Abstract:

The site of Dainzú, Oaxaca is known for its corpus of apparently unique iconography. In the
past, several authors saw a representation of a type of ballgame in this corpus. In this paper, it
is argued that this analysis seems to be based solely on the depiction of balls in the hands of
the human figures depicted. Additionally, it is argued that no ballgame comparable to the
presumed Dainzú ballgame is evidenced in other regions of Mesoamerica. Consequently, an
alternative is proposed, considering the possibility that the figures depicted in the Dainzú
corpus represent warriors, rather than ballplayers.

Resumen:
El sitio de Dainzú, Oaxaca es conocido primeramente por su conjunto iconográfico,
aparentemente única. En el pasado, varios autores analizaron el conjunto iconográfico cómo
una representación de un tipo de juego de pelota. En este artículo, se argumenta que esta
interpretatión es basada sólamente en el hecho que las figuras humanas representadas llevan
una pelota en la mano. Adicionalmente, se argumenta que no existan evidencias para este tipo
de juego de pelota en el resto de Mesoamérica. En consecuéncia, se propone un análisis
alternativo, considerando la posibilidad que las figuras representadas en el conjunto
iconográfico de Dainzú representan guerreros, más bien que jugadores de pelota.

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 Introduction
This paper focuses on the reliefs found at the site of Dainzú, surrounding the so-called
Complex A. These reliefs have been analyzed as representing ballplayers. In this paper the
rudiments of an alternative view are proposed.
The site of Dainzú, located in the Central Valley of Oaxaca, knew its apogee in the Terminal
Formative period (200 BC – 200 AD) with the construction of a large civic-ceremonial center
(Bernal and Oliveros 1988: 51-52). Excavations at the site were started by Mexican
archaeologist Ignacio Bernal in 1966 (Bernal and Seuffert 1979: 11). At its heyday the site
contained sixteen monumental buildings, and had an estimated population of around 1,000
inhabitants (Urcid n.d.:3). I will focus on the reliefs surrounding the so-called Complex A, the
main construction at the site.
Complex A is an L-shaped building, consisting of three platforms that reach a total height of
7.6 m (Taladoire 2003:323). The south side of the lowest of these platforms is covered with
reliefs depicting human figures. Bernal’s excavations uncovered a total of forty-one stones.
These have been dated to the first period of construction of Dainzú, around 300 – 100 BC
(Bernal and Oliveros 1988: 50). The reliefs were placed in two rows on top of each other, of
which only the lower row was found in situ (ibid.: 12). However, these twenty lower slabs
also show evidence of reuse, indicating that the whole corpus is probably out of context (Orr
2003:76).
Bernal divided the slabs into three groups: A, B, and C. This paper will concentrate on group
A - analyzed by Bernal as a group of ballplayers (Bernal and Seuffert 1979:15) - and the
related petroglyphs found at the top of Cerro Dainzú. Group A consists of thirty-three stones
that depict human figures. Except for Slab 23, which depicts two figures, all the reliefs show
one human figure in a contorted position. According to Bernal (1973:17) these postures
“portray the gestures and movements typical of the game”. All of the figures wear the same
basic attire: a visored helmet, a type of pants that reaches to the knees, an unknown type of
footwear, and protection around the lower arm (ibid:15). Some wear a cape that flows down
to the knees, others wear protective padding around the knees. Nineteen of the helmets are
decorated with what seems to be a jaguar ear on the back. On others the motif can either no
longer be identified, or the helmet is decorated with feathers or other adornments.
Except for Slab 1, all of the figures are portrayed in right profile view and without direct
relation to the ground. Most appear to be falling or reclining while others seem to kneel.
Possibly the most interesting slab of group A is Slab 1 (Fig. 1), the right corner stone of the
façade of the building. Since the figure on Slab 1 is depicted in left profile, all the others seem

