Effects of sexuality media content

Major findings concerning the nature and impact of sexual content in mainstream entertainment media,
with a focus on empirical studies and content analyses (published from 2000 to 2015) indicate that sexual
content is prevalent in mainstream media, appearing in approximately 85% of films and 82% of television
programs. On television, sexual content varies greatly by genre, sexual talk is more prevalent that
depictions of sexual activity, and references to sexual risks and responsibilities are minimal. Sexual
imagery is also prevalent in music videos, where the most frequent portrayals are of sexual and suggestive
dance, sexual objectification, and self-touching. Women and female artists are more often shown in
sexual ways than men and male artists. This trend extends to video games, where women are
underrepresented, and, when present, are much more likely than men to be shown with a sexualized
appearance or in sexually revealing clothing.
Drawing primarily on the premises of cultivation theory and social cognitive theory, researchers have
explored how exposure to this content contributes to the sexual attitudes and behaviors of consumers. In
terms of attitudes, heavier media exposure is associated with holding more positive attitudes toward
uncommitted sexual exploration; stronger support of gender-related sexual roles, adversarial sexual
beliefs, and the sexual double standard; and increased estimates of peers’ sexual behavior. Evidence is
sparser for a causal link between media use and attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration. In
terms of sexual behavior, cross-sectional surveys have found that frequent exposure to sexual media
content is associated with increased reports of intentions to have sex, light sexual behavior (kissing,
holding hands), and heavy sexual behavior, such as intercourse. Studies have also found that heavier
exposure to sexual content predicts earlier or heavier sexual activity one year later. Several factors have
been shown to moderate these connections, including the race and gender of the viewer and level of
parental mediation.
Sexually explicit material or pornography has become widely accessible, especially on the Internet.
Among both adolescents and adults, more frequent pornography consumption has been associated with
holding more permissive sexual attitudes, such as a greater acceptance of extramarital and casual sex;
with gender-specific attitudes, including greater support of traditional sexual roles and adversarial sexual
beliefs; and with a greater likelihood of perpetrating sexual coercion, harassment, and aggression.
Evidence also connects pornography consumption to individual sexual behavior, especially among adults.
Among adults, pornography use is linked to earlier coital initiation, more frequent participation in specific
sexual activities, participation in casual sex, and having a higher number of sexual partners; it has not
been consistently linked to condom use.
Portrayals of sex and sexual relationships are prevalent in mainstream media. Analyses estimate that
sexual content appears in approximately 85% of major motion pictures (Jamieson, More, Lee, Busse, &
Romer, 2008), 82% of television programs (Fisher, Hill, Grube, & Gruber, 2004), 59% of music videos
(Turner, 2011), and 37% of music lyrics (Primack, Gold, Schwarz, & Dalton, 2008). The portrayals are
not uniform, however, and instead take multiple forms—explicit or implied, reality-based or wholly
fictional, comical or serious, conveyed via talk or behavior. This sexual content also covers a range of
topics, including portrayals of passion and desire, sexual attraction, sexual objectification, infidelity, and
conflict.
This article reviews major findings concerning the nature of portrayals of sexuality and sexual
relationships in mainstream entertainment media, and their impact on media consumers. In creating
parameters for this review, we have chosen to focus on analyses of the following electronic entertainment
media: television, films, music, music videos, video games, and pornography. We do not focus heavily on
print media (magazines, newspapers, books), news media, or social media.

Nature and Prevalence of Sexual Content in Mainstream Media

Television Programs
Although media options have expanded in recent decades and now include social media and video games,
television still anchors many media diets, with estimates that American youth view TV nearly four hours
a day (Rideout, Foehr, & Roberts, 2010), and Americans, overall, view five hours a day (Nielsen, 2011).
Themes, storylines, dialogue, and jokes related to sex and sexuality are a prominent feature of this
content. The most recent large-scale efforts to assess the prevalence of sexual content were conducted at
the start of the new millennium, and published from 2004–2007. Fisher et al. (2004) coded 1,276
television programs representing a composite three-week sample (recorded in 2001) from 11 major
networks: ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC, UPN, WB, BET, Cinemax, HBO, MTV, and Showtime. In total, 82.1%
of the episodes studied contained at least one instance of sexual talk or behavior. In their analysis of 1,154
programs from the 2004–2005 television season, Kunkel, Eyal, Finnerty, Biely, and Donnerstein, (2005)
found sexual content in 77% of primetime programs. Talk about sex was present in 68% of programs and
sexual behavior was present in 35% of programs. Findings across multiple studies indicate slight changes
from year to year in these rates, with both increases and decreases being reported.

Although sexual content is highly prevalent, it is not uniform, and evidence indicates that some types of
sexual content are more prevalent than other types. More specifically, findings indicate that sexual talk is
more prevalent than depictions of sexual activity (Kunkel et al., 2005). Also, when sexual behavior is
depicted, it tends to be mainly kissing and flirting. For example, of the eight sexual behaviors coded by
Fisher et al. (2004), physical flirting was in 49.5% of programs, kissing or touching in 48.6%, implied
intercourse in 10.5%, and depicted intercourse in 3.9%. Looking more specifically at programming
preferred by gay and lesbian youth, Bond (2015) found that of the ten categories of sexual behaviors
coded, the most common sexual behaviors were LGB romantic kissing (31%), LGB physical flirting
(29%), and heterosexual physical flirting (14%).

One type of sexual content that is consistently minimal or absent is content about the risk and
responsibilities of sex, such as discussions of safe sex practices, depictions of condom use, or discussions
about disease prevention. Fisher et al. (2004) reported that, of programs noted to feature sexual content,
2.9% contained messages of sexual patience, and 5.2% mentioned sexual precautions. Analyses
performed by Eyal, Kunkel, Biely, and Finnerty (2007) of programs preferred by teens found that only
4% of sexual scenes contained risk and responsibility messages in 2001–2002, and 5% in 2004–2005.
Rates were somewhat higher across all programs in their larger study, whereby 14% of programs with
sexual content were found to contain risk and responsibility messages (Kunkel et al., 2005).

Second, sexual content has been found to vary greatly based on the genre. Analyses indicate that levels of
sexual content are especially high in comedies and TV movies, and are much lower in children’s
programming. For example, in their analysis of 1,276 television programs across 11 networks, Fisher et
al. (2004) found sexual behavior in 66.8% of episodes overall, but in 100% of the comedy-dramas and
television movies, and in 92.7% of the feature films; it was least prevalent in the children’s cartoons
(20.7%), talk shows (28.4%), and news magazines (29%). Sexual talk was found in 76.5% of episodes,
overall, and was most prevalent in the comedy dramas (100%), situation comedies (93%), feature films
(93.2%), and variety/comedies (93%). It was least prevalent in the children’s cartoons (14.9%) and news
magazines (41.9%).

Acknowledging the diversity of sexual content, some studies have looked at the presence of a particular
type of sexual theme or script. One script examined is the presence of the heterosexual script and its
components. The heterosexual script describes the courtship strategies, commitment orientations, and
sexual goals considered appropriate for women and men in heterosexual relationships in (Kim et al.,
2007). This script expects men to actively pursue sexual relationships, to objectify women, and to
prioritize sex over emotion; conversely, women are expected to be sexually passive, to use their looks and
bodies to attract men, to serve as sexual limit setters, and to prioritize emotions over sex (Kim et al.,
2007). References to the heterosexual script have been noted to occur 15.5 times per hour in primetime
television preferred by teens (Kim et al., 2007), and to appear in 11.45% of the interactions between
characters on “tween”-oriented programming (Kirsch & Murnen, 2015). Analyses of reality dating
programs indicate that references to men as always looking for sex occur 3.6 times per hour, and
references to women as sex objects occur 5.9 times per hour (Ferris, Smith, Greenberg, & Smith, 2007).
Particularly prominent are messages linking masculinity to sexual prowess and interest (Kim et al., 2007;
Kirsch & Murnen, 2015).

