, 333 http://www.dpt.gov.tr/dptweb/esg/esg.i.html,
White, S., xiii, xvi 837, 874
Widaman, K. F., 997, 1007 http://www.tbb.gov.tr, 861, 874
Widmaier, S., 270, 290 http://www.tcmb.gov.tr, 837, 874
Widmer, S., 268, 290 http://www.treasury.gov.tr, 861, 874
Wiendick, G., 168, 169, 197
Wierdsma, A. F. M., 225, 248 Y
Wieser, G., 116, 134, 142
Wilde, A., 691, 722 Yan, Z., 886, 906
Wilderom, C., 116, 143, 169, 170, 191, 195, Yang, E., 916, 943
196, 282, 287 Yang, E. A., 957, 968
Wilkinson, I., 278, 287 Yang, K. S., xv, xvi, 957, 958, 968, 1026, 1087
Wilkinson, R., 322, 333 Yeh, R., 736, 762
Willetts, B., 324, 333 Yeh, R. H., 889, 907
Willmott, P., 337, 354 Yeh, R. S., 913, 944, 957, 958, 959, 968
Wills, S., 494, 535 Yeniçeri, N., 843, 872
Wilson, D., 371, 381, 386, 395, 895, 907 Yeo, H. P., 953, 957, 958, 959, 968
Wilson, G. D., 411, 429 Yergin, D., 401, 429
Wilson, I., 322, 333 Yetton, P. W., 130, 136, 138, 143
Wilson, M. S., 479n, 535 Yeung, A. K., 526, 535
Windmuller, J. P., 225, 249 Yeung, I. Y. M., 884, 907
Winter, D. G., 591, 621 Yoon, G., 393, 395
Wiseman, R. L., 635, 654 Young, K., 339, 353
Wittingham, M., 707, 718n, 722 Young, M., 337, 354
Wittmann, S., 256, 271, 286 Yruela, M. P., 630n, 653
Wodak, R., 126, 143 Yu, A. B., 939, 944
Wolf, E. R., 726, 727, 749, 763 Yu, K., 849, 863, 870, 872
Wonacott, P., 912, 944 Yu, K. C., 879, 886, 907
Wong, G. Y. Y., 923, 943 Yu, V., 921, 944
Wong, N., 939, 944 Yukl, G., 90, 106, 168, 170, 177, 197
Wong, S. L., 923, 944 Yukl, G. A., 5, 15, 278, 290
Wood, D., 399, 428
World Bank, 365, 396 Z
The World Book Encyclopedia, 477, 535
World Desk Reference, 143, 144n23 Zabludovsky, G., 748, 763
World Economic Forum, 148, 162, 197 Zalesnik, A., 275, 290
World Factbook, 113, 143, 144 Zander, E., 169, 197
Woydee, J., 591, 619 Zander, L., 64, 70, 91, 106, 127, 132, 138, 143
Wright, N., 804, 831 Zavrel, J., 151, 195
Wright, N. S., 39, 69, 101, 105, 242, 248, 252, Zempel, J., 170, 195
260, 287, 446, 473, 548, 579, 1038, Zhang, J. P., 888, 892, 906
1081, 1086 Zhang, J. X., 888, 892, 906
Wu, R. X., 889, 907 Zwarg, I., 169, 197
Wu, W. K., 893, 902, 906
Wunderer, R., 107, 107, 130, 140, 142, 148,
151, 166, 169, 191, 196, 252, 252n, 260,
263, 264, 266, 270, 271, 272, 276, 277,
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Subject Index
A Alexander the Great, 770, 973
Alfonsín, Raúl, 662
AAPT, 319 Alger, Horatio, 482
ABC (Spanish newspaper), 644 Allemansrätten (Right of Public Access),
Aborigines, 300–301, 303, 307 42–43, 1035
Abstraction-concretion dilemma, 1073 Allen, Paul, 485
A Capital (Portuguese newspaper), 606 Alliance for Progress, 660
Acaudillar (to rule), 672 Alpha Credit Bank (Greece), 776
Accident insurance, 406 Alphonse XIII (king of Spain), 627
Action, U.S. society and, 484 Amaral, Freitas do, 587
Action organizations, the Netherlands and, Ambiguity, Colombian society and, 697–698
245–246 Ameritech, 432
Action Oriented leadership, in Finland, 97 Amphiktyonies, 769
Act on the Works Council (Netherlands), 226 Ancien Régime (Tocqueville), 550–551
Actualidad Economica (Spanish magazine), 645 Anglo-Boer War, 437
Adair, John, 341 Anglo cluster
Administrative Competency Humane Oriented leadership, 1044–1045,
Chinese leadership, 901 1055–1058
East German leadership, 174–175 leadership profiles, 1055–1058
German leadership, 177 overview of, 297–298
Irish industry leadership, 390 “Anglo-Indians,” 974
New Zealand leadership, 418–419 “Antihero,” 482
Turkish leadership, 858, 867 Anti-Semitism, 153
U.S. leadership, 518 Anxiety, East Germans and, 166
Adversarial leadership, in Australia, 316 The Anxiety of Influence (Bloom), 488
AFB Banks, 554 ANZACs, 304
Affirmative action, 480 Apartheid, 437–438
African National Congress (ANC), 437, Apprenticeships, 269
438, 439 Arbitration, in New Zealand, 399
Afrocentric leadership, in South Africa, Argentina
464–470 Australia and, 667
Agar, Michael, 6 current situation in, 657, 663
Age, U.S. leaders and, 490 demographics, 658
Aggression economy, 658
Chinese leadership and, 897 emigration and, 667
Colombia, 699 geography, 657–658
Greece, 782 GLOBE Research Project
Agricultural Bank (Greece), 776 cultural change and, 1074
AHA principle, 1083 limitations, 685
Ahimsa (doctrine of nonviolence), 1045 methodology, 665
Akbar, 979 Latin Americanization, 671–672
Akerblom, Staffan, 6 leadership
Al Andalus, 623 buen jefe/good boss icon, 677–678
Åland Islands, 75 dueño/owner icon, 677
ALCESTE program, 559 ethnographic research results, 675–680
Alemanns, 253 figures señeras, 672–673
Alexander of Macedon. See Alexander the Great gerente/manager icon, 678–679

1121
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1122 SUBJECT INDEX

GLOBE dimensions, 673–675 Mexico, 747, 750

jefe/boss icon, 678 Netherlands, 229, 230
líder/maverick icon, 679–680 New Zealand, 405, 407–408
media analysis of, 680–682 Portugal, 599
Participative, 1043 Russia, 815
profiles of, 672, 682–683, 1060–1061 societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be”
management studies, 663–665 dimensions, 1094
political and economic history, 658–663 South African race-based comparison in, 467
political system, 658 South African societal culture, 446, 451, 470
societal culture Spain, 638
Assertiveness, 667 Sweden, 40, 47–48, 50
Future Orientation, 667 Switzerland, 270–271
Gender Egalitarianism, 668 Turkish organizational culture, 865
GLOBE dimensions, 666 Turkish societal culture, 840, 841, 842,
Humane Orientation, 668–669 844–845, 869
In-Group Collectivism, 670, 671 United States, 499, 503, 510
Institutional Collectivism, 667–668, 671 Asylum seekers, Australia and, 307
Power Distance, 669–670 Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal, 836, 837, 858
Power Orientation, 666 Athens, 769
profiles of, 671, 683–684 Athletes, Finnish, 86
Uncertainty Avoidance, 670–671 “Atlas” software, 445
suggestions for visitors, 683–684 Atlee, Clement, 342
Argumenty I Fakty (Russian newspaper), 823 Atomo (person), 789
Arianism, 625 Australia
Arthasastra, 979 as an enigma, 300, 301, 311, 312, 329
Artists, Finnish, 86 Argentina and, 667
Arts leaders, in Turkey, 855 comparisons to New Zealand, 407–408
Asado (barbecue), 670 demographics, 303
Asia economy, 302
Australia and, 303, 304 egalitarianism and, 299, 306, 308, 316, 323
See also Confucian Asia cluster; Southern finance industry, 318, 323–328
Asia cluster GLOBE Research Project limitations, 330
Asoka, 979 government and politics, 301–302, 317
Assertiveness, 3, 4 historical overview, 300–301, 302–303, 304
Argentina, 667 immigration policies, 303
Australian organizational culture, 322–323, leadership
327 characterizations of, 299, 328–330
Australian societal culture, 308 CLT profile, 1055–1056
Austria, 127 in contemporary politics, 317–318
Chinese leadership, 897 in the finance industry, 325, 328
Chinese societal culture, 888–889 GLOBE dimensions, 313–315
Colombia, 696, 699 Humane Oriented, 1045
England, 344 media analysis of, 312–313, 314–318,
Finland, 83, 84, 85–86 324, 325
French organizational culture, 565 political leaders, 311–312
French societal culture, 566–567 in the telecommunications industry, 323
Germany, 159, 162–163, 164, 1046 themes from current research in, 309–311
Greece, 782 traditional cultural themes in, 316
Hong Kong’s organizational culture, 922 transformational, 309–310
Hong Kong’s societal culture, 915, 918 work ethic and, 316–317
Irish leadership, 383 relationships with other countries, 303–304
Irish societal culture, 374–375, 376 societal culture
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SUBJECT INDEX 1123

Assertiveness, 308 Gender Egalitarianism, 123, 125

Collectivism, 307–308 Humane Orientation, 123, 125–126
distinguishing characterizations, 309 overview of, 120–122
Future Orientation, 306 Power Distance, 123, 124–125
Gender Egalitarianism, 308 relational orientation, 123–127
GLOBE project results, 304–309 time orientation, 122
Humane Orientation, 306–307 Uncertainty Avoidance, 122–123
overview of, 299, 329 stereotypical attributes, 144
Performance Orientation, 305–306 Austrian State Treaty, 111
pluralism in, 302–303 Authoritarianism
Power Distance, 309 English society, 339
Uncertainty Avoidance, 306 Turkish society, 844
telecommunications industry, 318–323 Authoritarian leadership
The Australian (newspaper), 312 Argentina, 684
Australian and New Zealand Army Corps Finland, 99–100
(ANZACs), 304n10, 400 Mexico, 748–749, 754
The Australian Financial Review (newspaper), 312 New Zealand, 423
Australian Labour Party, 301–302 Portugal, 607–608
Australian Telecommunications Authority, 318 Autocratic leadership
Austria Australia, 314
codetermination in, 116 India, 996, 1000
constitution and government, 144–145 Ireland, 385–386
economy, 113–115 Mexico, 727, 733
education, 145 Turkey, 853–854
European Union and, 115 Autonomous leadership
federal election of 1999, 139 Austria, 130, 1048
German market economy and, 114 defined, 1039
GLOBE Research Project disparity in perceptions of, 1048–1049
methodology, 116–120 Eastern Europe cluster, 1062–1063
practical implications, 140 France, 573, 1049
study limitations, 139–140 Germanic cluster, 1053–1055
historical overview, 110–113 Germany, 171, 172, 175, 178, 1048
image in the world, 109 Greece, 794
leadership Hong Kong, 928
Autonomous, 130, 1048 India, 1066–1067
business leadership patterns, 132–139 Latin America cluster, 1060–1062
characteristics of, 133–136 Latin Europe cluster, 1058–1060
CLT profile, 1053–1054 Mexico, 753, 754–755, 757, 758
German terms related to, 128 negative correlation with Institutional
historical leaders, 109n, 113 Collectivism, 1047
interviews on, 131–132 Netherlands, 235, 1048–1049
“long leash,” 1048 Nordic Europe cluster, 31, 1053
media analysis of, 130–131 overall values for, 1101
Participative, 1043 overlap with other leadership types, 1070
preferred behavior, 136–139 Russia, 821, 822
questionnaire-based data collection, 129–130 South Africa, 456
location, 144 South Africa (Black sample), 1067–1068
population, 144 Switzerland, 1048
social partnership model, 115–116 Turkey, 1063–1064
societal culture United States, 514, 523, 1049
activity orientation, 127 Autonomy, Dutch society and, 241
Collectivism, 123, 126–127 Awards, U.S. society and, 508
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1124 SUBJECT INDEX

Azevedo, Belmiro de, 589 in America, 478

Aznar, Jose Maria, 628 Eurocentric vs. Afrocentric approaches to
Aztecs, 725 leadership in South Africa, 464–470
Blick (Swiss newspaper), 262
B Bloom, Harold, 488
Boer Republic of the Orange Free State, 436
Balkans Wars, 771–772 Bogotá, 700
Balsemão, Francisco, 589 Bohemia, 151
Banco Comercial Português, 614 Bok, Derek, 487–488
Bank Austria, 139 Bolivar, Simon, 690
Banking industry Bonaparte, Joseph. See Joseph I Bonaparte
in France, 554–555, 556, 563–566 Bonaparte, Louis (Lodewijk Napoleon), 221
French management styles in, 557–558, Bonus pay, 508
559, 561 Bosberade (strategic planning), 461
Greece, 776–777 Botha, P. W., 438
Hong Kong, 946 Boundary-spanning societies, 1030–1031
Sweden, 54n leadership profiles and, 1070
Turkey, 861, 862–828 Bourbon, Juan Carlos de, 627
See also Financial services industry See also Juan Carlos I
Banknotes Bourbon dynasty, 626–627
Ireland, 379 Bourdieu, Pierre, 576
New Zealand, 422 Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE), 358
Bank of Piraeus, 776 Bradman, Donald, 311
Bantu, 435 Brahmins, 974, 975
Barcelona, 626 Brandt, Willy, 113, 187, 188, 189
Barclays Bank (Greece), 776 Branson, Richard, 349, 382
Barco, Virgilio, 692 Brasch, Charles, 406
Barnard, Chris, 460 “Breakthrough leadership,” 310
Barnato, Barney, 436 British Empire, India and, 973
Barnevik, Percy, 99–100 Britten, John, 401
Barrio (neighborhood), 669 Broadcast media, Spain and, 643
Bartholomew Night, 219 Brodbeck, Felix C., 6
Basque people, 629 Buddha, 973
Bass, Bernard M., 633 Buen jefe/good boss icon, 676, 677–678
Batavian Republic, 221 Bulgaria, 771–772
Batten, Jean, 406 Bullfighting, 651
Begrudgery, 379, 382 Bundespräsident (Swiss president), 257, 277
Beieren, Jacoba van, 218 Bundesrat (Swiss Federal Council), 257
Belgium, 218 Bundesrepublick Deutschland. See West
Bell Atlantic, 432 Germany
Berlin, 150 Bundesverammlung
Bernadotte, Jean Baptiste, 35 (Swiss Federal Assembly), 257
Bhagwati, P. N., 981 Bureaucratic leadership
Bias, 21, 29 Germany, 178–179
Bibracte, 253 Ireland, 386
Bild Zeitung (German newspaper), 157 New Zealand, 421
Biographies, of Irish leaders, 376–377 Russia, 808
Births, outside marriage, 340 Bush, George H. W., 638
Black economic empowerment (South Africa), Bushmen, 434
439, 443 Business India (magazine), 982, 983
“Black economy,” in Spain, 629 Business Review Weekly
Blacks (Australian magazine), 312
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SUBJECT INDEX 1125