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 to face him. The figure in Slab 1 is an elaborately dressed man. He wears a headdress on top
of his helmet, some type of garment or pectoral on his torso, and feathers hanging from his
belt. He holds a ball in his left hand, while in his right hand he holds an object that is hard to
identify because of the erosion to the stone. Bernal (1973:17, 1979:17) has identified it as a
kind of knife. This analysis seems correct. The figure stands on a kind of platform, connected
to a hieroglyph, the meaning of which is unknown. Next to the elaborately dressed figure on
Slab 1 is a series of curvilinear lines, which have not been identified.
Apart from the Complex A reliefs, Bernal and his team found a large collection of
petroglyphs, incised on natural rocks on the hill above Complex A, Cerro Dainzú. A large part
of these petroglyphs depict helmets, identical to the ones seen on Complex A. Bernal has
interpreted these helmets as human heads, separated from the body by decapitation. As a
consequence, Bernal (1979:22) has called this the tzompantli group. Next to this group, the
main monument on top of the hill is a large stone (Stone 5; fig. 2) that Bernal has termed the
‘Wall of Sacrifice’. Depicted on this ‘Wall of Sacrifice’, is a man very similar to the one in
Slab 1 of Complex A. He stands on top of a stepped platform, that is decorated with a jaguar
head, possibly naming the location as “Hill of the Jaguar” (Bernal 1973:17). The man is
holding a knife, pointing towards a figure who is falling backwards and who is dressed
exactly like the figures on the Complex A reliefs.
Concluding, we see the following scenes:

1. The façade of Complex A with several kneeling or falling figures holding a round
object and dressed in protective gear. These figures face one particular figure, who is
more elaborately dressed, is the only one that is standing, and who points a weapon in
their direction.
2. The hilltop of Cerro Dainzú with depictions of several helmets that are identical to
the ones worn by the figures on Complex A. These surround the main scene: a man
with a weapon standing on a platform, throwing another man off. The standing man
looks very similar to the standing man in the Complex A group.

The first of these scenes has traditionally been termed the “Wall of the Ballplayers” (Bernal
1968, 1973; Bernal and Seuffert 1979; Orr 2003; Taladoire 2003). In the following section, I
will examine whether this term is correct.

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 History of analysis
Since the first excavations at Dainzú in 1966, Bernal argued that the Dainzú figures represent
ballplayers: “each of [these figures] carries a ball in one hand as identification, […] the
protection of arms and knees and the mask reinforce this interpretation.” (Bernal and Seuffert
1979: 16). Another aspect that strengthened Bernal in his view that the figures represented
ballplayers, were the postures of the players that “could result from an especially active sport”
(1979:17).
Following Bernal, most authors have interpreted the Dainzú corpus as a complex of scenes
depicting a type of ballgame. The nature of the game played at Dainzú, however, has been
debated over time. Bernal (1979:26), Swezey (1972: 475), Oliveros (1997:24) and Taladoire
(2003) identified the game depicted at Dainzú as a pre-Columbian variant of Pelota Mixteca, a
hand-ballgame played nowadays in the state of Oaxaca (Berger 2010). Javier Urcid (n.d.:10)
did not relate the Dainzú reliefs to Pelota Mixteca, but does think that they represent a game
played with a rubber ball, that was thrown or hit with a gloved hand.
Heather Orr (2003) thinks the figures at Dainzú depict a type of “institutionalized form of
ritual combat” (ibid.:73) in which stone balls were used to hit the opponent. Somewhat
confusingly though, while Orr argues that the balls used in the Dainzú ‘mock combat’ were
made of stone so that they inflicted more damage, she does think that “the Dainzú game might
be a Precolumbian variant of the Juego de Pelota Mixteca played in the Oaxaca Valley today”
(ibid.: 95). The combination of these two statements makes little sense since Pelota Mixteca
does not make use of stone balls, and is not a combat sport.
In contrast to the aforementioned authors, others have denied that the Dainzú reliefs represent
a ballgame. Taube and Zender (2009) have included the Dainzú relieves into a very large
complex of iconography from the whole of Mesoamerica, that show examples of what they
term ‘ritual boxing’.
The different views on the iconography of Dainzú are based mostly on possibly related
iconography. This corpus would include murals, pottery, and monuments from Mexico,
Guatemala, and Belize. Since this corpus of iconography is central to the different
interpretations of Dainzú iconography, I will treat it in more detail.
Possibly related iconography
One of the most notable aspects of the Dainzú iconography is that it is apparently unique.
Similar iconographical depictions have been found in the villages of Tlacochahuaya and
Macuilxóchitl (Bernal and Seuffert 1979). However, these villages lie only a small distance
from Dainzú and these stones are found in the foundation or façade of Colonial houses. It is