Motion Pictures
Sexual content is a regular feature of motion pictures, most often depicted among characters who are
white, heterosexual, and newly involved with each other (Gunasekera, Chapman, & Campbell, 2005;
Hefner & Wilson, 2013). One of the largest projects to explore this issue, led by Bleakley, Jamieson, and
Romer (2012), examined 855 films, which included 15 of the 30 top-grossing movies for each year from
1950 to 2006. Each film was coded for the presence or absence of sexual content in five-minute segments,
and sexual content was defined to include kissing on the lips, nudity, sexual behavior, or sexual
intercourse, implicitly or explicitly shown. Any sexual content emerging was rated for explicitness on a
five-point scale. Several analyses have emerged from this large dataset, finding differences in movie
sexual content by gender, year, and movie rating. Of the 855 films, 84.6% contained sexual content in at
least one 5-minute segment, with lower levels in G-rated films (68.2%) than in R-rated films (88.3%)
(Nalkur, Jamieson, & Romer, 2010). Explicitness of the sexual content increased with the ratings but did
not increase over time. In terms of character gender, analyses indicated that across these 855 films, 57%
of female characters were involved in sexual content compared to 30% of male characters (Bleakley et
al., 2012).

Other research teams have focused on films of a particular genre, such as romantic comedies, or on films
directed at a particular audience, such as teens. In their analysis of 90 films directed at teens that were
released from 1980–2007 (30 from each decade), Callister, Stern, Coyne, Robinson, and Bennion (2011)
found that 28% of films contained adult sexual activity, and 80% contained teen sexual activity, with an
average of 6.5 teen sexual acts per film. The most common sexual activity depicted was passionate
kissing. No differences were found over time in the overall prevalence of sexual acts, nor in the presence
of sexual dialogue. In their analysis of the 52 highest-grossing romantic comedy films from 1998–2008,
Hefner and Wilson (2013) found an average of 7.21 romantic ideal expressions per film and an average of
14.21 instances per film of challenges to romantic ideals. The most prevalent romantic ideal was the
notion of soul mates/the one and only true love. Similarly, in their analysis of 40 top-grossing romantic
comedies, Johnson and Holmes (2009) observed 3,470 relationship-oriented incidents. The largest
category observed was kissing and the second largest category was compliments, most of which were
expressed by a male character. Relationships were not always rosy, however, and incidents of deception,
arguing, and of breakups were also reported. However, as observed with television content, there was
little depiction in movies of safe sex practices, risks, or consequences (Callister et al., 2011).

Music Videos
Sexual imagery is also prevalent in music videos, noted to appear in 58.5% of music videos in one study
(Turner, 2011) and in 84% of videos in another (Ward et al., 2013). The sexual acts appearing most
frequently are sexual and suggestive dance, sexual objectification, and self-touching. For example, King,
Laake, and Bernard (2006) examined the presence of 19 sexual behaviors for women and 16 sexual
behaviors for men in 411 music videos appearing on four networks. The most frequent sexual behaviors
for women were sexual dance, flirting, and caressing/stroking of self. For men it was hugging/embracing,
sexual dance, and groping of own genital area.

These patterns have been found to vary based on artist gender and music genre. One consistent theme
emerging is that in music videos, women and female artists are more often shown in sexual ways than
men and male artists. More specifically, across several studies, analyses indicate that female artists and
performers reveal more body parts, are more provocatively dressed, are more often sexually objectified,
engage in more sexually suggestive dance, and engage in more sexual behavior than do their male
counterparts (Aubrey & Frisby, 2011; Frisby & Aubrey, 2012; King et al., 2006; Turner, 2011; Wallis,
2011; Ward et al., 2013). For example, Aubrey and Frisby (2011) found that in comparison to male
artists, female artists were significantly more likely to be provocatively dressed (35.3% of female artists
vs. 5.2% of male artists) and were more likely to engage in sexually suggestive dance (31.4% vs. 4.2%).
Analyses indicate that music genre also matters, such that rhythm and blues (R&B), rap/hip-hop, and pop
music videos have been found to contain more sexual content than rock or country music videos (Frisby
& Aubrey, 2012; Turner, 2011).

Music Lyrics
A few studies have examined sexual content in music lyrics, alone, outside of the visual format of the
music video. Indeed, of six teen-oriented media formats examined, Pardun, L’Engle, and Brown (2005)
found that sexual content was most prevalent in popular music, with sexual content emerging in 40% of
the units coded (each line of lyrics). This level compares to 11% of units for TV programs and 12% for
movies. Within the music data, the most common sexual content was references to relationships (52%),
sexual innuendo (19%), and references to sexual intercourse (15%). In their analysis of 279 top songs
from 2005, Primack et al. (2008) found that 37% of songs contained references to sexual intercourse. Of
these references, 65% were classified as references to degrading sex, in which one partner (nearly always
women) was objectified, the other had a voracious sexual appetite, and a heavy emphasis was placed on
physical characteristics. Furthermore, 88% of the songs with degrading references to sex were sung by
men.

Video Games
Although fewer studies have analyzed sexual portrayals in video games, the findings emerging paint a
consistent picture. Analyses indicate that not only are women underrepresented in video games, but that
when present, they are much more likely than men to be shown with a sexualized appearance or in
sexually revealing clothing. This pattern has been demonstrated among gaming magazine advertisements
and articles (Dill & Thill, 2007; Miller & Summers, 2007; Summers & Miller, 2014), on video game
covers (Burgess, Stermer, & Burgess, 2007), and within the game (Downs & Smith, 2010). For example,
Downs and Smith (2010) played 20 top-selling games, for 20 minutes, and encountered 489 characters,
only 14% of whom were women. Coding all primary and secondary characters for eight variables
representing overt sexuality, they found that, in comparison to male characters, a greater proportion of
female characters were portrayed in sexually revealing clothing, were depicted as partially or fully nude
(43% of female characters vs. 4% of male characters), were shown with unrealistic body proportions, and
were shown wearing clothing that would be inappropriate for completing the task at hand.

Effects of Media Exposure on Sexual Attitudes and Norms

Theoretical Explanations for Media Effects
Sexual media research has sought to determine whether exposure to media content related to sexuality can
influence attitudes, beliefs, and expectations about sexuality and also whether these effects extend to
sexual behaviors. This research draws on two main theoretical approaches. One approach is cultivation
theory (Gerbner, Gross, Jackson-Beeck, Jeffries-Fox, & Signorielli, 1978), which posits that heavy
consumption of television’s particular version of reality predicts viewers’ adoption of this version.
Therefore, if television regularly portrays casual sex with minimal risks, cultivation theorists argue that
frequent television consumers might grow to cultivate or adopt a comparable view, including adopting a
permissive stance towards casual sex, dismissing possible health risks and consequences, and being more
likely to engage in casual sex themselves. Traditional cultivation research relies on two key assumptions;
first, that cultivated views of reality are caused by the volume of television consumed, and second, that
television presents a unified, homogenous view of reality that reflects the mainstream values of society
(Kahlor & Morrison, 2007). As these assumptions have been questioned by many researchers, it is
common to see variations on the theory that examine genre or content-specific exposure to television
rather than total TV exposure as a unified whole (e.g., Gottfried, Valla, Bleakley, Hennessy, & Jordan,
2013; Marron & Collins, 2009; Wright & Qureshi, 2015). Additionally, although TV remains the main
focus of cultivation theory research, this theory has been applied to other media beyond television (e.g.,
Wright & Qureshi, 2015).
In addition to cultivation theory, Bandura’s social learning theory (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963) and its
later revision to social cognitive theory (Bandura, 2002) have been applied to research on media and
sexual content in order to better understand the process of media influence. Social learning theory is
based on the idea that observing relevant, attractive media models can shape viewers’ understandings of
what behaviors and norms are socially appropriate and positively reinforced. In sexuality research, social
learning theory is used to explain how adolescents may observe sexual content in the media and then
model their own behavior after that content. Social cognitive theory adds to this approach by
incorporating the agency of viewers in the engagement and interpretation of media (Bandura, 2002). The
expectation of social cognitive theory is that viewers’ scripts, schemas, and normative beliefs are shaped
by their engagement with media content, and that these beliefs and values lead to behaviors. Social
cognitive theory would suggest that, if women are regularly exposed to messages that men are sex-driven
and women are more sexually passive, they might internalize those sexual scripts, and perhaps ultimately
limit their own sexual agency.

In addition to these approaches, researchers examining the role of media in sexual socialization have used
broader ecological frameworks to understand the contexts in which socialization occurs (Chia, 2006;
L’Engle, Brown, & Kenneavy, 2006; Price & Hyde, 2009). This work explores the unique contributions
of different socialization agents (e.g., family, peers, schools, media, religion) in predicting sexual
behaviors (Chia, 2006; L’Engle et al., 2006), embedding media into the larger social framework
surrounding adolescents.