Business Week (U.S. magazine), 522 Anglo cluster, 1055–1058

Byzantine Empire, 770, 778 as a universal dimension, 1041
Austria, 130
C China, 900–901
Colombia, 717, 718
Cable Wireless (Hong Kong) Ltd., 945 Confucian Asia cluster, 1064–1066
Cacique (leader), 672 critical perception of, 1081
Cadre (manager), 552 cultural values and, 1041
Caesar, Julius, 149, 253 defined, 1039
Caetano, Marcelo, 584, 585 Eastern Europe cluster, 1062–1063
Calles, Elias Plutarco, 728 Finland, 100
Calvin, John, 254 France, 560, 573, 574, 1041
Calvinism Germanic cluster, 1053–1055
Netherlands, 219, 220, 222 Germany, 171, 172, 177, 179, 180
Switzerland, 268–269 Greece, 792, 794, 795, 798
Cambio (Colombian newspaper), 705 historical consequences of, 650
Candessus, Michael, 808n3 Hong Kong, 927
Capital (Greek magazine), 790 India, 1066–1067
Capitalism, in Dutch history, 219, 222 Ireland, 381, 382, 383, 384–385, 388,
Cardin, Pierre, 562 390–391
Carlos IV (king of Spain), 626 Latin America cluster, 1060–1062
Carlsson, Ingvar, 43 Latin Europe cluster, 1058–1060
Carl XVI Gustaf, 34 Mexico, 736, 743, 751, 753, 755, 758
Caste system, in India, 974–975 New Zealand, 417
Catholicism. See Roman Catholic Church Nordic Europe cluster, 31, 1053
Catholic societies, Power Distance and, 598 overall values for, 1097
Caudillos (leaders), 645, 659, 672 Portugal, 607–609, 610
Caudillos (regional governors in Mexico), Russia, 819, 822
726–727, 734 Singapore, 1041
Cavaco Silva, Aníbal, 586, 607, 608–609 South Africa, 454, 471, 472
Cavallo, Domingo, 679, 681 South Africa (Black sample), 1067–1068
Cédric (“fashion manager”), 562–563 Switzerland, 277
Cell phone industry. See Mobile phone industry Turkey, 866–867, 1063–1064
Central Europe, Germanic cultural cluster in, 151 United States, 514
Centralization Charity
Ireland, 370 Argentina, 669
Netherlands, 224 Colombia, 700
Central planning Greece, 786
Chinese economy and, 881 Ireland, 373
See also Planning Russia, 818
Ceremonies, Indian society and, 992 United States, 505
Chairman or Chief (Farrell), 376–377 Charles V (Holy Roman Emperor), 626
Chairmen, 377 Chefskap (management), 57
Chairpersons, in France, 552 Cheung Kong, 934
Chanakya, 979 Chhokar, Jagdeep S., 6
Change orientation, Chinese leadership and, 898 Chiang Kai-shek, 880
Charisma Chief executive officers (CEOs), interviewed in
Colombian leadership, 717, 718 the Netherlands, 233–236
Finnish leadership, 100 Chiefs, 376–377
Irish leadership, 381, 382 Child-care institutions, in Sweden, 47
Portuguese leadership, 607–609, 610 Child labor, in Colombia, 701
Charismatic/Value Based leadership Children
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1126 SUBJECT INDEX

Colombia, 701 Power Distance, 891–892

Holland, 222 renqing, 879, 884, 889, 892, 899
China Uncertainty Avoidance, 891
Confucianism and, 878–879, 883–885, 886, 904 Chinese Communist Party, 880–882, 902
Cultural Revolution, 881 Chirac, Jacques, 550
economy, 881–883, 905 Christianity
geography, 879–880 Byzantine Empire and, 770
GLOBE Research Project limitations, 904 Spain and, 625
historical overview, 880–881 See also Calvinism; Greek Orthodox Church;
Hong Kong and, 910, 911, 912, 935 Protestantism; Roman Catholic Church;
leadership Russian Orthodox Church
adapting Western managerial Chrysler Corporation, 486
philosophies, 899 Churchill, Winston, 772
balancing aggressive and conservative CITIC Pacific, 935
actions, 897 Civil servants, in France, 552, 568
change orientation, 898 Civil War (U.S.), 477
CLT profile, 1064–1065 Clan associations, in Singapore, 948–949
Communist Party membership and, 1071 Clarín (Argentine newspaper), 680–681
dual identity in, 902 Class/Class consciousness
face-saving, 1050 Confucianism and, 879
famous political leaders, 894–896 England, 336
focus groups on, 896–900 Hong Kong, 916
GLOBE survey results, 900–902 Ireland, 370
Humane Oriented, 898–899, 900, 1045 Classical music, Austria and, 109
humor and, 1071 Classified Post (Hong Kong newspaper), 936
market economy reform and, 893–894 Clinton, Bill, 490
overview of, 903 Coaching, English leadership and, 349
paternalism in, 902–903 Coalition model, of industrial relations, 226
self-improvement, 898 Cocaine, 691
societal values and, 900 Codetermination
under state socialism, 893 Austria, 116
visionary, 897–898 German labor-management relations, 149
modern transformations and, 904–905 German leadership, 169
political system, 883 West Germany, 198
Singapore and, 948 Cognitive consonance, 1076–1077
societal culture Cognitive dissonance theory, 1076
Assertiveness, 888–889 Cohabitation, in Finland, 89
characteristics of, 883–884 Collaborative Team Oriented leadership
Collectivism, 1033–1034 Finland, 94–95
cultural evolution and, 1036 United States, 517, 523
current state of, 886 Collective-achievement leadership, in Turkey,
Future Orientation, 888 857–868
Gender Egalitarianism, 890–891 Collective bargaining, in New Zealand, 405–406
GLOBE dimensions summary, 887 Collective labor agreements, in the
guanxi, 884, 889 Netherlands, 244
Humane Orientation, 892 Collective problem solving, Mexican leadership
individualism, 1036 and, 743
In-Group Collectivism, 890 Collectivism
Institutional Collectivism, 889–890 Australian finance industry, 327, 328
mianzi, 884–885, 889 Austria, 123, 126–127
Performance Orientation, 886–888 China, 1033–1034
political morality, 885 Colombian leadership, 715
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SUBJECT INDEX 1127

Colombian societal culture, 697, 715 GLOBE dimensions, 693–697

cultural evolution and, 1036 Humane Orientation, 694n, 700–701
England, 337, 339, 344 Performance Orientation, 699–700
French organizational culture, 566 Power Distance, 694, 697
French societal culture, 568–569 profiles of, 696, 702
GLOBE dimensions of, 1032–1033 Uncertainty Avoidance, 694–696, 697–698
Greece, 783–784 unobtrusive observations, 697–702
India, 991, 1005, 1034 spontaneity and, 702
Ireland, 375, 376, 391 telecommunications industry, 690–691
Mexico, 736 War on Drugs, 692
Portugal, 598–599 Coloreds, in South Africa, 435
Russia, 813–814 Common Agricultural Policy
Singapore, 957 (European Union), 358
South African race-based comparison in, 468 Common-source response bias, 21
South African societal culture, 446–447, 450, Communication
452, 462–463, 471 Irish society and, 374–375
Sweden, 1035 Swiss leadership and, 276
Swiss leadership, 276 Communication styles
Turkey, 845, 857, 1034–1035 Asian, 102, 103
See also In-Group Collectivism; Institutional Austrian, 144
Collectivism Austrian leadership and, 138
Collectivist societies, 1032–1036 Finnish, 102, 103
face-saving leadership, 1050–1051 Communist Party
hierarchic-paternalistic leadership, 1051–1052 Chinese, 880–882, 902
“Collegiality,” 271 Russian, 814
Collegial leadership, Austrians and, 136 Community
Colombia Germany, 153
demographics, 689 United States, 480, 481, 505–506
economy, 689, 695–696 Company newsletters, Turkish leadership
extradition controversy, 692 reflected in, 857
financial services industry, 690 Compassion, German leadership and, 175
GLOBE Research Project methodology, Compassionate Visionary leadership, 350, 351
692–693, 707 Conant, James Bryant, 488
historical overview, 690 Conflict
instability in, 695–696 Austrian leadership and, 137
leadership Germans and, 162–163
GLOBE dimensions, 707–709 West Germans and, 166–167
interviews on, 711–715 Conflict avoidance, in Sweden, 48, 50
media analysis of, 705–707 Conflict resolution
prior research on, 704 Colombian leadership, 717
profiles of, 715–717, 718, 1061 Turkish leadership, 871
synthesis of case studies, 709–711 Conformity, in New Zealand, 406
narcotics mafia, 691–692 Confrontation, Germans and, 162–163
organizational culture, 702–703 Confucian Asia cluster, 875
political structure, 704 Humane Oriented leadership, 1045
political system, 691 leadership profiles, 1064–1066
recommendations for foreign leaders, 717, 719 Singapore and, 1030–1031
societal culture Confucianism
Assertiveness, 696, 699 Chinese societal culture and, 883–885, 886, 904
Collectivism, 697, 715 Hong Kong’s societal culture and, 913, 938–939
Future Orientation, 694n, 701–702 overview of, 878–879
Gender Egalitarianism, 696, 698–699 Sima Guang and, 895
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1128 SUBJECT INDEX

Singaporean leadership and, 963–964 Swiss leadership, 277

Singaporean middle managers and, 960–961 Crédit Foncier, 554
Zhou Enlai and, 895 Credit Suisse, 258
Confucius, 878, 885, 894, 899 Crete, 771
Conscious motives, 5 Crime
Consensus South Africa, 462
Austrian leadership, 138–139 United States, 503
Dutch leadership, 235 Criminals, Swedish policy toward, 45
Finland, 86 Cross-cultural encounters, 1083
French leadership, 553 Crusades, 770
Irish leadership, 381, 382 Cullen, Bill, 377
Netherlands, 224, 241 Cultural change
Sweden, 50, 65 convergence hypothesis, 1075–1076
Swiss leadership, 278 deprivation hypothesis, 1076–1078
Swiss societal culture, 270–271 general problems of, 1074–1075
Constantine the Great, 770 Cultural distance, 1084
Constantinople, 770 Cultural diversity, within societies, 1078–1079
Consultation economy, the Netherlands and, 224 Culturally Endorsed Implicit Theories of
Consultative leadership, in Turkey, 854–855, 870 Leadership (CLTs), 18
Context, Irish leadership and, 381–382 cultural context and, 1037–1038
Contingency studies, on U.S. leadership, 492 measurement of, 1038–1039
Contingent punishment behavior, 736 overview of, 1037
Contingent reward, in Hong Kong, 941 quantitative scales, 22–23
Contingent reward behavior, 736, 758 Cultural practices, 1027, 1028
Control boards, in South Africa, 463 “Cultural revolution” (1968), 225–226
Convergence hypothesis, 1075–1076 Cultural Revolution (China), 881
Cook, James, 398 Cultural values, 1027, 1028
Cooperate industrial organization (CIO), 225n8 Culture(s)
Cooperation, Finnish leadership and, 98 “as is” and “should be,” 4
Cooperative banks, in France, 554, 555, 556 attributes of, 4
Cooperative organizations, in France, 554, definitions of, 3, 476, 1027
559–560 generalizability across, 10
Coop Group, 259 links to leadership, 1041–1042
Corporate culture, “family,” 592 measured at societal and organizational
Corporativos (business organizations), 732 levels, 4, 5
Correio da Manhã (Portuguese newspaper), 606 as the practices of entities, 4
Corruption perception, in Portugal, 598 quantitative dimensions, 3–4
Cortés, Hernan, 725 Culture clusters, 1028–1030
Cosmote, 777 In-Group and Institutional
The Cost of Talent (Bok), 488 Collectivism, 1033
Country Co-Investigators (CCIs) Cunhal, Álavaro, 587
activities of, 6, 11 Cycladic Civilization, 769
GLOBE qualitative methodology and, 24, Cyclical time, 465–467
28, 29 Cyprus, 772–773, 774
GLOBE quantitative methodology and, 19, Czechoslovakia, 115
20, 23
pilot studies and, 20 D
recruitment of, 6
The Courier Mail (Australian newspaper), 312 Dagens Industri (Swedish newspaper), 74
Creativity, U.S. society and, 483 Dagens Nyheter (Swedish newspaper), 74
Credibility The Daily Mail (English newspaper), 355
Dutch leadership, 235 Dalén, Nils Gustav, 36
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SUBJECT INDEX 1129

Dan wei (organizations), 893 in Colombia, 700–701

Davin, Dan, 406 Swedish attitudes toward, 45–46
Débrouillard, 566 Discrimination. See Racism
Decision making, Austrian leaders and, 136–137 Diutischin liute (German people), 149
Decisive leadership, 526 Diversity, U.S. society and, 480
Australia, 314 Divorce
Austria, 135 Argentina, 669
Finland, 95, 98 Australia, 307–308
Turkey, 867 Doctrine of the mean, 879
United States, 517, 521, 523 “Dole bludgers,” 316
De Gaulle, Charles, 548 Dominion (New Zealand newspaper), 414
de Klerk, F. W., 438 Dong Zhongsu, 878
de la Madrid, Miguel, 729 Dorfman, Peter W., 6
Democracy Douglas, Roger, 401
Austria, 123 Downsizing, in the United States, 506–507
Classical Greece, 769 Dowry, 990
Russia, 815 Drake, Sir Francis, 342
Switzerland, 256 DTZ Zadelfhoff, 234
Democratic relations, Austrian leadership and, 136 Dueño/owner icon, 676, 677
Denominational segregation, 221 Dufour, Henri, 279
Deprivation hypothesis, 1028, 1076–1078 Dunant, Henri, 280
Deregulation Dünya (Turkish newspaper), 839
Australia banking system and, 326, 327 Durchwurstein (muddling through), 144
in England, 338 Dutch East India Company, 435
“De-sanskritisation,” 976 Dynamism, English leadership and, 342, 347
Desarrollismo (developmentalism), 661
Deutsche Demokratische Republick. See East E
Germany
Deutsche Nation (German Nation), 149 Eanes, António Ramalho, 587, 608
Deutschland (German Nation), 149 Eastern Europe cluster, 765
de Valera, Eamon, 363, 377, 382 leadership profiles, 1062–1063
Diamond industry, 436 East Germany
Diário de Noticias (Portuguese newspaper), anxiety and, 166
606, 607 creation of, 153
Diário Económico (Portuguese newspaper), 606 cultural change and, 1075
Dias, Bartholomew, 435 East vs. West polarization and, 201
Diaz, Porfirio, 727–728 economic system, 199
Dickson, Marcus, 6 GLOBE Research Project
Dictators media analysis, 157, 202
New Zealand, 423 questionnaire sample size and characteris-
Portugal, 591 tics, 155–157
Diefthintis (director), 789 issues of sampling, 1031, 1032
Die Zeit (German newspaper), 157, 158 leadership
Din-e-Illahi, 979 charismatic, 177
Dingaan, 436 Communist Party membership and, 1071
Diplomatic leadership comparative analysis of leadership
Greece, 793 scores, 213
Ireland, 389 comparative studies in, 170
United States, 518, 521, 523 factor analysis results, 204–212
Directive leadership, in Mexico, 736, 737, 758 first-order dimension, 173–175
Dirigente (leader), 645 the Humble Collaborator, 177–178
Disabled persons individualistic, 178
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1130 SUBJECT INDEX

mixed types, 179–180 Ekonomist (Turkish periodical), 839

post-reunification research in, 169–170 El Cronista Comercial (Argentine newspaper),
print media analysis of, 180–182 680, 682
procedural, 179 Electricidade de Portugal, 614
profiles of types, 175, 176 El Espectador (Colombian newspaper), 705
regression analysis of leadership scores, 214 El Financiero (Mexican newspaper), 735
self-protective, 172 Elitism, in Colombia, 697
“should be” qualities, 160 El Mundo (Spanish newspaper), 644
political system, 199 Eloquence, Swiss leadership and, 277
reunification and, 154–155, 200–201 El Pais (Spanish newspaper), 644
societal culture Elsevier (Dutch magazine), 232
Assertiveness, 162–163 El Tiempo (Colombian newspaper), 705
Future Orientation, 163 Emancipation Proclamation, 477
overview of, 159, 160, 161 Emigration, Argentina and, 667
similarities with West Germany, 165–166 Emotions/Feelings
Uncertainty Avoidance, 162 English culture and, 337
See also Germany Finns and, 99
East India Company, 220, 973n Swedes and, 47–48
Echeverria, Luis, 729 Empirical thinking, U.S. society and, 483
Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA), 551 Employment Contracts Act (New Zealand), 402
Economic Commission for Latin America, 660 Employment Equity Act (South Africa), 440
Economicos Tachydromos (Greek magazine), 790 Emporiki Bank, 776
The Economic Times (Indian newspaper), 982, 983 Empresarios (entrepreneur/managers), 724n2,
The Economist (English newspaper), 355 740, 741, 744
Eczacibasi, Nejat, 851, 857–858, 859 Enarques, 551
Edict of Nantes, 220 Energy. See Dynamism
Education England
Austria, 134, 145 births outside marriage, 340
England, 337 financial services industry, 345, 357
Finland, 78–79 food processing industry, 346, 358
France, 551, 569 GLOBE Research Project
Greece, 779 factor analysis of leadership variables,
Hong Kong, 917–918, 919 349–350, 359
Ireland, 366 limitations, 351–352
Mexico, 732 media analysis of methodology, 355–356
Netherlands, 234 issues of sampling, 1032
South Africa, 460 leadership
Sweden, 44–45 characteristics in society, 347–348
Switzerland, 264, 269 dimensions derived from factor analysis,
Turkey, 839, 842, 844 349–350
Efficiency, U.S. society and, 481 future trends, 352–353
EFG Eurobank Ergasias, 776 historical figures, 341–342
Egalitarianism media analysis of, 342–343
Australia, 299, 306, 308, 316, 323 profiles of, 352, 1056
Greece, 787 research on managers, 340
Netherlands, 240–241 organizational culture, 345–347, 352
New Zealand, 399–400, 407, 410–411, 424 professionalization of management, 341
Sweden, 50 recommendations for foreign managers,
United States, 508 350–351
See also Gender Egalitarianism societal culture
Ego Boss, 275, 282 factors affecting modern changes in,
Eisner, Michael, 489 335–336
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SUBJECT INDEX 1131

