Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt

A Captivating Guide to the Period of Reunification

and the Egyptian Pharaohs Who Ruled
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Table of Contents
Introduction
Chapter 1 – The Eleventh Dynasty
Chapter 2 – The Twelfth Dynasty
Chapter 3 – The Thirteenth Dynasty
Chapter 4 – Political Change in the Middle Kingdom
Chapter 5 – The Life in the Middle Kingdom
Conclusion
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References
Introduction
The Middle Kingdom is a term devised by modern scholars in order to
designate the period of Egyptian history from 2055 BCE to 1650 BCE. It
was a period that saw the political unity of Upper and Lower Egypt, and it
developed in two phases: the Eleventh Dynasty, with its capital in Thebes,
and the Twelfth Dynasty, which ruled from Lisht in the Faiyum.
But recent studies claim that the Middle Kingdom didn’t end with the
Twelfth Dynasty and that at least the first half of the Thirteenth Dynasty
should be considered as being a part of it. This is because there was no
clear political or cultural decline during the time of the first pharaohs of
the Thirteenth Dynasty. Even the capital didn’t change, nor the type of
government. The only difference between the two dynasties was that the
Thirteenth wasn’t as obsessed with monument building as the Twelfth
Dynasty. But this could be simply a shift in the way of thinking, not
necessarily a decline.
The simplest way to study the history of the Middle Kingdom is to track
the succession of the pharaohs and note their achievements. After all, it
was the rulers of Egypt who set the political and cultural direction of the
kingdom. However, the political unity that was achieved during the Middle
Kingdom can only be understood by knowing what preceded it. The period
between 2181 and 2055 BCE is known as the First Intermediate Period.
This was a dark period of ancient Egypt, not only because of the lack of
evidence and monuments but also because the political power was divided
between two competing dynasties. Each of them had its power base, one in
Lower Egypt in Heracleopolis and the second one in Upper Egypt’s
Thebes. The power struggle between the rulers often resulted in violent
conflict, looting of temples, vandalization of art, and pillaging of various
settlements. At the time, it was very common to destroy the statues and
written evidence of one’s political enemies to reduce their influence.
Perhaps this is why there are no or very few art pieces and monuments to
be found from this period.
Chapter 1 – The Eleventh Dynasty

Mentuhotep II, a relief from his mortuary temple

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mentuhotep_II#/media/File:MentuhotepII.jpg
The First Intermediate Period ended when Theban Pharaoh Mentuhotep II
(r. 2060–2009 BCE) managed to raise an army and conquer his counterpart
in the north. Mentuhotep II united Egypt, and this event marks the
beginning of the Middle Kingdom. He was probably the successor to Intef
III, who was the first ruler of the Eleventh Dynasty to successfully extend
his kingdom at the expense of the Tenth Dynasty’s territory to the north.
Both Intef III and his son Mentuhotep II ruled from Thebes, and it seems
that the son only continued the father’s plans to conquer Lower Egypt. His
success in the political reunification of Egypt was celebrated even by his
contemporaries. Various scriptures were found, dated up until the
Twentieth Dynasty, that celebrate Mentuhotep’s achievement. The second
part of his rule was when excessive building projects started all throughout
Egypt, and the fact that various forms of art bloomed during this period
only confirms that the peace had been restored. Unfortunately, the
Eleventh Dynasty enjoyed its rule over the Middle Kingdom for a very
short time. Only nineteen years after Mentuhotep’s death, the dynasty met
its end.
Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II
On the cliffs at Wadi Shatt el-Rigal, there is a relief that depicts a
monumental figure of Mentuhotep II hovering above three other figures.
One of them was his mother, while the second one is Intef III, which
suggests family connections with the previous pharaoh. The third figure is
Khety, a chancellor who served under both rulers. Another relief, found at
the site of Tod (el-Tod), depicts Mentuhotep II towering over three kings
lined behind him, all named Intef. This relief probably depicts
Mentuhotep’s lengthy royal lineage as the direct descendant of previous
rulers. But his insistence on showing off his lineage might mean that he
wasn’t a legitimate son of Intef III, with the reliefs being used as a way to
confirm his right to rule. Another possibility is that Mentuhotep had to
counterbalance the claims of the Tenth Dynasty, his political enemies in
the north, who also displayed their right to rule, as they were the members
of the House of Khety.
The power struggle between Lower and Upper Egypt was in full swing
when Mentuhotep II succeeded the Theban throne, but it seems he ruled in
relative peace during the first fourteen years. But then, a civil war erupted
as a consequence of this power struggle between Heracleopolis and
Thebes, a conflict we know very little about today. We can only conclude
how savage it was based on the evidence found in the so-called Tomb of
the Warriors at Deir el-Bahri. There, the bodies of sixty soldiers, who were
obviously killed in a battle, were laid together and preserved by
dehydration. Even though the bodies were not embalmed, these soldiers
represent the best-preserved of all the bodies found and dated to the
Middle Kingdom. They were buried within sight of the royal burial place,
where Mentuhotep II was laid to rest. This can only mean that the soldiers
died in an important battle and were honored as heroes. It is even possible
they fought in the decisive battle against Heracleopolis.
The ruler of Heracleopolis, Merykara, died before Mentuhotep reached his
capital. It is believed that Lower Egypt’s resistance collapsed with the
death of their pharaoh. After his victory, Mentuhotep had the opportunity
to unite Egypt, which he did. We don’t know if the unification was
immediate or if it happened over several years. There is some scattered
evidence that there was more fighting after Mentuhotep’s victory and that
some kind of resistance survived for several years after the unification.
The common people were buried with weapons during this period, and
even the state officials were depicted in reliefs with weapons instead of
with official regalia. But slowly, peace and prosperity took over, and the
need for weapons diminished.
Mentuhotep didn’t war only with Lower Egypt to the north. There is
evidence he also deployed his troops southward to Nubia. Evidence of an
Egyptian garrison in Wawat (Lower Nubia) was found, as well as in
Elephantine, a fortress from which the troops could easily attack the
Nubian border. Mentuhotep managed to take over only the parts of Nubia
where some local rulers still held power.
Mentuhotep needed to improve his reputation within the newly conquered
territories. Aside from emphasizing his lineage, the pharaoh had to run a
program of self-deification. On stelae mentioning him, he is depicted as
the son of Hathor, the solar goddess consort of both Horus and Ra. She
was the symbolic divine mother of the kings on earth. Mentuhotep was
also often depicted wearing the headgear of Amun (god of air) and Min
(fertility god). Mentuhotep had several throne names, of which two—
Nebhepetre (the lord of the rudder Ra) and Netjeryhedjet (the divine one of
the white crown)—emphasize his divine origins. He changed his throne
name several times during his reign, which speaks of a political watershed.
His last assumed throne name was Sematawy (the one who unites two
lands), and it clearly shows the importance of his conquest.
Thebes wasn’t a particularly prominent Egyptian city until Mentuhotep’s
rule, but its geographical position made it a good place from which rulers
could assert control over regional governors. Most of the officials
Mentuhotep employed in Thebes were locals. Among them was vizier
(chancellor) Khety, who conducted the military campaigns in Nubia, while
vizier Meru controlled, in the pharaoh’s name, the Eastern Desert and its
oases.
The office of “governor of Upper Egypt” already existed, and with the
conquest of the north, another one was created called the “governor of
Lower Egypt.” Both offices served to strengthen the central government
and increase the pharaoh’s control over his officials. Local nomarchs
(governors) still existed, and although they enjoyed vast autonomy during
the First Intermediate Period, their power was now curtailed by the king.
Mentuhotep probably reduced the number of nomarchs, with those who
supported the Heracleopolitan cause falling from power. Although those
nomarchs who helped Thebes’s army during the conquest of the north
were rewarded and allowed to keep their positions, they were now
monitored by the royal officials who traveled around Egypt periodically.
