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The Wilayat of 'Ali in Twelver Shi'ism, Sufism and The Religion of The Medieval Isma'ilis

This document discusses the concept of wilayat, or vice-regency, of Ali in Twelver Shi'ism, Sufism, and medieval Ismailism. It explains that wilayat refers to the spiritual and temporal authority given to Ali by the Prophet Muhammad at Ghadir Khumm. It explores how the event of Ghadir Khumm was represented astrologically and symbolically in Suhrawardi Sufi architecture to connect Shi'ism and Sufism while maintaining dissimulation. Understanding the concept of wilayat through Ghadir Khumm helps explain the historical relationship between Shi'ism and Sufism during times when Shi'a practices needed to be

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The Wilayat of 'Ali in Twelver Shi'ism, Sufism and The Religion of The Medieval Isma'ilis

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The Wilayat of 'Ali in Twelver Shi'ism 123

CHAPTER

Four
The Wilayat of 'Ali in Twelver Shi'ism, Sufism
and the Religion of the Medieval Isma'ilis

Introduction
The muddled relationship between Shi'ism and Sufism is as unresearched in
scholarship today as it was unexplained in medieval times. Already demonstrated
in this book, the primary reason behind this historical incomprehension was
the traditional Shi'a practice of taqiyya or dissimulation. The general lack
of progress in understanding Shi'a-Sufi relations stems from the difficulty
experienced by modern scholars in engaging with certain spiritual concepts
and esoteric sciences common both to Shi'a Islam and Sufism. Known only to
the initiated few, these concepts were used to express Shi'ism through Sufism.
These concepts and their practice, which historically provided the metaphysical
basis for accommodating Sufism within Shi'ism, are still far from understood
by most modern scholars of religion.
In the context of this book, an explanation of these common concepts, and
the direct correlation through them of Sufism to the idea of the Shi'a Imamate,
will clarify our ‘lost’ medieval Shi'a-Sufi relationship. This correlation, at
least for the Suhrawardi Order in Multan and Uch, was expressed through
the astrological reckoning of the event of Ghadir Khumm, when the Prophet
appointed 'Ali as his successor. Like in the Chetir ceremony at Shams’s
shrine (explored in Chapter 2), the Ghadir Khumm principle has also been
found represented through symbols on Suhrawardi buildings in the middle
Indus region. These symbols, however, revolve around the direct connection
of Ghadir to the Persian New Year, Nawruz, instead of it being established

Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. University of Florida, on 27 Feb 2017 at 00:01:33, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use,
available at https:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107477636.007
124 Constructing Islam on the Indus

through Chaharshamba-yi Suri, as is the case in the Chetir ceremony.1 In

addition, in the Suhrawardi buildings contained in this book, the use of
the astrological disposition of Ghadir actually goes a step further, since it is
employed as a template for accommodating religions like Hinduism within
Islam.
The link between the event of Ghadir Khumm, when according to Shi'a
Islam the Prophet openly announced his cousin 'Ali as his spiritual and temporal
successor, 2 and the Persian New Year Nawruz, has long been acknowledged
in Shi'a hadith. But until now, this event has never been fully explored for its
conceptual implications on Shi'a religious transcendentalism, mainly due to
a dearth of material. For similar reasons, it has not been used to explore 'Alid
Sufism either, or more specifically, for understanding our Isma'ili-Suhrawardi
connection. Shams’s ingenious use of the Ghadir Khumm Nawruz connection
as an astrological template for representing the Shi'a concept of the Imamate
in a religious ceremony celebrated according to the local Indian calendar is
the first such example available in history. Further evidence in the form of the
'urs celebration of Jalal al-din Surkhposh during the month of Chetir ties the
Suhrawardi Order in Uch to Shams himself.3 In formulating the Satpanth,
Shams obviously served as the progenitor for the dissemination of these ideas
from Khurasan into what is now Pakistan, but the question arises, whether
and if there existed less elaborate examples of the same principle beforehand,
especially considering the syncretism that was found in Fatimid Multan in
the tenth century.4
A general explanation of the Ghadir Khumm event, for better understanding
Sufism within a Shi'a context, will be undertaken in this chapter. This process
serves a twofold purpose. Firstly, it demonstrates the metaphysical link that
existed between the Isma'ili da'wa and the Suhrawardi Order by showing

1 The Prophet nominated 'Ali as his absolute successor in his last sermon. The date as
calculated for this book was 18 Dhul Hijja 10 Hijri, or Wednesday 14 March 632.
Nawruz is the point when the Sun enters the sign of Aries; see Chapter 2, ‘Chetir and
Chaharshamba-yi Suri.’
2 The event of Ghadir Khumm is celebrated in the Shi'a world as a festival, when the
Prophet said about 'Ali ‘Whosever’s master (mawla) I am, 'Ali is also his master,’ S.
H. Nasr, S. V. Nasr, and H Dabashi 1988, p.160. Ghadir is regarded as having divine
ordinance by being in obedience to the revelation in Sura or chapter 5:71, and in addition
by being complemented by the revelation of the last verse of the Quran on the occasion.
See Hollister 1953, p.13.
3 Hafiz 1931, p.99.
4 See Chapter 1.

