THE FATHERS

OF THE CHURCH
A NEW TRANSLATION

VOLUME 63
 THE FATHERS
OF THE CHURCH
A NEW TRANSLATION

Roy JOSEPH DEFERRARI

Editorial Director Emeritus

EDITORIAL BOARD

BERNARD M. PEEBLES PAUL J. MORIN

The Catholic University of America The Catholic University of America
Editorial Director Managing Editor

ROBERT P. RUSSELL, O.S.A. THOMAS P. HALTON

Villanova University The Catholic University of America

tMARTIN R. P. MCGUIRE WILLIAM R. TONGUE

The Catholic University of America The Catholic University of America

HERMIGILD DRESSLER, O.F.M. SR. M. JOSEPHINE BRENNAN, I.H.M.

The Catholic University of America Marywood College

MSGR. JAMES A. MAGNER REDMOND A. BURKE, C.S.V.

The Catholic University of America The Catholic University of America
IBERIAN FATHERS
VOLUME 2

BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA
F Rue TUOSUS OF BRAGA

Translated by
CLAUDE W. BARLOW
Clark University
Worcester, Massachusetts

THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS

Washington. D. C. 20017
NIHIL OBSTAT:

JOHN C. SELNER, S.S., S.T.D.

Censor Librorum

IMPRIMATUR:

IIcPATRICK CARDINAL A. O'BOYLE, D.D.

Archbishop of Washington

January 22, 1969

The nihil obstat and imprimatur are official declarations that a book or
pamphlet is free of doctrinal or moral error. No implication is contained
therein that those who have granted the nihil obstat and the imprimatur
agree with the content, opinions, or statements expressed.

Library of Congress Catalog Card No.: 70·80270

SBN #8132·0063·6

Copyright © 1969 by
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA PRESS, INC.
A II rights reserved
 CONTENTS
Page

BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

Introduction 3

Bibliography II

Letters ...................................... . 15

Life of St. Emilian ........................... . 113

List of the Books of Isidore ..................... . 140

FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

Introduction 145

Bibliography 154

Rule for the Monastery of Compludo. . . . . . . . . . .. 155

General Rule for Monasteries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 176

Pact ......................................... 207
Letter to King Receswinth. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 210

Monastic Agreement

Introduction 215

Bibliography 216
Text .................................... . 217

INDICES 223
v
 WRITINGS OF
BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA
 INTRODUCTION

~
T. BRAULIO IS CONCEDED by all to have been the best
. writer in Spain at the middle of the seventh century
and second only to Isidore in all of Visigothic litera-
ture. The sources for the facts of his life are, in addition to his
own works, some letters from Isidore, included in the present
translation; some poems of his close associate Eugene II, later
Bishop of Toledo;1 also a chapter in the biographical work
On Famous Men by Ildefonse. 2 The earliest full biography
of Braulio was written in the thirteenth century, is full of
fanciful stories composed for propaganda, and must be dis-
regarded in a genuine historical account. 3
Braulio was of an illustrious family, born probably about
585 to 590, most likely in Osma or Saragossa, though occasion-
ally he shows a special knowledge of ecclesiastical customs in
Gerona. It is known that his father, Gregory, was a bishop;
hence, he may have been the Bishop of Osma of that name.
Braulio had an older brother, John, born about 580, long a
resident of Saragossa and bishop there from 619 until his
death in 631. There was another brother, Fronimian, abbot of
the monastery of St. Emilian in the Rioja. Braulio had a
sister, Pomponia, who was an abbess, and a sister, Basilia, the
wife of a nobleman. He refers to both of his brothers as his
teachers and appears to have outlived all of his family with the
possible exception of Fronimian.
1 F. Vollmer, ed., "Eugenii Toletani episcopi cannina," Mor/llil/ento
Germaniae Historica, Auct. Ant. 14 (Berlin 1915) 229-91.
2 IIdephonsi episcopi Toletani De viris illustribus 12 (PL 96,195-206).
3 C. H. Lynch, Saint Braulio, Bishop of Saragossa (631 -651): His Life
and Writings (Washington 1938) 7-8.
3
4 RRAULJO OF SARAGOSSA

Braulio's first formal education may have been with his

father, and it was apparently continued under his brother
John, who by 610 was superior of the monastery of the
Eighteen Martyrs near Saragossa. ''Yhile in his twenties,
Braulio spent several years with Isidore in the religious
school conducted by that famous savant in Seville. The close
relation and affection between these two is indicated in
letters of theirs which have been preserved. The exact date at
which Braulio left Seville and returned to Saragossa to serve
as archdeacon under his brother John is one of the points
disputed by modern scholars, but I am inclined to follow
almost completely the chronology set up by Msgr. C. H. Lynch,
according to which Braulio left Seville in 619 or 620. 4 He
returned to Saragossa for the rest of his life; for, upon the
death of John in 631, he was himself made bishop there,
an office which he held nearly 20 years. His death is now
placed in 651 and probably on March 26 of that year, since
that is the date of his commemoration.

Letters

The Letters of Braulio, which now form the most important

part of his literary testament, were late in coming to the
knowledge of the general public. They survived in a single
manuscript, no. 22 in the Capitular Library of Leon, written
in Spain in the ninth century. Only the few letters exchanged
between Isidore and Braulio (1-6 and 8) were known from
Isidorian manuscripts. The Leon manuscript was copied
by Carlos Espinos, archivist there from 1741 to 1777, and
one of the copies went to Manuel Risco, who was continuing

4 Lynch, op. cit., is the only book in English on this Spanish writer.
The more recent edition of the Letters of Braulio by Madoz has re-
vealed that the earlier edition used by Lynch did not follow exactly
the order of the letters in the manuscript, but, except for a few de·
tails, the reconstruction which Lynch set up may be used in its
entirety. As frequent references will show, I have been constantly
indebted to Msgr. Lynch's thorough and accurate scholarship.
 INTRODUCTION 5

Florez' series Espaiia Sagrada. Thus, the complete correspon-

dence of Braulio had its first edition in that series. 5 Risco
changed the order of several of the letters to restore them,
as he thought, to exact chronological order. Risco's edition
was repeated in PL 80.655-700. A new critical edition made
from the manuscript was published by J. Madoz,6 and it is, in
general, the latter that is followed for the present translation.
No complete translation of the Letters of Braulio has been
published in any language, so far as I have been able to
diswver. Madoz prints as a sample 7 a Spanish version of three
of the letters from an Escorial manuscript. They are more
often paraphrase than translation, as they usually avoid all
the admitted difficulties of Braulio's text. I have relied
heavily upon the interpretation, and occasionally the trans-
lation, of the numerous selections made by Lynch, which I
judge amount to less than one-fifth of the complete text,
but which do include all of the most informative passages.
There is no study of the language of Braulio and the diction-
aries are inadequate in covering his vocabulary, for I have
compiled quite a list of Latin words of which I can find no
example anywhere else in the language. It is enough to state
that Braulio's writing is often "vexingly obscure"8 and that I
5 Espana Sagrada 30 (Madrid 1774) 318·92.-The Letters of Braulio
are entered at no. 1230 in Dekkers, C[rtllis palnllll [atinOI/llI/.
6 (Madrid 1941); unfortunately this new edition has more than 60
misprints and it has been necessary to check the whole of Risco's text.
Further, Madoz does not apparently give a complete collation of the
manuscript, which is still very much needed. Madoz indicates fully
the exact order of the letters in the manuscript, but regret full y decided
not to change the order established in the tirst edition. He made
some corrections in the chronology, a few of which I have adopted;
but his greatest contribution has been in studying the sources and
formation of the letters. A beginning in the study of the language of
Braulio has been made by Luis Riesco, "Aportaciones al estudio del
'que' romanico," Emerita 30 (1962) 273-80. He notes the tendency
of Latinists to neglect Spanish Latin written after 600 A.D., and
demonstrates the colloquialisms that can be found in Braulio. whose
initial and concluding sentences only tend to be stylized. Elsewhere.
he is never free of colloquialisms.
7 Pp. 209-12.
8 In the language of Prof. Charles J. Bishko.
6 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

do not hope to have solved all of the difficulties and puzzles

therein. A new edition of the complete works of Braulio has
been promised by Galindo, who translated into Spanish the
whole of Lynch's book with some extra material in
Appendices. 9
The literary sources with which Braulio was acquainted
have been studied by Madoz,lo who has listed several passages
from St. Augustine and St. Gregory the Great which Braulio
adapted for his own use, and a truly impressive number of
selections from St. Jerome, whose subject matter was exten-
sively employed in the Letters. Braulio's copy of jerome's
Letters must have been well studied and worn. References to
these passages have been included in the notes, insofar as they
appeared significant. I have added one large quotation from
Pope Leo the Great. There are, undoubtedly, many more
such identifications that will be made in the future. In
general, Braulio does not copy slavishly, but employs the ideas
of his sources and rephrases them to suit his own convenience.
The Letters of Braulio which have been preserved were not
written previous to his becoming Bishop of Saragossa in 631,
except for perhaps the first three, which concern Isidore.
There is a good spread over the twenty years during which
Braulio held office; there are letters from his friends as well as
to them, and there is a considerable variety of subject matter.
Madoz classifies the letters in four groups. (1) The familiar
letters include those to Isidore at the beginning of the collec-
tion and letters to other bishops and associates in religion,
nos. 9, 10, II, 13, 16, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27. (2) A second group is
also to religious associates, but may be distinguished oy dis-
cussion of religious questions rather than personal banter,
nos. 12, 14, 22, 42, 43, 44, and the fragment from Tajo. (3) A
distinct group, written to console relatives and friends on the

9 C. H. Lynch y P. Galindo, San Brauiio, Obispo de Zaragoza (631·51),

Su Vida y sus Obras (Madrid 1950).
10 Gregorianum 20 (1939) 407-22.
 INTRODUCTION 7

loss of loved ones, includes nos. 15, 18, 19, 20, 28, 29, 30, 34.
(4) Finally, there are the letters which concern ecclesiastical
affairs, of which one is to Pope Honorius and eight come
from the correspondence wi th King Receswin th, nos. 17, 21,
31,32,33,37,38,39,40,4l.
These Letters represent the most complete documentation
that has been preserved from this period concerning the
Church and society in Spain. In addition to the King and to
Eugene, known already for his poems, and to Tajo, who has
left a few letters of his own, we have the names of more than
twenty men and women of the period and we know enough
to allow each of them to appear momentarily before our
vision as individuals, while Braulio himself is revealed in all
his wide concern, caring for the individual interests of memo
bers of his flock and the broader problems of the Church.

Life of St. Emilian

The reputation of Braulio previous to the eighteenth

century was based primarily on his biographical account of
a saint who had died a few years before his own birth. Emilian
was born in 474 and lived almost to his one hundredth
birthday. Most of his life was spent in the region of La Rioja,
where now is located the famous monastery of San Millan
de la Cogolla. It is not known exactly why Braulio and
his two brothers were personally interested in St. Emilian,
but John had dedicated the new basilica of Saragossa to Emil·
ian's memory and Fronimian was apparently the contemporary
successor of Emilian as Abbot of San Millan. Braulio's
account in the introduction tells us that John had urged him
to write the biography and had provided him with sufficient
notes from the testimony of living persons who had known
Emilian. Distraction of affairs and a temporary misplacing
of the notes left the Life unfinished before John died, but
a chance discovery of the notes inspired Braulio to finish
 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

the biography and dedicate it to Fronimian. A manuscript

seen at San Millan two hundred years ago was said to have a
subscription carrying a date in the Spanish era equivalent
to A.D. 636, and this is generally accepted as the year in which
the biography was completed.
There are two rival schools identifying the places referred
to in the biography, but I have adopted with confidence the
identifications given by Lynch. l l
The Life was already known in Spain before Braulio died,
for Fructuosus asked him for a copy.l2 At least nine manu-
scripts are now preserved in Spain and Portugal, six of them
in Madrid. The first edition was in a work on Spanish monas-
teries by Prudencio de Sandoval, published in 1601, with the
text in Section II, ff. 3-10, and a Castilian translation on ff.
10-18. The text with the widest circulation was that printed
by Tamayo de Salazar in the middle of the seventeenth cen-
tury.l3 I know of no versions in any language other than these
two made in Spain. The present translation is based on the
text of the more modern edition by L. Vasquez de Parga. 14

List of the Books of Isidore

Another work of Braulio for which he was known during

the Middle Ages is a very brief one containing a list of the
11 op. cit. 231·55.
12 Letter 43 infra.-On the Life, see Socii Bollandiani, Bibliotheca hagio-
graphica latina (Subsidia hagiographica 6; Brussels 1898-1901) no. 100.
13 Reprinted first in Mabillon, Acta Sanctorum Ordinis S. Benedicti and
from that in PL 80.699-714, where it is most accessible today. I have
also used Minguella's book on San Millan de la Cogolla; here the
text is mostly the same as that in Sandoval, but the accompanying
Spanish translation discusses many of the difficult passages, and has
heen extremely helpful.
14 Vita S. Emiliani (Madrid 1943), the first text to be based on a com-
plete collation of all the manuscripts. I have also preserved, in part.
the rather awkward numeration of chapters and sections found in all
the editions. The most recent critical edition is in Ignazio Cazzaniga,
"La vita di S. Emiliano, scritta da Braulione Cesaraugustano," Bollet-
tino del Comitato per la preparazione delle edizioni nazionali dei
classici greci e latini (Rome 1955) n.s., fase. 2.
 INTRODUCTION 9

wri tings of Isidore and an even briefer eulogy of his friend.

It was iJ1lended as an addition to Isidore's book On Famous
11ien, and is always found in the manuscripts, accompanying
that book. The title which has become standard from printed
editions of the sixteenth century and later is Praenotatio libro-
1'1Im D. Isidori, but apparently no manuscripts actually have
the word Praenotatio. Appendix III of Galindo's translation
of Lynch!;; contains the Latin text of this work as found in
Le6n manuscript 22, the same codex which contains the only
copy of Braulio's Letters. Galindo gives sufficient reasons to
indicate beyond doubt that Renotatio rather than Praenotatio
was the title provided either by Braulio himself or by an
editor after his death. The work is surely a new list of the
writings of Isidore, compiled after his death, rather than
advance notice of those works.
There are seventeen titles in Braulio's list, each accom-
panied by a description in a single sentence. Scholars are
almost in complete agreement that the order of the works
is strictly that in which they were composed. The final
phrase, "there are several other smaller works," has appeared
to justify many students of the Isidorian tradition in con-
tinuously adding many other titles, but such attempts have
usually been unsuccessful,16 The notice that the writer
himself (Braulio) has been responsible for dividing the
Etymologies into books fits in exactly with statements in
Braulio's letters and enables one to explain several state-
ments in the correspondence between Isidore and Braulio.
The text adopted for this translation is that printed by
15 Pp. 335-40, 356-60. The title is Renotatio [sidori a Brattlione Caesar-
attgllstano episcopo edita.
16 See the new evaluation of the biographical and bibliographical
accounts of Isidore in A. C. Vega, "Cuestiones criticas de las biografias
Isidorianas," lsidoriana: Estudios sobre san lsidoro de Sevilla en el XIV
centenario de Stt nacimiento (Le6n 1961) 75-98, esp. 76-87 on Braulio.
For Vega, who has studied the three oldest manuscripts (two titled
Renotalio and one without title), Braulio's work has complete docu-
mentary and historical value: any work not mentioned there was not
written by Isidore.
10 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

Galindo from the Leon manuscript, with certain modifica-

tions mentioned in the notes. H There is a partial English
translation with commentary in Brehaut 18 and a partial
French translation with commentary in Sejourne,19 It should
be pointed out that the quotation from Cicero, of which
Lynch makes so much on pp. 218-219, is also found in
St. Augustine's City of God 6.2, and that Braulio almost
certainly took it from the latter rather than direct, as
we know from his Letters that he owned a copy of this famous
work by Augustine. In fact, every quotation of a classical
author found in Braulio almost certainly came to his knowl-
edge in some Christian writer like Jerome or Augustine.

17 The most accessible text wiII be found in PL 81.15·17, also in PL

82.65·68, both taken from Arevalo's edition of the works of Isidore
(Rome 1797 -1803).
18 Pp. 23·25.
19 Pp. 41·47.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brehaut, E. An Encyclopedist of the Dark Ages: Isidore of Seville (New

York 1912).
Florez, H. and M. Risco. Espana Sagrada 30 (Madrid 1775).
Lynch, C. H. Saint Bralllio, Bishop of Saragossa (631-651): His Life and
Writings (Catholic University of America, Studies in Medieval
History, N.S. 2; Washington 1938).
Lynch, C. H. and P. Galindo. San Braulio, Obispo de Zaragoza (631-651),
Su Vida y sus Obras (Madrid 1950).
Madoz, J. Epistolario de S. Braulio de Zaragoza (Madrid 1941).
- - - . "Fuentes jeronimianas en el epistolario de S. Braulio de Zara-
goza," Gregoria/will 20 (1939) 407-22.
Migne, J. P. Patrologiae l.atinae Cursus Compleills (Paris 1844-1864)
80, 81, 82 (= PL)
Minguella de la Merced, T. San Millan de la Cogolla: Estudos histarico-
religiosos acerca de la patria, estado y vida de San Millan (Madrid
1883).
Prudencio de Sandoval, M. F. Prirnera parte de las fUlldaciolles de los
monesterios de S. Benito (Madrid 1601).
~ejourne, P. I.e demier pere de I'Eglise: Saint Isidore de Seville (Paris
1929).
Vasquez de Parga, L. S. Bmulionis Caesarauguslani Episcopi Vita S.
Emiliuni (Madrid 1943).

II
LETTERS OF BRAULIO
 LETTER 1

Isidore to the archdeacon Braulio, dearest and most beloved

brother in Christ,!
Since I am not able to enjoy you with the eyes of the
flesh, let me at least enjoy conversing with you, that I may
be consoled by learning from a letter of yours of the good
health of one whom I wish to see. It would be good if both
were possible; but I may at least refresh myself concerning
you mentally if I cannot do so bodily.
While we were together, I asked you to send me the sixth
decade of St. Augustine. 2 Please find some way to make me
acquainted with that work. I have sent you my little book
called Synonyms,3 not because it has any value, but because
you wanted it. I commend to you this boy,4 and I commend
myself, that you may pray for wretched me, for I am much
weighed down, both by the ills of the flesh and by the faults
of my mind. For both I ask your aid, since I deserve nothing
of myself.
Finally, I ask that, if I live long enough, you cause
me to rejoice in hearing from you while there is a chance
for the letter carrier to return to us.

1 Written 610-620.
2 Commentaries on Psalms 51-60.
3 A work on grammar.
4 Who carried the letter.
15
16 BRAliUO OF SARAGOSSA

LETTER 2

Isidore to the archdea(l)l/ Brallliu, II/OSt iJeloved sal/ in

Christ the Lord. l

vVhen you receive a letter from your friend, clearest son,

you would not hesitate to embrace it in place of your friend.
\'\Then friends are separated, the second best consolation, if
the beloved one is not present, is that his letter should be
embraced in his stead.
I have sent you a ring because of my affection, and a
pallium as the cloak of our friendship, which is the ancient
source of this word. 2 Therefore, pray for me. May the Lord
so fill you with grace that I may yet deserve to see you in
this life, and that you will again delight with your presence
one whom you saddened by your departure. I have sent you
a small pamphlet of Rllles~ by my messenger Maurentio, the
primicleri1ls. 4 Finally, I hope always to hear that you con-
tinue to be well, my beloved master and dearest son.

LETTER 3

IJralllio, unworthy servant of the saints of God, to my lurd

and trlle lord and elect of Christ, Isidore, greatest of bishops.!

o pious lord and most excellent of men, I have been late

in sending this request and slow in finding an opportunity

1 Written 610·620, perhaps earlier than Letter 1 and the earliest of the
whole collection. It is first in the manuscript.
2 In the true Isidorian style, the author here assumes an etymological
relation between (Il11ictlls and alllicilia.
3 This qllaternio could have contained selected chapters from Isidore's
Regula monachorul1l, which we still possess, or similar material.
-4 He apparently had the task of distributing altar bread to clerics
according to rank. This seems to be a different word from primicerius,
the only form which is in the dictionaries. Cf. Madol 74 n. 13.
Written in 625.
 LETTERS 17

to write, because as my sins pile up I have been prevented

from making my demands by a terrible invasion-not only
by the evil of famine and poverty, but also by that of pestil-
ence and the presence of the enemy.2 Now, however, although
oppressed by a thousand adversities and a thousand cares,
after a long period of misery, as though aroused from the
sloth of a shameful sleep, so to speak, I dare add a dutiful
greeting to the words of my petition and, prostrate with
humility of both heart and body, I beseech you to use the
preeminent influence of your blessedness to keep commended
ever to the end your special servant, whom you have always
received with pious consideration and holy favor. For, so is
Christ my witness, I am tortured with severe pain in that,
after the passage of such a long time, I do not even yet de·
serve to see you face to face, but I hope in Him who does not
forget to have tenderness,3 and casts not off forever,4 that He
will hear the prayer of the poor:; and restore me, though
unworthy, to your presence.
I bring it to your attention and use every means of suppli-
cation to request that you be mindful of your promise
and cause to be sent to your servant the book of Etymologies,
which I hear is recently completed with the favor of God,
for, as I am aware, a great part of your labor therein was per-
formed at the insistence of your servant. 6 Be generous, first
of all, with me, and so may you be blessed and first in the
gatherings of the saints.
I ask you to use your influence with your son and lord,
the king, to have sent to me right away the minutes of the
council in which Sintharius was thoroughly cooked, even if
2 Madoz suggests that this may refer to the Vascones who invaded
Tarragona in 621-624 and were successfully opposed by King Swinthila,
as described by Isidore in Historia GothOIUIIl era DCUX n. 62-63
(cd. Mommsen MGH, auct. ant. 11.292-93 [Berlin 1894]).
3 Cf. Isa. 49.15.
4 Cf. Ps. 43.24.
5 Cf. Ps. 68.34.
6 For the relations suggested here between Isidore and Braulio. d. the
full discussion in Lynch, op. cit. 33-54.
18 BRAlTLlO OF SARAGOSSA

not completely purified, with the fire of your inquisition. 7

I have already asked his highness for this, since 1 am \'ery
much in need of it to in\'estigate the truth in the council.
Finally, I beseech the piety of the almighty Creator that,
for the integrity of the faith and the stability of His Church,
He preserve for a long time the crown of your blessedness,
and that because of your intercession the most holy Trinity
may fortify me against the dangers and countless difficulties of
the present world and may restore me by your prayers to the
bosom of your memory, safe from every tempest of sin.
And with his own han(P I, Braulio, servant of the Lord, to
Isidore: May I enjoy you in the Lord, 0 burning and
never-failing light. 9

LEITER 4

Isidore to Bishop Braulio, my lord and servant of God. 1

I thank Christ that I have learned that you are well;
would that I might see in the flesh the evidence of this health
of which I have learned. I will tell you what befell me for my
sins, since I was not worthy to read through your praise of
me. At the very moment I received your note,~ the king's
slave came to me. I gave my attendant the note and immedi-
ately went to the king, intending to read it through later and
answer it. When I got back from the palace, I not only did
7 Madoz suggests that the reference is to a possible synod held in Seville
in 624 by the intervention of Isidore. in which a bishop. Sintharius.
was presented for heretical views. No record of such a gathering is
found in the surviving conciliar collections.
R All the letters in this collection appear to have been dictated. but
certain instructions show that the sender occasionally took the pen
himself to add at the end an affectionate greeting or request to be
remembered in prayer.
!) Cf. John 5.35.

I Written in 632. probably in Toledo.

!! The Latin word is pittacium, described in Isidore's Glumll), as "a
short modest letter."
 LETTERS 19

not find your wfltmg, but everything else that was among
my papers had disappeared. For that reason, the Lord
knows, I wept for my lack of merit, for not having read your
letter. Please write to me again, whatever the occasion may be,
and do not take away the kindness of a word from yourself,
that what I have lost for my sins I may again receive by
your grace.
And with his own hand. Pray for us, blessed master.
Explicit.

LETTER 5

Braulio, unworthy servant of the saints of God, to my lord

(md true lord and elect of Christ, Isidore, greatest of bishops.1
The interior spiritual man is usually filled with joy when
he experiences the inquisition of a friend. Hence, my
desire is, most reverent lord, if my faults do not present a
barrier, that you embrace my inquisition with kindness and
patiently receive criticism. For I shall deliver both: I am
performing the functions of an inquisition and I am directing
to you the reasons for my case against you. At the very
beginning and entrance of my discourse, prostrate before your
high apostolic dignity, I ask that you listen most kindly to
my petition. Although the presentation of criticism is weak-
ened by the interjection of tears, since tears are not signs of
criticism, still I hope that this criticism is tearful and these
tears critical; in either case, it is due to the license and pre-
sumption of love, not to the temerity of arrogance.
Now I shall present the introduction of my case. The
times are circling now to the seventh year, if I am not mis-
taken, since I recall having asked you for the books of
()rigins~ which you had composed. By various and diYerse
methods, you cheated me when I was with you, and when I
1 'Vritlell in 632, not long after Leller 4, se\cll years after 1.1'111')' ~.
2 Isidore called the work both Etymologies and Origins.
20 BRAllUO OF SARAGOSSA

was absent, you answered absolutely nothing; but by subtle

postponement, you either said the books were not finished
yet, or they were not copied yet, or you had lost my letter, or
many other excuses, until we have arrived at the present
time and still without the accomplishment of my request.
So I am going to turn my entreaties into complaints, to try
to obtain by criticism and provocation what I could not by
supplication. A beggar is often aided by loud use of his voice.
Therefore, why, pray, my lord, do you not offer what you
are asked for? Be sure of one thing: I shall not give up, pre-
tending I did not want what I could not have, but I shall ask
and I shall ask insistently, until I either receive it or drag it
out of you, in the words of our most pious Redeemer, who
bade: "Seek, and you shall find," and added: "Knock, and it
shall be opened to yoU."3 I have sought and I am asking, I am
even knocking: I demand that you open. I am consoled by
the discovery of this argument: that you will perhaps listen
to the criticism of one whose requests you scorned. From now
on, I shall return your own methods, and you will recognize
them; nor by foolish boasting do I presume to be so insipid
as to put forth a new idea to one who is perfect. For I do not
blush to speak to one who is most eloquent, inexperienced
though I am, for I am mindful of the apostolic precept in
which you are bidden "gladly to put up with the foo1."4
Therefore, listen to the loud claims of my criticism.
Why, I ask, do you still refuse the distribution of talents"
and the dispensation of food 6 that have been entrusted
to you? Now open your hand and grant a boon to your
servants, lest they perish from want and hunger. You are
aware what your creditor comes to ask of you. Whatever you
give us will not be lessened for yourself. Recall that the mul-
titude was satisfied with small loaves and that what was

,I Matt. 7.7.
4 Cf. ~ Cor. 1l.J9.
!) Cf. Matt. 25.15.
6 Cf. (;en. 47.12.
 LETTERS 21

left over was greater than the amount of loaves. 7 Or do you

think that a gift bestowed on you is given solely for you?
It is both yours and ours; it is common, not private. Who
should be so foolish as to say that you should enjoy in private
what you know you enjoy to such an extent in common and
without sin? Since God has given you the management of his
treasures of wealth, safety, wisdom, and knowledge,S why do
you not generously pour out what you cannot lessen
by giving? Are you perhaps stingy with us because you find
nothing which you can get from us in exchange, although in
the members of His heavenly Body each one so possesses in
the other what he has not received in himself that he knows
that what he has should be possessed by the other? If you
give to one who has, you reap the fruit of such a small service.
But if you give to one who does not have, you satisfy the
Gospel precepts, so that it shall be restored to you at the
retribution of the just. 9 Accordingly, I am stricken with
remorse because I know of no good within myself to be
shared, since we are ordered "to serve one another in charity,"lH
and each one to administer to another the grace which he. has
received, "as good stewards of the manifold grace of God."ll
"According as God has apportioned to each one the measure
of faith"12 in one bond of members, each one should share
with the other parts, for "all these things are the work of one
and the same Spirit, who divides to everyone according as he
wi11."13
But now I return to the special resource which I promised to
use-persistent pleading, which is a friend to those in need of
friendship and which is not disguised with the grace of out-
ward decorations. So listen to my voice across so many inter-
7 Cf. Matt. 14.20.
H Cf. Col. 2.3.
9 Cf. Luke 6.30-38.
10 Cf. Gal. 5.13.
11 1 Peter 4.10.
12 Rom. 12.3.
13 1 COT. 12.11.
22 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

vening lands:14 "Pay, pay what thou owest."lr. :For you are a
servant, a servant of Christ and of Christians. Therein you
are greater than all of us, and the grace which you realize
was conferred upon you for our sake you should not
refuse to share with souls that are thirsty and tortured with
hunger for knowledge. Am 1 not the foot, which can nourish
the Church, the judge of the members, by running to obey the
commands of the belly and by showing obedience, and can I
not by following orders satisfy the demands of the sovereignty
of the head? Even though 1 know 1 am one of the less honor-
able members, let it suffice, for what you have clearly received
from the head, you may carry out through me; nor is it
proper for YOll not to heed me, for however unimportant, 1
am redeemed by the Blood of Christ. "The head does not say
to the feet: 'I have no need of you.' Nay, much rather, those
that seem the more feeble members of the body are more
necessary; and those that we think the less honorable members
of the body, we surround with more abundant honor, and our
uncomely parts receive a more abundant comeliness."16 Our
Creator and Dispenser so orders all things that love is in-
creased when the divine gifts which one does not see in him-
self are bestowed to be possessed by another. Thus, then, the
manifold -grace is well dispensed!7 when the gift received is
believed to belong also to him who does not have it, when it
is believed to have been given for the sake of him with whom
it is shared. The wisdom of your holiness knows very well that
this chapter of the apostle, already anticipated by us in part,lS
applies entirely to this matter, and beyond doubt nothing
of what 1 have touched on here and there is unknown to you.
So it only remains, and this 1 most earnestly beseech, that you
flllfill these requests, not for my sake perhaps, but at least for

14 Jerome, Ep. :'0.5 (CSEL 5-1.394); d. notes to Letter 11.

15 Matt. 18.28.
16 1 Cor. 12.21·23.
17 Cf. 1 Peter 4.10.
18 1 Cor. 12.
 LETTERS 23

the low divinely imparted, for which we are hidden to know

and to hestow all things,19 and without which all things are
nothing. If any of my words, or rather my effusive language,
is superfluous; if any of it is negligent; if any of it is useless or
delivered without humility, I beg you to receive it all with
kindness, to pardon everything, and to ask God to pardon
everything.
Now, I have become aware that the books of the Etymologies,
which I am requesting, my lord, are already in the hands of
many others, though much mutilated and worn. So I am
asking you to see fit to send me a copy that is written in full
and corrected and carefully assembled, lest I become lost in
envy and be forced to take vices for virtues from others.
Although you are not in need of anything and although un-
asked-for gifts have no value,20 still I hope that your worthy
grace will command something that we are willing and
able to perform, so that you may partake of our services or,
still better, may enjoy that love which is God. 21
''\Then these requests have been fulfilled, I shall have 22 some
questions about the pages of Sacred Scripture, which may be
answered for me by the light of your heart, if you do but
command that light to shine upon us and to reveal the secrets
of divine law. Even if I learn the answers which I am seeking,
J shall not keep silent about the other matters; you open the
way to winning confidence when, in the very beginning,
you do not pierce me with the goads of shame, but grant
occasion for pardon of my ignorance and, because you love
me, however little I deserve it, you do not chide me; for it is
a base and shameless thing to draw away from a friend before
he is sated with your love.
As due to the homage that my lowly state entails. f add

19 Cf. 1 Cor. 13.1-3.

20 "Ultroneae putere mercedes" is a proverb found at least three times
in Jerome's Letters, from which Braulio's use undoubtedly derives.
21 Cf. I John 4.16.
22 Reading erunt (Risco) for emnt (Madoz).
24 BRAlJLlO OF SARAGOSSA

the claims of my salvation, and 1 beg the piety of your most

sacred mightiness to be pleased to pray for me, that by your
intercession you may win a soul which is daily swamped with
ills and may bring it to the gate of eternal rest, purified from
its wretched, sinful state. It has been pleasant for me to
speak at such length to you, as though I were in your presence
and watching your every expression of emotion. That is why
1 did not hesitate to ramble on, though 1 may have incurred
the charge of temerity. But I had to do one or the other to
make you grant to my hasty, unjust manner what you refused
to my humility. That is how bold 1 have become through
the grace of your generosity. Therefore, if there be any
cause for displeasure, that generosity can only blame itself
that it loves so strongly as to remove fear, for "perfect love
casts out fear."23
Relying for an exceptional favor upon an exceptional lord,
in whom the strength of the holy Church abides, I suggest
that, since our metropolitan Eusebius has died,~4 you give
kind attention to the matter and mention it to your son,
our 10nV:; that he should choose for that position one whose
learning and holy ways may be an example to others. I com-
mend this son in all ways to your most blessed highness, and
both for the matters which I am requesting here, as well
as for those which we have previously asked, may we deserve
to be mentioned to him by you in a complimentary manner.

~3 I John 4.18.
24 Archbishop of TalTagolla. 610-632.
~'i King Sisenand, who, by this period, has assumed the right of inter-
yention in church affairs, especially in the promotion of bishops.
 LETTERS 25

LETTER 6

Isidore to my lord alld servant of God, Bishop Bralllio,1

The letters from your holiness reached me in the city of
Toledo, for although the command of the king had advised
me to turn back when I was already on the journey, I decided
not to interrupt my trip, because I was closer to seeing him
than to returning. I came into the king's presence; I found
there your deacon;!! through him, J received and embraced
and read your words and thanked God for your safety, desir-
ing with all desire,a although ill and weak, to have the good
fortune in Christ of seeing you in this life, and confident of it,
for "hope does not disappoint, because of the charity which
is poured forth in our hearts."4
\""hile still on the way, I sent you, among other manuscripts,
a manuscript of the Etymologies, and although it is uncor-
rected because of my poor health, I was intending to send it to
you to be emended as soon as I arrived at the site of the coun-
cil. As for the appointment of a bishop of Tarragona, the
king's intention, so I learned, does not fall in with your
request, but he is not yet certain upon whom he will definitely
settle." I request that you see fit to intercede with the Lord
for my sins, that by your prayer my faults may be remitted
and my crimes forgiven. Likewise, with his own hand. Pray
for us, most blessed lord and brother.
1 Written at Toledo late in 632 or early in 633. The Fourth Council
of Toledo, here postponed at the reqilest of the king. actually con-
vened on Dec. 5, 633.
2 Possibly Eugenius II, later metropolitan of Toledo: d. below. Letters
31-33.
3 Cf. Luke 22.15.
4 Cf. Rom. 5.5.
5 The person finally chosen was Audax, who signed the minutes of the
Council in Dec .. 633. Since the reference in J.etter 5. last paragraph.
is a generalization with which the king could hardly disagree, Dom A.
Lambert (Diet. d'hist. et de geog. eecl. 5 [Paris 1931] 297, s.v. Audax)
proposed that there was a letter, not now preserved, frolll Braulio
to King Sisenand, which made a specific suggestion for the man to
be chosen.
26 BRAlJl.IO OF SARAGOSSA

LETTER 7

l At this point in the collection, Risco printed the very

brief dedication found in many manuscripts of the Etymolo-
gies. It is now conceded that this dedication accompanied the
first edition of the work, when it was presented to King Sisebut
in 620. The manuscript of Braulio's Letters does not contain
this letter, which was correctly bracketed by Madoz.]

LETTER 8

Isidore to my lord and servant of God, Bishop Braulio. 1

With all desire have I desired 2 now to see your face; I pray
that God may sometime grant this request before I die. For the
present, however, please commend me to God in your prayers,
that He may fulfill my hope in this life and may grant me to
be associated with your blessedness in the future life. And
with his own hand. Pray for us, most blessed lord and brother.

LETTER 9

Braulio to my lord Iactatlls, the priest,1

I am informed, dearest brother, that you wish to demand
from me some refreshment from the divine word, which I
know to be beyond my power. I admire your devotion all the
more in that you do not cease to demand the means of in-
creasing your practice in divine studies, even when you have

1 Written a year or two before Isidore's death in 636.

2 Cf. Luke 22.15.
Written about 631-632. Iactatus is unknown except for Letters 9 and
10 to him, but he must have resided in western Spain. since it was
natural for him to visit Tarazona, sixty miles west of Saragossa. An
earlier letter from Iactatus is not preserved.
 LF.TT1<:RS 27

the knowledge that your questions cannot be answered. For

since YOli meditate daily on the law of the Lord 2 and unfold
the pages of the most blessed fathers and of most learned men,
what can you find in us and how little can it be that you
either wish to add to your own knowledge or concerning
which you happen to foster a holy desire? It is enough and
more than enough to read your friend, St. Augustine, also
Jerome amI Hilary and other most learned men, whom it
would take me too long to mention by name and with whom
you are certainly well acquainted. Let their words feed you,
their thoughts instruct you; in fact, they can teach you com·
pletely all that you ask, and if you are satisfied with them, you
need not bring out into the open our humble poverty,3 nor
expose us naked and visible to the eyes of the envious.
One matter important to me-even though I cannot actu-
ally realize it, still 1 want it to come true-is to ask the singu-
lar and inexhaustible piety of our common Lord and Re-
deemer to bestow upon you and upon us a life of happiness
in common association and to grant us an opportunity of
visiting, so that we may speak face to face and feed on mutual
conversation and enjoy the peace in the Lord that we antici-
pate.
I also ask you to pray for me, in order that this may be
brought to pass as quickly as I desire; I think it can easily
be realized, if your holiness will come to us when you are
visiting Tarazona.
As for the relics of the most revered apostles, which YOll
have asked me to send, I tru thfully reply that 1 have not a
single martyr's relics so preserved that 1 can know whose
they are. My lords and predecessors were of the opinion that
the labels should be removed from all of them to make them
indistinguishable, and that they should all be put in a single

2 Cf. Ps. 1.2.

3 Note the remarkable assonance in the Latin: "eis contcntlls nostram
paupertatulam nee in propatulo trahas," Pauperla/Illa is an unusual
diminutive found in both Jerome and Augustine.
28 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

room, since, in many ways, either by theft or against their

wills or by the coercion of the piety of many, they were being
forced either to give away or to lose what they had. Some
seventy were set apart, however, and are in common lise, but
among them are to be found none of those which YOll re-
quested.
Finally, it is in place to greet you warmly, and most insis-
tently, again and again, to ask YOll to pray for liS. I have
dictated hurriedly, just as my thoughts came to me; if I
have overlooked anything, consider that it was not intentional.

LETTER 10

To the most holy priest Iactatlls, venerable brother lIZ

Christ,1
While I was buried and completely distracted by cares, your
letter brought me back to myself. With our attention absorbed
as it is in the cares of the world and in the storms and tem-
pests which daily threaten shipwreck for us in our present
situation,2 we are not allowed to be what we are said to be or
what we should be. But when your letter gave me inspiration,
I put everything behind me, and contemplated only you and
me, putting nothing else between us except that love which
is the Creator of both. Turning to Him and longing to thank
Him, I could find nothing worthy of Him; I only recall that
I tried; for such an insignificant creature cannot say thanks
for such a great gift. Hence, if the thanks due to Him are
inexpressible, I turn them over to you in the hope that they
might fulfill my duties of recompense and devotion.
For I confess that I feel myself bound by those very same
most unusual restrictions of which you complained, and I ask

1 Written about 631-632, some time after Leiter 9.

2 A possible reference to the revolts which Sisenand had to quell
after 631, before he consolidated his position as king.
 LETTERS 29

myself why those who share one love should have to be

separated at such a distance, and why they should have com-
panions with whom they do not wish to associate, and why
they should lack those whom they want to have. Once again
1 am aware that this is not the home of the pious and that
they are separated in the regions of mortals in order that they
may be joined in the land of the living. It should be enough
for pilgrims to keep unbroken the ties of loye, and thus to be
consoled in Him and constantly devoted to the law of Him
who truly is love,3 even though they be separated from their
dear ones in the flesh, that the love that svveetens the memory
of absent ones may be itself sweet when dear ones are apart.
But if you truly loved me, you would do away with all delays,
you would hasten to start, you would come to me, and no dis-
tance, no occasion of any interference would stand in the way.
No, start up as if with spurs, pierce your mind with goads, and
arouse the force of your love and the fire of your affection to
such a point that it may burst into flames that cannot be
quenched with deep water. 4 '''Thy have I said all this? Because
you visited Tarazona, where you very often stay, and would
not come to see me. Confess your guilt if you wish to be
pardoned, and seek diligently to make it possible for yourself
to appear to us directly after Easter.
I salute you in the Lord Jesus Christ with abUlldallt alld
manifold affection, asking in many ways and earnestly that
you commend me to my Creator most promptly in your
prayers; may the omnipotence of Christ the Lord increase
wi thin you, and perfect its increase, and preserve its perfected
grace.
You have sent us what is offered in the sacrament of the
Body of Christ; we have sent you what prefigures the Blood
in the mystery of the same Lord, namely, two measures of
wine. 'Ve have also sent a measure of oil and a measure of

3 Cf. I John 4.8.

-t Cf. Cant. 8.7.
30 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

olives in accordance with the double precept of charity: that

is to say, one by which the love of God is signified, and the
other, love of neighbor. 'Ve have sent one measure" of damson
plums, about which I cannot find anything symbolic to say,
unless, perchance, it is that, when the Lord was born, the
special attribute of that city from which this kind of fruit
comes6 was sent as an offering: this is the gold which the
Holy Gospel mentions as given by the Magi. i

LETTER 11

Brall/io to Illy lord, the priest Tajo.'