Aside from conquering Lower Egypt and parts of Nubia, Mentuhotep
launched numerous building projects across his kingdom. The farthest
building assigned to the period of his rule was found in the eastern Nile
Delta, near the village of Qantir. A temple was discovered there, and its
architecture corresponds to the one of Mentuhotep’s mortuary complex at
Deir el-Bahri. However, it is hard to date this temple properly, and we can
only guess who built it. Most of Mentuhotep’s buildings were found in
Upper Egypt in sites such as Gebelein, Dendera, el-Tod, Abydos, Armant,
Karnak, and Aswan. They were all at least partially destroyed, and little
evidence exists that testifies about the increased prosperity during his
reign.
Throughout the Middle Kingdom, the royal cemeteries evolved their
architecture, space, and structure. This constant change seems to mean the
pharaohs of this period were in search of a spiritual solution for a perfect
tomb. Of all of the buildings assigned to Mentuhotep, his mortuary
monument is by far the most impressive. Although little of it remains
today, the temple design is unique because neither of his successors
completed their tombs. The Twelfth Dynasty’s rulers didn’t follow the
architecture of Mentuhotep’s period but chose to follow the one
established during the Old Kingdom (2686–2181 BCE). But the most
important innovation Mentuhotep introduced to temple building wasn’t the
architecture. It was religious. The new beginning of the kingdom was
epitomized by the symbol of the reunification of Egypt through Osirian
beliefs. The dead king was identified as Osiris, who was the god of death
and also resurrection, signifying a new life—a new beginning—awaited.
Mentuhotep altered the traditional architecture of the saff-tomb of the
previous Theban rulers. He abandoned the once-popular concept of
pyramids and built a temple that resembles the New Kingdom’s “mansions
[or temples or houses] of millions of years.” The most significant
innovation was the use of terraces, as well as veranda-like walkways. The
design incorporated little gardens planted in front of the temple. The
gardens were carved into the rock, which was then filled with fertile soil.
The edifice was built on the upper terrace, which was approachable by an
unroofed causeway. The main construction was of an unknown shape, but
it was most likely square covered by a hill. The complex included the
tombs of Mentuhotep’s wives, Queens Neferu and Tem. Neferu was buried
in a separate tomb carved in the wall of the forecourt. Tem was buried in a
dromos tomb (passageway tomb) in the back of Mentuhotep’s temple.
Behind the central edifice, six more tombs were found, all belonging to
women. Four of the six tombs were designated as “royal-wife.” In most of
them, figurines representing the bodies of the deceased were found. These
were the shabti figures, which were supposed to serve the deceased in the
afterlife. All of the six women buried here were of lower status than
Neferu and Tem and were much younger. The eldest woman is believed to
have been only twenty-two at the time of burial and the youngest only five.
They were not all wives of Mentuhotep. It is possible they were the
daughters of royal officials who needed to be kept in check. Most of them
were also named the priestesses of Hathor, so it is likely that they
represented the royal cult of Hathor. All of the women seem to have died
at the same time. It is believed they died of some disease that they spread
to each other, but another possibility is that they all died in some kind of a
disaster that involved the cult of Hathor.
Mentuhotep III and Mentuhotep IV
Another energetic builder was Sankhkara Mentuhotep III (r. 2009–1997
BCE), who was the son of Mentuhotep II and Queen Tem. His tomb was
discovered by the same Hungarian archaeology team that discovered the
Coptic sanctuary at Thoth Hill in 1997. Mentuhotep III’s reign was
characterized by many architectural innovations, such as the triple
sanctuary at the Medinet Habu site, which was later used by the Eighteenth
Dynasty for the temples to family triads. Mentuhotep III also built a
temple on the highest point of the “hill of Thoth,” which overlooks the
Valley of the Kings. The brick remains of his temple there indicate another
triple shrine, as well as the earliest use of temple pylons.
The art preserved in the building projects of Mentuhotep III is equally
innovative. It is believed that the relief reached its Middle Kingdom peak
during his rule due to the extremely fine carving of the stone. The depth of
space was achieved by carving only a few millimeters into the stone. The
portraits were subtle, but the clothing was detailed, making the reliefs of
the period far superior to those of Mentuhotep II.
Mentuhotep III was the first Middle Kingdom ruler to send an expedition
to the mysterious land of Punt, which is believed to have been somewhere
in East Africa. There, the Egyptian king obtained incense and wood
specific to the region. But this journey was performed more often by
representatives of the later Twelfth Dynasty. Mentuhotep’s expedition was
led by an official named Henenu, and he traveled to Punt via Wadi
Hammamat. This means that shipbuilding was necessary for the journey
on the Red Sea.
After Mentuhotep III died, it is likely that Nebtawyra Mentuhotep IV
ruled. He is believed to be the usurper of the Theban throne since he is not
mentioned in the king lists. He might have been another son of
Mentuhotep II since he shares his name. His mother was a commoner, and
her only title was the “king’s mother,” which was later assigned to her.
Aside from these speculations, little is known of Mentuhotep IV and his
reign. There is an inscription in the Hatnub quarry that suggests an
uprising of the nomarchs. It is also known that he sent an expedition to
Wadi Hammamat, which was perhaps the most important event of his rule.
It was a quarrying expedition led by vizier Amenemhat, who ordered a
carving of an inscription to record two extraordinary events his party had
witnessed. The first event was a gazelle giving birth to her calf right on top
of the stone that was chosen for the pharaoh’s sarcophagus. The second
event was a tremendous storm that uncovered a deep well filled with
water. The terrain there is particularly barren, so a well would surely have
been seen as a miracle.
It is possible that this vizier Amenemhat later became the first king of the
Twelfth Dynasty. He held the highest office in the kingdom, and it is
possible he succeeded Mentuhotep IV, who was either a weak king or had
no male heir to inherit the throne. If the throne were to become vacant,
then a vizier would have the right to occupy it.
Chapter 2 – The Twelfth Dynasty

Senusret I, a statue in the Cairo Museum

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Senusret_I#/media/File:Statue_Senusret_I_Petrie.jpg
Some scholars believe that the Middle Kingdom begins with the Twelfth
Dynasty. Perhaps they think so because of the greater sophistication this
dynasty possessed compared to the Eleventh Dynasty. Nevertheless, it is
considered that the Twelfth Dynasty was the peak of the Middle Kingdom
due to the general prosperity and political stability of Egypt at the time.
There are many monuments and inscriptions preserved from the 213 years
during which this dynasty ruled, so the order in which the pharaohs ruled
is well known. The inscriptions found at the temples of Abydos and
Saqqara provide the lists of kings.
Amenemhat I
Amenemhat I was the first pharaoh of the Twelfth Dynasty. He was the
son of Senusret and his wife, Nefret. They were not members of the royal
family, and their names would only become very popular among kings and
their wives and children later during the Twelfth Dynasty. Amenemhat I
might have been the vizier of the previous king, as mentioned above, and
the miracles he described on the top of the pharaoh’s sarcophagus were
probably meant to popularize his political standing among the people of
Egypt. His contemporaries probably thought that Amenemhat was favored
by the gods. There was also a text that was composed during the beginning
of Amenemhat’s rule, the Prophecy of Neferti. The text describes a set of
problems Egypt would face before the emergence of a strong king who
would be able to bring peace and prosperity. The text was written by
someone named Neferyt, but modern scholars have difficulties deciding
whether the writing was a novel, political piece, or religious. The text
describes the fictional court of King Snefru of the Old Kingdom and how a
prophet was invited to entertain the king. The prophet speaks about the
downfall of the Egyptian civilization, a country torn by civil war, and the
rise of a great king named “Ameny” who would be able to banish all of
Egypt’s enemies and bring peace once again.