how a secretly Shi'a Sufi order could have been an auxiliary of Isma'ilism,
without being fully Isma'ili itself. This is achieved by thoroughly explaining
to the reader the idea behind Ghadir Khumm, and the sub-events involved
in its astrological representation. It is of note that this process of astrological
representation, as is encountered in our context, is also an acknowledged
characteristic of the earlier Fatimid period. The use of the Ghadir Khumm
Nawruz connection as a multi-faith template in a variety of ways, either as
achieved by Shams for adapting Shi'a ceremonial to local contexts, or as discreet
architectural symbols by the Suhrawardi Order, who needed to express their
real beliefs in dissimulation, does not diminish the basic Shi'a nature of the idea.
Secondly, the demonstration of the actual working concepts behind the
Ghadir Khumm Nawruz template will reveal the hidden connections that
existed between medieval Shi'ism and Sufism. The exegesis of these concepts
shows how Sufism could become a convenient and practical tool for the
expression of Shi'ism, in times of duress and dissimulation, which it invariably
did in the shape of the Suhrawardi Sufi Order. However, this book’s medieval
context actively excludes Sufi ideas and aesthetics that were simultaneously
absorbed into Sunni circles throughout the Muslim world, which in most cases
also enjoyed imperial patronage.

The concept of wilayat in Shi'ism and Sufism

The event of Ghadir Khumm forms the foundation stone for the metaphysical
superiority that Shi'a Islam claims over the Sunni caliphate system. It is
recognised by all the Shi'a sub-sects as their point of departure from Sunnism,
each drawing upon it in some way to legitimise its respective claim to the
Imamate, which is always through lineal descent from 'Ali. The nomination
of 'Ali by the Prophet as his absolute successor in affairs divine and temporal
at Ghadir is called the wilayat or vice-regency of 'Ali.5 The word wilayat is
derived from the Arabic root wila, which means power, authority or a right
of a certain kind. In Shi'a theology, wilayat is the authority invested in the
Prophet and then the Ahl al-Bayt (or Panjatan in Persian-Urdu), comprised of
his original family, which after him includes 'Ali, Fatima, Hasan and Husayn,

5 Amongst existing Shi'a sects, Nizari Isma'ilism and Twelver Shi'ism uphold the concept
of the Imamate, or patriarchal lineal descent from 'Ali, more than most others, which
starts with the event of Ghadir and the declaration of 'Ali’s wilayat. Sects like the
Yemeni Zaidis have lessened the status of the Imamate, while others like the 'Alawi of
Syria exalt it to extreme beliefs.

as representatives of God on earth.6 In the Ja'fari fiqh or school of Shi'ism

(which includes both Isma'ilism and Twelver Shi'ism), wilayat has four different
dimensions of expression, but the primordial dimension is that of the universal
wilayat of the Imam of the time, which is derived from 'Ali.7 When this holistic
notion of wilayat is passed on to a descendant of 'Ali after him, it takes place
through a process called nass.8 This occurs when an infallible Imam ('Ali or
one of his descendants) nominates his successor publicly, and imbues him with
divine credentials and secrets in private. In (Ja'fari) Shi'ism whenever the word
Imamate or Imam is used, it necessarily encompasses all the four dimensions
of wilayat.9 The concept of wilayat and nass is intertwined with that of the
Holy Spirit, which descended on Muhammad on the Night of Power, as
mentioned in Sura 97 of the Quran. Necessarily, the new Imam gets imbued
with the Holy Spirit itself, and the principle is a major departure from Sunni
Islam, which regards Muhammad alone as having received the Spirit (or as
being holy). In Shi'ism, the Spirit is carried by all the Imams, and the nass in
essence entails the complete transfer of the wilayat of 'Ali, from Muhammad
at Ghadir Khumm, to his descendants, who are chosen directly by God.
The one concept which is central to all Sufism is that of the spiritual guide
who, either dead or alive, initiates the disciple. He, in addition, transfers secret
knowledge to him, and imparts esoteric and exoteric etiquette on how to live
between God and nature. In Sufism, a highly accomplished spiritual guide is