Your thoughts are so agi tated and you are so tossed by the
stormy blasts of impatience that it is fair to say: "0 thou of
little patience, why art thou disturbed?"~ I wish you were
equally moved to take refuge in humility, rather than to
turn to abuse and harsh words. For you may be quite sure,
I say it with God as my witness, that, when I wrote about
that donkey in my letter ami told you to climb onto it, I was
joking and not intending to censure you, which should be
easy to understand from my facetious tone. You, on the con-
trary, became indignant, like Aesop's jackdaw,:! and told me to

5 The liquid measure is metnllll, the dry measure lIlodills.

6 Damascus.
7 Cf. Matt. 2.11.
Braulio had written to Tajo, his future successor in the see of
Saragossa, humorously chiding him for lack of humility, and trying
to repress his youthful hotheadedness, including a phrase equivalent
[0 "Go, climb on a donkey"; Tajo, very indignantly and with no
sense of humor, had replied: "Go, climb on a camel," referring
doubtless to a Visigothic custom of humbling rebellious nobles b)
making them ride in a team drawn by camels.
2 Cf. Matt. 14.31.
,I Phacdrus, FlIbuiae 1.3, has Aesop give an example of a jackdaw which
decked itself out with peacock's feathers. The words in the manu·
script are gragulus lsopius and Braulio probably borrowed the material
thl'Ough some other intermediary not yet identified. or it may have
 LETTERS 31

go climb on a camel and to watch out not to bang my head

on the church doors. This you poured out without much ele-
gance, with less wisdom, and more evil purpose than on previ-
ous occasions, not realizing that our Head, which is Christ,4
does not hurl Himself against the doors of the church, though
He may against "the synagogue of Satan."·; The sha'me herein
seems to us to lie not in the words but in the sentiment; we
do not at all blame your ignorance, but we wish your attitude
were more humble, for it is patient endurance of criticism
which shows a man's humility, and how much of that you have
can be learned in the present situation.
'What can I say about the rest of what you wrote? Trying
to clear yourself of the charges, you only make the charges
appear more sordid; if I wanted to answer them, and they
certainly deserve censure, it would not be difficult at all nor
would it require much effort, since all it would take to destroy
your objections would be to oppose them with counter-
propositions of the same topics. But not to let my story cause
a long delay,6 I have master Leo as witness of my intentions,
and actually you yourself, for though ungrateful and unwill-
ing, while you were saying you were hurt by my words, you
also admitted that they had definite bearing on your moral
progress.
Briefly, not to offend a friend by speaking too long, I want
you to know that I can bite back if I wish, that when I am
hurt, I can inflict a real wound. 7 For I, too, with Flaccus,
"have learned my letters and often drawn my hand away
from the ruler";8 of us it can be said: "He has hay in his
horns, flee far away";9 or still better, these words of Vergil:

been a common proverb. Gragulum Aesopi is found in Tertullian,

Against the Valentinians 12 (CSEL 47,191),
4 Cf. 1 Cor. 11.3.
5 Apoc. 2.9.
6 Cf. Ovid, Fasti 2.248.
7 Cf. Persius, Satires 1.115.
8 Really Juvenal, Satires 1.15.
9 Horace, Satires 1.4.34.
32 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

"We too, father, with our right hands hurl weapons and an
iron that is not weak; the wounds we inflict also draw blood."lO
For that model exercise of yours, composed in a contest, how
trite it was to me and, as they say, trampled underfoot, ex-
cept for that part which, asking pardon of Gregory,H I
noticed was pilfered or rather spoiled. In our anxiety to
preserve love and not to lose you, we overlook all of this
and do not put in anything which might cause laughter, lest
our story arouse ungrateful mirth, as Ovid 12 says, and lest, as
Appius says, we seem to be practicing canine eloquence. 13 But
as I have said, putting all this aside, we carry out the duties
of our own office and preserve the humility of our Master the
Lord Christ, preferring to follow Him who said: "I gave my
back to the lashes and my cheeks to palms;"14 "who, when he
was reviled, did not revile, when he suffered, did not threat-
en."15 Therefore, let us, too, dearest friend, spurn the former
examples and follow these more pleasant ones; let us cast off
the bitterness that comes through various suspicions. For the
Lord knows that I had not the slightest intention of suggesting
some of the things that you wrote in your letter, and I did not

10 VergiI, Aeneid 12.50-51. This entire paragraph, except for the first
phrase, was discovered by Madoz in jerome's Letter 50.5. The invective
is Jerome's, adapted by Braulio. The words "with Flaccus" and "these
words of Vergil" are not in Jerome. I suggest that they had been
inserted in the margin of Braulio's copy of Jerome's Letters, and that
he wrongly included the Flaccan identification with the quotation
from Juvenal. The two biblical quotations in the next paragraph
are from the same passage in Jerome. The supposed classical learning
of Braulio is less direct than it was once taken to be. There is no
evidence that he read Ovid, Horace, Vergil, Persius, and Juvenal at
first hand.
II The works. of Gregory the Great had begun to be known in Spain
and Braulio had read them, although he does not quote from them.
The Latin of this sentence is forced and obscure. "In a contest" is my
translation of in armatura, for which Galindo reads "de tanto
aparato."
12 Cf. Ovid, Fasti 3.738.
13 Jerome, Letter 134.1 (CSEL 56.261) has these words attributed to
Appius.
14 Cf. Isa. 50.6.
15 I Peter 2.23.
 LETTERS 33

dictate them in the sense in which you understood them;

in other matters, too, I see you did not clearly appreciate
what I said, if you will forgive me for saying so, for your
answers did not agree with what I wrote. Because wrong or
suspicion has been thrown between us by some enemy, let us
both reject him and let us abide in Christ and in the unanim-
ity of our love; this is what I increasingly hope.
But if it pleases my God, I will go there and I think I shall
quickly obtain pardon from you for those words which I wrote
exactly as I meant them. Meanwhile, you have refused my
affection to such an extent that, in your indignation, you
attribute the result to your own petition. Not only am I
unmoved by your mistaken accusations, but I received your
letter calmly, and if I have offended you, I ask your pardon
and beg you to love me more and more, mindful that we are
Christians and must fear rather than pursue the loss of our
souls.
Now, if you have been upset before, it is time to put an
end to it. One who is more fond of wine than of words must be
careful that wine does not make his words bring harm to him.
Look, while I was striving to make a pitcher, as Terence said,
my hands produced a jar,16 For I had intended to write just
a short note, but I have produced a rather prolix letter; but
you have written a testament instead of a letter, such as may
perhaps not be confirmed until after your death, since it can-
not legally be unsealed now,17
Goodbye, my dearest friend, deserving to be loved by me
with all love, and forgive me that, in presuming too much of
your fondness, I even write to you at too great length.
16 Really Horace, Art of Poetry 21-22. Braulio probably found the
quotation in Jerome, Letter 107.3, where there is no ascription_
I think he gave it to Terence because of a marginal note in his
manuscript of Jerome. He uses the same words in Letter,; 36 and 44,
and much later Tajo himself used them in a letter to Eugenius II.
Since these were both pupils of Braulio, it must have been a well-
known phrase in their circle. Only this once, however, is the name
of Terence given as author.
17 Cf. Heb. 9.16, 17.
34 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

LETTER 12

Braulio, unworthy servant of the saints of God, to my lord

Floridius, archdeacon. l
I faithfully confess, dear son, that when I received your
letter, I was in the midst of such anxious cares and distracting
concerns that, although I was glad to hear that you were well,
I could not send an early answer to your requests for fear that
I might "in hasty discussion pour out what you sought, not in
the hurried manner of a writer but with the rashness of die·
tation," or that I might not completely explain everything
necessary concerning these matters, which if not discussed
as fully as seems proper, "become a cause for downfall rather
than a source of knowledge."2 "For a most difficult time is at
hand, when it seems to me much better to be silent than to
speak, so that the zeal of the zealous may cease," all the more
so of the slothful, since it is proper for us to think on the
necessity of salvation and the brevity of life rather than "with
Appius, to use canine eloquence."3
And so, although you have asked me to send something
suited to your thought, still, since the time found me hindered
by various circumstances, as I have already said, it was better
to ask your pardon than not to satisfy you fully. Therefore,
asking your pardon, I request you to pour forth your prayers
for me before the Lord, that my sin may be forgiven through
your intercession. Further, if God lets me see you, I shall ex-
plain face to face what you want better than I can write it
while absent.
In short, unless one first knows something about those
numbers in the Greek language, it will not be easy to under-
stand this, for they have one meaning in Greek and another
in Latin, and the prolixity of such a task requires almost

1 Written about 632. A Floridius was bishop of Segorbe in 647.

2 Jerome, Letter 112.1 (CSEL 55.367·68).
3 Jerome, I.etter 134.1 (CSEL 56.261), as quoted in Letter 11 above.
 LETTERS 35

the length of a book instead of a letter,4 if everything is to be

explained clearly and nothing is to be omitted. But, as I said,
it is easier to explain person to person, "for the living voice
has some sort of hidden vitality and sounds stronger when
diffused in the ear,"5 while the listener can make it known
when he does not understand, and the instructor knows when
he should slow down to explain more clearly. I should prefer,
in view of the demands of time, as the apostle said: since "the
time is short,"6 to devote my efforts to "love which edifies,"
lather than to "knowledge, which it is difficult to keep from
puffing Up"i or being exposed to envy. But since I know you
are so very anxious to use your knowledge, I shall humor you,
and I shall compose this letter so as not to dismiss you un-
instructed. Now it is your turn to approach the subject scien-
tifically with your known acuteness and great intelligence,
or to wait for me to send you an exposition.
Finally, I send you my most weighty greeting and most
profuse requests that you refresh me with further words as soon
as you have an opportunity.

LETTER 13

Braulio) unworthy servant of the saints at the Lord) to my

master Fronimian) priest and abbof.1
When I learn that you are sad because of imminent trials,
1, too, become equally sad, but what must be done in such a
4 Cf. Jerome. Letter 133.13 (CSEL 56.260).
5 Cf. Jerome, Letter 53.2 (CSEL 54.446).
6 1 Cor. 7.29.
7 Cf. 1 COT. 8. I.
1 Written some time after Leite]" 14, to }<-ronimian. to dissuade him
from his plan to give up his position as abbot. This Fronimian is,
with fair probability, identified with Braulio's brother of the same
name, to whom was addressed the Life of St. Emilian. Fronimian has
been called by Dom Lambert abbot of the original monastery of San
Millan; d. "La famille de Saint Braulio et l'expansion de la Regie de
Jean de Bielal'," Universidad 10 (1933) 78.
36 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

situation can be determined by your own wisdom better than

by any suggestions I may be able to offer in discussing the
matter. You well know, my lord, that the monastic life has no
need of more penance, exposed as it is to daily humility and
spiritual trials, so that in all the events of life, it is constantly
associated with penance. But it is better to see that you do not,
for the sake of your own repose, lose the reward you have
earned over such a long period, lest you completely lose the
credit you have achieved in trying to increase your deserts.
It is serious for you to turn away from concern for the
brothers, or rather to have little regard for the fact that you
are in charge of those who are fond of you. Concerning what
has happened, I urge and beg you to take your time about
such actions, so that you will not incur disgrace and cause
to be upset that tranquillity which you have enjoyed so long.
Therefore, it is fitting that in what concerns this life of yours,
of which you will have to render account to God, you should
not give up your concern for the brothers and should not put
in charge of them an abbot whom they do not want, so that
you may avoid disgrace and enjoy during your life peace
and the reward of your learning and labor. Do not even con-
sider what will happen later, when the Ruler of the universe
will govern that congregation according to His own dispen-
sation.
For I confess, my lord, that I am not a little amazed that
you are so upset by all these scandalous events that arise
on every occasion that you wish to withdraw from the auth-
ority derived from your seniority and prefer to spend your
life in silence rather than to stay in the duties which
have been entrusted to you. Where will your blessed perse-
verance be if your patience fails? Be mindful of the apostle
who said: "Tribulation works out endurance";2 also: "All
who want to live piously in Christ Jesus will suffer persecu-

2 Rom. 5.3.
 LETTERS 37

lion.":l Endurance exists not only in confessing the name of

Christian by sword and fire and various kinds of punishment,
but differences in customs, the insults of the disobedient and
the barbs of wicked tongues, and various temptations are in-
cluded in this kind of persecution; there is not a single
occupation that is without its dangers. 'Who will guide the
ship among the waves if the pilot quits his post? Who will
guard against wolves if the shepherd does not watch?4 Or who
will drive away the robber if sleep removes the watchman from
the sight of his outlook? You must stick by the work entrusted
to you and the task you have undertaken; you must observe
justice and show mercy; you must hate the sins, not the men;
you must strengthen the weak and correct the proud. Even
though tribulation brings us more than we can endure, let us
not be afraid as if we were resisting with our own strength;5
we must pray with the apostle that God give us "the way out
with the temptation,"G that we may be able to withstand, for
Christ is both our courage and our counsel, "without Him we
can do nothing,"7 and "with Him we can do all things."8
Lo, I am become wordy in trying to answer your questions,
but to go back to what I said at the very beginning, you know
better yourself, my lord, that none should be placed in charge
of those who do not want him, lest they pay no attention to
him or hate him and become less devoted to religion in trying
to find occasion for strife. Those who receive one whom they
do not wish will not obey him as they should, and through
their inobedience, scandal arises and they lose their religious

3 2 Tir.1.3.12.
4 Cf. J)hn 10.12.
5 The entire paragraph to this point is borrowed directly from Letter 167
of Leo the Great (PL 54.1200-01), praef. Leo was writing to Rusticus,
Bishop of Narbo, who wanted to give up his episcopacy because of a
quarrel with some priests, as Fronimian here desires to withdraw as
abbot. Braulio has quoted extensively, though not always with verbal
exactness, this remarkably apt passage.
6 Cf. I Cor. 10.13.
7 Cf. John 15.5.
8 Cf. Phil. 4.13,
38 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

intentions. It is the duty of your wisdom to temper all such

acts, to display the sweetness of affection, and to place the
future in the hope of God, for you should have the wisdom
both to guide them and to preserve a quiet life for yourself;
and they should be able, under your leadership, to serve God
with utmost devotion. They cannot be obedient if they are
goaded into being stubborn, and it will be a dreadful calamity
if, in providing for the future, we upset the order of obedience
in the present.
I have received everything that you sent me; for everything
I have expressed thanks and still do not cease to do so. But I
pray Christ the Lord that He may in His clemency preserve
and adorn your life and the eminence of your blessedness in
return for my aid and intercession before God, for I know
that I am unequal to making sufficient reply to such services.
Meanwhile, please pray for me, your servant, for we, too,
have our temptations and are affected with various ills. Hence,
I beg you to support me by your prayers rather than grieve for
me when I have been crushed by shipwreck.

LETTER 14

Braulio to my lord Fronimian priest and abbot,l

J

We do not have enough parchment for ourselves and so I

have none to send you; but I have sent you the price, with
which you will be able to buy some if you order it. As for
the Commentary on the Apostle 2 which we have sent you, first
read it through carefully and put everything in order. Since
the manuscript has the opinions of various authors written in
the margin':l incorporate them in the text as you find them to
I Written some time after Isidore's death (636), but probably a few
years earlier than Letter 13, which it actually precedes in the
manuscript.
2 Braulio does not state clearly whether he wrote this commentary on
Paul himself or gathered the material from various sources.
3 Interpretation of ad aU1'em suggested by Madoz 106 n. 4.
 LETTERS 39

be in agreement with the Catholic faith, and in the proper

order; then, copy them so carefully that the commentary will
follow through each chapter, rather than having the work
split up on separate pages as it is now; otherwise, we shall
write it over again after you send it.
After your fashion, my lord, you send to inquire from me
about matters which you know very well; in trying to display
your humility, you but show up our ignorance. If the answer
which I am about to give proves careless in any respect, look
to yourself for the cause, for you ask me to give more than
you gave and you try to get out of me more than you put in
while training me. You ask me whether on Good Friday after
each lesson the response should be an Amen, or whether,
in usual fashion, a Gloria should be chanted. Now, this is not
the custom with us, nor have I seen it done anywhere, nor was
it done by my lord Isidore of most blessed memory, not
even at Toledo nor at Gerona. In Rome, they say, no office
is celebrated that day. I suppose it is for no other reason
than that the memory of the Passion of our Lord may always
be renewed and the true sadness of our hearts in His Body
may be revealed by a sign of that season; or perhaps to signify
the perturbation of the apostles, who deserted their duty
on that day; or rather, perhaps, because the Church beginning
in Peter from that day started out in sorrow that it might
reap the joy in the Resurrection.
Or is it because every Christian living this life piously
in the likeness of Christ "must enter the kingdom of God
through many tribulations,"4 and so this admonition of sor-
row is signified to us in the renewed revolution of the year
in Christ, so that thus Christ may be imitated beyond doubt?
I think another reason for recalling the sorrow of that night 5
is that the things which were perfonned visibly by Christ in
the flesh may be fulfilled by the Church, which is still visible

4 Cf: Acts 14.21.

5 On Holy Saturday.
40 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

in this world. For just as the Resurrection of the Lord, signi-

fied by Easter, is simple in joy, so ours is double, both in the
present, that is, and in future time, and so it is necessary that
on that day the sorrow represented by the form of our present
life be set aside and the joy in the glorious Resurrection of our
Redeemer be assumed in its place.
You see I have mentioned the various things that have oc-
curred to me and as briefly as possible. You have the right
to use your own judgment in selecting anything of which you
approve and in correcting or deleting anything that has dis-
pleased you.
Concerning the covering of the altar and the veils to be
used, the custom of the churches is that as evening approaches
the church is decorated and the true light, arising from below,
is received with pomp, because those virgins who kept their
lamp trimmed awaited the arrival of the Bridegroom in the
joy of the Resurrection. 6 Thus, the feast is celebrated during
the night until midnight, at which hour we believe that we
ourselves shall arise from the dead and that the Lord "will
judge the living and the dead";7 for what has already occurred
in the Head will follow in the members.
Finally, I devotedly add the humble service of my servility,
and entrust myself to your prayers, to be saved as I am tossed
upon the storms of this life, if only God may look down from
heaven and pardon me and pity those whom we so unworthily
lead.

LETTER 15

Braulio, unworthy servant of the saints of God, to Basilla,

my mistress and dearest daughter in Christ.!
Tossed by the storms of this terrible message, 1 am com-
6 Cf. Matt. 25.1·13.
7 2 Tim. 4.1.
1 Written about 633, to console his sister for the death of her husband.
 LETTERS 41

pelled without being asked to answer your letter, and my

mind does not know where to turn first: whether to declare my
own sorrow or to offer you consolation; or, if it be not out of
place, to mention my present good health, if a life aillicted
with sorrows can be called good health. For 10, daily the
good are leaving the Church and the bad are increasing daily,
and we are saddened as much by the defection of the one as
by the progress of the other. As a matter of fact, the apostle
forbids us to mourn for our dead;2 but who does not grieve
when he loses a present good? For the "chosen vessel"3 him-
self rejoices that Epaphras 4 was restored to him from the
neighborhood of death, in which he must have had both joy
over his own recovery and doubtless sorrow at his death. We
are encouraged to hope when we do not doubt that the life of
the faithful is exchanged for a better one, and we have them
as stronger pleaders in the presence of God, by whose loss
we are, for the time being, made destitute here. Yet somehow,
amid the encouragement to consolation and the hope of
resurrection, no matter how strongly the mind believes, it is
crushed by a feeling of loss," but since no other way of escape
is offered, we must use all our strength to embrace this one,
for in Him that "condones the wicked"6 and "raises up the
dead,"7 "hope does not disappoint,"S because we believe that
we shall be in that blessed region with those who already sleep.
"One who is overcome by his own grief" and who weeps
and sobs so much that he cannot speak "is not the best one
to offer consolation."9 For 10, as I in my sadness try to console
you in yours, "the tears run down my face,"JO and, try as I will,
2 Cf. Jerome, Letter 3.3 (CSEL 54.15); also 1 Thess. 4.13.
3 Acts 9.15.
4 Phil. 2.25-28, where the reference is to Epaphroditus; there is also an
Epaphras mentioned by Paul, e.g., Col. 1.7.
5 Jerome, Letter 60.2 (CSEL 54.550).
6 Provo 17.15.
7 Cf. John 6.40.
8 Rom. 5.5.
9 Borrowed from Jerome, Letter 39.2 (CSEL 54.295).
10 Jerome, Letter 22.35 (CSEL 54.198).
42 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

I cannot hide my feelings. How can we help it when one and

the same fate awaits each of us after the sin of our mortality?
Pious and impious, just and wicked, moral and worthless are
all carried off, but the saint and the damned shall not be
joined by one judgment and one cohabitation in the hereafter.
Therefore, let us endure the bitterness of the present life,
patiently awaiting what we shall some day be, and let us
rejoice in the Lord for our hope of a happy life, praying and
beseeching that He will be completely appeased when He meets
both our dear ones who have gone before and us who follow,
and that He shall never separate us by His severe judgment;
but rather that "mercy triumphs over judgment"ll and with
His accustomed piety, if it shall be agreeable to Him, He may
unite us in the eternal blessedness of His storehouse.
Let us be animated with this hope, let us serve Him with
this purpose, and let us find in Him both the affection of His
love and the source of consolation. I urge and request you
especially, my dear sister, to exhibit the measure of your con-
solation so prudently, both to yourself and to all who are
grieved by the loss of such a husband, that you "may appear
to be waiting for him rather than to have lost him,"12 and do
not grieve that you have lost such a protector, but rejoice that
you had such a husband.1 3
Finally, I greet you all with equal affection, and I ask you
all with equal supplication to pray for me and to bear with
equanimity this sorrow that has befallen. I am not unaware
of the degree of woe which this sad news has brought to you.

11 James 2.13.
12 Jerome, Letter 60.14 (CSEL 54.568).
13 Jerome, Letter 60.7 (CSEL 54.556).
 LETTERS 43

LETTER 16

Braulio, unworthy semant of the sain ts of God, to Apicella,

mistress and daughter in Christ.!
Although this book was written for another, I am sending
it to you, because I did not want to refuse your request. In
fact, I think it happened by the will of the Almighty that it
should be given to you, although prepared for another. For
you have herein holy Tobias, the loss of whose sight 2 may
console you for the loss of your husband; and you have Judith,
who, in the adornment3 of her widowhood, may teach you
to beautify your widowhood with virtues, and may show you
the mortification in your body for which Holophernes set an
example,4 in order that you may attain the blessing of your
race and of your faith and have the name and perpetual
memory of blessed5 in future posterity.
Farewell in the Lord, and please remember and pray for us.

LETTER 17

Braulio, unworthy semant Of the saints of God, to Wili-

gildus, bishop and my lord in Christ, most blessed lord, to be
venerated in the members of Christ and to be embraced with
all love.!
I am not unaware that I acted contrary to the e(Hcts of the
fathers and the decrees of the canons when I raised to sub-

I Written probably 633-634, accompanying the biblical texts of Tobias

and Judith, to console the noblewoman Apicella for the death of her
husband.,
2 Cf. Tob. 2_11.
3 Cf. Judith 10.3.
4 Cf. Judith 13.10.
5 Cf. Judith 15.10.
I Written probably in 633-634. The addressee appears to have had a
see in Visigothic territory outside of Spain_
44 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

deacon and deacon a monk who, as I well know, ran away

from a monastery under your control, for although the Church
of Christ is diffused throughout the whole world, it is yet
considered one in Catholic universality, since it relies upon
its rectors and is governed by its prelates; it is both divided in
privileges and one in the bond of faith; for this reason, I
realize that I exceeded my authority. I have been the more
anxious to set this at the very beginning of this letter that,
having confessed my sin, I may more swiftly receive the in-
dulgence of pardon. For I reflect that although the guidance
of the churches is shared in many ways by a diversity of
bishops, still I recall that it is one beyond a doubt and I am
animated by the hope of charity, which has caused me to
presume so much on your part and almost to destroy the
correct authority, for charity, as one of the fathers said, knows
no rank,2 or with the apostle: "Charity is not self-seeking."3
When I assumed your authority, I did not try to make it my
own, but I believed you would do the same thing if I asked
you to spare him. So I gave orders to your servant, but not
without testimony and questioning about his manner of living.
Therefore, although the great distance of land between us
makes me immune to your authority, I ask you to pardon me
as well as him, so that herein you may show your kindness,
when you display your piety and goodness by forgiving me
in his presence. If I obtain this, then, I ask you to permit
him to keep the orders which he received from me, or rather
accepted by my unworthy hands, and to supplicate Christ the
Lord incessantly for my unworthiness, not only so that I may
know that I have received pardon from you, but that also I
may realize that I am supported with the help of your prayer,
and in the mortality of this life am so manifestly aided by the
Lord.
'With religious humility and most devoted servitude, I pay

2 Cf. Jerome, Letter 7.6 (CSEL 54.31).

3 1 Cor. 13.5.
 LETTERS 45

my respects to your beatitude and ask that, when you have

the occasion, I may merit being included among your corres-
pondents. The same for Ayulfus, priest and abbot.~

LETTER 18

Bralliio, unworthy servant of the saints of God, to my

mistress and daughter in Christ, Pomponia, abbess. 1
I am pierced by one wound and tortured with much grief,
the bond of bitterness does not permit the tongue to perform
its function, and it is easier to weep than to talk.2 Lo, one
affiiction comes upon another affiiction, and contrition upon
contrition: "as if a man were to flee from a lion, and a bear
should meet him," or howl at being struck by a scorpion,
"and a snake should bite him";3 so completely am I dejected
and affiicted with the misery of my sorrow. I confess, madam,
that every time I try to write to you about the passing of our
lady Basilla of blessed memory, I am overcome with bitterness
and experience a dullness in my mind, a heaviness in my
senses, and a slowness in my tongue, because, while I was occu-
pied with grief, my mind was affected by death. As time passed
and my grief was sufficiently lightened for me to express my-
self in words, I was again struck with redoubled woe and dis-
solved in tears. The terrible news was brought to me of the
death of Bishop Nunnitus,4 my lord of blessed memory. Thus
depressed, I utter but few words and sobs. a what good we
have lost for our time in these two! What light of truth!
4 Ayulfus was probably abbot of the monastery from which the unknown
monk had fled. There was an Aviulfus known to have been a bishop
in Aquitania.
Written to his sister in 634 or 635 to lament the death of their other
sister, Basilia (d. Letter 15).
2 Gregory the Great, Hom. 33 on the Gospels, first sentence (PL 76.1239).
3 Amos 5.19.
4 Nunnitus, Bishop of Gerona, attended the council at Toledo in Dec..
633, but died before 636.
46 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

What an example of good deeds, what intercession for our

sins! Where now is the protection before God that we enjoyed
in them? Where is refuge for the wretched? Where is hospi-
tality for pilgrims? Where is comfort and rest for monks and
nuns? You must understand what I mean but am unable to
express; I merely indicate my thoughts, for I cannot begin
to say good of them, knowing that it would be a completely
impossible task for me to try to catalog their most holy acts,
even if I professed facility of words, grace of tongue, and ingen-
uity of memory. Still, as I said, I can show how much I grieve
and how much grief I feel within me.
Woe, woe to this present life; how much better it is to be-
moan it than to embrace it, to hate than to love! The good
passes, the bad succeeds, and with constant course we pass by.
It must be some drunken stupor of the mind that makes us
think we shall endure, for insensibly time passes, the death
to come approaches, and our hope presents us with images
of present joys only. Happy are they whose joy is God and
whose rejoicing is in the blessedness of the future, whose suf-
ferings and disgrace are hidden with Christ in the standard
of His Cross to be remembered at the eternal triumph! So
let all our affection be directed towards Him, all our service
displayed in Him, that our inner man may be consoled by
Him who suffered for us; may He not abandon us anywhere
or at any time.
Therefore, use the meditation of the Sacred Scriptures to
console your spirit, and through you let the other sisters be
consoled, and at the same time kindly pray that, with the aid
of your prayer amidst the shipwrecks and the varied dangers
of this life, the Divine Omnipotence may extend to me the
comfort of His piety, that I may deserve with you to enjoy the
presence of the Omnipotence in the future life.
I salute all who are bound with you to the servitude of
Christ the Lord; above all I greet you with special piety and
ask that you confer your holy love upon me, just as you have
 LETTERS 47

realized the love which is His gift to me. You do nothing

unusual if you love me, for you know the nature of my heart
and what a companion shares your blood. Explicit.

LETTER 19

Braulio to his honored daughters Raja and Eutrocia,1

I know, I know that he who needs to be consoled does not
offer the best consolation and that those who are overcome
by their own sobs cannot well relieve another's grief,2 but since
the fall of man, this law has been given to the world and this
is the sentence of God, that bitter death shall cut down all
men whom birth has brought to light; both you and I must
use this fact as a solace to remind ourselves that in the death of
our friend Hugnan we are neither the first nor the last to
experience this. That we may reflect upon better and loftier
things, let us recall that Christ, the hope of all believers, calls
those who have departed from the world sleeping, not dead,3
saying: "Lazarus, our friend, sleeps."4 But the holy apostle
does not wish us to mourn for those who sleep.;; Therefore,
if our faith holds that all who believe in Christ according to
the Holy Gospel shall not die forever,6 we know by faith that
he is not dead and that we shall not die. "For the Lord himself
shall come down from heaven with cry of command, and with
voice of archangel, and with trumpet of God; and the dead
who are in him will rise."7 Therefore, let the hope of resur-

I Written about 635·638. Hugnan, just deceased, was son of Hojo and
husband of Eutrocia, possibly also father of Hermenfred, mentioned
at the end of the letter.
2 Cf. Jerome, Letter 39.2; d. Braulio, Letter 15 n. 5.
3 Cf. Jerome Letter 60.2 (CSEL 54.550).
4 John lUI.
5 Jerome. [,etter 3.3 (CSEL 54.15) with probable reference to I Thess.
4.13-18.
6 Cf. John 11.26.
7 Cf. I Thess. 4.16.
48 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

rection inspire us that we shall again see there those whom

we lose here; we have only to believe well in Him and obey
His commandments, with whom is all power, that He can
more easily arouse the dead than we those who sleep.s
In spite of these words, we are so deeply affected that we
fall into tears and the longing of desire crushes the beliefs
of the mind. How miserable is man's lot! How vain is all our
life without Christ! 0 death, that separates those who were
joined, cruel and harsh in forcing apart those who were tied
by friendship! Now, now is your strength destroyed. Now is
that wicked yoke of yours broken by Him who sternly threat-
ened you in the words of Osee: "0 death, I will be thy bite!"9
So let us with the apostle voice our taunt: "0 death, where is
thy victory? 0 death, where is thy sting?"10 He who conquered
you has redeemed us-He who betrayed His beloved soul
into the hands of the wicked, that those once wicked He
might make His beloved. l l
There is much that should be unfolded from Divine Scrip-
ture for our common consolation, but we should be satisfied
with the hope of resurrection and by turning our eyes to the
glory of our Redeemer, in whom we believe through faith that
we have already arisen, in the words of the apostle: "Now if
we have died with Christ, we believe that we shall also live
together with him."12 '!\Therefore I beseech you, as Christians,
as women of wisdom, to be consoled yourselves, and not to
allow your orphaned daughters to perish with lamenting. For
the wise man seven days of mourning is sufficient,13 after the
example of the present world, which daily runs in this number.
Therefore, be consoled in the Lord and in the omnipotence
of His power, who "watches over the fatherless and the
R Jerome, LetteT 75.1 (CSEL 55.30).
9 Cf. Osee 13.14.
10 I Cor. 15.55.
II The whole paragraph is based on Jerome, J.etter 60.2 (CSEL !j·!.r.30);
Letter 60.13 (CSEL 54 ..563); LetteT 75.1 (CSEL 55.29.30).
12 Cf. Rom. 6.8.
13 Cf. Ecclus. (Sir.) 22.11.
 LETTERS 49

widow,"14 who rules all with His grace, who "executes justice
for the orphan and the widow,"15 who "renders justice to the
afflicted and the destitute,"16 lest we seem to have placed our
faith in man rather than in God.
I know how you will be tortured by the recollection of the
greatness you have lost in him, for one has lost a son, the other
has lost a husband; but we too have lost a friend. What can we
do, "for all flesh is as grass, and all the glory of the world as
the flower of grass"?17 If this is the will, or rather because
this is the will of the Creator (as the apostle said: "The sun
rose with a burning heat, and parched the grass, and its flowers
fell Off"18), His will should be dear to us, for it is wrong to re-
fuse it and impious not to follow it. Doubtless, His will and
not ours shall remain firm and unchanging, for we are not
ours, but His who redeemed us; our will should always depend
upon His will. This is why we pray: "Thy will be done."19
Therefore, at the time of death, we must say with Job:
"The Lord gave, and the Lord has taken away; blessed be
the name of the Lord."20 Let us say this with Job now, lest
in the present case we shall later be judged different from him.
Now, it is time for me to stop, lest you become tired of read-
ing. In conclusion, I pray Almighty God to heal you with
His consolation, to guard your lives, and to show me in your
letters the relief of your sorrow. Now, send Hermenfred to
me; when he has visited, he may return to you. Explicit.

14 Cf. Ps. 145.9.

15 Deut. 10.18.
16 Ps. 81.3.
17 Cf. 1 Peter 1.24.
18 Cf. James 1.11.
19 Matt. 6.10.
20 Job 1.21.
50 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

LETTER 20

Braulio to his honored daughters H ojo and Eutmcia. 1

I hear that you are not consoled after "seven days."2 You
should have laid aside your grief, since "great piety towards
one's own is impiety towards God."3 You act against the will
of the Creator if you mourn without limit, for we shall soon
hasten to Hugnan, though he will not return to us, and so we
must treat him as absent, not give him up as dead, so that we
may appear to be waiting for him, not to have lost him.4 I
pray you not to arouse the anger of God against you; lay aside
your grief; be consoled, lest you fall into despair. For it is not
right to mourn with personal obstinacy for that which is the
common lot of all. Overcome with all your power, even with
more power than you possess, the softness of your hearts, and
check your freely-flowing tears, for no Christian should be
pleased with what is not pleasing to Christ. I have already
mentioned his name at mass before the altar of God and
have commended his soul to the all-powerful Christ. I hear
you have done the same. I have commended him to the
Creator, Christ the Lord, who created him and who has taken
him away. He has done what He wanted with His work. "For
who shall say to him: 'What have you done?' or who can op-
pose His decree?"5 "Dare the clay say to its modeler, why have
you done SO?"6 when He has the power to mold when He
wishes and to break when He wishes? God created you with
power to reason; recover your reason, for your affliction cannot
accomplish anything for him. Watch, lest in acting against
God's will you make Him properly angry with you and per·
haps even indignant towards Hugnan.

1 Written not long after Letter 19.

2 Ecclus. (Sir.) 22.11; d. Letter 19 n. 13.
3 Jerome, Letter 39.6 (CSEL 54.306).
4 Cf. Letter 15, p. 42.
5 Cf. Wisd. 12.12.
6 Cf. Isa. 45.9.
 LETTERS 51

All that remains is that you should be consoled and pray

daily before God for his repose, for that is what we are doing
also: this is all we may do, we may grieve no more. There-
fore, I pray God that He may console you and that you may
have more concern for those who are left behind than for him
whom you cannot aid. May Almighty God grant you the grace
not to offend Him and to lead a quiet life in this world.

LETTER 21

To Pope Honorius} most reverend lord and deserving of the

merits of apostolic glory} from all the bishops who have their
sees in Spain.!
You are performing extremely well and most suitably the
duties of your see as it was conferred upon you by God; with
holy "care of all the churches,"2 resplendent in the shining
flame and in the mirrors of your doctrine, you are providing
a worthy guardianship for the Church of Christ; with the
sword of the divine word and the weapon of heavenly zeal,
you are confounding those who deride the Lord's tunic; after
the fashion of Nehemias,3 with your energy and your watch-
fulness, you are cleansing the sacred House of God, our
Mother, from wicked transgressors and accursed deserters.
By the inspiration and sacred meditation of the Most High,
these facts were already well known to your most glorious

Written, undoubtedly, by Braulio on behalf of all the bishops

assembled at the Sixth Council of Toledo, which convened Jan. 9,638.
It is a reply to a letter now lost from Pope Honorius I, urging the
bishops to be more robust for the faith and to be more eager in
destroying infidels. There is reference to converted Jews who had
been a110wed to return to their original faith. The Fourth Council
of Toledo (633) in its 57th canon expressed great concern that the
Holy See had been reported indulgent toward such relapses. Most
Visigothic kings and church officials had been strongly anti·Jewish
for more than fifty years.
2 2 Cor. 11.28
3 Cf. 2 Esd. 3.
52 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

son, our prince, King Chintila. 4 By the grace of God, your

encovragement was brought to him, while he was attending
to the perfonnance of his vows, for we, the bishops of all of
Spain and of Gallia Narbonensis, had come together in one
assembly, when, with Turninus serving as messenger, there
was brought to us your decree, in which we were urged to be
more robust on behalf of the faith and more eager in wiping
out the pernicious heresies of the unfaithful.
a most noble prince and most blessed lord, we confess
that herein is at work no human counselor plan of men, but
the ever-foreseeing and nowhere-nodding plan of the almighty
Creator. Over so many intervening lands and so many under-
lying seas," with one manner and with one thought, the
quickener of all and the guide of souls has inspired equally
the heart of our prince and your own thoughts conformably on
behalf of the faith. What else, then, can we understand than
that He whose care is over all has with His divine will
breathed into both of you what He in the wisdom of His
eternity and universality foresees is to the advantage of the
Catholic Church?
Therefore, with inexpressible emotion, we render thanks
to the Lord, the King of heaven, and we extol His blessed
name beyond all the glories of praise. What is greater or more
suitable to human nature than to obey the divine precepts,
with watchful zeal to restore to the way of salvation the souls
of those who have lost hope, by setting up a separate science
as rival to their own? We trust that you will not fail to bear
the rewards of your crown as you try to make those who are
eager even more awake for the faith and to fire with the
wannth of the Holy Spirit those who are less fervent.
On our part, we are not wrapped up in such a degree of
sloth as to forget our duty or not to be moved by the prospect
of the inspiration of heavenly Grace, but, according to the

4 Reigned 636-640.
5 Cf. Letter 5 n. 14.
 LETTERS 53

demands of the times, we have had a planned distribution of

speakers; we would have your blessedness know that the fact
that the matter has not been completely settled by now is due
to indulgent, rather than negligent or timid action, following
the advice of the apostle, who says: "With modesty admonish-
ing those that follow a different wisdom: in case God should
give them repentance to know the truth, and they recover
themselves from the snares of the devil."6 Therefore, we de-
sired to act with calculated restraint to influence with Christ-
ian blandishments those who could with difficulty be over-
come by rigid discipline, and to temper our genuine severity
with the continuous and lengthy treatment of preaching. 7
We do not believe that any harm is done when victory
comes from the delay, for nothing is late when the matter is
weighed with greater discretion. The unjust arguments used
by your holiness to criticize us have absolutely nothing to do
with this case, if I may say so; especially that quotation from
Isaia (and not from Ezekiel as you stated; although all the
prophets prophesy with one spirit), "Dumb dogs, they cannot
bark,"8 does not pertain to us at all, as I have just said, if
your blessedness will but consider, for we keep constant watch
over the flocks of the Lord 9 at His inspiration; we frighten
wolves with our biting and thieves with our barking, for He
"who guards Israel neither slumbers nor sleeps"lO within us.
"For his workmanship we are, created in good works, which
God has made ready that we may walk in them."ll In fact,
when it was opportune, we did censure transgressors and we
did not keep silent when it was our duty to preach. Lest your
apostolic highness think we are producing this to excuse our-

6 2 Tim. 2.25, 26.

7 Canon 17 of IV Toledo stated that Jews who are converted of their
own free will are apt to prove better Christians than those who are
forced to accept baptism.
8 Isa. 56.10.
g Cf. Luke 2.8.
10 Cf. Ps. 120.4.
II Cf. Eph. 2.10.
54 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

selves and not for the sake of the truth, we have deemed it
necessary to send to you the previous decrees 1:! along with the
present canons. 13
Accordingly, most blessed lord and honorable Pope, in that
love which is our special gift from God, with the veneration
which we owe to the Apostolic See and to the honor of your
holiness, we confidently declare with "a good conscience and
faith unfeigned"14 what are our opinions in this case. We
think that speakers of falsehood considered that your clemency
was open to hear a wrong opinion, for false words are fre-
quently accustomed to spread anonymously and penetrate
unstable minds with their insubstantial nature, so that lies
and stories that have no connection with the truth are fostered
in the heart. Then, because there is no truth to support them,
they must be protected by iniquity in false colors. But since
God destroys "the mouth of those who speak falsely,"15 we
do not believe that the serpent's deceit has left its impression
on the rock of Peter, which we know was firmly founded by
our Lord Jesus Christ. Although you, most holy one, mindful
of your office, urge us with most sacred exhortation to be
zealous for the propagation of the faith, we do not believe
that the poison of this dreadful lie has found open room
in the kindness of your heart, for we know that it is a mark
of a fine mind to believe lies only with great difficulty. The
story has even been brought to us (it is incredible to us and
cannot possibly be believed) that, by the oracles of the vener-
able Prince of Rome, baptized Jews have been allowed to
return to the superstition of their own religion. How false
this is, your sanctity best knows. When that clever and insidi-
OtiS enemy of the human race realizes that all the effort of his
labor is accomplishing nothing, he tries to console the hearts
of the damned with lying rumors, but you, most reverend of

12 IV Toledo.
13 V Toledo.
14 I Tim. 1.5.
15 Cf. Ps. 62.12.
 LETTERS 55

men and most holy of fathers, must carryon with that virtue
which makes you strong in the Lord, with the preaching in
which you excel, with all your fervent zeal to bring into the
lap of the Mother Church, as rapidly as possible and in any
way possible, the "enemies of the cross of Christ"16 and the
worshipers of the demons of Antichrist. Both the Orient and
the Occident must be instructed by your voice and must
realize that they possess the divine support in your aid and
must be eager to destroy the perfidy of the wicked. Whereas
you call for a second Elias as you punish the unlucky prophets
of Baal,H and complain that you are the only one to remain
tormented by the demands of a greater zeal, you should,
instead, listen to the words from above, that there are many
left "who have not bowed their knees to Baal."18 This we
mention to your beatitude without being inflated with the
spirit of boasting or pride, but as lovers of the truth, that you
may know the truth from us with all due humility; we have
thought it just to suggest that the truth should stand between
us, while vanity deceives the faithless.
Although reason demands that we should reply in detail
to each point in your letter, yet, we reply briefly, but, we
think, sufficiently, lest your hearing be wearied by too great
protraction of our words. A few words are sufficient for a
wise man. 19
More urgently and more insistently, we request your honored
holiness that, in addition to mentioning the blessed apostles
and all the saints when you offer prayers in the sight of the
Lord for the preservation of the whole Church, you see fit to
bestow your kindly piety more abundantly on behalf of our
own humble unworthine~s, that by the smoke of your offering
"of aroma tical spices, of myrrh, and frankincense"2o the dregs

16 Phil. 3.18.
17 Cf. 3 Kings 18.40.
18 Rom. 1l.4.
19 Isidore. Letter 8.3 to Eugenius; ultimately from Plautus. Persa 729.
20 Cf. Cant. 3.6.
56 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

and impurities of our sins may be washed away, lest we receive

"what our deeds deserved"21 in the present or in future ages,
for we know that no mortal crosses this vast sea without
danger.
Therefore, most excellent and outstanding of bishops, for
the serenity of your son, our prince, and for us and for
the peoples committed to our care, offer before God the aid
of your intercession, which will redound to your sanctity's
eternal glory. In this we, too, offer our assistance, asking the
Almighty Lord to make the present course of His Church
tranquil and quiet in the dignity of a most religious con-
duct, that the ship of faith, which is constantly threatened
by the rocks of temptations and the Charybdis of pleasures
and the waves of persecutions and the barking of Scylla and
the madness of the Gentiles, may, by His guidance and gov-
ernance, be brought most quietly to a safe harbor, so that
when the sea and the winds have been rebuked,22 all things
may turn out prosperously for it in response to its prayer
for felicity.
At the end of this letter, we have thought to add something
special of our own to the head of our ministry, namely, that
your apostolic highness should reflect most seriously on the
question whether those who are involved in any crime what-
soever ought to be punished so severely as your beatitude has
decreed those should be condemned who are stained with the
fault of prevarication. We have never seen this done anywhere
by the decrees of our forefathers, nor is it to be found in the
divine words in the pages of the New Testament.

21 Luke 23.41.
22 Cf. Luke 8.24.
 LETTERS 57

LETTER 22

BTalllio to my lord, Bishop Eutmpius.1

To the anxious concern of your beatitude, in which you
deign to ask a question whose answer, you say, you do not
deserve, I cannot render proper thanks; how much less can I
reply? But He who alone made Himself a debtor for the
poor, and whose concern it is to make answer even to the
impossible, will give you answer in my stead, my lord,
and will Himself favor you with the same kindness which
you show towards me.
Concerning the feast of Easter, as you have questioned
my unworthy self, your sanctity should know that this is the
truth: Easter this year falls on April 8, the twenty-first day of
the moon. That is how our elders of old prescribed, namely,
Theophilus to the Emperor Theodosius;2 likewise, his succes-
sor, CyriI;3 likewise, Dionysius;4 likewise, Proterius to Pope
Leo;5 and also Paschasinus;6 and the rest whom it would take
too long to mention, though I must add the outstanding man

\Vritten late in 640. Eutropius has asked Braulio when the next
Easter will be celebrated. The date of April 8, as given, and the
twenty-first day of the moon coincide only for the year 641. Eutropius
would have needed to know the date far enough in advance to be
able to inform the priests in his diocese when Lent would begin.
The see of Eutropius is unknown, but it must have been near Sara-
g·ossa. He appears again in Letter 37.
2 Prefatory letter of Theophilus,Bishop of Alexandria, to Emperor
Theodosius I, written in 338 to accompany a set of paschal tables.
printed in B. Krusch, Studien zur christlichmittelalterlichen Chrono-
logie (Leipzig 1880) 220-26.
3 St. Cyril of Alexandria, prefatory letter to Theodosius II, accompanying
a set of paschal tables for the years 403-512; Krusch, op. cit. 88.
4 Probably Dionysius Exiguus, who wrote several works on the paschal
cycle. His Liber de Paschate quotes from the letter of Proterius men-
tioned below.
:, Letter of Proterius of Alexandria to Pope Leo the Great; Krusch.
op. cit. 267 -69.
() Paschasinus, Bishop of Lilybaeum, to Leo the Great Oil determining
the date of Easter in 444; Krusch, op. cit. 245-50.
58 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

of our day, Isidore of Seville. 7 I think that, in such a large

and important subject, they would not have failed to employ
their customary carefulness and labor.
Now in the table which you, my lord, inspected, as your
sanctity writes, there was probably an error on the part of
the manuscript or of the scribe, and that is why it happens
to be written that way and not as it should be. s This year,
the Pasch of the Jews falls on April 1, not that of the Christ-
ians, in accordance with the Old rather than the New Testa-
ment. Now, theirs must precede and ours must follow, because
the Old Testament comes first and then the New; in accord-
ance with this, our Lord ate the old Passover with his disciples
on the fifth day of the week, and later, by His Passion and Res-
surrection, consecrated for us the Sabbath, which dawns on
Sunday.9 Therefore, we cannot celebrate with them, for it is
prohibited by the Council of Nicaea, as found in Book Seven
of the Ecclesiastical History.lo Therefore, we must celebrate
Easter on the following Sunday, which, as I have already said,
will be April 8, the twenty-first day of the moon, since the
fourteenth day of the moon is celebrated on their April 1,
the preceding Sunday. Further, the half (fourteenth day)
runs out before the third quarter by our custom, but with

7 Isidore, Etymologies 6.17.5-9, with paschal cycle for the years 627-721.
The main reason for quoting these sources, which Braulio may have
possessed in a single collection of complltlls, was to cite Alexandrian
authority, to which the Roman Church had once violently objected,
that if the fourteenth day of the moon fell on Sunday, then Easter
must be celebrated on the following Sunday, even though it might
come after April 21. Other sources enforce the requirement there
stated that the Christian Easter may not be observed at the same time
as the Jewish Passover. For a full discussion, see C. W. Jones,
Bedae Opera de Temporiblls (Cambridge, Mass. 1943) 18-22.
8 Most of the two preceding sentences was taken directly from the
letter of Proterius just mentioned.
9 "Quod in dominica lucescit" is a difficult phrase.
10 Braulio must have had the Latin translation by Rufinus of the
History of Eusebius. The paschal canons which it contains in 7.32 are,
however, said to be those of Anatolius of Laodicea, rather than the
Acts of N icaea.
 LETTERS 59

them the half is left vacant, because they do not celebrate the
Passover until the fourteenth day of the moon is complete.!1
To satisfy you briefly, our Lord Jesus Christ, who came
"not to destroy the law, but to fulfill,"12 "for the consumma-
tion of the law is Christ,"13 first determined Easter by law
and consummated it with these words: "I will not drink from
henceforth of this fruit of the vine."14 Afterwards, to start
the new and separate it from the old, that the old and the
new might not be confused in one, He began thus: "This
cup is the new covenant in my blood";15 and that the distinc-
tion might also be observed by us, He pointed to the difference,
saying: "Do this in remembrance of me."16
La, 1 have sent you, my lord, a few brief thoughts as they
occurred to me, but I would not be reputed verbose nor
overabundant; for what 1 said is not mine alone, since
truth is common to all. Therefore, if 1 have said anything
worthy, let it be considered a gift of God, concerning which
you rightly presume more of what we all share in common.
If the truth speaks anything through me, then, it is yours
rather than mine, for you love truth more than I; and since
"every good gift is from above,"17 it is, accordingly, more
yours, because you are His who is above. If, on the other
hand, there is anything in these words which is displeasing
to reason, it is mine and not God's; in the same way, when
we speak truths, they are God's not ours. Therefore, they
belong more to him who is His rather than his own;· and
when you find in me what is His, you find your own, and in
me you possess the things of Him to whom belong the things
which you possess.

II I.e., the Jews actually commence Passover at stlnset and tlse the
fifteenth day of the moon.
12 Matt. 5.17.
13 Rom. lOA.
14 Matt. 26.2Y.
1.5 Luke 22.20.
16 Luke 22.19.
17 James 1.17.
60 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

Finally, I add a reverent and loving greeting, and entrust

my salvation to your prayers.