Today, it is believed that Ameny was meant to be Amenemhat I and that
the text was supposed to improve his standing with the people through the
mention of divine intervention. The king was given a supernatural status.
The Prophecy has two references that can be easily connected to
Amenemhat’s achievements. One sentence says that the Asiatics would
fall to his sword; the first military expeditions Egypt sent to the Near East
were, indeed, during Amenemhat’s rule. The second reference is the
building of the Walls of the Ruler. This is a structure Amenemhat built
across the eastern approach to Egypt in Lower Egypt.
One of Amenemhat’s most significant achievements was the movement of
the capital from Thebes to the new city of Amenemhat-itj-tawy
(“Amenemhat, the seizer of the two worlds”). This city is also referred to
as Itjtawy for short. It is still undiscovered, but we know it is somewhere
in the Faiyum region, maybe even near the Lisht necropolis. The name of
the city implies that Amenemhat had to resort to violence to begin his
reign. It is also unknown when the pharaoh moved his capital. Some
scholars believe it was during the early years of his reign, while others
believe it happened later, perhaps during the twentieth year of his rule.
There are several monuments in Thebes constructed by Amenemhat I, so it
is likely he spent at least some time in the old capital. But the last burial in
Thebes was that of Meketra, one of the pharaoh’s high officials. He was
buried during the early years of Amenemhat’s rule, which would suggest
that the capital was moved long before his twentieth year on the throne. On
the other hand, the construction of the Lisht pyramid complex, where
Amenemhat’s burial place is, happened during the first year of Senusret I’s
rule (Amenemhat I’s successor). This implies that the movement of the
capital occurred much later. Either way, the precise date of the foundation
of the new capital remains debatable.
Amenemhat I probably chose the new capital because of its geographic
location. It was easier to launch military campaigns to Asia from the
Faiyum region than from Thebes. It also might have been a political move
since the foundation of a new capital would be a clear sign of a new
beginning. The high officials all moved with the pharaoh to Itjtawy, as the
pharaoh must have feared they would establish their own power bases.
The new beginning was also symbolized in Amenemhat’s second Horus
name of Wehemmesu (the repeating of births). From its beginning, the
Twelfth Dynasty looked up to the Old Kingdom. They built pyramids for
the kings’ tombs, copied the old artistic style of decoration, and promoted
the cult of the ruler. They also returned to a more centralized government
and bureaucracy. The king and the royal family culminated their material
wealth, which can be seen in the many jewelry caches buried with the
members of the Twelfth Dynasty. These changes came as a result of the
rising living standards for the middle class of ancient Egypt.
Amenemhat I used his army first against the Asiatics in the Nile Delta, but
the scale of these operations remains unknown. He strengthened this
region with the construction of the Walls of the Ruler, a series of
fortifications that was described in two literary pieces of ancient Egypt: the
already mentioned Prophecy of Neferti and the Story of Sinuhe.
Unfortunately, no evidence of fortresses was ever found in this region, but
there are remains of a canal that can be dated to this period. Fortresses in
other regions were built during Amenemhat’s reign, such as the fort at
Mendes and the outposts of Semna and Quban in Nubia.
In the south, Amenemhat and his armies pushed Egypt’s frontier to
Elephantine, but they made no other efforts, at least until the twenty-ninth
year of his reign. By this time, the policy toward Nubia changed from
sporadic trade and mining ventures to outright conquest and colonization.
The main principle behind the conquest was the need for raw materials,
especially gold. There is a scripture at the site of Korosko in Lower Nubia
that states how the region of Wawat was defeated by Amenemhat in the
twenty-ninth year of his reign. The next year, Amenemhat sent his army to
fight the Libyans, with the king’s son Senusret acting as the main
commander. By the time this campaign ended, Amenemhat I was dead.
Senusret I
According to Manetho, a priest of Ptolemaic Egypt who recorded the
history of his country, there was a conspiracy at the end of Amenemhat’s
reign. A short Egyptian poem named “The Teaching of Amenemhat I” also
describes a conspiracy that ended the life of the pharaoh. Thus, it is safe to
conclude that Amenemhat was murdered. One of the texts from Senusret’s
time describes a conversation between Senusret and his dead father, in
which Amenemhat describes his assassination. The text mentions that it
was the pharaoh’s personal bodyguard who killed him while Amenemhat
was asleep, one hour after he had supper. The text was probably written to
support Senusret’s claim to the throne and to justify his revenge upon his
political opponents.
Senusret I ruled for forty-five years; according to the king lists, he ruled
between 1971 and 1926 BCE, although a text from Amada (in Nubia)
states he had a reign of forty-four years. However, modern scholars
believe that Senusret I only ruled thirty-five years as a sole ruler, as he had
spent ten years co-ruling with his father.
In the tenth year of his reign, Senusret sent an expedition to Nubia. Eight
years later, he dispatched another army to the far southern reaches of the
Second Cataract of Nile. His main general was Mentuhotep, who ventured
even farther south but could not conquer the territory. Buhen became the
new southern border of Egypt, and the event was celebrated with a victory
stela Senusret erected within a fortress. Lower Nubia thus became a
province of Egypt. Upper Nubia (the Kingdom of Kush) continued to be
exploited for its gold reserves, as well as for its copper, turquoise, and
amethyst. In the north, trade caravans started traveling between Egypt and
Syria, and they exchanged cedar and ivory for Egyptian gold, jewelry, and
other goods. These prolific expeditions to Asia and Nubia only show the
extent of the Twelfth Dynasty’s foreign policies.
During Senusret I’s reign, many quarry expeditions were sent to Wadi
Hammamat, Sinai, Hatnub, and Wadi el-Hudi, where he extracted rock for
his building projects. It is estimated that just one of the expeditions was
able to extract enough stone to build 60 sphinxes and 150 statues. And
Senusret built a lot. His monuments can be found from the border with the
Kingdom of Kush to the south to Heliopolis and Tanis in the north. His
mortuary temple had an enormous collection of statues, and they are now
stored in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. Unfortunately, few of his statues
survived in their original appearance because many later kings remodeled
and used them as their own. Senusret founded the temple of Ipet-Sut
(Karnak) in Thebes, and he remodeled the temple of Khenti-Amentiu at
Abydos.
Senusret was the first Egyptian king to introduce a construction program.
The monuments were set up in all the important cult centers throughout the
land. By doing this, the pharaoh undermined the local power bases of the
temples and priests. However, few of these statues survived the sands of
time. Royal officials also erected many monuments, stelae, and shrines
across Egypt, mainly in Abydos, as they were influenced by Senusret’s
initiative. This was the beginning of a practice that would become the
norm for all prominent Egyptian men in both the Middle and New
Kingdoms.
During Senusret’s reign, the cult of Osiris received special attention and
bloomed across all of Egypt. Historians today refer to this occurrence as
the democratization of the afterlife, as Osiris was a deity strongly
connected to death and rebirth.
Amenemhat II
Amenemhat II succeeded his father, Senusret I, and ruled from 1914 BCE
to 1879/6 BCE. The dates are unclear, as there is a possibility that
Amenemhat II ruled together with his father for some time, although the
concept of co-ruling during the Twelfth Dynasty is still debated.
Nevertheless, it is believed he ruled for thirty-five years. There is not much
known about this king except that his mother was Neferu III. However, his
father’s name has not been found, so it is only assumed that he was
Senusret’s son. No evidence that disputes the peaceful transition of rule
were ever found, and there is even a text that mentions Prince Ameny,
which is believed to be none other than Amenemhat II.