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 probable that these slabs were taken from the site of Dainzú and reused in the construction of
Colonial houses. Apart from the stones found in Macuilxóchitl and Tlacochahuaya, one stone
from Monte Albán is known, depicting a helmet identical to those of Dainzú (Orr 2003: fig.
6a). This stone is dated to the same time as the reliefs of Dainzú, and seems to be identical to
the Dainzú helmets. However, this monument is so far unique in the corpus of Monte Albán
iconography.
In my view, the abovementioned monuments are the only ones that can be related to Dainzú
without any doubt. However, other authors have extended the corpus of related iconography
considerably.
El Baúl Monument 27
A monument often related to the Dainzú corpus, is Monument 27 from the site of El Baúl,
Guatemala (Bernal 1968; Cohodas 1991:251; Taladoire 2003:329). The monument depicts
two figures: one standing upright, the other falling backwards. Both wear attire that looks
similar to the figures of Dainzú: gloves, short pants, and helmets. They also seem to hold
round objects in their hands. The helmets are not like the visored helmets of Dainzú, but
represent a jaguar or opossum (Taladoire 2003:329) head. The similarities between this
monument and the Dainzú corpus have led researchers to believe that El Baúl Monument 27
and the Dainzú reliefs depict a handball game, played in both Guatemala and Oaxaca.
While I acknowledge that the attire of the figures on the El Baúl monument is reminiscent of
the Dainzú complex, I do not think these monuments are related. First, there is a large
temporal (Late Preclassic - Late Classic) and geographic distance between El Baúl Monument
27 and the Dainzú corpus. Second, the Cotzumalhuapa region – of which El Baúl forms a
central place - has a well-established tradition of the ‘classic’ Mesoamerican hip-ballgame,
including I-shaped ballcourts and the ceremonial yoke-hacha-palma complex at the time of
erection of El Baúl Monument 27 (Parsons 1991:205). The site of El Baúl itself has an I-
shaped ballcourt for the hip-ballgame (ibid.:202). In this light, it is improbable that an
alternative tradition of handball games would be present at the site at the same time.
Lubaantún ceramic figurines
Marvin Cohodas (1991:251), following Bernal (1973:19), has grouped together the Dainzú
reliefs, El Baúl Monument 27, and ceramic figurines from the site of Lubaantún in Belize,
arguing that they represent a handball game. While the connection between El Baúl and
Dainzú on the basis of appearance is not surprising, the inclusion of the Lubaantún figurines
(Joyce 1933: plate 7, 8) in this group is doubtful. While these figures wear helmets and

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 gloves, they seem to have absolutely no association to balls, or a ballgame. Rather, these
figurines are reminiscent of the ‘boxers’ that we see on certain Maya vases (see below).
Cerro de la Campana
Both Orr (2003:78) and Taladoire (2003:329), while disagreeing on their interpretation of
Dainzú, think that mural paintings from Tomb 5 of the site of Cerro de la Campana depict the
same game as the Dainzú corpus.
The Late Classic site of Cerro de la Campana is located some 30 kilometers northwest of the
city of Oaxaca (Miller 1996:164). Comparing the Dainzú corpus to the murals of Tomb 5, the
visored helmets stand out. Apart from the helmets, the figures in the Tomb 5 murals hold
objects that have been described as either manoplas (Taladoire 2003:329), or balls (Orr
2003:95). They wear decorated capes or robes. According to Taladoire (2003:329) “the
presence of both the helmets and the manopla, instead of a glove, allows one to regard them
as ballplayers”. According to Orr (2003:79) the murals of Tomb 5 depict “ceremonially
dressed handball players”.
Personally, I doubt these interpretations. Though it has been suggested that manoplas were
used to propel balls in a pre-Columbian ballgame (Borhegyi 1961; Whittington 2001), the use
of manoplas as an instrument to hit balls seems improbable. Most of the known manoplas
come from southern Mesoamerica and date to the Late Classic period. During the Classic
period, the hip-ballgame seems to have been the only ritual game played in southern
Mesoamerica. The use of manoplas for this game seems illogical, since the ball could not be
hit with the hand. Additionally, no use of manoplas for the playing of the ballgame is depicted
in Maya vase painting.
Regardless, even if the objects that the figures in Tomb 5 of Cerro de la Campana hold do
represent implements for a ballgame, it is clear that these objects are absent from the Dainzú
corpus. Heather Orr (2003:95) has tried to explain this absence by hypothesizing “a
substitution […] in handball iconography between manoplas and (stone) balls, that indicates a
link between mock combats using “knuckledusters” and those which employed hand-sized
balls”. By doing so, Orr tries to create a link between the murals of Cerro de la Campana, and
the imagery of several Maya vases which depict ritual boxers according to some authors
(Taube and Zender 2009). According to Orr, the boxers from Maya vases K500 and K700
(Kerr archive www.famsi.org) are related in “formal posturing”, “the use of protective
helmets” and “by the evidence of human sacrifice, processions, and one-on-one
confrontations involving implements intended to cause physical injury” (Orr 2003:84).
Regardless of whether there is a link between the Cerro de la Campana murals and the Maya