LETTER 23

Braulio} humble servant of the saints of God} to my lord

and bishop Valentinus} one with me in spirit.1
We were pleased and delighted to receive the letter from
your holiness, especially since it is a pledge of your affection
and a proof of your good health, so that there is opportunity,
which, I confess to you, is pleasant for me, of returning this
mutual pledge of love. Since we believe that nothing happens
in the ordered course of events without our Creator, we,
in our turn, offer thanks as great as our heart can feel,
greater than our tongue can express. I think nothing worthier
can be said, nothing shorter heard, nothing happier thought,
nothing more profitable understood or done, of all the things
that we bear in our hearts and speak with our mouths and
write with our pens, than "Thanks to God."
I have read your letter and am so overcome by your blandish-
ments that I feel myself oppressed rather than uplifted 2 by the
tally of all the services which you consider I have performed
for you, for we think that we possess little or nothing of what
your benevolence ascribes to us. Even if there is any truth
in what has been said on my behalf, it must be referred to
Him "from whom is every best gift,"3 from whom also comes

Written between 641 and 646. The reCipient may be the same as
Anianus, Bishop of Valencia in 646, but I 'am inclined to believe with
Risco that unianimus is not a proper name, but an adjective referring
to their common friendship, used here but not in the address to
Letter 24, especially as Lynch (p. 69) has called attention to the use
of "una anima tua et mea" near the end of the letter. Even so, the
latter could be Braulio's natural word play on a proper name
Unianimus.
2 Jerome, Letter 47.l (CSEL 54.345).
3 Cf. James 1.17.
 LETTERS 61

the gift that you never receive anything but kind answers
from anyone. You, my lord, both display and describe your
love towards us, but I beg you not to be deceived by love,
although you seem to place that love, not only in what you
write, but also in your heart. Accordingly, although I am not
unaware that I am your debtor, if I return your praises, I shall
not be lying, but I fear to speak quite superfluously, when I
mention those truths about you of which no one is unaware.
I have spared your sense of shame, lest I show that I was
ashamed when you praised me, so that your own extreme
modesty might overcome its conscience.
But what shall I do? It is written: "Pay your debts"4 and
"owe no man anything,"5 but in this I prefer to be a debtor
rather than one who repays, lest you think that I want to hear
the same about myself and hasten once again to repay your
debt to me. Wherefore I request that when I enjoy your
praises, I may be allowed to feel the rewards of your prayers
rather than to hear my own kindnesses undeservingly enumer-
ated.
Lo, I have answered you on the spur of the moment,
inflamed with the love of charity, so that the very prolixity
of my tardy reply satisfies my longing for you, when I answer
much of little consequence to your few but important words,
for whatever I pour out in writing rather than speak is done
as though I were talking with you face to face.
Since you are my other soul, or rather your soul and mine
are one in Christ, I pray and beseech that your prayers to God
for me be incessant and that you not think that I have
any merit, lest you shame yourself by your intervention for
me, thinking that I have what I do not have, instead of pray-
ing that I should be what you perhaps think I am; for if you
examine the secrets of my actions, you will find more in me

4 Cf. Rom. 13.7.

5 Rom. 13.B.
62 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

that you would wish to suppress, than what would cause

you to rejoice when you have finished your prayer.
All pretext aside, I pray I may deserve to be inspired by a
letter from you, I pray earnestly on your behalf, and I append
a wish for your most ample health, as though I were in your
presence.

LETTER 24

Bralllio} unworthy se11Jallt of the saints of God} to my lord}

Bishop Valentinus. 1

You may be sure that I labor with extreme vexation under

the same storms and tempests that you complain of as dis-
turbing your repose. What can be safe for those for whom
the end of the world has come, when in what I may call the
trembling old age of this earth, when it has been struck by the
most violent maladies, we find that we are more afflicted by
its ills and falls than refreshed by the repose of its maturity
and nobility? We must take refuge in Him in whom is all
power and control of the universe, that He may not give us
what we really deserve, but may with His customary mercy
lighten our burdens and our tribulations. From His
clemency we may presume that, while we are still in this body,
He will give us the opportunity of seeing you and of receiving
you and enjoying your blessing, that what we greatly desire,
we may one day receive with our eyes. For although the ab-
sence of the body does not separate those whom an equal
oneness in the Lord joins, since wherever we are we are one in
Him who is everywhere, for we love Him only and, in Him, our
neighbor; still, since we consist of body and soul, it is a far
greater benefit in this swiftly passing life to see one whom you
long for than to long for one whom you see. Inspired by this

Written betwecn 641 and 646. Although the opcning pessimism is full
of commonplaces, it may refer to political difficulties in the first
years of Chindaswinth, 642 and later.
 LETTERS 63

kind of love, we mutually long for one another and mutually

greet one another.
I constantly express my gratitude to your worthiness, whose
love is so strong that it sends for news; I ask pardon for my
negligence which does not send for news as it should, since
the men of this territory are frightened to go there on account
of robbers. I humbly pray that you do not repay me in kind,
but whenever you find an opening, send me an advice of your
safety.

LETTER 25

Bralllio) unworthy servant of the saints of God) to my

lord Emilian) priest and abbof.1
Although we are assailed on all sides by the continuous
seething resulting from the revolving of the earth, you are
placed by divine favor in an order of events to the plentiful
profit of souls; therefore, I have noted that the anchor of your
mind is founded upon such a solid heavenly rock that, no
matter in what ways the world may rage and the sea swell and
these mighty swirling waters lift their heads, your mind cannot
be completely destroyed nor swallowed by Charybdis nor de-
voured by Scylla's barking dogs 2 nor softened by the song
of the Sirens. Therefore, rightly has Verity spoken of such a
wise man: "Because you have built your house upon a rock,
the rain fell, the floods came, the winds blew, and beat against
that house, but it did not fall, because it was founded on
rock."3
Why all this? Because I have been thinking about the
efforts of your dedicated labor and the toil of your calm mind

I Written between 642 and 646 to Emilian, not to be confused with

the saint whose life Braulio composed. This Emilian appears to have
been, for a short while, a counselor of King Chindaswinth in Toledo.
2 Cf. Letter 21, p.
3 Cf. Matt. 7.24, 25.
64 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

on behalf of all, and the fact that you are situated on a

double road, so to speak, tolerating the vexations of the present
world in proportion to the multiplicity of good deeds, and
procuring the rewards of holy zeal by holy conduct. Now,
I do not bring this up in the manner of flattery nor with de·
ceptive blandishments, for one who flatters may be pleasant,
but still is to be considered an enemy;4 rather, I haye made
this beginning in order to strengthen your mind to be con·
soled for temptations and to withstand the storms without
which one cannot live, that adversity may be bravely en-
dured and prosperity avoided, and that we may so carefully
walk a middle course that the labors of this present life may
be practice, not destruction for us. Since you have been so
kind as to become my supporter and I do not doubt that you
are a part of my soul, likewise, my concern for you is as great
as if it were for myself, the Lord knows. Hence, I commend
this your humble servant to your kindness that he may be
presented through you to our glorious lord [the king] and
may by your care be instructed how he should proceed.
I have been looking for and cannot find the book of
Apringius, Bishop of Beja, which is a CommentaTY on the
Apocalypse. 5 I am asking you to get the text and send it to
me to be copied, for it will be easy for you on account of
your widespread power and the large size of your ci ty, even
if you do not have it, to find out from whom it may be ob·
tained so that you can send it to us. I know that, at one time,
it did exist in the library of Count Laurentius. You, my lord,
must find it wherever it is and fulfill my petition, for it will
be copied and returned immediately.
Finally, I add with full devotion the obsequies of your
servant as an offering to you, and I am anxiously desirous of
4 Jerome, Letter 22.2 (CSEL 54.146).
5 Written about a century before BrauIio's time and known to Isidore.
From a copy written in Barcelona in the eleventh or twelfth century,
two large fragments have survived at Copenhagen; first edited in 1900:
no. 1093 in Dekkers, Clavis patrum latinorum. Obviously, the com·
mentary was never widely dispersed.
 LETTERS 65

being constantly favored with the words from your most

learned pen.

LETTER 26

The sinner Emilian to my lord} Bishop Braulio. 1

Since I am unable to express in words the dutiful feelings
of my heart in thanking you, my lord, for the favor of your
kindness and grace, when you deigned to admonish freely and
to instruct with salutary advice my unworthy self, I use all
my prayers and supplications to ask God to return the favor
to you. I would ask your influence, my lord, that, by your
merits and prayers before God, you deign to have accomp-
lished in me the special praises and advice which you have
offered, that I may deserve to obtain with your blessing what is
pleasing both to our God and to your mind.
As for the book which you bade me search for and send to
your beatitude, God is my witness that I did my very best to
find it, and when I could not find it anywhere else, I men-
tioned it to your son, our lord [the king], and he had his
library searched, but the manuscript was not to be found
anywhere. We even made inquiries about the books of
Laurentius, but because, as you know, his property had been
scattered on that occasion, we could not investigate that source.
I pay you the reverent dues of my servitude and commend
myself for protection and encouragement to the sanctuary of
your mind, and quite humbly beg that, whenever the occasion
arises, I may deserve to be informed of your own prosperity
by a letter from you.

1 Written between 642 and 646 in reply to Letter 25.

66 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

LETTER 27

Braulio, humble servant of the saints of God, to my lord

Emilian, priest and abbot.!
1£ I could have deserved to be informed of your arrival, if
I could have known your route or the time or even a desig-
nated place where I might have visited with you, I should
not have incurred this fault [of not entertaining you]. Though
I was not aware of any of these things, God knows that I
desire to be presented in your presence, yet do not know how
it can be done. If both of these should become possible, please
do not refuse to see my humble self, for whose redemption the
Redeemer of the human race made Himself visible, "taking
our infirmities."2 If it be not possible, I ask you to pray for
miserable me and not to think differently of me than if I had
been allowed to receive you most courteously, for, both in
body and soul, I am your client and your slave and I might
have been your servant anywhere; I say this without reserva-
tion before God. But ecstasy "is spiritual and I am carnal,"3
sold under the reproach of infirmity; for this, my desire is
spiritual, but, on the other hand, the !fupport of my ecstasy
is corruptible. Therefore, discord is concord, and concord
discord, and we are so borne down by miseries that "what we
wish, we do not; and what we do not wish, that we do."4
But it is sufficient, when the listener is wise, to announce the
result and take note of the impossibility.
Finally, I commend myself and all things delegated to me
and request that you be propitious to us and deign to guard us,
not only by your prayers, but also by your exalted protection.

1 Written between 642 and 646, probably some time later than Letters
25 and 26. Emilian has made a visit to Saragossa that Braulio was not
informed of.
2 Cf. Matt. 8.17.
3 Cf. Rom. 7.14.
4 Cf. Rom. 7.19.
 LETTERS 67

LETTER 28

Bralllio, unworthy servant of the saints of God, to my

lord A taulfus,1

I have heard that your mother-in-law, the lady Mello,

has departed from this life. I think you must be in mourn-
ing, as you have a Christian soul, but you must display your
grief in such a way as to console your wife and her brother.
A prudent man displays fortitude in bearing present ills and
concealing adversity. It is proper for you, dearest lord,
to use that courage in which you excel to offer such conso-
lation to your family that you will not show how crushed
with pain you yourself are; not that you should not grieve
at all, for even the apostle rejoiced at the bringing back to life
of Epaphras and would have been grieved at the death of
him whose resurrection brought him joy.!! Although one who
is overcome by his own sobbing is not the best person to offer
consolation,3 still, you must guide the ship of your soul on this
doubtful journey in such a way as to offer solace to the sorrow-
ing without providing your enemies an opportunity to boast.
In conclusion, I salute you with all humility and reverence,
and pray that the divine piety may deign to save you in all
His grace.

I Written between 642 and 646; two of the Visigothic counts at the
Eighth Council of Toledo in 653 had the name Ataulfus.
2 Cf. Phil. 2.25·28; Letter 15 n. 4.
3 Cf. Letters 15 n. 8. and 19 n. 2.
68 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

LETTER 29

Braulio, unworthy servallt of the saints of God, to his

illustrious lords and beloved children in Christ, Gundeswinda
and Givarius.1
He more rightly bewails the miseries of human life who
expects that he will die each day;2 hence, it is not so much
having departed from the world as having lived with the
world that is full of sadness. Moreover, living so as to serve
Christ is to have conquered the world and not to have lived
with the world, which we believe your mother of sacred
memory has done, and for this she is to be congratulated that
she is without temptations, even if she has left us in various
misfortunes. For the passing of Christians, no doubt, is joy,
of which the apostle says: "Do not grieve, even as others who
have no hope";3 and again: "For to me to live is Christ and
to die is gain."4 But if our hope is our Redeemer, in whom
we are given victory over death and the glory of resurrection,
there is no reason why we should deplore the fate of those
whom we know to have died well. Therefore, be consoled in
the Lord and in the omnipotence of His virtue, who can be
our refuge and a resting-place for travelers. Do not mourn
for what you have lost, but rejoice that you have sent your
mother ahead to eternal life. 5 For there, those who precede
us await our arrival. With the favor of God, may that
arrival be such as to gladden, not only them, but even the
angels of peace.
Why do I protract this? The river of mortality cannot

Written between 642 and 646 to console this noble couple. probably
a sister and brother. on the death of their mother. The second name
was printed as Agivarius by Risco. Since Madoz does not mention a
variant. one must suppose that the manuscript has Givarius.
2 Cf. Jerome. Letter 53.11 (CSEL 54.465); Letter 54.18 (ibid. 485).
3 I Thess. 4.13.
4 Phil. 1.21.
5 Cf. Jerome. Letter 123.10 (CSEL 56.84); the word play on amitto and
praemitto is a commonplace found in several Christian writings.
 LETTERS 69

stand still; it runs and carries us along with it, and so we must
bear all that our situation brings us, exposed as we are to
sin. Even the Savior came subject to death; although He
referred to Lazarus as sleeping,6 and likewise the girl,7 still
He said as He drank the troubled bitterness of this torrent:
"My soul is sad, even unto death."s This He said for us, not
for Himself.
Since there is nothing that can ward off the inevitable
torture of this evil, it is necessary to tolerate patiently what no
man can escape. It is not the first time nor the last that this
has happened to us; if it were the first, we should say that
it should have begun with another; if it were the last, we
should complain that it ought to have ceased with another
so that somehow it could have kept away from us. But since,
as I have already said, no one's foot is free from the seduction
of this snare, let us do what we should as Christians: let us
bear the evil and hope for the good; let us be refreshed by
love; let us "take pride in the Lord";9 let us be consoled in
Christ, and let us follow His teaching, as He would have us
do. He is able to give her rest and us aid, her the kingdom
and us the government.

LETTER 30

Braulio, unworthy servant of the saints of God, to my

lord Wistremir.l
Although one who is ruled by his own sobbing does not offer

6 Cf. John 11.11.

7 Cf. Matt. 9.24.
8 Matt. 26.38.
9 I Cor. 1.31.
Written belween 642 and 646 to console a Gothic noble after the death
of his wife. Braulio calls her "sister," bllt blood relationship is not
at all certain.
70 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

the best consolation,:! still, I would have borne all the grief
we have in common, if only I might hear that you are con-
soled. The dreadful news had already penetrated me, and was
but renewed and again brought to life by your letter.
Alas, 0 bitter terms of death; without Christ is all our
life vain. 3 The tears escape, the very life is oppressed with
heaviness, my dictation quavers, and for grief the words do not
come in correct order. She has gone, she has gone whom we
loved, in whom you had the ties of love and all consolation,
while to me she brought distinction and was an example of
charity. She was your glory, our praise, your ornament, and
our source of exultation. Who would believe that she would
depart so early in life, when she appeared to be God's pro-
vision for your old age, to refresh you when weary and to com-
fort you when anxious amid the cares of the world? But what
we did not expect has occurred and what we did not even
think of has come. Alas for mortal life, daily becoming empty
for the living!
'What can we do, since such is the condition of mortals?
Let us be consoled in the Lord, in whom is the consolation
of a far better life and, as true faith holds, let us not cease
to hope that she has been carried to a better place and re-
leased from the misery of this life. I doubt if one could
find a single person who enjoys living in the face of all the
evils that constantly arise; if one could, he would prove to
be either foolish or stupid. Therefore, since our Creator and
Redeemer, who both sees the future and holds the present, has
seen what was best for her soul, I think she was carried away
because He loved her, and "lest wickedness of the world should
pervert her mind";~ "sufficient for the day is its own trouble.""
Therefore, let us rejoice, rather than mourn; not because we

!! Cf. Leiters. 15 n. 9, 19 n. 2,28 n. 3, 34 n. 9.

3 Jerome, Letter 60.13 (CSEL 54.564).
4 Cf. Wisd. 4.11.
5 Cf. Matt. 6.34.
 LETTERS 71

have lost, but because we have had such a one,u you a wife
and I a sister.
Because it is a part of your wisdom to live in such a way that
you will not incur reproof from your enemies, be consoled
and magnanimously avoid grief; to express it very briefly,
you should hold within yourself both love for her who is
gone and a reasonable consolation. I think that will become
easier as time passes, but you must begin now, for everything
that is thought over and meditated frequently becomes easier,
no matter how dreadful it may seem. Therefore, most illus-
trious of men, use all your efforts to console yourself and
your family; at her death, you must not forget those whom
YOll and she both loved, lest you seem to have lost the affection
you had through her when she was alive.
May Almighty God fill your heart with His Grace and take
away your sorrow and allow you, after a long time, to share
immortal life with her.

LETTER 31

A petition
Braulio, humble servant of the saints of God and YOll}
servant, to our glorious King Chindaswinth.l
Almighty God, in whose likeness reign the good powers of

6 Cf. Braulio, Letter 29; also Jerome, Letter 108.1 (CSEL 55.306).
Four of the letters from Braulio to the king and Eugene's letter to
Braulio are preceded by the word suggerendum to indicate a petition.
This one may be dated in 646, because Bishop Eugene I of Toledo
died in that year and the king used the lay sanction, then cus-
tomary in Spain, to appoint as his successor Eugene II, long a faithful
deacon and archdeacon of Braulio in Saragossa. Braulio's strong ob-
jections here confirm the statement of Ildefonse that the appointment
was somewhat "violent." The closeness of Eugene's relationship to
Braulio is shown by several epitaphs which he composed for members
of Braulio's family and other poems honoring familiar scenes in
Saragossa.
72 BRAtJLlO OF SARAGOSSA

this world, is persuaded by the prayers of suppliants, is moved

to pity by the sight of misfortunes, restores to consolation those
afflicted with desolation. He had mercy on the people of
Ninive,2 He had respect for the misfortunes of Sedecia,:\ He
was propitiated and spared the afflictions of Achab,~ though
he was wicked. Therefore, most holy prince, I request that
you, at long last, have pity on me, afflicted, wretched, asking
a remedy, denuded of my solace, deprived of my counsel, op-
pressed by weakness and infirmity, whose life being set in
bitterness would rather enter the state of death than breathe
the breath of this present life.
I had at least one comfort of my life, though I was in the
midst of many a(h'ersities, the sight of your servant, Eugene,
my archdeacon. Although the numerous vicissitudes of the
church in which we had been so unworthily chosen embittered
my heart, still, we would have refuge in the words of God
that "not by bread alone does man live,";; which is not
undeservingly understood as an aid to this life, and we would
be refreshed in every word of God, for it is written: "A
brother that helps a brother shall be exalted";G and: "Iron
sharpens iron, so man sharpens the countenance of his
friend."i
But now, by the command of your majesty, a part of my
life is being taken away from me and I do not know what I
shall do in this life. I am being blinded by the loss of the light
of my body, my courage wavers, I am destitute of sense; hence,
I direct my prayers that you do not separate him from me,
that so you may not be separated from the kingdom of heaven
and your seed may possess your kingdom. Now, truly, as I
faithfully beseech, I do not see how he can accomplish any-
thing great there, but his absence in this city of yours may
:! Cf. Jona 3.10.
3 Cf. Jer. 32.4, 5.
I Cf. 3 Kings 21.29.
'i Matt. 4.4.
6 Cf. Provo 18.19.
7 Cf. Provo 27.17.
 LETTERS 73

cause much harm, for, as I have mentioned, my health is poor;

he had been trained for everything, to make announcements
from the pulpit, to carry out your orders, and to help on any
occasion in many ways.
To you, most pious prince, we confess all. May He who
sees our secret and hidden thoughts, who is concerned for
our troubles, so inspire your heart that you may arrange the
affairs of one church without making another destitute.

LETTER 32

His excellency to the holy and venerable father, Bishop

Bmlllio. 1

\o/e have received your eloquent petitIOn, adorned with

most flowery words and equipped with all verbal euphonies,
which your holiness has had sent to our clemency. In it, we
have studied your carefully expressed thoughts and are given
to know in compressed, but easily understood language, in
few words, but not without wisdom, that you wish the arch-
deacon Eugene to be retained with you.
You ask our majesty with effusive prayers and firm intent
that he may be released to you, but your holiness could hardly
have supposed that that could happen, when the mind of our
serene lord is most ardently anxious to promote him to this
honor, for Almighty God, whose commandment every crea-
ture obeys,2 "blows where he wilI"3 until He fulfills His good
pleasure, that he may come to offer sacrifice to please his Cre-
ator. The preeminent piety of the Lord has already foreknown
whom He desires to be predestined for the better. 4 Therefore,

I A reply to Letter 31, containing a polite and formal negative answer.

Lynch plausibly suggests that it was composed by the Emilian of
Letters 25-27.
2 Cf. Wisd. 19.6.
3 John 3.8.
4 Cf. Rom. 8.29.
74 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

if those things persist in the will of God, as we trust, we cannot

do other than what He wills, nor is our justice to be pre-
termitted at your petition, since he is a native of this place
in which we now desire to create him bishop.
Therefore since justice lies on our side, no doubt, the
things that are promised to our devotion, that are to be
pleasing to Christ, shall not be suppressed. Your beatitude
must not take this unkindly, for from this experience the
greatest reward can be won before the Lord, provided you
offer him to be sacrificed to God as a bishop. Praise of you
will become even higher in the divine presence, if the Holy
Catholic Church shall have been lighted from your teachings.
Therefore, most blessed man, since you do not believe
that I can do other than what is pleasing to God, it is neces-
sary that you accede to our exhortation and surrender this
Archdeacon Eugene to be bishop of our church.

LETTER 33

A petition
Braulio, unworthy servant of the saints of God and your
servant, to our most glorious lord, King Chindaswinth. 1
Although the chain of the ties by which I was joined in
the Lord with your servant, the Archdeacon Eugene, has been
temporarily separated rather than broken, still I have sent
him to your presence, as commanded by your excellency, not
without the hope of that piety with which you have been
wont to regard the miserable and succor the afflicted; namely,
that you may restore him to your patron, Saint Vincent,!! in
that office which he held until now. If, however, the provi.
dence of the divine disposition turns the heart of your
1 Written in 646 as a reply to Letter 32.
2 Eugene had apparently been assigned to the Basilica of St. Vincent
in Saragossa.
 LETTERS 75

clemency from our prayer, then I must give him up as mortal

will determines. Until the ordination given by your excellency
is accomplished, I commend with all my powers of prayer
his lamentable transfer.

LETTER 34

Emuiio, unworthy servant of the saints of God, to my lord

and special son in Christ, Nebridius. 1
This fugitive life, vain as smoke, promlsmg and decep-
tiYe, deceiving before it has fulfilled what it promised, is
nothing at all, as we learn from wise and prudent men of
whom you are one, and as can daily be seen with eyes that
fail as the times themselves do.
It has come to me that my daughter, your wife--most dear
to both of us, alas!-has departed from this life. I bewail
the lot of human life in ourselves more than in her as I
wonder and sigh at what may happen to us. Meanwhile, our
consolation is in the Lord, our Redeemer, since by His death
He conquered death that He, in whose power lay our life and
death, may Himself be our defense against the power of a
second death, He who alone was able to penetrate hell and
conquer the pains of death and, after the third day, to return
to the upper world. Hoping in this, we do not weaken in faith,
because His "kindness shall encompass them who trust in
the Lord."2
You also know that your wife helel this faith and we are
certainly well aware of it because she was and we are Chris-
tians. In the anchor of this stability, we are advised by the
apostle to be consoled, when he says: "J would not have you
ignorant concerning those that are asleep, lest you should

1 "'rittell in 646 or 647 to Nebridius, otherwise unknowll. 011 the

occasion of his wife's death.
2 CL Ps. 31.10.
76 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

grieve, even as others who have no hope."~ Life is not taken

away from Christians, but is changed for the better. That is
why the dead are called "sleeping," according to what the
Lord said in the Gospel concerning Lazarus: "Lazarus, our
friend, sleeps."4 At the resurrection of the faithful, this sleep
will be the fulfillment of life; so, since we are Christians, we
should be consoled, not in ourselves, but in Him "who raises
the dead and gives them life.":;
I believe that this regeneration is already your consolation,
but present desolation affects the heart amid the precepts of
virtue and the hope of resurrection. 6 If we had been the first
to experience this or were thought to be the last, we would
say: "Why has this not happened before us, or why will it not
happen after us?" Let our consolation, then, be that we are
neither the first nor the last to experience death. 7 Since all
the world is the same and we must daily fear the same fate
ourselves: "Let us win our souls by our patience,"s and let us
have the endurance which should be in the Christian soul;
let grief cease where there is no remedy and let us pour out
our souls in the sight of Him who is rest for the deceased and
the mercy of revelation for the living.
But why should I speak to you at length, since one whose
grief overcomes him in this case can hardly be the proper
one to offer consolation. 9 Both you and I should be consoled
by patience in the Lord and by the hope that we may hope
for better things and that we may endure what overtakes us. I
ask Him in whose power is both present and future life to give
her repose, and to deign to impart to us salvation in Him.l°
3 Cf. 1 Thess. 4.13.
4 John 11.11.
Ii Cf. John 5.21.
6 Jerome, Letter 60.2 (CSEL 54.550).
7 Cf. Letters 19 and 29.
8 Cf. Luke 21.19.
9 Cf. Letters 15 n. 9, 19 n. 2, 28 n. 3, 30 n. 2.
10 The letter in the manuscript ends with a phrase which seems to
belong elsewhere: "Many things occurred to me to write to yom
charity."
 LETTERS 77
LETTER 35

A petition
Eugene, your humble servant, to my lord and truly my
IIUlster, Bishop Bralllio. 1

Two situations have arisen in my church which have caused

my soul exceeding grief and all my knowledge has found no
remedy to apply except to ask your advice.
W'e have learned of a brother who, without receiving the
rank of priest, is performing the office of priest. To make
you better acquainted with the case, I shall mention all the
details. This same brother caused much trouble for my lord
Eugene.:? vVhen Eugene was asked by the king to ordain this
brother a priest, he could not disobey the command of the
prince, so hit upon the following scheme. He led him to the
altar, made no imposition of the hand, and, while the clerics
were singing loudly, he pronounced a malediction over him
instead of a benediction,3 as he later confessed to persons
worthy of trust and very close to him, conjuring them to
silence while he lived. Inform me speedily what your prudence
desires to have done in this case, for I do not know if he is con-
sidered to be a priest or if they who were baptized and anointed
with chrism 4 by him are rightly called Christians. Solve this
problem about which I am so much in doubt; may Christ in
the same way loose the bond of your sin, if YOll have any.
Likewise, we have heard that in certain places deacons
anoint with chrism, and I do not know what we should do

I Probably written in 647, soon after Eugene became Bishop of Tokdo.

2 Eugenc I, Bishop of Toledo 636·646. I1defonse says that he had a
deacon named Lucidius who was overfond of worldly things and
seized much booty by violence. Risco suggests the identity of l.uridius
with the impropcrly ordained priest.
3 Cf. Gen. 27.12.
-4 There is much discussion of whether the chrism is confirmation
itself or merely a rite after baptism. Lynch, op. cit. R9-94, strongly
supports the latter view; this translation is indebted throughout to
his detailed study of this letter and the next.
78 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

aboul those who have been anointed 'Nith chrism by them.

Should the unction with holy chrism be repeated? Or if it is
not repeated, is it taken for chrism, which may have been
presumptuously done under pressure or perpetrated in ignor-
ance? I request your piety to inform me what I should do
about it.
Now that I have mentioned the two matters, a third occurs
to me. Some priests, against the law and the ancient canons,
presume to anoint the baptized with chrism which they them-
selves have made, if such is to be called chrism.'i I confess I do
not know what remedy or correction can be offered those so
anointed.
I ask you to enlighten me about these matters, for you
bask in the brighter light of divine wisdom. You continually
meditate upon the holy law, you zealously pursue, ardently
follow, and cleverly destroy the shady intrigues of wicked
hearts, while I, if I ever did possess a tiny vein of meager
knowledge that I could modestly apply, have been so com-
pletely drained of it by pressing ills and innumerable storms
of care that I can produce not so much as a drop. I beseech
you, by Him through whose gift you are blessed and by whose
instruction you have proved yourself learned and skilled, that,
by the sacred commands from your lips, you immediately
instruct me concerning these matters.

LETTER 36

Rra1llio, 1IIlworthy servant of the saints of God, to E1Igene,

in a special way my /OH[ and my primate of bishops.l

If huge numbers of cares did not surround me, if the

!i Both the First Council of Toledo in 400 and the Second Council of
Seville in 619 forbade priests to make chrism, and Braulio also answers
that it must be blessed by a bishop.
I 'Vritten in 647 as an answer to Letter 3,;.
 LETTERS 79

"'orld's wickedness did not involve me in its storms, if the

riotousness of the envious barking against me were silent, and
if the solitude in which I am deservingly swallowed did not
frighten me, I still could not return the easy answer which
you want to your questions, which I have never heard
nor experienced before, for it is an unknown matter that
disturbs the mind and could not have the easy answer afforded
to matter previously foreseen or long meditated. I realize,
however, that your wise foresight desires to tryout in me
something which cannot trouble me and may show that I have
a wisdom lacking in others. 1 sense your good intentions, but 1
am not aware of my abilities. ''''hat can we possess, however
~1l1all, that you extol with the praise of a learned voice to such
an extent that you compel a lazy, forgetful old man to reach
for the heights, that you involve a veteran, and, unfortun-
ately, an ancient one, in these questions in which ignorance
is dangerous and knowledge is presumptuous? Since, however,
the one Master and heavenly Teacher, who teaches men
knowledge, says: "Without me you can do nothing, but with
me you will be able to do everything";2 and again, the
prophet: "The Lord shall give the word";3 and again: "Open
wide your mouth, and I will fill it";4 therefore, in accordance
with your request, in accordance with my duty to obey, in
accordance with the hope of divine promise, in accordance
with the fact that nothing is impossible to a believer, I shall
try to speak as best I can, and to tell you, if I shall be able to
lliscover anything, just as He commanded me to minister who
rules His own Church, and I shall reveal it to you, my lord,
in a plausible manner. It will then be your task to use the
discretion in which you are strong, the care in which you
excel, and the instruction which is your strongest asset to take
my remarks and approve what is right, correct what is wrong,
cover up what is improper, and publish what is proper.
2 Cf. John 15.5.
3 Cf. Ps. 67.12.
4 Ps. 80.11.
80 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

Now, then, let us turn to the topics themselves. You

say in your letter that two situations have arisen in your
church which have caused your soul exceeding grief and that
all your knowledge has found no remedy to apply. You write
of a certain brother who, without receiving the rank of priest,
is performing the office of priest, and to explain the whole
case, you relate that he caused much trouble for your prede·
cessor, who was asked by the king to ordain this brother a
priest. Because he could not disobey the command of the
prince, to use your words, he hit upon the following scheme.
He led him to the altar, made no imposition of the hand on
him, and, while the clerics were singing loudly, he pronounced
a malediction instead of a benediction, as this predecessor of
yours later confessed to persons worthy of trust and very
close to him, conjuring them to silence while he lived. Then,
you ask me to consider what should be done in this case,
because you say you do not know whether he should be
considered to be a priest or whether they who were anointed
with chrism by him are rightly called Christians. After this,
you request my ignorance to solve this problem.
This is your first question, the answer to which is difficult
for me for the many reasons which I have stated, but chiefly
because one who is buried in darkness cannot offer leadership
to one who sees. 5 Now, since you ask me to give you my
opinion, ask the person who is said to be subject to a male-
diction whether, at the time the malediction was spoken and
in the presence of the bishop, he performed the office of
priest and was not forbidden by him; whether he baptized,
anointed with chrism, celebrated mass, and was allowed to do
so by the one who was aware of having pronounced the male-
diction. It seems to me that not the priest, but the one who
did one thing by deceit and pretended to be doing another
is to blame. Therefore, the one whose act was so sinful will,
it seems to me, "bear his own burden,"6 while your holiness
Ii Cf. Matt. 15.14.
Ii Gal. 6.5.
 LETTERS 81

will be immune from this crime, because you permit each one
to remain in the calling in which you found him.7 I do not
see why he should not be considered a priest, if the bishop
who did not want him to be a priest publicly recognized him
to be a priest; nor why those anointed by him with holy
unction should not be called Christians, for, even though he
is unworthy, they still have been anointed with a true chrism.
Your prudence well knows that ancient canons have for-
bidden a priest to have the audacity to administer chrism, a
prohibition observed up to now, as we know, in the Orient
and throughout Italy; later, priests were permitted to ad-
minister chrism, provided the chrism was blessed by the
bishops,8 in order that it would not appear to be a privilege
of priests to consecrate the people of God with this holy
unction, but only of the bishops, by whose benediction and
permission they perform the ministration, as if by the hand
of a bishop. If this is so, why should they not be considered
Catholics who were anointed by him, as if by the hand of a
bishop, although an unworthy one, since, as I said, they were
anointed with a holy and true chrism, blessed by the bishop,
and with his permission? It is manifest that baptisms given in
the name of the Trinity should not be repeated, but we are
not forbidden to anoint with chrism heretics whom we find
not to have shared the true chrism. 9 He anointed them with a
true chrism, as I have said; it does not seem that what he has
done is invalid.
There is the additional fact that he who permitted him
to perform never contradicted him, and did not hesitate to
entrust to him the chrism which he had blessed, and thereby
himself performed what the other did. ''''hat difference does
it make whether the act was performed under pretext or was
authentic? Since it was performed in a Catholic church,
7 Cf. 1 Cor. 7.20.
8 The method of administering this rite was standardized for Spain
by Canon 20 of the First Council of Toledo.
9 Cf. Isidore, De eccl. of]. 2.25.9.
82 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

it must not be repeated. Those who report after the death

of your predecessor that he told them these stories will do
better if they save that matter for another life. Now that he
is gone, who will be able to contradict them, or who will be
able to correct their objections. What he did not disperse,
you must not disperse, mindful of these words: "Pass no
judgment before the time";lO and again: "what is manifest,
to us; what is secret, to God."ll
To the best of my poor ignorance and small capacity, I have
answered in full, without affirming or denying. Now, if you
do not object, let us turn to the other question.
You also write that in some places you have found deacons
offering chrism. In this question, as in the first, the only
answer which I can give is that holy chrism remains under
your authority and the indulgence of the bishop. Those who
have offered it through ignorance or presumption must be
placed under the penalty and penance of severe and proper
sentence against them, in accordance with ecclesiastical laws,
and they are to be so punished that they will become an ex-
ample to others and never presume such things again.
Having set down these two questions in brief, I find that
your prudence has proposed to my ignorance a third, namely,
that some priests presume to anoint the baptized with chrism
which they make themselves, if that is to be called chrism.
I must say that you have reason to be hesitant, for that is
not chrism which appears to have been consecrated, not only
not by bishops, but against the established law and prohibi-
tions of the canons. For if the heavenly Master and Lord, left
His vicariate to His bishops, then, what was constituted by
them was constituted by the spirit of Christ,12 according to the
apostle, and if anyone spurns their precepts, he spurns the
precepts of Christ. Therefore, it seems to me that those who
have been fraudulently anointed by such should again be
10 1 Cor. 4.5.
11 Deut. 29.29.
[2 Cf. Acts 20.28.
 LETTERS 83

anointed with the holy and true chrism. The punishment

of the presumptuous is left to your judgment, however, for
it is one thing to correct a mistake, something else to con-
demn one who is presumptuous. It is part of your wisdom
to deal more kindly with the ignorant and to punish the pre-
sumptuous severely.
IqIpeded as I am by an unlearned tongue, I had hoped to
produce a short letter, but, as runs the expression well known
to you, "While I strive to make a pitcher, my hands have
produced a jar."13
Now I pay my respects and commend to your prayers the
comforting of my daily troubles and continuous tribulations,
and I beseech you through Christ that whatever you find
spread on these pages that is impractical or contrary to reason
shall not be made public until you have written again to
inform me. I had not time enough to think nor sufficient
leisure for dictation; I have used the hand of another to put
down what my tongue brought forth; I had no opportunity
to read it over.

LETTER 37

A petition
Braulio and Eutropius, your bishops and servants, with the
priests, deacons, and all the people entrusted to them by God,
also your servant Celsus with the territories entrusted to him
by your clemency, to our most glorious lord, King Chindas-
winth. 1
He who holds the hearts of kings in His hands, as we
believe, also rules everything. Hence, it is by His inspiration
13 Cf. Letters II and 44.
This letter of 35 lines is essentially one continuous sentence in the
Latin. Braulio is here associated with Eutropius, probably the one
who received Letter 22, and Celsus, probably a governor or count of
the region around Saragossa. They are suggesting to King Chinda-
84 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

that we desire to make petition to your clemency. Therefore,

pious lord, gladly receive the prayers of your servants, which
you behold inspired by the intention of faith. We have COll-
ferred with one another in hope and with that frequent
devotion to thought by which each one seeks tranquillity of
life and avoids disasters; we have considered past crises;
we have noticed to what dangers, to what troubles, to what
incursions of our enemies we are exposed; as we contemplate
seriously what you have been protected from by heavenly
mercy and what we have been saved from by your rule,
we think of your labors as we look towards the future of our
country; we are vacillating between hope and fear, but hope
conquers fear, and so we have decided to have recourse to your
piety to ask you to make your servant, Lord Receswinth,
our lord and king while you are still alive and in good health,
for we see no more convenient way to suit your repose and
our difficulties. He is still of the age to wage war and suffer
the sweat of battles, he is aided by grace from above, and can
be our lord and defender and the comfort of your serene
highness to settle the incursions and riots of the enemy and to
make the life of your faithful subjects secure and free from
terror. It will not be to your glorious credit to scorn such a
son, and advancement is owed to the son of such a father.
Hence we pray with humble entreaty to the King of Heaven
and the Ruler of all thrones, who set up Jesus [i.e., JosueJ2
as successor to Moses, and placed on David's throne his son,
Solomon,3 that He with clemency plant in your minds the
suggestion which we have presented, and that He accomplish
with the aid of His Omnipotence what we in His name hope
to receive from you. Though we may incur the charge of

swinth, who is now an octogenarian, that he should confer some of the

royal power upon his son, Receswinth, while designating him successor.
Since this conferral of authority was actually accomplished on Jan. 21,
649, the letter must have been written in 648.
2 Cf. Jas. J.J -9.
3 Cf. 3 Kings 2.12.
 LETTERS 85

rashness in our petitlOn, we do not act from insolence of

presumption, for as we have already said, we have thought
this through carefully.

LETTER 38

Braulio, unworthy servant of the saints of God and your

servant, to our glorious lord, King Receswinth. 1
Although postponing one's promises is a form of lying,
I wish to state the reason for my tardiness. The deplorable
state of the book which I have received for correction has mus-
tered all its forces against my clouded vision, and while I try
to conquer them, the very vision which was becoming blind
seemed to aid the enemy and to multiply obscurity to its own
detriment. It will be apparent to your glory, however, how
much labor there is in it, how exacting it is, how many times
I have despaired of correcting it, and how many times I have
given it up because of various ailments that interfered, only to
return again to the interrupted task2 with the intention of
fulfilling your request, adding a line here and deleting letters
there; for it is so cluttered up with scribal negligences that 1
find hardly a sentence which does not need correction, and
hence it would have been quicker to rewrite the whole thing
than it is to correct it already written. At the command of
your serene highness, however, we desire ardently to give
recognition to the welfare of your kingdom with all our
prayers and ask Almighty God that your clemency's good
fortunes may be increased.

The next four letters were written during the last three years of
Braulio's life, 649·651. They concern a manuscript which Braulio is
emending and rearranging for the king. A recent theory holds that
this manuscript was the start of the famous Visigothic code of laws,
Forum Iudicum, adopted in finished form in 654. Cf. Lynch, op. cit.
135·40, for a full discussion and strong support of this theory.
2 Cf. Jerome, Letter 125.12 (CSEL 56.131).
86 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

LETTER 39

His excellency to the holy and venerable father, Bishop

Braulio. 1
Our clemency has joyfully received and unsealed your
sanctity's graceful letter in which you note, not without some
complaint, the difficulty of your task of emending the book
which our highness recently sent you. As you state that your
eyesight is being dimmed by the great frequency of the errors
which you find in it, we are compassionate for the holy
ardor which you distill, but we are in part refreshed by the
thought that while you write, your holiness is unfurling the
sails of his vigilance and with favorable breezes flying by
divine grace to the task of removing or correcting the errors
of the scribes. The courage of your strength and the copious
foresight of inner vision will be granted you by the Lord in
answer to your prayers as your incisive intellect constantly
strives to delete the corruptions and faults of the copyists; our
glory will be made more happy and will exult when your
paternity, as we expect, has fulfilled its promises with
achievemen ts.
Finally, we are well, as God has granted us to be, and
we are always delighted to learn that your beatitude is well.

LETTER 40

Braulio, unworthy servant of the saints of God and your

servant, to our glorious lord, King Receswinth. 1
In trying to satisfy the command of your highness, I have
laid bare the secrets of my ignorance and, as you bade, have

I Written 649-651 as an answer to Letter 38.

I Written 649-651. after completion of the corrections to the manuscript
mentioned in the two preceding letters_
 LETTERS 87

arranged the text of this book by subject matter and titles.

\tV'ould that my success equalled my obedience! If there is
anything displeasing, the inadequacy of my intelligence has
done it; but if there is anything pleasing, as I rather hope, the
gift will be His who revealed the laziness of the ass through
the measures of human speech. 2 I beseech your piety, most
serene prince, that you do not reckon my inability on this
score, for although I could not do as well as I wanted, I did
use effort. If any of the material which I have collected seems
imperfect to any of your servants, let them not hesitate to refer
to the chapter from which it was gathered. As for what
remains ... 3

LETTER 41

Our highness to the saint and venerable father} Bishop

Brattlio. l
We have received the communication of your beatitude in
which in regard to this book that our serene highness had
given your holiness to be corrected, you reveal in all nakedness
the ignorance which had been hidden. It is the custom of a
wise man to judge himself ignorant, lest he become elated
and inclined to boast, but since the inspiration of divine
virtue "blows where it Will"2 upon everyone, you are most
deserving that we praise this work which you have com-
pleted, because, in this book, you instantly displayed your
obedience and, as I wished, you have wisely gathered its
efficacy and made it accessible, for which we render thanks
to your paternity, though insufficiently, and, in addition,
we return the greeting and ask that you deign to pray for us.

2 Cf. Num. 22.28-30.

3 The end of this letter is missing in the manuscript.
I An answer to Letter 40, written 649-651.
2 Cf. John 3.8 and Letter 32 n. 3.
88 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

FRAGMENT OF A LETTER
FROM ABBOT TAJo TO BISHOP BRAULI0 1

.. Such a religion is pious, to be sure, but to me it is ques-

tionable. Therefore, most holy of men, I bring this sort of
query to your ears, and if it is definitely to be believed, as 1
have already said, that the Blood of the Lord remained with
certain individuals after His Resurrection, I want to be in-
formed by you with unimpeachable testimony and the surest
proofs. I should like to receive a treatise on this matter from
your generosity. The Lord Jesus Christ will furnish me a
sure proof without ambiguity, if my prayers are fulfilled by
you.
Finally, with all the humility which I possess, I presume
to greet the sanctity of my lord, beseeching that I may deserve
to be commended in your prayers and to be informed as soon
as possible by a letter from you on the matter which I have
discussed.