The most important source of Amenemhat’s reign is the text of the so-
called Annals of Amenemhat II. The fragmented inscription mentions
Senusret I, but it was written during his son’s reign. The annals give a very
detailed description of the king’s activities, such as donations to various
temples, the building of monuments, military and trade expedition reports,
hunting, and court life. It appears that the trade with Asia continued
through the Syrian port of Byblos. Much written evidence was found there
that uses the Egyptian counting system and Egyptian royal titles. In
addition, the Annals of Amenemhat II mention Tunip, a northern Syrian
city, as Egypt’s trading partner.
However, it seems that other contacts between Egypt and Asiatic
territories were not so peaceful. The annals mention a small Egyptian
military party that entered Bedouin land, probably in Sinai, to raid it. Two
more similar expeditions were described, and the victims were mentioned
as Aamu, an Egyptian name for western Asiatic people. It is said that
1,554 of them were captured and taken to Egypt as prisoners. These
prisoners may well explain the large number of Asiatic slaves working in
the houses of Thebes.
In a tomb of a local nomarch named Amenemhat, who was buried in Beni
Hasan, a series of biographical drawings were discovered that depict an
expedition to the south in the Kingdom of Kush, as well as to the east in
the Kingdom of Punt. The expeditions were led by a royal official named
Khentykhetaywer during the twenty-eighth year of Amenemhat’s rule.
However, it seems that Amenemhat II didn’t build as excessively as his
predecessor, though this might be an impression caused by later
plundering. His pyramid complex, the White Pyramid at Dahshur, is
unique because it is set on a platform. But this particular pyramid has not
yet been thoroughly examined, and we can only say with certainty that the
king’s daughters were buried in the forecourt while a queen named
Keminebu was buried within the complex. It was long believed that
Keminebu was the wife of Amenemhat II, but recently it was proven she
was a Thirteenth Dynasty queen.
Senusret II
Amenemhat II was succeeded by his son, Senusret II, but not before they
had a five-year-long co-regency. Thus, Senusret ruled from 1897 until
1878 BCE, which gives him around fifteen years of sole rule. During his
time, Egypt enjoyed a period of peace and prosperity. The trade with the
Near East was very profitable, and there is no evidence of military
campaigns within the kingdom. Nevertheless, Senusret II had an
achievement of his own for which to be remembered. He inaugurated the
Faiyum irrigation system, which had a dyke and canals connecting the
region with the waterway at Bahr Yusef. The canals would collect the
excess water from the waterway that would end up in Lake Moeris. The
result was the evaporation of the water at the edges of the lake, which
extended the amount of arable land. This was a very elaborate and
farsighted plan. A similar system was set up in the Copaic Basin of
Boeotia in Greece circa 1900 to 1600 BCE.
Only a small number of statues that belonged to Senusret II have been
found. Two of them were later used by Rameses II. They are distinctive,
with wide shoulders, high cheekbones, and very small mouths. It is
believed that the statues of Senusret II started resembling his actual
portrait, unlike the bland statues of his predecessors. It was the custom
among wealthy Egyptians to follow the style set by the ruler, which is why
many individual statues dating to this period, all with very vivid personal
traits, have been found. Senusret II’s reign could be regarded as the first
phase of human portraiture in the history of Egyptian art.
But even more famous than the statues of Senusret II are granite statues of
Queen Nefret, of which two are kept in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo.
They are very large and highly polished, and they depict a royal woman.
However, her position in the court is not certain. She is designated as a
queen by modern scholars, but there is no evidence she actually was one.
Nefret wasn’t a “royal wife,” but she did hold the titles customarily given
to queens. Perhaps she was a wife of Senusret before he ascended the
throne, or perhaps she was his sister. The remains of Senusret’s chief wife
were later discovered in the pyramid of their son, Senusret III. Her name
was Khnumetneferhedjetweret, and she was buried with only a few
jewelry pieces.
Senusret’s burial complex is at Lahun (el-Lahun), and his pyramid is a
massive structure made out of mud bricks and a core made out of rock.
Trees were planted at the southern end of the complex, where the entrance
stands. There is also a satellite pyramid, where it is believed female
members of the royal family were buried. However, their burials might
have been only symbolic as no bodies have yet been discovered, only
tombs. In the southern end of the main pyramid, a shaft tomb was
discovered, and in it, archaeologists found jewelry that is considered to be
of the best craftsmanship of all Egyptian jewelry ever made.
Senusret III
Senusret III had an unusually long reign, ruling from 1878 BCE to 1839
BCE. There is no evidence that he co-ruled with his father, but that could
be an explanation for his long reign. Senusret III is probably the best-
known pharaoh of the Twelfth Dynasty, as his exploits gathered renown
over time. The character of “Sesostris,” which was based on Senusret III,
was built by both Manetho and Herodotus. Sesostris is a composite heroic
ruler of the Middle Kingdom who allegedly led his armies to Europe,
where they fought the Scythians and Thracians. Manetho does admit that
Sesostris was a pharaoh who ruled at the same time as Senusret III, and it
is now believed that his name is a corruption of Senusret. It remains a
mystery if the Egyptians ever attacked Europe, though the Colchians
(Colchis was a Greek name for modern-day Georgia on the shores of the
Black Sea) were believed to be colonists from Egypt.
Senusret III campaigned in Nubia during his sixth, eighth, tenth, and
sixteenth regnal years. The campaigns were very brutal, with Nubian men
being massacred and women and children being taken as slaves. Some
texts describe how Nubian fields were burned and how the wells were
poisoned to speed up the conquest. Once peace arrived, the Egyptians
mined and traded in Nubia again, although under different conditions.
Senusret erected victory stelae in his eighth and sixteenth regnal years,
through which he reminded the people of Nubia of the punishment they
must endure. The stelae were found at the fortresses of Semna and
Uronarti, located on the southern Egyptian border. The border itself was
reinforced by special guards who were placed at these huge fortresses. The
stela erected in the eighth regnal year specifies that no Nubian was allowed
to take his herd or a boat north of the border.
The need to reinforce the border and to erect fortifications only
emphasizes the unsettled nature of the Egyptian conquest of Nubia. But the
fortresses had a double role to play. They not only were there to defend the
border but also served as trade outposts. Some were even used as supply
depots for the campaigns launched in Upper Nubia. The communication
between the fortresses was well developed, which can be seen in the series
of letters sent from Semna to Thebes during the Thirteenth Dynasty. The
letters were sent from the fortresses to the capital so that the king could
have direct control over the frontier of his realm.
Senusret’s final campaign in Nubia came in his nineteenth regnal year. It
was a very long campaign without a particularly successful end. The
waters of the Nile dropped significantly, making the travel across very
dangerous, so the king decided to retreat. Senusret III also undertook one
campaign in Palestine, where he fought the Aamu, just like Amenemhat II.
By this date, there was a large number of Asiatics in Egypt. Some of them
were war prisoners, but there is evidence suggesting that they were also
sold into slavery by their fellow Asiatic people.
However, the war wasn’t the only achievement of Senusret III. He is
accredited with the political reorganization of his kingdom and the
destruction of the system of nomarchs. However, it should be noted there
is no firm evidence to support this theory. He did try to pull Egypt into a
more centralized form of government, with Egypt’s political and social life
concentrated heavily around the capital.
Senusret’s tomb is located at Dahshur, near Amenemhat II’s resting place.
The tombs for his family members were built next to his, but they were not
buried in them. Instead, their bodies were found lying underground in
galleries divided into two levels, one for queens and the other for
daughters. It also seems that the king’s chamber and his sarcophagus were
not used. This might have been because there was a second tomb complex
in Abydos built for Senusret III. There, the cult of the king was celebrated
for over two centuries, and it is possible he was buried there, although no
remains have been found yet.