6 In the book Shi' ism: Imamate and Wilayat see Chapter 6, ‘Wilayat and its Scope,’ at
http://www.al-islam.org/wilayat . This book by Sayyid Muhammad Rizvi explicitly
deals with the notion of wilayat and its indispensability to the concept of the Imamate
in Ja'fari Shi'ism. The Family of the Prophet is regarded as being infallible by all the
Shi'a sects, and the divergence comes only with their later descendants. Hence, the
idea of wilayat, which starts with the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir, is likewise regarded
equally by all the sects.
7 The first dimension of wilayat is love for the Ahl al-Bayt, regarded as being stated in
Sura 42:23 of the Quran. The second dimension is that of 'Ali’s spiritual guidance,
which is a commonly held belief among the Shi'a and the majority of the Sufi orders.
The third is the socio-political authority of the Ahl al-Bayt, or simply their temporal
authority over all others. The fourth dimension is called the universal wilayat, whereby
the wali or holder of the wilayat exercises power over all that exists. In the words of
a recent clerical ruler of Iran, ‘it is the vice-regency which pertains to the whole of
creation.’ The last two dimensions are exclusively Shi'a concepts: Ibid.
8 Nass is the designation that makes one an Imam on the death of his predecessor:
Hollister 1953, p.415.
9 See Chapter 6 in Shi' ism: Imamate and Wilayat, ‘Wilayat and its Scope’ at http://www.
al-islam.org/wilayat.

usually given the title of wali (wali Allah or friend of God), and sanctity itself
is called wilayah. Hence, the Sufi concept of the wali Allah is in principle
synonymous with that of the wilayat (of 'Ali) in Shi'ism, especially considering
that the root for both the words is the same (wila in Arabic). Some scholars
even identify the two as being identical.10 In contrast, an acclaimed Sufi
master’s primary representative is called a khalifa or caliph. This is a hierarchy
through which the subservience of the idea of the caliphate to the wilayah can
be discreetly read in Sufi beliefs, and the system extends some Shi'a sensibilities
to the Sufi perception of Islam. Hossein Nasr states that the Twelver scholar
Murtada al-Radi, who lived in Buwayhid Baghdad before the Seljuqs, called
the (early) Sufis ‘the real Shi'ites.’11
The orally transmitted traditions of most Sufi orders relate that certain
chosen individuals from the early era of Islam were taught esoteric knowledge
of Scripture by 'Ali, along with its application to the natural environment
and to the forces of nature. These individuals subsequently instructed other
disciples in this knowledge, who were to become the early Sufi masters in
the spiritual chains of the orders, in the pre-tariqa stage of Sufism. The early
masters were initiated into this secret knowledge with a pledge to transfer it only
to deserving individuals. This near universal spiritual designation from 'Ali,
which is accepted by all the Sufi orders except the Naqshbandiyya, embellishes
Sufism with a very 'Alid motif. However, the Naqshbandi Order stands out, as
it derives its spiritual lineage from the Prophet through the first Sunni Caliph
Abu Bakr, instead of 'Ali.12 It sprang up in fourteenth century Uzbekistan
in a Sunni Turkic environment. The Naqshbandi Order was favoured by the
Ottoman Empire and the latter-day Mughals in India. It became a political
tool used for countering the influence of Shi'a-Sufi orders like the Bektashi
by imperial circles in Turkey.
In his book Shi'ism: Imamate and Wilayat, Sayyid Muhammad Rizvi explores
the degree to which the four dimensions of wilayat, which are integral to
Shi'ism, are also adhered to in Sufi beliefs, for the purpose of ascertaining how
far Sunni Sufis can be identified with Shi'a Islam (Figure 4.1).13 In this, Rizvi
places Sufis between the Shi'a and orthodox Sunnis. However, according to

10 Nasr 1991, pp.107-108.

11 For Murtada al-Radi see ‘The Shi'a Century’ in the Introduction, and ‘An historic
overview’ in Chapter 1.
12 See Chapter 6 in the book Shi' ism: Imamate and Wilayat, ‘Wilayat and its Scope’ at
http://www.al-islam.org/wilayat.
13 Ibid.

him, the adherence of Sufis to the second dimension of 'Ali’s wilayat, that of
spiritual guidance, makes all Sufis signatories to the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir.
This of course excludes orders like the Naqshbandiyya, which derive their
spiritual chains through individuals other than 'Ali.

The Status of Ahlul Bayt Among Muslims

Sunnis Sufis Shi’as
Love of Ahlul Bayt
Spiritual Guidance of the Ahlul Bayt
Political Leadership of the Ahlul Bayt
Universal Authority of the Ahlul Bayt

Figure 4.1. The four different dimensions of wilayat as adhered

to by Sunnis, (Sunni) Sufis, and the Shi'a

In the context of this book, where Shi'ism uses Sufism for dissimulation,
Sufi belief in the various dimensions of 'Ali’s wilayat, and its connection to the
secret knowledge of Scripture, can be explored within a Shi'a setting to expand
the hypothesis further. This method is especially suited to the analysis of the
earlier Sufi orders that came out of Iran and Iraq in the eleventh century, which
had direct connections to Isma'ilism or Twelver Shi'ism, as these were the orders
used by Shi'a sects for cover in times of persecution. Some would argue, from
the chart in Figure 4.1, that Sufi adherence to the spiritual dimension of 'Ali’s
wilayat is consistent with moderate Sunni belief in 'Ali’s spiritual Imamate,
and that this does not lower the temporal status of the first three caliphs (in
Sufi belief). However, the argument only holds true if the adherence to 'Ali’s
wilayat by any given Sufi order is without its connection to the Persian New
Year. As will be seen in this chapter, the Nawruz connection to 'Ali’s wilayat
in Sufism automatically enhances its status to that of his universal wilayat, i.e.,
encapsulating all the four dimensions, and gives it an exclusive Shi'a twist-one
which cannot have any Sunni overtones. The prime example of such a Sufi
order in history is the Suhrawardi Sufi Order.