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 vases, this relationship does not prove any link between Cerro de la Campana and Dainzú.
Rather, I would argue, does it place whatever is depicted at Dainzú apart from the presumed
combat rituals of Cerro de la Campana and the Maya vases. I argue this especially in light of
the iconography of Maya vase K8545 (Fig. 3). Considering the style of the iconography,
reminiscent of Teotihuacan influences, we can tentatively date this vase to the Early Classic.
The depictions on K8545 are very similar to the Cerro de la Campana murals. Four of the
figures wear helmets, hold something similar to the possible manoplas from Cerro de la
Campana, are richly attired, and walk or dance in a procession. Like in the Cerro de la
Campana murals, no actual fight or ballgame is depicted.
The similarities between K8545 from the Maya area, and Cerro de la Campana Tomb 5, from
the state of Oaxaca, are undeniable, but we cannot determine the direction of influence.
However, if we accept Orr’s hypothesis (2003:84) that the Classic Cerro de la Campana
murals depict a ritual combat of the same type as that shown on the Classic Maya vases, and
we combine this with the imagery of the Early Classic K8545 vase, we could assume that this
hypothesized game originated in the Maya area. Furthermore, if we consider the fact that the
Cerro de la Campana murals date to around 700 A.D., and the Dainzú reliefs date to ca. 300
B.C.-100 B.C., it seems more probable that the Cerro de la Campana murals depict a certain
ceremony that was spread from the Maya area somewhere between A.D. 200 and A.D. 700,
while the Dainzú murals depict something unrelated to the murals of Cerro de la Campana, or
the Maya vases.
If we accept that the Dainzú corpus is not related to the abovementioned sites, we are left with
Dainzú as a virtually unique phenomenon. A game we only have evidence for at the site of
Dainzú – apart from one isolated stone at Monte Albán – but that was so important at that site
that it merited the construction of a complex of architecture in its honor. Is it probable, then,
that the Dainzú reliefs actually depict a game, and, if not, what other interpretations can there
be of the Dainzú corpus? In the next section, I will argue that these reliefs do not necessarily
depict a game. An alternative interpretation could be that the Dainzú reliefs depict a military
conquest scene.
A possible new perspective?
What reasons are there to interpret the Dainzú reliefs as a type of ritual (ball)game?
According to Ignacio Bernal these figures represent ballplayers because “each of them carries
a ball in one hand as identification […].The protection of arms and knees and the mask
reinforce this interpretation.” (Bernal and Seuffert 1979: 16). Ever since, authors have
followed this interpretation (Oliveros 1997; Orr 2003; Taladoire 2003; Urcid n.d.)