Amenemhat III
Amenemhat III was the only known son of Senusret III, and he ruled from
1860 until 1814 BCE. His reign was long and very peaceful, and it is
believed that it was during his time that the Middle Kingdom reached its
cultural peak. The hallmark of his government was the consolidation of
power. He strengthened the borders of his kingdom, especially at Semna,
where he enlarged some of the fortresses. He also devoted his life to
building many shrines and temples, as well as two huge monuments at
Biahmu (in Faiyum), with the seated figures of two kings facing the lake.
His largest temple building project was at Kiman Faras (Faris), another
Faiyum site. He also expanded the Ptah temple at Memphis. The statues
depicting Amenemhat III are unique and original in their workmanship.
One of the statues depicts him as a king in the guise of the Nile god,
bringing offerings of fish, lotus flowers, and birds. This design was later
imitated by the rulers of the New Kingdom.
Numerous inscriptions were found describing the mining operations
launched by Amenemhat III. The quarries at Tura, Wadi Hammamat,
Aswan, and many other Nubian sites were constantly active. The workers
there extracted rock, copper, and turquoise. This activity in mining and
building is a clear sign of Egypt’s prosperity at the time. However, these
projects might have brought the kingdom’s economy down, and in
combination with the lack of floods, the late years of Amenemhat’s reign
were marked by a decline in both politics and the economy. The Nile’s
inundation levels were very critical for Egypt’s food supply because the
whole harvest depended on the river. The ancient Egyptians recorded the
inundation levels, and during the early years of Amenemhat’s reign, they
were as high as 5.1 meters (about seventeen feet). However, in the later
years of his reign, the Nile levels sharply dropped, with the lowest
recorded being 0.5 meters (about 1.5 feet). Such fluctuations destabilized
the economy and perhaps even caused famine. This is why Amenemhat
was very interested in the Faiyum irrigation scheme and why he probably
extended it. He was worshiped as Lamares, the god of Faiyum, but it is
unknown how much he contributed to the hydraulic works there. It is a
possibility he was deified only after his death by his successor, Queen
Sobekneferu, who had many political reasons to elevate the pharaoh, who
was also her father.
Amenemhat’s pyramid was also built in Dahshur, but it was robbed at
some point. The only remains discovered in the tomb are that of Queen
Aat and another royal woman. Their tombs had separate entrances from
the outside, which means they needed access to it after the main tomb of
the king was sealed. Only Queen Aat had the same sarcophagus as
Amenemhat, but both royal women were given a “ka chamber,” a structure
usually reserved for the king. This might have been a sign of
democratization in the afterlife, as well as a new set of beliefs when it
came to the afterlife of queens.
Amenemhat wasn’t buried in his pyramid in Dahshur, although there was a
sarcophagus reserved for him there. Instead, his final resting place was in
Hawara, in the southeastern Faiyum. There, another pyramid was built
with a mortuary temple at its side. This temple is a labyrinth, with many
corridors and rooms without a coherent plan. The temple was described by
many classical writers, including Herodotus and Strabo. Even modern
surveys fail to come up with a coherent plan of the temple, making its
reconstruction an impossible task.
The elevated status of royal women in the late Twelfth Dynasty can also
be observed in the case of Princess Neferuptah. She was the sister of
Pharaoh Amenemhat III, and he intended for her to be buried in his
pyramid. However, he changed his mind and built a separate pyramid for
her. Over time, this pyramid fell apart, and on top of that, it was often
robbed and suffered from water damage. Neferuptah enjoyed prominence
during both Amenemhat’s reign and after her death, and special mortuary
privileges were given to her, just as to the two royal women in Dahshur.
Amenemhat IV and Sobekneferu
Amenemhat III had a very long rule, which led scholars to believe that his
successor, Amenemhat IV (r. 1815–1806 BCE), was his grandson.
However, since Amenemhat IV ruled for only nine years, it is possible that
he was an older son who came to the throne very late. He was probably
married to Queen Sobekneferu (1806–1802 BCE), the last ruler of the
Twelfth Dynasty. However, Manetho claimed she was his sister. Few of
the monuments dedicated to Amenemhat IV were preserved, and almost
nothing is known of his reign. However, there is evidence that suggests
expeditions to the turquoise mines in Sinai were continued and that trade
with the Levant happened. This means some building projects were started
during his reign, and they might have been finished by the Thirteenth
Dynasty.
There is some evidence surviving from Queen Sobekneferu’s reign. Her
name means the “Beauty of Sobek,” with Sobek being a deity of Nile, the
pharaoh’s power, and fertility. She is canonized in the Turin Papyrus of the
Nineteenth Dynasty, and there is no doubt she ruled as a sole pharaoh.
Queens were usually given feminine titles, but if they served as sole rulers,
they were also attributed with some male titles. She alone was responsible
for building projects at Heracleopolis Magna, but she also finished
Amenemhat’s III labyrinthine temple. Several of her statues survived, of
which three are without the head. She is also represented with a unique
costume, as one of the damaged statues combines both male and female
clothes. The ambiguity in titles and her depiction was possibly purposeful,
as she needed to appease her political opponents who criticized a female
ruler. But her reign lasted for only four years, and it remains a mystery if
she was overthrown or if it was cut short by her death. In either case, her
tomb has not yet been identified.
Chapter 3 – The Thirteenth Dynasty

Statue of Hor Awibre, located in the Cairo Museum

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hor#/media/File:Ka_Statue_of_horawibra.jpg
The Thirteenth Dynasty is sometimes considered to belong to the Middle
Kingdom, but more often, it is joined to the Fourteenth Dynasty as rulers
of the Second Intermediate Period. Nevertheless, the rulers of the
Thirteenth Dynasty were in power for 154 years, approximately from 1803
until 1649 BCE. They continued to use Itjtawy as their capital, and their
politics did not differ from those set up by the Twelfth Dynasty.
Nevertheless, they were of different lineages. It remains unresolved how
the new kings were chosen. Some scholars suggest that the rule circulated
among the most powerful elite families of ancient Egypt, which would
explain the shortness of their reigns. But even if the lineages changed
during the Thirteenth Dynasty, the bureaucracy remained unchanged. The
Egyptians still controlled the same territory, the Nile floods continued to
be measured, trade flourished, and monuments were built, though they
were far less impressive than those of the Twelfth Dynasty. Still, there
were no alterations in the visual arts, and they continued the finesse and
style of the preceding dynasty. This continuity lasted until the reign of
Neferhotep I (r. 1747–1736 BCE).
Many names of the Thirteenth Dynasty were recorded in the Turin
Papyrus, but very little is known about them as individual rulers. The first
ruler was Wegaf Khutawyre, followed by Sobekhotep II. But it is a
possibility that the writer confused the names, meaning Khutawyre might
have been the same person as Sobekhotep II, whose regnal name was
Khutawy. Nevertheless, after the reign of the third ruler, the Egyptians
stopped recording the Nile floods, at least for some time. This suggests
that a period of political unrest might have ensued. At the same time, there
were only a few records made of the turquoise mines at Sinai, confirming
the thesis of an unrest. However, there is no lack of trading contracts, and
the king of Byblos continued to describe himself as “the servant of Egypt”
in his records. There is also no evidence to suggest that a possible political
turmoil reached the south, as Nubian affairs continued as before. During
the period of Hor Awibre’s rule, the impoverished nature of the rulers
started showing. Instead of having a new tomb built, Hor was buried in the
mortuary complex of Amenemhat III.
After Amenemhat III, a series of kings came with very short reigns. Even
Sobekhotep II reigned for only three or four years. The most interesting
papyrus discovered is dated to his time. This document (Papyrus Boulaq
18) gives us an insight into court life in Thebes. It lists all the great
officials, their hierarchy, and the rations they received from the court.