Ghadir Khumm, Nawruz, wilayat and Majlisi

The declaration of the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir still reverberates within Shi'ism
today, as the religious system bases both the embryonic definition of its beliefs
and its spiritual designation down to the current Imam on the basis of the

event. In addition, the Indo-Iranian Shi'a world also celebrates the spiritual
station of Ghadir through Nawruz.14 Unlike Shi'ism in the contemporary
Arab world, both Nizari Isma'ilism and Twelver Shi'ism in Iran and India
attach equal significance to Ghadir and to its connection to Nawruz. The two
inter-related events are frequently mentioned in Twelver Shi'a hadith, which
have survived and are well-preserved in Iran. These reports are equally valid
for Iranian Nizari Isma'ilism, which was prevalent in that country until the
Mongol era, even though most Nizari literature has been lost to the ravages of
time. Incidentally, all the chains of narrators for extant Twelver Shi'a hadith
on the connection of Nawruz to the wilayat of 'Ali go back to the sixth Imam,
Ja'far al-Sadiq, who was also an Isma'ili Imam, which makes them equally
relevant for the Isma'ili traditions.
For Nizari Isma'ilism, the biggest problem hampering academic research
on the Nawruz-wilayat connection is the loss of the tradition’s medieval
metaphysical treatises due to the destruction of its libraries at Alamut and other
centres. In our context, the comprehensive loss of the beliefs of the Satpanth,
a system which most certainly derived from the Iranian tradition, adds to the
dearth of knowledge in this regard. Decoding the Chetir ceremony at Shams’s
shrine resolves this issue to an extent. But there is the larger problem of the
complete loss of the practice of Shi'a esoteric sciences, namely the 'Ilm al-Jafr
or cabbala, which purportedly goes back to 'Ali, his early descendants, and his
disciples, and which was used profusely by both the Shi'a tradition and 'Alid
Sufism. Jafr was employed to read and represent the concept of 'Ali’s wilayat
in Scripture. The demonstration of the Nawruz-wilayat connection through
Shams’s Chetir ceremony, coupled with the reading of Twelver hadith on
the subject with their common Twelver-Isma'ili chains of narration, and the
decoding of jafr inscriptions on Suhrawardi buildings that subscribe to 'Ali’s
wilayat, will show just how far the Suhrawardi Order in Multan and Uch
subscribed to Shi'a beliefs.

Twelver texts
Among the Twelver texts that discuss the importance of Nawruz in Shi'a
Islam, the book Zaad al-Ma'ad figures prominently. The book also serves as
a standard manual for Twelver religious obligations, based on the tradition’s

14 Even in Arab Iraq, clerics like Ayatollah Sistani have permitted Nawruz to be celebrated
due its connection to 'Ali.

hadith narrations. Since the Ja'fari School used in Twelver Shi'ism was also
historically followed by Isma'ilism, Zaad al-Ma'ad is relevant for analysing
Isma'ilism within the context of the Ja'fari School of jurisprudence, even though
the two traditions have distanced themselves from each other in the modern era.
Zaad al-Ma'ad was written by the famous Twelver theologian and hadith
narrator Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi (d. 1678), who was the principal figure
in establishing the legitimacy of the Safawid state in Iran. He was a prolific
writer and the author of more than a hundred books. Majlisi’s book Bihar al-
Anwar (110 volumes) serves as one of the foundational texts on which modern
Iranian clerical structure is based. He was the Shaykh al-Islam of the Safawid
Empire, and is generally known to have been an orthodox Twelver Shi'a. But
during the early years of his religious training, Majlisi was a student of the
acclaimed Sufi theosophist and philosopher Mulla Sadra (d.1640).15 Mulla
Sadra was heavily influenced by the illuminationist ideas and theories of Yahya
bin Habash Suhrawardi, who has been briefly described in Chapter 1. It has
been surmised by some scholars that Yahya bin Habash had secret Shi'a beliefs,
which led to his execution by Salah al-din.16 For his part, Mulla Sadra spent
prolonged periods in a town called Kahak, located near Qom, while writing
his philosophic treatises. Kahak was incidentally the seat of the Nizari Isma'ili
Imams at the time.17
Considering that some of Majlisi’s initial training took place under Mulla
Sadra, his personal religious leanings could not have been as theologically
stringent as his works, which were commissioned by the Safawids and used
by the clergy in Qum. Majlisi’s public view on religion was nevertheless
conservative. Zaad- al Ma'ad is one of his later works, and its contents
deal primarily with extolling the spiritual benefits of the obligatory and
supererogatory practices of the Ja'fari fiqh, which are described systematically
in the book for the twelve Islamic lunar months. At the end of the book,
Majlisi has dedicated a section to events and festivals that are not traditionally
observed in the Muslim calendar, and has included the relevant practices and
rituals that need to be performed on them. The section mainly deals with the
religious validity of Iranian festivals within Shi'a Islam. Majlisi authenticates
the celebration of these festivals through hadith narrations, after verifying the