Future Orientation, 340 Finland, 77

Gender Egalitarianism, 339–340, 344 Greece, 782
GLOBE questionnaire findings, 343–344 Sweden, 34
Humane Orientation, 340 Turkey, 836
Individualism, 339 Event management model, 593
liberal, 337 Evolution, of societal culture, 1036
Performance Orientation, 340 Existential equality, 482
Power Distance, 338–339 Expansion (Spanish newspaper), 644
recent changes in, 337–338 Expansión (Mexican magazine), 735
traditionalist, 336–337 Explicit motives, 5
Enlightened pragmatic rulers, 979 Express (Greek newspaper), 790
Ensamhet (solitude), 47, 1035 Expressen (Swedish newspaper), 74
Entrepreneurship Expresso (Portuguese newspaper), 606, 607
Austria, 127 Extradition, Colombia and, 692
Greece, 779, 788
Hong Kong, 920, 921 F
India, 990
leadership and, 650 Face/Face-saving
Russia, 806–807 China, 884–885, 931
Singapore, 952–954 Indian culture, 996
Environmental sustainability, Finland and, 78 Indian leadership, 1000
Epilogi (Greek magazine), 790 Face-saving leadership
Equality Act (Switzerland), 266 Australia, 314
Equality/Equal rights China, 900, 1050
Australian egalitarianism and, 300 India, 1000, 1050–1051
existential, 482 New Zealand, 419
Sweden, 50 overview of, 1050–1051
Switzerland, 266 participative leadership and, 1052n
United States, 481, 507 Singapore, 964, 1051
Equal Opportunities Act (Sweden), 44 Factor analysis, within-society, 1003–1004
Erhard, Ludwig, 187, 188, 189 Faculty evaluations, in Colombia, 699
Ericsson, Lars Magnus, 36 Family
Erlander, Tage, 37 Argentina, 669, 670, 676
Escobar, Pablo, 692 Australia, 307–308
Escrache, 669–670 China, 890
Estate General (Holland), 219 Colombia, 697
Ethical statutes, 246 Confucianism and, 879
Ethnographic interviews France, 569
Argentina, 675–680 Greece, 778, 784
Austria, 118–119 Hong Kong, 917, 938
in-depth, 26–27 India, 991
Mexico, 740–741, 743–745 Ireland, 372–373
Sweden, 57–59, 72–73 Mexican leadership and, 743–744, 758–759
Switzerland, 261, 275–281 Mexican societal culture, 732, 749
Ethnographic semantics, 73 New Zealand, 408
“Eureka Stockade,” 311n14 Singapore, 958
European Bank for Reconstruction and South Africa, 462–463
Development (EBRD), 808n2 Spain, 640
European Monetary Union (EMU), Finland Turkey, 844, 846, 869–870, 1034
and, 77 United States, 506
European Union (EU) Family capitalism, in France, 551
Austria, 115 Family Collectivism
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1132 SUBJECT INDEX

Argentina, 669 CLT profile, 1053

France, 569 GLOBE dimensions, 93–95
“Family” corporate culture, 592 historical factors affecting, 101–102
Family firms Humane Oriented, 31, 1046
Greece, 778, 784 interviews and focus groups on, 98–101
Hong Kong, 920, 938 media analysis of, 96–98
India, 992 outstanding leaders, 91–93
Turkey, 846, 869–870 Participative, 1042–1043
Fatalism, Turkey and, 843 as perceived in different industries, 95, 96
Fátima, 584 personal features of outstanding leaders, 101
Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). See West previous research on, 90–91
Germany sensitivity and, 1071
Feelings. See Emotions/Feelings migration from rural areas, 88, 89
Feraios, Regas, 771 Paasikivi-Kekkonen line, 93
Ferdinand II (king of Aragon), 626 religion, 79
Ferdinand VII (king of Spain), 627 social skills, 102
Figo, Luis, 583–584 societal culture
Figures señeras (dominant leaders), 672–673 Assertiveness, 85–86
“Filiki Etairia,” 771 Future Orientation, 85
Financial-industrial groups (FIG), 808n2 Gender Egalitarianism, 87
The Financial Mail general observations regarding, 89–90
(South African newspaper), 445 Humane Orientation, 87–88
Financial services industry In-Group Collectivism, 89
Australia, 318, 323–328 Institutional Collectivism, 86–87
Colombia, 690 overview of, 83–84
England, 345, 357 Performance Orientation, 84–85
generalizability across cultures, 10 Power Distance, 88
GLOBE Research Project and, 21 Uncertainty Avoidance, 89
Hong Kong, 922, 945, 946 values and communication styles, 102, 103
India, 1014–1015 welfare state and current economy, 77–78
leadership perceptions in Finland, 95, 96 Finnish, 80
New Zealand, 431 Flexibility
organizational culture in Ireland, 386–390 Dutch organizations and, 243–246
Spain, 630, 641–642 U.S. society and, 483
Sweden, 53, 54 Focus groups, 24–26
Switzerland, 258–259 Austria, 117
Turkey, 861–868 China, 896–900
Financial Times (English newspaper), 342, 355 Germany, 158
Finansies en Tegniek (South African Greece, 791–792
newspaper), 445 India, 981, 983–986, 1012
Finland Ireland, 380–382
climate, 80 Mexico, 740, 742–743
current economic performance, 81–82 Netherlands, 236–237
economic history, 80–81 New Zealand, 413–416
educational system, 78–79 Russia, 810, 818–819
GLOBE Research Project in, 82–83 Singapore, 960–961
historical overview, 75–77 South Africa, 444, 456–459
language, 80 Spain, 645–647
leadership Sweden, 57–59, 72–73
characteristics significant for foreign Switzerland, 260, 261, 275–281
leaders, 102–103 Turkey, 839
clarity and, 1071 United States, 519–522
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SUBJECT INDEX 1133

West Germany, 184–186 Participative, 1043

Folkhemmet, 36 principle styles, 552–554
Followers, German terms for, 128–129 principle types, 548
Food industry profiles of, 574–576, 1058–1059, 1069
Finland, 95, 96 social representation of, 569–572
Portugal, 613 “whole systems” view, 1047
Food processing industry organizational culture, 563–566
England, 346, 358 political background, 548–549
France, 555–556, 563–566 recommendations for foreign managers,
French management styles in, 558–560, 561 576–577
generalizability across cultures, 10 societal culture, GLOBE dimensions, 566–569
GLOBE Research Project and, 21 state tradition in business, 551–552
India, 1016 Universalism, 549–550
New Zealand, 430–431 Franco, Francisco, 627, 645
organizational culture in Ireland, 386–390 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (German news-
Spain, 631, 641–642 paper), 157, 158
Sweden, 53, 55 Franklin, Benjamin, 477
Switzerland, 259 Franz Joseph I (Hapsburg emperor), 109n,
Turkey, 862–868 110, 113
Football (American), 488, 503 Frauenvolksbegehren, 125
“Forced consensus,” 270–271 Frederick III (Holy Roman Emperor), 626
Ford Motor Company, 486 Freedom, U.S. culture and, 507
Förebild (leader), 58 Freedom Party (Austria), 112, 139
Föredöme (manager), 58 Free-market system, U.S. individualism and,
Fortuyn, Wilhelmus “Pim,” 217 507
Fox, Vincente, 730, 731 Freie Presse Chemnitzer Zeitung (German
France newspaper), 157
banking system, 554–555, 556, 563–566 French Association of Banks, 554
cooperative and mutual organizations, 554 “French rationalism,” 567
culture-specificity concept, 548 French Revolution, 549, 550
economy and culture, 549, 581 Freud, Sigmund, 109n
education, 551, 569 Friar Klaus, 280–281
family capitalism, 551 Friendships, Argentina and, 670, 676
food processing industry, 555–556, 563–566 Fries, 216
GLOBE Research Project Fuentes, Carlos, 627
future research areas, 577–578 Führer (leader), 128, 167–168
limitations, 576 Führerallergie, 168
practical implications, 576–577 Führung (leadership), 168
Holland and, 221 Führungskraft (manager), 128
industrial relations, 550 Fung, Victor, 935–936
intellectual and elitist traditions, 550–551 Future Orientation, 3, 4
leadership Argentina, 667
Autonomous, 1049 Australian societal culture, 306
in banking, 557–558, 559, 561 Australian telecommunications industry,
Charismatic/Value Based leadership, 1041 321–322
comparisons to other countries, 574–576 Austria, 122
education and, 1071 China, 888
factor analysis results, 572–574 Colombian leadership, 716, 718
in food processing, 558–560, 561 Colombian societal culture, 694n, 701–702
Humane Oriented, 573, 575, 1047 English organizational culture, 345, 346
interviews on, 556–561 English societal culture, 340, 344
media analysis of, 561–563, 575 Finland, 84, 85, 89
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1134 SUBJECT INDEX

French organizational culture, 565 English organizational culture, 345, 346

French societal culture, 568 English societal culture, 339–340, 344
Germany, 153, 159, 161, 163, 165, 166 Finland, 84, 87
Greece, 781–782 French organizational culture, 565
Hong Kong’s organizational culture, 922 French societal culture, 567–568
Hong Kong’s societal culture, 918–919, 921 Germany, 159, 164
India, 990 Greece, 784–785
Irish organizational culture, 386–387 Hong Kong’s organizational culture, 922
Irish societal culture, 372, 376 Hong Kong’s societal culture, 915,
Mexico, 747, 750, 760 917–918, 921
Netherlands, 229, 230, 231 India, 990
New Zealand leadership, 423 Irish organizational culture, 387–88
New Zealand societal culture, 405, 409–410 Irish societal culture, 370–371, 376
Portugal, 595–596 Mexico, 748, 750, 760
Russia, 816 Netherlands, 229, 230, 231
Singapore, 956 New Zealand, 405
societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be” Portugal, 596–597
dimensions, 1092 Russia, 814–815, 818
South African organizational culture, 461 Singapore, 956
South African race-based comparison in, societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be”
465–467 dimensions, 1095
South African societal culture, 447, 450, 451, South African organizational culture, 462
461, 471 South African race-based comparison in, 467
Spain, 638 South African societal culture, 449, 451, 461
Sweden, 41, 44–45, 49 Spain, 639
Switzerland, 263–264 Sweden, 40, 43–44
Turkish organizational culture, 863–864 Turkish organizational culture, 862, 864
Turkish societal culture, 840, 841, Turkish societal culture, 840, 841, 847–848
843–844, 869 U.S. leadership, 515
U.S. leadership, 515 U.S. societal culture, 499, 500, 502,
U.S. societal culture, 499, 502, 504, 510 504–505, 511
General Electric (GE), 485
G Gerente excepcional (exceptional manager), 676
Gerente/manager icon, 676, 678–679
Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand, 437, 979, German Democratic Republic (GDR). See East
984, 1045 Germany
Gangs, in Colombia, 701 German Empire, 149–150, 152
Gates, Bill, 485, 490 Germanic Europe cluster
Gaucho, 677 Autonomous leadership and, 1048–1049
Geführte (follower), 128 leadership profiles, 1053–1055
Gemeinschaft (community), 153 overview of, 107
Gemütlich (sociable), 144 German Nation, 149
Gender differences, in leadership Germany
dimensions, 1079 Austrian economy and, 114
Gender Egalitarianism, 3, 4 current economic dilemma in, 148
Argentina, 668 demographics, 148
Australian finance industry, 327 difficulty in describing, 147
Australian societal culture, 308 East vs. West polarization in, 201
Australian telecommunications industry, 322 geo-cultural history, 149–155
Austria, 123, 125 GLOBE Research Project
China, 890–891 future study areas, 193–194
Colombia, 696, 698–699 interviews and focus groups, 158
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job advertisement analysis, 158, 186, 188, 203 reunification and, 200–201
limitations, 193 reunification costs and, 154–155
media analysis, 157, 202 sampling of subcultures, 1031, 1032
practical implications, 190–193 social market economy, 148–149
questionnaire sample size and social welfare in, 164–165
characteristics, 155–157 societal culture
summary of results, 189–190 apparent trends in, 167
job requirements for executive positions, Assertiveness, 162–163, 1046
186, 188 change and, 189–190, 192–193
leadership East/West comparisons, 165–166
Autonomous, 171, 172, 175, 178, 1048 Future Orientation, 153, 159, 161, 163,
bureaucratic, 178–179 165, 166
charismatic, 177 Gender Egalitarianism, 164
comparative studies between East and Humane Orientation, 164–165, 1046
West, 170 In-Group Collectivism, 163
comparison of East vs. West leadership Institutional Collectivism, 163
scores, 213 leadership practices and, 173
cultural differences and, 190–192 overview of, 159, 160, 161
education and, 1071 Performance Orientation, 163
factor analysis results, 204–212 Power Distance, 161–162
first-order dimensions, 173–175 Uncertainty Avoidance, 153, 155, 159, 161,
focus groups on, 184–186 162, 165, 166, 167, 1078
future study areas, 193–194 Geuzen, 219
Humane Oriented, 171, 172, 182, 184, Gewestelijke Staten (Regional Estates),
1046–1047 218–219
the Humble Collaborator, 177–178 Gezelligheid, 242, 1073
individualistic, 178 Giddens, Anthony, 339
interviews on managers vs. leaders, 182, 183 GINI index, 598
mixed types, 179–180 Globalization, 1082
oppressive, 179 U.S. leadership and, 494–495
Participative, 1043 Global Leader concept, 284
as perceived in print media, 180–182 Global leaders, United States and, 494–495
perspective on changes in leadership Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior
approaches, 190 Effectiveness Research Project. See
popular leaders, 158, 161 GLOBE Research Project
post-reunification research in, 169–170 Global leadership dimensions, 1038–1039
postwar period, 168 GLOBE Coordinating Team (GCT), 6–7
profiles of, 175, 176, 189, 1054 GLOBE questionnaires
regression analysis of leadership development and validation of scales, 18–20
scores, 214 measurement of organizational practices and
second-order dimensions, 171, 172–173 values, 20
“should be” qualities, 160 psychometric properties, 9
societal cultural practices and, 173 Swiss GLOBE project and, 260
specific business and political leaders, within-society factor analysis of scales, 24
187–188, 188–189 GLOBE Research Project
technical skills and, 1071 approaches to societal culture, 1027–1037
terminology, 167–168 assumptions concerning leadership, 252
westernization of management principles, awards received, 1025
168–169 background of, 6–7
over regulation and, 167 contributions to the cross-cultural study of
paradox of social welfare and economic leadership, 1073–1074
success in, 166–167 countries participating in, 8
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1136 SUBJECT INDEX

cultural dimensions, 367–368 cultural identity and, 800

cultural diversity within societies and, dualities characterizing, 799–800
1078–1080 economy, 774–776
definition of culture, 1027 education, 779
definitions of constructs, 2–6 foreign affairs, 774
future research areas, 1074, 1081–1082 GLOBE Research Project
generalizability across cultures, 10 design and methodology, 768
implications, 1082–1084 future research areas, 799
limitations, 1072–1073 limitations, 799
measuring leadership in subgroups, historical overview, 769–773
1079–1081 leadership
methodology, 1026 charismatic, 794, 795, 798
for country chapters, 23–29 difference between leaders and managers,
integration of quantitative and qualitative 792, 793
findings, 29–30 focus groups on, 791–792
overall, 17–23 GLOBE results, 793–798
response bias, 29 literature review, 789–790
objectives of, 8–9 media analysis of, 790, 791
phases of, 9, 1025–1026 Participative, 1044
prediction regarding cross-cultural leadership profiles of, 789–790, 1062
attempts, 1074 self-knowledge and, 800–801
preparation of current volume, 1026–1027 societal culture and, 798
primary and global leadership dimensions, terminology, 789
1038–1039 political situation, 773–774
problems of cultural change, 1074–1078 recommendations for foreign managers, 798–799
scope of, 1025 social mobility, 779
theoretical model of, 7 societal culture
units of analysis for, 21 Assertiveness, 782
Goal setting, Colombian leadership and, 714 family, 778, 784
Goh Chok Tong, 957 Future Orientation, 781–782
Goh Keng Swee, 950 Gender Egalitarianism, 784–785
Gold rush, in Australia, 302–303 Humane Orientation, 785–786
Gonçalves, Vasco, 587 individualism, 779, 783
González, Felipe, 628 In-Group Collectivism, 784
Goode, Stephen, 487 in-group/out-group distinction, 783, 786
Good to Great (Collins), 508 Institutional Collectivism, 782–784
Government records, public access to in leadership and, 798
Sweden, 43 love of independence, 778–779
Government regulations, French leadership and, mixture of traditional and modern in, 783
575, 576 Performance Orientation, 780–781
Grandes Ecoles, 551, 568 Power Distance, 786–787
Great Britain religion, 778
Hong Kong and, 910 self-criticism and, 781
India and, 973 summary of GLOBE findings, 780, 788
New Zealand and, 398 Uncertainty Avoidance, 787–788
South Africa and, 436, 437 telecommunications sector, 777
See also England Greek Orthodox Church, 778
Great Depression, 223, 478 Green Bay Packers, 488
Great Leader, 274, 282 Greenpeace, 245
Great Trek, 436 Groot Trek, 436
Greece Grupos empresariales
banking sector, 776–777 (business organizations), 732
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SUBJECT INDEX 1137