One contemporary ecological approach to the media’s role in sexual socialization is Wright’s (2011)
3AM model, which builds on sexual scripts theory (Gagnon & Simon, 2005) to propose a specific,
testable model involving the acquisition, activation, and application of sexual scripts from media. This
model incorporates influences, such as motivations for viewing (e.g., Ward & Rivadeneyra, 1999) and
affective responses to media (e.g., van Oosten, Peter, & Valkenburg, 2015), which have been shown to
impact the likelihood of adopting sexual scripts. Several researchers have applied this model to
examinations of the media’s impact on sexual socialization (e.g., Ezzell, 2014; Kratzer & Aubrey, 2015;
Weed, Nicholson, & Farris, 2015). For example, Braithwaite, Coulson, Keddington, and Fincham (2015)
have used this model to examine the ways in which the effects of pornography viewing on sexual
behavior are mediated by sexual scripts. The 3AM model and other ecological approaches that take into
account contextual factors surrounding the adoption of sexual attitudes and behaviors depicted in media
will likely continue to play a large role in sexual socialization research.

Effects on Attitudes Toward Uncommitted Sexual Exploration

The most substantial body of literature linking media and sexual attitudes explores if media use
contributes to attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration. Higher amounts of exposure to television
(Chia, 2006; Ward, 2002), prime-time television (Ward & Friedman, 2006), reality dating shows (Ferris,
Smith, Greenberg, & Smith, 2007; Zurbriggen & Morgan, 2006), music videos (ter Bogt, Engels, Bogers,
& Kloosterman, 2010; Zhang, Miller, & Harrison, 2008), movies (Ward, Epstein, Caruthers, &
Merriwether, 2011), and media in general (Chia & Lee, 2008) are all associated with or predictive of
more positive attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration. However, some research finds only
conditional support for these associations, reporting that higher levels of media use are associated with
more positive attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration for only female (ter Bogt et al., 2010;
Ward, 2002) or only male (Vandenbosch & Eggermont, 2012a; Ward, 2002) participants, depending on
the medium. Further, research considering exposure to a range of media forms—including total amount of
television (Zurbriggen & Morgan, 2006), prime-time television (Ward et al., 2011), and music videos
(Ward et al., 2011; Ward & Friedman, 2006)—fails to find a link between media use and attitudes toward
uncommitted sexual exploration. Still, it is noteworthy that our review of the literature did not uncover
any research demonstrating that higher levels of media use were associated with more negative attitudes
toward uncommitted sexual exploration; if it was indeed the case that there was not an association
between media use and attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration, one would expect a roughly
equal number of studies to uncover positive and negative effects. Considered together, then, survey
research suggests that higher amounts of media exposure are associated with an increased tendency to
hold positive attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration.

In addition to highlighting the influence of mere exposure, survey research demonstrates that viewer
cognitions also shape viewers’ attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration. Social cognitive theory
suggests that we are more likely to adopt the attitudes expressed in media content if we perceive that
content as realistic (Bandura, 2002). Consistent with this line of reasoning, correlational research
demonstrates that people who perceive media content as more realistic hold more positive attitudes
toward uncommitted sexual exploration (Chock, 2011; Ferris et al., 2007). The reasons we use media are
also consequential cognitions. Here, research finds that consuming media to learn (Ward & Rivadeneyra,
1999), for companionship (Ward & Friedman, 2006), and to be entertained (Zurbriggen & Morgan,
2006), each predicts a greater tendency to hold more positive attitudes toward uncommitted sexual
exploration. One recent paper (Bond & Drogos, 2014) suggests that our perceptions of sexual media
content may in fact explain the positive association between exposure to sexual media content and
attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration. Bond and Drogos surveyed college-aged viewers of the
popular sex-laden reality television program Jersey Shore and found that heavier viewers of the program
reported stronger parasocial relationships (i.e., feeling like their favorite Jersey Shore character was a
friend) and wishful identification (i.e., the desire to be like a favorite Jersey Shore character), each of
which predicted more positive attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration. Further, when the
mediating influences of parasocial relationships and wishful identification were statistically controlled,
the relation between Jersey Shore exposure and attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration dropped
to non-significance.

The evidence for a causal link between media use and attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration,
however, is relatively sparse. Experimental exposure to sexual media content typically produces no main
effect on attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration, and this null finding has been repeated across
media forms, including hip-hop music videos (Kistler & Lee, 2010), music (Sprankle & End, 2009), and
television (Ward & Friedman, 2006; though Ward, 2002 finds effects for women). It may be that
experimental effects only emerge under certain conditions. For example, although Taylor (2005) found no
main effect of exposure to sexual media content on attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration, he
found that those participants who believed the content they saw was more realistic expressed more
positive attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration. The nature of sexual media portrayals may also
be consequential: in one study, watching a teen drama that depicted sex with positive consequences had
no effect on attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration, but watching a teen drama that depicted
sex with negative consequences led participants to express more negative attitudes toward uncommitted
sexual exploration (Eyal & Kunkel, 2008). Impressively, this effect was still evident two weeks after
experimental exposure. Because media are more likely to feature positive consequences for sexual
activity than negative ones (Eyal & Kunkel, 2008; Kunkel et al., 2007), the results from Eyal and
Kunkel’s (2008) study suggest a possible explanation for the null findings described above: in selecting
“typical” media texts to bolster the external validity of their studies, experimenters are likely not choosing
media that feature sex with negative consequences.

Women Versus Men: The Heterosexual Script and Related Constructs

A second line of research considers how media use contributes to endorsement of components of the
heterosexual script. As indicated earlier, the heterosexual script describes the dominant cultural scripts
(i.e., normative expectations) for heterosexual romantic/sexual relationships, identifying different but
complementary roles for women and men in these contexts (Kim et al., 2007). According to the
heterosexual script, men are expected to actively pursue women, avoid emotional commitment, and value
women primarily for their appearance. Women, by contrast, are expected to express interest in men using
passive strategies like self-objectification, set sexual limits, and prioritize emotional commitment over
sexual fulfillment. Implicit in this conceptualization is an understanding of male-female relations as
inherently adversarial, because the roles women and men are expected to uphold are often at odds. Also
implicit in this conceptualization is a sexual double standard, whereby men are normatively expected to
have (and are thus rewarded for) uncommitted sexual encounters, whereas women are normatively
expected to not have uncommitted sexual encounters and thus could expect to face social consequences
for enacting the same behavior that would reap rewards for men.

Higher levels of regular media exposure tend to be associated with a greater tendency to endorse
components of the heterosexual script, including the beliefs that men are sex-driven and women are sex
objects. These associations have been demonstrated in studies considering total amount of television
exposure (Ward, 2002), exposure to dating-themed reality television programs (Ferris et al., 2007;
Zurbriggen & Morgan, 2006), and music video exposure (Ward et al., 2011), although some studies
report significant links for women only (ter Bogt et al., 2010) or men only (Vandenbosch & Eggermont,
2011). Experimental research generally supports these correlational results, finding that experimental
exposure to media that depict the sexual stereotypes described by the heterosexual script leads to
increased endorsement of these beliefs (Ward, 2002; Ward & Friedman, 2006; Ward, Hansbrough, &
Walker, 2005).

Media exposure is also linked to constructs conceptually related to the heterosexual script. Watching
dating-themed reality television, for example, predicts an increased tendency to endorse adversarial
sexual beliefs and the sexual double standard (Zurbriggen & Morgan, 2006). Similarly, frequent exposure
to music videos is associated with an increased tendency to endorse the sexual double standard (Zhang et
al., 2008), and experimental exposure to music videos depicting sexual stereotypes leads to increased
expression of adversarial sexual beliefs (Kalof, 1999). More recently, a panel survey reported that
adolescent girls’ exposure to music videos featuring male artists predicted increased acceptance of token
resistance one year later (van Oosten et al., 2015). Token resistance is the belief that women often say
“no” to sexual activity when they really mean yes, and is perhaps a logical outcome of the heterosexual
script, which teaches women that they should avoid openly expressing sexual availability. The results
from this panel survey are particularly concerning because acceptance of token resistance is a risk factor
for sexual victimization (Krahé, Scheinberger-Olwig, & Kolpin, 2000).