Also, it describes the pharaoh’s visit to the temple and the arrival of the
Nubian delegation to the court. During Sobekhotep III’s reign, a relief was
carved in the cliff above Nag Hammadi that depicts specific information
about the royal family. Sobekhotep III also ruled for only three to five
years, and he used this time to leave many written monuments, from the
Delta in the north to Elephantine in the south.
His successor was Neferhotep I, who was not a member of the royal
family. He ruled for eleven years, from 1747 to 1736 BCE, and he, too,
left many monuments behind. Inten, the ruler of Byblos, recognized
Neferhotep I as his overlord, suggesting the continuity of Egyptian
supremacy. The inscriptions dated to the time of Neferhotep I were found
as far as the island of Konosso in Nubia. There are many signs he was a
strong king, but he wasn’t in control of all of Egypt, for at Xios and Avaris
in the Delta, local rulers left evidence that confirms their independence
from the pharaoh’s rule.
When Neferhotep I died, the throne passed to his brothers, Sihathor and
Sobekhotep IV. Then, Sobekhotep IV’s son ruled for a brief time, but once
his reign ended, this short dynasty also ended. However, enough evidence
from Sobekhotep IV’s reign survived to indicate he was a strong king. The
first signs of a Nubian revolt occurred at this time, and later, Nubia would
completely slip out of Egyptian control and become ruled by Nubian kings
under the Kingdom of Kush. By that time, the Middle Kingdom of Egypt
ended, and the state entered what is now known as the Second
Intermediate Period.
Chapter 4 – Political Change in the Middle
Kingdom

Asiatic people bringing an offering to the Egyptian pharaoh (circa 1900

BCE)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Middle_Kingdom_of_Egypt#/media/File:Drawing_of_the_
The government of the Middle Kingdom wasn’t much different from the
one established during the Old Kingdom. But there were some variations.
The pharaoh and his bureaucracy were supported by the taxation system,
although we don’t have much evidence to reconstruct what that system
might have looked like. It is proposed by scholars that the fiscal system
was based on an assessment of yearly land and waterway yields and that
taxes were paid in kind. Temples and other religious institutions were
exempt from paying taxes, but it’s unclear whether that was only a partial
or complete exemption. A system of enforced labor was also in place, and
the men and women of lower classes had to serve in the military and do
physically hard tasks. The town officials supervised this system of forced
labor, and it was possible for them to pay someone else to do the work
instead. However, those who avoided their work completely were severely
punished. Records retrieved from the fortress at Askut in Lower Nubia
suggest that was the place where disobedient laborers were sent to serve
their punishment, but there could have been many such places.
This unpaid, obligatory work was the practice until the Seventeenth
Dynasty, and it seems that the Nubians were not part of this system. The
government repaid the labor with peace and stable politics at home and
reinforced patrols along the kingdom’s borders. But to extend Egypt’s
influence and prosperity, the pharaohs needed to send military campaigns
to Nubia and Palestine. The kings also had a monopoly on trade, but it was
supervised by state officials, who received substantial rewards for their
services, especially if they worked in more hostile regions such as Nubia.
The titles held by the officials of the Middle Kingdom were the same as
those used in the Old Kingdom, but there was the addition of some new
titles as well. That means that the official titles were refined and assigned
to specific offices and duties, and their range was limited. For instance, the
“royal seal bearer” was treated differently. An individual with this title had
an expanded set of activities, and he acted as the royal supervisor. In fact,
the whole court operated under his watchful eyes. The vizier was still the
chief minister under the king, who mostly dealt with the affairs outside of
the court and answered directly to the pharaoh. There is little to no
evidence to support the claim that the Middle Kingdom practiced having
two viziers at the same time. However, it is known that under Senusret I,
there were two viziers—Antefoker and Mentuhotep—who served
parallelly.
There were more differences between the politics of the Old and Middle
Kingdoms. The government was much more pervasive in local affairs
during the Middle Kingdom, whereas during the Old Kingdom, localized
affairs were dealt with by local chieftains, also known as the nomarchs.
Their office became very fluid, and as time passed, they had less and less
autonomy. The Middle Kingdom also intruded into private life much more,
as it had a certain expectation of individuals and what they owed the state.
But this was simply an echo of the change that came with the government
delegating local control to the town mayors. Through artwork, it can be
seen that the town mayors always strived to bring their provinces into the
style and practices of the capital. This only speaks of the pharaoh’s
ultimate dominance over the whole state.
Mentuhotep II severely punished those nomarchs who fell out of his grace.
He reduced the number of nomarchs in Egypt and strengthened their
government supervision. They kept their traditional roles, but now, they
had to answer to the king through administrative officials. They had no
independence in making decisions, and their main purpose was to collect
taxes and recruit men for the army. There is evidence that some nomarchs
who managed to keep their positions had delusions of grandeur. One such
example is Nehry, who made an inscription in his own home in which he
dates his “rule” as the same time as Mentuhotep IV. By suggesting that he
ruled his region, he made a challenge to the king.
Amenemhat I worked on localizing the administration of the government
through the town officials. Each town had a mayor, but only the chiefs of
the most important towns were given the title of nomarchs. The city
became the basic unit of the government, and many regions lost their
political impact because of this. The focus was put on the towns and cities
that weakened the centralization of each region, but the ultimate power
was centered in the capital, where the royal court was. The king personally
appointed town mayors and the nomarchs, thus asserting great influence
and control over them. The office of nomarch was hereditary during the
Old Kingdom, and it became hereditary once again during Amenemhat II’s
reign.
The hereditary nomarchs were the ones who had those delusions of
grandeur. They styled their households just like the royal court, and they
gave titles to their “officials.” This was how positions of chancellor,
military captain, and treasurer came to be popular, not only in the court but
also among the nomarchs’ households. But despite these pretensions, the
nomarch was never allowed to forget that they served the king and that the
king was their benefactor. Nomarchs owed direct allegiance to the
pharaoh, and they were obliged to protect the kingdom’s borders, lead
royal expeditions, and maybe even serve and host foreign delegations. In
return, the king granted them various royal favors. The title of nomarch
disappeared during Senusret III’s reign. It is generally accepted that
Senusret abolished the title, but there is evidence of the steady decline of
this office since the time of Amenemhat II. It is possible that the nomarchs
simply fell into oblivion and were replaced by the numerous town mayors,
whose influence and prestige started growing, though they were never as
rich and as powerful as the nomarchs.
Senusret III introduced new governor offices. Although they were based in
the royal court, they were responsible for managing vast territories
anywhere in the kingdom. He created two waret (similar to a bureau), one
for the northern and the other for the southern areas of Egypt. They were
operated by the hierarchy of new state officials, with a governor at the top.
Senusret III also introduced other new offices such as the “treasury,”
“bureau of the people’s giving,” and “organization of labor.” The military
sector was headed by the chief general, and the new office named “bureau
of the vizier” was inaugurated. However, the administration of the palace
was a separate bureaucratic body with fresh titles. This also meant that the
middle class of society increased due to the opening of new offices.
The government didn’t have any influence on the operations of the temple
estates and their dependencies. Temples were responsible for their own
administration, and they had their separate bureaucratic system. The
engraving on the inner tomb of mayor Djefahapy of Asyut is a contract
between the town and the temple, in which it is stated that each individual
who lived in the area had to give the temple a hekat (a measurement
equivalent to five liters or a little over a gallon) of grain from every field
on his property. This was to be performed during every first harvest of the
year. Furthermore, the contract specifies that this is how the temple
supporting itself and that it, too, had to pay a tax to the crown. Temples
usually received an exemption from the pharaohs, but this one apparently
didn’t.
Chapter 5 – The Life in the Middle Kingdom

The funerary procession as depicted in the Book of the Dead

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ancient_Egyptian_funerary_practices#/media/File:BD_F
The Royal Court
Some of the text from the Middle Kingdom sheds light on the very nature
of kingship in Egypt. Such texts don’t exist when it comes to the Old
Kingdom, so it is impossible to decide how the role changed over time.