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 I will consider the main arguments for these interpretations and try to provide an alternative
interpretation for them.
Balls and Attire
The primary reason to associate the Dainzú reliefs with a ballgame, are the balls that the
figures hold in their hands. What kind of ball they are holding, however, seems impossible to
establish. Bernal (1979:27), Urcid (n.d.), and Taladoire (2003), have proposed it is a rubber
ball. Heather Orr (2003:83) thinks the ball was made of stone, since she interprets the Dainzú
corpus as a type of ritual combat, in which more damage would be inflicted by a stone ball.
As a consequence it seems that the analysis of the type of ball used is dependent on the
analysis of the total Dainzú complex that one prefers.
Another important reason for seeing the Dainzú reliefs as representing some kind of game is
the attire of the ‘players’. The helmets, gloves, and knee protection suggest to most authors
the need for protection in a rough game (Bernal 1968: 250; Orr 2003; Taladoire 2003).
However, if we see the Dainzú reliefs as a type of rubber-ball game, similar to Pelota
Mixteca, the use of helmets is estranging (cf. Taube and Zender 2009:169). Of course, it could
be that the game was so rough that players ran the risk of being injured, but this also goes for
modern-day Pelota Mixteca, and the traditional hip-ballgame. The necessity of using a helmet
in the Dainzú game, while it is absent in other Mesoamerican rubber-ballgames, is not
obvious. On the other hand, if we accept Orr’s (2003:92) hypothesis that the Dainzú reliefs
depict a kind of fight, in which helmets protected the head, their use seems more logical.
Postures and Team Affiliations
Since the Dainzú reliefs have traditionally been identified as a type of game or competition, it
has been customary to hypothesize the existence of two different teams. While Orr (2003:84),
for unclear reasons, sees evidence for one-on-one competition, according to Taladoire
(2003:327) “there is little doubt that the Complex A slabs […] represent two opposing teams”.
Javier Urcid (n.d.) has proposed that the losing team was comprised of those figures that wear
the so-called ´buccal mask’. Since the only stone relieve from Monte Albán representing a
Dainzú-type helmet has this type of mask, he reasons that the Dainzú corpus depicts a victory
for Dainzú.
Two objections seem pertinent to this analysis. First, if the analysis of the different teams on
the basis of the helmets is correct, one team would have eight players, whilst the other has
twenty-one (Taladoire 2003:326). Second, the postures of the figures on the Dainzú reliefs
seem to be those of defeat (cf. Orr 2003:83). Some are falling backward, others lying on the
ground or kneeling. These postures are not those of persons actively engaged in play, but

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 rather people being hit and falling to the ground. If we accept the two-team hypothesis, we
would have a depiction of a situation in which both teams are losing. For not only the figures
with the ‘buccal masks’ are falling over, some of the figures with the ‘jaguar’ masks are also
in quite dismal condition. As a result, I think that all of the figures belong to the same group.
On the basis of the interpretation of the figures of Dainzú as defeated persons (be they
ballplayers, warriors, or something else), we might assume - in contrast to what Taladoire
(2003:327), Urcid (n.d.:4-5), and Bernal and Seuffert (1979: 26) have argued – that there is no
depiction of two teams. Rather, all the figures are shown in defeat, facing the one standing
figure (Slab 1) who seems to have conquered them.
Sacrifice
Another reason to relate the Dainzú reliefs to a type of ballgame has been the presumed
sacrifice associated with the game. The main arguments for this presumed sacrifice are based
on Slab 1 from Complex A, Stone 5 from Cerro Dainzú, and the so-called tzompantli group.
For the first two, it has been argued that the blades that the standing figures hold “imply the
impeding sacrifice of the defeated players in both scenes” (Orr 2003:83). In the case of the
tzompantli group, Bernal and Seuffert (1979:22-23) have proposed that it might represent the
decapitated heads of a team of players that had lost a game.
It is possible that the Dainzú corpus alludes to a kind of sacrifice. However, two things should
be noted. Firstly, even if the tzompantli group depicts an actual tzompantli and the Complex A
Slab 1 and Cerro Dainzú Stone 5 refer to sacrifice, this is no proof for the representation of a
ballgame. While it is possible that human sacrifice was part of the ceremonies surrounding the
hip-ballgame, it was not restricted to the ballgame. Secondly, sacrificial victims are normally
depicted barely clad or nude. Consider in this respect the danzantes group from Monte Albán
(Scott 1978). These reliefs are contemporaneous with the creation of the Dainzú corpus and
are from the same region. They represent war captives that have been stripped of their gear,
mutilated and killed in sacrifice (ibid.:26), with no relation to a ballgame. Furthermore, the
explicit nudity and mutilation of the danzantes form a marked contrast to the heavily clad
figures of the Dainzú corpus.
Still, having said this, it is possible that the Dainzú reliefs imply sacrifice. My aim is only to
show that sacrifice does not provide any direct evidence of a ballgame.
Synthesis and Conclusions
In the foregoing I have tried to show that:
1. The Dainzú corpus is unique in its style,
2. The interpretations of Dainzú have focused on the representation of a type of game, and