Guanxi (relationships), 884, 889, 938, 1033 Hispania, 623

Guapo (maverick), 679 Hispanic, defined, 623
Guisan, Henri, 280 Hitler, Adolf, 109n, 111, 113, 150, 153
Guterres, António, 586–587, 609 Hoffmann, Stanley, 581
Holland
H historical overview, 218–221
South Africa and, 435
Haider, Jörg, 112 See also Netherlands
Hamilton, Alexander, 477 Holocaust, Austria and, 111
Handelsblatt (German newspaper), 157, 158 Holy Roman Empire
Han Dynasty, 878, 894 in Spain, 626
Hanges, Paul, 6 Switzerland under, 253–254
Hanson, James, 350 Homicides, in Colombia, 699
Hanson, Pauline, 303n9 Hong Kong
Hansson, Per-Albin, 36n8, 37 compared to Singapore, 952
Hapsburg dynasty, 110, 113, 626 economy, 909, 910–911, 912, 923
Harding, W. G., 478 education, 917–918, 919
Harmony model, of industrial relations, 226 entrepreneurship, 920, 921
Harvard University, 487–488 financial services industry, 922, 945, 946
Haughey, Charles J., 382 GLOBE Research Project
Hawke, Robert, 312 future research areas, 940
Hayek, Nicholas, 177 limitations, 940
Headship, 902, 923 methodology, 913–921
Healer leader, 498 government employees and, 963–964
Health and safety. See Industrial health and historical overview, 910
safety leadership
“Heartware,” 958 humor and, 1071
Heiliges Roemisches Reich Deutscher Nation media analysis of, 929, 931–936
(Holy Roman Empire of German paternalism, 925
Nation), 149 political, 935
Hellenic culture, 625 prior research on, 923–925
Henry V (Shakespeare), 335 profiles of, 936–938, 941, 1065–1066
Heroic warrior/leader qualitative study results, 928–936
liabilities of, 528 quantitative study results, 925–928
U.S. culture and, 497–498 reunification with China and, 923
Herrhausen, Alfred, 178, 187, 188 significant business and political leaders,
Hervé Bank, 554 931, 933–936
Het Financiële Dagblad organizational culture, 921–922
(Dutch newspaper), 232 politics, 911, 935
Hidalgo, Miguel, 726 “positive nonintervention” policy, 928
Hierarchical Distance, 568 recommendations for foreign managers,
Hierarchic-paternalistic leadership, 1050, 939–940
1051–1052 religion, 911
Hierarchy research and development, 919
Swiss leadership and, 282, 283 reunification with China, 910, 912, 923, 935
U.S. business culture and, 509 societal culture
Higher education, in Greece, 779 Assertiveness, 915, 918
High-German, 151 British influence on, 912, 916
High-tech industry, Hong Kong and, 916 Chinese culture and, 912–913
Hillary, Edmund, 400–401, 406, 422 Confucian values, 913, 938–939
Hinduism, 976 crisis in identity, 913
Hines, George, 411 face, 931
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1138 SUBJECT INDEX

family, 917, 938 Portugal, 597

Future Orientation, 918–919, 921 Russia, 817
Gender Egalitarianism, 915, 917–918, 921 Singapore, 957
guanxi relationships and, 938 societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be”
Humane Orientation, 915, 920 dimensions, 1096
In-Group Collectivism, 914, 915, 917, South African race-based comparison in,
920, 921 467–468
Institutional Collectivism, 914, 917 South African societal culture, 449, 451,
Performance Orientation, 915, 462, 471
919–920, 921 Spain, 639–640
Power Distance, 915, 916 Sweden, 41, 42, 45–46
profiles of, 920–921, 938–939 Switzerland, 267
qualitative study results, 916–920 Turkish organizational culture, 865
quantitative study results, 914–915 Turkish societal culture, 840,
Uncertainty Avoidance, 916 841, 848–849
wealth and, 916, 920, 939 United States, 505–506, 510
telecommunications industry, 922, 945–946 Humane Oriented leadership
uniqueness of, 909 Anglo cluster, 1044–1045, 1055–1058
Hong Kong Business (magazine), 931 Australia, 1045
Hong Kong Economic Journal (magazine), 929 Austria, 130
Hong Kong Standard (newspaper), 935 charismatic leadership and, 180
Hong Kong Telephone Co., Ltd., 945 China, 898–899, 900, 1045
Hongs (trading houses), 923 Confucian Asia cluster, 1064–1066
Honor, the French and, 569 cultural clusters and, 1044
Hopewell, 935 cultural values and, 1044
Hottentots, 434 defined, 1039
House of Tatas, 981 Eastern Europe cluster, 1062–1063
HP/De Tijd (Dutch magazine), 232 Finland, 31, 1046
Huguenots, 220, 549 France, 573, 575, 1047
Humane Orientation, 3, 4 Germany, 171, 172, 182, 184, 1046–1047
Argentina, 668–669 Greece, 794
Australian finance industry, 326–327 Hong Kong, 928
Australian societal culture, 306–307 India, 1000, 1045–1046, 1066–1067
Australian telecommunications industry, 322 Ireland, 385, 390, 1044
Austria, 123, 125–126 Latin America cluster, 1060–1062
China, 892 Latin Europe cluster, 1058–1060
Colombia, 694n, 700–701 Mexico, 744, 753, 754, 755, 760
English organizational culture, 345 New Zealand, 418, 1045
English societal culture, 340, 344 overall values for, 1100
Finland, 83, 87–88 questions about future changes in, 1078
French organizational culture, 565–566 Russia, 820, 822, 1047
Germany, 164–165, 1046 Singapore, 964, 1045, 1078
Greece, 785–786 South Africa, 456, 1045
Hong Kong’s organizational culture, 922 South Africa (Black sample), 1067–1068
Hong Kong’s societal culture, 915, 920 “species” of, 1044–1047
Humane Oriented leadership and, 1044 Sweden, 31
India, 990–991, 1005 Switzerland, 281
Irish organizational culture, 387 Team Oriented leadership and, 1041
Irish societal culture, 373–374, 376 Turkey, 867, 1063–1064
Mexico, 748, 760 United States, 514, 517, 521, 1044–1045
Netherlands, 229, 230 unrelated to outstanding leadership,
New Zealand, 405, 410 1046–1047
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SUBJECT INDEX 1139

Humanism languages in, 975

France, 569 leaders and managers compared, 986
Holland, 220–221 leadership
Human Leader, 275, 282 of business organizations, 981
Human relations face-saving, 1050–1051
Colombian leadership, 713, 715 factor analysis of items, 997–1004
Germany, 177–178 first-order dimensions, 994–996
Humble Collaborator, 177–178, 179 focus groups on, 981, 983–986, 1012
Humor historical figures, 979–980, 1017
Chinese leadership and, 1071 Humane Oriented, 1000, 1045–1046,
English culture and, 338 1066–1067
Hutchison Whampoa, 934 ideal styles in, 984–985
importance of, 978–980
I media analysis of, 982, 987, 988,
1018–1020
Iacocca, Lee, 382, 486 obstacles and constraints to, 985
IBM, 486 outstanding, 984
Ibrahim Pasha, 771 political, 980–981, 985
Ideology questionnaire, 649 popular writings on, 980
Igesia (leadership), 789 profiles of, 1004–1005, 1066–1067
Immigration qualitative results, 983–989
implications of, 1082 quotations from business leaders, 1010–1011
Ireland and, 373 role modeling and, 985
Immigration policies, Australia and, 303 second-order dimensions, 996
Implicit leadership model, Swedish middle semistructured interviews on, 982,
managers and, 51–57 983–986, 1013
Implicit leadership theory (ILT), 50, 252, studies on, 980
1037, 1038 unstructured interviews on, 982,
Implicit motives, 4–5 987–988, 1021
Improvisation, Colombian culture and, 697–698 literacy in, 977n
“Indabas” (strategic planning), 461 materialism and, 977, 1034
Independence, Greek culture and, 778–779 national identity and, 975–976
The Independent (English newspaper), 355 political awareness in, 976
The Independent political governance, 977
(New Zealand newspaper), 414 population, 1009
Independente (Portuguese newspaper), 606 recommendations for foreign leaders,
In-depth ethnographic interviews, 26–27 1005–1006
India religion, 976
as a cultural unit, 971–972 rituals and ceremonies, 992
caste system, 974–975 societal culture
current situation in, 975–978 ancient, 972–973
economy, 976, 1009 common features and characteristics of,
family businesses, 992 991–992, 1005
financial services industry, 1014–1015 GLOBE dimensions, 989–991, 1005
food processing industry, 1016 In-Group Collectivism, 994, 1034
geography, 1009 quantitative results, 992–994
GLOBE Research Project status and deference to age, 992
limitations and future research areas, 1006 time orientation, 992
methodology, 981–983 Indians, in South Africa, 437
historical overview, 972–974 India Today (magazine), 982, 983
Indian and American managers compared, 987 Individualism
judiciary, 977 Argentina, 683
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China, 890, 1036 China, 890, 1033–1034

collectivism and, 1032 cultural evolution and, 1036
Colombia, 715 culture clusters, 1033
English leadership, 341–342, 349–350 defined, 1032
English societal culture, 339 face-saving leadership and, 1051
evolution of societal culture and, 1036 Finland, 83, 84, 89, 90
Finland, 86–87, 89, 102 French organizational culture, 566
Germany, 153, 163 Germany, 159, 163, 165, 166
Greece, 779, 783 Greece, 784
in Hofstede’s typology of leadership, 593 hierarchic-paternalistic leadership and,
Hong Kong, 917 1051–1052
India, 1005 Hong Kong’s organizational culture, 922
Mexico, 734 Hong Kong’s societal culture, 914, 915, 917,
New Zealand, 400–401, 408–409 920, 921
Portugal, 599 India, 994, 1034
Russia, 814 Irish organizational culture, 387
socially concerned, 48–49 Irish societal culture, 372–373, 376, 391
South African race-based comparison in, 468 Mexico, 733, 747–748, 749–750, 758
Spain, 639 Netherlands, 229, 231
Sweden, 47, 48–49 New Zealand, 405, 408–409
U.S. culture, 480, 482, 507–508, 527–528 Portugal, 598–599
U.S. leadership, 495–496 Russia, 812–814, 817–818
Individualistic leadership Singapore, 957–958
England, 341–342, 349–350 societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be”
Germany, 178, 179 dimensions, 1090
United States, 495–496 South Africa, 449, 471
Individualization Spain, 640, 651
of moral behavior, 246 Sweden, 40, 47, 48
Netherlands and, 246 Switzerland, 268
Industrial Conciliation Act (South Africa), Team Oriented leadership and, 1041
441–442 Turkish organizational culture, 862–863,
Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act 869–870
(New Zealand), 399 Turkish societal culture, 840, 841, 842,
Industrial health and safety, in Switzerland, 267 846–847, 869, 1034–1035
Industrialization, in Sweden, 35–36 United States, 500, 506–507, 511
Industrial relations Initiatives, Switzerland and, 256
France, 550 Inkatha Freedom Party, 439
harmony and coalition models of, 226 Innovation, Colombian leadership and, 714
South Africa, 440–443 Inónü, Ismet, 851, 858
West Germany, 198 In Search of Excellence (Peters & Austin), 508
Industrial Review (Greek magazine), 790 Inspirational Coach, 349, 351
Information technology (IT) Inspirational leadership
Australia, 319 Australia, 315
Sweden, 39, 66, 67 Finland, 94
U.S. leadership and, 495 New Zealand, 417
In Good Company: Conversations with Irish United States, 516, 520, 523
Leaders (Kenny), 377 Institutional Collectivism, 3, 4
In-Group Collectivism, 3, 4 Argentina, 667–668, 671
Argentina, 670, 671 Australia, 307
Australian finance industry, 327 Austria, 123, 126
Australian societal culture, 307–308 China, 889–890
Austria, 123, 126 cultural evolution and, 1036
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SUBJECT INDEX 1141

culture clusters, 1033 Interviews

defined, 1032 Austria, 131–132
Finland, 83, 84, 86–87, 89, 90 India, 982, 987–988, 1021
French organizational culture, 566 Ireland, 380–382
Germany, 159, 163 Netherlands, 236–237
Greece, 782–784 South Africa, 444–445, 456–459
Hong Kong, 914, 917 Spain, 647–648
Irish leadership and, 383 Switzerland, 260, 261
Irish societal culture, 375, 376, 391 United States, 515–519, 539
Mexico, 747–748 See also Ethnographic interviews;
negative correlation with Autonomous Semistructured interviews
leadership, 1047 Introspection, Indian culture and, 996
Netherlands, 229, 230 Inventors, in Austria, 127
New Zealand, 404, 405–406, 408, 424 Ioniki Bank, 776
Portugal, 598–599 Ireland
Russia, 812 in cross-cultural studies, 367
Singapore, 956–957 demographics, 361
societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be” economy, 365–366
dimensions, 1091 education, 366
South Africa, 446–447, 452, 471 emigration and, 361
Spain, 638–639 GLOBE Research Project
Sweden, 40, 42–43, 48, 1035, 1036 cultural dimensions, 367–368
Switzerland, 268 practical implications, 392
Turkish organizational culture, 863 questionnaires, 368–369
Turkish societal culture, 841, 845–846, sampling issues, 393
1034, 1035 strengths of, 392–393
United States, 499, 500, 507–508 historical overview, 361, 363–364
Insurance industry invisibility of business leaders, 391–392
France, 556 leadership
Turkey, 861–868 Humane Oriented, 385, 390, 1044
Integrity in leadership industry-level analysis, 388–390
Austria, 131, 134 notions of an ideal leader, 391
Colombia, 714, 716–717, 718 perceptions of business leaders, 382, 383
Finland, 93, 100 profiles of, 384–386, 391, 1056–1057
Ireland, 388 qualitative study of, 379–383
New Zealand, 419 quantitative study of, 383–386
Switzerland, 277 research on, 376–379
Turkey, 858, 867 legal framework, 364
United States, 516, 520, 523 organizational culture, 386–390
Intermediair (Dutch newspaper), 232 political framework, 364–365
International Committee of the Red Cross, 255 psychological perspectives on, 362–363
International peacekeeping, New Zealand recommendations for foreign leaders, 392
and, 402–403 Roman Catholic Church and, 363, 364
Internet, 1082 societal culture
penetration in Hong Kong, 945–946 Assertiveness, 374–375
Interpersonal encounters, 1083 Future Orientation, 372
Interpersonal relationships Gender Egalitarianism, 370–371
Germany, 177–178 GLOBE dimensions summary, 369, 375–376
Mexican leadership, 743, 759 Humane Orientation, 373–374
Mexican society, 734, 759 influence on perceptions of effective
See also Personal relationships; Social leadership, 390
relationships In-Group Collectivism, 372–373
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1142 SUBJECT INDEX