As in the literature on attitudes toward uncommitted sexual exploration, our perceptions of and motives
for using media have implications for how media affect us. Perceiving media as more realistic (Ferris et
al., 2007) and identifying more strongly with media characters (Ward & Friedman, 2006) is each
associated with stronger endorsement of heterosexual script components. Motives for consuming media
that reflect more active modes of engagement (i.e., to learn, to be entertained, for companionship) are also
associated with a greater tendency to endorse components of the heterosexual script, though often only
for women (Ward, 2002; Ward & Friedman, 2006; Zurbriggen & Morgan, 2006). Consuming media out
of habit, however, which reflects a more passive mode of engagement, is unrelated to these beliefs (Ward
& Friedman, 2006). Thus, how we consume media matters as much as—if not more than—the amount of
media we consume.

Perceptions of Others’ Sexual Behavior

Survey evidence links increased estimates of peers’ sexual behavior to higher levels of both total
television exposure (Eggermont, 2005; Ward, 2002) and exposure to specific television genres, such as
soap operas and music videos (Ward, 2002). More active forms of engagement with television content are
also consequential, at least for women: among female viewers, believing television portrayals are true-to-
life, identifying with same-sex television characters, and watching television to learn or to be entertained
are all associated with increased estimates of sexual activity among peers (Ward, 2002; Ward &
Rivadeneyra, 1999). However, experimental findings paint a different picture, with laboratory exposure to
sexual prime-time television (Taylor, 2005) and music videos (Sprankle & End, 2009) failing to affect
estimates of peers’ sexual behavior, and exposure to relationship-themed reality TV leading to increased
estimates of peers’ sexual experience among male viewers only (Vandenbosch & Eggermont, 2011).

Romantic Relationships: Hopes, Expectations, and Experiences

Media also help shape what we hope for, expect, and experience in romantic relationships. Consumption
of romantic-themed television and movies—which generally portray romance idealistically—tends to be
associated with holding more idealized beliefs about and expectations for romantic relationships (Hefner
& Wilson, 2013; Lippman, Ward, & Seabrook, 2014; Segrin & Nabi, 2002), although exposure to more
conflict-ridden portrayals of romance (i.e., sitcoms) is associated with a decreased tendency to hold
idealistic romantic beliefs (Lippman et al., 2014). Here, too, more active forms of engagement with
media, including perceived realism (Lippman et al., 2014) and viewing to learn (Hefner & Wilson, 2013),
are significant predictors of holding more idealistic relationship beliefs, and in fact relate more strongly to
these beliefs than mere exposure.

Media also affect the types of romantic partners who interest us, as well as our expectations about the
nature of the sexual activity we will engage in with them. Both correlational (Eggermont, 2004) and
experimental (Carpentier, Knobloch-Westerwick, & Blumhoff, 2007) research indicate that media
consumption is predictive of assigning more weight to sexual, appearance-based characteristics in partner
preferences. Further, among women, watching more sexual television content predicts expecting sexual
activity to occur earlier in a relationship (Aubrey, Harrison, Kramer, & Yellin, 2003). Among men,
watching sexual television content (Aubrey et al., 2003) is associated with expecting to engage in a
greater variety of sexual activities in a relationship.

In addition to affecting preferences expressed with regard to hypothetical relationships, media are also
associated with the functioning of established relationships. Within established relationships, heavier
consumption of relationship-themed programming predicts increased relationship conflict, decreased
relationship satisfaction, and decreased relationship commitment (Osborn, 2012; Reizer & Hetsroni,
2014). Again, perceived realism is an even stronger predictor of negative relationship outcomes than mere
exposure, predicting increased expected and actual relationship costs (e.g., restrictions on freedom),
increased perceived quality of alternative partners, and decreased relationship commitment (Osborn,
2012).

Effects of Media Exposure on Sexual Behavior

In addition to the large body of literature examining the role of media in shaping attitudes and beliefs
about sex and sexuality, researchers are increasingly interested in media’s influence on sexual behavior.
Research in this area has examined adolescents and emerging adults, including middle school students
(e.g., O’Hara, Gibbons, Gerrard, Li, & Sargent, 2012), high school students (e.g., Primack, Douglas, Fine,
& Dalton, 2009), and college undergraduates (e.g., Guo & Nathanson, 2011; Wright & Qureshi, 2015).
Longitudinal surveys following adolescents through their first sexual experiences are a frequent
methodological approach (e.g., Ashby, Arcari, & Edmondson, 2006; Brown et al., 2006), but there is also
research using cross-sectional surveys (e.g., Fisher et al., 2009; Guo & Nathanson, 2011). In terms of
behavioral outcomes, most research has focused on the ways in which the media may influence sexual
behaviors known to be associated with mental and physical health risks such as early sexual initiation,
frequency of casual sex, number of sexual partners, pregnancy, and occurrences of sexually transmitted
infections (STIs) (e.g., Bleakley, Hennessy, Fishbein, & Jordan, 2008; Bleakley, Hennessy, Fishbein, &
Jordan, 2011;Brown et al., 2006; Pardun et al., 2005; Price & Hyde, 2009). Many of the studies examine
multiple media at once, including television, video games, magazines, music, and film (e.g., Brown et al.,
2006; Hennessy, Bleakley, Fishbein, & Jordan, 2009), but the largest body of literature on media’s
relation to sexual behaviors concerns television (e.g., Chandra et al., 2008). This section will provide a
general overview of research on sexual media, organized by method.
Cross-Sectional Survey Research
A number of studies examine the relation between media exposure and sexual behavior or intentions
using one-time surveys. Looking at overall television exposure, Barr, Moore, Johnson, Merten, and
Stewart (2014) found that high screen time (three or more hours per day) was associated with increased
risky sexual behaviors, including sexual initiation prior to age 11 and having three or more sexual
partners. Specifically examining the sexual content in the media (rather than overall media exposure),
other studies have found that increased levels of exposure to sexual media content was associated with
increased reports of intentions to have sex, light sexual behavior (kissing, holding hands), and heavy
sexual behavior (oral sex, intercourse) (Fisher et al., 2009; L’Engle et al., 2006; Somers & Tynan, 2006).
There are some studies whose data do not fit the pattern (e.g., Marron & Collins, 2009), but these studies
may be outliers. Overall, this body of research indicates a consistent positive connection between
exposure to media, especially sexual or romantic media content, and sexual behaviors.

Longitudinal Survey Research

To gain insight into the process of sexual socialization, many researchers have sought to explore the
relation between media exposure and sexual behaviors over time through the use of longitudinal surveys.
Findings regarding overall exposure to television and viewers’ sexual behaviors are mixed. In some cases,
heavier screen time (two or more hours) was predictive of sexual initiation at later assessments (Ashby et
al., 2006). Yet in several others, general exposure to television was not related to later behaviors (e.g.,
Chandra et al., 2008; Collins et al., 2004). However, many of these studies focused on pregnancy, rather
than sexual initiation, which may explain these findings (e.g., Collins et al., 2004).

The majority of longitudinal studies are not concerned with overall media exposure but instead examine
exposure to specific sexual media content that includes sexual behaviors, sexual talk, or other sexual
content (Bleakley et al., 2008; Brown et al., 2006; Pardun et al., 2005; Price & Hyde, 2009). These
studies have consistently found that heavier exposure to sexual content predicts earlier or heavier sexual
activity one year later (Bleakley et al., 2008; Brown et al., 2006; Pardun et al., 2005; Price & Hyde,
2009). One study suggests that exposure to sexual content in early adolescence may advance sexual
initiation by nine to seventeen months (Collins et al., 2004). However, there are studies that report null
results (e.g., Gottfried et al., 2013), and some researchers have questioned commonly used measurement
and analysis techniques (Collins, Martino, Elliot, Miu, & Rand Corporation, 2011; Steinberg & Monahan,
2010). Finally, in some of the longitudinal studies that have been done, evidence has emerged supporting
a reciprocal, non-recursive relation between sexual content exposure and sexual activity (Bleakley et al.,
2008; Frison, Vandenbosch, Trekels, & Eggermont, 2015).