LEITER 42

Bmulio, worthless servant of servants, to the venerable Tajo,

priest and abbot, most revered in the members of Christ and
brother in Christ.1
I confess that I have been restrained by various difficulties
from answering your letter immediately, but more especially

Written in 649 or 650 after Tajo's return from a lengthy stay in Rome.
The part preserved is only the end of a longer letter in which Tajo
posed the question: "Since some churches possess supposed relics of
our Lord's blood, does this mean that our Lord's risen body did not
reassume His blood, and that we shall not reassume ours after resur-
rection?" This much is clear from Braulio's reply in Letter 42.
Lynch has assumed that Tajo, as Braulio's successor to the See of
Saragossa, was the editor of the whole collection of Braulio's cor-
respondence, but even so I can see no sensible reason for a deletion
by Tajo. There are other not very large gaps in the text tradition;
why not one here also?
I Written in 649 or 650 in reply to the fragmentary letter just preceding.
 LETTERS 89

by trouble with my eyes and by the affliction of several infirmi-

ties. Now that I have a chance to breathe amid my troubles,
I have hastened to read your letter again and I there find
that your goodness hopes for a good many things from me
which I know that I can certainly not fulfill.
What can there be in me, even to a small degree, that
you expect from me the imitation of so many and such great
men? You read them constantly yourself as befits your age,
you are always searching them for knowledge, and their words
are, if I may use the phrase, nested in your heart. 2 Leisure
is a blessed possession for you, but a burden to me amid the
waves of my present life; I am like a seagoing bark that is not
much used or is plagued with bilge water or lyrng damaged.
Even though the things you seek from me were unworthily
conferred upon me by the generosity of nature, they would
never be presumed by me, "for you know that my attitude is to
wave the flag of humility" and to prefer to rest on a strong,
level surface rather than to climb to the heights up steps that
ascend dangerously.3 Therefore, I beg you, my dearest friend,
to make less complaint of the weaknesses and desires of those
who live around you, since you should bear all things pa-
tiently. What harm can another's compliance with evil do
to those who are virtuous? "It is not especially praiseworthy
to be good with the good, but rather to be good with the
bad."4
It is written of the Church: "As a lily among thorns, so is
my beloved among women."5 Those who are believed by us to
be such probably need only, as the apostle puts it, "to know
Christ, and him crucified."6 He Himself teaches us: "Not
setting your mind on high things, but condescending to the
2 The five books of Sententiae by Tajo, published. in PL 80.727-990,
are composed mostly of extensive quotations from works of St. Gregory
the Great with many excerpts from St. Augustine.
3 Jerome, Letter 47.1 (CSEL 54.345).
4 Gregory, Momlia I.l (PL 75.529).
5 Cant. 2.2.
6 Cf. I Cor. 2.2.
90 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

lowly"; and "Be not wise in your own conceits";1 "Knowledge

puffs up, but charity edifies";8 and other things which cannot
be unknown to you. In this sense is Catholic humility pos-
sessed, and the words, "Let every man be convinced in his
own mind,"9 are no doubt fulfilled. Hence, the same apostle
preached that "we should not please ourselves, but our
neighbors."lo He writes to the Philippians that "in humility
we regard the others as our superiors";l1 "each one looking
not to his own interests but to those of others";12 "that man
may not glory in his prudence,"13 for the virtue of the humble
is not to boast of their knowledge, since it is common to all.
In repressing the mind's audacity, it is very helpful not to
despise others, nor to assume a special knowledge or holiness
ourselves, lest we hear in the words of the divine oracle:
"I have left for myself seven thousand men [who have not
bowed the knee to Baal.] "14
Your charity must believe, I beg, that I have said this be-
cause I love you. As to the question on which you decided
to consult me, you must know that, concerning the resurrection
of the dead, I do not believe or expect otherwise than what
has been expressed with prudent thought and elegant language
by St. Augustine in several of his works, which I have not
sought out because I wanted to save myself the trouble and
because I learned from your letter that you clearly have them
yourself. 1n

7 Cf. Rom. 12.16.

8 I Cor. 8.1.
9 Rom. 14.5.
10 Cf. Rom. 15.1, 2.
I1 Cf. Phil. 2.3.
12 Cf. Phil. 2.4.
13 Cf. Jer. 9.23.
14 Rom. 11.4. The here bracketed completion of the verse is represented
in the edition by "et cetera."
IS Although the references are purposely not made specific, Madoz sug·
gests as sources for the present discussion: Augustine, Enchiridion
23 and 84·92; De trin. 4.3; De civ. Dei 22.12·19; the latter was certainly
in Braulio's library, as the book is mentioned by name below.
 LETTERS 91

Therefore, I do not doubt that in the resurrection our blood

is to be reassumed, though I doubt that the blood that we
receive over the entire course of our lives will be completely
restored in its own quality, because it is shown to be super-
fluous, not our own, according to the doctors, but harmful
to us. If that beauty which the saints are going to have allows,
I think it will happen; if it does not allow, then we must be-
lieve here the same as you have learned from the words of
St. Augustine in regard to superfluous nail parings and hair,
which, in the intermingling of nature, shall be restored to
other parts of the members. It lies within the skill of the om-
nipotence of our Creator to diminish the large and to increase
the small as He wills, but it must be believed that in the
resurrection nothing restored to the members of the saints
will be without beauty.
Therefore, I believe that the Lord remembers and includes
the smallest and most remote of our limbs when He speaks of
the hair;16 but if the hair does not perish, how much less
shall greater parts perish?17 But the superfluous fluids, by
which corruptions are born or vices generated, I do not believe
are included, for they, certainly, will not exist in the resur-
rected body.
I believe that everything which pertains to our own nature
will be restored in the resurrection, for everything in nature
that has come into existence unnecessarily or that has cor-
rupted nature or has been able to transform its appearance
must be removed. Now, by "nature," I have intended that
in accordance with which the body of man is constituted
whole and sound. So, since we cannot be without blood, in
which the virtue of the soul is placed in the body by divine
authority,I8 it must be restored to us, not superfluous but natu-
ral, that is, not another's but our own.

16 Cf. Luke 21.18.

17 Augustine De civ. Dei 22.20.2.
18 Cf. Lev. 17.14.
92 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

In short, I can believe this and it is not difficult to affirm,

but it is clear that there should be even less doubt that each
one will properly receive at the resurrection, with corruptions
and vices removed, as I have said, that body, reasonably
and wholly constituted, which he could have had at that time
when the Lord suffered; in the words of the apostle: "Have
this mind in you which was also in Christ Jesus";19 and else-
where: "Until we all meet to perfect manhood to the mature
measure of the fullness of Christ."20
We should, however, be cautious in this inquiry, for the
chosen vessel reproves: "Let no one rate himself more than
he ought, but let him rate . . . according to moderation,"21
lest we go so far as to be found superstitious: like those who
put questions about aborted fetuses which have their corporeal
substance from the two sexes: what could be held about the
menstrual blood and also the impure fluid which in nearly
every life must be discharged naturally, matters in which their
superstition will be excessive.
Why should it not be believed that human blood is drawn
off and perishes, when the fluid of generation and the blood,
as well as the miscarriage, are not restored in the resurrection
to either parent, if such a one can indeed be termed a parent,
who loses the abominable fluid or a lifeless fetus? But there
are some22 who assure us that this is the true blood of Christ
which a number of people hold as relics, as you say, and that
His blood was not reassumed in the Resurrection of the body
of the Lord, just as this blood was not reassumed. That is
the reason for the column at Jerusalem, spattered with His
blood, which was seen and described several centuries later
by the remarkable priest, St. Jerome2 3 and by others. This
we should take as proof of the Divine< Passion rather than to

19 Phil. 2.5.
20 Cf. Eph. 4.13.
21 Rom. 12.3.
22 Reading nonnulli for non . .. hi.
23 Jerome, Letter 108.9 (CSEL 55.315).
 LETTERS 93

deny this proof of piety, since we have it described in the

writings of our ancestors.
It is possible that many things happened then which have
not been written down, just as we read of the linen cloths
and the shroud in which the body of Christ was wrapped,24
that they were found, yet we do not hear that they were pre-
served; yet I do not suppose that the apostles neglected to
save these and other such things for future times.
In this matter, however, we must not leave ourselves open
to the enemies of the Catholic Church, lest, by the poison of
falsehood or for the sake of malediction, they might wish to
seduce the chaste virgin of Christ. Or perhaps the most sacred
blood was scraped off from this column by the faithful and
scattered over the whole world to be used as relics, which I
could easily believe, so that it might be reported by the
leaders of the Church to their succeeding posterity that it had
been preserved, for I cannot see how the report of such an
important matter can be doubtful to Christians.
There is still more· to say on this matter: perhaps the
sweat of the Lord, which the Gospel tells us flowed like
blood,25 may be supposed to have been collected by His dis-
ciples with proper diligence; or, certainly, when the body
of the Lord was struck with the lance and blood and water
flowed,26 it was, through someone's care, preserved for relics,
but I really wonder if this can be proved by anyone, since
the doubt and hesitation of the disciples even at the Passion
can later be discovered;27 and John stood alone with the
women by the Lord's Cross, yet, when he wrote his Gospel,
he never mentioned that he or anyone else had done such a
thing;28 he offered witness and wrote down the true witness,
that the body of the Lord was struck down with the lance and

24 Cf. John 20.5·7.

25 Cf. Luke 22.44.
26 Cf. John 19.34.
27 Cf. Matt. 28.17.
28 Cf. John 20; Luke 24.10.
94 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

that the blood and water flowed out,29 but he never mentions
that it was collected by anyone.
Now if, in the place where he writes: "There are many
other. signs which Jesus made which are not written in this
book,"30 someone construes this to mean that he spoke about
this blood, let him prove, if possible, that this is a sign, but
he will find it difficult to persuade me. If it is not affirmed
by the authority of Scripture, then, as you say, belief may be
pious but nods uncertainly, since the Bridegroom of Verity has
regard, not only for what is truly pious, but also for what is
piously true, and truth is firm when the piously true does
not nod. Let him affirm this who is able; I can only confess
my ignorance in the matter.
Now then, we may give up these thoughts and leave them
in the power of the reader, since they are by no means
prejudicial to our faith in the Resurrection. W'e ought not
to forbid a more minute investigation, nor oppose the auth-
ority of the multitude, which asserts that relics of this kind
are to be found in cathedral churches, although they have
never been found in my church in the time of any bishop. It is
better to be in doubt about hidden matters than to quarrel
about what is uncertain. Let us turn to what is true and
firm~ to what most assuredly keeps any Christian and good
Catholic from d~ubting or quibbling: namely, that through
the sacrament bread and wine offered to God become for us
the true Body and Blood of Christ, according to the words of
the Lord Himself and the Sacred Scriptures composed by the
Holy Spirit, which sacrament the Catholic Church offers daily
on her altar "according to the order of Melchisedech"31 by the
true Pontiff, Jesus Christ, with mystical understanding and
an ineffable dearth of speech, because surpassing grace goes
beyond everything.

29 ct John 19.34.
30 Cf. John 21.25.
31 Heb. 7.17.
 LEITERS 95

It must be enough, my dearest friend, for me to have an-

swered you briefly, as the thoughts came to me and as the time
allowed; although I may not have answered sufficiently to
match your immense eagerness, still, I tried to comply with
your desires, as my leisure permitted. Finally, I must earnestly
request to be favored in your beatitude's prayers.
There is one thing which is necessary for me above all
others and I had forgotten to mention it; if you grant it,
may Christ make the course of your life glorious. Please send
me quickly to be copied the books of the holy Pop~ Gregory
which previously did not exist in Spain, but which have been
brought here from Rome by your zeal and effort;32 for I am
not the only petitioner in this matter, but also, my lord and
brother, your friend. 33 Therefore, you satisfy both if you do
one a favor, and you hurt both if you spurn one. Your charity
must believe that I will return the books at any time set by
you.
I had thought I was producing a short letter,34 but
spurred on as I was in various directions by whispered anxi-
eties, I was neither able to remain brief nor to say everything
that was troubling me. Farewell in the Lord, dearest brother,
worthy to be embraced with reverence in the members of
Christ.

32 Tajo's journey to Rome may have been solely to get copies of the later
works of Gregory the Great. It is known that Isidore had previously
used Gregory's Liber regulae pastoralis, the first edition of the
Moralia, and some letters. Any of the other works of Gregory may
have been located by Tajo, but it is not possible to identify them with
certainty. Ildefonse, who extended Isidore's De viris illustribus a
few years later, added the names of Gregory's Dialogues, Commentary
on the Canticle at Canticles, and 22 Homilies on Ezekiel.
33 Fronimian, to whom the Lite at Emilian was dedicated.
34 Cf. Jerome, Letter 104.6 (CSEL 55.242).
96 BRAlJLIO OF SARAGOSSA

LETTER 43

Fructuosus, insignificant and always your servant, to my

own lord, Bishop Braulio.1
We have learned from the story in Sacred Scripture how
pleasing to a man is "good news from a far country";2 and
what other better news could we expect than the love of
Christ, than the spotless profession and propagation of the
Catholic Church, than the pure lives, successful work, and
faithful doctrine of the friends of God and the bishops and
priests of Christ? These, most blessed father, we confess that
we vehemently yearn for and thirstingly desire to learn.
This news alone often sustains the dried vital parts of our
mind, and in view of the success of your deeds amid the
raucous breakers of the spuming salt waves and the whirl-
pools of the ocean and the restless seas, our humble ears are
soothed by the news that your constant sublime teaching
ennobles your Saragossa, and that the life of your eminence,
flowering each day, abounds with zeal for the divine law and
is to an equal extent fortified by the constant and sedulous
preaching of your good works.
Therefore, unceasingly we give praise to our King and
Creator, the Lord, that, with the end of the world now ap-
proaching, you, so great a bishop, exist, who, endowed with
merit of life and richness of doctrine, follow in all the steps
of the apostles, pursuing their stainless life in this stormy
world and soon to receive with them the ineffable glory of
the supernal fatherland. Undertaking a bold task, perhaps,
I presume to salute your most pious sanctity and, in one and
the same message, we pray that we may be refreshed with news
of your health and with specimens of your sacred wntmgs.
Begging, I ask for the leftover bits of crumbs from the ban-

1 Written from somewhere in northwestern Spain, before Fl'lIctlloSllS

became Bishop of Braga and not long before Braulio's death in 651.
2 Provo 25.25.
 LF.TTERS 97

<{uets of your tables,~ and from a spiritual father, abounding

in the treasures of heavenly wisdom, I seek a gift of some
small talent; that I may receive it, I keep the watches of the
night like an importunate petitioner. Although negligent,
yet seeking, I ask and knock. 4 Relying on the aid of the
saints of God, whose solace we enjoy, I beg that you lay open
to your unworthy and most worthless friend what I do not
know and grant what I do not have.
First of all then, I demand that my lord, filled with the
teaching of the early fathers and the doctrine of the Holy
Spirit, deign to explain, in a brief and clearly stated page or
two to me, your leprous friend and to the ulcerous novice,
Eleazer,5 certain problems which Jerome, the father of sanctity
and sharer of your glory, a most blessed and most learned
man, failed to clarify. And if you do so, may the Lord open
to you the entrance to His heavenly kingdom.
Given that the aforementioned scholar says that Mathusale
lived fourteen years after the Hood, and if all the flesh which
was not in the ark perished in the cataclysm, the question is:
where was he that he escaped, since we do not read that he
entered the ark with the others? He added of Agar that, while
fleeing her mistress, she carried on her back Ismael, who was
a full-grown young man. I want to know how that is explained.
Then, he brought up a similar question in his passage about
Solomon; if one deducts the periods of time mentioned
and notes the years that have passed, it is discovered that,
according to the text of the Scripture, Solomon was in his
eleventh year when he begat his son Roboam. This is hardly
possible. 6

3 Cf. Luke 16.21.

4 Cf. Luke 11.5-9; Matt. 7.7, 8.
5 Eleazer for Lazarus; d. Luke 16.20.
6 These three questions are posed in almost identical language by
Jerome, Letter to Damasus, 36.10 (CSEL 54.276-77). Fructuosus must
have possessed the Letters of Jerome, but not the Hebrew Questions,
from which Braulio quotes at length in his reply.
98 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

The request that this matter be explained to me and my

fellow captives is not made with any cleverness of fluent
speech, as some are accustomed to do, but with pure and
sincere affection and love for you and with genuine desire
to learn the truth.
I am especially suppliant, my lord, that you enlighten our
monasteries by your generosity with the Conferences of
Cassian,7 which cannot be found in this whole area in which
we live, though we have searched. We also request that out
of your bounty you make a present to us, unworthy though
we are, of the Lives of the holy men Honoratus8 and Ger·
manus,9 and your beatitude's own recent Life of Emilian.lO
You regularly fill the wants of others with the honey of your
eloquence; do not refuse to do the same for us, so far remote
and sunk low in the obscure lands of the west. Do this, most
pious lord, that your reward may shine before God.
We already have here, thanks to certain Christians, the
seven Conferences of the aforementioned Cassian, which he
wrote to jovinian, Minervius, Leontius, and Theodore, but
the next ten Conferences} which he says he published for the
bishops Helladius and Leontius, and the final seven, which he
says he published for Saints Honoratus and Eucherius,
we do not have. We ask that we may deserve to receive them
from your bounty.
Farewell in the Lord and remember us, blessed father.
Your humble servants, all the poor who are with us, salute
7 The Conlationes or Conferences of SI. John Cassian in 24 books are
so long that they have survived today in the same threefold tradition
which Fructuosus mentions below, I·VII, VIII·XVII, XVIII·XXIV.
The best edition is that of M. Petschenig, CSEL 13 (Vienna 1886).
The prologomena describing the manuscript tradition are found in
CSEL 17 (Vienna 1888).
8 The Life of St. Honoratus of Aries is preserved as a sermon by St.
Hilary of Aries (PL 50.1249·72); new English version in F. R. Hoare,
The Western Fathers (New York 1954) 247·80.
9 The Life of St. Germanus, Bishop of Auxerre by Constance of Lyon
is found in MGH, scr. mer. 7 (1929) 225·83, ed. W. Levison; trans·
lated by Hoare, op. cit. 283·320.
10 Translated in this volume pp. 113·39.
 LETTERS 99

your holiness most earnestly and ask that you do not refuse
the request of your abject servant, but assist the prayers of
a suppliant; may the saints of God remember your worthiness.

LETTER 44

Braulio, unworthy servant of the saints of God, to my lord,

deservedly outstanding, most sweet son in the members of
Christ, Frllctuosus the priest.!
Between the declaration of your praises of me and the
merits of my own deeds, I must preside as an unprejudiced
arbiter using reasonable arguments, and I must believe, under
a true and severe judgment, that I am what I feel myself
to be from within and not what I hear on the outside
from others who think otherwise. Generally, it is solely from
a feeling of good will that "the good man from the good
treasure of his heart brings forth good things;"2 surely, a fresh
spring will not be able to produce salty water. Again, it
generally happens that human opinions are deceived, and that
the evil is judged good and the good evil. It is not so much
this thought which must be feared: "W'oe to those who call
evil good, and good evil,"3 if one is deceived by love or at least
out of his own goodness judges4 an evil man good; but rather
must we avoid those persons in whom vices please rather than
virtues, or at any rate virtues displease rather than vices, so
that, following this erroneous law, they either think an evil
man good or a good man evil. He who calls a man good,
because he thinks him to be just and does not know that he
is unjust, is deceived, not in his understanding of good and
evil things, but in the secret ways of human character.
1 Written in 651 as an answer to Letter 43.
2 Cf. Matt. 12.35; the word cordis is not in the Vulgate, but is found
in Jerome's quotation of this same verse in Letter 65.5 (CSEL 54.622).
3 Cf. Isa. 5.20 and quotation in Jerome. Letter 62.2 (CSEL 54.584).
4 Reading aestimet for timet.
100 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

I know myself and you must realize the truth of my claim

that I am not such as you describe me. This I may properly
say to you, whom I hold in Christ in the members of Christ
and for the grace of Christ. But our conduct of life must not,
by any means, be revealed to those of whom it is said: "Let
not the oil of the sinner fatten my head,"5 those for whom this
very adulation of oil shall in the end fail among the foolish
and stupid virgins. 6 For of what avail is it to reveal oneself
to one from whom you cannot receive a remedy for your
faults? Accordingly, we should confess our faults to those
by whose prayers we may receive aid or provide examples of
good conduct. "The just man shall correct me in mercy,"
he said, and "shall reprove me."7 And of these it is said:
"Confess your sins to one another, and pray for one another."8
Since it would be a long and unpleasant task to reveal my
sinful ways to you and to tell you all in order, it must be
sufficient to reveal to your most holy mind that I am not
what you believe, though I beg you to pray that God make me
such as you believe.
Now that I have forbidden you to do this, I shall turn
to praise of you, and you are doubtless going to say: "Why do
you do yourself what you forbid?" I must necessarily favor
my side while I pay you my debt, for we are instructed by the
apostle to "render to all men whatever is their due"9 and to
"owe no man anything."lo Surely, I am not deceived about my
own worth, but, for your modesty's sake, I forbear to speak
of how worthy you seem to me; would that you had preserved
this modesty by saying less in praise of me.
I must praise your soul, but in the Lord, in whom we
should praise the upright; whence the psalmist says: "Praise

5 Cf. Ps. 140.5.

6 Cf. Matt. 25.1-13.
7 Cf. Ps. 140.5.
8 James 5.16.
9 Rom. 13.7.
10 Rom. 13.8.
 LETTERS 101

from the upright is fitting";l1 and "In the Lord shall my

soul be glorified,"12 to whom belongs and from whom comes
every good thing,13 to whom we offer thanks for your efforts
and progress. The more I realize the faith you show in speak-
ing of me, the more it feels right for me to be heavily op-
pressed; it is thus that you must receive what I am eager
to say.
How happy you are for having abandoned the business of
this world and chosen in advance the holy leisure! I under-
stand, love, cherish, and embrace the ardor and vigor of your
mind, the brightness of the light that shines in the Holy Spirit;
I pant with thirsty longing that your merits may prevail before
God for my sins and crimes. How blessed is that desert and
vast solitude which recently knew only wild beasts and is now
filled with the habitations of monks, congregated by you
and singing praises of God; of pilgrims of the world, citizens
of God, captives from Babylon, predestined to Jerusalem.
I praise and extol in Christ you and yours, whose zeal adorns
a desert far different from the desert which Jerome 14 and
Eucherius,15 most learned and outstanding men, once beauti-
fied with the charming flowers of their words and sentiments.
To compress much into a short space and, as it were, to paint
the world on a small tablet,16 since I have no time to proceed
at length, nor the keenness of talent nor the eloquence of
tongue, I shall change for your benefit the ancient praise of a
gentile poet and shall say only: a sacred glory of SpainP7
Do not believe that I am performing the office of a flatterer
of vices or of one who adulates, but I cannot keep silent
concerning what I believe about you, since my ministry is to
11 Ps. 32.1.
12 Cf. Ps. 33.3.
13 Cf. Reb. 2.10.
14 Jerome, Letter 14 (CSEL 54.44-62) and elsewhere.
15 Eucherius, In Praise of the Desert (CSEL 31.175-94).
16 This phrase or a similar one is found in several of jerome's Letters.
17 Madoz may be right in thinking "0 decus Rispaniae sacrum" an
adaptation of "0 decus Italiae virgo," Vergil, Aeneid 11.508. No better
identification of the "gentile poet" has been suggested.
102 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

speak the truth. So great is it that, by your perseverance,

things have been brought to an end "by patience" in which
we are bidden to "win our sOUlS";18 for "whoever perseveres
to the -end, he shall be saved."19 "Now the purpose of this
charge is charity,"!!O which, according to John "is God";21
and God is Christ, "for whom are all things,":!2 and we should
not act for any other cause; in this, the psalmist sees the "end
of all perfection,"!l3 which is the reason why the titles of some
Psalms are headed by "unto the end."24 For those who come
to this end there will be no further place to which the course
of the faithful may be directed, in the words of Him who
said: "Come to me, all you who labor and are burdened, and
I will give you rest."25 May your zeal continue to burn as it
has begun, and send greater flames in the Lord, for it will
fall back if it does not proceed just as a skiff on a very rapid
current of water slips down to lower levels if it does not con-
stantly progress higher.
In your section of the country, be on your guard, even at
this late date, against the poisonous dogma of Priscillianism,
by which we know Dictinius was infected as well as many
others, including St. Orosius, who was later set aright by St.
Augustine. To such an extent has Priscillian distorted the
Scriptures by the zeal of his heresy that even to this day we
find many books depraved by the taint of this corruptor. 26

IS Luke 21.19.
19 Matt. 24.13.
20 I Tim. 1.5.
21 I John 4.16.
22 Heb. 2.10.
23 Ps. llS.96.
24 Isidore in the Praef. to the Psalter says that the Septuagint has titles
"psalm unto the end" where the Hebrew has "to Victor."
25 Matt. 11.2S.
26 The middle of the se\'enth century is very late for a warning against
the adherents of Priscillianism. Braulio seems rather to be worried
about the numerous Bible texts still in existence containing heretical
passages. Dictinius of Astorga was the strongest of the followers of
Priscillian, until he renounced that heresy in 400. Orosius was a not-
 LETTERS 103

Do not be led astray by popular favor or the vanity of vain-

glory, for this is the last struggle among the athletes of God,
in whom is the final judgment. 27 Now, not to protract my
letter unduly, I shall come to the questions which you pro-
posed and, as you hoped, 1 shall quote the opinions of our
ancestors, such as I have read and as they occur to me; cer-
tain matters, for the sake of brevity, 1 shall put together in my
own words.
This is the beginning of your petition: "First of all,"
you say, "I demand that you explain to me in a brief and
clearly stated passage or two from your reading of the early
fathers certain problems which Jerome, the father of sanctity
and sharer of your glory, the most blessed and most learned
of men, failed to clarify." 1 have no idea why you say this,
since that most holy man left a clear exposition of the matter
in his book called Hebrew Questions. 28 This is the solution
which he offers: "There is a famous question which has been
aired by discussion in all churches: that, by a careful reckon-
ing, it can be shown that Mathusale lived 14 years after the
flood. When Mathusale was 167 years old, he became the
father of Lamech; again, when Lamech was 188 years old, he
became the father of Noe, and together they make 355 years
of the life of Mathusale until the day of Noe's birth. Now
the flood took place in the 600th year of Noe's life; so, by
reckoning the separate parts it may be proved that the flood
took place in the 955th year of Mathusale, but since it has been
said above that Mathusale lived 969 years, no one can doubt
that he lived 14 years aher the flood. How can that be true,

able opponent of Priscillian's opinions, but this passage contains the

only statement that he had been converted to this view by Augustine.
27 Cassian, Inst. 5.1 and 5.19 tit.
28 St. jerome's Hebrew Questions on Genesis contain a critical examina-
tion of many passages where difficulties in the Old Latin version can
be solved by reference to Hebrew and Greek texts. The present long
quotation is from the commentary on Gen. 5.25-29 (Corpus Christian·
O1"um: Series latina 72.8-9; PL 23.946-47).
104 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

when only eight souls were saved in the ark?" So far the
proposition; now the solution.
"It appears that, in this case as in many others, there is an
error in the numbers. Among the Hebrews and the books
of the Samaritans, I have found the text written thus: 'Ma-
thusale lived 187 years and begot Lamech. Mathusale
lived 782 years after he begot Lamech, and begot sons and
daughters. And all the days of Mathusale were 969 years,
and he died. And Lamech lived 182 years and begot Noe.'29
Accordingly, there are 369 years from the day of Mathusale's
birth to the day of Noe's birth; to these add Noe's 600 years,
since the flood occurred in the 600th year of his life, and
so it works out that Mathusale died in the 969th year of his
life, in the same year when the flood began." If you would
believe the truth of this with greater certainty, refer to the
translation by this most holy of men and you will have no
doubt.
St. Augustine also, in the fifteenth book On the City of God}
while examining the difference in years between the Hebrew
copies and the Septuagint, affirms the translation from the
Hebrew and at the end of his discussion of the same matter 30
says among other things: "All the years of the life of Mathu-
sale are reckoned at 969." A little later: "Subtracting 955
from the birth of Mathusale to the flood, there remain 14
years, the length of time he is supposed to have lived after
the flood. Wherefore some say that, although he was not
on earth, where it is clear that all nature was destroyed ex-
cept what nature allows to survive in water, he spent some
time with his father, who had been translated, and they believe
he lived there until the flood passed, because they are unwill-
ing to question the faith of the copies of the text"-of the
Septuagint version, that is-"which the Church has accepted

29 Cf. Gen. 5.25-28.

30 These quotations are all from chapters 11 and 13 of Book XV of the
City of God.
 LETTERS 105

as the more trustworthy authority, and because they supposed

that the copies owned by the Jews rather than their own do not
have the truth. They do not admit that there is more likely
to be a mistake on the part of the translators rather than that
there is an error in that language from which the Scripture
itself was translated into our tongue through the Greek."
And after some other things: "This is an opinion or a mere
suspicion each one may interpret as he pleases; it is certain,
however, that Mathusale did not live after the flood, but died
in the same year."
Then, after some intervening discussion of matters which
are here omitted, he says: "One could more easily believe that
when these copies were first made from Ptolemy's library, some-
thing of this sort may have occurred in a single copy, but the
very first one made, from which it was widely spread and to
which there might have been added a scribe's error: it is not
absurd to suspect something like this in the question about the
life of Mathusale." Then, not far along: "So this disagreement
of numbers reported differently in Greek and Latin copies on
the one hand and the Hebrew on the other might," he adds,
"be attributed to the error of the scribe who first received the
transcribed text to be copied from the library of the above-
mentioned king."
Then, after a little while: "But however this is understood,
whether or not it is believed that it happened this way,
whether in the end it is one way and not the other, I should
not hesitate to say that, when some difference is found in both
sets of copies, inasmuch as the. truth of what happened cannot
be possessed by both sides, the right course is to believe that
language from which the translation was made into another
by interpreters. In some copies which agree, including three
Greek, one Latin, and one Syrian, Mathusale is found to have
died six years before the flood."
These matters St. Augustine sets down in various places,
just as we have quoted them and just as the blessed Jerome
106 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

recounts them, and we must not disagree with what these most
learned men have thought.
Furthermore, Eucherius, a man of outstanding knowledge
and remarkable intelligence, quite copious in words and
thoughts and abundant in eloquence, mentions this problem
in his surviving works as follows: "How is it that, by careful
reckoning of the years of Mathusale, he is found to have lived
14 years after the flood, when only eight souls are reported
to have been in the ark?" Answer: "There is an error in the
number, since it is read in the books of the Hebrews that
this number ofl4 years was fulfilled before the flood."31 These
three writers seem enough for us to confirm this solution, since
it is written: "In the testimony of two or three witnesses"32
shall every word stand.
There are many who have wri tten on these matters. In our
own day Isidore, Bishop of Seville, incomparable man of
learning, while trying to solve the origin of this name, says
thus in his books of Etymologies: "Mathusale is glossed by:
He died) which is evidently the etymology of the name. Some
thought that he had been translated with his father and had
outlived the flood. For this reason, He died was set down to
signify that he did not live after the flood, but had died in
the same cataclysm, since only eight men escaped the flood
in the ark."33
Next, to your question about Ismael, that the mother
[Agar] carried her son on her back; St. Jerome discusses it
as follows in the book of Questions already mentioned: 34
" 'And Sara saw the son of Agar the Egyptian, whom she bore
to Abraham, playing';35 what follows, 'with her son Isaac,'

31 Eucherius, Bishop of Lyon, died about 450; d. his Two Rooks of

Instructions to Salonius 1.17, ed. Wotke (CSEL 31.71).
32 Deut. 17.6.
33 Book 7.6.13.
34 Commentary on Gen. 21.9·18 (Corp. chr.: Ser. lat. 72.24-25; PL 23.967-
68) from which all the direct citations were taken, except the one noted.
There are several variations from the Vulgate.
35 Gen. 21.9.
 LETTERS 107

does not stand in the Hebrew. This is explained by the He-

brews in two ways: either that she made an idol of mud, as was
written elsewhere: 'The people sat down to eat and drink, and
rose up to revel' ;:J6 or that she was, by sport and jest, establish-
ing her claim over the birthright against Isaac, who was the
elder. This Sara heard and could not endure. This is proved
by her own words when she said: 'Cast out this slave-girl with
her son; for the son of this slave-girl shall not be heir with my
son Isaac. And he took bread and a bottle of water, and gave to
Agar, placing her small son upon her shoulder, and dismissed
her.'37 When Isaac was born, Ismael was 13 years old, and he
was cast out of the house with his mother after Isaac was
weaned. Among the Hebrews, there is a difference of opinion,
some claiming that the time of weaning is set in the fifth year,
others in the twelfth year. We for our part, choosing the
shorter time, have reckoned that Ismael was cast out with his
mother after 18 years and that it is not likely that an adolescent
sat on his mother's back. There is a genuine idiom of the
Hebrew language whereby every son by comparison with his
parents is called infant and small. Nor should we marvel at a
foreign language having its peculiarities when at Rome today
all sons are called infants. Therefore, Abraham set bread and a
bottle upon the shoulder of Agar, and when he had done so,
gave the boy to his mother, that is, put him in her hands,
entrusted him, and so sent them away from home.
"Next come the words: 'And she left the boy under a fir
tree, and she went and sat over against him a great way off
about the distance of a bowshot, for she said: "Let me not
see my child die"; and she sat over against him.':J8 And im-
mediately is added: 'And the child cried aloud and wept and
God heard the boy's cry from the place where he was. And
36 Exod. 32.6.
37 Gen. 21.10, 14. The Latin here is uncertain (possibly a verb is miss-
ing), but it seems to say that Abraham placed the boy on Agar's
shoulder; Jerome's point. however. is that the Hebrew text states that
he placed the bread and water on her shoulder, not the boy.
38 Cf. Gen. 21.15·17.
108 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

the angel of God called to Agar from heaven,'~n etc. This

should disturb no one, for in the Hebrew after the words:
'Let me not see my child die,' it is said that Agar herself sat
over against the boy and lifted her voice and wept and God
heard the voice of the boy. As the mother wept and wretchedly
awaited the death of her son, God heard the boy, of whom
He had made promise to Abraham, saying: 'But I will also
make the son of your slave-girl a great nation,'40 For the
mother was weeping for her son's death, not her own. There-
fore, God spared him for whom she had shed tears. Finally,
in the sequel, it is said: 'Rise up, take the boy, and hold him
by the hand,'41 from which it is clear that he who was held
was not a burden to his mother, but a companion. That he
was held by the hand of his parent shows her anxious concern,"
I admit that, on this matter, I have also read other inter-
preters of Scripture, but as it is naturally easy for me to forget,
I cannot recall in what work each one discussed the subject,
except those who have wished to allegorize, following the
apostle. To put it briefly, although some claim that the
Hebrews reckon the years to weaning sometimes as five,
sometimes as twelve, we have found a period of three years set
down for this same weaning in the Books of Machabees:
"My son," she said, "have pity upon me that bore thee nine
months in my womb and gave thee suck three years, and
brought thee up unto this age."42 If one follows this authority,
two years should be removed from the sixteen. But when one
returns to the statement of divine Scripture, it is not found
in the Hebraic truth that Ismael was carried on the neck of
his mother. Why, then, cause so much trouble when we have
no difficulty?
Finally, on the question of Solomon, it remains for us to
call your attention to a passage about Solomon with which
39 Cf. Gen. 21.16. 17.
40 Cf. Gen. 21.18.
41 Ibid.
42 2 Mach. 7.27.
 LETTERS 109

we know from your writings that you are already acquainted,

since I understood, when reading the letter which you sent
me, that you are familiar with a letter of the oft-mentioned
blessed man Jerome to the priest Vitalis,43 and what it con-
tains about Solomon and Achaz and what he claims to have
heard in his own day under the testimony of an oath_ In the
end of that letter, he shows a strong and sure belief in the
omnipotence of God.
Nor can I think otherwise against the authority of so
great a man, but I can only follow his steps and, in Christian
humility, not deviate from the paths of our ancestors; as David
says: "Neither have I walked with great things, nor with
things too sublime for me."44 He is raised up above himself
who departs from the traces of his elders and tries to have
vision in things which are beyond his powers. Hence, it
follows: "If I was not humbly minded, but exalted my soul:
as a child that is weaned is towards his mother, so wilt Thou
reward in my soul."45 And so it is useful for us to think
humble thoughts, in the words of the apostle: "Not setting
your mind on high things, but condescending to the lowly";46
and to receive weaning with Isaac, that we may share stronger
food rather than with Ismael, son of the slave-girl, to carry
a bottle with water instead of wine 47 and to be driven from
the eternal inheritance.
Having disposed of these matters in accordance with your
wish, I report that I have not found any duplicates of the
books which you ask to have me send to you. Of some, I have
not even located single copies; I have discovered that they
are missing from our shelves and I have been too busy to
43 Jerome, Letter 72 (CSEL 55.9-10) discusses the question whether it was
possible for Solomon and Achaz to have sons when they were only
eleven or twelve years old, but Fructuosus probably found the question
posed without answer in Letter 36 (CSEL 54.276).
44 Cf. Ps. 130.1.
45 Cf. Ps. 130.2.
46 Cf. Rom. 12.16.
47 Cf. Gen. 21.9-18 and nn. 35, 37-41 above; Jerome, Letter 72.2 (CSEL
55.9-10).
110 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

institute a search, but if God is willing and life lasts long

enough,48 there is hope of locating them and sending them
to you.
You se€ that I have replied in my own special prosaic style,
since we should strive to gain the thoughts rather than to gape
with astonishment at words, in order that our speech may
retain the simplicity of the Gospels and flee the froth of pagan
eloquence. Now, the extreme length of the letter compels
me to be silent. 49 I had hoped that I might embrace you
hand to hand that we might learn or teach some things by
talking together; at least, this is not impossible for Almighty
God, in whom no word is difficult.;io Yet, daily, I hope for an
end to the illness of my mortality.
I should prefer that, if God grants what I have said above,
our occupation should turn on the allegorical interpretation
of questions and their mystical understanding and on the use
of the Old Testament for the affirmation of the New, rather
than that our investigation should consist in superficial his-
torical interpretation, so that truly "deep calls unto deep in
the roar of your cataracts,":>1 because the one takes precedence
in time, the other in dignity. This is the food of the Christian
soul: the soul feeds on those things in which it delights; I hold
your ability in admiration and gaze with awe on the infinite
equipment of your vocabulary.52
''\Tell done! When the beginnings you produce are so great,
what will be the fruit produced by Fructuosus?:i3 In addition
to this good, since you also possess zeal for the divine Scrip-
tures, especially in mutual discussion, you will soon send out
48 Cf. 2 Kings 4.16.
49 Jerome, Letter 7.6 (CSEL 54.31).
'i0 Cf. Luke 1.37.
'i1 Ps. 41.8 quoted in Jerome, Letter 120 pracf. (CSEL 55.473).
~)2 Jerome, Letter 58.11 (CSEL 54.540).
:i3 Jerome, Leiter 60.13 (CSEL 54.538); a triple play on the name of his
correspondent: "qualia existent Fructuosi fructuosa frumenta"? The
thoughts in this paragraph are borrowed and adapted from Jerome,
Letter 108 (CSEL 54.540) concerning St. Paula. Jerome also says here:
"A tree is known by its fruits."
 LETTERS III

branches and will bear grapes of exceeding sweetness, to confer

fruits upon your own nature, and to furnish others with the
delight of their enjoyment. I shall not be content with any-
thing mediocre from you. Believe love which speaks the truth,
saying: if at all possible, I wish you to be excellent and per-
fect in that which is given to others in part and revealed in
knowledge in part, for it is proper that at the end of the
world the chosen vessels ii4 of Christ shall be prepared for the
struggle wi th Antichrist.
Please do not think that you are of little value because
you are, as you complain, "sunk low in the obscure lands of
the west," since the more you see that you are in obscurity,
the brighter you shine, in the words of the Lord to the
Pharisees: "If you were blind, you would not have sin.":;:;
All no doubt realize that the closer we are to the light, the
more easily we see the imperfections of the body; and the
"true light, which enlightens every man who comes into the
world":;G has shone upon the world at His death, and not
immediately at His birth. Hence, the prophet: "The people
who sat in darkness have seen a great light; upon those who
dwelt in the land of gloom, a light has shone.":;'
The province which is your home claims for itself an origin
in Greece,58 which is the mistress of letters and learning; we
recall that it has been the birthplace of most eminent and
most learned men, among whom we may mention the priest
Orosi us, the Bishop Turibius, Idatius, and Carterius, another
bishop of laudable old age and holy erudition.:;u Therefore,

54 Cf. Acts 9.15.

55 John 9.41.
:,6 John 1.9.
57 Isa. 9.1.
58 Cf. Isidore, Ely»!. 9.2.110-111 on Gallaeci.
59 All were alive in the first half of the fifth cen tury; Orosius was
mentioned earlier in this letter and is associated with Turibius of
Astorga as an anti-Priscillianist; Idatius of Lemica in Portugal con-
tinued jerome's Chronicle; Carterius is probably the OIH' mentioned
in Jerome, Letter 69.2 (CSEL 54.680).
112 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

you should boast of the overflowing grace of Christ rather than

find fault with the slight productivity of that country.
Now, you see, since "love knows no rank,"tiU I have put
more words than utility into my letter and, as someone has
said: "While I strive to make a pitcher, my hands have pro-
duced a jar."61 It remains only to ask that you and your
fellow pilgrims and your poor in spirit deign to pray for me,
a greater sinner than all other men, in case the inexhaustible
piety of the Redeemer of men may be willing to absorb the
floods of impurities of my crimes and misdeeds.
Farewell in the Lord, brother to me in love, my well-
serving lord, my son in years, my colleague in dignity, and
dose to me in family ties.6~ Do you and yours pray for me;
when you get an opportunity, be sure to send me a letter.

GO Jerome. Letter 7.6 (CSEL 54.31).

GI Cf. n. 16 on Letter II.
G2 Do these words mean either that Fructuosus was already a bishop
or that he and Braulio wcre somehow related? A literal interpretation
is less likely. if one observes that Madoz quotes similar words. "my
dearest friend. my son in years. my parent in dignity." applied by
Jeromc. Letter 105.5 (CSEL 55.246) to Augustine.
 LIFE OF ST. EMJLIAN

(Vita s. Aemilialli)

Bralilio, unworthy bishop, sends gratings to the priest Fro-

lIimian, man of God, my lord and brother.
(1) In the time of Bishop John, my lord of pious recol-
lection and our common elder brother and teacher of holy
living and doctrine, I had intended, in obedience both to his
suggestions and to your requests, to put down with my pen,
insofar as my own lack of knowledge and poor state of health
permitted, a clear account of the life of the blessed priest
Emilian, our unique father and patron and singularly chosen
in Christ in our times, relying upon the credibility of the
information which I knew had been collected in the testimony
of the venerable abbot Citonatus, the priests Sofronius and
Gerontius, and that holy woman Potamia, of blessed memory.
But because my notes on his virtues were interrupted almost
as soon as I began them by inattention, due to a large amount
of administrative work, I soon became busy with various
ensuing misfortunes and with the troubles of uncertain times,
until I lost even the desire to write and could not give my
attention to it although you yourself strongly urged it.
Now by divine will, it seems to me, wanting to examine
a codex for something that occurred to my mind, I had it
searched and, when a pile of books was being turned over,
that long-lost report was unexpectedly found, though it was
not being sought, since the zeal of the searchers had been
completely dimmed by the scant hope of ever finding it. Since,
as the prophet says: "I was found by those who did not seek
me";1 "my heart is glad and my soul rejoices,"2 not with
I Rom. 10.20.
113
114 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

eagerness to light the lamp, but with joy at finding the

drachma;3 once again, not without dispensation from above,
as I believe, I have summoned my courage to win the reward
of my obedience and to comply with your very frequent
requests.
(2) Therefore, I have composed as best I could and in the
plain and clear style that is becoming to slich things, a short
book on the life of this saint; I have made it brief that it may
be read as rapidly as possible in the celebration of his mass,4
and I have directed it to you, my lord, and have taken care
to place this letter of mine at the head of it as I submit it for
your approval, that you may inspect each detail and either
correct or disapprove anything which is displeasing to you.
If it is pleasing to you, you may keep it and circulate it to
anyone else whom you wish and may give thanks on my
behalf to our Creator, to whom belong all good things. My
task was to obey; yours will be to publish if you deem it
worthy. I have one request; if you think anything therein
should be corrected, let it be emended before it is published,
but do not start to find fault with it until you have first
found something which pleases you. Further, since that most
holy man, Citonatus the priest, and Gerontius are still alive,
I want everything that I have written therein to be brought
to their attention first and to be thoroughly discussed by
them and to be confirmed for my accuracy in mentioning
names and events. I have also added at the end of the book,
just as I received them from you last year, the miracles which
I learned had been performed in that same place. At your
request I have also transmitted a hymn for the feast of this
s~int, composed in the iambic senarius meter;5 I have con-

2 Ps. 15.9.
3 Cf. Luke 15.8.
4 In the Mozarabic ritual, lauds were read after the Gospel, followed by
a sermon which sometimes explained the daily feast.
5 This hymn of 80 verses has been edited in C. Blume-G. M. Dreves,
Analecta hymnica medii aevi 27.125. Its manuscript tradition is entirely
separate from that of the Life of Emililln. Cf. Lynch. op. cit. 236·40.
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 115

sidered it superfluous to write a sermon for the same day,

since it seems to me there can be no greater exhortation than
an account of his virtues, and, if a sermon were added, it
would take up so much extra time that it would weary the
spirits of the hearers.
(3) Therefore, I beg of you, that what I have done may be
found acceptable both to yourself, whose orders 1 have obeyed,
and to him who has, by the veneration of his virtues, caused
the aforementioned men to be moved to testify to what they
have seen and has caused all of you daily to witness similar
things. You have obtained your request that these matters be
set down by me, and I for my part am eager to receive the
reward for fulfilling your desire.
In order that this same feast may be celebrated with a
common mass, I have given instruction for its composition
to my beloved son, deacon Eugene,6 not thinking it strange
to me if he uses his own tongue (for he and I are closely
bound in all our plans and thoughts) to perform my duty
in paying honor to this most blessed man; also thinking that I
should enjoy a common reward with him in this matter as I
make him a common participant in other things. May the
grace of Christ deign to keep your beatitude in good health
and mindful of me.
rHere begins the book on the life and miracles of the
saintly and most blessed Emilian, priest and confessor of
Christ, written by the blessed Braulio, bishop of the see
of Saragossa.]
CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I On the beginning of his -religious life ........... . 120
2 "Vherein he went to a certain monk in Castle
Bilibium ................................. . 121

6 An Office for SI. Emilian's Day was published in M. Ferotin. Le Libel'

lIlozarabiclis sacralllentoTllIn (Monumenta ecclesiae liturgica G; Paris
1912) 603·08. Lynch, op. cit. 223·24. gives reasons for laking this as
the work of Eugene.
116 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

Chapter Page
3 'J\Therein he arrived at the place where his oratory
is now located .............................. 121
4 Wherein he sought out deserted places . . . . . . . . . .. 122
5 On Bishop Didimius who bound him to a church. .. 123
6 Wherein his clerics brought accusation against him
in the presence of the aforementioned bishop .. 124
7 Wherein the devil in human form struggled with
him ....................................... 125
8 On the cure of the monk Armentarius who had a
tumor ...................................... 125
9 On a paralytic woman named Barbara . . . . . . . . . . .. 126
10 On another lame woman. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 126
lIOn restoration of sight by him to the maidservant
of senator Sicorius ........................... 126
12 On the cure of a certain deacon possessed of a demon 127
13 On the cure of a slave of a certain Tuentius,
possessed of a demon .. , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 127
14 On the restoration to health of a slave of Count
Eugene, possessed of a devil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 127
15 On his cure of senator Nepotianus and his wife
Proseria, possessed of a demon ................ 128
16 On freeing the daughter of the curial, Maximus,
possessed of a demon ........................ 128
17 On driving a demon from the house of Honor,
senator of Parpa1ines ........................ 128
18 On the divine protection around him. . . . . . . . . . .. 129
19 On the wood which grew by his prayer........... 130
20 On the sleeves of his tunic and his cloak demanded
by the poor ................................ 131
21 On a bit of wine satisfying a multitude of men. . .. 131
22 On the sudden provision of food when it was in-
sufficient for guests ......................... 132
23 On demons criticizing him for living with women.. 133
24 On his horse being stolen by robbers. . . . . . . . . . . .. 134
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 117

Chapter Page
25 In which his own death was revealed to him 135
26 On his predicting the downfall of Cantabria 135
27 On his death and burial procession. . . . . . . . . . . . .. 136
28 On two blind persons given sight at his tomb. . . .. 137
29 On the lamp filled and lighted by divine will ..... 137
30 On the blind and lame woman who was anointed
with the oil of the same lamp and cured ...... 137
31 On the little girl who was brought lifeless to his
oratory and immediately resuscitated .......... 138
(4) The marvelous deeds and miracles performed almost
in our own day by the apostolic and most upright man,
Emilian the priest, are so new that they urge us to relate them;
yet, at the same time, so vast in scope that to recount them
is frightening. How can the pen of a man who is bound to
earthly things worthily reproduce the acts of a heavenly man,
who, when compared to past ages, shines like the brightest
star; who, when compared to the present, stands above all in
his inimitable virtue? In my opinion, not even if the Tullian
springs should flow and come bounding forth in copious veins
of eloquence, and multiplicity of thoughts should furnish
an abundant supply of words, could all those works of grace
be revealed which Christ, "who alone does wondrous deeds,"l
has performed and still is performing through him, from the
time he began to despise the world until he departed from his
body and from the world. When I perceive this, I am seized
with fear, for my knowledge is scarce rather than copious,
my words are sterile instead of fertile, and I am not unskilled
in my lack of skill. Still, the truth of the promise of Christ
drives out fear, for thus He promised and thus He instructed
us: "Open wide your mouth, and I will fill it."2 And again:
"The Lord will give many powers to those who are the good
messengers of the word."3 These words, too: "For it is not you
IPs. 71.18.
2 Ps. 80.11.
3 Cf. Ps. 67.12.
118 RRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

who are speaking, but the Spirit of your Father who speaks
through you,"4 are especially appropriate to this case. Thus
the mind arises and lays aside the weapons of fear, and 10,
what it feared it strives to enter upon with firm step, boasting
of Thy great might, 0 Christ, who allowed a beast of burden
to speak with human words'; and can also permit a man
to use suitable expressions. Another important point, which
especially seems to concern the citadel of my mind and the
anchor of my hope, is that only by the receipt of this work
and the rewards of its labors and in no other way can I find
a kind of soap with which to cleanse my most soiled and
polluted life,!; exactly as it was very elegantly expressed by
one of the old poets: "This work, this may possibly save me
from the fire."7
(5) Last of all, it remains to state that I preferred to report
these matters even in an inferior work rather than to hide
them under a cloak of lingering silence, lest later generations
lose confidence in the truth of matters which their prede-
cessors long passed over without mention. But to reply
briefly to those who try to display their eloquence, let
them know tha t the scurrilous words of detractors are of
little weight, since it is not vain verbosity that is set up
as an example under ecclesiastical law for humble and lowly
Christians, nor the frailness of human vexations, nor even
the inflated pride of ostentation, but the sober, moderate, and
weighty gravity of truth. It is much better to tell the truth
without embellishment than to make eloquent tales out
of lies. This is easily understood in the gospels of the
Savior, which were preached to the people in simple language.
Shall I, then, unskilled as I am, make fun of the eloquence
of wise men? Not at all. What I disapprove of is the insub-
stantial levity of carpers, for I do not think honest, wise,

4 Matt. 10.20.
!l Cf. Num. 22.28.
G Cf. Jer. 2.22.
7 Jm'cncus. Libri Evangeliorum, pref. 1.22 (CSEL 24.2).
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 119

and mature men can be angry with me for my enthusiasm for

this task, men who are not unaware that in the house of God
each one should make such offering as he is able, even to the
"hair of goats";8 but if they, too, want to speak on this sub-
ject, as I have already said, not only will there be no lack
of material, but they will not even be able to describe
everything. Therefore, although I have, to an extent, pur-
sued the study of secular disciplines, I have completely neg-
lected to observe it here, lest I might make it more difficult
for the less learned to understand and might confound the
camp of Israel with the tongue of Jericho. 9
(6) As I am about to begin the topic which I have decided
to discuss, I want to warn the reader and the listener not to
approach eager for words, but to lend himself full of devotion;
or if it is the former which he is seeking, let him straightway
depart, lest he spend his time in idleness to no avail; but he
who is anxious to know what follows should come devotedly
to learn and should understand, first of all, that there are
some things related here which ought to be followed com-
pletely by us or by anyone else, but there are some things
conferred in such a singular fashion upon that most upright
man that no one else may even approach them by way of imi-
tation without great harm to himsel£;lo these, however,
through admiration of him should make us intent upon the
praise of God; for each kind must seek the precepts of its own
kind, but only they may gain the special gifts upon whom
the Almighty orders them to be conferred. Even those skilled
in the law hold this in the case of benefits received by decree
of their rulers.
(7) I shall not go back very far, nor shall I praise his
grandfathers and great-grandfathers, as rhetoricians would do,
for, as they themselves would say, if he sprang from a humble

8 Num. 31.20.
9 Cf. Jos. 6.18.
10 Cf. chapter 23.
120 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

birth, he is all the more to be praised for having adorned the

lowliness of his race with a worthy character.