15 Mulla Sadra’s beliefs were considered heretical and he was persecuted for them by the
Twelver Shi'a clergy in Iran.
16 In Chapter 1, see ‘An historic overview.’
17 Some Iranian scholars believe that Mulla Sadra went to Kahak on the invitation of
‘some Isma'ilis,’ see Kamal 2006, p.117.

chain of narrators, and through the process successfully lends Twelver Shi'a
credentials to pre-Islamic Iranian beliefs inside a very bland theological setting.
This version of Iranianised Twelver Shi'ism was also the desired objective of
his Safawid patrons. Majlisi’s training under Mulla Sadra and the influence
of Suhrawardi’s illuminationist theosophy must have played a part in his
work, for we have already seen that the conceptual basis for the astrological
reckoning of Ghadir with Nawruz was first manifested much earlier. The
title Zaad al-Ma'ad can be translated as ‘Provisions for the Hereafter,’ and the
book’s Nawruz content can be viewed as an exoteric template for the religious
transcendentalism that was all Shi'a Islam in its heterodox form.
In section seven of Zaad al-Ma'ad, Majlisi deals with Nawruz as a separate
category, describing its lofty place within the divine plan. He also mentions
Nawruz fleetingly in earlier sections that deal with the Islamic lunar months,
commenting on it in small text on the sides of the manuscript pages, whenever
it complements dates in the Islamic calendar. The section on Nawruz, in terms
of its hadith narrations, is solely dependent on reports going back to the sixth
Imam, Ja'far al-Sadiq. On al-Sadiq’s authority, in addition to the wilayat of
'Ali at Ghadir, Majlisi describes many significant events in world history as
having tallied with Nawruz. The section also relates other important occasions
in the life of the first Shi'a Imam 'Ali, as correlating with the day of Nawruz.
In this book, such a dualistic process of reckoning Islamic events by tallying
them with Nawruz, as explained in a primary text (Majlisi’s work), has another
aspect of interpretation. This is namely the principle of regarding Nawruz as
an auspicious date, and hence the perfect time to start a new deed, an act or
a building. More light will be shed upon the topic in the next section of this
chapter, through al-Biruni’s work.
In the Nawruz section, Majlisi narrates on page 559 that at Ghadir, when the
Prophet announced 'Ali as his successor to the Muslims,18 Salman the Persian
and some other followers came to the Prophet and exclaimed that it was a day
of great celebration for the Persian people, since it heralded the coming of
their New Year.19 On hearing this, the Prophet said that they should celebrate
Ghadir as the greatest 'Eid (festival), as it was indeed the most auspicious of
dates. Considering that the religious ceremonial of Nawruz is arranged around

18 Ghadir, also known as the Prophet’s Last Sermon, took place in front of 125,000
Muslims on 18 Dhul Hijja 10 Hijri, after the afternoon prayers (roughly two o’clock)
at the pool of Ghadir Khumm, which is located midway between Mecca and Medina.
19 Majlisi 1845, p.559, on the authority of Ja'far al-Sadiq.

the entry of the Sun into the sign of Aries, its astrological implications for the
Arab and Persian traditions should be noted here, as both traditions actively
used astrology for religious purposes in the medieval era.
According to all the ancient systems of astrology, the exaltation of the Sun
takes place in the first house, or rather the sign of Aries. The actual point of
exaltation is 19 degrees Aries, which is literally some 19 days after the Sun
enters that sign.20 The Sun travels approximately a single degree every day (in
24 hours), and as a result remains for 30-31 days in each sign of the Zodiac (a
sign is measured as spanning 30 degrees in the heavens).21 This time period
constitutes one month in the solar calendar followed in ancient Iran, which
began at Nawruz, and also roughly makes up one of our months in length.
In actual astrological practice, the moment the Sun enters Aries, the Sun’s
exaltation starts and Nawruz begins; the exaltation mark at 19 degrees of Aries
only signifies the focal point for the maximum release of the Sun’s energy.22 In
pre-Islamic Iran many festivals were earmarked for the entire period, starting
from the time just preceding the Sun’s entry into Aries, and up until its point
of exaltation at 19 degrees. These were festivals of course in addition to the
actual event of Nawruz, the Spring Equinox, when the Sun entered the sign
(at 0 degrees Aries).
Aries is ruled by the planet Mars.23 Therefore, in astrological terms, the
idea behind the celebration of Nawruz is based on the entry and exaltation of
the Sun in the sphere of influence of Mars, while the event itself is represented
by a Sun and Mars nexus in the heavens. This confluence between the Sun
and Mars at Nawruz was used to represent Shams’s spiritual ideal, namely the
wilayat of 'Ali, through iconography, on the Suhrawardi buildings of Multan
and Uch.