Experimental Approaches
There is some limited experimental research testing contributions of media exposure to sexual behavior,
but ethical concerns related to manipulating and measuring sexual behavior limit this approach.
Generally, experimental work in this area examines and manipulates specific moderators, such as the
likeability of media characters or genre of media content, while limiting measurable outcomes to
intentions and hypothetical situations (Boot, Peter, & van Oosten, 2015; Moyer-Guse, Mahood, &
Brookes, 2011; Roberts, Gibbons, Kingsbury, & Gerrard, 2013). For example, Boot, Peter, and van
Oosten (2015) exposed young women to a movie clip with a likable or unlikable female character who
engaged in casual sex. Their findings indicate that for single women, likeability of the character did not
impact their own willingness to engage in casual sex; however, women in a relationship were more likely
to report a willingness to engage in casual sex in the unlikable character condition. The authors suggest
that this difference may be due to increased self-regulation in women in relationships in the likeable
condition. Other experimental studies have demonstrated that humorous depictions of pregnancy in media
can reduce counter-arguing and may trivialize the seriousness of the issue (Moyer-Guse et al., 2011).
Genre Specific Content
In addition to examining sexual content broadly, many studies have examined the influence of specific
genres, scripts, and messages in media that might shape sexual behavior, arguing that it may not be the
volume of content but the nature of the content that influences behaviors. Exposure to reality television,
for example, has been associated with increased odds of engaging in one-night stands (Fogel &
Kovalenko, 2013) and other risky sexual behaviors, specifically for women (Marron & Collins, 2009). In
a longitudinal study, Gottfried and colleagues (2013) found that exposure to sexy content in TV comedies
positively predicted intercourse initiation, but exposure to sexy content in dramas negatively predicted
intercourse initiation. Exposure to music videos is associated with increased peer sexual partner estimates
and increased sexual experience (Marron & Collins, 2009), but connections between exposure and
behavior differ by musical genre (Wright & Qureshi, 2015). Specific sub-genres of television have also
been linked to sexual behaviors. An examination of MTV’s teen pregnancy themed shows, 16 and
Pregnant and Teen Mom, demonstrated that exposure to these narratives was associated with increased
odds of reporting sexual intercourse within the previous ten months (Wright, Randall, & Arroyo, 2013).

Research investigating specific scripts and messages in sexual media content often focuses on the ways in
which gender and sexuality are presented. As noted earlier, much media sexual content endorses
traditional gender roles and gendered norms concerning sexual relationships, such as components of the
heterosexual script (Kim et al., 2007). Among undergraduate men, music video exposure has been found
to predict greater endorsement that men are sex driven; in turn, this belief is associated with men’s
inconsistent condom use (Ward et al., 2011). For adolescent girls, seeing women represented as passive
sexual objects has been linked to increased sexual experience but decreased sexual agency (Tolman, Kim,
Schooler, & Sorsoli, 2007). Similarly, regular exposure to music lyrics that describe degrading sexual
encounters in which women are objectified is associated with the advancement of non-coital sexual
activity and intercourse initiation (Martino et al., 2006; Primack et al., 2009).

Mediators of Links Between Media and Sexual Behavior

The research presented so far has largely focused on direct associations between media exposure and
sexual behavior. However, social cognitive theory posits that behaviors are the result of cognitions
gleaned from models. Hence, it is argued that media influence beliefs, attitudes, and cognitions, which
then influence behavior. Applications of this specific mediation model to sexual socialization have sought
to explore the mechanisms by which media may influence behavior. Several cognitions have been
examined related to sexual behaviors, including cognitive susceptibility to engage in intercourse (L’Engle
& Jackson, 2008; Martino et al., 2005), sexual self-efficacy (Martino et al., 2005; Schooler & Ward,
2006), body consciousness (Vandenbosch & Eggermont, 2014), perceived peer norms (Bleakley et al.,
2008, Brown et al., 2006; Chia, 2006, Ward et al., 2011), attitudes about sex (Bleakley et al., 2011;
Martino et al., 2005), and sexual scripts (Ward & Friedman, 2006; Ward et al., 2011).

One of the most influential cognitions related to sexual behavior is the perception of peer norms related to
sex (Bleakley et al., 2008; Brown et al., 2006; Chia, 2006, Ward et al., 2011). Perceiving that one’s peers
approve of sex is associated with increased sexual activity independent of media exposure (Bleakley et
al., 2008; Brown et al., 2006); once media use is added to the equation, evidence from longitudinal
research indicates that exposure to sexual media content predicts perceived normative pressure (from
peers), which then predicts intention to have sex (Bleakley et al., 2011). Chia (2006) proposes an alternate
model for the influence of peer norms, arguing that adolescents may infer the exposure to and effects of
media on their peers and base their own peer norms on estimates of these media effects.

Moderators of Links Between Media and Sexual Behavior

There are also several key moderators that impact the presence and strength of the link between media
exposure and sexual behavior. Demographic factors such as race and gender have been found to play a
key role. In terms of race, several studies report that although media effects were found for white
participants, there was no evidence of an effect for black participants (Brown et al., 2006; Jackson et al.,
2008; Somers & Tynan, 2006). This racial difference may be due to earlier sexual initiation in that
population (Brown et al., 2006); however, some scholars have argued that there may be differences in
interpretation of media, the context of media viewing, or levels of identification or engagement with
media (Ashby et al., 2006; Hennessy et al., 2009). Black youth may be less inclined to identify with
media characters who do not look like them. In terms of gender, Somers and Tynan (2006) found that
sexual content on TV was positively related to the frequency of kissing and intercourse for men only, and
O’Hara et al. (2012) found a significantly stronger effect of media sex exposure on sexual behaviors for
men. Another study demonstrated that specific sexual scripts may impact men and women differently
(Tolman et al., 2007).

Beyond demographics, researchers on sex and the media have examined the moderating effects of
parental mediation (Bleakley et al., 2008; Radanielina-Hita, 2014; Schooler et al., 2006; Wright, Randall,
& Arroyo, 2013). In general, more involved parenting related to media exposure is associated with lower
levels of sexual experience (Schooler et al., 2006). Active mediation—discussion of media content—can
serve as a protective factor, minimizing the effects of media on risky sexual behavior (Brown et al., 2006;
Fisher et al., 2009; Guo & Nathanson, 2011; Radanielina-Hita, 2014; Wright et al., 2012). Restrictions on
media content, termed restrictive mediation, produced the most consistently pro-social effects,
specifically relating to lower reports of oral sex or intercourse and lower intentions to engage in
intercourse (Fisher et al., 2009). Parental co-viewing led to mixed results, relating to lower expectations
of positive health outcomes (Fisher et al., 2009), but to earlier sexual initiation (Guo & Nathanson, 2011).

Finally, aspects of engagement with the media may moderate the influence of media on sexual behavior.
Specifically, given the importance of attractive models and identification to social cognitive theory,
researchers have examined the role of identification as a moderator (Ward & Friedman, 2006). For girls,
identification with same sex media figures is associated with more dating and sexual experience
(Schooler et al., 2006; Ward & Friedman, 2006). Some work has also been done examining the role of
multi-tasking. Jeong, Hwang, and Fishbein (2010) found that the effect of sexual content on sexual
behavior was highest for light multi-taskers who were more focused on one medium at a time. In contrast,
there is also some limited evidence to suggest that multi-tasking with Internet use as one of the tasks may
increase the impact of sexual content on sexual behaviors (Collins, 2008). More research is needed in this
area and in the role of digitization in sexual socialization.
Effects of Pornography
The increasing availability of mainstream pornography continues to raise questions about how this
medium may impact viewers’ lives. Broadly defined, pornography refers to content, either pictures or
video, that depicts nudity or sexual acts intended to arouse the viewer (Peter & Valkenburg, 2011). Sexual
activity within pornography is largely represented as a purely physical, casual, and oftentimes aggressive
act without any consequences to its participants (for a review, see Jensen, 2007). Prevalence rates of
pornography use in the United States vary depending on sample age and on whether or not mode of
exposure is taken into account (i.e., accidental or intentional). For example, one study of adolescents aged
10 to 18 reported that 25% of boys and 5% of girls had intentionally used pornography (Ybarra &
Mitchell, 2005). Another study of adolescents aged 12 to 22 found that 85% of boys and 50% of girls had
visited a sexually explicit web site either intentionally or accidentally (Braun-Courville & Rojas, 2009).
Among college students, 86% of men and 31% of women reported having intentionally used pornography
(Carroll et al., 2008). Despite variability in prevalence rates, studies consistently find higher exposure
among boys and men than girls and women (Carroll et al., 2008; Hald, 2006; Omori et al., 2011), as well
as earlier exposure among boys than girls (Hald, 2006; Johansson & Hammarén, 2007). Together,
concerns over content and prevalence rates have led to a wide body of research examining how
pornography may influence viewer experiences. Although a comprehensive review is beyond the scope of
this article, we will highlight the most recent findings within the pornography literature that focus on
viewer attitudes and behaviors and that were published between 2005 and 2015. For each area of
research, we will provide a summary of cross-sectional and longitudinal findings, as well as findings from
adolescent and adult samples.