Institutional Collectivism, 375 Kauppalehti (Finnish newspaper), 96

modern changes in, 366 Kautilya, 979
Performance Orientation, 371–372 Kekkonen, Urho Kaleva, 92, 93
Power Distance, 370 Kelly, Ned, 311
Uncertainty Avoidance, 374 Kemal, Mustafa. See Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal
unobtrusive indicators of, 379–380 Kemalism, 838
Irish Free State, 363 Kennedy, John F., 382, 487, 489, 490
Isabella I (queen of Castile), 626 “Khoeque” (rich man), 434–435
Islam Khoikhoi, 434–435
fatalism and, 843 Kiasuism (fear of failure), 954
Turkey and, 843, 861–862 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 489
Islamism, Turkey and, 836, 838 Kingship, in ancient India, 973
Issing, Otmar, 167 Kinship
Item Evaluation Reports, 19 Ireland, 373
Iturbide, Agustín, 726 Mexican leadership and, 743–744
Izvestiya (Russian newspaper), 823 Kirch, Leo, 187–188, 188
Know How (Greek magazine), 790
J Knowledge, German leadership and, 182, 183
Knowledge-intensive industries, Sweden
Jackson, Andrew, 477 and, 38–39
Jackson, Jesse, 490 Koç, Vehbi, 851, 857–858, 859
Jackson, Phil, 489 Kohl, Helmut, 187–188, 188
Japan, firms in Singapore, 951 Kommersant-Daily
Javidan, Mansour, 6 (Russian newspaper), 824
Jefe/boss icon, 676, 678 Komsomolskaya Pravda
Jefferson, Thomas, 477 (Russian newspaper), 824
Job advertisements Kong Fuzi, 878
Germany, 158, 186, 188, 203 Korais, Adamantios, 771
Hong Kong, 936 Koran, 843
Netherlands, 232–233 KPN, 234
Job performance evaluations. See Performance Kraus, Karl, 110n3
evaluations Kreisky, Bruno, 109n, 111, 113
Jornal de Noticias (Portuguese newspaper), 606 Kruger, Paul, 437
Joseph I Bonaparte (king of Spain), 626–627 Kshatriyas, 974, 975
Joseph II (Hapsburg emperor), 110, 113 Ku Klux Klan, 478
Juan Carlos I (king of Spain), 628, 633, 648
See also Bourbon, Juan Carlos de L
Juárez, Benito, 727
Justinian, 770 Labor contracts, the Netherlands and, 244
“Justness,” 526 Labor force, gender equality in Sweden, 44
Juvenile delinquents, in Colombia, 701 Labor laws
New Zealand, 400
K South Africa, 440, 441–443
Labor markets, Sweden and, 37, 44
Kalevala (Lönnrot), 76 Labor movement, in Sweden, 36
Kallen, Horace, 623 Labor relations, the Netherlands and, 244
Kapodistrias, Ioannis, 771 Labor Relations Act (South Africa), 442
Karamanlis, Konstantine, 773 Labor unions. See Unions
Karel V, King of Holland, 219 Lagom (“just right”), 49
Karma, 990 Laissez-faire economy, in Hong Kong, 916
Karpin, David, 309 Lalor, Peter, 311
“Karpin Report,” 309 La Nación (Argentine newspaper), 680, 681
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SUBJECT INDEX 1143

Landry, Tom, 489 Le Nouvel Economiste (French magazine),

Lao Tzu, 888 562, 563
La República (Colombian newspaper), 705 L’Expansion (French magazine), 562–563
Latin America cluster Li, Richard, 934
leadership profiles, 1060–1062 Li, Victor, 934
overview of, 655 Liberty, 480, 507
Latin Europe cluster Lider (leader), 645
leadership profiles, 1058–1060 Líder/maverick icon, 676, 679–680
overview of, 545 Li Ka-shing, 923, 934
Laval, Gustaf de, 36 Limes, 151
Law enforcement, Colombia and, 697, 706 Lim Kim San, 950
Layoffs, in the U.S., 506–507, 510 Lincoln, Abraham, 477, 486–487, 489
LD process, 114 Lindgren, Astrid, 47
Leader motivational profile (LMP), 590–591 Lineal time orientation, 504
Leaders, distinguished from managers, 1071 Literacy, in India, 977n
Leaders: Conversations With Irish Chief Liu Bei, 894
Executives (Kenny), 377 Lodewijk, King of Holland
Leadership (Louis Bonaparte), 221
attributes of, 1071–1072 Lodge, George Cabot, 649
boundary-spanning societies and, 1070 Lombardi, Vince, 488–489, 503
conditions when most effective, 1074 Lönnrot, Elias, 76
convergence in managerial cultures, 719 Lopez Portillo, José, 729
cultural context and, 252 Lourdes Pintassilgo, Maria de, 591
culturally endorsed dimensions, 1042–1052 Lourenço, Eduardo, 583
cultural variations in CLT profiles, Lourenço, Vasco, 587
1052–1070, 1072 Low-context cultures, Sweden as, 50
definitions of, 5–6, 476, 491, 548 Loyalty
effectiveness in cultural context, 1038 Australian telecommunications industry
entrepreneurship and, 650 and, 322
gender differences, 1079 Turkish paternalistic leadership and, 855
German terms for, 128 Lurdes Pintassilgo, Maria de, 587
Hofstede’s typology of, 593 L’Usine Nouvelle (French magazine), 562
implicit theories concept, 252 Luther, Martin, 151
links to culture, 1041–1042 Lutheran Church, 79
measuring in subgroups, 1079–1080 Lying, collectivist cultures and, 996
mixed styles, 1070
prototypes, 1037–1038 M
styles, 22, 23
subcultures and, 1070–1071 “Mabo” decision, 303n8
trait-based bias, 1081 Macedonia, 770, 771
universal dimensions, 1039–1041 Macquarie, Lachlan, 301
Leadership Attributes Questionnaire, 21, 22 Madero, Francisco, 728
Leadership Behavior Description Questionnaire Madison, James, 477
(LBDQ-XII), 924 Madrid, 624, 626
Leadership prototypes, 1037–1038 Madrid peace conferences, 638
Leadership styles, 22, 23 Mahmud of Gazni, 973
Ledarskap (leadership), 57 Malaysia, 947
Lee Hsien Loong, 952 Månadens Affärer (Swedish business
Lee Kuan Yew, 947, 950, 960 magazine), 74
Legends, 262 Management
Swiss leadership figures and, 280–281 Spanish focus groups on, 645–646
Lemass, Séan, 363, 377, 382 Swedish conception of, 57–58
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1144 SUBJECT INDEX

Management (New Zealand magazine), 414 Mexico, 735, 737, 738–739

Management boards, in Austria, 116 Netherlands, 232–233
Management Today (English magazine), New Zealand, 414, 416–417
342, 355 Portugal, 606–610
Managers Russia, 823–825, 826–828
distinguished from leaders, 275–276, 1071 Singapore, 961–963
Finnish perceptions of, 99 South Africa, 445–446, 449–451, 459, 472
German terms for, 128 Spain, 643–645
as perceived in West Germany, 182, 183 Sweden, 59–62
Swedish conception of, 57, 58 Switzerland, 262
Mannerheim, Carl Gustaf, 76, 91–92, 93 Turkey, 839, 855–857
Maori, 397, 398, 399, 403, 412 United States, 522–524, 541, 542
Mao Zedong, 885 Melo, José, 589
Maquiladoras, 731 Mendoza, Antonio de, 725
Marañón, Gregorio, 669 Menem, Carlos, 662, 668, 676, 679–680
Marconi, 615 Menotti, César Luis, 680
“Marcos” (of the Zapatista Army for National Mentally disabled persons, in Colombia,
Liberation), 753 700–701
Maria Theresia, 110, 113 Menzies, Robert, 302n5, 311
Marijuana, 691 Merchant Adventurer leadership, 349–350, 351
Market economy, the Netherlands and, 227 Merchants, in Holland, 219, 222
Marriage Mercosur, 664
Colombia, 698 Meritocracy, England and, 337, 339
England, 340 Messolongi, 771
Finland, 89 Metaxas, Ioannis, 772
Marshall Plan, 478 Methodology
Masculinity for country chapters, 23–29
China, 889 integration of quantitative and qualitative
Colombia, 696 findings, 29–30
Portugal, 599 overall, 17–23
South African organizational culture, 467, 471 response bias, 29
United States, 482, 505 Mexico
Materialism, India and, 1034 Catholic Church and, 725–726, 731
“Mateship,” 309, 316 demographics, 730
Maurya, Chandragupta, 979 economy, 728–729, 730–731, 741
Maxwell, Robert, 350 education in, 732
Mbeki, Thabo, 438 empresarios, 724n2, 740, 741, 744
McClelland, David, 590 GLOBE Research Project
McLauchlan, Gordon, 408 future research areas, 757
Media analysis limitations, 757
Argentina, 680–682 methodology, 737, 740–745
Australia, 312–313, 314–318, 324, 325 survey questionnaires, 741–742
Austria, 119–120, 130–131 grupos empresariales, 732
Colombia, 705–707 historical overview, 725–732
England, 342–343, 355–356 institutionalization of firms, 745
Finland, 96–98 leadership
France, 561–563, 575 authoritarianism, 748–749, 754
Germany, 157, 180–182, 202 Autonomous, 753, 754–755, 757, 758
Greece, 790, 791 caudillos, 726–727, 734
guidelines for, 27–28 Charismatic/Value Based, 743, 751, 753,
Hong Kong, 929, 931–936 755, 758
India, 982, 987, 988, 1018–1020 CLT profile, 1061–1062
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SUBJECT INDEX 1145

collective problem solving, 743 Microsoft, 485

comparisons to other countries, 755–757 Middle East cluster, 833
directive, 736, 737, 758 leadership profiles, 1063–1064, 1069–1070
emerging themes in, 759–760 Middle managers
ethnographic interviews on, 743–745 defined, 21
family and kinship, 743–744, 758–759 generalizability across cultures, 10
GLOBE dimensions, 751–755 Migros, 259
historical and political leaders, 727–728, Milliyet (Turkish newspaper), 839
729–730 Ming Pao (Chinese newspaper), 929
Humane Oriented, 744, 753, 754, 755, 760 Min-max contracts, 244
influence of the U.S. on, 745 Minoan Civilization, 769
interpersonal relations and, 743, 759 Missionaries, Irish, 373
literature reviews, 735–737, 738–739 Mitarbeiter (follower), 128–129
Participative, 753, 754, 755, 759–760 Mitterand, François, 548
paternalism and, 755, 759 Mixed capitalism, Netherlands and, 223
patriarchal, 727, 744, 759 Mobile networks, Finland and, 81
Performance Orientation, 758 Mobile phone industry
personal networks and, 759 Greece, 777
personal relationships and, 744 Portugal, 614
Power Distance, 733–734, 742–743 Modesty
respect, 742, 743 Irish industry leadership, 390
Self-Protective, 753, 754–755, 757, 758, 1050 U.S. leadership, 518, 521
semistructured interviews and focus groups Monarchy, in modern England, 338
on, 742–743 Monochromatic time orientation, 484
supportive/relationship-oriented, 735–736, 737 Monopolism, Russia and, 807–808
Team Oriented, 751, 753–754, 755, 760 Monuments
traditional themes in, 758–759 in Ireland, 379–380
paternalism and, 755 See also Statues
recommendations for foreign leaders, 761 Moors, 626
religion and, 731 Morality
societal culture China, 885
Assertiveness, 747, 750 individualization and, 246
Collectivism, 736 U.S. organizational culture, 483
family, 732, 733, 749 Morelos, José María, 726
Future Orientation, 747, 750 Moskovsky Komsomoletz
Gender Egalitarianism, 748, 750, 760 (Russian newspaper), 823
GLOBE dimensions, 746 Mosquera, Tomas Cipriano de, 690
Humane Orientation, 748, 760 Motorway toll systems, 614
In-Group Collectivism, 733, 747–748, Mozarabic rite, 625
749–750, 758 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 109
Institutional Collectivism, 747–748 Mughal Empire, 973
interpersonal relationships, 734, 759 Muldoon, Robert, 401, 423
modern change and, 730–732, 734–735 Mulgan, John, 424
Performance Orientation, 745–746, 750, 760 Multiculturalism, implications of, 1082
Power Distance, 733–734, 748–749 Multinational corporations
shared features, 723–724 boundary-spanning societies and, 1031
social individualism, 734 in Singapore, 951
traditionalism, 733 Swedish-owned, 36
Uncertainty Avoidance, 750 Municipal rights, Dutch cities and, 218
unionism, 732 Mural (Mexican newspaper), 735
Mianzi (face), 884–885, 889 Muscovy, 806
Michelet, Jules, 550 Music, Austria and, 109
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1146 SUBJECT INDEX