20 Al-Biruni 1029, p.258. For the Islamic tradition some of the earliest (surviving) points
of exaltation available for the seven major planets, and the astrological traits of the
twelve signs of the Zodiac, are found in al-Biruni’s book.
21 Ibid, p.100.
22 Ibid, p.258. According to al-Biruni, a planet is in exaltation from the time it enters the
sign of its exaltation, and remains so until it leaves that sign. For a simpler explanation
of the principle, and the astrological characteristics of the seven planets in the different
signs, see Appendix 1.
23 Ibid, pp.69 & 268. The ruling planets for other signs are also given in the book, along
with their friendship and enmity (pp.260-261). The planets ruling over the days of the
week are given on p.165. There are special references to Indian astrology by al-Biruni
on many pages, which was obviously important to him for ascertaining the authenticity
of other traditions.

It is to better explain this process of representation, that the effort to deduce

the Ghadir Khumm and Nawruz connection through Shi'a hadith narrations
has been made in this section. The Gregorian conversion of the (Islamic) Hijri
date reported by Majlisi for Ghadir Khumm, 18 Dhul Hijja in Year 10, was
used in Chapter 2 after its correction through the al-Hakim calendar. The
conversion shows the day of Ghadir to have been Wednesday 14 March 632,
and as outlined in Chapter 2, the date corresponds with the Nawruz-related
festival of Chaharshamba-yi Suri.24 However actual Nawruz then (as now)
would occur a week later, with the entry of the Sun into the sign of Aries (at
0 degrees); the Spring Equinox on either March 20 or 21. An examination of
the dispositions of the planets, especially the Sun and Mars, on the Spring
Equinox in March 632, would yield to us the astrological information required
for understanding the exact use of the Sun and Mars nexus in the Suhrawardi
architecture of Multan and Uch.

Nawruz and 'Umar Khayyam’s Jalali calendar

In order to understand how the date of Ghadir, or Chaharshamba-yi Suri on
Wednesday 14 March 632, was historically regarded as Nawruz, and why this
differs from the common understanding of Nawruz today, one must examine
the change in the nature of Nawruz celebrations after the arrival of Islam.
In the aftermath of the Arab invasions and the subsequent disappearance of
Persian high culture, Nawruz ceremonies in Iran survived only locally, and
sometimes secretly, for a few centuries. However, they made a subsequent
comeback after the Ghaznawids and later the Seljuqs took over the country. The
popular Nawruz celebrations practised today were reinvigorated at the courtly
level for the first time by the famous poet and astronomer 'Umar Khayyam,
after a long period of discontinuity. Khayyam achieved this revival through his
Jalali calendar, which began on 15 March 1079, and took its name from that of
Khayyam’s patron, the Seljuq monarch Jalal al-din Malik Shah.25 Under the

24 See Chapter 2, ‘Chetir and Chaharshamba-yi Suri.’

25 The Jalali calendar was endorsed on 15 March 1079 by Malik Shah as the official
calendar of the Seljuq Empire in his capital Isfahan, and has continued since then. See
'Umar Khayyam in The Columbia Encyclopedia 2007, p.65; also see Selin 1997, pp.479
ff. The astrological chart of the Jalali calendar’s start date shows it to be a Saturday, or
Shamba, which is the first day of the week in Persian. However, in the chart the Sun is
located at exactly 23 degrees Pisces, which is the same disposition as found in the Ghadir
Khumm Chaharshamba-yi Suri chart of 14 March 632. For details see Appendix 2.