Chapter 1

So we may begin our account with his conversion to the

religious life and with Christ favoring and the blessed man's
own prayers aiding our efforts, we may start with his situation
about the twentieth year of his life. The venerable priests of
the churches of Christ, Citonatus of holy and purest life, and
Sofronius and Gerontius, priests in whom the Church has
unlimited faith, have related to us in a trustworthy account
what they themselves have seen. To these well-proved wit-
nesses is added the testimony of the very holy woman Potamia,
of blessed memory, whose noble origin was ennobled by the
even nobler course of her life. I have, therefore, chosen these
four as wi tnesses of the miracles performed in the flesh,
omitting the testimonies of peoples and provinces over almost
all of Spain concerning this matter, for we must of necessity
pass over those which became so common that they were of
almost daily occurrence, since they cannot be comprehended
completely, as has been said, and if anyone wants to know
them, he will more likely believe what has been seen.
(8) Now, as I started to say, the following is the account
of the aforementioned witnesses concerning his conversion and
religious life: the future shepherd of men was a shepherd of
sheep and he made the sheep go before him to the green
places in the mountains and, as was the custom of shepherds,
he carried a cithara with him, lest, while he was tending his
flock, his mind might become heavy and unoccupied and in-
attentive; and when he arrived at a certain spot appointed
by the will of heaven, the Deity overcame him with sleep; the
Maker of clean hearts with His usual zeal skillfully fulfilled
His function and changed the material of the cithara into
an instrument of learning and filled the mind of the shepherd
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 121

with the urge to contemplate the supernal. When he was

aroused, he meditated on the celestial life and left that country
and hastened to a desert region.

Chapter 2

(9) Rumor had brought him word that a certain hermit

named Felix, a most holy man to whom he might properly
offer himself as a disciple, was then living in Castle Bilibium.1
He hastened thither and came to him and readily offered
himself as a servant and was instructed by him how to guide
his steps unfalteringly towards the kingdom above. By this
deed, I believe he showed us that no one can correctly guide
his steps to the blessed life without the instruction of his
elders, for this man certainly did not, nor did Christ instruct
Paul, nor did the divine power allow Samuel to do any such
thing, but it did permit this man to go to the hermit and
Paul to Ananias2 and Samuel to Heli;3 even though each of
them had already been inspired by the divine power by signs
and words.

Chapter 3

(10) After he had received the best instruction from him

in the road to life and had been enriched abundantly with the
wealth of divine teaching and the treasures of salvation, he
returned to his own country, filled with the grace of religious
wisdom; thus he arrived at a place not far from the village
of Vergegio,l where his glorious body now lies, and he very
soon saw that the crowd of people who came to him would be
troublesome.
1 Outside the city of Haro in the province of Logrofio.
2 Acts 9.10·19.
3 1 Kings 3.

1 Modern Berceo in La Rioja.

122 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

Chapter 4

(11) He sought the heights as his eager spmt traveled

lightly up the steep path, so that he seemed, as he guided
his steps through the vale of sorrow, to be climbing Jacob's
ladder,l as it were, from virtue to virtue, in heart as well as
in body. When he came to the more remote secret places
of Mount Dircetius,2 he stayed as close to its peak as the
nature of the weather and the forest permitted, and became
a guest of the hills, deprived himself of the consort of men
and partook only of the consolations of the angels, and re-
mained there for forty years. What invisible battles he ex-
perienced there, what visible ones, what temptations he en-
dured of various ingenious kinds, what mockeries he experi-
enced from the ancient scoundrel, only those can understand
who themselves claim to have experienced them; there he di-
rected all his emotions, there all his desires, there all his in-
spirations, there constantly all his course, in the way where
he first directed his unyielding determination of holy de-
votion.
What a great gift! What a remarkable man! What an
outstanding soul, so dedicated to contemplation of the divine
that the present world can claim no room for itself therein!
How often, I imagine, he must have been filled with divine
ardor there among the thick and lofty forests and the tall
peaks of the hills and the ridges reaching up to the sky, and
must have said to Christ in a loud voice: "Woe is me that
my dwelling is prolonged"!3 How often he would shout with
sobs and sighs: "I desire to depart and to be with Christ"!4
How often he would be moved to the innermost parts and
ardently lament, saying: "While I am in this body I am
exiled from the Lord"!" Meanwhile, he was shaken with cold,
1 Gen. 28.12, 13.
2 Now Sierra de la Demanda.
3 Cf. Ps. 119.5,6.
4 Phil. 1.23.
5 Cf. 2 Cor. 5.6.
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 123

left destitute in solitude, drenched with incessant rain,

troubled by the blasts of winds; yet he not only endured,
but even delighted in, and longed for the bite of cold, the
somber hours of solitude, the violent onrush of the rain,
the severity of the winds, on account of the love of God, the
contemplation of Christ, and the grace of the Holy Spirit.
But since a city that is placed on a mountain cannot long
remain hid,6 the report of his holiness spread so far and wide
that almost everyone learned of it.

Chapter 5

(12) When this was also reported to Didymus, who was then
filling the office of bishop in Tarazona, he sought out the
man and desired him to receive ecclesiastical orders, for he
was in his diocese.
At first it seemed to him a difficult and serious thing
to flee back and to return and to be led back almost from
heaven to the world, from that quiet that had almost been
attained to laborious duties, to be transferred from the con-
templative to the active life; finally, he was forced against
his will to obey in being appointed to the office of priest in the
church at Vergegio. Then, he abandoned all the things to
which men of that rank, at least in our times, are usually
devoted, and he spent all his holy devotion upon this life to
which he had been returned, persisting, however, in continu-
ous prayers, week-long fasts, constant watches, genuine sagacity,
definite hope, great frugality, kindly justice, firm endurance,
and, to put it briefly, he abstained completely and unweariedly
from every evil thing. He succeeded so well in gathering from
the fields the flowers of the wisdom of ineffable divinity that
he who had barely memorized the first eight Psalms now
incomparably and most outstandingly surpassed the ancient

6 Cf. Matt. 5.14.

124 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

philosophers of the world in skill, wisdom, and ability, and

deservedly so, for what they achieved by worldly industry,
he was granted by the divine graces from above, so that it
seems fair for me to conjecture that, in his calling and educa-
tion and. miraculous deeds, he was in all respects similar to
Saints Antony and Martin. But to pass over much, among
his other ecclesiastical pursuits his greatest endeavor was
strenuously and zealously to drive wicked Mammon from the
temple of the Lord as fast as possible. Wherefore he spent
the substance of Christ upon the heart of Christ,! making
the Church of Christ rich in virtues rather than in wealth,
in religion rather than in income, in Christians rather than
in property. He knew that Christ would consider him guilty,
not for loss of temporal things, but for loss of men's souls.

Chapter 6

(13) For this reason, as is the custom of wicked clerics,

some of his clerics went to the bishop for the purpose of bring-
ing accusations against him for the loss of their property, and
they found fault because the church was suffering ruin and
the property it had received was being completely squan-
dered. The aforementioned bishop was enflamed with the
torch of anger and possessed with envy because of the man's
virtues. Looking at the man of God, he vehemently attacked
him, and after he had belched forth the excess of his anger,
as a mind drunk with rage will do, the noble man of God
stood unmoved and as calm as ever, fortified with holiness
and protected by endurance. Thereupon he was relieved of
the ministry which he had assumed some time before and
spent the rest of his fife undisturbed in the place which is
now called his oratory. So much for his conversion and re-

I The old Spanish versions interpret this as giving the wealth of the
Church to the poor, who are the "heart" of Christ.
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 125

ligious life; and although those graces which were concealed

(the new struggles which the Lord instituted and for which
we have been instructed in faith and truth by Paul, the
teacher of the Gentiles) were more wonderful than those
which were brought to light by the gifts of the various virtues,
even the latter were far too numerous to be fully described;
yet I must, however unworthy my pen, describe the miracu-
lous signs whereby his glory shone forth.

Chapter 7

(14) It happened one day that the enemy of the human

race met the wrestler of the Eternal King on a journey and
challenged him with these words: "If you would like to see
what each of us can accomplish with his strength, let us have
a contest." Barely had he finished speaking when he ap-
proached the saint and touched him in visible and corporeal
reality, and for some time tried his wavering opponent, but
the latter pressed Christ with prayers, and the divine aid
strengthened his trembling steps and straightway caused the
fugitive, apostate spirit to vanish into air. If it seems incred-
ible to anyone that an invisible spirit can become substantial,
save in the mystical sense, let it be explained to him how the
divine pages narrate the struggle of Jacob with the angel,
and a good angel, too.1 I have this to say: that it would re-
quire less boldness for Satan to tempt a servant than the
Lord, Emilian than Christ, man than God, the creature than
the Creator.

Chapter 8

(15) But to return to my story, a certain monk named

Armentarius was afflicted with pain and swelling of the stom-

1 Cf. Gen. 32.24; Osee 12.4.

126 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

ach and devotedly went to him to be cured. As soon as he put

his hand upon the tumor and made the sign of the cross,
straightway the illness left him and he blessed the Lord for the
recovery of his health.

Chapter 9

(16) A certain woman named Barbara was brought from

the territory of Amaia, contracted and in severe pain from
a paralytic disease, and by the prayer of this saint was restored
to her former health.

Chapter 10

(17) Then another woman was brought from the same

territory, carried on a wagon because she was lame and had
long lacked the use of her feet, and demanded to be cured
by him. Now, it was Lent, and he was unwilling to see her
because of his reverence for the season, for it was his custom
to spend these days alone in his cell and he never saw anyone
except one man who brought him a very small quantity of
cheap food to sustain his life. Although he refused to see her,
as I have said, she eagerly insisted that he at least be kind
enough to allow her to kiss his staff; when the man of God
heard this, he immediately directed that this should be done;
as soon as she saw it, she prostrated herself before it and
kissed it, and stood up firmly on her cured and strengthened
feet, gave thanks for the divine gift, and straightway departed
in joy.

Chapter 11

(18) The maidservant of senator Sicorius had for a long

time been deprived of her sight and asked that the use of her
eyes might be restored to her by him. Then the man of God
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 127

spoke and touched her under Christ's inspiration and ordered

her to be cured. Straightway she followed his commands,
recovered her sight, and beheld the shapes of objects in very
clear light.

Chapter 12

(19) One who had been thrown out of his office as deacon
had a violent seizure from an obstinate demon and was forced
by others to stand before the blessed man's face to be cleansed.
As he was being driven to hydrophobic frenzy by his madness
and was foaming at the mouth, the unclean spirit was ordered
by the holy man to depart from him. Straightway the dis-
obedient learned to obey, was afflicted with invisible punish-
ment, and made itself a stranger to the domicile which it had
seized, while the man thus set free spoke forth loud praises
to God.

Chapter 13

(20) Sibila, servant of a certain Tuentius, had been seized

by impure spirits. He was dragged by his family to the blessed
man who immediately asked by how many he was possessed.
The spirits indicated that they were five, and each of them
gave his own name, whereupon he gave them orders by the
power of Jesus Christ, and they all departed straightway in
great fright and very noisily, and he, cured, made a happy
return to his family.

Chapter 14

(21) There was also a servant of Count Eugene, who had

been tainted and afflicted by a spirit which had long possessed
and enslaved him; yet, by the incomparable power of the
divine omnipotence, he rendered him whole.
128 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

Chapter 15

(22) Now, what shall I say of the senator Nepotianus, and

his wife Proseria, except that, as they were bound together in
marriage, so also were they bound by a demon, so that the
body which had become one in the ties of marriage was be-
lieved to be inhabited by a single spirit? The perverse one
seemed to be in full control by virtue of having established
this double possession. How well their state of health had
been made known may be judged from the fact that it was so
well publicized that it was not forgotten for several genera-
tions; lest it seem unnecessary, I may say that I have inserted
it here, because everyone of the Cantabrians must either have
seen it or heard about it. When the word came to our Emilian,
he ordered the unclean enemy to leave the bodies of the afore-
mentioned persons; not being able to disobey his order, it
freed them as commanded, and both of them sang praises
to the King of the heavens for their freedom.

Chapter 16

(23) Likewise, a demon had seized in most terrible fashion

the daughter of the curial, Maximus, named Columba, and
she had an unforeseen instability of her limbs and came to the
presence of the servant of God with great hope of being cured.
After he traced the sign of the cross on her forehead, the
demon was straightway driven out and cast forth and she was
cured of her poor health.

Chapter 17

(24) A most evil and quarrelsome demon was oppressing

the house of the senator Honorius, usurping the rights of the
master of the house in such monstrous fashion that every day
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 129

it committed some most disgraceful and most disgusting acts

and no one could endure the fiend; it often happened that
when the master and his household had taken their places
for dinner, the unclean spirit brought in on platters the
bones of dead animals and even their ordure; frequently, at
night, when all were resting, it would steal the clothes of
the men and women and hang them from the roofs, as if to
conceal some shameful deed. Honorius be~ame quite worried
and did not know what to do, but amid his spiritual trials,
he received an uplifting thought and became confident in the
virtues of the man of God, and his hopes were so aroused that
he sent to summon him and provided vehicles for his trans-
portation. The messengers arrived and begged him to come
and drive out the demon by whatever means he could. Finally
he was persuaded by their entreaties to display the power
of our God and set out on foot, not in a vehicle. When he
reached Parpalines (where the events were taking place), he
found everything just as it had been described to him; in fact,
he experienced a few troubles there himself. He declared a
fast, collected all the priests who lived in that region, and on
the third day, when the vow of the ordained fast had been
completed, he exorcized some salt and mixed it with water
after the manner of the church and began to sprinkle the
house; then the jealous demon burst forth from the interior
of the house. and 'finding itself cast forth and driven out of its
abode, it threw stones at him, but he was fortified with an
invincible shield and so remained unharmed. Finally the
spirit fled, belching flames with a very sickening odor, and
reached the desert, and so the inhabitants of that house re-
joiced that they had been freed by the holy man's prayer.

Chapter 18

(25) In short, this man was so full of holiness, gave so much

attention to the divine virtue, and possessed such command
130 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

of authority from above that when he was met by a throng of

people possessed of demons, he not only did not show the
slightest trace of fear, but he even shut himself up alone with
all of them, when he was about to cure them with the aid
of divine grace. Often, when he lay down on his bed, the
demons tried to set fire to him and they brought lighted
straw up to his bed, but it lost all its fire when they tried
to apply it; this they attempted all night long, laboring in
vain, and when he realized it, he forced these mad creatures
to tie each other with chains, and their own hands provided
the means of safety, at the same time that their hearts were
filled with madness.

Chapter 19

(26) I must not keep back a story which I perceive now is

well known to everyone: I am speaking of that beam which
was carefully fashioned and manufactured and taken to be
used for the construction of a granary, but which, when
measured with the other beams prepared for the same job,
was found to be too short. When he learned of this, he told
the workmen to go and have their dinner and not to worry,
while he withdrew to send his prayers before the eye of the
Creator. When he had finished his office at the sixth hour in
his own special but usual way, he knew that his wish had been
granted; he returned to the contractors and said: "Do not
think that you have been cheated of the success of your task.
Put the beam in its place." They lifted it and placed it as
he said and discovered that it was longer than the rest; that
it had increased more than a palm's breadth, whereupon they
made a mark that is still clearly visible today; and so through
his prayer, the contractors neither performed their labor with-
out success nor were cheated of the reward of their task. The
beam itself is still today a source of cures for the faithful sick
and is reputed to possess so many virtues that hardly a day goes
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 131

by without its providing a cure for those who are ill, concern-
ing which my story would become extremely long if I wanted
to reveal all the miraculous healings that are known to have
been performed there. Now I think it is worthwhile to touch
briefly upon his generosity and his chastity.

Chapter 20

(27) On one occasion, when crowds of needy came to him

demanding their usual small donation, although he did not
have or could not obtain anything to distribute, he did not
fail his inborn piety, but cut off the sleeves of his tunic and
generously offered them along with the cloak which he was
wearing. Then, one who was bolder than the rest, as beggars
will be, went up in front of the others and took what was
offered and put it on. Lo, here is a second Martin, who in
giving his cloak to the poor man clothed Christ! It is most
fitting that they who had a common spirit of liberality should
have achieved a common reward. But that the importunity
demonstrated in the presence of such a great man might not
pass without punishment, the rest of the beggar's companions
saw what he had done and became jealous. Indignant at the
presumption of one man, they armed themselves with sticks
and rose up and attacked him all together, and they drove
him here and there as each one's anger directed; he clearly
deserved this beating for his lack of precaution.

Chapter 21

(28) I will tell you of another incident which I should like

to use as a means of instructing the greedy that they should
have no thought for the morrow: it happened that a crowd of
people gathered at a time when the blessed man had very
little wine, but, since those who ask of the Lord shall not
132 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

lack every good thing,! a huge multitude was more than satis-
fied, they say, out of only a pint. A still greater story is told
of what happened on another occasion.

Chapter 22

(29) As his reputation for sanctity spread, large crowds of

visitors would come every day to see the man of God, where-
upon he, of his own will, invited them to stay awhile as his
guests, that he might show his charity, and to refresh them-
selves. When his servant realized this, he told him that there
was nothing left for them to eat. He gently reprimanded the
servant and reproved his want of faith,! then prayed to Christ
to provide the necessary food. Before he had finished his
devotion, in through the gate came wagons copiously loaded,
sent by senator Honorius. The beloved of God received the
gift and gave thanks to the Creator of the world for this
answer to his prayers. He set out enough food for all who
were invited and ordered the rest to be laid aside for those
who came unexpectedly. He succeeded so well in striking
a mean course between the demands of hospitality and his
own continence that while at no time of day did his table
lack food for the guests, yet he was so strict and parsimonious
that he was never seen when not sober of mind and emaciated
of body. Those who came to him he refreshed in body with
food and in spirit with words. He was so clever in arguing
from comparison and so subtle in persuading the virtues of
the spiritual life that anyone who approached him for any
reason whatever went away improved and satisfied, while he
himself never departed in word or deed from his teaching and,
to make it brief, won such a great victory in overcoming the

1 Cf. Matt. 7.7.

1 Cf. Matt. 8.6., et al.

 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 133

flesh that his north was never conquered and used to light a
boiling caldron 2 nor was he offered as food to the fires of
Nabuchodonosor.3

Chapter 23

(30) Now, these apostate spirits decided to use possessed

beings to trouble him with slander, so clever are they in their
wickedness. There were indeed no objections they could make
against this servant of Christ, but they tried to reproach him
with cohabiting with virgins of Christ. Thus, the ancient
enemy uses his long-acquired skill to delude, for rumor can
taint where there are no deeds to cause a man's downfall;
if he cannot sway one's conscience, he can defame one's life,
using his seductive charms to provide examples of consolation
to those who think that no one is good and who despair of
finding anyone to imitate in good deeds; so they think it
some solace for their own punishment if no one can be found
who is innocent, and they console their own damnation by
the multitude of those who also perish.
Of what advantage can it possibly be to you, schemer of
evils, to give an ill name to the servants of Christ, when the
Lord has already promised them the kingdom of heaven,
"in honor and dishonor, in evil report and good report"?1
As a matter of fact, that holy man was devoted to abstinence
and humanity even in his old age. He lived with holy virgins
and, from his eightieth year on, suffering from his holy labors
and from physical pain, he calmly accepted, as a father might,
all the services of the maidservants of God; yet, at the same
time, as I have already said, he was so remote from base emo-

2 Cf. Jer. l.l3. 14. The sense is not clear. but presumably the author
means that. though exposed to danger. as Jeremiah was from the
north, Emilian never succumbed.
3 Cf. Jer. 21.7. 14.

1 2 Cor. 6.8.
134 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

tions that he never experienced a trace of dishonorable

passion during those years. As he became still older, his physi-
cal needs became so great, since he was suffering from dropsy,
that he could allow these same holy women to wash his
body; yet, he never felt any forbidden desire. This, surely,
is the special grace that has been conferred on very few,
one which should not be attempted by anyone else, lest his
rashness lead to danger. "Let every man remain before God
in the calling in which he was called."2 For David said:
"Neither have I walked in great matters, nor in things too
sublime for me."3 He does walk in wonderful things above
himself who attempts to perform what has not been granted
him by divine power.

Chapter 24

(31) I shall also report how robbers fear him and thieves
are made wary by him. A certain Simpronianus and Turibius
were instigated and provoked by the devil to go and rob
the house of the man of God, and, although it is written of
the just man: "No evil shall befall you, nor shall affliction
come near your tent,"! still they, for his chastisement or edi-
fication, were allowed to approach him, but were not allowed
to chastise him-indeed they saw the.; plague turned by divine
will against themselves. When these thieves got to the house
of the holy man, they found outside the animal which he used
to ride to church and secretly drove it away; but they did not
long enjoy their thievery, for, after a little while, they re-
turned, each one having lost an eye, begging for pardon
and leading the animal back. But the holy one of God took
the horse, blamed himself for owning it and straightway

2 Cf. 1 Cor. 7.20.

3 Cf. Ps. 130.1.

1 Ps. 90.10.
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 135

sold it and delivered its price to the poor, but he did not
restore their eyes to the thieves, being warned, I suppose, by
his good judgment, lest they might not cease from such wicked
deeds if they were not deprived of their eyes, and that if they
ever tried to do anything similar, they would be betrayed out
of their hiding places by their physical marks and the repu-
tation of their names; for who would think that he could not
have had this granted him by the Lord, if one recalls that he
often restored sight to the blind, both while living and after
his death? Further, it was better that they should be punished
for their deed in life than after life on this principle: "It is
better to enter into the kingdom of heaven with one eye,
than, having two eyes, to be cast into hell fire."2

Chapter 25

(32) About a year before his death, in the one hundredth

year of his life, when it was revealed to him that he was
about to end his human labors and to realize the most holy
promises of the Almighty, he turned to an even more austere
way of life; though he had already purified his limbs with
fasts and watches, he entered this new campaign like a veteran
soldier, so that his end might be more excellent, of the kind
that is always more praiseworthy and more grand in the
judgment of Christ, who said: "Whoever perseveres to the
end, he shall be saved."l

Chapter 26

(33) In that same year during Lent the downfall of Can-

tabria was also revealed to him, for which reason he sent a
2 Cf. Matt. 18.9; Mark 9.46.

1 Matt. 24.13; cf. Matt. 10.22.

136 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

messenger to the senate to meet on the holy day of Easter.

They assembled at the time appointed. He related to them
what he had seen: he accused them of their sins-murders,
thefts, incests, acts of violence, and other crimes; he preached
that they should do penance for all of these; although all rever-
ently paid attention to him (for he was venerable to them
all as one of the disciples of our Lord Jesus Christ), one
senator named Abundantius said he must be delirious from
old age. Whereupon the holy man denounced him, predicting
that he would himself experience what was actually brought
to pass, for he was killed by the avenging sword of Leovigild.
As for the rest, since they did not repent of their wicked ways,
he used the impending divine anger in the same way to at-
tack their perjury and deceit, and he was spattered with
their blood.

Chapter 27

(34) As the hour of his death clearly approached, he sum-

moned a most holy priest, Asellus, with whom he was associ-
ated and in whose presence that most blessed soul was re-
leased from the body and returned to heaven. 1 Then, this
same holy man had the body carried with a large attendance
of religious and laid, where it still remains, in his oratory.
Farewell, farewell, blessed Emilian; now free from mortal
labors and enjoying your reward with the pious, be mindful
of unworthy Braulio who has related your story; aid me as
intercessor, that I may through you find pardon, for I am
unable to escape my evils; may I deserve this reward in ex-
change: that my prayers for the indulgence of my sins may
be heard through the favor of him whose virtues my pen
has described, and that I may be found worthy in the last
judgment, along with these over whom I unworthily preside
with pastoral care.

1 Nov. 12.574.
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 137

I realize that the end of my book is getting close, but after

telling of the wonderful things which he perfolTIled ,in his
life, why should we be silent about the gracious gifts which
he possesses after death? I shall publish two or three miracles
to make more credible the testimony which has been narrated
and sworn in writing by others.

Chapter 28

(35) How many blind were restored to sight at the tomb of

this saint from the time of his death down to our own day,
how many possessed of demons were purged, or how many
suffering from various illnesses were cured-to tell this would
require far too much space to be included in this book;
I think it worth putting down that, immediately after his
death, two blind people recovered their sight.

Chapter 29

(36) Only last year, as the feast of St. Julian the Martyr!
was approaching and there was no "oil to make lights,"2
they did not light the taper; yet, when they rose for vigils,
they found the lamp full of oil and burning, so that it not
only served them for light until morning, but was so abundant
that it continued to multiply more and more miracles.

Chapter 30

(37) A woman named Eufrasia was brought there from

a place called Banonicus, lame and blind, but her faith was

1 Perhaps Julian of Antioch, March 16.

2 Exod. 5.6.
138 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

whole, and as may be gathered from the following, even out-

standing and illustrious: she anointed her eyes and her feet
and immediately the propitious divinity granted her to see and
to walk. Those who see these things performed in our own
times may believe what has been reported by witnesses;
even the place where she lives and the woman herself, recently
infirm but now whole, are known.

Chapter 31

(38) There was another girl about four years of age who
was brought from the Prato district, not far from his oratory,
seized with such a severe malady that she was close to death:
her parents, being pious and in fear of losing their child,
decided that she should be carried to the tomb of the blessed
man of God; so they took her, but she appeared to have died
on the way. But their faith did not fail them and they carried
her lifeless body and laid it at the altar, and, as evening came
on, they departed and left no one with her. After the space
of three hours, partly from curiosity, partly from sorrow,
they returned to see what the Creator had decided to do with
her: the girl they had left dead they found alive, and not only
alive, but playing with the altar cloth. They magnified Christ,
founder of all things, who had compassion on their devotion
and affliction.
Lo, here is a second Eliseus in recent times and in our own
age, whose dead bones give life to lifeless limbs,1 the difference
being that, in his case, they timidly fled, while in this, they
were full of faith when they carried the dead girl in and laid
her at the altar. This, then, is the thought that is to be de-
rived, that the one and the same God of the Old and the New
Testaments, our Lord Jesus Christ, "who alone does wondrous
deeds,"2 in those days concealed "the hope of happiness from
1 Cf. 4 Kings 13.20, 21.
2 Ps. 71.18.
 LIFE OF ST. EMILIAN 139

those who feared him,"a from those who trembled with fear
under the law and from those not yet confirmed in love "which
casts out fear, because fear brings punishment,"4 but now the
virtue which alone awakens the dead has made perfect by
the grace of faith those who hope in Him with a good con-
science; yet, not only the time, but the reasons for bringing
their dead are different: the former brought them to bury
them, the latter to recover the living. From this it is possible
to understand how great is the blessed repose won there
by holy men at whose tombs Almighty God performs so many
wonderful things.
We have fulfilled our promise; it remains to bring to an
end the course of our account and to offer thanks to Christ,
the King of the heavens, by whose aid and inspiration we
have seen this work undertaken and completed, who, for
the sake of our present miseries, has granted us the contem-
plation of the lives of holy men, who lives with God the
Father and the Holy Spirit, one through all ages. Amen.

3 Cf. Ps. 30.20.

4 1 John 4.18.
 LIST OF THE BOOKS OF ISIDORE, COMPILED BY
BRAULIO, BISHOP OF SARAGOSSN

(Renotatio Isidori a Braulione Caesaraugustano

episcopo edita)
Isidore, a man of eminence, bishop of the church at
Seville, successor and brother of Bishop Leander, flourished
from the time of the Emperor Mauritius and King Recared;
in him antiquity gained some new fame for itself, or rather
our age saw in him an image of antiquity, for he was a man
well trained in every kind of locution, so that the quality
of his words made him adaptable for one who was learned
and for one who had no knowledge, famous both for suiting
his words to his subject and for his incomparable eloquence.
It can now be very easy for any prudent reader to judge
how great his knowledge was from his varied interests and
carefully written works. I have set down the following com-
ments about those works which have come to my notice.
He published:
(I) Two books of Differences, in which he made subtle
distinctions between the meanings of words which are
commonly confused in practice.
(2) One book of Introductions, in which he described,
with brief notes, the contents of each book of Holy Scripture.
(3) One book On the Lives and Deaths of the Fathers,
in which, by means of brief sentences, he set forth the deeds,
greatness, death, and burial of each.
(4) Two books of Offices for his brother, Bishop Fulgentius,
in which he revealed the origin of offices and why each one is

1 Cf. Introduction, p. 8.
140
 LISTS OF BOOKS OF ISIDORE 141

performed in the Church of God, interpreting with his own

pen, but not omitting the authority of the elders.
(5) Two books of Synonyms, in which reason appears to
exhort the soul to consolation and to the hope of obtaining
pardon.
(6) One book to King Sisebut On the Nature of Things,
in which he settled some obscure points about the elements
after investigating both ecclesiastical teachers and philosophers.
(7) One book On Numbers, in which he touched, in part,
upon the science of arithmetic to explain the numbers inserted
in ecclesiastical writings.
(8) One book On the Names of the Law and the Gospels,
in which he explained the mystical significance of the persons
mentioned.
(9) One book of Heresies, in which he followed the ex-,
amples of our elders and collected scattered topics as briefly
as possible.
(10) Three books of Sentences, adorned with choice selec-
tions from the books of Pope Gregory's Morals.
(11) One book of Chronicles from the beginning of the
world to his own time, collected with extreme brevity.
(12) Two books Against the Jews at the request of his
sister, Florentina, a nun of saintly life, in which he expressed,
by quotation from the Law and the Prophets, approval of
everything which the Catholic faith believes.
(13) One book of Famous Men, to which I have added the
present remarks. 2
(14) One book of Monastic Rule, which he most properly
tempered for use in his own country and to suit the spirits of
the weak.
(15) One book On the Origin of the Goths, and the
Kingdom of the Sueves, and also the History of the Vandals.
(16) Two books of Questions, which furnish the reader
with much material from ancient commentators.
2 This is the evidence that the List was intended as a supplementary
chapter to Isidore's De viris illustribus,
142 BRAULIO OF SARAGOSSA

(17) A manuscript of Etymologies, of extremely large size,

set off by him by subject matter rather than in books;
because he wrote it at my request, 1 divided it into fifteen 3
books, although he left it unfinished. This work is suitable
to every branch of philosophy; whoever reads and meditates
upon it frequently will have and deserve a reputation for
knowledge of both divine and human affairs. It is packed
with elegant statements of many kinds, collected in concise
manner; from it, there is practically nothing that cannot be
learned.
There are many other smaller works of this man, as well
as some well-embellished inscriptions in the church of God,
for God created him in recent times to support His Church
after so many disasters in Spain. (1 presume it was to restore
the monuments of the ancients, lest we grow dull from boorish
rusticity.) Not unfittingly may we apply to him the words
of the philosopher who said: "As we journeyed and wandered
like strangers in our own city your books have, as it were,
brought us home, so that we may occasionally know who and
where we are. You have revealed the history of our father·
land, the revelations of all time, the sacred laws, the laws
of the priests, public and private discipline, the names, kinds,
functions, and origins of sees, regions, places, and all things
divine and human."4 With what a flood of eloquence, with
what barbs of Divine Scriptures and proofs from the Fathers
he confounded the heresy of the Acephalites, is revealed
in the acts of the Council which met under his leadership at
Seville, in which he established the Catholic5 truth against
Gregory, the leader of the said heresy. He died in the time
of the Emperor Heradius and the most Christian King Chin-
tila, ranking above all others for his sane doctrine, and hav-
ing performed more works of charity than anyone else.
3 Reading quindecim with Galindo instead of viginti, as in later texts.
4 Cicero. Acad. post. 1.3. as quoted in Augustine. De civ. Dei 6.2. Cf.
Introduction, p. 10.
5 Cam, an abbreviation fOT catholicam, is Galindo's very probable COT-
rection of the manuscript reading earn.
 WRITINGS OF
F Rue TUOSUS OF BRAGA
 INTRODUCTION

D HE MOST IMPORTANT SOURCE for our knowledge of the

life of St. Fructuosus of Braga is the Vita sancti Fruc-
, . tHasi) written probably not long after his death by an
unknown author. The present account is almost wholly de-
pendent upon the edition and English translation of the Vita
by Sister Clare Frances Nock. 1 The work gives us no means,
direct or indirect, of finding a single date for the life of
Fructuosus, for no attention is paid to exact chronology.
Internal evidence is of no help at all, since the several persons
named in the text are otherwise unknown and the references
to the king and the temporal powers, while numerous, are
vague. Fortunately, the few outside sources are specific.
A letter written to Braulio and the latter's reply have been
translated above;2 these can be placed early in the year
651, just before Braulio's death. Fructuosus was called by
Braulio "collega dignitate," which, if taken literally, as Sister
Clare Frances does, should mean that Fructuosus was a bishop,
but it is to be noted that the words occur in a longer passage
borrowed or paraphrased from Jerome; hence not too much
emphasis should be placed on them. At some time between
653 and 656, Fructuosus became Bishop of Dumium, the
suburb of Braga which had been founded by St. Martin. On
December 1, 656, the Tenth Council of Toledo met, and one
of its formal acts was to promote Fructuosus from Dumium
to the metropolitan see of Braga: "Furthermore, by a unani-
mous vote of all present, we have elected the venerable Fruc-

I The Vita sancti Fmctuosi (Cath. Univ. of America, Studies in Mediaeval

History, N.S. 7).
2 Pp.96-112.
145
146 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

tuosus, bishop of the church at Dumium, to hold the reins

of the church at Braga, so that he may undertake the direction
of the whole metropolis of the province of Galicia, all the
bishops and peoples and assemblies therein, and the care of
governing all the souls oft he church of Braga."3 A letter
from Fructuosus to King Receswinth falls into this same
period, so that all known dates of his activity are between
651 and 656. His birth may be placed very roughly close to
the year 600. The breviaries, which are generally reliable
and based on contemporary records, give the date of his death
as April 16, 665, but Professor Bishko believes that these brevi-
aries have no historical warrant. Nothing is known for certain
of Fructuosus' work as archbishop.
If the Vita is vague in chronology, it is quite specific in
geographical references. It is agreed that the author knew
St. Fructuosus well, was possibly a disciple of his, and wrote
the biography not too long after the saint's death. The only
likely author whose name has been suggested is St. Valerius
of Bierzo and this is accepted in many Spanish and Portuguese
circles today, though far from universally. Sister Clare Fran-
ces, in a fully-documented chapter on the authorship of the
Vita, concluded that stylistic evidence alone is sufficient to
disprove this attribution. 4 The author of the Vita s. Fructuosi
must remain anonymous, but his account is of the greatest
value and interest.
The father of Fructuosus was an officer in the Spanish
army and possessed flocks in the valleys of the mountainous
regions where his son later started to found his monasteries.
After the death of his parents, the son became a cleric and was
trained by a certain Conantius, quite possibly the one known
to have been Bishop of Palencia from before 610 to after
636. His first independent act was to return to the country
where his father's flocks had been pastured and to found a
3 J. D. Mansi, San"orum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio
II (Florence 1765) 41.
4 op. cit. 23·38.
 INTRODUCTION 147

monastery at Compludo, a little west of Astorga. He appar-

ently named the monastery after Sts. Justus and Pastor, who
were martyred in that place, for their feast day 5 was to be
a special day in his community. Fructuosus used his extensive
family inheritance for the founding and enrichment of this
place and left, for the guidance of its monks, a very strict Rule,
to be discussed later.
He then began a series of restless pilgrimages to other
sites in the same general region, where he founded one mon-
astic institution after another, traveling constantly to visit all
of his foundations in northern and western Spain. The Vita 6
records that he finally became anxious to make a pilgrimage
to the Orient, but that information of his intended departure
was given to the king, who ordered him brought to Toledo,
where he reluctantly gave up his plans, for the king feared
"lest such a shining light should withdraw from Spain." It
was apparently after this event that he settled in Dumium
and Braga.
The most important of the surviving works ascribed to St.
Fructuosus are two sets of monastic rules, the earlier one a
specific Rule for the monks at Compludo (Regula mona-
chorum Complutensis), and a later one a general or Common
Rule (Regula monastica communis). To manuscripts of the
latter is appended an unusual Pact, or form of monastic oath,
which was at that time peculiar to Galicia. Finally, we have
two letters written by Fructuosus, one found in the collection
of Braulio's letters already translated,7 and one to King
Receswinth. None of these works of Fructuosus has previously
been translated into English.
The Latin text followed here for the two Rules and the
Pact is essentially that printed by Holste-Brockie,8 as reprinted

5 August 6.
6 Ch. 17.
7 Pp.96-99:
8 Lucas Holstenius, Codex regularu11l 11lonasticarum et canonicarulIl
(\'ienna 1759) 198-219.
148 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

in Migne, PL 87.1099-1132. This edition is far from satis-

factory, often corrupt, but no more recent study of the text
has been made from the manuscripts known to exist in Spain
and Portugal. 9 In addition to a few obvious emendations
of my own, all mentioned in the notes, it has been possible
to introduce a small number of corrections from two sources.
About the year 800 Benedict of Aniane studied all the
monastic Rules which had been compiled before his time
and arranged the various topics of each by subject matter in
a Concordia Regularum. His text of Fructuosus appears to
have been independent of that which is the basis of the Latin
in PL 87. This Concordia was edited by Menard 10 and reprint-
ed in extenso in PL 103.701-1380, with notes on a manuscript
of the French abbey of La Grasse, which contained the first
Rule of Fructuosus.1 1 Further improvement of the text is
found in the Portuguese translations made by Caetano do
Amaral,12 which have been very thoroughly examined by
Mario Martins, S.].,13 with an invaluable commentary.
It is not even certain what would be the exact titles of the
Rules as determined by the manuscript tradition, but the

9 The second Rule is found in a Munich manuscript, Lat. 28118, of the

ninth century. A photograph of the top half of f. 119, with parts of
chapters 2 and 3, may be seen in Z. Garda Villada, Historia eclesi-
astica de Espana III (Madrid 1932) 308, accompanied by a Spanish
version of the first chapter. Important new material on existing
manuscripts of the Rules of Fructuosus is found in M. C. Diaz y Diaz,
"La tradici6n de la 'Regula Isidori;" Studia Monastica 5 (1963) 27·57.
A statement of important problems that await solution will be found
in C. W. Barlow, "The Latin texts of the Regulae of Fructuosus of
Braga," Bracara Augusta 11·12 (1962) 43·46.
10 H. Menard, Concordia regularum auctore S. Benedicto Anianae abbate
(Paris 1638).
II An example of the independent value of Benedict of Aniane is shown
by his preservation of saionibus, referring to Visigothic public officials,
where the common text has more than once changed the unfamiliar
word to senioribus. The Concordia included the major portion of
both of the Rules of Fructuosus, but omitted about five chapters of
each and parts of other cl1apters which did not fit its systematic
classification.
12 Vida e regras religiosas de S. Fructuoso Bracarense (Lisbon 1805).
13 0 monacato de S. Frutuoso de Braga (Coimbra 1950).
 INTRODUCTION 149

purpose of each is fairly clear from its contents. The first,

Regula monachorum Complutensis, was written specifically
as a guide for the monks in the first monastic foundation of
Fructuosus at Compludo. The common text has 23 chapters,
the last incomplete. In the chapter headings there are 25 titles
in all and it is quite possible that some existing manuscripts
still contain the original text of one or both of these chapters.1 4
The importance of the two Rules which come from Galicia
was first studied by Professor C. J. Bishko in his Harvard
doctoral dissertation, Spanish Monasticism in the Visigothic
Period (1957). No similarly detailed treatment exists in
any other place. The general works on monastic history neglect
the important fact that in almost every respect Galician par-
ticularism departed from the peninsular norm. Compulsory
enlistment of non-aristocrats as monks, secular possession of
monasteries, and monastic synoecism all helped to turn the
monasteries into a battleground. Fructuosan reforms had a
strong constitutional basis.
The Compludo Rule possesses all the severity of its ascetic
models in the examples of the Desert Fathers of Egypt and
their sayings, introduced in Galicia by St. Martin of Braga. 15
It is definitely not Benedictine in character. Much of the
material may be found in Pachomius, Cassian, Jerome, and
especially Isidore, but the dependence is more in ideas than in
direct borrowing of text.1 6 The letter which St. Fructuosus
wrote to Braulio shows a keen interest in locating the writings
of his predecessors, Cassian in particular, and a romantic
incident in the Vita 17 proves that in his travels Fructuosus
generally had among his entourage one donkey loaded with
14 Cf. note at Ch. 23.
15 It is so severe that Perez de Urbel, Los lJIonjes espaiioles de la edad
media I 430, remarks that it is difficult today to believe that there
were men actually able to observe its regulations.
16 Details of this debt may be read in Perez de Urbel, op. cit. 431-34,
and in many notes of Caetano do Amaral, and in the several articles
of Prof. Bishko, but no exact study of the sources of Fructuosus and
his debt has ever been published.
17 Ch. 12.
150 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

bags full of manuscripts in the 'care of a special attendant.