Some of these texts include the Teaching for King Merykara, the
Instructions of Amenemhat I, and the Hymns to Senusret III. Aside from
these, several private records can provide insight into life at the royal court
and the role of the pharaoh. A poem carved on the stela of Sehetepibra in
Abydos describes how important the king is to his people.
The social hierarchy of the royal family was described in the Story of
Sinuhe and the Papyrus Boulaq 18. The quantity of the daily rations to
each member of the royal family was precisely accounted for, and it is a
clear symbol of their importance. But the position of the court dependents
was very fluid, and one’s importance could rise and fall depending on
many outside factors, such as political and social fluctuations within the
kingdom or one’s own reputation.
There were three inner divisions of the palace complex. The most
important one was the kap, a nursery, which was purely the domain of the
royal family. Only selected servants had access to this part of the palace,
and the royal children and other selected children of important government
officials were educated there. The king was personally responsible for the
finances of the kap, as well as for the selection of the children who would
receive an education there. The next part of the royal court was the wahy,
the audience area of the columned hall. This was where the banquets were
held. Then came the khenty, the outer palace where the court conducted its
business. The vizier and all the senior government officials occupied the
khenty, while the serving staff and lesser officials were restricted to the
shena, a much less august part of the palace. There, the rations were
distributed to all the members of the court. Unfortunately, this is
everything we know about the court life of the Middle Kingdom. There is
much more to be discovered, and until then, scholars can only speculate.
Urban Life
The lives of the ordinary people of the Middle Kingdom are accessible to
us because of the evidence excavated at the town of Hetep-Senusret
(Lahun site), which lies next to the pyramidal complex dedicated to
Senusret II. In 1888 and 1889, this site was mistakenly named Kahun
(Lahun) by archaeologists. The town was closely related to the mortuary
cult of Senusret III, and it resembles the villages of the New Kingdom.
The town was laid out in a single architectural plan because it was founded
with the specific intention of serving the workers who built the pharaoh’s
mortuary complex, as well as the workers’ families. However, it is likely
that the town also included people who were not directly bound to the king
and the building project, such as traders, entertainers, and craftsmen. The
estimation of the population is done by assessing the size of the grain
storages throughout the town, and the assumption is that Hetep-Senusret
had around five thousand inhabitants, but it is hard to determine the actual
boundaries of the town because the site is barely distinguishable from the
surrounding desert.
The mud bricks of Lahun are precious because it is a symbol of a living
world, not a necropolis. Other settlements of the Middle Kingdom, such as
Abydos, Memphis, and Elephantine, were excavated only recently, which
allowed scholars to examine the building material of the living people in
much more detail. However, the material of Lahun is still missing, mostly
because the town was abandoned during the Thirteenth Dynasty. Those
who inhabited the area later destroyed the constructions and the building
material long before the town was excavated.
Thanks to the extensive work of Percy Newberry, a British Egyptologist,
we can reconstruct the vegetation of the area. He found very old seeds and
concluded that species such as poppies, lupins, jasmine, heliotrope, irises,
beans, radishes, cucumbers, and many more were common in the area.
However, it is hard to distinguish which plants were later brought by the
Romans and which were native.
The only surviving Egyptian “firestick” (a tool for starting a fire) was
found in Lahun. Another very intriguing item found here was the earliest
known brick mold. Scholars were shocked to discover it was identical to
the molds used in modern-day Egypt. A set of medical instruments was
also discovered, as well as many farming and craftworks tools. The site
has an extraordinary variety of pottery and papyri, of which some are still
unpublished. The contents of these documents shed further light on the
daily life in the urban center and the importance of religion. Among one of
the most interesting documents is the so-called Gynaecological Papyrus,
which describes the world’s oldest remedies for women’s ailments.
Foreign Trade
Several shreds of Minoan pottery were found in the Lahun settlement,
suggesting that trade with the Aegean states was in place. There were also
fragments of pottery of Egyptian origin that imitated the Minoan style. But
these shreds were always found in the refuse deposits, so it is hard to date
them properly. Interestingly, vessels that come from far away were used
by the common workers. Perhaps they are indicators of the presence of
foreign workers, probably from Crete. The Minoan vessels were also
found at the sites of Abydos, Elephantine, and el-Haraga, along with other
Mediterranean items, which is a clear sign of artistic and iconographic
exchange between the Egyptian and Mediterranean peoples. In return,
Egyptian scarabs and stone vessels were found in the archaeological
localities of Crete, where the locals also tried to imitate their style and
craftsmanship. If the trade contacts between Egypt and the Aegean area
existed, it would be expected that the exchange of ideas also occurred.
Unfortunately, the imprecise dating of the evidence leaves us wondering if
this trade even happened during the Middle Kingdom or whether it took
place later.
At Lahun and Lisht, the jugs of the Tell el-Yahudiya style were found.
This was a common style for the Delta area of Egypt, but it is suggested
that the jugs contained oil originating from the Near East. The pharaoh
promoted the import of timber, oil, silver, wine, and perhaps even ivory
from the areas of modern-day Syria and Palestine. And the trade flowed
both ways, as Egyptian scarabs, vessels, jewelry, and even sphinxes were
found in the sites of Byblos, Cyprus, and Crete. But much of this trade is
believed to have been done through Syria, and it might be that Egyptian
traders had no direct contact with the Aegean cultures. Nevertheless, there
is evidence that promotes the idea of increased contact with the Near East
during the Twelfth Dynasty. The existence of Asiatic workers in Lahun
was proven, although it might be that they were imported as war prisoners.
One of the most precious finds of the Middle Kingdom were four bronze
chests containing Asiatic gold and silver material. They were found
underneath the temple of Montu at Tod. In Byblos, jewelry of Egyptian
origin was found that bore a strong resemblance to the jewelry of a
princess of the Twelfth Dynasty found in a tomb in the Lahun necropolis.
The strongest contact Egypt had was with the areas to the south. There, the
Nubian kingdom lived, as well as the Kingdom of Punt, and many Twelfth
Dynasty rulers traded with them. At the eastern end of the Wadi Gawasis,
the port of Saww was discovered. This port was founded by the rulers of
the Twelfth Dynasty and used to sail the Red Sea to reach Punt. Several
inscribed stelae were found there, which provide the records of the journey
to the mysterious land of Punt, a kingdom whose exact location is still
debated by scholars.
Cultural Achievements
The Middle Kingdom is a period of ancient Egypt in which art reached
new heights. It is especially seen in the writing, which became widespread,
probably due to the growth of the middle class. The middle class probably
expanded due to the bureaucratic expansion of Senusret III. The ancient
Egyptians themselves referred to the Middle Kingdom’s literature as the
“classical era.” Many forms of literary styles flourished, along with
different narratives. The literature was also copied, which attests to the
popularity of certain works such as the Story of Sinuhe or the “The Tale of
the Shipwrecked Sailor.” Other popular forms of literature were religious
and philosophical texts, for example, the “Hymn to Hapi” and the “Dialog
Between a Man Tired of Life and his Ba.” The Middle Kingdom also
offers a wide variety of official documents that survived through history.
They include records, reports, letters, and accounts. These documents
serve to round up the insight we have into the Middle Kingdom, but they
also testify that literacy was widespread and made available to larger
masses than initially thought.