Muslims, in Spain, 625, 626, 628 leadership

Mutual banks, in France, 554, 555, 556, 559 Autonomous, 235, 1048–1049
Mutualist organizations, in France, 554, CLT profile, 1055
559–560 gender differences on preferred attributes, 242
Mycenaean Civilization, 769 GLOBE questionnaire results, 237–240
Myths, Swiss leadership figures and, 280–281 historical figures, 217–218
interviews and focus groups on, 236–237
N interviews with CEOs, 233–236
key attributes, 223, 227
Naftemboriki (Greek newspaper), 790 managing flexibility, 245
Naipaul, V. S., 406 media analysis of, 232–233
Nalanda University, 972n perceptions of assertive leaders, 1068n
Narcissistic leadership, 552 poldermodel, 240, 241
Narcotics mafia, 691–692 postwar pattern in, 236
National Action Party (Mexico), 730, 731 public attitudes toward, 216
National Bank of Greece, 776 themes in societal culture affecting, 222–223
National Business Review (New Zealand loss of governmental authority in, 246
newspaper), 414 organizational culture, 230–232
National health insurance, in Sweden, 43 overview of, 215, 216–217
Nationalism professional management in, 235
Australia, 305 recommendations for foreign leaders, 247
Turkey, 845 societal culture
National Party (South Africa), 437–438, 439 contemporary transitions in, 230, 231–232
National pride egalitarianism, 240–241
Austria, 126 historical themes in, 222–223
New Zealand, 406–407 overview of, 223, 227, 228–230, 241
National Socialism, Germany and, 152, 153 unions, 227
Native Americans, 478, 482 workforce and unemployment, 216–217
Navarino, 771 Networks/Networking
Nazi Germany, 152, 153 Argentina, 684
Austria and, 111 Finnish leadership, 98
Negotiation Mexican leadership, 759
Colombian leadership and, 717, 718 Swiss leadership, 283
Irish society and, 374–375 Neue Zürcher Zeitung (Swiss newspaper), 262
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 980 Neutrality, Switzerland and, 254, 256
Neighborhoods, Argentina and, 669 New Democracy Party (Greece), 773
Nelson, Horatio, 341 Newsletters, Turkish leadership reflected in, 857
Nestlè, 259 Newsweek (magazine), 493
Netherlands New York Times (newspaper), 522
as a “boundary-spanning” society, 1030, 1049 New Zealand
action organizations, 245–246 comparisons to Australia, 407–408
“cultural revolution” of 1968, 225–226 cultural archetypes, 400–401, 423
cultural transition and, 230, 231–232 cultural identities and, 399
flexibility in organizations, 243–246 demographics, 397–398, 401
GLOBE Research Project economy, 400, 401–402, 407
future study areas, 242–243 financial services industry, 431
limitations, 241–242 food processing industry, 430–431
questionnaires, 228 foreign policy, 402–403
historical overview, 218–221 GLOBE Research Project
industrial relations after World War II, 223–228 limitations and future research areas, 424
international orientation in, 234 methodology, 403–404, 413–414
language, 216 governance, 399
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SUBJECT INDEX 1147

historical overview, 397–399, 401–402 Nobel, Alfred, 36

“Kiwi culture,” 398 Nokia, 78, 81
leadership Nokta (Turkish periodical), 839
between-country comparisons, 417–419 Nonparticipative leadership, in China, 900
factor analysis of leadership scales, Nordic Europe cluster, 31, 1053
419–422 Northern Company, 220
focus groups on, 413–416 Northern European countries. See Nordic
GLOBE scales, 417–422 Europe cluster
Humane Oriented, 1045 Northern Ireland, 363
Maori, 412 NRC/Handeslblad (Dutch newspaper), 232, 233
print media analysis of, 414, 416–417 Nuclear prohibition, New Zealand and, 403
profiles of, 417, 422–423, 1057 Núñez, Rafael, 704
research studies on, 411–413
semistructured interviews on, 414–416
societal culture and, 424–425 O
technical skills and, 1071
male cultural archetype, 400–401 Obedience, Confucianism and, 879
multicultural workforce, 423 Occupational sex segregation, in Hong Kong, 918
national identity, 398, 400 O Comérico do Porto
national pride, 406–407 (Portuguese newspaper), 606
recommendations for foreign leaders, Offentlighetsprincipen (“Principle of public
423–424 access to official records” ), 43
rural archetype, 423 Official records, public access to in Sweden, 43
societal culture Ogliastri, Enrique, 6
Assertiveness, 407–408 Olsen, Ken, 101
challenges to, 402 Olympic Games, 769
Egalitarianism, 399–400, 407, 410–411 Ombudsman systems, in Sweden, 43
Future Orientation, 409–410 Onassis, Aristotle, 792
GLOBE dimensions, 404–405 One-man-show leadership, in Turkey, 858–859
Humane Orientation, 410 One Nation Party (Australia), 303n9
important themes in, 410–411 Operational Programme for Human Resources
individualism, 408–409 Development (Ireland), 366
In-Group Collectivism, 408–409 Opium War, 880, 910
Institutional Collectivism, 405–406 Oppressive leadership, Germany and, 179
leadership and, 424–425 Optimus, 614
Performance Orientation, 406–407 Optus, 318, 319
Power Distance, 409 Oral communication, Irish society and, 374
profile of, 422 Order, China and, 891
Uncertainty Avoidance, 406 Orderly Organizer leadership, 349, 351
telecommunications industry, 431–432 O’Reilly, Tony, 377, 378, 382
New Zealand Business (magazine), 414 Organizational culture, Hofstede’s typology
New Zealand Herald (newspaper), 414 of, 593
New Zealand Institute for Economic Research Organizational leadership
(NZIER), 412 Austria, 135
New Zealand Post Office, 431, 432 defined, 6, 1037
Nezavisimaya Gazeta (Russian newspaper), Finland, 98
823–824 Organizational practices, measurement of, 20
Ngata, Apirana, 422 Organizational values, measurement of, 20
Ngee Ann City, 949 Organization of Telecommunication of Greece
Ngee Ann Kongsi, 949 (OTE), 777
“Niche banks,” 54n Osório, Luís, 607
Nike, 503 Österreichisches Erfinderschicksal, 127
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1148 SUBJECT INDEX

OTC, 318 Turkey, 1063–1064

Ottoman Empire United States, 514, 1043
Greece and, 770–771 Parts sociales (“social shares”), 554
Turkey and, 836, 838 A Passion for Excellence (Peters & Austin), 508
“Out of Africa” hypothesis, 434 Patel, Vallabhbhai, 980
Ow Chin Hock, 954 Paternalism
in French business, 551
P in Mexico, 733
Paternalistic leadership
Paasikivi, Juho Kusti, 92, 93 China, 902–903
Pacific Century Cyberworks, 934 Confucianism and, 879
Pakeha, 398, 399, 413 French, 553
Palatinate, 151 Hong Kong, 925
Palme, Olof, 37, 46, 113 Mexico, 755, 759
Panafon, 777 Turkey, 849, 851, 854, 855, 870
Panhellenic Socialist Party (Greece), 773 Patriarchal leadership, in Mexico, 727, 744, 759
Papadopoulos, George, 773 Patriarchal organizations, in Greece, 778
Papandreou, Andreas, 773 Patriarchy, China and, 903
Parachutage (“parachuting”), 552 Patriotism, in Austria, 126
“Parachuting,” 552 Patrón (lord of the manor), 673
Parental leave, in Sweden, 44 Patronage relationships, in Turkey, 848–849
Parent-child relationship, in China, 890 Patten, Chris, 911, 923
Parliamentary aristocracy, in the Netherlands, 221 Paul (apostle), 625
Parsonian dichotomies, 592 Peacekeeping, New Zealand and, 402–403
Participative leadership Pearse, Richard, 401
Anglo cluster, 1055–1058 Peloponnesian Wars, 769
Argentina, 1043 People’s Party (Austria), 111, 112
Austria, 130, 136–137, 1043 People’s Republic of China, 881
Colombia, 714, 717, 718 See also China
Confucian Asia cluster, 1064–1066 Peranakans, 950
cultural clusters and, 1042 Performance evaluations
cultural values associated with, 1042 Colombia, 699
defined, 1039 Netherlands, 226, 228
Eastern Europe cluster, 1062–1063 Sweden, 46
Finland, 1042–1043 Performance-Maintenance leadership theory, 923
France, 553, 559, 573574, 1043, 1058–1059 Performance Orientation, 4
Germanic Europe cluster, 107, 1053–1055 Australian finance industry, 326
Germany, 169, 170, 171, 172, 175, 1043 Australian societal culture, 305–306
Greece, 794, 1044 Australian telecommunications industry, 320
Hong Kong, 928 Austria, 127
India, 1066–1067 China, 886–888
Latin America cluster, 1060–1062 Colombian societal culture, 699–700
Mexico, 736, 753, 754, 755, 759–760 English organizational culture, 345, 346
Nordic Europe cluster, 1053 English societal culture, 340, 344
overall values for, 1099 Finland, 83, 84–85
relationship to face-saving and hierarchic- French organizational culture, 566
paternalistic leadership, 1052n French societal culture, 569
Russia, 820, 822 Germany, 159, 163
South Africa, 455–456 Greece, 780–781
South Africa (Black sample), 1067–1068 Hong Kong, 915, 919–920, 921
“species” of, 1042–1044 India, 989–990, 994
Sweden, 65 Irish organizational culture, 386
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SUBJECT INDEX 1149

Irish societal culture, 371–372, 376 Pippi Longstocking, 47

Mexico, 745–746, 750, 760 Planning
Netherlands, 228, 229, 230, 231 China, 881
New Zealand, 404, 406–407 East Germany, 199
Portugal, 594–595 South Africa, 461
Russia, 816, 817 strategic, 461
societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be” Turkey, 843–844
dimensions, 1093 Pluralism, Australian society and, 302–303
South African organizational culture, 460–461 Poldermodel, 240, 241
South African race-based comparison in, 465 Police. See Law enforcement
South African societal culture, 448, 450, 451, Political morality
460, 471 China, 885
Spain, 637–638 See also Morality
Sweden, 40, 46 Poly-chronic time, 465–467
Switzerland, 268–270 Portafolio (Colombian business newspaper), 705
Turkish organizational culture, 863–864 Portas, Paulo, 587
Turkish societal culture, 840, 841, 842 Porter, Michael, 366
United States, 499, 501, 508, 510 Portugal
Performance Oriented leadership demographics, 584, 589
Colombia, 716, 718 economy, 587–589
Finland, 95, 97 food industry, 613
Germany, 175 GLOBE Research Project
Ireland, 385 cultural change and, 1074
Mexico, 737, 758, 760 limitations, 616, 1080
New Zealand, 417 methodology, 594
Switzerland, 279 historical overview, 584–585
Turkey, 867 India and, 973–974
United States, 520, 523, 571 issues of cultural and national identity, 583–584
Pericles, 769 leadership
Perón, Evita, 680 cross-cultural empirical research on, 590–594
Perón, Juan, 660, 661, 679 cultural change and, 1074
Persian Empire, 769 empirical studies on, 600–606
Personal integrity. See Integrity in leadership in food and telecommunications industries,
Personal networks. See Networks/Networking 616, 617
Personal relationships media/discourse analysis of, 606–610
Argentina, 684 political leaders, 586–587
Greek leadership, 789 profiles of, 611–613, 1059
Mexican leadership, 744 quantitative study, 610, 611, 612
See also Interpersonal relationships; Social the media in, 606
relationships organizational culture, 615–616
Personnel development, in Sweden, 44–45 political leaders, 607–609
Persson, Göran, 43–44 political structure, 585–587
Pestalozzi, Heinrich, 279 research & development, 596
Peter the Great, 806 Revolution of Carnations, 584, 585, 591,
Philip II (king of Holland), 219 617–618
Philip II (king of Spain), 626 societal culture
Philosopher-kings, 979 Assertiveness, 599
Philotimo (love of honor), 779, 782, 789 Collectivism, 598–599
Philoxenia (hospitality), 783, 785 Future Orientation, 595–596
Phoenicians, 625 Gender Egalitarianism, 596–597
Physically disabled persons, in Colombia, 700–701 Humane Orientation, 597
Pierer, Henrich von, 163 modern values, 590
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1150 SUBJECT INDEX

Performance Orientation, 594–595 South African organizational culture, 462

Power Distance, 597–598 South African race-based comparison in, 468
profiles of, 600, 617–618 South African societal culture, 448–449,
structural change and, 589–590 450–451, 462, 471
Uncertainty Avoidance, 599–600 Spain, 640
South Africa and, 435 Sweden, 41, 46–47
telecommunications industry, 614–615 Swiss leadership, 277
Portugal Telecom (PT), 614 Swiss societal culture, 265–266
Poverty Turkey, 840, 841, 849–840, 869
Colombia, 701 U.S. leadership, 515
South Africa, 439 U.S. societal culture, 500, 502, 508–509, 510
Power Power Orientation
French leadership, 576 Argentina, 666
Irish leadership, 381 Charismatic/Value Based leadership
See also Power Orientation and, 1041
Power Distance, 4 Singapore, 957
Argentine leadership, 684 Practicality, U.S. society and, 484
Argentine societal culture, 669–670 Practical skepticism, 1077, 1078
Australian finance industry, 327 Pragmatic leadership, in Russia, 808
Australian societal culture, 309 Pragmatism
Austria, 123, 124–125 Australian politics and, 316
China, 891–892 Sweden and, 49–50
Colombia, 694, 697 Predatory leadership, in Russia, 808
defined, 46 Press, in Spain, 643
English leadership, 349 The Press (New Zealand newspaper), 414
English organizational culture, 345, Primary leadership dimensions, 1038
346, 352 Print media analysis. See Media analysis
English societal culture, 338–339, 344 Prison and Probation Service (Sweden), 45
Finland, 83, 84, 88 Prisons, in Colombia, 700
French leadership, 575 Privatization, Argentina and, 662
French organizational culture, 565 Procedural leadership
French societal culture, 568 East Germany, 174–175, 179
Germany, 153, 159, 161–162, 165, 166 Ireland, 386
Greece, 786–787 United States, 523
in Hofstede’s typology of leadership, 593 Proceso (Mexican magazine), 735
in Hofstede’s typology of organizational Professional development, in Turkey, 842
culture, 593 Progressive Era, 478
Hong Kong’s organizational culture, 922 Project teams, in Sweden, 64–65
Hong Kong’s societal culture, 915, 916 Protestantism
India, 991, 994 France, 549
Irish leadership, 381, 383 Germany, 151
Irish organizational culture, 388 Holland, 219, 220
Irish societal culture, 370, 376, 391 Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, 554
Mexican leadership, 733–734, 742–743 Prussia, 152
Mexican societal culture, 733–734, 748–749 PT Innovation, 615
Netherlands, 229, 230, 231 Public monuments
New Zealand, 405, 409, 424 in Ireland, 379–380
Portugal, 597–598 See also Statues
relationship with religion, 598 Publico (Portuguese newspaper), 606
Russia, 815, 817, 829 Público (Mexican newspaper), 735
Singapore, 956, 959 Publiekrechtelijke
societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be” Bedriffsorganisatie, 225n8
dimensions, 1089 Putin, Vladimir, 829
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SUBJECT INDEX 1151

Q Remplacant, 222
Renaissance, in Holland, 219
Q-sorting, 1039 Renqing, 879, 884, 889, 892, 899, 920
Q-Telecom, 777 Repertory grid interviews, 412
Quakers, 482 Research and development (R&D)
Qualitative methodology, 18, 24–29 Hong Kong, 919
Quality Circles (QCs), 951 Ireland, 372
Quantitative methodology, 17–23 Portugal, 596
Quote (Dutch magazine), 232 Spain, 629
Sweden, 39, 45
R Turkey, 842
Response bias, 29
Racism, Australia and, 302–303, 306 Revolutionary Institutional Party (Mexico), 728,
Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli, 979 729, 730, 731
Raffles, Sir Stamford, 947 Revolution of Carnations, 584, 585, 591, 617–618
Rangatira (to weave people together), 398 Rhaetians, 253
Rationalism Rhodes, Cecil, 342, 436–437
“French,” 567 Ribaud, Antoine, 550
Germany and, 152 “Rich points,” 73
Rationality Right of Public Access (Sweden), 42–43, 1035
Sweden and, 49–50 Risk avoidance
U.S. society and, 483 Singapore industry and, 954
Realism, Austrian leaders and, 135 Switzerland and, 264–265
Recruitment advertisements, in Hong Kong, 936 Risk taking
Red Cross. See International Committee of the Australian finance industry and, 326
Red Cross Hong Kong and, 916
Referenda Rituals, in India, 992
Austria, 125n Robinson, Mary, 361, 382, 391
Switzerland, 256–257 Roddick, Anita, 350
Reformation, 254 Rodriques, Amália, 583
Refugees “Role models,” Swedish conception of, 58
Austria and, 125–126 Roman Catholic Church
Ireland and, 373 France, 549
Switzerland and, 267 Germany, 151
Regional Estates (Holland), 218–219 Hong Kong, 911
Regulations Ireland, 363, 364
French leadership and, 575, 576 Mexico, 725–726, 731
Germany and, 167 Mozarabic rite, 625
Reich, Robert, 506–507 Spain, 627
Religion, 814 Roman Empire, 149, 151, 253, 770
Argentina, 668 Romanticism, Germany and, 152
Finland, 79 Ronda del mate, 670
Greece, 778 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 478, 489
Holland, 219, 220 Roosevelt, Theodore, 478
Hong Kong, 911 Rousfeti (personal favor to supporters), 774–775
India, 976 Rowlands, “Tiny,” 350
Mexico, 731 Rugby, 408, 460
relationship with Power Distance, 598 Ruiz-Quintanilla, S. Antonio, 6
South Africa, 462 Rules, French leadership and, 575, 576
Spain, 625, 627 Runeberg, J. L., 76
Switzerland, 254 Russia
United States, 481 business culture
See also specific faiths and churches entrepreneurial potential, 806–807
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1152 SUBJECT INDEX