Quotations from both Old and New Testaments are frequent
throughout and the aptness of the citations shows a thorough
knowledge of the Scriptures. The words used are not infre-
quently different from those of the Vulgate; occasionally the
quotation is worded so freely that it must have been made
from memory.
There are indications that this first Rule was never thor-
oughly revised after it was composed or dictated. There is
no attempt to put the topics in order by a logical sequence
of chapters, and the titles of the chapters, possibly written
many years later, do not always comprise every subject under
each particular heading. The Rule prescribes many hours
daily for reading, meditations, and prayer; it describes work
in the fields and pastures and the assignment of tasks to those
working in the kitchen or tending the sick or welcoming
visitors; but there is not a word about a scriptorium, although
the monks under Fructuosus certainly copied manuscripts
for themselves and sought from other religious students texts
which they did not have. (The library of Fructuosus, though
this applies to his later years in a larger establishment, was
big enough that it was possible for a book to be misplaced
on its shelf or to be entirely lost.) Although this Rule does not
cover every phase of life in a monastery, it is very vivid in the
topics which it does handle and very revealing to a student
of the cultural or economic life of the period. 18 It is dated
by Bishko with considerable probability in the period
between 630 and 635. 19
The other Rule attributed to Fructuosus is called both in
the title and in the text a Common Rule. In its earliest form
it has been dated by Bishko as ca. 660. It seems possible that
no manuscript will be found ascribing the work to Fructuosus,

18 Mario Martins, "A vida economica dos monjes de S. Frutuoso" and

"A vida cultural de S. Frutuoso e seus monjes" (see Bib!. infra).
19 C. J. Bishko, "Spanish Monasticism in the Visigothic Period," Harvard
University, Summaries of Theses (Cambridge 1938) 128.
 INTRODUCTION 151

but he could have had a part in this first redaction. If SO, it

envisages a much later period in the life of the bishop, after
his numerous monasteries had been founded and others had
sprung up beside them, and after a new branch of monas-
ticism developed in which small rural proprietors often
merged their holdings to form a sort of collective monastery.
The Common Rule provides that the abbots and priors of
monasteries in a particular neighborhood shall meet monthly,
among other purposes to consider new legislation for those
in their charge. Its 20 long chapters deal either with matters
supplementary to the other Rule or with conditions which had
arisen in later years, particularly with the large influx of whole
families-men, women, and children-into monastery life.
The Common Rule must have been published in more than
one form with several additions. As it now stands, it certainly
was intended to end after chapter 19, and the following
chapter is a later regulation. 20 Once again, as in the Rule
for the monks at Compludo, the contents deal so specifically
and realistically with contemporary situations that the Com-
mon Rule is an important source for knowledge of relations
between Church and state, between the secular and the re-
ligious life, in the western part of Spain in the middle of
the seventh century.
The Pact} which is apparently appended to manuscripts of
the Common Rule} is at once the most universal and most
controversial of the writings attributed to Fructuosus of Braga.
It was first studied in detail by Herwegen,21 especially for
its relation to numerous other monastic pacts. One cannot be
certain that Fructuosus wrote any part of this Pact} or even
that this particular one was in use in any of the monasteries
under his control. The doctr"inal beliefs required to be ac-
20 Bishko also shows that the first two chapters are a later addition.
Again, the sources of this Rule have not been pursued with thorough-
ness. There must be other passages from earlier Rules and other ex-
amples of dependence on writers on monastic subjects. in addition to
the passages obviously taken from Jerome.
21 Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen 40.
152 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

knowledged and the allegiance to the abbot demanded of

those who profess the religious life are consistent with the
regulations of Fructuosus, which require that adherents take
some kind of an oath (and it is called several times a pactum)
after one year of novitiate. The truly remarkable feature of
this particular Pact is that, in cases of serious dispute, there
may be a final appeal from the injustice of an abbot to other
abbots, to the bishop, or even to the temporal ruler, if he is a
Catholic. Strange to the certainly genuine regulations of
Fructuosus, however, are provisions that a monk on trial for
insubordination shall appear without cincture and without
shoes, the controversial nature of the Pact, and the right of
appeal in certain cases. The latter is a distinct feature of the
laws derived from a Germanic code. The place of the Pact
in contemporary Church history is stated by Bishk0 22 in the
following paragraph:
The predominant Spanish, or, as we may call it, Visigothic
monastic tradition was established throughout the peninsula
before 711, except in Galicia, and it survived in the early
Reconquista period .... It was a fairly typical pre-Benedictine
Western cenobitism, accepting the normal monarchical abbatiate
and episcopal supervision, but displaying a marked partiality for
double houses and for the use not of a single Rule, but of codices
regularum containing, inter alias, the Rules of Pachomius,
Augustine, Basil, Isidore of Seville, Fructuosus of Braga, and,
more rarely, Benedict. On the other hand, from the mid-seventh
century on, in Galicia, there arose a powerful rival monastic
tradition, the Gallegan, which undertook to limit episcopal
control by monasticization of the episcopate ("episcopi sub
regula") and which replaced the monarchical abbatiate by a
quasi-feudal system of contractual relations between the abbot-
patronus and monks-dependents. This peculiarly Gallegan con-
cept was embodied in the pactum, the formal written covenant
between abbot and monks, by which the latter, in choosing their
abbot and legally submitting their persons to him along with a
pledge of obedience, compelled the abbot to accept considerable
limitation of his powers, including recognition of the legal right
of rebellion on the part of his subjects. Since the bond was
personal, pacta had to be renewed at each abbatial election,
c-c-_b_u_t new converts ... simply subscribed to the current pactum.
22 Speculum 23 (1948) 579-80. Cf. also Bishko's study in Estudios dedi-
cados a Menendez Pidal 2.513-51, especially 515.
 INTRODUCTION 153

Herwegen and Bishko agree that the .present example of a

Pact is contemporary with the final publishment of the
Common Rule, ca. 675.
The best edition of the Letter of Fructuosus to King Rece-
swinth and his assembled bishops is found in an article by
A. C. Vega,23 from which the present translation is made.
I have also checked for new information a note by W. Gund-
lach 24 and the same scholar's edition among the Epistulae
Wisigothicae. 25 Vega also attempts to clarify the rather puz-
zling contents of this formal letter, which assumes knowledge
of an incident that must have been clear when the letter was
written. It is a plea for release of some political prisoners
who have been held for a very long time, apparently since the
days of King Chintila, who had reigned from 636 until his
death in 638. Chintila established his position against many
revolts and this is the probable period during which he im-
prisoned his political enemies; if so, they must have been
confined for a full 25 years previous to this appeal of Fructu-
osus. The long second canon of the Second Council of Toledo,
held late in 652, mentions refugees and the swearing of an
inadvisable oath, providing a situation which had led Gund-
lach to date the letter of Fructuosus at this time. It seems
best, accordingly, to conclude that the letter was written
about 652, just previous to or during the Council meeting. 26
Three poems, printed in PL 87.1129-1132, are almost
certainly not directly from the hand of Fructuosus; hence
they are not translated here.

23 La Ciudad de Dios 153 (1941) 335-45.

24 Neues Archiv 16 (1891) 45-46.
25 Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epp. 3 (1892) 688-89.
26 A possible objection to 652 appears to me in the mention of the cruel
reign of Chindaswinth, father of Receswinth; the father had first
associated his son with himself and then virtually retired, but he did
not die until 653. This would not, however, be the only case of a
cleric openly mentioning with disfavor the acts of a living ruler.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Barlow, Claude W. "The Latin texts of the Regulae of Fructuosus of

Braga," Bracara Augusta 1I·12 (1962) 43-46.
Bishko, C. J. SPanish Monasticism in the Visigothic Period, unpublished
doctoral dissertation (Harvard 1937); Summaries of Theses (Cam-
bridge 1938) 126-29.
- - - - - - . "Salvus of Alvelda and Frontier Monasticism in Tenth-
Century Navarre," Speculum 23 (1948) 559-90.
- - - - - - , . "Gallegan Pactual Monasticism in the Repopulation of
Castile," Estudios dedicados a Menendez Pidal 2 (Madrid 1951)
513-31.
do Amaral, C. Vida e regras religiosas de S. Fructuoso Bracarense (Lisbon
1805). The only copy known to be in America is at the Newberry
Library in Chicago; I have a microfilm.
Gundlach, W. "Epistolae ad res Wisigothorum pertinentes," Neues Archiv
16 (1891) 9-48.
Gundlach, W., ed. "Epistolae Wisigothicae," Monumenta Germaniae
Historica, Epistolarum 3 (Berlin 1892) 658-90.
Herwegen, I. Das Pactum des hi. Fruktuosus von Braga (Kirchenrechtliche
Abhandlungen 40; Stuttgart 1907).
Martins, Mario. "A vida economica dos monjes de S. Frutuoso," Broteria
44 (1947) 391-400.
- - - - - - . "A vida cultural de S. Frutuoso e seus monjes," Broteria
45 (1947) 58-69.
- - - - - - . 0 monaca to de San Frutuoso de Braga (Coimbra 1950);
reprint from Biblos 26.
Migne, J. P. Patrologiae latinae curs us completus (Paris 1844-1864) 87,
103 (=PL).
Nock, Sr. Clare Frances. The Vita sancti Fructuosi (Catholic University
of America, Studies in Mediaeval History, New Series 7; Washington
1946.)
Perez de Urbel, J. Los monjes espanoles en la edad media I (Madrid
1933) 377-450.
- - - - - - . "Vida y caminos del Pacto de San Fructuoso," Revista
Portuguesa de Historia 7 (1957) 377-97.
Vega, A. C. "Una carta autentica de San Fructuoso," La Ciudad de Dios
153 (1941) 335-45.
154
 RULE FOR THE MONASTERY OF COMPLUDO

(Regula monachorum Complutensis)

CONTENTS

Chapter Page
1 On the love of God and of one's neighbor ........ 156
2 On prayers ................................... 156
3 On priors and the divine office ................. 157
4 On the clothing and dress of the monks ......... 159
5 On eating at table ............................ 160
6 On physical labor ............................. 161
7 On tools and utensils .......................... 163
8 On the obedience and steadiness of a monk ...... 163
9 On monks who perform weekly duties. . . . . . . . . . . 164
10 On guests, travelers, and the sick .... . . . . . . . . . . .. 165
liOn the cleanliness and bearing of the monks ..... 165
12 On the caution of a monk. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 166
13 On crimes .................................... 166
14 On the excommunicated ...................... 166
15 On the loud complainers and the licentious. . . . . .. 167
16 On monks who lie, steal, or strike. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 16R
17 On the guilty ................................. 169
18 On fasting. . .. . .. . .. . .... . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . .. 170
19 On food ...................................... 171
20 On the duties of the abbot or prior. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 171
21 How a candidate should be received ............. 172
22 On the profession of a candidate. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 173
23 On the earliest convert ......................... 174
24 On the elders ............. :................... 175
25 On Sunday [see below, p. 174 n. I]
155
156 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

Chapter 1

After the love of God and of one's neighbor, which is

the bond of all perfection and the greatest of the virtues,
it has been determined by the tradition of the Rule that the
following shall be preserved in monasteries: first, to be
devoted to prayer night and day and to observe the prescribed
division of hours; then, never for anyone to be idle in any
respect or slothful in spiritual exercises in the daytime.

Chapter 2

The method of celebrating the first hour is sanctioned

by the words of the prophet: "At dawn I shall stand by you
and I shall see you. For you are a God delighting not in
wickedness."l And again: "To you I shall pray, 0 Lord; at
dawn you shall hear my voice."2 The second hour too is set
up as a sort of boundary between Prime and Terce; whence
also it must not be spent in idleness by the monks. Hence
it has been determined that it shall be celebrated with a
threefold observance of Psalms, thus completing the office of
Prime and subsequently climbing the steps towards Terce.
Likewise it has been determined that this same order is to
be observed in the case of the other hours, Terce) Sext) None;
Duodecima also and Vespers)3 so that, both before and after
each of these three sets of regular hours, special prayers may
continue the observances. During the night hours, the first
hour of night is to be celebrated with six prayers and then

I Cf. Ps. 5.4, 5.

2 Cf. Ps. 5.3, 4.
3 Reading atque vespera; the Concordia of Benedict of Aniane reads
usque vesperam, "until evening," because Duodecima and Vespers
may be identical. Du Cange quotes this example of Duodecima as
equal to Vespers, but d. ch. 6 below, p. 162, where a period of medi-
tation is appointed "from Duodecima until Vespers."
 RULE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLUnO 157

to be finished in the church by chanting ten Psalms with

lauds and benedictions. Then, as they say farewell to each
other and stand by one another in reconciliation and absolu-
tion, they shall make mutual forgiveness of their sins; and
by humble piety those who have been separated from the
company of the brothers because of slight faults shall earn
forgiveness. Then finally as they go to their beds, all coming
together as a sign of perfect peace and the absolution of sins,
they shall sing three Psalms as usual with lauds and benedic-
tions and shall recite together the Symbol of Christian Faith;
that they may show the purity of their faith in the sight of
the Lord, so that if by an unexpected though not unlikely
circumstance, anyone should be called during the night hours
to leave his body, he might offer before God a faith already
tried and a conscience purified of every scandal. Then, going
to their cells in deep silence and with composed countenance
and quiet step, no one walking closer to another than the
space of a cubit or even daring to look at another, each shall
go to his bed. There, in silent prayer and meditation of
Psalms, he shall complete his prayer with the recitation of
Psalm 50 and a prayer; and without daring to make any noise
or to whisper or even to clear his throat, he shall gratefully
receive the quiet of the night's sleep.

Chapter 3

The prior shall stand in the center of the dormitory until

all are quiet, and when all are reclining shall silently pass
by the bed of each one, so that none may be slow in lying
down or may idly engage in secret whispering against the
Rule; and that, by observing the actions of each more closely,
he may learn how to treat the character and merits of each.
Likewise either a senior monk or one of the well-tried brothers
shall assist him in the communal silence, until they have all
become quiet, lest they air idle stories or devote themselves
158 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

to jokes or become accustomed to any harmful pursuits.

For it has been determined by the Rule that no monk shall
talk in the dormitory, but if there are several together, they
shall recite the Psalms, or if one is alone he shall meditate
aloud. Likewise, arising before midnight, let them chant
twelve Psalms in unison, according to custom. Before the
rest arise, however, the prior shall be called by the brothers
who are on watch, that the signal may be sounded with his
blessing and that he may diligently visit the couch of each
before they get up. This he is to do during all the night hours,
so that the prior always arises before the others are told to
get up, that he may see for himself how each one is sleep-
ing. and that he may not incur any charges of immodesty
through lack of supervision while he himself was asleep.
After a brief period of rest, they shall observe the midnight
office in which four responsories are recited after each group
of three Psalms. Then, after midnight in winter, all shall
sit down and one shall sit in the middle and read a book;
and what is read shall be explained by the abbot or prior
to those who understand less well. The same shall be observed
in summer after Vespers} that a book be read before Compline.
Then, having sung twelve more Psalms, they shall go to the
dormitory and rest a little. When cockcrow sounds, after
recitation of three Psalms with lauds and benedictions, they
shall celebrate morning mass. When this is completed, since
they are to devote themselves to meditation, as soon as they
have come to the customary place of meditation, they shall
recite three Psalms and a prayer and, when completely fin-
ished, they are to meditate until sunrise. At all prayers in
each hour night and day at the end of all Psalms, they are to
sing "Glory to God," and prostrate themselves on the ground,
observing the custom that none shall bow down or arise before
the elder, but all shall arise observing equality and shall
pray with palms extended to heaven as all genuflect! together.

1 Reading genuflectunt for merguntw'.

 RULE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLUDO 159

During the observance of Saturday and Sunday nights, adding

a sixth office to the groups of Psalms, the watches shall be
celebrated by six groups of Psalms with six responsories, that
the solemnity of the Lord's Resurrection may be honored
with more ample singing of Psalms in the office, which is
always to be celebrated appropriately with special liturgy
on the preceding night.

Chapter 4

Clothing shall not be abundant nor more than is necessary;

each monk's absolute needs can be satisfied with two cowls,
one shaggy, one smooth, and one mantle, and three under-
garments, and two shirts. In the case of shoes, the custom
to be followed is that those who wish may wear shoes in the
winter from November 1 to May 1; but, in the summer
months, they may be protected only with sandals. The wear-
ing of trousers is allowed to anyone, especially to those who
perform services at the altar. One who does not wish! to
observe this custom is not to be reprehended, since there are
many monasteries even in this area which have not yet
adopted it.
A proper discipline is to be maintained as regards bedcovers2
and no one is to require more than one coarse bhmket, a
thick wool covering, a mat, and two sheepskins. Anything
that the monks possess in the manner of clothing is not to be
kept by or belong to an individual, but is to be stored in one
cell under the hand of a spiritual brother who, when anyone
asks for a necessary article, shall provide on loan one of the
proper size; and let no monk claim it as his own, saying:
"My book, my notebook," etc. If any such words come from
his mouth, he shall be subject to penance, that nothing in
the monastery may seem like private goods, but rather that
I Reading noluerit with Concordia for voluerit.
2 Reading stramentis with Concordia for instrumentis.
160 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

all may be in common for them, as it is written. 3 Hence, this

same custodian should take the utmost care in choosing
garments and distributing the suitable ones, as has been said.
No one shall complain when he sees others' garments distrib-
uted to him to wear. The awls, needles, and various threads
for stitching, mending, or patching the garments are to be
distributed by the abbot. Monks should have the oppor-
tunity to wash and mend garments when necessary. When
new garments are provided, any old clothing, shoes, or bed-
covers are to be distributed to the poor by the abbot.

Chapter 5

'When the monks gather for their meal at the ninth hour,
after reciting a Psalm, one shall read in the center of the
hall while the others sit. There shall be no commotion over
the food, no one is to talk while eating. If anything is lacking
at the table, the one who is in charge may ask by a sign or a
silent nod and indicate to the server what must be brought
in or what taken from the table. A prayer shall precede their
coming to the table. A prayer shall follow their rising from
the table and no one shall presume to go anywhere until he
shall have given thanks to Christ at the altar. No one is per-
mitted to eat or even to taste meat, not that we consider the
creature of God unworthy, but that abstinence from meat is
deemed useful and proper for monks. The necessities of the
ill and the demands of those going on a long journey are such
that the infirm and travelers may eat fowl, provided they
observe the moderation befitting piety. If they are entertained
by a prince or a bishop, for the sake of blessing and obedience,
they need not fear to eat meat, always observing their custom-
ary continence the rest of the time. If any monk violates
this order and presumes to eat meat against the sanction of

3 Cf. Acts 4.32.

 RULE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLUDO 161

the Rule and against ancient custom, he shall be subject to

confinement to his cell and penance for the space of six
months. For monks are to live on vegetables and greens alone
and beans, and rarely on fresh or salt fish, and, then, only when
the hospitality shown to guests or the festivity of some holy
day makes it possible, always in these and similar cases follow-
ing the orders of their superior. Each day wine is to be
apportioned for drink, but let this sparing use of drink be
controlled through the foresight of the abbot or prior-in
such wise that one pint may be divided among four brothers.
On Saturday and Sunday at Vespers, the portion may be
increased by one. l None of the monks may dare to break
his fast, either before they assemble with the rest or after
they have eaten, by tasting or touching anything to eat or to
drink, nor shall he secretly hide or possess anything of his own.
On special solemn occasions, three meals each with food and
drink may be offered to the brothers.

Chapter 6

The following methods are to be observed at work. In

spring or summer, after reciting Prime, the senior monks are
to be advised by the prior what work to undertake and they
are to inform the rest of the brothers. Then, when the signal is
given, they are to take their tools and gather together and
say a prayer and go forth to their labor with recitations
[of Psalms 1 until the third hour of the day. Then, returning
to the church, after celebrating Terce, they are to sit in their
places and give attention to reading or prayer. But if the
work is such that it cannot be interrupted, then, Terce may be
recited during the work and so, with recitations, they are to
return to their cells and to gather immediately into the
church after praying and washing their hands. And if they

I Perhaps one pint for each three men.

162 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

are to eat at the sixth hour, after the office of Sext} they are
to go from prayer to the tables. When sufficiently refreshed,
they are to pray again, then become quiet, and there shall be
silence until the ninth hour. Then, after reciting None} they
go back to work if necessary until they reassemble at the
appointed office of Duodecima; or if those whose age is now
advanced are sitting silently in their cells and with pure
thoughts meditating silently on the words of God or are
carrying out some appointed task within their cells, they are
not to go outside except in case of necessity and then only
if permitted by their elder. The younger monks sitting next
to their deans shall pay attention to the reading or recitation,
nor shall any younger monk leave his sitting place without
the consent of an elder, nor shall he dare go to the place of
another dean, but, both in seclusion and at work, each dean's
group shall be separated from another. Each dean shall con-
stantly warn the younger ones in his charge not to fall into
idleness and shall always hold up spiritual and holy men as
examples to them, so that by contemplating such, they may
continuously improve. In autumn and winter they are to read
until Terce and work until None} if there is any work to be
done. After None again they shall read until Duodecima} and
then meditate from Duodecima until Vespers. When they start
for work they are to assemble for prayers and when this is over
the prior shall commence a Psalm and thus, with recitation,
they shall go to their labors. While they work they are not
to exchange stories or pleasantries or jokes, but as they work
they shall quietly meditate each to himself. While resting they
should repeat a Psalm or recite together, or at least be silent.
It is a very special precept that no monk shall work as if
producing something for himself and no one shall presume to
have anything distributed to him just because he wants it.
Nor is any work to be undertaken, begun, or completed with-
out the order of an elder or without his consent,l but, in every

1 Reading coniventia with Concordia for cohibentia.

 RULE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLUDO 163

task, whatever the abbot or prior commands must be done.

Chapter 7

All the tools and utensils of the workmen are to be kept

in a single room under the charge of an industrious and under-
standing brother who will put each tool in its own place as
occasion demands and will distribute them to the brothers
when they need them for work, and who at Vespers will re-
turn each to its own place and take care that none of them
be lost or allowed to rust through negligence or to be made
useless in any other way.

Chapter 8

When the brothers are free from work,! none shall dare
to leave his place without the permission of his dean or prior,
nor to gossip, nor to go on restless, idle walks; but each monk
must remain intent upon manual labor or reading or be im-
mersed in the contemplation of prayer until he shall rise
when warned by the common signal to share in common
prayer or work. At other times, none of the brothers is al-
lowed to look at or speak to another without the permission
of his eider. In the dress and walk of a monk, it is established
that there shall be no lack of conformity, but the manner of
wearing clothes shall remain simple and standard without
variation. V\Then they walk, they shall make no noise nor take
long steps with outstretched gait. While walking tliey shall
look nowhere except straight ahead on the ground; while
talking they shall use a calm low voice without oaths or lies,
not searching for guile nor fond of excessive speech, com-
1 The word sessio, found only in the title of this chapter, means liter·
ally "sitting place" or "period for sitting down," normally "leisure,"
which would hardly seem appropriate here.
164 FRlJCTlJOSlJS OF BRAGA

pletely free of complaint and altercation and bitterness, hesi-

tant either to condemn another or to judge him free from
guilt. Obedience is a precept of the Rule and must be shown
by deed and thought, even in impossible matters, and must be
persisted in even unto death, viz: just as Christ was obedient
to the Father even to death. 2 With similar zeal must one
observe the virtue of patience, which must never be spoiled
by hatred, nor slighted through injury or dishonorable deeds,
but strengthened by support and tolerance. Poverty3 is to be
sustained by scarcity of food and hardness of beds. Individual
differences in utensils or in clothes or in any matter, even the
lowest and most abject, are to be completely avoided. For it is
an abomination and a disgrace to monks to possess anything
unnecessary, to make anything one's own, or to hide anything,
for that is not far different from the example of Ananias and
Saphira. 4 No monk is to accept any presents or to receive
letters; nor shall he go anywhere without the permission of
his elder; nor shall he talk with a layman nor stand and
converse with another monk; nor look at anyone else whether
a neighbor or a stranger-this is determined by the precepts
of the Rule. Nor shall any monk break his fast, nor shall he
partake of anything in the nature of food or drink, either
before the rest have assembled or after they have eaten with
the others-this is commanded by long-standing custom.

Chapter 9

Those chosen for the special weekly duties shall perform

their tasks through their particular week, receiving the prayer
and benediction of the abbot in the church. On Saturday,
when they go out after Vespers and all the rest of the brothers
have congregated and are sitting in meditation, they shall,
2 Cf. Phil. 2.8.
3 Reading nuditas with Concordia for mditas.
1 Cf. Acts 5.1·11.
 RI:LE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLUDO 165

with their own hands, wash the feet of each brother with
warm water, some washing and some wiping with a towel,
and thus, prostrate before the abbot in the same assembly,
they shall ask for general forgiveness and blessing from all;
and thus commended in the prayer of the abbot, they shall
go forth to perform their services for the brothers. In the
church the next morning, they shall receive the fullest blessing
for their labors.

Chapter 10

With the greatest devotion of love and service are attentions

to be bestowed on brothers who are guests or travelers and at
Vespers their feet are to be washed, and if they are tired from
a journey, they should be anointed with oil. Beds, lamps, and
soft mattresses are to be provided, and when they leave, they
are to have traveling expenses within the means of the monas-
tery. The sick are to be nourished with all care and com-
passion, and their pains are to be relieved by the proper
attentions. Suitable attendants are to be provided to make
careful preparation of food and to aid them with loving
concern; and no one shall steal from their possessions or
make himself guilty of eating forbidden food.

Chapter 11

No one shall take the hand of another or depart at any

time without a blessing. Showiness and beauty of garments,
elegance, and display of temporal things must be completely
avoided by every monk. Vainglory, pride, pompous contempt,
and the use of uncontrolled language shall be shunned by all,
for the attitude of a monk should be pious, agreeable, humble,
and modest. He must be free from all uncleanliness and he
should inspire the love and fear of God in all who see or hear
him, that it may be fulfilled as the Lord said: "Even so let
166 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

your light shine before men, in order that they may see your
good works and give glory to your Father in heaven."l

Chapter 12

Caution and moderation and modesty, faith and sincerity

adorn the habit of a monk. The servant of Christ must never
be deceitful, but truthful and straightforward and humble of
countenance, without any appearance of display. No one
shall walk ahead in the company of his elder, or sit down or
speak unbidden; but rather must he show proper honor and
reverence to his elder brother, as is befitting.

Chapter 13

A monk must always refer to his superior all his deeds

and the necessities of every occasion and must guide his
actions by his superior's decision and opinion. None shall
conceal his thoughts, his visions, his dreams, and his own
negligences from an elder, nor the occasions when he is moved
by shame or the desire to harm or his being driven by stub-
bornness. But faults of this sort must be revealed to the
abbot, prior, or approved elders, with tears and genuine com-
punction of the heart and the utmost humility, and they are
to be corrected by encouragement, prayer, punishment, or
even the imposition of a suitable task.

Chapter 14

\\Then anyone is excommunicated or accused on account

of his own negligence, he shall show humility until he receives

1 Matt. 5.16.
 RULE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLUDO 167

reconciliation, nor shall he dare to mingle with others or to

meet anyone secretly; but when all have assembled to hear the
case, he shall prostrate himself on the ground, throw aside
his cincture and outer garment, and ask pardon for his faults.
He shall do the same when they return from the divine office.
Likewise, also at meal time, he shall stand by the door of the
refectory with downcast mien and countenance until, consoled
by the compassion of the brothers, he shall receive the pardon
which he asks. No one shall speak to an excommunicate nor
comfort him with any kind of compassion or pity; nor shall
anyone presume to give comfort or to arouse in him the spirit
of contradiction and pride. Every case is to be heard in a
common assembly of the brothers, and just and careful con-
sideration must be given that an innocent younger brother
shall not be oppressed by the craft and malice of an elder.
An abbot or prior may not judge by "respect of persons"l nor
may he fraudulently or unjustly condemn; but, as has been
said, the opinion of spiritual and truthful brethren must be
followed in matters of this kind. They will set the judgment
of God before their eyes and not allow the soul of an innocent
man to be unjustly overcome.

Chapter 15

It is unfitting for a monk to be noisy in speech, or wrathful,

jesting, or mocking. One who is such and is not corrected,
though often chided, must be cured by whipping and beating
and must be strongly corrected and must be delivered of his
vice by repeated examination and diligence. One who is licen-
tious, quarrelsome, and proud must often be deprived of
meals, and often mortified by complete fasts of two or three
days, and be further discouraged by the imposition of hard
labor; he must be chided with speeches and lectures. If thus

1 Cf. 2 Par. 19.7.

168 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

punished frequently he still does not change, he must be pun-

ished more severely with blows and forced by the deprivation
of the divine office and, for a time, nourished only on very
small amounts of bread and water, until he promises that he
will do no more wrong. The same principles apply to a monk
who is disobedient and complaining, contradicting, or given
to secret eating and drinking. In all the excesses of the monks
a suitable punishment must be applied according to the judg-
ment of the abbot and the elders, giving attention to the
type of fault, the age and character of the individual; it must
be most diligently seen to that heavy punishment is not in-
flicted for lesser faults, or, on the other hand, that light and
inconsequential punishment declared for the most serious
offenses. The head of the abbey and his prior must be con-
tinually known for ability to judge and weigh actions, for the
sake of pious justice and commiseration, just as one takes
care of the wound of a sick person in such a way as to cure
rather than damage the injured member; for, just as priors
judge the faults of those in their charge, so also will their
wrongs be judged by God Himself.

Chapter 16

Monks who lie, steal, strike, or swear falsely in a manner

not fitting a servant of Christ must first be verbally chided
by their elders to withdraw from their vice. Then, if one
has not yet reformed, he shall be brought three times before
the brothers and warned to desist completely. If he still does
not change, he shall be severely flogged and shall be secluded
in a cell under the rigors of penance, having been sentenced
to excommunication for three months; he is to be fed six
ounces of barley bread each evening and allowed a small
measure of water. Anyone found drunk in the monastery
shall also be subject to the aforementioned sentence; like-
wise, any who write letters or receive them from others without
 RULE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLVDO 169

the permission of the abbot or prior. A monk who is too

attentive to boys or young men or has been caught kissing or
indulging in other indiscreet acts, after the case has been
openly proved by truthful accusers and witnesses, shall be
publicly thrashed; he shall lose the crown which he wears and
with head shaven shall be exposed to shame and disgrace;
all shall spit in his face and heap their accusations upon him;
he shall be bound in iron chains and held in narrow confine-
ment for six months; and shall be given a small amount of
barley bread in the evening on three days of each week. After
this time is past, for the next six months he shall live in a
separate cell under the watchfulness of a spiritual elder and
shall be content with manual labor and continual prayer;
he shall seek pardon by vigils and tears and abject humility
and penitential laments. He shall walk in the monastery
under the constant care and watch of two spiritual brothers,
and shall never thereafter join the young in private conversa-
tion or companionship.

Chapter 17

Any brother who is censured for any negligence or any

misconduct, or is excommunicated, and yet humbly seeks
pardon or makes tearful confession shall be offered the suitable
remedy of forgiveness and indulgence; but the one who is
stubborn and unrelenting and proudly or obstinately denying
shall receive fuller and more severe punishment and flogging.
Two shall not lie in one bed, nor shall anyone be permitted
to sleep outside of his own bed. A space of one cubit shall
separate each bed, lest incentives of lust be aroused by close-
ness of bodies. While it is dark, no one shall speak to another,
and after Compline, no younger monk shall.approach the bed
of another. The abbot or prior shall change bed assignments
twice a week and shall carefully watch to see that no one
possesses anything unnecessary or hidden. The night hours
170 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

must be spent for the most part in special prayers and sacred
vigils because of the evil spirits which avoid the light and
deceive the servants of God. If a thorn sticks in one's body,
none may remove it without the blessing of his elder; none
may cut his nails without a blessing; none may lift down from
his neck a bundle of any weight whatsoever without the bless-
ing and permission of his elder.

Chapter 18

In fasts, it is necessary to follow this schedule: from Easter

to Pentecost, the meal comes at the sixth hour and the custom
of eating one meal only is to be observed every day. From
Pentecost to September 14, fast is observed every other dayl
except for the 40 days preceding the Feast of Sts. Justus and
Pastor 2 when it is to be carefully maintained, and, during
this time, the fast must last until the ninth hour each day
and wine must be completely avoided. It is within the
discretion of the abbot that, if the monks are working very
hard, he may give them single portions [of wine] at meal
time:'! From September 14 to Easter, strict fast is enjoined
and, during Lent, wine and oil are completely forbidden.
If anyone comes to the table late, he shall not be permitted to
eat. No one shall enter the oratory for prayer with the rest
if he has not arrived by the first Psalm, but he shall be sub-
ject to penance. The same penalty is prescribed for one who
arrives later than the third Psalm at nightly prayers or tries
to stand in the choir after three Psalms have been sung.

I In Isidore, Regula Monachorum ILl, a fast interdianum from Lent

until the autumnal equinox is clearly in contrast to a fast cotidianum
during Lent. Elsewhere, interdianum means daily.
2 The patron saints of the monastery were two boys who had been
martyred under Dacian; their feast fell on Aug. 6.
3 Reading potiones with Concordia for portiones.
 RULE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLUDO 171

Chapter 19

The servants and the prior shall eat with the brothers and
shall not presume to prepare special food for themselves,
nor eat anything outside of the common meal. The abbot, too,
shall try to do this when he is not hindered by guests or by the
arrival of a son of the Church. The abbot or prior may not
contaminate the brothers by offering food secretly whenever
they wish, but only openly when someone is weary from ill-
ness or persistent weakness, in which case he shall, with the
consent of the rest, publicly order a suitable repast in keeping
with age or condition of health.

Chapter 20

Monks may not wander from their duties as they will, unless
they get the permission of the prior or senior monk. When
necessity requires they may go out accompanied by an elder
chosen for this purpose. Abbots or priors shall always be
present at divine offices and watches and they shall first
perform what they are teaching the rest. An abbot or prior
shall always be chosen from the monks of his own monastery-
a holy man, discrete, grave, chaste, loving, humble, gentle,
and learned, who has been well trained in the aforementioned
duties and has had long teaching experience. He should excel
in abstinence, be resplendent in learning, have thorough
contempt for the fine foods and customs of elegant tables,
reject the taking of too much wine, and look after the interests
of all the brothers in common, like one's own father in piety.
He should not be subject to sudden and immoderate anger,
nor lifted by pride, nor broken by sorrow and weakness of
spirit, nor corrupted by lust. He must show patience in his
decisions, gentleness in his anger, must be so attentive to the
poor and needy that he makes himself a servant "in the heart
172 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

of Christ,"! and not merely a prelate. His speech and manner

of action must be so much alike that he shall strengthen by
zealous deed what he teaches in words, and, advancing2 with a
two-edged sword,3 he himself performs with constant care
that on which he has given instruction to others, so that his
deeds may not destroy his words. Nor, on the other hand,
should unsuitable words destroy his deeds, but all things
should be as concordant in a prelate as the harmony of strings
of a lyre or zither, which when struck give out a sweetly-
flowing sound, provided they are struck by the pulsating hand
of one who is well trained and plays in tempered and just
order, without haste and confused unevenness. Three times a
week, a general gathering shall be held and the rules of
the Fathers are to be read; a lecture is to be given or a speech
for the correction and edification of the brothers is to be read
by an elder; wrongs are to be corrected; the excommunicated
may be shown pardon; and the stubborn and hard-headed
once again censured.

Chapter 21

One who desires to leave the world, so the decree of the

Fathers teaches, should not be received in a monastery until
he has made trial of himself in works and poverty, in scorn
and derision. For ten days, he must stand by the door of the
monastery devoted to prayer and fasting, patience and humil-
ity. Then, for one full year in the charge of a spiritual
elder, he may not immediately mingle with the congregation,
nor approach the inner! habitations of the brothers, but shall
have a special small cell in the outer court, where he shall

1 Phil. 1.8.
2 Reading praecedens and observing the punctuation of Concordia.
3 Cf. Ps. 56.5.

1 Adopting Menard's emendation of interna for integra.

 RULE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLUDO 173

sincerely perform deeds of obedience. He shall carry the

beddings for guests and travelers, warm the water for their
feet, and perform all services humbly, and shall daily carry
on his back a bundle of wood for the use of the monks on
weekly assignments. And so bowed down in every degree of
poverty and service, tried in character for a full year, and
purified with labor, he shall receive the blessing of the
Church and be united with the society of the brothers and
shall be assigned to a dean to be instructed in the performance
of every good deed. If any candidate, however, is outstanding
for goodness and purity of life and is approved in the opinion
of the abbot and the other spiritual brothers, he may in a
shorter time join the congregation of the brothers in return
for the merit and purity of his conscience, according to
whatever decision may be made in the deliberations of the
abbot or the more trustworthy brothers.

Chapter 22

Every candidate, when he comes to the monastery to be

received, shall be immediately brought before the whole
congregation and interrogated by the abbot as to his status,
whether free or slave, whether he wishes in good faith and
free will to be admitted, or from some compulsion and neces-
sity. When his desire for the religious life seems spontaneous
and he appears not to be subject to any bonds or conditions,
the abbot shall receive his oath,l which contains the complete
foundation of his religious profession, and by which the
candidate shall bind himself to fulfill faithfully all the laws
and customs of the monastery and never to act against them,
and shall promise never to depart from the strict observance
of the rule of the monastery which he is seeking to join. When

1 Herwegen (65-70) shows that this pactum cannot be the well-known

one, because the candidate has not been there one year. He gives an
example of a candidate's oath.
174 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

he has bound himself by this profession, he is to be subject

to the aforementioned rules, seeking always to please God by
the diligent performance of good deeds.

Chapter 23

The monk who was the first of those in the monastery to

be professed shall be the first to walk, the first to sit, the first
to receive the benediction, the first to take communion in the
church, the first to speak when the brothers are asked about
some matter, the first to recite the Psalm, the first to stand
in the choir, the first to perform the weekly assignments, and
the first to extend his hand at table. It is not age alone that
is to be taken as a criterion among the brothers, but the date
of profession and the conduct of work and study. Hence, this
distinction is to be paid to an elder to honor him according
to the degree of his fervent love and worship of God. It is
not dignity of birth, nor the wealth of possessions that one
had in the world, nor advance of age that is to be considered,
but uprightness of life and the rewards merited by an ardent
faith are to be weighed. He must be judged the stronger
who .is closer to God. Monks must continue to live a holy,
chaste, and honorable life within the monastery; laymen
may carry out the orders of an abbot or prior outside the
institution.! Monks may not leave the monastery without the
permission of the abbot or prior, and they must not leave
the seclusion of their own cells, except, of course, to go to the
nearby garden or orchard with the blessing of an elder; but

The text ends here in all the manuscripts, but a little of the lost
material has been recovered by Martins and printed in 0 manacala
de san Fruluasa de Braga 404·05. Martins found the text for the last
two sentences of chapter 23 and a surviving sentence of chapter 24
in Madrid, Bib!. Nac. 13085, which otherwise has a total of only 21
chapters in a completely different order. Chapter 25 should have reo
ferred, according to the title in the Contents, to Sunday observances
in the monastery, but the Latin of the text is not found in any manu·
script presently known.
 RULE FOR MONASTERY OF COMPLUDO 175

it is not permitted to visit the surrounding villages or farms

or any secu-lar possessions. If anyone tries to do so, he shall
be subject to excommunication and penance for two months
and shall subsist on a small amount of bread and water.

Chapter 24

Brothers who have grown old living a good and pious

life in the monastery may have servants appointed by the
abbot and may be assigned large separate cells, where a meal
may be prepared and a table set for them, both at Sext and at
Vespers, because of their weakness and the advent of old age.
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES

(Regula Monastica Communis)

CONTENTS
Chapter Page
That none shall presume to create monasteries of
their own accord, unless they have consulted the
congregation in common and the bishop has given
confirmation in accordance with the Canons >and
the Rule ................................... 177
2 That secular priests shall not construct monasteries
through the countryside without the permission
of a bishop who lives by the Rule or a council
of the holy fathers .......................... 180
3 What sort of man should be elected abbot in a
monastery .................................. 181
4 What kind of monks are to be received in the
monastery .................................. 182
5 To what extent monks should be subject to their
abbot ...................................... 184
6 How men ought to live with their wives and chil-
ciren without danger in a monastery .......... 185
7 How the ill are to be treated in the monastery 187
8 How the old men should be governed in the
monastery 187
176
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 177

Chapter Page
9 How the monks in charge of the monastery's live-
stock should live ............................ 189
10 What abbots must observe .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 190
II What priors must observe in the monastery 193
12 What deans (senior monks) should observe 194
13 On what days the brothers are to assemble in the
chapter ..................................... 195
14 How abbots should take care of the excommunicated 197
15 How the monasteries of men and women should
be ruled ................................... 198
16 What brothers should live with the sisters in one
monastery .................................. ·200
17 What should be the customary greeting in the men's
and women's monasteries .................... 200
18 That only those may be received in a monastery
who have completely disposed of their possessions 202
19 How those who have committed serious crimes in
the world should conduct themselves in a mon-
astery ...................................... 203
20 What must be done with monks who wrongly run
away from their own monastery .............. 205

Chapter 1

Some are accustomed for fear of Gehenna to found monas-

teries within their own homes, and to join in common under
the terms of an oath with their wives and children and
178 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

slaves and neighbors, and, as we have said, to consecrate for

themselves churches on their own estates, name these after
the martyrs, and falsely to call such establishments monas-
teries. We consider these not monasteries, but the perdition
of souls and the subversion of the Church. From such have
arisen heresy and schism and great controversy throughout
the monasteries. Heresy [Greek "choice"] is so named be-
cause each one chooses what he prefers to do; his choice he
considers sacred and he defends it with lying words. When
you find any such, you should consider them hypocrites and
heretics rather than monks. We hope and most earnestly
beseech your holy reverence that you will not hold converse
with such, nor imitate them. Because they live by their own
rules, they want to be subject to none of the elders and they
donate none of their own possessions to the poor. On the
contrary, they try to seize from others so that, with their wives
and children, they may make greater profit than when they
were in the world. In so doing, they show no concern for
the perdition of their souls, so that they reap the advantages,
not of their souls, but of their bodies, and that even more so
than men of the world. They grieve for their precious pos-
sessions like wolves, and from day to day they sorrow over
wrongs unavenged. Scandalously they pant with passion for
gain and care not for future punishment, being too keenly
preoccupied with feeding their wives and children. In the heat
of grievous quarrels and disagreements they break off with
those neighbors to whom they had previously been bound by
oaths, and they attempt to seize from each other the property
that previously they had pooled and managed in fictitious
charity. If they detect any weakness in some of the community,
they seek the aid of the relatives they left in the world, with
their swords and clubs and threats, and at the very beginning
of their life in religion plot to upset everything around them.
Since they are vulgar and ignorant, they want their abbot
to be the same, so that wherever they desire to tum, they may
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 179

perform all their own wishes with his blessing, and may say
anything they want to say, and may judge others as though
conducting an investigation, and may tear apart the servants
of Christ with the teeth of dogs. All this they do that they
may have common consort with the people and with the
princes of this world and with the world may love the world.
May they perish with the world, unclean as they are'! They
often invite others to live in the same way, and prepare an
obstacle for their weak minds. Of such, the Lord says in the
Gospel: "Beware of false prophets, who come to you in sheep's
clothing, but inwardly are ravenous wolves. By their fruits
you will know them ... nor can a bad tree bear good fniit."2
By their fruits, he means their works; by their leaves, their
words. So that you may know them in their works, you can
weigh their words; for, when they are lighted by the torch
of cupidity, they cannot rival the poor of Christ. It is cus-
tomary for the poor in Christ to desire nothing in this world,
that they may perfectly love God and their neighbor.
In order to escape the aforementioned wolves, they have lis-
tened to the word of the Lord, saying: "Behold, I am sending
you forth like sheep in the midst of the wolves";3 "you shall
not carry purse nor wallet."4 Accordingly, the servant of
Christ who desires to be a true disciple will, stripped of all,
climb the naked cross, that he may be dead to the world, but
alive in the crucified Christ. And after he has laid down the
burden of his body and seen the enemy slain, then, will he
think that he has conquered the world and won a triumph
equal with that of the holy martyrs.

I Pun on mundus and immundi.