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 3. The interpretation of Dainzú as a ballgame seems to be based solely on the representation
of a ball in the hands of the figures represented.
I think that no (ball)game is represented in the Dainzú corpus.
As a consequence, I would like to propose that the Dainzú corpus, rather than illustrating the
outcome of some type of ritual game, represents the result of a battle or war campaign.
Accepting this interpretation would not mean a change in the interpretation of the message of
the whole iconographic program: a message of political power, glorifying the rulers of Dainzú
(cf. Orr 2003:93). This message might even be strengthened if we see the main Dainzú corpus
as a ruler of the town standing victoriously over fallen enemies from neighboring towns.
What is important to note, is that only part of the original corpus is known. The known slabs
all date to around 300 B.C. – 100 A.D., while the site of Dainzú was occupied continuously
until at least 1000 A.D. (Bernal and Oliveros 1988). All of the Complex A slabs – possibly
except for Slab 1 - seem to be out of their original context, having been reused in later
occupations. As a consequence we have an incomplete view of the narrative sequence, and it
is possible that stones from the same corpus can still be found on or around the site.
Significant in this context are Dainzú slabs no. 85 and 86 (Bernal and Oliveros 1988: foto 5,
foto 6), that were found in Complex B. Dainzú Slab 85 (D-85) represents a figure, wearing
attire similar to that of the figures of the Complex A corpus, walking over a possible place-
sign. Dainzú Slab 86 (D-86; fig. 4) represents a figure identical to the figures from Complex
A, wearing a helmet, cape, knee protectors, and short pants. He also holds a round object in
his upraised right hand. Most significantly, he appears to be walking. This suggestion of
movement is confirmed by the footprints that are shown under his feet. His posture is
radically different from the rest of the Dainzú corpus. Whereas the Complex A and Cerro
Dainzú iconography seems to represent scenes that took place as the result of an event, D-86
seems to represent a scene taking place as a prelude to something else. Since we cannot know
how much reliefs are missing, we cannot say anything definitive about the original meaning
of the corpus. However, taking into consideration D-85 and D-86 it seems possible that the
original corpus depicted a successful war campaign, ending in the victory of the Dainzú rulers
- and possibly a consequent sacrifice of the individuals from the losing parties. This type of
iconographical program in monumental architecture is not unique for the region at the time, as
evidenced by Monte Albán Building J (Marcus and Flannery 1996:195-199).
As I have stressed before, I do not insist that the interpretation of the Dainzú corpus presented
above is necessarily correct. However, considering that it is based on less conjectures than the
postulation of a type of ballgame that is not evidenced anywhere else in Mesoamerica, I think

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 that it warrants further investigation. At the very least, what I have tried to show is that the
view of the Dainzú corpus as representing a kind of ceremonial game should be thoroughly
reconsidered.

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2003 Could we speak of the Super Bowl at Flushing Meadows? La pelota Mixteca, a third
pre-Hispanic ballgame, and its possible architectural context. In: Ancient Mesoamerica
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Taube, Karl and Marc Zender

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 2009 American Gladiators: Ritual Boxing in Ancient Mesoamerica. In: Heather Orr and
Rex Koontz (eds.) Blood and Beauty: organized violence in the art and archaeology of
Mesoamerica and Central America, pp. 161-220. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology
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n.d. Otra narrativa de jugadores de pelota en Dainzú. Manuscript on file at the Biblioteca
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2001 The Sport of Life and Death: The Mesoamerican Ballgame. Mint Museum of Arts,
Thames and Hudson, London.

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 Figure 1. Slab 1 of Complex A. ( Bernal and Seuffert 1979: fig. 2)

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 Figure 2. Stone 5 (or ‘wall of sacrifice’) from Cerro Dainzú. (Bernal and Seuffert
1979:fig. 45).

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 Figure 3. Maya Vase K 8545, taken from the Kerr Maya Vase Database at
www.mayavase.com

Figure 4: Dainzú relief number 86, found in Complex B. (Bernal and Oliveros 1988: foto
6)

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 Acknowledgements
I am indebted to Dr. Gilda Hernández Sánchez and two anonymous reviewers for reviewing
this article and suggesting improvements.

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