Seljuqs, the calendar was responsible for the re-introduction of Persian cultural
values and celebrations, mostly based around Nawruz, after their prolonged
suppression by the Umayyads and the 'Abbasids. But in spite of the calendar’s
Iranian colouring, 'Umar Khayyam named its solar months after the Arabic
names for the twelve signs of the Zodiac, starting with Hamal (Aries). In
Iran, these Arabic names continued until they were replaced by Iranian names
under the Pahlawi dynasty in 1925, which are retained today. In Afghanistan,
the Arabic Zodiac names are still in use and date back to 'Umar Khayyam.26
Al-Biruni, who wrote a generation before 'Umar Khayyam, mentions the
traditional Persian language names for the solar months in the same format
as those adopted by the Iranian Parliament in 1925, and comments on their
widespread use among the native Persians (Zoroastrians).27 Khayyam’s naming
of the months after Arabic Zodiac signs suggests an effort on his part to
regularise New Year celebrations with his Jalali calendar, while doing away with
the lesser motifs and ceremonies connected thereto. The latter would have had
no place in court ceremonial, especially considering that the Jalali calendar had
to be ‘sold’ to the orthodox 'Ulama, who ran Malik Shah’s court. In short, the
process points towards a limited incorporation of Iranian religious ceremonial
into the Seljuq imperial motif, for asserting their own ‘Iranian’ identity as
foreigners, rather than actually ‘reviving’ Iranian culture and religion. The
idea may have had the secondary objective of winning over the hearts of the
native population, as the Seljuqs faced much resistance in Iran. The most
prominent face of this resistance was the nationalistic Nizari Isma'ilism of
Hasan bin Sabbah, which has been briefly explored in the introductory chapter.
In addition, Khayyam probably named the solar months of his calendar with
the signs of the Zodiac in Arabic, to balance the relationship of the Seljuqs
with the 'Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad, from whom they derived their religious
and political mandate.
However, before the Jalali calendar changed their popular nature, indigenous
Nawruz festivities (as narrated by 'Umar Khayyam in his Nawruz Namah)
actually began with the passing of the Sun through the middle of Pisces, 15
days or degrees before the Spring Equinox, while the major festivals would be
reserved for the last week before Nawruz.28 This arrangement accords a special

26 www.taghvim.com
27 Al-Biruni 1029, p.167.
28 Khayyam and Minovi. M 1933, pp. 1-5 (manuscript reprint). 'Umar Khayyam describes
the festivals of Nawruz, their traditions and the deeds that should be performed on

place to Chaharshamba-yi Suri, which is the last Wednesday before Nawruz.

As seen in Chapter 2, the celebration of Chaharshamba-yi Suri has greater
spiritual value in comparison to Nawruz, as its celebration is related to the
casting out of bad resonances before the Sun enters Aries.29 In Zoroastrianism,
Chaharshamba-yi Suri was traditionally celebrated with greater fervour than
Nawruz itself, by a religion which venerates the forces of nature more than
the Abrahamic traditions.
In spite of the limited objectives of the Jalali calendar, it became an icon of
Iranian cultural renaissance with time. Its structure however, withheld open
regard for the other festivals which mark up to the entry of the Sun into Aries.
The plausible reason for this, especially in the case of Chaharshamba-yi Suri,
could be its direct connection to the Shi'a interpretation of Nawruz through
Ghadir and the wilayat of 'Ali. One of the main political agendas of the Seljuqs
was to counter Shi'ism, which is evident from their creation of the Nizamiyyas
as centres of Sunni learning in Iraq, after its century-long domination by the
Shi'a Buwayhids.30
It is improbable that an astrologer of 'Umar Khayyam’s calibre was ignorant
of the Shi'a connection to Chaharshamba-yi Suri, especially considering the
anti-Seljuq Isma'ili milieu that existed in Iran at the time, and his own personal
association with Hasan bin Sabbah. The reprinted version of Khayyam’s
Nawruz Namah comments on most aspects and festivals of Nawruz, but
strangely, it shows no entries for Chaharshamba-yi Suri in its index. It is
unlikely that an early twentieth century editor like Minovi would have omitted
these details. It is quite possible however, that Chaharshamba-yi Suri was
consciously left out by Khayyam himself, due to the religious nature of the
patronage given to him, and the limited objectives of his work. Shi'ism was
rife in the region, a threat to the Seljuq state, and 'Umar Khayyam belonged in
the Seljuq camp. Even if he was not specifically told to omit certain festivals,
he would certainly have suppressed those with ‘troubling’ connections in order
to save his own head.

them to maximise spiritual benefit. These include some Islamic practices which are
popular in Twelver Shi'ism today and may have Shi'a origins, like the recitation of certain
Quranic verses and supplications a certain number of times when the Sun enters Aries.
29 See Chapter 2, ‘Chetir and Chaharshamba-yi Suri.’ Nawruz has a higher ceremonial
importance.
30 See ‘An historic overview’ in Chapter 1.