2 Matt. 7.15, 16, 18.
3 Matt. 10.16.
4 Luke 10.4.
180 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

Chapter 2

Some presbyters are wont to simulate sanctity, not for

eternal life, but to serve the Church for love of worldly goods;
and under the pretext of sanctity, to pursue the emoluments
of riches. And they attempt to build so called monasteries,
not because they have been stirred by the love of Christ, but
under the enticements of the common crowds, in fear of
losing their titles or giving up their othet rewards. This they
do, not after the manner of the apostles, but in the way of
Ananias and Saphira.! Of these the blessed Jerome said: 2
"They have not distributed their goods to the poor, nor
have they lived a laborious life of exercise in the monastery;
they have not watched over their way of living to correct it
by constant meditation. They have not wept, they have not
rolled their bodies in ashes and wrapped themselves in sack-
cloth;3 they have not preached penitence to sinners that they
might say with John the Baptist: 'Repent, for the kingdom
of heaven is at hand.'4 They have not imitated Christ who
said: '1 did not come to be ministered unto but to minister,'''
and: '1 have come not to be served, but to serve my Father.' "6
And when such men are brought from one rank to another-
1 mean on account of their pride-they want to be in charge
of the brothers, not to act for their interest; and while
greedily7 hanging on to what they have, they begin to desire
what others have, just because they do not share it; and they
preach what they do not themselves practice; and they keep
a common Rule with bishops and secular princes of the
earth and the people, and, like the disciples of Antichrist
which they are, they bark against th~ Church; and they
construct battering rams with which to attack the Church;
I Cf. Acts 5.1-11.
2 Unidentified.
3 Cf. Matt. 11.21.
4 Matt. 3.2.
5 Cf. Matt. 20.28.
6 Cf. 10hn 6.38.
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 181

yet when they come into our midst with lowered head and
well-paced step they pretend sanctity. These are hypocrites,
who are one thing, but appear to be another, so that the
fools who see them imitate them. They are thieves and rob-
bers, who, in the words of the Lord,s enter not by the door,
which is Christ, but by breaking through the wall of the
Church and rushing in; and if any of the faithful desires to
live rightly, they will set up obstacles against such, as best
they can, rather than aid them. Of such the Lord said:
"Woe to you, Scribes and Pharisees, blind hypocrites! be-
cause you shut the kingdom of heaven and you yourselves
do not enter in, nor permit others to enter."9 Such are de-
lighted both with their own gains and with our losses; and
if they have not heard anything false to bring against us, with
all haste they make it up, and though we know we did not
do it criminals go up and down the streets reporting it against
us, and then they defend them; those whom we drive out of
the monastery for their sins are by them received with an
ovation, protected, and defended; and although most of our
detractors are deserters of monasteries, they honor them
highly and-shame to say-heap dignities upon them. When
you see such as these, it is better to show them hatred than
companionship, for of such the prophet said: "Do I not hate,
o Lord, those who hate you? . . . With a deadly hatred I
hate them; they are my enemies."lo

Chapter 3

First of all, an abbot must be sought who is seasoned by

the practices of a holy life; not one who is newly professed,
but who, for a long period of time, has been proved by labor-

7 Reading tum ide for timide.

8 Cf. John 10.1, 2.
9 Cf. Matt. 23.13.
10 Ps. 138.21,22.
182 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

ing hard in a monastery under an abbot in the company

of many, who does not have an inheritance in the world, but
is a true Levite in all Israel without a share in the land of
promi'Se, so that he may freely say with the prophet: "The
Lord is my inheritance";l to such a degree that he banishes
completely from his heart all use of litigation, and, if there
be a question of rights, does not contend with men in court
under any circumstances; but, if anyone incites him and takes
away his tunic to make him fight, straightway, in accordance
with the word of the Lord, he lets him have his cloak as well. 2
If some complainant comes to bother the monastery and to
take something away from it and even uses violence in so
doing, the abbot should turn the matter over to a layman,
himself a most faithful Christian, commended for his good life
and not tainted by evil report, who without sin shall judge
and inquire about the affairs of the monastery; and if there
is need of oath, he shall administer it without swearing and
the penalty of swearing; and he shall proceed in such a way
as to see not only to the interest of the monastery but to make
the persecutor humble and inclined to ask forgiveness. But,
if the complainant continues stubbornly in his unheeding
ways and loves gain more than his soul, then, the pleader shall
immediately drop the case. An abbot should live a simple
life in his monastery with his monks, not trying to cause
quarrels but swallowing all bitterness and finding no cause
for litigation with men in the world.

Chapter 4

Monks who seek to enter the monastery by profession of

religion shall, first, live outside the gates for three days and
nights and shall be continually reproved by the monks as-
signed each· week. After this time they shall be asked whether
1 Cf. Ps. 15.5.
2 Cf. Matt. 5.40.
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 183

they are free or slaves. If they are slaves, they may not be
received unless they bring with them proof that freedom
has been granted by their own masters; as for the rest, whether
free or slaves, rich or poor, married or single, foolish or wise,
unskilled or trained, young or old, whatever they are, they
must be carefully questioned as to whether their profession
is proper or not; whether they have done everything which
they have heard in the words of Verity in the Gospel, which
says: "Who has not renounced all that he possesses cannot
be my disciple";! and the case of the rich young man who
boasted that he had fulfilled all the commands of the law,
to whom the Lord said: "If thou wilt be perfect, go sell what
thou hast, and give to the poor, and come, follow me and thou
shalt have treasure in heaven."2 Again the Lord said to him:
"Who wishes to be perfect? Who like the apostles leaves his
father and mother, his nets and boat."3 He who said, "all"
had nothing reserved for his own use, but gave his possessions,
not to a particular person, but to the poor in Christ; and
gave not to his father, not to his mother, not to his brother,
not to his neighbor, not to his relations, not to his adoptive
child, not to his wife, not to his children, not to the Church,
not to the princes of the earth, not to his servants, except to
establish them in freedom. When he has been questioned,
as I have said, he may be admitted to the lowest rank.
But, if any of these whom we have mentioned shall, ac-
cording to the usages of piety, renounce falsely and leave so
much as a single coin anywhere, we order him to be thrown
out immediately, for we see him not in the number of the
apostles, but rather a follower of Ananias and Saphira. 4 You
should know that he cannot live up to the measure of a monk
in a monastery, nor stoop to the poverty of Christ, nor acquire
humility, nor be obedient, nor abide there continuously;

1 Cf. Luke 14.26, 27.

2 Matt. 19.21.
3 Cf. Matt. 4.20·22.
4 Cf. Acts 5.1·11.
184 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

but, when some occasion arises' for him to be reprimanded or

corrected by the abbot of his monastery for any cause, he
will straightway allow his pride to overcome him, will be
inflated with weakness of spirit, and will flee and leave
the monastery behind -him.

Chapter 5

Monks should obey the commands of their elders as Christ

was obedient to the Father, even to death; if they do other-
wise, they should know that they have lost the way which they
were seeking. No one goes to Christ except through Christ.
Accordingly monks should adopt such ways that they may not
in any wise deviate from the true path. First of all they must
learn to conquer their own desires, and not to do anything
even of the smallest import of their own will, not to say any-
thing unless asked, to drive out with fasting and prayer the
thoughts that arise from day to day, and to conceal nothing
from their abbot. And whatever they do they must do without
complaint, lest-and may this never happen-by their com-
plaints, they perish like those who perished in the desert.!
Those complainers in the desert perished by eating manna,
while these in the monastery die daily mouthing the scriptures.
Those because of their complaints did not enter the land of
promise, and these because of their complaints do not enter
the land of promise of Paradise. What a terrible loss to
leave Egypt, to have crossed the sea, to have played upon the
tambourine with Moses and Mariam when Pharao drowned,2
to have eaten manna and yet not to have entered the land of
promise; how much greater a misfortune to leave the Egypt
of this world, to pass daily through the sea of baptism with the
bitterness of penitence, to beat upon the drum, that is, to

1 Cf. NUffi. II, 14, 16, 20.

2 Cf. Exod. 15.20.
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 185

crucify the flesh with Christ, and to eat the manna which is
heavenly grace, and yet not to enter the land of the heavenly
kingdom. You must fear, then, dearest brothers, and think
and meditate in advance on what way men should follow
who wish to go through Christ to Christ; they must listen
clearly to what they must observe. They shall be obedient
to the abbot to death to such an extent that they may not do
their own will, but that of the Father. 3 Nothing is so dear to
God as when we crush our own wills. Hence, Peter said:
"We have left all and followed thee; what then shall we
have?"4 He said not only: "We have left all; what then shall
we have?", but added: "We have followed thee." Many give
up everything, but do not follow the Lord. Why? because
they follow their own desire, not that of the Father. Who,
therefore, wishes to find the straight and narrow path and to
continue upon it without stumbling and wishes not to lose
his way while proceeding and to reach Christ without losing
his way must, first, learn to overcome his own desires and to
do none of the things which his own bodily desires wish to
do and to persevere to the end of life in obedience to the
Father. Such is the straight and narrow path that leads to life.

Chapter 6

When someone comes wi th his wife and small children-

children under the age of seven, that is-it is in keeping with
the holy General Rule that both the parents and the children
may be received under the power of the abbot, who shall
explain to them, understandably and with due concern, what
rules they must observe. First of all, they may have no power
over their own persons nor take thought for food or clothing;
nor shall they presume to keep in their possession any longer

3 Cf. John 6.38.

4 Matt. 19.27.
186 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

the wealth and lands whidl they have left, but they shall
live as guests and travelers subject to the monastery; the
parents shall not be anxious for their children, nor the
children for their parents. They may not hold converse to-
gether, except with the permission of the prior. As for the
tiniest children, however, who are still in the cradle, for the
sake of due compassion, they may go to their father or mother
when they wish, lest the parents fall into the vice of making
complaints for them, which often gets to be a serious problem
in a monastery. Let the children be brought up by both
parents until they come to know a little about the Rule;
and let them be instructed continually so that both boys and
girls may be trained in the way of life of the monastery
where they are going to live. And now, if God grants us
opportunity, we are going to show fully how the children are
to be fed in the monastery. An attendant (cellarius) is to be
chosen, tried for his patience, elected by the common assembly,
excused from all monastery service and kitchen duties, who
will always watch over the chamber reserved for infants,
the aged, the sick, and guests. And if the congregation is
sufficiently large, a younger monk may be given to him to aid
in hastening about his duties, so that the small children may
be brought together under his direction and given their food
at suitable hours. From holy Easter to September 24, they
may eat four times a day; from September 24 to December 1,
three times; and from December 1 to holy Easter, the matter
shall be under the direction of the attendant himself. But the
children are to be instructed that they may put nothing in
their mouths without a blessing and permission; and the
children shall each have their superior (decanus) who knows
more about them and watches the observance of the Rule
over them; and they are to be taught by him not to do or say
anything except in accordance with the Rule; and not to be
caught lying, stealing, and swearing falsely. If they shall
be caught in one of these faults, they are to be corrected by
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 187

their dean immediately with a whip. The attendant himself

shall wash their feet and clothes and teach them with all due
attention how to advance in holiness, that he may receive
the full reward from the Lord and may hear the words of
Verity who said: "Let the little children be, and do not
hinder them from coming to me, for of such is the kingdom
of heaven."l

Chapter 7

Those who are ill from any disease may lie in a single room
and be assigned to the care of someone suitable; and they
shall receive such attendance that they shall not crave the love
of their relatives nor the enticements of worldly goods, but let
the attendant and prior provide everything necessary. The
ill, however, are to be warned by this solicitous care that
not even so much as a whisper of complaint may come from
their mouths, but that they should always offer thanks to
God in their illness with steadfast mien, without interruption,
without any exhibition of complaint, and with true com-
punction of heart, and they shall in no way dare to offend
the brother who is ministering to them.l But if some scruple
of complaint should come from their mouths, as I have said,
they are to be chided by the abbot and warned not to do any
of the aforementioned things, in such a way that the one
upon whom this service is enjoined shall be the one to
charge them.

Chapter 8

Some old novices regularly come to the monastery and we

know that many of them promise observance of the rule out of
1 Matt. 19.14.

I Changing audeat to audeant with Menard and also IrateI' to Imtrem;

but lraler may be a colloquialism (hanging nominative).
188 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

want and weakness and not to profess the religious life.

When such are found, they must be investigated very care-
fully, and amid the other legal questionings they are to answer
only what is asked. For they have a way of never giving up
their previous customs and of wandering into idle tales, as
they were long trained. When they are corrected by some
spiritual brother, they immediately burst into anger and, for
a long time, they are urged on by the ills of spiritual weakness
and they never completely cease from rancor and bitterness.
And when they slip into such faults, so often and so exten-
sively, when even their spiritual weakness leaves them, they
usually loose their restraint to the extent of the telling
of idle stories and in laughter. Accordingly, they are to be
introduced to the monastery with this precaution, that they
are not to tell idle stories day or night, but are to give them-
selves to sobs and tears, to ashes and sackcloth, and are with
throbbing hearts to do penance for their past sins and
not again to commit acts that require penance. The degree of
pravity which they previously devoted to sin must be doubled
in the full devotion paid to lamentation. Since for seventy
and more years they have so abundantly sinned, it is fitting
that they be bound in severe penance, just as a surgeon cuts
into a wound more deeply when he sees rotten flesh. Such are
to be corrected by true penance; if they are unwilling, then,
they are to be punished immediately with excommunication.
If they have been warned twice seven times and have not
given up this vice, they are to be brought to an assembly of
elders and there, for the last time, are to be examined. If they
do not permit themselves to amend their ways, they must be
dismissed. On the other hand, we may show mercy to them as
to little children; we may honor them as fathers, if they are
quiet, simple, humble, obedient, frequently in prayer, deplor-
ing their own sins as much as those of others, daily risking
their lives, always keeping Christ on their lips, not being idle
when they have strength to work, guided by the opinion of
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 189

their elders rather than by their own, completely abandoning

all family affection, giving all they have to Christ's poor rather
than to their relatives, keeping nothing for themselves, with
all their mind and courage observing the law of God and their
neighbors, day and night meditating on the law of the Lord.
They may be excused from duties in the bakery and kitchen
and may be free from working in the field and on heavy jobs,
except that some of the lighter tasks may be assigned to them,
lest their weary years be completely broken before their time.
The food which they eat may be purposely cooked soft and
tender by the weekly workers and they may, because of their
weakness, have a moderate amount of meat and wine; they
shall all come to eat at one table, they shall all have the same
food and drink. They may have such clothing and shoes that
they can avoid chilling cold without the use of fire.

Chapter 9

Those who accept the charge of attending the livestock

of the monastery! should show such concern for them that they
will not cause any hann to the crops, and they should be
watched so carefully and so astutely that they will not be
devoured by wild beasts, and they should be kept away from
steep and rocky mountains and inaccessible valleys, so that
they will not slip over a precipice. But, if any of the above-
mentioned negligent deeds happens because of inattention or
lack of care on the part of the shepherds, they shall straight-
way throw themselves at the feet of their elders and, as though
deploring great sins, shall for a considerable time suffer
penance worthy of such a fault, after which they shall return
and humbly ask forgiveness; or if they are boys, they should
be given their correction and punishment with a whip. The
flocks are to be placed in the charge of a monk who is well-
1 This chapter is peculiar to Galicia; there are no parallels in other
Rules.
190 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

proved, who was trained to this sort of work while in the

world, and who desires to guard the flocks with such good
intention that never the slightest complaint comes from his
lips. They may have younger ones assigned to them by turns
to share their labor. They may have sufficient clothing and
covering for the feet. One monk, such as we have mentioned,
shall be responsible for this service, so as not to inconvenience
all the monks in the monastery. But since some who guard the
flocks are accustomed to complain and think they have no
reward for such service when they cannot be seen praying and
working in the congregation, let them harken to the words
of the Rules of the Fathers and silently reflect upon them
and enjoin such upon themselves, recognizing the examples
of the Fathers of old, for the patriarchs tended flocks, and
Peter performed the duties of a fisherman, and Joseph the
Just, to whom the Virgin Mary was espoused, was a carpenter.
Accordingly, they have no reason to dislike the sheep which
have been assigned to them, for they shall reap not one
but many rewards. Their young shall be refreshed, their
old shall be warmed, their captives redeemed, their guests
and strangers entertained. Besides, most monasteries would
scarcely have enough food for three months, if there existed'
only the daily bread in this province, which requires more
work on the soil than any other land. Therefore, one who
is assigned this task should happily obey and should most
firmly believe that his obedience frees him from all danger
and prepares for him a great reward before God, just as
the disobedient one suffers the loss of his soul.

Chapter 10

First of all, abbots must observe the canonical hours, that is,
Prime, when the workers are sent to the vineyard; Terce,
when the Holy Spirit descended upon the apostles; Sext, when
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 191

the Lord ascended onto the Cross; None, when He gave up

the Spirit; Vespers, when David sang: "The lifting up of my
hands, the evening sacrifice";l Midnight, because at that hour
a cry arose: "Behold, the bridegroom is coming, go forth
to meet him,"2 and in order that the hour when He shall
come to judge may find us not sleeping, but watching; Cock-
crow, when Christ rose from the dead. These canonical hours
the Catholic or universal Church celebrates unceasingly from
the orient to the occident. Accordingly, abbots must celebrate
them in every monastery with full attention, with weeping
and contrition of heart, dismissing all need for labor or travel,
together with the whole congregation of monks. When it shall
be absolutely necessary for them to travel and they know that
the times of these hours have come, they shall straightway
prostrate themselves upon the ground and humbly seek indul-
gence from the Lord. They need not be hesitant to pray at
their own special hours, that is, the second, fourth, fifth, sev-
enth, eighth, tenth, and eleventh, inasmuch as seven or eight
are harmonious in the words of Solomon: "Make seven or
eight portions,"3 in order that they may be able to climb
through the sevenfold grace of the Spirit and the eight beati-
tudes on the day 4 of resurrection with unhampered tread up
the ladder of Jacob by its fifteen steps to the region of heaven,
where Christ is resplendent above. Secondly, at the beginning
of each month, abbots in one district shall gather in one place
and solemnly celebrate monthly litanies and implore the aid
of God in behalf of the souls entrusted to them, inasmuch
as they hope to render an account of themselves to God at that
tremendous judgment and mighty inquest. Thirdly, they
shall make rules there for the conduct of their daily life, and
they shall return to their cells chastened, as if reprehended

I Cf. Ps. 140.2.

2 Matt. 25.6.
3 Eccles. 11.2.
4 Reading die for diem.
192 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

by their magistrates. G Fourthly, they must inquire into and

study the past sayings of the Fathers in their writings, in order
to know from them what they should do themselves, so that,
inside and out, before and behind, they have a mind full of
eyes, lest they fall into some heresy-heaven forbid-and per-
ish. For this, they must always stand in the council of the
brothers on balanced scales as though being weighed, that, by
recalling the past, foreseeing the future, and examining the
present, they may avoid the goads of heresy. Fifthly, abbots
are to live at one common table with brothers who are trav-
elers and strangers, because the Lord said of them: "I was a
stranger and you took me in."6 Sixthly, abbots must so con-
duct themselves as to completely remove all greed and avarice.
If this were not an evil, the apostles would not have called it
"idolatry."7 By such poison we know the mind of a monk is
wounded; never will he be completely free from all fault who
is bound by the chain of such a habit; and he will never be
firm in the love of God and of his neighbor, because what we
desire in this world we shall doubtless hate in the next. Hence
the holy Fathers, filled with the Holy Spirit to love God and
their neighbor perfectly, wanted to have nothing in this world,
but, because we cannot exist without something, we should
possess what will not make us ashamed when we must give to
a needy neighbor, and we must never let our souls relax from
the love of God and of our neighbor. The strength of such love
is praised by the true words of Holy Church when it is said in
the Canticle of Canticles: "For stern as death is love."8 Love
is compared to the sternness of death, for, doubtless, once it
comes, it summons the mind completely away from the love
of the world. Accordingly, abbots must be such that they
may perfectly love God and their neighbor; they must have

5 Reading saionibus with the Concordia for senioribus.

6 Matt. 25.35.
7 Gal. 5.20.
8 Cant. 8.6.
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 193

their eyes removed from the evil desires of this world, as Adam
did in Paradise before the fall.

Chapter 11

Priors shall administer all the rules of the monastery. Those

elected priors must be like those recognized as abbots, so that
they may take care of the onerous tasks of the abbots. Abbots
are to make use themselves of the same food and clothing
that is administered by them to others, and except when
brothers are visiting or in case of illness, abbots are not to eat
more choice food, but the same as the brothers. Priors shall
have control of dispensing all the possessions of the monastery;
if a captive asks the abbot for some food for whatever cause, the
prior shall take care of it and shall eagerly and carefully see
to it that the abbot shall not have extra work, with the ex-
ceptions that we have just mentioned; both the abbot and the
prior shall have the power of excommunication. At the be-
ginning of each month, the prior shall give an account to
his abbot of all that has been expended during the preceding
month, and shall do it with trembling and with a straight-
forward manner and true humility of heart, as if rendering
an account to his Lord. All that he does shall depend upon
the judgment of the abbot: he shall presume nothing of his
own, lest he fall-heaven forbid-into the disease of vain-
glory. He should always be a thrifty, not prodigal, dispenser
to the household of Christ, a pious and excellent governor,
observing the example of the Gospel and the words of the
Lord, who said: "Who, dost thou think, is the faithful and
prudent servant whom his master has set over his household
to give them their food in due time? Blessed is that servant
whom his master, when he comes, shall find so doing. Amen
I say to you, he will set him over all his goods."!

I Matt. 24.45, 46.

194 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

Chapter 12

Deans who are set up over their groups of ten should show
such concern for the brothers over whom they have been
placed that these may never perform their own will. They are
not to speak unless questioned; not to do anything of their
own accord unless ordered; not to go anywhere unless com-
manded; are to fear their elders as masters and to love them
as parents; are to perfonn any commands they receive from
them; are to consider as salutary any instructions they receive
from their elders, provided they are carried out without
complaint, good naturedly, and in silence, just as Moses said:
"Listen, Israel, and be silent."l "Bear one another's burdens."2
None shall judge another, none shall condemn another, for
it. is written: "Every detractor shall be wiped OUt."3 Each one
may take from another the virtue he does not have; each may
learn humility from another, each may learn love from an-
other, each may learn patience from another, each may learn
silence from another, each may learn compassion from an-
other. Deans are to eat without complaint whatever is placed
in front of them, to wear whatever they receive. The brothers
are not to hide their daily thoughts from the deans; the deans
are to be guides and guardians, as if they would have to render
an account to the Lord for the brothers. The deans shall watch
for faults on the part of all and shall have the power of cor-
recting them. What they are unable to correct, they must not
hesitate to lay before the prior. The priors are to handle such
matters so rigorously and so rationally that they will never
have to trouble their abbots, except on matters for which
neither deans nor priors have been able to reach a quick
settlement. In this procedure, each shall have such humility

I Cf. Deut. 27.9.

2 Gal. 6.2.
3 Cf. Matt. 15.13. C. J. Bishko, "The Spanish Consensoria Monachorum,"
American Journal of Philology 69 (1948) 379 n., calls this a quota·
tion from an uncanonical prophetic tract.
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 195

before the other that he shall never offend another, but each
shall stand before the other as though on a balance, that is,
the juniors to the deans, the deans to the priors, the priors
to the abbots, each one supporting the others like squared
blocks in a wall, after the words of the apostle mentioned
before: "Bear one another's burdens, and so you will fulfill
the law of Christ."4

Chapter 13

All the deans shall be advised by their priors that all the
brothers from the least to the greatest shall assemble in one
place in the monastery on Sundays, so that they may be dili-
gently scrutinized by the abbot before solemn mass, so that
none may be goaded by hate and bitterness toward another,
or be wounded by the spear of malice; lest internal poison
occasionally break out on the surface of the skin and the
bitterness of myrrh be shown among the fruits of the palms.
First of all, then, the abbots with their priors and deans
are to examine one another and, likewise, to question their
younger subjects; and, on the aforementioned days, they are to
root all traces of malice from their hearts. Some are accus-
tomed under guise of piety to show anxiety for their wives
and children or even other relatives. Some who are not so
involved become anxious over their food. Others are con-
sumed inwardly with the ills of dejection and are devoured
by the anxiety of their minds, just as a garment is inwardly
devoured by a moth, and, with the languor of bitterness, they
slip into despair. Others are more strongly fired by the spirit
of fornication and are otten led along like captives, incited
by this taunt of the flesh, their interior vision blinded,
bound by the chain of perdition. Others, inflated by the
spirit of laziness, wish to spend their time resting and sleeping

4 Gal. 6.2.
196 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

and entertain themselves with curious tales and, what is worse,

think of leaving their own monastery. Others are pierced in
several places by the spear of vainglory, while others, defend-
ing one thing or another, magnifying their own cares, unwill-
ing to be like the poor in Christ, slip each one into those
vain thoughts and, as though they had received nothing from
God, they extol themselves for their own powers, and when
they can find no one else to praise them, they launch into
their own praises. One boasts of his family background and
that princes came from his line, another boasts of his parents,
another of his brothers, another of his relatives, another of
his married relations, another of his superior slaves,l another
of his wealth, another of the flower of his youth, another of his
courage in war, another of his travels about the world, another
of cleverness, another of wisdom, another of his power of
eloquence, another of his silence, another of his humility,
another of his love, another of his generosity, another of his
chastity, another of his being married, another of his poverty,
another of his abstinence, another of the number of public
speeches he has delivered, another of his watchfulness, another
of his obedience, another of his renunciation of goods, another
of his reading, another of his writing, another of his rhythmical
voice. By speaking so often immoderately and without per-
mission of all these things that we have enumerated at length,
and by lending themselves so often to vainglory, they go
from this disease to pride, as they try to prove their claims.
For this reason, we order all the brothers to take part in the
assembly and not to allow more than seven days between meet-
ings and every Sunday to correct their former customs and
faults. Each one must fight against that fault which he has
admitted and against which he himself knows there is a
struggle. If any matters are brought out by others, the one
who is suffering must accept the disclosure without shame.

I Idoneus is a technical word in Visigothic law for a better class of slaves.

It may also refer to freedmen.
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 197

If he does not do the least that is in his power, he may be

sure that he is not escaping the devil, and must consider him-
self not conqueror, but conquered. But if he does confess and
does amend through penance or flagellation, he will straight-
way drive the enemy into a covered trap and bury him.

Chapter 14

When a monk is excommunicated for a crime, he shall be

put in a solitary dark cell and fed only on bread and water, so
that at Vespers, after the brothers have eaten, he may receive
half a small loaf of bread and some water, but not to satiety,
and this not blessed by the abbot, but exorcised by blowing
on it [three times]. He must sit without comfort or conver-
sation from the brothers, unless the abbot or prior has given
someone authority to speak to him. The excommunicate
must perform the work of the monastery while wearing sack-
cloth or covering without heavy nap, half-naked and bare-
foot. If his excommunication is for two days or three days,
the superior who excommunicated him shall send one of the
well-tried elders to rebuke him with words of reproach,
because he did not act in consideration of religion nor for
love of Christ, nor for fear of hell, but to cause a disagreement
among the faithful brothers. If he patiently endures this and
no word of anger or complaint comes from his mouth and his
sincerity and humility are apparent, then, the elder sent to
reproach him shall without changing any words report to the
abbot what he has seen. The abbot shall carefully and
prudently consider whether the patience by which the excom-
municate may once again win the love of the l;>rothers is true
or false. A second time, he shall send to reprove him another
elder of the same merit and he shall not easily believe what he
heard the first time. When he has done so for a third time,
and again chided him in equal degree, and the excommuni-
cate has persisted in the endurance of his former promise, and
198 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

the abbot has proved it by three witnesses, then, he shall have

him released and, when brought before him, shall chide him
in the assembly of the brothers. When thus he has been tried
a fourth time and proved in his humility and found as strong
as iron, then, he shall enter the church and take a cincture
in his hands and fall at the feet of the abbot and the brothers
with tears and with sobs and groans; crawling with his knees
on the ground, he shall ask pardon of all and shall be warned
not to commit again deeds worthy of similar penance; then
he shall be restored to his rank by a kiss from the abbot. If,
however, as we have indicated above, an excommunicate ap-
pears quarrelsome or complaining during his first investigation
and tries proudly or insistently to vindicate his intentions, and
the elder recognizes this to be the case, he shall remain there
until the third day of his excommunication without anyone
speaking to him. If, when similarly interrogated on the third
day, he is still guilty of the pride which we mentioned, he shall
be confined to the workshop until he successfully denies all his
arrogant pride. If he continues in his evil and does not of his
own accord do penance, and over and over is openly bitter and
complaining to his superior or the brothers in their presence,
and prefers to defend himself with the aid of his relatives, he
must be brought to an assembly, deprived of the vestments
of the monastery, given the secular garments which he once
wore, and expelled from the monastery with the mark of
shame, in order that others may be corrected by his being,
perhaps, the only example of a delinquent needing such
punishment.

Chapter 15

It is in accord with the holy Common Rule that monks shall

not live in one monastery with nuns nor presume to have a
common oratory; in fact, they shall not remain in one common
room or one common building even for the gravest necessity-
no form of excuse being acceptable. Monks who have nuns
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 199

in their charge must be certain not to take the license of eating

in the same hall or dining room, nor of performing in common
labor any ordered task, but, if it happens that one shall be
sick, they are each to have separate quarters and good guardi-
ans. They shall work in such great silence that neither group
shall hear a word uttered by the other, except for recitations
and the chanting of liturgical songs, and, of course, each group
may sigh and weep among themselves. Such prudence must
be taken in this matter as though a night-time thief were
trying to kill Christ in our hearts and wanted to choke, not
our bodies, but our souls. Therefore we cautiously strengthen
this Rule to such an extent that no monk shall converse alone
with a nun. If they do so, they must realize that they are
breaking the rules of the Fathers and that the arrow of death
has penetrated to the center of their hearts. For this the life
of Paradise is lost, and to this loss is added the punishment
of hell. Believe me, you who are often associated in the com-
pany of women cannot wholeheartedly dwell with the Lord.
It was through a woman that a serpent, that is, the devil,
trapped our first parent, and, because he was obedient to the
devil rather than to God, he straightway felt the ills of
the flesh, and for this reason we the sons experience the pas-
sion through which we know that our parents were deprived
of the delights of Paradise. We must therefore watch and
constantly pray and with all our strength avoid allowing our
senses to be captivated by such enticements. Therefore, a
monk alone shall not speak to a nun alone, even though they
meet on a journey. No nun may travel alone, but only when
accompanied by another nun. If, from among the acts criti-
cized above, a monk alone shall be caught speaking to a nun
alone, he shall be publicly stretched out and flogged with one
hundred blows of the lash. One who dares to do such a thing
shall be threatened and warned that he has violated the laws
of the monks; if he repeats the crime a second time, he shall
be beaten and then thrown into prison; or if he refuses to
repent, he shall be dismissed from the monastery.
200 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

Chapter 16

The monks who live in the women's monasteries we order

to dwell far from the living quarters. Such monks must be
few and perfect, chosen for being approved among many;
who have grown old having spent most of their lives in the
monastery; who have always been approved by a life of per-
petual chastity; and who have never been excommunicated
outside the Church for any crimes. Those who live in the
women's monasteries must be capable of performing odd jobs 1
for them and must prepare hospitality for visiting brothers,
and shall guard the young of both sexes as carefully as if pro-
tecting vases. The nuns shall not be allowed to travel, and
without the blessing of the abbot, they shall not seek an
opportunity of kissing or talking with men. 2 If they do other-
wise, they must be subject to the penalties of the Rule.

Chapter 17

When an occasion presents itself that an abbot or monk

from the men's monastery go to a women's monastery, the
custom is not to greet the nuns individually, but that the
abbess shall greet them first, and then the whole congregation.
This applies to monks who come from a distance, not to those
who live in the region nearby. When it is time to return to
their own cells, the monks shall go to greet the abbess, and
then all her nuns together, just as before. On these two
occasions of entering and leaving, we allow permission to
greet one another, but not otherwise, and even this must be
with great modesty and restraint, as if Christ, the common
Lord of both and the Bridegroom of the nuns, had come to

I Sr. Clare Nock's interpretation of the Latin carpentarii.

2 Viris might refer to the husbands they had before the family entered
the monastery.
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 201

stand in judgment and in the flesh. Christ is jealous, He does

not want his house to be a house of procurers.! Further, we
command this custom to be followed: that if the monks and
nuns are brought together in one assembly to hear the words
of salvation, the nuns may not sit next to the men, but each
sex shall sit in separate groups. No abbot or brother shall
henceforth, on any occasion, presume to kiss a sister2 without
the permission of the elders, nor to lay his head in the bosom
of a nun as if by design; nor shall any woman dare to place
her hands on the head or clothing of a monk to smooth it out.
If a monk, whether from a distance or from the same monas-
tery, fall ill, he may not lie down in the women's monastery,
lest his mind become ill when his body is healed. As the
blessed Jerome says: "He is a dangerous servant, if you are
always watching what he wears."3 For this reason, we com-
mand all sick monks to lie in the men's monastery and we
further command that no woman shall minister to a man
in his illness, whether mother or sister or wife or daughter or
relative or no relative or maidservant, but if one of the
above should be sent by the abbess with a bit of broth, they
may not visit him, nor remain near him, except in the pres-
ence of the one whose duty is to minister to the sick. The same
holds for men visiting women. No man shall rely upon
chastity in the past, for none whose hearts are tainted by
women can become holier than David or wiser than Solomon.
That none may assume that his chastity is safe in the presence
of a woman related to him, let him remember how Thamar
was corrupted by her brother Amnon when he pretended to
be ill.4 Accordingly, both monks and nuns should live so
chastely that they may have a good report, not only before
God, but also before men, and may leave to those who follow
an example of sanctity.

I Cf. John 2.l6.

2 Reading sorori for seniori.
3 Jerome, Letter 52.5.5 (CSEL 54.423) with vultum for cullum.
4 Cf. 2 Kings 13.
202 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

Chapter 18

We have learned that, in some less observant monasteries,

men have entered and brought their capital with them and
later, losing their re"ligious fervor, have made great trouble
in demanding their property; and returning to the world
which they had left, as dogs return to their vomit,! with the
aid of their relatives have extorted what they had brought with
them to the monastery, and have sought the support of secular
judges and with the help of magistrates 2 have destroyed the
monasteries, so that we see many innocent men ruined by a
single sinner. Therefore, extreme precautions must be taken
in advance and every degree of discernment must be employed
to keep such from being received, since they come, not for
the love of Christ, but frightened by the approach of death
and forced by the inconvenience of bodily infirmity; not in-
spired by the desire for heaven, but merely frightened by the
punishment of hell. Of such the apostle says: "And he who
fears is not perfected in love; but perfect love casts out fear,
because fear brings punishment."3 Such are not disciples of
Christ and are not to be sought in the Church, but are to be
found in the members of Antichrist; they are not "dwellers
in the land of good promise nor true Israelites,"4 but proselytes
and strangers from afar; they are not faithful to the brothers,
nor strong in battle. In Leviticus, we learn that the Lord
hated such and forbade them to go to war, saying: "Let him
return home, lest he make his fellows as fainthearted as him-
self."5 Of such, Verity says in the Gospel: "With difficulty
will a rich man enter the kingdom of heaven."6 None of his
former possessions, not even so much as the smallest coin,

I Cf. Prov. 26.11: 2 Peter 2.22.

2 Reading saionibus for senioribus.
3 1 John 4.18.
4 Cf. Heb. 11.9.
5 Cf. Deut. 20.8, not Leviticus.
6 Matt. 19.23.
 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 203

should be received by the monastery into which he seeks

entrance; but he shall, with his own hands, bestow all his
goods on the poor, and then, when approved, shall be received
in the monastery under the Rule and for a full year shall be
specially tested by taunts from all the brothers. And when
he has been shown obedient in all things, not soft by nature
like lead, but hard as steel in endurance, then he may shed
his worldly garments and be clothed with the poor, simple
garments of the monastery and may be enrolled in the pact
with the brothers and may live among the monks, himself a
well-tried monk.

Chapter 19

First of all, we hope that those who have committed more

serious faults and failings will become submissive to the Rule
under the charge of a well-proved abbot and work with effort
in a monastery and will reveal all their former sins to a spir-
itual elder, just as the sick do to a doctor; and will, since they
have publicly sinned, publicly repent and not again commit
deeds needing repentance; will show fear of punishment,
love of the Kingdom, and hope for mercy; and will never
despair, for it is only at the end of life that justification or
condemnation is achieved. For it is written: "He himself
shall judge the ends of the earth."l The Lord justifies or con-
demns each man at the end, and considers the outcome of
all things, so that not even the sinner, if he truly repents, need
despair of forgiveness, nor should the just man have confidence
in his own sanctity. It is of no advantage to be dragged down
from the throne, to be deprived of royal power, to be bound
in irons and thrown in prison this very day; no more is it a
disadvantage if today one is released from prison and granted
royal honors. No one blames him for the sordidness of his
prison, but praises him for his admirable qualities. Just so,

I I Kings 2.10.
204 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

it is of no advantage to the just man to live well and to end

his life badly, and, likewise, it is a great good for a sinner to
repent, to have lived badly once, to have ended well later, to
have his past sins not charged against him by anyone. We
are sure that a judge rewards or condemns a man according
as he finds him at the end. Though his sins be great, he need
not for that reason lose hope of God's mercy. We know for
certain that publicans and sinners who had no previous merits
and were reserved for punishment in the court of justice have,
by the generous mercy of God, been redeemed after a brief
penance. In their case, however, it is not so much the length
of time as the extent of their repentance. Accordingly, each
one is to perform penance worthy of the severity of his sins,
so that if a man knows that he is guilty of any crime, it is
necessary, first of all, to judge that crime according to canon
law. It is written in the civil law that any guilty person who
has injured another party or committed murder or caused
damage may have his fine reduced by the judge, at whose
discretion it may be brought down from the original large
sum of money, lest some powerful person harm one who is
oppressed, so that one who legally was required to pay one
hundred coins may have the amount reduced to one-third,.
as is written in the law books concerning those who are free.
Certainly, when we were slaves to sin, God had mercy on us
and we were freed by His justice, though possessed of no
previous good deeds; the debt of our sinfulness will be weighed
in the judgment of the most merciful judge in proportion to
the innumerable multitude of our sins. We realize that a
steward is put over us in proportion to the hundredfold weight
of the sins of our iniquity, who instead of one hundred jars
of oil will collect eighty; instead of one hundred bushels of
wheat, fifty, with the debt lessened. He immediately recog-
nized that he was praised by his own master.2 There are sev-
eral who enter the monastery who would, according to the

2 Cf. Luke 16.1·8.

 GENERAL RULE FOR MONASTERIES 205

holy canons, be obliged to do penance outside the Church and

to receive communion only at the very end of their lives
because of their countless sins; we, however, who have learned
the mercy of the Lord and have been consoled, though lacking
in faith, reduce their many years to a brief number, lest they
perish in despair under the restraint of excessive sadness;
and we grant the reconciliation just as soon as we know that
they are deeply immersed in penance and humility. Even a
doctor lets his patient escape an operation if he thinks the
sick man can be cured by medicine. We allow them to have
food which will not inspire greater appetite nor hurt the body
too much. We forbid them to have meat, beer, or wine, but if
one of these seems to be necessary because of weakness or ad-
vanced old age, we leave it in the power and authority of the
elders. We offer them garments of sackcloth to wear, that the
rough goats' hair will constantly remind them that they stand
at the left hand of God to be judged for their sins. 3 We order
them to cover their bed with a skin or with a rush mat, which
in Latin is called storea) or if they have none of these, then,
with thin straw, except for those who are weak from illness
or age, as the abbots may determine for their comfort. You
may be sure that each one who observes what we have written
above will arrive at true moral health by worthy penance,
not by feigned humility. Amen.

Chapter 20

When any monk wrongly runs away from a monastery, he

must not be received into another community, nor shown any
kindness nor granted the kiss of peace, but must immediately
be brought back to his own abbot with his hands tied behind
his back. Or if he has returned to the world and, with the

3 Following the Concordia text in the interpretation of several very

obscure passages throughout this chapter.
206 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

help of his relatives, has risen to a position of insolence or

threatens the monastery, then, both he and they are to be
publicly expelled from the gatherings of the laity and are to
remain anathematized from every gathering of Christians. If
the laity also join with him and help him to stir flames of
hatred against the monastery, they must all be driven out of
the Church in shame and must not associate in any bonds of
friendship with us, until they recognize the truth and stand
on our side and help to vindicate the Church with a devotion
equal to their previous hatred. If the apostates are driven
away by all, and wander here and there unsettled and con-
stantly on the move, and from sheer necessity desire to return
to their monastery, they shall be brought to an assembly of
the elders and tried like potter's vases in the furnace,! and
when proved, they may be taken back to their monastery, but
must sit in the lowest rank, not the highest.

I Cf. Sirach (Ecclus.) 27.6.

 PACT

D "
N THE NAME OF the Holy Trinity, Father and Son and
Holy Spirit.
What we believe in our heart, we profess also with
our mouth. We believe in the Father unborn, the Son born,
and the Holy Spirit proceeding from both, that the Son alone
received flesh from the Virgin and descended into the world
for the salvation of all who believe in Him and that He never
left the Father and the Holy Spirit. For He Himself said:
"I and the Father are one."! And: "Who has me also has the
Father." And: "Who sees me also sees the Father."2 The
same also said: "The heavens are my throne, the earth is
my footstool."3 In heaven, the angels worship the whole
Trinity, and on earth, the Lord preaches to men, saying:
"Go, sell all that thou hast and give to the poor, and come,
follow me."4 And again: "If anyone wishes to come after me,
let him deny himself, and take up his cross, and follow me."il
And elsewhere: "He who loves his father or mother, wife,
children, or all the things that perish with the world, more
than me, is not worthy of me."6 And again: "Who does not
hate his soul for my sake is not worthy of me."i And: "He
who loses it for my sake will find it in eternal life."8 So it is
better, far better, to contemn the world, to listen to Christ,

1 John 10.30.
2 Cf. John 14.9.
3 Isa. 66.1; Acts 7.49.
4 Matt. 19.21; Luke 12.33.
5 Matt. 16.24; Luke 9.23.
6 Matt. 10.37; Luke 14.26.
7 Cf. Matt. 10.37; Luke 9.24.
8 Matt. 16.25; Luke 17.33; John 12.25.
207
208 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

to fulfill the Gospel, to possess a blessed life with the holy

angels forever through all ages. Thus, fired with divine ardor,
10, all of us whose names are subscribed below entrust our
souls to God and to you, our master and our father, that we
may live in one monastery under Christ's guidance and your
teaching according to the edict of the apostles and the Rule,
and as sanctioned by the holy authority of the fathers in the
past. Whatever you desire for the safety of our souls to pro-
nounce, teach, perfonn, reprimand, command, excommuni-
cate, or correct in accordance with the Rule, we shall com-
pletely carry out with humble heart, all arrogance aside, with
mind intent, with burning zeal, with the aid of divine grace,
without making excuses, and with the Lord's favor. If any
of us shall be complaining, obstinate, disobedient, or slander-
ing against the Rule and against your command, then, you
may have the power to bring all into an assembly and to read
the Rule in the presence of all and to correct our guilt pub-
licly, and each one who is guilty shall receive his due, the lash
or ban of excommunication, with due consideration for his
misconduct. If anyone shall secretly intrigue with his par-
ents, brothers, sons, relatives, or neighbors, or especially with
a fellow brother in the absence of the above-mentioned
father, you may have the power over each one who has at-
tempted such a crime to have him put under ban of excom-
munication and confined to a dark cell for six months on
bread and water alone, wearing a penitential tunic or sack-
cloth, without cincture and without shoes. If a monk is
unwilling to undertake such penance with full consent, he is
to be stretched out naked and given 72 blows with a lash, and
to be deprived of the clothing of the- monastery and to be
expelled from the institution in conspicuous' disgrace, wearing
the clothes that he brought with him when he entered, but
torn. And this we declare both for men and for women.
We also promise to God and to you, our father, that if any-
one through sinfulness goes anywhere else to live without
 PACT 209

the blessing of the brothers and your consent, you may have
the power to pursue the imprudent will of any monk who has
tried such a thing, and to seize him and bring him before
the judges9 and of returning him to the censure of the
Rule: and if any bishop or any of his own order or any layman
desires to defend him and, in spite of hearing your warning,
desires to keep the offender in his house, his association shall
be with the devil and his communion with Judas Iscariot in
hell; and in the present world, he shall be excommunicated
from all Christian gatherings, and not even at the end of his
life may such receive Extreme Unction. We remind you, our
master, that if you should treat any of us unjustly-which it is
unreasonable to believe and which may God not allow to
happen-if you should treat any of us with pride or anger,
or should love one and show hatred and rancor for another,
or should dominate one but revere another, as people often
do, then we shall have the right also granted to us by God
to take our complaint without pride and without anger
through the dean to the prior, and the prior shall humbly
kiss the feet of you our lord and lay before you the details of
our complaint, and you must be willing to listen patiently
and to bend your neck humbly to the common Rule and cor-
rect and reform yourself. 1£ you are not willing to correct
yourself, then we may also have the power of consulting other
monasteries, or else a bishop who lives under the Rule, or a
Catholic count who is a defender of the Church, and of invit-
ing them to meet with us, that, in their presence, you may
correct yourself and fulfill the tenets of the Rule. We must be
as your disciples, subjects, or adopted children, humble,
obedient in all necessary things; and when we die you must
offer us to Christ spotless and unharmed. Amen.
Here follow the names which each one, male or female,
has subscribed to this pact with his or her own hand or sign.

9 Reading saionibus for senioribus.

 LETTER OF FRUCTUOSUS TO KING RECESWINTH
AND HIS BISHOPS ON BEHALF OF THE GUILTY WHO
HAVE BEEN HELD IN PRISON SINCE THE TIME OF
CHINTlLA.l

D FEAR THAT BY WRITING to you frequently I may in-

crease your majesty's distaste, but I am more hesitant
" that by silence I may cause certain parties to lose your
clemency-and may God never allow that to happen. Mindful
of the words of the apostle, who said: "Have I then become
your enemy, because I tell you the truth?"2, I do not even
tremble at the invectives and hostilities of your indignation,
especially since I know the extremely clement attitude of your
serene highnesses, not swollen with pride, but rather most con-
siderate in the practices of Christian compassion and the teach-
ings of our Lord, continuously filled to overflowing with
sentiments of commiseration, and always anxious to perform
what may be of common benefit to all in misery.
In my wretched unworthiness, 0 most pious lord, I pre-
sume to ask that you not allow your good reputation for
justice to be infringed. Long since the reward of your
generosity and pity have been solidly won and established
in the presence of the Lord; bestow a suitable gift on the
unfortunate through the benevolence of your piety and do
not in any way deprive of your generosity any person,
however guilty, but let your good will, which is accustomed

I This last name is Scindani in the manuscripts, emended by editors to

Sisenandi. I follow K. Zeumer in Neues Archiv, 2nd ser., 24 (1899)
66 n., who proposes Scindilani, a variant of Chintilani. Actually the
decree of Chindaswinth concerning rebellious subjects is made retro-
active to the time of Chintila (cf. Leges Visigothorum 2.1.6). Otherwise
this title agrees with the Escorial manuscript, except for omitting the
Domnus before each of the proper names.
2 Gal. 4.16.
210
 LETTER TO KING RECESWINTH 211

to spare its adversaries, overcome the evil dispositions of men

and show leniency to those about to die, with the favor of
Christ the Lord.
"Forgive and you shall be forgiven."3 Do not let the fear
of profanation close the heart of your serene highnesses to
being willing to spare; for in this you may wash away the
martyrdoms caused by your father 4 and the spots of your
own sins, if, with the favor of Christ the Lord, you check the
punishment of the wretched and remove the bonds of their
chains. It is useless to put forth an oath as an excuse for an
impious act, when it is clearly proved to be contrary to the
words of Christ; there is no faith where love of good works
and mercy are lacking: "If you do not," says the Lord, "for-
give your brothers from your hearts, neither will your heavenly
Father forgive your offenses."5
He who truly desires to expiate himself of his own sin
must forgive another, and since none may boast that he has a
clean heart, and the conscience of no man upon earth,
however just, is free from sins, why should one try to add
perfidy to cruelty? And since it is commanded to forgive one's
enemies,6 I wonder how those who by cruelty are involved
in such afflictions will be able to overcome cruelty by the
infliction of seclusion and confinement upon the vanquished.
If an impious oath makes it impossible to show mercy, then it
is extremely cruel that the patronage of indulgence is denied
to your royal and priestly clemency. If you follow such coun-
sel, my lord sincerely and especially beloved by me next to
God, and you most venerated and holy fathers and bishops
of your servant, what will God think, when, as judge
of the universe, He shall come to judge the world with
fire. You must consider that.