historiography, 805 Salzburg Music Festival dispute, 138–139

monopolism and, 807–808 Sameness, Australian egalitarianism and, 300
recreating corporations, 808 Sampaio, Jorge, 586
Communist Party and, 814 Samper, Ernesto, 706
economic revitalization, 803–804 Samples/Sampling, 20–21
Finland and, 75–76 San, 434, 435
GLOBE Research Project Sanlam, 443n7
data collection, 809–811 “Sanskritisation,” 975
value of, 804 Santa Anna, Antonio López de, 727
historical overview, 806 Santander, Francisco de Paula, 690
leadership Santo, Espírito, 589
Autonomous, 821, 822 Saraiva de Carvalho, Otelo, 587
charismatic/value-based, 819, 822 Saramago, José, 583
contemporary factors affecting, 825, 892 SAT (Scholastic Assessment Test), 488
focus groups on, 810, 818–819 Satirical humor, English culture and, 338
GLOBE scales, 819–822 Satyagraha, 979–980
Humane Oriented, 820, 822, 1047 Saving(s)
media analysis of, 823–825, 826–828 Austria, 123
Participative Orientation, 820, 822 China, 888
philosophical types, 808 France, 568
profiles of, 822, 825, 829, 1063 New Zealand, 409
Self-Protective, 822, 1049 Portugal, 596
Team Orientation, 819–820, 822 Switzerland, 264
typologies, 809 United States, 504
recommendations for foreign managers, Savior leader
829–830 liabilities of, 528
societal culture United States, 497–498
Assertiveness, 815 Scenario planning, 461
contemporary factors affecting, 825, 892 Schmäh, 144
current trends in, 829 Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT), 488
Future Orientation, 816 School systems. See Education
Gender Egalitarianism, 814–815, 818 Schweizerische Radio- und
Humane Orientation, 817 Fernsehgesellschaft, 259
individualism, 814 Scott E. Meyers Award for Applied Research in
In-Group Collectivism, 812–814, 817–818 the Workplace, 1025
Institutional Collectivism, 812 Self-actualization, U.S. culture and, 482
overview of, 811–812 Self-Centeredness
Performance Orientation, 816, 817 East German leadership, 174–175
Power Distance, 815, 817, 829 Indian leadership, 996, 999
Uncertainty Avoidance, 816–817 Self-criticism, Greeks and, 781
vital statistics, 803 Self-improvement
Russian Orthodox Church, 806, 814 Chinese leadership and, 898
Rutherford, Ernest, 406, 422 United States and, 508
Rütli, 254 Self-Promoter leadership, 421, 422
Ruyter, Michiel de, 217 Self-Protective leadership
Anglo cluster, 1055–1058
S Austria, 130
China, 901–902
Sá Carneiro, Francisco, 586, 607 Confucian Asia cluster, 1064–1066
Safety. See Industrial health and safety cultural clusters and, 1049, 1050
Salazar, António de Oliveira, 584, 585, 591 cultural values and, 1049
Salinas de Gortari, Carlos, 729 defined, 1039
Saltsjöbaden-agreement, 37–38 Eastern Europe cluster, 1062–1063
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SUBJECT INDEX 1153

face-saving, 1050–1051 Shu Kingdom, 894

France, 573 Sima Guang, 894–895
Germanic Europe cluster, 1053–1055 Simpático, 743, 759
Germany, 171, 172, 175 Sinclair, Keith, 409
Greece, 794 Singapore
hierarchic-paternalistic, 1050, 1051–1052 clan associations, 948–949
Hong Kong, 928 compared to Hong Kong, 952
India, 1066–1067 declining entrepreneurial spirit and, 952–954
Latin America cluster, 1060–1062 demographics, 947–948
Latin Europe cluster, 1058–1060 economy, 950–951
Mexico, 753, 754–755, 757, 758, 1050 foreign firms and, 950–951
Nordic Europe cluster, 31, 1053 GLOBE Research Project, limitations and
overall values for, 1102 future research areas, 965–966, 1082
Russia, 822, 1049 historical overview, 947, 948
Singapore, 1051 leadership
South Africa, 456 Charismatic/Value Based leadership, 1041
South Africa (Black sample), 1067–1068 Face-saving, 1051
Turkey, 867–868, 1049, 1063–1064 focus group interviews on, 960–961
United States, 514 GLOBE questionnaire survey, 963–964
Self-Sacrificial leadership Humane Oriented, 964, 1045, 1078
Australia, 314, 323, 328 media analysis of, 961–963
Singapore, 963–964 prior research on, 958–959
Turkey, 867 profiles of, 962–963, 1066
United States, 517, 520, 523 Self-Protective, 1051
Semana (Colombian newspaper), 705 Peranakans and, 950
Semanário recommendations for foreign managers or
(Portuguese newspaper), 606 leaders, 966–967
Semanário Económico societal culture
(Portuguese newspaper), 606 boundary-spanning characteristics,
Semistructured interviews 1030–1031
Austria, 118, 119 Chinese values in, 948–949
Germany, 158 effects of government involvement on,
India, 982, 983–986, 1013 951–954, 965
Ireland, 380–382 Future Orientation, 956
Mexico, 740, 742–743 Gender Egalitarianism, 956
New Zealand, 414–416 Humane Orientation, 957
Sweden, 73 In-Group Collectivism, 957–958
Switzerland, 261, 275–281 Institutional Collectivism, 956–957
West Germany, 182, 183 kiasuism, 954
Sepharad, 623 Power Distance, 956, 959
Sephardic Jews, 625–626, 628, 640 Power Orientation, 957
Servant leadership model, 482 profile of, 958
Service-oriented societies, Sweden, 38 Uncertainty Avoidance, 952–954, 955–956,
Sevareid, Eric, 509 1031, 1078
The Seven Habits of Highly Effective Leaders “trader’s mentality” in, 949
(Covey), 508 Singapore Bulletin (government publication), 961
Shaka, 436 Singapore Business Review (magazine), 961
Shakespeare, William, 335, 488 Singapore 21 Committee, 958
Shanghai, 886 Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan
Shareholders, 554–555 Associations, 949
Shares, 554–555 Single European Market, 358
Shell Petroleum Company, 245, 246 Single households, in Sweden, 47
Sheppard, Kate, 422 Single-issue nongovernmental organizations, 246
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1154 SUBJECT INDEX

Skepticism, practical, 1077, 1078 quantitative dimensions, 3–4

Slavery, South Africa and, 435 subcultures, 1031–1032
Snellman, J. V., 76 Society of Friends, 482
Soares, Mário, 585, 586, 608 Soledad, María, 681
Social and Economic Council (Netherlands), Solidargemeinschaft (solidarity community),
224–225 164, 165
Social Collectivism, in Mexico, 747 Solidarity, Switzerland and, 267
Social competence, Austrian leaders and, Solidarity community, 164, 165
135–136 Solitude, 47
Social Democratic Party (Sweden), 36, 37 SONAE, 614
Social Democrats (Austria), 111, 112 Sonntagsausflug, 127
Social economy, in France, 568 South Africa
Social exchange theory, 1038 Afrikaner nationalism, 436, 437
Social individualism, Mexican society and, 734 apartheid, 437–438
Socialism, China and, 881, 893 Black economic empowerment, 439, 443
Socialist Unitary Party (East German), 169, 199 demographics, 439–440
Socially concerned individualism, 48–49 education, 460
Social market economy GLOBE Research Project
Germany, 148–149 adapted questionnaire, 464–465
West Germany, 198 future research directions, 463–464
Social mobility, in Greece, 779 limitations, 463
Social networks. See Networks/Networking methodology, 443–446
Social oriented leadership historical overview, 434–439
Mexico, 737 industrial relations, 440–443
Russia, 808 labor laws, 440, 441–443
Social partnership model, in Austria, 115–116 leadership
Social relationships definition of a leader, 457
China, 883–885 Eurocentric vs. Afrocentric, 464–470
Confucianism and, 879 future research directions, 463–464
guanxi, 884, 889, 938, 1033 Humane Oriented, 456, 1045
Ireland, 374 human resource issues and, 453–454
See also Interpersonal relationships; Personal prior research on, 452–454
relationships profiles of, 460, 471–472, 1058
Social representations, 570 qualitative study results, 456–459
Social security quantitative study results, 454–456
Netherlands, 224 roles and behaviors of leaders, 457–458
New Zealand, 410 managers, 458–459, 469–470
“Social shares,” 554 organizational culture dimensions, 460–462, 463
Social skills, Finns and, 102 overview of, 433
Social status. See Status post-apartheid, 438–439
Social welfare, in Germany, 164–165 poverty in, 439
Societal collectivism, French, 568–569 recommendations for foreign managers, 464
Societal culture societal culture
boundary-spanning societies, 1030–1031 Assertiveness, 446, 451, 470
cluster-typical societies, 1030 Collectivism, 446–447, 450, 452,
collectivist societies, 1032–1036 462–463, 471
culture clusters, 1028–1030 Future Orientation, 447, 450, 451, 461, 471
culture-specific and culture-general Gender Egalitarianism, 449, 451, 461
approaches to, 1027 Humane Orientation, 449, 451, 462, 471
evolution and, 1036 media analysis of, 449–451
leadership and, 252 Performance Orientation, 448, 450, 451,
modal values and practices, 1027, 1028 460, 471
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SUBJECT INDEX 1155

Power Distance, 448–449, 450–451, meaning of Hispanic, 623

462, 471 the media and, 643
profile of, 470–471 recommendations for foreign leaders, 650–652
quantitative study results, 446–449 societal culture
Uncertainty Avoidance, 448, 451, 452, 471 Assertiveness, 638
White dominance in management, 433, 452 Future Orientation, 638
South Africa (Black sample), leadership profile, Gender Egalitarianism, 639
1067–1068 GLOBE dimensions, 637–641
South African Native National Congress Humane Orientation, 639–640
(SANNC), 437 In-Group Collectivism, 640, 651
South African Republic, 436 Institutional Collectivism, 638–639
South China Morning Post (Hong Kong perceptions of leadership and, 648–649
newspaper), 936 Performance Orientation, 637–638
Southern Asia cluster, 969 Power Distance, 640
leadership profiles, 1066–1067 results from industry sectors, 641–642
Soviet Union, 76 Uncertainty Avoidance, 640–641
Sowetan (South African newspaper), 445 Spanish Civil War, 627
Soziale Marktwirtschaft (social market Sparbuch (savings account), 123
economy), 148–149, 198 Sparta, 769
Sozialistische Einheistpartei Deutschland, Spielberg, Steven, 489
169, 199 Sports
Spain Colombia, 697, 701
conquest and colonization of Mexico, New Zealand, 407, 408
725–726 United States, 488–489
1981 coup d’état attempt, 633, 648 Springer, Axel, 187, 188
democratization process and, 651 Stadtholder, 218
demographics, 629 Ståhlberg, K. J., 76
economy, 629–630 Stamps, in Ireland, 379
financial services industry, 630, 641–642 Standard Bank, 443n6
food-processing industry, 631, 641–642 StarTV, 934
geography, 628 Stasi, 200
GLOBE Research Project Staten Generaal (Estate General), 219
future research areas, 649, 650 State-oriented leadership, in Turkey, 858
limitations, 649–650 State ownership, Chinese economy and, 881
methodology, 636 State socialism, China and, 881, 893
government, 629 Statues
historical names for, 623 Ireland, 379–380
historical overview, 624–628 Swiss leadership figures and, 280
Holland and, 219 Status
leadership Confucianism and, 879
beliefs underlying, 652 Hong Kong, 916, 920
criticism of charismatic leaders, 1081 India, 974–975, 992
cultural context and, 648–649 Ireland, 370
focus groups on, 645–647 Turkey, 849–850
GLOBE dimensions, 642–643, 644 Status Consciousness
interviews on, 647–648 East German leadership, 174–175
media analysis of, 643–645 New Zealand leadership, 419
prior research on, 631–636 Status quo, Turkey and, 843
profile of, 1060 Status symbols
terms used for, 645 Austria, 124
Madrid peace conferences, 638 U.S. business culture and, 509
management, 645–646 Stauffacher, Werner, 279
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1156 SUBJECT INDEX

Steel industry, Austria and, 114 in a global perspective, 55–57

Steinbrenner, George, 503 changing institutional context for, 39
Straight Talker leader, 421, 422 focus groups and ethnographic interviews
Straits Chinese, 950 on, 57–59, 72–73
Strait Times (Singaporean newspaper), 961 Humane Oriented, 31
Strategic planning implicit model among middle managers,
South Africa and, 461 51–57
See also Planning industry differences in, 52–55
Strauß, Johann, Jr., 109 media analysis of, 59–62
Strauß, Johann, Sr., 109 political, 62
Street names, Swiss leadership figures and, as primus inter pares, 66
279–280 profiles of, 62–64, 1053
Strikes recent and future trends, 66–67
France, 568–569 in relation to cultural characteristics,
South Africa, 441, 442 64–66
Student-teacher relationship, in Turkey, 844 social ideology and, 33–34
“The Study of Power and Democracy in modern institutional conditions affecting
Sweden,” 37 industry, 38
Suarez, Adolfo, 628 “New Economy,” 33
Subcultures rationality and pragmatism in, 49–50
issues of sampling, 1031–1032 socially concerned individualism, 48–49
leadership profiles and, 1070–1071 societal culture
Sub-Saharan Africa cluster, 1023 Assertiveness, 40, 47–48, 50
leadership profiles, 1067–1068 Collectivism, 1035
Sudern (complaining), 144 cultural evolution and, 1036
Sudras, 974 Future Orientation, 41, 44–45, 49
Suffrage Gender Egalitarianism, 40, 43–44
Australia, 308 Humane Orientation, 41, 42, 45–46
Finland, 87 In-Group Collectivism, 40, 47, 48
The Sunday Independent (South African news- Institutional Collectivism, 40, 42–43, 48,
paper), 445 1035, 1036
Sunter, Clem, 461 overview of, 40–42
Sun Yat-sen, 880 Performance Orientation, 40, 46
Superstition, Argentina and, 668 Power Distance, 41, 46–47
Supervision, Austrian leadership and, 137–138 in relation to leadership, 64–66
Supervisory boards, in Austria, 116 Uncertainty Avoidance, 43, 1078
Supportive/relationship-oriented leadership, in welfare state, 36–39
Mexico, 735–736, 737, 759 Swedish Employer’s Confederation, 37–38
Sutherland, Peter, 375 Swedish Institute, 35n
Sweden “the Swedish model,” 36–38
consensus in, 50, 65 Swedish Trade Union Confederation, 37–38
demographics, 34 Swisscom, 259
economic overview, 34, 38–39 Swiss Confederation, 254, 256, 284
Finland and, 75, 80, 101 See also Switzerland
GLOBE Research Project Swiss Radio and Television Company, 259
methodology, 71–74 Switzerland
questionnaire distribution, 40 demographics, 253
governance, 34, 36 economic system overview, 257–258
historical overview, 34–35 European integration and, 255
industrialization, 35–36 financial services industry, 258–259
leadership food processing industry, 259
from within, 51–57 geography, 253
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SUBJECT INDEX 1157