Because of the different approaches to governance the pharaohs of the
Middle Kingdom had, Egypt opened itself to the influences of the Nubian,
Asian, and Aegean worlds. The exchange of materials, products, and ideas
benefited both Egypt and their trade partners. This is why the Middle
Kingdom was a period of invention, great vision, and massive building
projects. But the craftsmen of the time didn’t forget to pay attention to
details while creating items for everyday use and decoration. This attention
to detail when it comes to objects used by the common people signals the
beginning of a new interpretation of the individual and its importance in
cosmic terms. Without this new vision of the individual, stories such as
Sinuhe and the Shipwrecked Sailor would never have been so popular. The
stories about ordinary people would never have even been written in the
first place, not in a world where the importance of an individual was
diminished by the consciousness of the collective. These stories are a clear
sign of elevated humanity during the Middle Kingdom.
Religion and Funerary Practices of the Middle Kingdom
During the Middle Kingdom, the religious focus was on Osiris, who
became the main god of all necropolises. The main reason the cult of
Osiris became popular was that the pharaohs of the Middle Kingdom
lavished it with praise and riches, especially the Twelfth Dynasty. The cult
reached its climax during the reign of Senusret III, who erected the first
Middle Kingdom cenotaph at Abydos. Neferhotep I of the Thirteenth
Dynasty went to Abydos to take part in the Mysteries of Osiris, and it was
at that time that it became forbidden to build monuments in a processional
walkway. Osiris and Abydos were both important for the legitimization of
the pharaoh’s rule, and the increased interest the Thirteenth Dynasty had in
the cult was most likely because they had no ties with the royal family.
The Mysteries of Osiris remain unknown, but some details were
discovered in the records of the Twelfth Dynasty.
Osiris’s popularity resulted in the extension of the royal funerary rites to
the ordinary people. The stelae discovered at Abydos show that it became
common for ordinary individuals to join the Mysteries of Osiris. During
the rites, they would receive a blessing that was previously reserved only
for kings.
The funerary beliefs of the whole population of Egypt also started
changing. The earliest change was that the practice of decorating coffins
with sacred texts started being used among the people. Previously, only the
royal sarcophagus was decorated in such a way. However, the sacred text
on these coffins was not the same text used in the funerary rites of kings. It
was a combination of the old and new compositions, which first occurred
during the First Intermediate Period. The use of these texts suddenly
ceased during the mid-Twelfth Dynasty, as further funerary changes
brought new influences and practices. The new irregular form of the
mummiform coffins wouldn’t allow long religious texts to be inscribed on
them.
During the Middle Kingdom, new funerary ideas also emerged. In the Old
Kingdom, it was believed that only the kings had a ba, a spiritual force.
But with the emergence of the Twelfth Dynasty, people believed that
everyone had a ba. The text of the “Dialog Between a Man Tired of Life
and his Ba” testifies to this belief. The text itself is the earliest known
philosophical debate on the issue of suicide. Another new concept
emerged in this period: personal piety. No longer was it believed that the
common people had access to deities only through kings and priests;
rather, each individual could pray directly to the gods and receive
blessings. This religious thought was very popular in the New Kingdom.
This personal piety was stressed in the stelae left behind by the deceased,
and a “negative confession” became a very popular practice. It was a list of
misdemeanors that the deceased claimed he never committed. The stelae
were another innovation made popular among the commoners. Previously,
only the elite and royal families erected them, but now, everyone could
afford one. Usually, they were decorated with the wedjat eye, a widespread
protection symbol of ancient Egypt.
The kings of the Eleventh and Twelfth Dynasties were always in search of
the proper architectural expression for their beliefs. Therefore, the
monuments and tombs underwent many design changes during the Middle
Kingdom. Thus, the masonry and artistry of the Old Kingdom reached new
heights. These skills were developed for the royals’ needs, but they were
also put to use elsewhere. Relief carvings, which were previously reserved
only for the mortuary complexes of kings, now found their way to the
walls of temples, royal palaces, and monuments. But at the same time, the
size of the elites’ tombs was reduced. They occupied central spots of the
provincial necropolises, and they were elaborate in their designs, with
copies of the Book of Two Ways (instructions on how to reach the afterlife)
engraved in their coffins. With the diminishing of the monarch’s powers
and the rise of individuals as an important part of the cosmos, the tombs
became numerous and lesser in size and decor. In the capital, the officials
were still buried in royal necropolises but in separate tombs, although their
families had separate private cemeteries.
Mummification became much more widespread during the Middle
Kingdom, but it was badly performed, and the bodies were not preserved.
However, the exterior wrappings were lavish, and the deceased had
beautifully decorated cartonnage masks made out of plastered linen. At
this point, the shabti (also spelled ushabti and shawabti) were introduced to
the funerary practices. These were little statues made from wax, stone,
clay, or even wood, and they were meant to serve the deceased in the
afterlife. These statuettes were considered to be magical, and they
performed menial tasks in service of Osiris. The earliest shabti were dated
to the time of Mentuhotep II, and they were very simple naked figures.
Later, they started being produced in a mummiform shape, and the sacred
texts were inscribed on them. It is believed that the shabti figurines were
somehow connected to the unpaid labor that each individual owed to the
king. The kings owed such labor only to the gods. Like real workers, the
shabti sometimes carried seed bags and farming tools with which they
would undertake their tasks in the afterlife.
Conclusion
The Middle Kingdom ended with Egypt being divided into two once more.
The Second Intermediate Period started with the abandonment of the royal
residence at Lisht and the foundation of a new one in Thebes. In the
eastern Delta, in around 1650 BCE, a new king rose with his capital at
Avaris. This was Salitis, and he was the leader of the West Asian people,
the Hyksos. Salitis founded the Fifteenth Dynasty of Egypt.
There are different opinions on who was the last ruler of the Middle
Kingdom. Some think it was Queen Sobekneferu, who had no successors.
Others think it was Merneferre Ay (1701–1677 BCE) because he was the
last king of the Thirteenth Dynasty mentioned in the Turin Papyrus who
ruled both Upper and Lower Egypt. But we already learned that scholars
disagree over when the Middle Kingdom ended. Some include the whole
Thirteenth Dynasty as rulers of the Middle Kingdom, while others count
only the first half. However, Merneferre Ay had monuments and
inscriptions erected and carved throughout the whole of Egypt, which
means he still ruled both parts of the kingdom.
Salitis and his people occupied the eastern Delta until 1650 BCE when the
division of Egypt occurred. It is said that these Asiatic people took the
whole region of the Nile Delta without a fight. They then continued their
conquest southward and took Memphis. Salitis took the residency in
Memphis, and tradition says he ruled both Upper and Lower Egypt. But
Upper Egyptians responded with an uprising in which they managed to
free themselves. Salitis then founded a new city, Avaris, in the eastern
Delta, from which he could easily overlook the border. So, it came to be
that Egypt was torn once again.
In the Delta, a new Asiatic ruler operated. In the south, in Nubia, the
Kushite kings rose up, and the Egyptian land was divided. With this
division came new developments in the government, society, and culture.
However, the developments came in different forms and not at the same
time throughout Egypt because of its disunity.
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References
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Archaeology and Society. London: Duckworth.
Oppenheim, A., Arnold, D., Arnold, D., & Yamamoto, K. (2015). Ancient
Egypt Transformed: The Middle Kingdom. New Haven: Yale University
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Richards, J. E. (2003). Mortuary Variability and Social Differentiation in
Middle Kingdom Egypt. Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Dissertation Services.
Richards, J. E. (2009). Society and Death in Ancient Egypt: Mortuary
Landscapes of the Middle Kingdom. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Romer, J. (2017). A History of Ancient Egypt. from the Great Pyramid to
the Fall of the Middle Kingdom. New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St.
Martin’s Press.
Sabbahy, L. (2021). Kingship, Power, and Legitimacy in Ancient Egypt:
From the Old Kingdom to the Middle Kingdom. Cambridge, United
Kingdom: Cambridge University Press.
Silverman, D. P. (2003). Ancient Egypt. New York: Oxford University
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