3 Luke 6.37.
4 Chindaswinth became king in 642 and his early policies were quite
violent.
5 Cf. Matt. 18.35; Matt. 6.15.
6 Cf. Matt. 5.44.
212 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

May He in His piety grant that your serene highnesses may

so conduct this case that you may win, not the stamp of con-
demnation, but eternal glory.
MONASTIC AGREEMENT
(Consensoria monachorum)
 INTRODUCTION

The Consensoria Monachorum 1 is a form of monastic pact,

intended for use with some type of Rule, just as the Pact
already translated was attached to the Common Rule, attribu-
ted to Fructuosus. It was a legal agreement to be subscribed
with the signatures of the monks. A full account of the
title, contents, and unique nature of the Consensoria has
been given by Professor Bishko, who assigns it to Galicia in
the years 650-675. It contains references to the armed violence
experienced in that area when abbeys were attacked by kins-
men seeking to recover property donated by a relative when he
professed monasticism.
The biblical quotations were made from an Old Latin
version rather than from the Vulgate. One citation in
Chapter 3 from prophetic literature seems to be apocryphal.
This translation is based on the text in PL 66.993-996 and
on variants indicated in the notes from another version
edited in an appendix to works of Augustine in PL 32.1447-
1450 as well as other manuscript readings printed by Bishko.
There are more recent editions by A. C. Vega, La regia de
San Agustin (El Escorial 1933), and R. Arbesmann and W.
Hiimpfner, Iordani de Saxonia Liber Vitasfrat1'llm (New York
1943) 485-88.

Listed as no. 1872 in Dekkers, Clavis palnlll! /aliI101'1l1ll.

215
 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bishko. C. J. "The Date and Nature of the Spanish Consensoria Mona·

chorum," American Journal of Philology 69 (1948) 377-95.
Migne. J. P. Pat1'010giae latinae cursus completus (Paris 1844-1864) 32.
66 (=PL).

216
 MONASTIC AGREEMENT

(Consensoria Monachorum)1
(1) By common agreement we have decreed among our-
selves what shall never be infringed by anyone hereafter.
In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, we who reside in
the monastery have all agreed, in accordance with apostolic
tradition, to have one opinion and to hold possessions in
common, as it is written: "By thinking alike in the Lord."2
No one shall claim anything as his own, but as it is written
in the Acts of the Apostles: "Holding all things in common,
and no one said that anything he possessed was his own,"3
which was also written for us. Accordingly, let us hold our-
selves in the Lord under the terms of monastic agreement and
civil law, and let us abide in these rules until the end, for it
is written: "He who has persevered to the end will be saved."4
(2) If anyone desires to join a congregation of brothers
who are in agreement, let him not ignore the saying of the
Gospel: "Let him sell all that he has and bestow it on the
needy and poor."5 And again: "Let him deny himself, and
take up his cross, and follow Christ."6 Let him not be anxious
in his heart for food and clothing and other things which
are necessary for the body, for the Lord Himself in the
Gospels forewarns in these words: "Do not be anxious, saying,
'What shall you eat?' or, 'What shall you put on?' (for after

I COllsensoria is found nowhere else, but Prof. Bishko plausibly inter-

prets it as a noun with essentially the same meaning as pactum,
placitum, or definitio.
2 Cf. Phil. 2.2.
3 Acts 4.32.
4 Matt. 10.22.
5 Cf. Matt. 19.21.
6 Cf. Luke 9.23.
217
218 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

these things the Gentiles seek); for your Father knows that
you need all these things. Seek the kingdom of God and his
justice, and all these things shall be given you besides."7
(3) But before he decides to remain in the monastery, he
must approve the purpose and example of the brothers, and
he must himself be approved in all his conduct by the one
who is the prior and by the agreement of the rest, for the
sake of the teaching and advice of the prophet: "Do not be
quick to commend a friend, or if you have commended him
quickly, do not be quick to reprove."8
(4) If anyone shall be removed from the monastery for
any necessary reason, he shall not even think of taking away
with him any of the things that are in the monastery, or of
those things which he formerly brought with him, or of those
things which he acquired while with the brothers,9 for it is
agreed that the brothers may not hold, possess, give, or
receive anything without the permission of the superior.
If a neighbor or friend or any of the brothers wishes to
offer anything, it is first necessary to inform the prior; then
it may be accepted, if he approves, but nothing may be done
except what is pleasing to the prior or allowed by him,
since it is much to be feared that he may experience exactly
what is written: "He who has no guard on his speech shall
bring downfalI."lo Again, he shall by no means incite any
of the brothers to go with him, lest he be judged more a de-
stroyer .than a builder of the monastery, because of which
there is written: "He who is not with me is against me, and
he who does not gather with me scatters."ll Anyone who is
incited by another to leave the monastery must either rebuke
the inciter or inform the abbot, who may not fail to observe
any of those things which we have decided together, for it is
7 Matt. 6.31-33.
8 Only the first phrase is in PL; the rest is from a manuscript reading
in Bishko, op. cit. The quotation is probably apocryphal.
9 Long omission due to homoeoteleuton supplied from PL 32.1459.
10 Cf. Provo 13.3.
II Matt. 12.30.
 MONASTIC AGREEMENT 219

written: "Be at peace with many, but let one in a thousand

be your confidant."!!!
(5) What is written here shall be observed constantly
and with all diligence from the abbot to all the brothers.
If anyone hears from another, one in whom he believes, an
ascetic practice different from that which is followed in
the monastery, he shall both refuse to accept the practice
and shall make it known to the leader of the monks, for it
is written: "All that is made manifest is light."13 If the
teachings are found good, they must be approved; if false,
they must be corrected.
(6) If one of the brothers who agreed upon a common
pact shall suddenly on one occasion only14 fall into altercation
with another, he may, according to the Gospel, ask and
receive forgiveness;15 but if he refuses to mend his ways, and
if the one against whom a wrong has been done has not suc-
ceeded in changing the other's presumption after a first and
second admonishment, then he shall report it to the abbot,
lest both he and his brother be endangered by this silence;
as the prophet says: "He who hides his enmity maintains
deceit."16
(7) If, as often happens, a sudden invasion or attack of
the enemy takes place,17 so that it is impossible for the broth-
ers to seek flight together because of the pursuit of their
enemies, and if later they escape with God's help and shall
be able to go wherever they have learned that the abbot is, they
must hasten thither as sons to a father. Nor can they ever be

12 Cf. Sirach (Ecclus.) 6.6.

13 Eph. 5.13.
14 Text modified from PL 32.
15 Cf. Matt. 18.15-17.
16 Cf. Provo 26.24.
17 Bishko interprets this hostility as referring to the Common Rule, p. 202
above, where several provisions are made in case the relatives and
family of a monk try to recover by force the property which he has
brought to the monastery.
220 FRUCTUOSUS OF BRAGA

separated once the divine love has joined them, for we are ad-
vised: "Perfect love casts out fear."18
(8) If anyone, as we have said above, for any necessary
reason shall possess something which he has carried with him
from the monastery, he must take it where his abbot is,
since he will not be able to retain as his own what belongs
to all according to the Pact and has accordingly been conse-
crated to God. If he contemplates retaining any of these
things, he seems to be contradicting the words of the apostle,
who said: "Owe no man anything except to love one
another."19
(9) All the brothers wh0 20 desire to be one in the Lord
shall observe all the things that are written in this book,21
and shall subscribe their names. These precautions have not22
been taken on behalf of those who are known to be steadfast
in all things.

18 1 John 4.18.
19 Rom. 13.8.
20 Reading qui from PL 32 for quia.
21 Following Bishko, the "book" would probably be this Consensoria
plus a Rule (Basilian or Isidorian) to which it was attached.
22 Adding non from an Escorial manuscript (d. Bishko, op. cit. 387-88).
INDICES
 GENERAL INDEX

abbots, 167, 168, 170-173, 181, Anianus, bishop of Valencia,

182, 185, 187, 190-192; al- 60 n.
legiance to, 152; appoint- Anthony, St., 124.
ment of, 36-38; duties of, Antichrist, Ill, 180, 202;
193, 195-198; resignation of, demons of, 55.
36-38. anti-Jewish sentiment, 51 n.
Abraham, 106-108. anti-Priscillianism, III n.
Abundantius, senator, 136. Apicella, 43.
Acephalites, heresy of, 142. Apocalypse, Commentary of
Achab,72. Apringius, 64, 65.
Achaz,109. apostles, 192; desert their
Acts of the Apostles, 217. duty, 39; relics of, 27, 28.
Adam, 193. Apostolic See, 54.
ad aurem, 38 n. Appius, 32, 34.
Aesop, 30. Apringius, bishop of Beja,
Agar the Egyptian, 97, 106- Commentary on the Apoca-
108. lypse, 64, 65.
Agivarius, 68 n. Aquitania, 45 n.
Alexandria, 57 n. Arbesmann, R., 215.
Almighty, will of, 43. Arevalo, F., 10 n.
altar, covering of on Good ArIes, 98 n.
Friday, 40. armatllra, 32 n.
Amen, 39. Armentarius, monk cured by
amicitia, 16 n. St. Emilian, 116, 125, 126.
amictlls, 16 n. Asellus, priest, 136.
amitto, 68 n. ass, 87, ll8.
Amnon,201. Astorga, 102 n., III n., 147.
Ananias, 121, 164, 180, 183. Ataulfus, 67.
Anatolius of Laodicea, 58 n. Audax, bishop of Tarragona,
angels, 207. 25 n.
anger, 124. Augustine, St., 6, 10, 27, 89
223
224 INDEX

n., 102, 112 n.; City of God, n., 218 n., 219 n., 220 n.
10, 90 n., 91 n., 104-106, blood, menstrual, 92.
142; Commentaries on Blume, C., 114 n.
Psalms (51-60), 15; De boasting, 195-197.
trinitate, 90 n.; Enchiri- Braga, 96 n., 145-149.
dian, 90 n.; monastic rule, Braulio, Bishop of Saragossa,
152, 215. life, 3, 4; family, 4; educa-
Auxerre, 98 n. tion, 4; studied under Isi-
Aviulfus, bishop of Aquitania, dore, 4; bishop 631 A.D., 4;
45 n. death,' 4; language, 5, 6;
Ayulfus, abbot, 45. literary sources, 6; letters to
friends, 6; on religious ques-
Baal, 55, 90. tions, 6; of consolation, 6,
Babylon, 101. 7; on ecclesiastical affairs,
Banonicus, 137. 7; Letters, 145-147, 149;
baptism, 53 n. English translation, 15-112;
Barbara, paralytic cured by Life of St. Emilian, 7, 8, 95
St. Emilian, 116, 126. n., 98 n.; English trans-
Barcelona, 64 n. lation, 113-139; List of the
Barlow, C. W., 148 n. Books of Isidore, 8, 9; Eng-
Basil, St., monastic rule, 152, lish translation, 10, 140-
220 n. 142; Castilian, 8; French,
Basila, sister of Braulio, 3, 40- 10; Spanish, 8 n.
42, 45-47. bread, altar, 16 n.; sacra-
beatitudes, 191. mental, 94.
Beja,64. Brehaut, E., 10.
belly, commands of, 22. bridegroom, arrival of, 40; of
Benedict of Aniane, monastic nuns, 200; of Verity, 94.
rules, 148, 156 n.
Benedictine rule, 149, 152. camel, 30 n., 31.
benediction, 77, 80, 157, 158, canons, 176.
174. Cantabria, 117, 135, 136; -ans,
Berceo, 121 n., 128.
Bible, Old Latin, 215; Vul- Canticle of Canticles, 192.
gate, 99 n., 106 n., 215. carpentarii, 200.
Bilibium, castle, 115, 121. Carteri us, 111.
Bishko, Charles J., 5 n., 146 Cassian, John, St., 149; Con-
n., 149-153, 194 n., 215, 217 ferences, 98, 109, 110.
 INDEX 225

Catholic Church, 52, 74, 93, ly Teacher, 79; members of,

94, 96, 191; faith, 39, 141; 43, 88,94, 99, 100; might of,
universality, 44. 118; name of, 217; Passion
Cazzanigo, Ignazio, 8 n. of, 39, 58; piety of, 42; poor
cellarius, 186. in, 196; poor of, 179, 183,
Celsus, 83-85. 189; poverty of, 183; power
Charybdis, 56, 63. of, 127; priest and confes-
Chindaswinth, king, 62 n., 63 sor of, 115; promise of, 117;
n., 64, 65, 71-75, 83-85, 210 the Redeemer, 40, 66, 68,
n., 211 n. 70, 75; rest for the deceased,
Chintila, king, 52, 142, 153, 76; Resurrection of, 191;
210. revolution of the year in,
chrism, to be administered by 39; salvation in, 76; serv-
bishops only, 77, 78, 81-83. ant (s) of, 22, 133, 166, 168,
Christ, all-powerful, 50; birth 179; shroud of, 93; spirit of,
of, Ill; bishops and priests 82; storehouse of, 42; sub-
of, 96; Blood of, 22, 29; rel- stance of, 124; sweat of, 93;
ics, 88-95; Body of, 29, 39, teaching of, 69, 82; thanks
88-95; clemency of, 38; con- to, 160; things performed
templation of, 123; Cross visibly by, 39; the true
of, 46, 93, 191; crucifixion Pontiff, 94; virgin (s) of, 93,
of, 179; death of, 69, 75, 133; who rules His own
Ill; disci pIes of, 136, 202; Church, 79; the witness, 17;
elect of, 16, 19; favor of, words of, 211.
211; founder of all things, Christian (s) 118, 124, 182,
138; grace of, 100, 112, 115; 206; name of, 37.
guidance of, 208; the Head, Church, blessing of, 173; de-
31, 40; heart of, 124; hope fender of, 209; Holy, 24,
of all believers, 47; house- 192; judge of the members,
hold of, 193; inspiration of, 22; of Christ, 44, 51, 120,
127; jealousy of, 201; judg- 124; stability of, 18; sub-
ment of, 42, 135; King of version of, 178; wall of, 180.
the heavens, 139; likeness Cicero, 10; Academica pos-
of, 39; the Lord, 16, 29, 38, teriora, 142 n.; Tullian
44, 46, 82, 200; the Lord,
springs, 117.
Creator, 50; love of, 42, 96,
180, 197, 202; the Master, cincture, 167.
32, 82; Master and heaven- cithara, 120.
226 INDEX

Citonatus, abbot, 113, 114, Cyril of Alexandria, St., 57;

120. Letter to Theodosius II, 57
clerics, 16 n. n.; Paschal Tables, 57 n.
Cockcrow, 191.
Columba, daughter of" Maxi- Dacian, 170 n.
mus, cured of a demon, 116, Damascus, 30 n.
128. David, 84, 109, 134, 191, 201.
Commentary on the Apostle} deacon (s), 44; cured of demon
38, 39. by Emilian, 116, 127; not to
communion, 174. anoint with chrism, 77, 78,
compassion, 194. 81-83.
Compline, 158, 169. dead restored to life, 117, 138.
Compludo} Rule for the Mon- deans (senior monks), duties
astery of} 147, 149-151; Eng- of, 177, 194-197.
lish translation, 155-175. decanus} 186.
computus} 58 n. Dekkers, Eligius, 5 n., 64 n.,
Conantius, Bishop of Palen- 215 n.
cia, 146. desert, 101.
concordia} 192 n. devil, 116, 125.
Concordia Regularum} 148, Diaz y Diaz, M. c., 148 n.
156 n., 159 n., 162 n., 164 dictation, method of letter-
n., 170 n., 172 n. writing, 18 n., 83.
confession of sin, 44. Dictinius of Astorga, 102.
Consensoria Monachorum} Didimius (Didymus), Bishop
215"; English translation, of Tarazona, 116, 123, 124.
217-220. Dionysius Exiguus, 57; Liber
consolation, 16, 40-43, 45-51, de Paschatc, 57 n.
67-71, 75, 76. Dircetius, mountain, 122.
Constance of Lyon, Life of Sf. discipline, 53.
Germanus} Bishop of AllX- D i v in e Omnipotence, 46;
erre} 98n. Scripture, 48.
conversion, 51-56. do Amaral, Caetano, 148, 149
Copenhagen, 64 n. n.
cordis} 99 n. donkey, 30.
Creator, orders all things, 22; Dreves, G. M., 114 n.
piety of, lR; plan of, 52; Du Cange, 156 n.
will of, 49, 50. Dumium, 145-147.
criticism, 19. Duodecima, 156, 162.
 INDEX 227

Easter, 29, 40, 136, 170, 186; Books of Instructions to

calculating date of, 57-60. Salonius, 106 n.
Egypt, 184; Desert Fathers of, Eufrasia, restored to health,
149. 137, 138.
Eighteen Martyrs, monastery Eugene, Count, servant cured
near Saragossa, 4. of a demon, 116, 127.
Eleazer, 97. Eugene I, Bishop of Toledo,
Elias, 55. 71 n., 77.
Eliseus, 138. Eugene II, Bishop of Toledo,
eloquence, 117,118. 3, 7, 25 n., 33 n., 55 n., 72-
Emilian, St., life of 7, 8; Eng- 75, 77-83; Office for St.
lish translation, 113-139; Emilian's Day, 115 n.
accused, 116, 124, 125, 133, Eusebius, Archbishop of Tar-
134; conversion of, 115, 120, ragona, 24.
121; counselor, 63-66, 73 n.; Eusebius, Ecclesiastical His-
death of, 117, 135-137; di- tory, translated by Rufinus,
vine protection, 116, 129, 58 n.
130; ecclesiastical orders, Eutrocia, 47-51.
116, 123, 124; hymn for the Eutropius, Bishop, 57-60, 83-
feast of, 114; mass of, 114; 85.
miracles of, 113-139; Office Ezekiel, 53.
for St. Emilian's Day, 115
n.; oratory of, 116,117, 121, faith, propagation of, 54.
124, 136, 138; struggle with famine, 17.
Satan, 116, 125. fast, 129.
Emilian, St., Monastery of. Father, obedience to, 185.
See S. Millan de la Cogolla. Fathers, Rules of, 172, 189,
endurance, 37. 199; sayings of, 192.
enemy, invasion of, 17. Felix, hermit, 115, 121.
Epaphras, 41, 67. Ferotin, M., 115 n.
Epaphroditus, 41 n. fetuses, aborted, 92.
Epistulae Wisigothicae, 153; Flood, the, 97, 103-106.
Escorial manuscript, 5, 220 n. Florentina, 141.
Espinos, Carlos, 4. Florez, H., 5.
Eternal King, 125. Floridius, archdeacon, 34.
Eucherius, St., 98; In Praise of Floridius, Bishop of Segorbe,
the Desert, 101 n.; Two 34 n.
228 INDEX

fluid of generation, 92; fluids, 108; Old Latin version, 103-

superfluous, not to be resur- 106; Syrian version, 105.
rected, 91. Gentiles, madness of, 56;
food, miracle of, 116, "132, 133. teacher of, 125.
Forum Iudicum, 85 n. Germanic law code, 152.
Fronimian, abbot of St. Emil- Germanus, Bishop of Aux-
ian, brother of Braulio 3 erre, 98.
7, 8, 35-40, 95 n., 113. ' , Gerona, 3, 39, 45 n.
Gerontius, priest, 113, 114,
Fructuosus, Bishop of Braga,
120.
life of, 145-153; correspond-
ence with Braulio, 8, 147- Givarius, 68.
GI01-ia, 39.
149, English translation,
96-112; Rule for the Monas- God, account to, 191; aid of,
tery of Compludo, 147, 149, 191; Almighty, 71, 7.3, 85;
150, English translation altar of, 50; anger of, 50·
155-175; General Rule for athletes of, 103; beloved of,
Monasteries, 147, 148, 150, 132; care of, 52; is Christ
151, 153, 215, 219 n., Eng- 102; Church of, 56, 141:
lish translation, 176-209, 142; citizens of, 101; com-
Spanish, 148 n.; monastic mandments of, 47; consola-
Pact, 147, 151-153, English tion of, 49; the Creator, 50,
translation, 207-209; letter 70,73, 91; creature of, 160;
to King Receswinth, 146, devotion to, 38; dispensa-
English translation, 210- tion of, 36; Father and
212; poems (spurious), 153. Holy Spirit, 139; favor of,
Fu1gentius, Bishop, 140. 17, 68; friends of, 96; gift
of, 59; grace of, 49, 52, 71;
guidance of, 56; guide of
Galicia, 147, 149, 152, 189 n.,
215. souls, 52; help of, 219; hope
of, 38; house of, 119; House
Galindo, P., 6, 9, 10, 32 n.,
of, our Mother, 51; inter-
142 n. cession before, 38; joy in,
Gallaeci, III n. 46; judgment of, 167; jus-
Gallia Narbonensis, 52. tice of, 204; King of Heav-
Garda Villada, Z., 148 n. en, 84; law of, 189; left
Gehenna, 177. hand of, 205; love of, 30,
Genesis, Greek version, 103- 54, 123, 156, 179, 192; love
106; Hebrew version, 103- and fear of, 165; love and
 INDEX 229

worship of, 174; maidserv- Gregory, Bishop of Osma, 3.

ants of, 133; Maker of clean Gregory, father of Braulio, 3,
hearts, 120; man of, 113, 4.
124, 126, 129, 132, 134, 138; Gregory the Great, 6, 32;
mercy of, 62, 204; name of, Commentary on Canticle of
84; obedience to, 199; omni- Canticles, 95 n.; Dialogues,
potence of, 48, 62, 84, 91, 95 n.; Homilies on Ezekiel,
109; pardon of, 40; people 95 n.; Liber regulae pas-
of, 81; pleasure of, 73; toralis, 95 n.; Moralia, 89
power of, 129; praise of, n., 95 n., 141; manuscripts,
101, 1I9, 127; presence of, 95.
41; promise to, 208; protec- grief, 71.
tion of, 46; quickener of all, Gundeswinda, 68.
52; ruler of all thrones, 84; Gundlach, W., 153.
ruler of the universe, 36;
saints of, 16, 19, 34, 40, 43,
hair, 91.
45, 60, 62, 63, 66-69, 71, 74,
Haro, city, 121 n.
75, 78, 85, 86, 97, 99; sen-
tence of, 47; servant of, 18, Hebrew language, 107.
25, 26, 128, 170; thanks to, Hebrews, 104, 107, 108.
187; trumpet of, 47; truths Heli, 121.
of, 59; will of, 50, 52, 74; hell,75.
wisdom of, 52; the witness, Helladius, 98.
30; word (s) of, 72, 162. Heraclius, Emperor, 142.
gold,30. heresy, 178, 192.
Good Friday, no office to be heretics, 81.
celebrated on, 39. Hermenfred, 47 n., 49.
gospel (s), 1I8, 179, 183, 193, Herwegen,1., 151,173 n.
202, 208, 217, 219; precepts Hilary of ArIes, St., 27; Life
of, 21. of St. Honoratus of Aries,
Gothic noble, 69 n. 98 n.
Goths, 141. Hoare, F. R., 98 n.
grace, heavenly, 52. Hojo, 47-51.
gragulus isopius (Aesopi), 30 Holophernes, 43.
n., 31 n. Holstenius, Lucas, 147 n.
Greece, Ill. Holy Gospel, 47.
Greek language, 34. Holy Saturday, 39 n.
Gregory, Acephalite, 142. Holy See, 51 n.
230 INDEX

Holy Spirit, 52, 94, 97, 101, Men, 9, 141; Glossary, 18

192,207. n.; Heresies, 141; History of
Holy Trinity, 207. the Vandals, 141; Introduc-
Honor, see Honorius, senator. tions, 140; Letters, 55 n.;
Honoratus of ArIes, St., 98. Offices, 140; On the King-
Honorius, Pope, 7. dom of the Sueves, 141; On
Honorius I, Pope, decree of, the Lives and Deaths of the
52; letter to, 51-56. Fathers, 140; On the Names
Honorius, senator, 116, 128, of the Law and the Gospels,
129, 132. 141; On the Nature of
Horace, Art of Poetry, 33 n.; Things, 141; On Numbers,
Satires, 31 n., 32 n. 141; On the Origin of the
Hugnan,47-5I. Goths, 17 n., II 7; Origins,
humility, 17,23, 30-32, 36, 39, 19; Paschal Cycle, 58 n.;
44, 55, 90, 109, 166, 193, Preface to the Psalter, 102
194,205. n.; Questions, 141; Monas-
Hiimpfner, W., 215. tic Rules, 16, 141, 152, 170
hypocrite, 181. n., 220 n.; Sentences, 141;
Synonyms, 15, 141.
Iactatus, 26-30. Ismael, 97,106-109.
iambic senarius meter, II4. Israel, 182; camp of, II9.
Idatius of Lemica, II I. Italy, 81.
idoneus, 196 n.
Ildefonse, On Famous Men, jackdaw, 30.
3,71 n., 77 n. Jacob, ladder of, 122, 191;
inobedience, 37. struggle with the angel,
interdianum, 170 n. 125.
Isaac, 106, 107, 109. Jeremiah, 133 n.
Isaia, 53. Jericho, tongue of, I 19.
Isidore, St., 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 18- Jerome, St., 10, 27, 97, 101,
22, 26, 38 n., 39, 64 n., 149; 103, 105, 106, 145, 149, 151
wri tings of, 8-10, 140- I 42; n., 180; Chronicle, III n.;
eulogy of, 9; Against the Hebrew Questions on Gen-
Jews, 141; Chronicles, 141; esis, 97 n., 103, 104, 106-
Differences, 140; De ecclesi- 108; Letters, 6, 22 n., 23 n.,
asticis officiis, 81 n.; Ety- 32 n., 33 n., 34 n., 35 n.,
mologies, 9, 17, 19-26, 58, 41 n., 42 n., 44 n., 47 n.,
I I In., 142; On Famous 48 n., 50 n., 60 n., 70 n.,
 INDEX 231

71 n., 76 n., 85 n., 89 n., lame woman, cured by Emi-

92 n., 95 n., 97 n., 99 n., lian, 116, 126.
101 n., 109 n., lIOn., III lance that pierced the Lord,
n., 112 n., 20 I; Letter to 93.
Darnasus, 97 n. Laodicea, 58 n.
Jerusalem, 92, 101. Latin language, 34.
Jesus (Josue), 84. Lauds, 157, 158; read after
Jews, 141; converted and re- Gospel in Mozarabic ritual,
turned to original faith, 51- 114.
56; hostility towards, 51 n.; Laurentius, Count, 64, 65.
Passover of, 58, 59. Lazarus, 47, 69,76,97 n.
Job,49. Leander, Bishop, 140.
Lemica, III n.
John the Baptist, 180.
Lent, 57 n., 126, 135, 170.
John, Bishop of Saragossa, Leo, 31.
brother of Braulio, 3, 4, 7,
Leo the Great, 6, 57; Letters,
113.
37 n.
John, St., 93. Leon, Capitular Library, 4;
Jones, c. W., 58 n. Ms. no. 22,4,9, 10.
Joseph, husband of Mary, 190. Leontius, 98.
Josue, 84. Leovigild, 136.
Jovinian, 98. Levison, W., 98 n.
Judas Iscariot, 209. Levite, 182.
Judith,43. Leviticus, 202.
Julian of Antioch, St., 137 n. life, brevity of, 34.
Julian the Martyr, St., 137. Lilybaeum, 57 n.
Justus, St., Feast of, 147, 170. Ii tanies, 191.
Juvenal, Satires, ,31 n., 32 n. Logrofio, province, 121 n.
Juvencus, Libri Evangeli- Lord, account to, 194; favor
orurn, 11811. of, 208; flocks of, 53; grace
of, 16; King and Creator,
kingdom, of heaven, 133; love 96; King of heaven, 52; law
of,203. of, 27, 189; mercy of, 205;
Krusch, B., 57 n. name of, 52; Passover of,
58; piety of, 73; presence of,
La Grasse, abbey, 148. 210; saints of, 35; sight of,
Lambert, A., 25 n., 35 n. 157; teachings of, 210; tem-
Lamech, 103, 104. ple of, 124; tunic of, 51:
232 INDEX

virtue of, 68; word (s) of, Mello, mother-in-law of

179, 182, 193. Ataul£us, 67.
Lucidius, 77 n. Menard, H., 148, 172 n., 187
Lynch, C. H., 3 n., 4-6, 8-10, n.
17 n., 60 n., 73 n., 77 n., 85 metrllm, 30 n.
n., 88 n., 114 n., 115 n. midnight, 191.
Lyon, 98 n. Minervius, 98.
miscarriage, 92.
Mabillon, .J., 8 n. modills, 30 n.
Machabees, Books of, 108. Mommsen, Theodor, 17 n.
Madoz, J., 5, 6, 16 n., 17 n., monasteries, abbot's duties,
18 n., 23 n., 26, 32 n., 38 n., 177, 190-192; canonical
68 n., 90 n., 101 n., 112 n. hours, 190, 191; care of live-
Madrid Ms., Bibl. naCo 13085, stock, 177, 189, 190; crea-
174 n. tion of, 176-181; governing
Magi,30. of old men, 176, 187-189;
malediction, 77,80,93. men, women, and children
Mammon, 124. in, 178, 185-187, 198-201;
manna, 184, 185. not to be constructed by
Mansi, .J. D., 146 n. secular priests, 176, 180,
manuscript, copying of, 95 n.; 181; penance, 187-189, 203-
to be emended, 85-87. 205; treatment of the sick,
Mariam, 184. 176, 187, 199, 201.
Martin of Braga, St., Sayings monastic life, 35-38; Rules,
of the Egyptian Fathers, 145-219 passim.
149. monks, candidates, 155, 172-
Martin of Tours, St., 124, 131. 174; cleanliness, 155, 165,
Martins, Mario (S.l), 148, 166; clothing, 155, 159, 160,
150 n., 174 n. 163, 185; complaints, 155,
Mary, Virgin, 190. 167, 168; crimes, 155, 166,
Mathusale, age of, 97, 103- 168,169; deserters, 44,177,
106. 205, 206; elders, 155, 175;
Maurentio, 16. excommunrcation, 155, 166-
Mauritius, 140. ]70, 172, ]75,177, 193, 197,
Maximus, curial, 116, 128. 198; fasting, 155, 170;
meat, abstinence from, 160, guests, travelers, and the
161. ~ck, 155, 165; oath, 173;
Melchisedech, 94. obedience, 155, 163, 164;
 INDEX 233

penance, 197, 198; physical Nunnitus, Bishop of Gerona,

labor, 155, 161-163; pray- 45.
ers, 155-157; punishments,
155, 167-170; relation to oath, 177, 182,211.
abbot, 176, 184, 185; seni- Occident, 55, 191.
ority, 155, 174, 175; vices, oil,29.
195-197; weekly duties, 155, Old Testament, 58, 110, 138,
164, 165, 174, 182; who 150.
should be received, 176, olives, 30.
182-184, 202, 203. Orient, 55,81,147, 191.
Moses, 84, 184, 194. Orosius, St., 102, 111.
Mother Church, 55. Osee, 48.
Mozarabic ritual, 114 n. Osma,3.
Munich Ms., Lat. 28118, 148 Ovid, Fasti) 31 n., 32 n.
n.
Pachomius, Monastic Rule)
Nabuchodonosor, 133. 149,152.
nail parings, 91. Pactum (monastic covenant),
Narbo, 37 n. 152, 173 n., 215, 220; Eng-
Nebridius, 75. lish translation, 207-209.
N ehemias, 51. Palencia, 146.
neighbor, love of, 156, 179, pallium, cloak of friendship,
192. 16.
Nepotianus, senator, cured of Paradise, 184, 193, 199.
a demon, 116, 128. parchment, 38.
New Testament, 56, 58, 110, Parpa1ines, 116, 129.
138, 150. Paschasinus, Bishop of Li1y-
Nicaea, Council of, 58. baeum, letter to Pope Leo
Ninive,72. the Great, 57.
Nock, Clare Frances (Sr.), Passover, 58, 59.
145, 146,200 n. Pastor, St., Feast of, I4 7, 170.
Noe, 103, 104. patience, 36, 194.
None, 156, 162, 191. Paul, St., 38 n., 121, 125.
novices, 187. Paula, St., 110 n.
novitiate, oath of, 152. paupertatula) 27 n.
numbers, Greek and Latin, peacock, 30 n.
34. penance, 36.
nuns, regulations, 198-201. Pentecost, 170.
234 INDEX

Perez de Urbel, J., 149 n. Priscillian (ism), 102, 103.

perseverance, 36. prison, release from, 210·212.
Persius, Satires, 31 n., 32 n. Proseria, cured of a demon,
pestilence, 17. 116, 128.
Peter, St., 39, 185,.190; rork Proterius of Alexandria, 57;
of,54. letter to Leo the Great, 57
Petschenig, M., 98 n. n., 58 n.
Phaedrus, Fabulae, 30 n. Prudencio de Sandoval, 8.
Pharao, 184. Psalms, 102, 123, 156·162, 170,
Pharisees, Ill. 174; Psalm 50, 157.
Philippians, 90. Psalter, 102 n.
pittacium, 18 n. Ptolemy, library of, 105.
Plautus, Persa, 55 n.
plums, damson, 30. qllaternio, 16 n.
Pomponia, abbess, sister of
Braulio, 3,45·47. Recared, 140.
Portugal, 111 n., 148; manu· Receswinth, 7, 83·87, 146, 147,
scripts, 8. 152, 210·219; letter from
Potamia, holy woman, 113, Fructuosus, English trans·
120. lation, 210·212.
poverty, 17. Redeemer, glory of, 48; piety
praemitto, 68 n. of,112.
praenotatio, 9. renotatio, 9.
Pra to, district, 138. resurrection, day of, 191; hope
prayer, 155·157, 160·163, 165, of, 41, 48; joy in, 39; of the
191. body, 88·95; of the faithful,
presbyters, 180. 76; of the Lord, 40, 58, 88,
priest, improperly ordained, 92.
77, 80, 81; not to anoint Riesco, Luis, 5 n.
with chrism, 78, 81·83; not ring, token of affection, 16.
to make chrism, 78, 82, 83. Rioja, region of Spain, 7, 121
Prime, 156, 161, 190. n.
primicerius, 16 n. Risco, Manuel, 4, 5, 26, 60 n.,
primiclerius, 16. 68 n., 77 n.
Prince of Rome, 54. robbers, 116, 134, 135.
priors, 155, 157·159, 167, 171, Roboam, 97.
172, 186; duties of, 177·193, Rome, 39, 88 n., 95, 107.
195·197. Rufinus, translation of Euse·
 INDEX 235

bius, Ecclesiastical History, 142; Second Council (619

58 n. A.D.), 78 n.
Rusticus, Bishop of Narbo, 37 Sext, 156, 162, 175, 190.
n. Sibila, cured of demons by
Emilian, 116, 127.
Sabbath,58. Sicorius, senator, 116, 126.
saints, gathering of, 17. Sierra de la Demanda, 122 n.
saionibus, 148, n., 192 n., 202 sight restored by Emilian, 116,
n. 117, 126, 127, 137, 138.
salvation, 34. sign of the cross, 126, 128.
silence, 194, 199.
Samaritans, 104.
Simpronianus, robber, 134,
Samuel, 121.
135.
S. Millan de 1a Cogolla, Sinlharius, 17, 18.
monastery, 3, 7, 35 n.; Sirens, 63.
manuscript, 8. Sisebut, king, 26, 141.
Saphira, 164, 180, 183. Sisenand, king, 24 n., 25, 28 n.
Sara, 106, 107. slander, 133.
Saragossa, 3, 4, 26 n., 30 n., slaves, 183.
57 n., 66 n., 71 n., 74 n., 83 sloth, 17.
n., 88 n., 96, 115, 140; Socii Bollandiani, 8 n.
basilica of, 7. Sofronius, priest, 113, 120.
Satan, enemy of the human solitude, 116, 122, 123.
race, 54; struggle with Emi- Solomon, 84,97, 109,191,201.
Ii an, 116, 125; synagogue of, soul, 91, 110.
31. Spain, 3,4, 7, 26 n., 32 n., 43
Saturday, 159, 161, 164. n., 71 n., 81 n., 95, 96 n.,
scandal,37. 101, 120, 142, 147, 148, 151;
scribal errors, 85-87. bishops of, 51-56; manu-
Scriptures, 150; Sacred, 23, scripts, 8.
46,96, 108, 110, 140, 142. spiritual trials, 36.
Scylla, 56, 63. storea, 205.
Sedecia,72. subdeacon, 43.
Segorbe, 34 n. Sueves, 141.
Sejourne, P., 10. suggerendum, 71 n.
Septuagint, 102 n., 104. Sunday, 58, 159, 161, 174 n.;
sessio, 163 n. assembly, 195, 196.
Seville, 4, 140; Council of, Swinthila, king, 17,18.
236 INDEX

Symbol of Christian Faith, Turibius, Bishop of Astorga,

157. 111.
symbolism, 30. Turibius, robber, 134,135.
Turninus, 52.
Tajo, abbot, 6, 7, 30-33, 88-
95; Sententiae, 89 n. Unction, Extreme, 209.
Tamayo de Salazar, 8. Unianimus, 60 n.
Tarazona, 26 n., 27, 29, 123.
Tarragona, 17 n., 24, 25. vainglory, 165, 196.
temptation, 64. Valencia, 60 n.
Terce, 156, 161,190. Valentinus, bishop, 60.
Terence, 33 n. Valerius of Bierzo, St., 146.
Tertullian, Against the Val- Vandals, 141.
entinians, 31 n. Vascones, 17 n.
Thamar, 201. Vasquez de Parga, L., 8.
Theodore, 98. Vega, A. c., 9 n., 153,215.
Theodosius 1, Emperor, 57. Vergegio, 121, 123.
Theodosius II, Emperor, 57 Vergil, Aeneid, 31, 32 n., 101
n. n.
Theophilus, Bishop of Alex- Verity, 63, 183, 187,202.
andria, 57; letter to Thea- Vespers, 156, 158, 161-165,
dosius 1, 57 n.; paschal 175,191,197.
tables, 57 n. Vincent, St., Basilica in Sara-
Tobias, 43. gossa, 74.
Toledo, 18 n., 25, 39, 71 n.; Virgin, 207.
First Council, 78 n., 81 n., virgins, 116, 133, 134; who
153; Fourth Council, 25 n., keep their lamps trimmed,
45 n., 51 n., 53 n., 54 n., 63 40.
n., 77 n.; Fifth Council, 54 Visigothic, Code of law, 85 n.,
n.; Sixth Council, 51 n.; 196 n.; counts, 67 n.; cus-
Eighth Council, 67 n.; toms, 30 n.; literature, 3;
Tenth Council, 145. monks, 152.
tranquillity, 36. Visigoths, 43 n.; anti-Jewish
tribulation, 37. sentiment of, 51 n.
Trinity, 18, 81. Vita S. Fructuosi, 145-147,
Tuentius, 116, 127. 149.
Tullian springs, 117; see also Vitalis, priest, 109.
Cicero. Vollmer, F., 3 n.
 INDEX 237

Wiligildus, bishop, 43. Wistremir, Gothic noble, 69.

wine, 29, 33, 161; miracle of,
116,131, 132, 170, 171, 189;
sacramental,94. Zeumer, K., 210 n.
238 INDEX

INDEX TO HOLY SCRIPTURE

(BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT)

Genesis Josue
5.25-28: 104 1.1-9: 84
5.25-29: 103 6.18: 119
21.9: 106
21.9-18: 106, 109 1 Kings (1 Samuel)
21.10, 14: 107 2.10: 203
21.15-17: 107 3: 121
21.16,17: 108
21.18: 108 2 Kings (2 Samuel)
27.12: 77 4.16: 110
28.12,13: 122 13: 201
32.24: 125
47.12: 20 3 Kings (1 Kings)
2.12: 84
Exodus 18.40: 55
5.6: 137 21.29: 72
15.20: 184
32.6: 107 4 Kings (2 Kings)
13.20,21: 138
Leviticus
17.14: 91 2 Paralipomenon (2 Chron-
icles)
Numbers 19.7: 167
11, 14, 16, 20: 184
22.28: 118 2 Esdras
22.28-30: 87 3: 51
31.20: 119
Tobias
Deuteronomy 2.11:43
10.18: 49
17.6: 106 Judith
20.8: 202 10.3: 43
27.9: 194 13.10: 43
29.29: 82 15.10: 43
 INDEX 239

Job 18.19: 72
1.21: 49 25.25: 96
26.11: 202
Psalms (the enumeration in 26.24: 219
the Septuagint and Vulgate is 2·7.17: 72
used)
1.2: 27 Ecclesiastes
5.3,4: 156 11.2: 191
5.4,5: 156
15.5: 182 Canticle of Canticles
15.9: 114 2.2: 89
30.20: 139 3.6: 55
31.10: 75 8.6: 192
32.1: 101 8.7: 29
33.3: 101
41.8: 110 Wisdom
43.24: 17 4.11: 70
56.5: 172 12.12: 50
62.12: 54 19.6: 73
67.12: 79, 117
68.34: 17 Ecclesiasticus (Sirach)
71.18: 117,138 6.6: 219
80.11: 79, 117 22.11: 48, 50
81.3: 49 27.6: 206
90.10: 134
118.96: 102 Isaia
119.5,6: 122 5.20: 99
120.4: 53 9.1: 111
130.1: 109, 134 45.9: 50
130.2: 109 49.15: 17
138.21,22: 181 50.6: 32
140.2: 191 56.10: 53
140.5: 100 66.1: 207
145.9: 49
Jeremia
Proverbs 1.13, 14: 133
13.3: 218 2.22: 118
17.15: 41 9.23: 90
240 INDEX

21.7, 14: 133 Amos

32.4,5: 72 5.19: 45

Osee Jona
12.4: 125 3.10: 72
13.14: 48
2 Machabees
7.27: 108

(BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT)

Matthew 11.21: 180

2.11: 30 11.28: 102
3.2: 180 12.30: 218
4.4: 72 12.35: 99
4.20-22: 183 14.20: 21
5.14: 123 14.31: 30
5.16: 166 15.13: 194
5.17: 59 15.14: 80
5.40: 182 16.24: 207
5.44: 211 16.25: 207
6.10: 49 18.9: 135
6.15: 211 18.15-17: 219
6.31-33: 218 18.28: 22
6.34: 70 18.35: 211
7.7: 20, 132 19.14: 187
7.7,8: 97 19.21: 183,207,217
7.15,16,18: 179 19.23: 202
7.24,25: 63 19.27: 185
8.6: 132 20.28: 180
8.17: 66 23.13: i81
9.24: 69 24.13: 102, 135
10.16: 179 24.45,46: 193
10.20: 118 25.1-13: 40, 100
10.22: 135,217 25.6: 191
10.37: 207 25.15: 20
 INDEX 241

25.35: 192 3.8: 73,87

26.29: 59 5.21: 76
26.38: 69 5.35: 18
28.17: 93 6.38: ISO, 185
6.40: 41
Mark 9.41: III
9.46: 135 10.1,2: 181
10.12: 37
Luke 10.30: 207
1.37: 110 lUI: 47,69,76
2.8: 53 11.26: 47
6.30-38: 21 12.25: 207
6.37: 211 14.9: 207
8.24: 56 15.5: 37,79
9.23: 207,217 19.34: 93,94
9.24: 207 20: 93
10.4: 179 20.5-7: 93
11.5-9: 97 21.25: 94
12.33: 207
14.26: 207 Acts
14.26,27: 183 4.32: 160,217
15.8: 114 5.1-II: 164,180,183
16.1-8: 204 7.49: 207
16.20: 97 9.10-19: 121
16.21: 97 9.15: 41, III
17.33: 207 14.21: 39
21.1S: 91 20.28: 82
21.19: 76, 102
22.15: 25,26 Romans
22.19: 59
5.3: 36
22.20: 59 5.5: 25,41
22.44: 93 6.8: 48
23.41: 56
7.14: 66
24.10: 93
7.19: 66
8.29: 73
John 10.4: 59
1.9: III 10.20: 113
2.16: 201 11.4: 55,90
242 INDEX

12.3: 21,92 4.13: 92

12.16: 90, 109 5.13: 219
13.7: 61, 100
13.8: 61, 100,220 Philippians
14.5: 90 1.8: 172
15.1,2:90 1.21: 68
1.23: 122
1 Corinthians 2.2: 217
1.31: 69 2.3: 90
2.2: 89 2.4: 90
4.5: 82 2:5: 92
7.20: 81, 134 2.8: 164
7.29: 35 2.25·28: 41, 67
8.1: 35,90 3.18: 55
10.13: 37 4.13: 37
11.3: 31
12.11: 21 Colossians
12.21·23: 22 1.7: 41
12: 22 2.3: 21
13.1·3: 23
13.5: 44 I Thessalonians
15.55: 48 4.13: 41,68,76
4.13·18: 47
2 Corinthians 4.16: 47
5.6: 122
6.8: 133 1 Timothy
1l.l9: 20 1.5: 54, 102
11.28:51
2 Timothy
Galatians 2.25,26: 53
4.16: 210 3.12: 37
5.13: 21 4.1: 40
5.20: 192
6.2: 194,195 Hebrews
6.5: 80 2.10: 101, 102
7.17: 94
Ephesians 9.16,17: 33
2.10: 53 11.9: 202
 INDEX 243

James 2 Peter
1.11: 49 2.22: 202
1.17: 59,60
2.13: 42 1 John
5.16: 100 4.8: 29
4.16: 23, 102
1 Peter 4.18: 24, 139,202,220
1.24: 49
2.23: 32 Apocalypse (Revelation)
4.10: 21,22 2.9: 31