German-speaking managers, 191 Tasman, Abel, 398

GLOBE Research Project Tata, Jamsetji Nusserwanji, 981
future research areas, 283–285 Tata, JRD, 981
limitations, 283 Taxation/Tax systems
methodology, 259–262, 291–295 Finland, 77
practical implications, 282–283 Germany, 167
historical overview, 253–255 Sweden, 42, 1035
leadership Taxsila University, 972n
Autonomous, 1048 Taylorian leadership model, 552–553
“Great Leader” construct, 1048 Teacher evaluations, in Colombia, 699
popular views of, 266 Teacher leader, U.S. culture and, 498
profiles of, 282–283, 1054–1055 Team Integrator
qualitative study results, 275–281 Finnish leadership, 100
quantitative study results, 271–275 Turkish leadership, 867
neutrality and, 254, 256 U.S. leadership, 516, 520
per capita gross national product, 257 Team Oriented leadership
political decision making in, 271 Anglo cluster, 1055–1058
political system and institutions, 256–257, 284 as a universal dimension, 1041
presidency, 257, 277, 284 Austria, 130
sampling of subcultures, 1031, 1032 China, 901
societal culture Confucian Asia cluster, 1064–1066
activity orientation, 268–271 cultural values and, 1041
Assertiveness, 270–271 defined, 1039
Collectivism, 268 Eastern Europe cluster, 1062–1063
Future Orientation, 263–264 Finland, 94–95
Gender Egalitarianism, 266 France, 573, 574
Humane Orientation, 267 Germanic cluster, 1053–1055
ideal, 282 Germany, 171, 172, 175, 177
Performance Orientation, 268–270 Greece, 794
Power Distance, 265–266 Hong Kong, 927–928
questionnaire data results, 262–263 India, 1066–1067
relational orientation, 265–268 Ireland, 385, 389
Uncertainty Avoidance, 264–265 Latin America cluster, 1060–1062
telecommunications industry, 259 Latin Europe cluster, 1058–1060
women in, 255, 266 Mexico, 751, 753–754, 755, 760
Symbolic leadership, in Turkey, 856, 859 New Zealand, 420–421
Synchronic time, 465–467 Nordic Europe cluster, 31, 1053
“System D,” 566 overall values for, 1098
Russia, 819–820, 822
T South Africa, 454–455
South Africa (Black sample), 1067–1068
Tacitus, 149 Sweden, 64–65
Taipans (billionaires), 920, 923 Switzerland, 276
Tal e Qual (Portuguese newspaper), 606 Turkey, 867, 1063–1064
“Tall poppy” syndrome United States, 514
Australia, 310, 316, 330 Teams/Teamwork
Greece, 781 Finland, 86, 94, 102
New Zealand, 399–400, 407 Sweden, 64–65
Talouselämä (Finnish magazine), 96 Technical competence, German leadership and,
Taoiseach, 377 169, 170
Taoism, 888 Technology, Finland and, 78
Task conflict, Germany and, 167, 178 Telecel, 614
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1158 SUBJECT INDEX

Telecom (Australia), 318 Traditionalism, Mexican society and, 733

TELECOM (Colombia), 691 Training and development, in Turkey, 842
Telecom Corporation (New Zealand), 432 Transformational leadership, Australia and,
Telecommunications Act (Sweden), 53n 309–310
Telecommunications industry Transparency, German leadership and, 182, 183,
Australia, 318–323 184–185
Colombia, 690–691 Treaty of Berlin, 771
Finland, 78, 81, 85, 95, 96 Treaty of Nanking, 880
generalizability across cultures, 10 Treaty of Neilly, 772
GLOBE Research Project and, 21 Treaty of Paris, 76
Greece, 777 Treaty of Sevres, 772
Hong Kong, 922, 945–946 Treaty of Waitangi, 398
New Zealand, 431–432 Treaty of Westphalia, 254
Portugal, 614–615 Trekboers, 435–436
Sweden, 36, 53–54 Trud (Russian newspaper), 824
Switzerland, 259 Truman, Harry S., 487
Telephone companies, in Finland, 78 Trust, Turkish society and, 845–846
Telestet, 777 Tung Chee-Hwa, 913, 918, 931, 933–934
Televerket, 53n Turkey
Telkom, 443n5 business structure, 838
Telstra, 318–319, 320, 322 current state of, 836
Temporary employment, in Finland, 88 demographics, 835
Thatcher, Margaret, 338, 382 economic environment, 837–838
Third Reich, 153 education, 839, 842, 844
Thirty Year War, 151–152 European Union and, 836
Thorbecke, Johan Rudollf, 221, 223 financial services sector, 861–868
Time (magazine), 522, 929 food-processing industry, 862–868
Time orientation geography, 835
Argentina, 684 GLOBE Research Project
Austria, 122 future research areas, 868
Colombia, 697–698 limitations, 868, 1080
Finland, 89 methodology, 839–840
Greece, 78 Greece and, 774
India, 992 historical overview, 835, 836–837
lineal, 504 human development practices, 839
Mexico, 733 Islam and, 861–862
monochromatic, 484 Islamism and, 836, 838
nonlineal, 465–467 leadership
South Africa, 465–467 administrator, 858
United States, 484, 504 an ideal leader profile, 852–853
The Times of India (newspaper), 982, 983 autocratic, 853–854
Timidity, Sweden and, 50 Autonomous, 1063–1064
Titles, in Austria, 124 collective-achievement orientation,
TMN, 614 857–868
Tocqueville, Alexis de, 481, 482, 550–551 consultative, 854–855, 870
Toll systems, 614 in financial services and food-processing
Toni Lait, 259 sectors, 866–868
Torvald, Linus, 78 focus groups on, 839
Totalitarian regimes, Portugal and, 591 Humane Oriented, 867, 1063–1064
Tourism, Spain and, 630 integrity and, 858
To Vima (Greek newspaper), 790 media analysis of, 839, 855–857
Trade unions. See Unions one-man-show, 858–859
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SUBJECT INDEX 1159

paradoxical characteristics of, 871 French organizational culture, 565

paternalistic, 849, 851, 854, 855, 870 French societal culture, 566
political and industrial leaders, 850–851 Germany, 153, 155, 159, 161, 162, 165, 166,
profiles of, 870, 1063–1064 167, 1078
public attitudes toward leaders, 851 government involvement in society and, 954
qualitative studies, 851–859 Greece, 787–788
quantitative study, 859–861 in Hofstede’s typology of organizational
Self-Protective, 1049 culture, 593
state-oriented, 858 Hong Kong’s organizational culture, 922
symbolic, 859 Hong Kong’s societal culture, 916
legal system, 836, 837 India, 991
nationalism and national pride, 845 Irish leadership, 383
organizational culture, 862–868, 869–870 Irish organizational culture, 388
political system, 838 Irish societal culture, 374, 376
recommendations for leaders, 870–871 Mexico, 750
societal culture Netherlands, 229, 231
Assertiveness, 840, 841, 842, 844–845, 869 New Zealand, 404, 406
Collectivism, 1034–1035 Portugal, 599–600
family, 844, 846, 869, 1034 questions about future changes in, 1078
Future Orientation, 840, 841, 843–844, 869 Russia, 816–817
Gender Egalitarianism, 840, 841, 847–848 Singapore, 952–954, 955–956, 1031, 1078
GLOBE dimensions, 840–842, 869 societal culture “As Is” and “Should Be”
Humane Orientation, 840, 841, 848–849 dimensions, 1088
In-Group Collectivism, 840, 841, 842, South African organizational culture, 463
846–847, 869, 1034–1035 South African race-based comparison in,
Institutional Collectivism, 841, 845–846, 468–469
1034, 1035 South African societal culture, 448, 451,
overview of, 869 452, 471
Performance Orientation, 840, 841, 842 Spain, 640–641
Power Distance, 840, 841, 849–840, 869 Sweden, 40, 43, 49, 1078
Uncertainty Avoidance, 840, 841, 850 Swiss leadership, 279
Turkish Independence War, 845 Swiss societal culture, 264–265
Türkiye (Turkish newspaper), 839 Team Oriented leadership and, 1041
Turner, Ted, 489 Turkish organizational culture, 865
Turkish societal culture, 840, 841, 850
U U.S. leadership, 515
U.S. societal culture, 499, 500, 509–510, 510
UBS, 258 Unconscious motives, 4–5
Uncertainty Avoidance, 4 “Underdogs,” 316, 482
Argentina, 670–671 Understanding Global Cultures (Gannon), 503
Australian finance industry, 326 Unemployment
Australian societal culture, 306 Australia, 316–317
Australian telecommunications industry, Finland, 78
320–321 Spain, 629
Austrian leadership, 135 Sweden, 38
Austrian societal culture, 122–123 Union of South Africa, 437
China, 891 Unions
Colombia, 694–696, 697–698 Argentina, 658, 661
English organizational culture, 345, 346, 352 Austria, 116
English societal culture, 344 England, 338
Finland, 83, 84, 89 Finland, 86
French leadership, 575 France, 550
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1160 SUBJECT INDEX

Ireland, 375 profiles of and observations on, 490,

Mexico, 732 496–497, 511–512, 524, 1058
Netherlands, 227 research areas and preoccupations, 491–493
New Zealand, 402 structured interviews on, 515–519, 539
South Africa, 436, 441, 442 suggestions for making cross-cultural com-
Sweden, 42 parisons, 526–527
United Nations, Switzerland and, 255 New Zealand and, 402
United States societal culture
business culture Assertiveness, 499, 503, 510
Assertiveness, 503 etic comparisons, 499–503
Gender Egalitarianism, 504–505 Future Orientation, 499, 502, 504, 510
In-Group Collectivism, 506–507 Gender Egalitarianism, 499, 502,
layoffs and, 506–507, 510 504–505, 511
Power Distance, 509 GLOBE cultural scales, 537
firms in Singapore, 951 Humane Orientation, 505–506, 510
GLOBE Research Project In-Group Collectivism, 500, 506, 511
demographic data, 536 Institutional Collectivism, 499, 507–508
future research areas, 529–530 Performance Orientation, 499, 501, 508, 510
limitations, 529, 1080 Power Distance, 500, 502, 508–509, 510
strengths, 528–529 profiles of, 482–484, 501–503, 510–511
historical overview, 476–479 themes and tensions affecting leaders,
influence on leadership in Mexico, 745 479–484
leaders appreciated in, 101 Uncertainty Avoidance, 499, 500, 509–510
leadership strengths and influence of, 475
age and, 490 U.S. Peace Corps, 506
Autonomous, 514, 523, 1049 United Way, 505
changes in prototypes, 1075 The Universal History (Michelet), 550
characteristics that may guide Universalism, French, 549–550
others, 527 Universal suffrage, in Australia, 308
comparisons between GLOBE and Universities, in Colombia, 699, 701–702
qualitative results, 540 Unobtrusive measurements, 28–29
correlation with cultural orientations, Untergebene (subordinates), 129
515, 538 Upenski Cathedral, 79
cultural themes and tensions affecting, Upham, Charles, 414, 415
479–484 U.S. News & World Report (magazine), 490, 493
focus groups on, 519–522 USA Today (newspaper), 522
formal education and, 490
globalization and, 494–495 V
heroic warrior image, 497–498
historical context, 476–479 Vaisyas, 974, 975
Humane Oriented, 514, 517, 521, Value Based leadership, in Germany, 171, 172
1044–1045 Value idealism, 1077, 1078
“ideal leader” profile, 525–526 Values, cultural, 1027, 1028
interpersonal relationships and, 490 Van Heutsz, Johannes, 217–218
leadership scales results, 511–515 Van Oldenbarnevelt, Johan, 217
male-female debate, 493–494 van Riebeeck, Jan, 435
media analysis of, 522–524, 541, 542 van Wyk, Marius, 6
notions of individuality and, 495–496 Varnas, 974
outstanding individuals, 485–491 Vasa, Gustav, 35
overemphasis on individuality, 527–528 Veckans Affärer (Swedish business magazine), 74
Participative, 1043 Velasco, Luis de, 725
personal failings and, 490–491 Venizelos, Eleftherios, 772, 792
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SUBJECT INDEX 1161

Viceroys, in Mexico, 725–726 Singapore, 949

Vienna, 111, 115 Wei Kingdom, 894
Vienna Philharmonic Orchestra, 138–139 Weinstock, Arnold, 349
Vietnam War, Australia and, 304 Welch, John F., Jr. “Jack,” 485–486, 490
Viking Age, 35 Welfare state
Villa, Francisco, 728 England, 340
Violence, in Colombia, 699 Finland, 77
Virtues, Confucianism and, 879 Netherlands, 224
Visão (Portuguese newspaper), 606 New Zealand, 410
Visigoths, 625 Swedish, 36–39
Visionary leaders, U.S. culture and, 498 Welfare systems
Visionary leadership Australia, 306–307, 308
Australia, 315 Ireland, 373
Austria, 134–135 Weltwoche (Swiss newspaper), 262
China, 897–898 West Germany
Colombia, 713–714, 716, 718 creation of, 153
England, 348, 350 East vs. West polarization and, 201
Finland, 95, 97, 100 GLOBE Research Project
Germany, 188 interviews and focus groups, 158
Ireland, 381, 382 job advertisement analysis, 158, 186,
Netherlands, 235 188, 203
New Zealand, 417 media analysis, 157, 202
Sweden, 59 questionnaire sample size and
Turkey, 856 characteristics, 155–157
United States, 484, 516, 520, 523 industrial relations in, 198
Vodafone, 777 issues of sampling, 1031, 1032
Volunteering, U.S. society and, 505 job requirements for executive positions,186, 188
Voortrekkers, 436 leadership
Vrij Nederland (Dutch magazine), 232 bureaucratic, 178–179
Vroom-Yetton model, 130, 138 charismatic, 177
comparative analysis of leadership
W scores, 213
comparative studies in, 170
Wage-bargaining, in West Germany, 198 factor analysis results, 204–212
Wage gap, in Turkey, 848 first-order dimension, 173, 174, 175
Wage policy, the Swedish model and, 37 focus groups on, 184–186
Wahlen, Friedrich, 269 the Humble Collaborator, 177–178
Waitangi Tribunal, 398–399 individualistic, 178
Waldheim, Kurt, 109n interviews on, 182, 183
Waldstätte pact, 254 media analysis of, 180–182
The Wall Street Journal (newspaper), 522 mixed types, 179–180
Walter, D., 504 participative, 169
War on Drugs (Colombia), 692 popular leaders, 158, 161
Warrior-kings, 979 post-reunification research in, 169, 170
Warrior leader, U.S. culture and, 497–498 profiles of, 175, 176
Washington, George, 477 regression analysis of leadership scores, 214
Watson, Thomas, Jr., 486 “should be” qualities, 160
Wattie, James, 411 specific business and political leaders,
Wattie’s Foods, 411 187–188, 188–189
Watzlawick, Paul, 112–113 paradox of social welfare and economic suc-
Wealth cess in, 166–167
Hong Kong society and, 916, 920, 939 political system in, 198
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1162 SUBJECT INDEX

reunification and, 154–155, 200 Work conditions, 244

social market economy, 198 Work content, 243
societal culture Workers’ councils, in Germany, 149
Assertiveness, 162–163 Work ethic, Australia and, 316–317
Future Orientation, 163 Workplace laws, Austria and, 123
Institutional Collectivism, 163 Workplaces, 243
overview of, 159, 160, 161 Works Council Act (Netherlands), 225
similarities with East Germany, 165–166 Works councils
Uncertainty Avoidance, 162 Austria, 116
See also Germany Netherlands, 225, 226, 228
West Indies Company, 220 Work time, Netherlands, 244
White Australia Policy, 303 World War I
Wholesale banking industry, in Australia, 324 Australia, 304
Who’s Who in America, 508 Austria, 110
Wiehahn Commission, 442 Greece, 772
Wilhelmina (queen of the Netherlands), 218 World War II
William, Prince of Orange, 217, 219, 220 Australia, 304
William I (king of the Netherlands), 218, 221 Austria, 111
William III (king of the Netherlands), 217 Germany, 153
William Tell, 278n35, 279 Greece, 772
Wilson, Henry Lane, 728 Netherlands, 221, 223
Wingquist, Sven, 36 New Zealand, 402
Winkelried, Arnold, 279 Switzerland, 269
Winthrop, John, 480 United States, 478
Wirtschaftswoche (German newspaper), 157 World Wide Web, 1082
Wochenpost (German newspaper), 157 Wu, Gordon, 933, 935
Women Wu-lun, 938
Argentina, 668, 680 Württemberg, 151
Australia, 308
Austria, 125 X
China, 889, 890
Colombia, 696, 698–699 Xhosa, 436
England, 337, 339–340, 350
Finland, 87 Y
France, 565, 567–568
Greece, 785 Yeats, William B., 361
Hong Kong, 917–918, 921 Yrigoyne, Hipólito, 659
India, 990 Yung, Larry, 933, 935
Ireland, 371, 373, 378, 391
Mexico, 731, 732, 748 Z
Netherlands, 229, 234
New Zealand, 403, 412 Zapata, Emiliano, 728
Portugal, 587, 596–597 Zedillo, Ernesto, 729
Russia, 814–815 Zero hours contracts, 244
South Africa, 461, 462 Zhou Dynasty, 878
Spain, 639 Zhou Enlai, 895–896, 960
Sweden, 43–44 Zhou Gong, 878
Switzerland, 255, 266 Zhu-Ge Liang, 894
Turkey, 847–848, 856, 864 Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek, 436, 437
United States, 493–494, 504–505, 506 Zwingli, Huldrych, 254