Attitudinal Effects
Research studies examining the link between pornography use and viewers’ attitudes often differentiate
between sexual attitudes and gender-specific attitudes. Sexual attitudes encompass beliefs about sexual
behaviors that have traditionally fallen outside of social norms, such as casual, nonrelational, or
extramarital sex. Gender-specific attitudes focus on beliefs about gender roles, both within and outside of
sexual contexts.

Sexual Attitudes
Among adolescent samples, cross-sectional surveys (Braun-Courville & Rojas, 2009; Lo & Wei, 2005;
Peter & Valkenburg, 2006, 2008; To, Ngai, & Iu Kan, 2012) and longitudinal studies (Brown & L’Engle,
2009; Peter & Valkenburg, 2010) have consistently found a positive association between pornography use
and permissive sexual attitudes. For example, one study of Dutch adolescents aged 13 to 20 found that
exposure to online pornography was associated with more positive attitudes towards uncommitted sexual
exploration, such as sex with casual partners and one-night stands (Peter & Valkenburg, 2008). Similarly,
Braun-Courville and Rojas (2009) found pornography exposure among American adolescents to be
associated with recreational attitudes about sex, including positive attitudes towards having multiple
partners, one-night stands, and the belief that sex is purely physical. These findings are further supported
by Peter and Valkenburg’s (2010) longitudinal study, in which pornography use was associated with later
beliefs about sex being primarily a physical act, in which personal pleasure takes precedence over
relational aspects.

Cross-sectional surveys with adult samples have yielded similar findings, documenting an association
between pornography use and more permissive sexual attitudes (Carroll et al., 2008; Lam & Chan, 2007;
Omori et al., 2011; Weinberg, Williams, Kleiner, & Irizarry, 2010; Wright, 2013; Wright & Randall,
2012; Wright & Tokunaga, 2013). For example, Carroll et al. (2008) found that pornography use among
emerging adults was associated with greater acceptance of extramarital sex and casual sex. These findings
have been replicated in international samples, where consumption of pornography has also been
associated with more positive attitudes towards premarital and extramarital sex (Lam & Chan, 2007;
Omori et al., 2011). In addition, Weinberg and colleagues (2010) found a relation between pornography
use among college students and acceptance of nontraditional sexual acts, such as watching people engage
in sexual activity in-person, having sex with more than one person at a time, and anal sex. Further support
is also provided by a longitudinal study using a national sample of adults aged 18 to 89 (Wright, 2015). In
this study, pornography consumption assessed in 2008 predicted increased positive attitudes towards
premarital sex two years later (2010).

Gender Attitudes
In addition to general beliefs about sex, pornography consumption among adolescents has been linked to
gender-specific attitudes in both cross-sectional (Peter & Valkenburg, 2007; To et al., 2012) and
longitudinal studies (Brown & L’Engle, 2009; Peter & Valkenburg, 2009). Unlike mainstream sexualized
media, pornography’s focus is the illustration of behavior solely within a sexual context, and thus, several
studies have focused on viewer beliefs about the specific sexual roles men and women should occupy.
Findings from this line of research indicate a link between pornography consumption and the belief that
men are dominating sexual initiators (To et al., 2012), whereas women are sexual objects (Peter &
Valkenburg, 2007, 2009). However, longitudinal research conducted by Brown and L’Engle (2009)
suggests that effects on gender beliefs are not limited specifically to sexual roles. In their study, exposure
to pornography among middle school children predicted later endorsement of traditional gender roles
across a variety of domains (e.g., sports, emotions).

Similar relations between pornography use and gender beliefs have been found with adult samples. Cross-
sectional surveys of adult men indicate a positive association between pornography use and viewing
women as sexual objects (Omori et al., 2011; Wright & Tokunaga, 2013), acceptance of violence against
women (Malamuth, Hald, & Koss, 2012), and support of rape myths (Foubert, Brosi, & Bannon, 2011;
Peter & Valkenburg, 2011). In regards to gender beliefs not specific to sexual roles, several studies
indicate a relation between pornography consumption and traditional gender role beliefs (Hald,
Malamuth, & Lange, 2013; Wright & Bae, 2014), hostile sexism (Hald et al., 2013), and opposition to
affirmative action for women (Wright & Funk, 2014).

Behavioral Effects
A related line of research seeks to understand the behavioral associations of pornography consumption
and can be divided into three domains: sexual experiences, sexual risk, and sexual aggression. Sexual
experiences include the initiation, occurrence, and frequency of sexual behavior, such as vaginal
intercourse, anal sex, or oral sex. In turn, sexual risk encompasses a range of behaviors that may
contribute to adverse outcomes, such as having a high number of sexual partners, participating in casual
sex, and use (or misuse) of contraceptives and condoms.

Sexual Experiences
In contrast to research on sexual attitudes, studies published within the last 10 years that have focused on
sexual experiences are scarce. Among adolescents, one cross-sectional study by Luder et al. (2011) failed
to find a relation between pornography use and sexual debut. However, a separate longitudinal study did
indicate an increased likelihood of sexual initiation among pornography viewers (Vandenbosch &
Eggermont, 2012b). Conclusions from research examining the occurrence of specific sexual practices are
equally inconclusive. One cross-sectional study found an association between exposure to pornographic
websites and having engaged in anal sex (Braun-Courville & Rojas, 2009), whereas another found no
relation between pornography use and having greater experience with sexual practices (Mattebo, Tyden,
Haggstrom-Nordin, Nilsson, & Larsson, 2014). In contrast, Brown and L’Engle’s study (2009) found that
pornography use increased the likelihood of participation in oral sex and vaginal intercourse. Further
research with adolescent samples is needed to clarify these findings. Among adults, studies have
documented a relation between pornography use and earlier coital initiation (Morgan, 2011), more
frequent participation in sexual activity (Morgan, 2011), and more frequent participation in oral and anal
sex (Weinberg et al., 2010).

Sexual Risk
Concerns over sexually transmitted infections and unwanted pregnancy have lead to a focus on behaviors
that may contribute to adverse sexual outcomes. Such behaviors include participation in casual sex,
number of sexual partners, and use of contraception. Several cross-sectional studies have indicated a
relation between pornography use and self-reported participation in casual sex (Lo & Wei, 2005; Mattebo
et al., 2014), having multiple sexual partners (Braun-Courville & Rojas, 2009; Wingood et al., 2001), and
testing positive for chlamydia (Wingood et al., 2001). Studies examining the use of contraception provide
mixed findings. Luder et al. (2011) found a negative association between pornography use and the use of
a condom at most recent sexual intercourse, but only among adolescent boys. In a study of black
adolescent girls, Wingood et al. (2001) found that exposure to X-rated films was associated with being
more likely to hold negative attitudes towards condoms, not using contraception during last intercourse,
not using contraception in the past six months, and a stronger desire to become pregnant. In contrast,
Peter and Valkenburg (2011) and Braun-Courville and Rojas (2009) found no association between
pornography use and unprotected sex.

Among adults, pornography consumption has consistently been associated with participation in casual sex
(Haggstrom-Nordin, Hanson, & Tyden, 2005; Hald & Mulya, 2013; Morgan, 2011) and with having a
higher number of sexual partners (Carroll et al., 2008; Wright, 2013). Longitudinally, pornography
consumption has been associated with participation in casual sex two years later (Wright, 2012). Despite
significant and consistent findings with regards to casual sex and multiple partners, evidence regarding
contraceptive use has been inconsistent. In cross-sectional U.S. samples, pornography use among adults
has not been associated with failing to use condoms (Wright, 2013; Wright & Randall, 2012). However,
pornography use was a predictor of non-condom use among men from a longitudinal study of Dutch
adults (Peter & Valkenburg, 2011).

Sexual Aggression
Investigations into the relation between pornography use and sexual aggression have yielded consistent
results with adolescent and adult samples. However, the majority of these studies, including major meta-
analyses and reviews, were conducted before 2005 (e.g., Malamuth, Addison, & Koss, 2000). Since then,
cross-sectional studies have identified pornography as a correlate of perpetration of sexual violence
(Bonino et al., 2006) and sexual coercion (Seto et al., 2010) among adolescents. Longitudinally,
pornography use has been found to predict perpetration of sexual harassment among middle school
children (Brown & L’Engle, 2009). Recent findings from a longitudinal study conducted by Ybarra,
Mitchell, Hamburger, Diener-West, and Leaf (2011) found that adolescents who were exposed to violent
pornographic material were six times more likely to become sexually aggressive compared to those who
were not exposed. Paralleling patterns seen with adolescent samples, cross-sectional studies among adult
men have found pornography use to be associated with perpetration of sexual coercion (Bouffard, 2010;
Svedin, Åkerman, & Priebe, 2011).

Historiography
Nature of Sexual Media Content
Several large-scale analyses of television’s sexual content were conducted at the start of the new
millennium. Although these data provide a useful foundation, the analyses need to be updated, in light of
today’s current media market. These analyses did not focus heavily on reality programming, which has
proliferated in the past decade. Also, television content is no longer restricted to the major networks or to
live programming. First, studies are needed that focus on media content created for premium channels
like HBO and Showtime, for Netflix, and for Amazon Prime. Second, greater analysis is needed of the
nature of the sexual messages communicated. All sexual references or sexual content are not equivalent.
There are some data documenting the presence of the heterosexual script on some types of programming.
This work is excellent and needs to be updated to included current media content and extended to include
other cultural sexual scripts. Finally, study is needed on the nature of sexual content in other media
formats, such as feature films and music lyrics.

Effects of Mainstream Media on Sexual Attitudes

Research in this area has focused predominantly on the influence of a) traditional media forms, such as
television and music videos on b) white adolescents or emerging adults in Western contexts, using c)
cross-sectional surveys or laboratory experiments. Future research should aim to expand upon each of
these by examining the influence of new media technologies on sexual attitudes and norms; broadening
our understanding of sexual media influences on adults beyond their mid-twenties, those who do not
identify as white, and/or those who live in non-Western contexts; and employing longitudinal designs that
could track the influence of media on the development of sexual attitudes and norms over time.
Additionally, future research should work to identify the myriad moderators and mediators that increase
or decrease our susceptibility to sexual media effects (Valkenburg & Peter, 2013). Several such mediating
variables have been identified in the 3AM model (Wright, 2011), and work building on this model needs
to continue.

Effects of Mainstream Media on Sexual Behavior

Initially, research on media and sexual behavior was focused on determining whether or not any media
effects existed. Once it was established that media do influence sexual behaviors and intentions (including
sexual initiation, non-coital sexual activity, pregnancy, and risky sexual behaviors), focus shifted to
variables impacting the strength of these effects, specifically medium, genre, and demographic and
contextual factors shaping media exposure and engagement. Most recently, researchers have begun to
consider the changing media environment and its impact on viewer engagement, interpretation, and
internalization of media content. Methodologically, research in this area continues to rely on survey and
longitudinal data, although some experiments involving the manipulation of moderators have been
completed. In the future, research on the media’s influence on sexual behavior will need to address issues
related to the inclusion of non-white, non-heterosexual, non-U.S. populations, methodological challenges
related to establishing causality, and the shifting nature of the digital media landscape.

Effects of Pornography
A large number of studies within the last decade have examined connections between pornography
consumption and viewers’ sexual attitudes, gender attitudes, sexual risk behaviors, and sexual aggression.
However, research on viewers’ sexual experiences (e.g., sexual satisfaction, sexual practices) remains
limited. Additionally, a large portion of the adult literature has focused on men, specifically. Thus, further
research with samples of adult women is needed.

Research Summary
Sex in the media is one of the leading sex educators for young people today. Traditional media (e.g., TV,
movies, music) influence teens’ attitudes and beliefs about sex and gender, as well as sexual behavior and
health. More than 20 studies provide supporting evidence for this conclusion. A small number of recent
studies suggests that social media (both creating and viewing online content) may have similar effects.

As many as 15% have of youth have sent or received a “sext” (a graphic video, picture, or text of
themselves). Sexting may represent a normal variant of teen relationship development but carries risks of
personal communications being shared with others and is associated with other risk behaviors such as
sexual activity and substance use. Access to pornography and to more extreme pornographic content has
expanded as pornography has moved online, creating greater potential for unhealthy changes in exposed
youths’ sexual expectations and beliefs.
Much more research is needed, particularly studies of social media, mediating (process) and moderating
(protective) factors such as developmental stage, impact on minority youth, and identifying positive uses
of media to improve knowledge and reduce sexual risk. Studies should also track the type and amount of
sexual content in multiple media over time.

FAQs
How much of an influence does sex in the media actually have on young people?
Viewing sexual content is one of many risk factors in whether teens will begin having sexual intercourse
at a young age (and the younger they are, the less likely they are to use contraception). Many other factors
are involved as well–family factors, sex education, personality factors — but media can play a significant
role, making youth act, sexually, like they are older than their years.

Is exposure to sexual content more problematic in the digital age than it was previously?
Although there have been no formal studies of sexual content in mainstream media since 2005, it is likely
the answer to this is a resounding “yes.” Certainly, with all of the current devices available to most teens
(smartphones, iPads, etc.), it is far easier to access sexual content than ever before, and youth are now
also able to create sexual content, like sexts, that pose new risks.

Which teenagers are most affected by sexual media?

The answer to this question is important and at the moment is not well understood. Much more research is
needed. But it is clear that parents who co-view media content with their kids and discuss what they’re
viewing are much more likely to have teenagers who wait until they’re older to begin having sex.
Key Takeaways
Teenagers’ beliefs, attitudes, behavior and health can be influenced by sexual content in the media.
Digital media create the potential for greater access and participation and may thus expand both the
negative and positive potential of sexual media’s influence.
Sexting and pornography are important issues affecting teenagers and need to be more thoroughly
researched and dealt with by parents and by schools.
Guidelines for Parents
Ensure that the “sex education” provided by media is supplemented (and countered) by accurate
information regarding sexual health and healthy sexual relationships.
As often as possible, spend time using media with your children, co-viewing and also observing what
messages youth create, and commenting on what you see as appropriate or inappropriate, accurate or
inaccurate, sexual messages. Sharing media provides opportunities not only to counter unhealthy sexual
media but to open conversations about sex that parents sometimes find difficult to begin.
Seek out positive gender role models and healthy relationship examples in media to share with their
children and help them to avoid viewing sexual objectification and relationship game-playing as normal.
Discuss sexting and online pornography before children go online unsupervised and repeat discussions
regularly. Keep in mind that youth need to feel comfortable coming to you if they see something
inappropriate or are being pressured to participate in sexting.
Tools to help parents manage their children’s media use and the messages media contain and to discuss
media issues are available at commonsensemedia.org and

Media effects have been demonstrated for many aspects of social behavior, including
aggression, social stereotyping, prosocial behavior, and social attitudes. Effects of television
violence have been studied most extensively, and most social scientists agree that exposure
to violent television has a causal effect on aggressive behavior (cf. Comstock, 1991; Huston
et al., 1992). Although the effects of sexual content have received relatively little attention
from researchers, there are strong theoretical reasons to believe that media may play an
especially important role in the socialization of sexual knowledge, attitudes and behavior.
These were well summarized by Elizabeth Roberts (1982): “(1) the adult nature of most
programming children watch; (2) children’s limited access to or experience with countervailing
information or ideas; (3) the ‘realism’ with which roles, relationships, and lifestyles are
portrayed; and (4) the overwhelming consistency of the messages about sexuality that are
communicated” (Roberts, 1982, p. 209).
Each of these points is even more pertinent in 1998 than in 1982. Children watch a great
deal of adult programming, and there has been a steady increase in the frequency and
explicitness of sexual content on broadcast television. Young people have access to a much
wider range of video content as well as to other entertainment media than they did in the
early 1980s. Many of these portrayals show glamorous, young individuals with whom many
children and adolescents are likely to identify. Young people in this age range often name
media figures as the people whom they would like to emulate. Finally, the United States has
not moved very far toward providing sex education or other sources of sexual information for
young people, leaving them to get sexual information largely from peers and mass media.
In this section, we consider what is known about the role of sexual media content in
children’s and adolescents’ sexual development. First, we examine content analyses to
determine what is available to young viewers. Then we ask about how, when, and what kind
of media children and adolescents use. Finally, we consider the small body of information
about how television influences knowledge, schemas, attitudes, and behavior.
Content Analyses
Most content analyses have concentrated on entertainment television, particularly prime
time programming, soap operas, and music videos, but, in recent years, they have expanded
to other genres and other media, including talk shows, magazines, advertising, film/movies,
and news. Definitions of sexual content include verbal references to sexual activity,
innuendo, implied sexual activity, and visual presentation. For children and young
adolescents, the type of presentation is especially likely to be important because of their
limited or often incorrect knowledge about sex. With these caveats in mind, the results of
content analyses are consistent.
Prime Time Television
Over the last 20 years, references to heterosexual intercourse have increased and have
become much more explicit, but many of the “messages” have remained relatively
A Report to the Kaiser Family Foundation, May 1998 Page 7
unchanged. (1) Sexual behavior typically takes place between two adults who are not
married to each other (Greenberg et al., 1980; Lowry & Shidler, 1993; Sapolsky, 1982;
Sapolsky & Taberlet, 1991). (2) The potential consequences of sexual intercourse are rarely
addressed; pregnancy, contraception, and sexually transmitted diseases are generally absent
from character dialogue and portrayals (Kunkel, Cope, & Colvin, 1996; Lowry & Shidler,
1993; Lowry & Towles, 1989; Sapolsky & Taberlet, 1991). Talk about sex is more common
than physical depictions, and when instances of sexual intercourse occur, they are often
implied rather than being visually portrayed (Kunkel, et al., 1996).
In one content analysis, changes in the numbers and types of sexual behaviors (verbal,
implied, and physical) in prime time network TV programs were tracked from fall 1987 to fall
1991. The average of 10 instances of sexual behavior per hour reflected a decrease from
1987 in the least explicit content category (i.e., physical suggestiveness) and a substantial
increase in the rate of heterosexual intercourse. When prime time promos were included, the
rate of sexual behavior increased from 10 to at least 15 instances per hour. When messages
pertaining to sexual responsibility, STDs, or pregnancy were present, they often occurred in a
“joking” or humorous context (Lowry and Shidler, 1993). A few shows were exceptions. For
example, Beverly Hills 90210 occasionally incorporated messages of sexual responsibility as
part of an ongoing story line across a number of episodes.
Ward (1995) analyzed the 12 prime time programs that were most preferred by children
and adolescents in 1992-1993 (Fresh Prince of Bel Air, Blossom, Roseanne, Martin, The
Simpsons, Beverly Hills 90210, In Living Color, Full House, Hanging with Mr. Cooper, Home
Improvement, Step-By-Step, and Family Matters). Verbal references to sexual issues were
quite frequent, and there was a recreational orientation toward sex rather than a procreational
orientation. The importance of “physical attractiveness as an asset” was emphasized for both
males and females (Ward, 1995).
The “Family Hour” Report
Many programs that are viewed most widely by children and adolescents are aired during
the first hour of prime time, commonly known as the “Family Hour.” A Kaiser Family
Foundation study conducted by Kunkel, Cope, and Colvin (1996) examined the sexual
messages (both portrayals of and talk about sex) during the “Family Hour” in 1976, 1986, and
1996. Depictions of sexual content (both talk and behavior) increased over 20 years; by
1996, such content was found in ¾ of programs. Messages about STDs/AIDS, pregnancy,
and use of contraception were minimal, and, when they did occur, were relatively superficial.
The authors remind us that “socially responsible themes may have occurred in other
episodes of a series that did not happen to fall into the sampling period” (Kunkel, et al., 1996,
p.34).
Movies
Adolescents see movies in theaters, and the same movies are soon available on pay TV
channels and video tape. Many of these movies are “R-rated.” They contain more frequent
and more explicit portrayals of sexual behavior than broadcast TV – an average of 17.5 per
film in one analysis (Greenberg, Siemicki, Dorfman, Heeter, Stanley, Soderman, &
Linsangan, 1993). Like TV, the most frequent sexual activity shown is unmarried sexual
intercourse. Sex is often in the context of profanity, alcohol and drug use, and nudity.
Page 8 A Report to the Kaiser Family Foundation, May 1998
Soap Operas
Soaps have been a consistent staple in broadcast entertainment. In two Kaiser Family
Foundation studies, sexual content on daytime soap operas in the 90’s was analyzed
(Greenberg & Busselle, 1994; Heintz-Knowles, 1996). The viewing audience is large, and
specific subgroups are regular viewers (i.e., adolescent females, non-whites, women, people
with low levels of education and income) (Greenberg & Rampoldi, 1994). Several types of
behavior consistently reappear, with unmarried sexual intercourse as the most frequent.
Long, passionate kissing is common (Greenberg & Busselle, 1994). Prostitution, rape,
petting, and homosexuality are typically quite low in frequency. When comparing 1985 and
1994 soaps of the same titles, Greenberg and Busselle (1994) noted that a long running story
line about date-rape increased the frequency and incidence in the rape content category. A
focus on specific topics within story lines (e.g., rape) should be considered when making
general statements about the increase or decrease of particular types of sexual content
within a genre over time. In a study of soap operas in 1996, sexual activity was three times
as likely to be visually depicted as discussed, as opposed to 1994, where sexual behaviors
were twice as likely to be talked about as shown (Heintz-Knowles, 1996). Approximately one
out of every ten sexual behaviors involved planning for sexual activity, a discussion about
“safer sex,” or possible consequences of sexual activity (Heintz-Knowles, 1996).
Although discussions and portrayals of safe sex and contraception continue to be
infrequent, there was some increase in references to “taking sexual precautions,” and more
focus on pregnancy, both wanted and unwanted, than in previous years. Characters talk
about pregnancy, often in a positive way, but there is little portrayal of the consequences of
pregnancy or the realities of raising an infant (Greenberg & Busselle, 1996).
Music Videos
Channels specializing in music videos such as Music Television (MTV), Video-Hits One
(VH-1), Black Entertainment Television (BET), and Country Music Television (CMT) target
preadolescent, adolescent and young adult audiences. Music videos may be especially
influential sources of sexual information for adolescents because they combine visuals of
popular musicians with the music; many of these visual elements are implicitly or explicitly
sexual (Brown & Steele, 1995). Videos frequently combine sexuality with violence or
aggression (Baxter et al., 1985; Sherman & Dominick, 1986), and with objectification and sexrole
stereotyping (Seidman, 1992; Sommers-Flanagan, Sommers-Flanagan, & Davis, 1993).
Visual presentations of sexual intimacy appeared in more than 75 percent of a sample of
“concept” videos; 81% of those that contained violence also portrayed sexual imagery
(Sherman and Dominick, 1986). In a sample of MTV videos, females wore revealing clothing
and initiated and received sexual advances more often than did males (Seidman, 1992). The
lyrics and visual content used in videos vary widely depending on their genre (Tapper,
Thorson, and Black, 1994). Rap music is particularly explicit about both sex and violence
(Brown & Steele, 1995), and MTV frequently shows combinations of aggression, sex-role
stereotypes, and sexual imagery. Country music videos (CMT) also use sexual images, but
common themes include break-ups/divorce, dating, and romantic love.
A Report to the Kaiser Family Foundation, May 1998 Page 9
Magazines
Many teens, especially teen girls, rely on magazines as a source of information about
sex, birth control and STDs (Kaiser Family Foundation, 1996). In a study of women’s, men’s,
teen and other specialty magazines commissioned by the Kaiser Family Foundation (WalshChilders,
1997), teen magazines devoted an average of 2 ½ pages per issue to sexual
issues, with an average of 1 page devoted to sexual health coverage, and 1 ½ pages
devoted to other sexual topics. Of all articles devoted to sexual issues in teen magazines,
about 42% focused on a sexual health issue. The author did note that though teen
magazines devote significant attention to unintended pregnancy and sexually transmitted
diseases, much of the coverage is in the form of advice columns, and that teens could benefit
from more in-depth articles on these topics. Teen magazine articles discussing other sexual
topics (non-health related) mainly focused on decision-making about becoming sexually
active. Magazines incorporate a substantial amount of information about sexual issues into
their articles, and are an important source of information for young readers.
Content may be available in many venues, but its effects on children and adolescents
depend, of course, on whether and why they use it. Even young children are not simply
passive recipients of the media in their environment. They choose what to use, what to
attend to, and what to ignore or avoid. They use media for many purposes – entertainment,
information, stimulation, relief from boredom, and emotional arousal, to name only a few. We
turn now to what we know about how young people use mass media.