The astrological chart of the Ghadir Khumm event, reported by Majlisi to

have occurred after midday prayers at approximately two o’clock, on 14 March
632, shows the Sun to be at 23 degrees Pisces on a Wednesday, one week
before Nawruz.31 It cannot be a coincidence that exactly the same disposition
of the Sun (i.e. 23 degrees Pisces), is also found at the start date of the Jalali
calendar, which nevertheless began on a Saturday.32
Prior to the advent of Khayyam’s Jalali calendar in 1079, the only precedent
for the celebration of Nawruz in Islam was through the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir,
a Shi'a principle. Hence Khayyam, a faithful Seljuq subject, who outwardly
suppressed Chaharshamba-yi Suri in his writing, probably due to its Shi'a
connection, still represented it in his Jalali calendar through the disposition of
the Sun that was to be found at Ghadir, namely 23 degrees Pisces. Within the
Nawruz context in Islam, there is little chance of the beginning of Khayyam’s
calendar at 23 degrees Pisces representing anything else other than 'Ali’s
wilayat. In addition, the astrological configuration of the calendar ensured that
neither Malik Shah nor any of his courtiers would ever realise what its start
date at 23 degrees Pisces really meant. This observation is complemented by
the fact that Khayyam describes some Nawruz festivals through poetic allegory
without citing their actual names,33 which is probably a part of his effort to
state the hidden without losing his head in the process.
It can be deduced from Khayyam’s commentary in his book that prior to the
advent of his Jalali calendar, Nawruz celebrations continued for a considerably
longer period of time and included the whole month of Farvardin, with which
the Persian New Year begins. Hence, general references to Nawruz, especially
in a seventh century Arabian context like that of Ghadir, could mean any of
the festivals celebrated within this period, starting from the middle of Pisces,
to the end of Farvardin (or the exit of the Sun from Aries).
The rest of the picture is comparatively easier to grasp in the context of
a larger Nawruz and wilayat of 'Ali astrological framework. More than one
planet, depending on its status in the Ghadir chart, could be used to represent
the wilayat of 'Ali. From this, one can understand how the different planetary
dispositions found at Ghadir were manipulated by Isma'ili missionaries, and
by Suhrawardi Sufis, to represent 'Ali’s wilayat in the Indian sub-continent,
just a few generations after 'Umar Khayyam.

31 See Figure 2.4, in Chapter 2.

32 For the Jalali calendar’s event chart see Appendix 2.
33 Khayyam and Minovi. M 1933, p.7-11.

As mentioned earlier, the most obvious planetary characteristic of Nawruz,

which is the exaltation of the Sun in the sign of Aries, is the confluence of
Mars and the Sun. If one looks closely at the Ghadir chart in Figure 2.4
(Chapter 2), one would see that Mars, the ruler of Aries, is placed at 20 degrees
Capricorn, which is the sign of its exaltation. Hence, in that certain year of
632, both Mars and the Sun were in the respective signs of their exaltations on
the actual Spring Equinox, 34 one week after the event of Ghadir on 14 March
632. In fact, Mars was nearly at the point of its complete exaltation, at 28
degrees Capricorn, (see Figure 4.2, below). This would have made Nawruz in
632 a very auspicious and rare astrological event, which is reflected in Salman
the Persian’s congratulations to the Prophet and 'Ali, as reported by Majlisi.
According to Muslim tradition, Salman was a Zoroastrian magi or priest, who
had converted to monastic Christianity, before coming to Arabia and becoming
Muslim. He must have therefore possessed in-depth knowledge of astrology
due to his training as a Zoroastrian priest.

Figure 4.2. The astrological chart of the Ghadir Khumm related Nawruz on 25 Dhul
Hijja 10 Hijri/20 March 632 at 9.45 p.m., when the Sun enters Aries. Mars is placed at
24 degrees Capricorn and both the planets are in the signs of their exaltations

34 See Figure 4.3 in the following section ‘Jafr,’ and Appendix 1, for details of planetary
exaltations.

The above analysis demonstrates that the incident of Salman congratulating

'Ali on the declaration of his wilayat at Ghadir does indeed have a basis for the
creation of metaphysical discourses in Shi'a Islam, by relating it to the Persian
New Year. Furthermore, it is easy to see how such a method of astrological
reckoning could be translated into a religious doctrine through the use of
planetary exaltations. The natural Sun and Mars nexus of Nawruz, which is
amplified further at Ghadir, with both the planets being in exaltation in 10
Hijri or 632, forms the basis of the astrological template that was used by the
Suhrawardi Order to apply Shi'a religious iconography to its architecture.

Ghadir Khumm, the concept of wilayat in Sufism, and

Islamic Scripture
In order to explain how the Nawruz template mentioned above is used to
represent the wilayat of 'Ali in various ways, a demonstration of the actual
process of this representation through Scripture is first needed, before the
analysis of its application to architecture. The attainment of wilayat in
Sufism, except in the case of the Naqshbandi Order, is traditionally defined
as the crossing of a certain spiritual threshold by the aspirant, directly or
indirectly, through 'Ali’s guidance. Generally, wilayat in Sufism is achieved
through the performance of certain spiritual exercises (under a Sufi master),
which were originally disseminated by 'Ali to his various disciples in secret,
after his appointment as spiritual successor to the Prophet at Ghadir. The
dissemination of this secret knowledge, from 'Ali to the current master, forms
a chain of spiritual transmission. This chain is known as the spiritual lineage
of any particular ('Alid) Sufi order, and serves as the pivot for the derivation
of spiritual power for that order. In principle, the spiritual lineage of any order
can include dead personalities, whose souls form one or more links within the
chain. In fact, direct interaction with the souls of dead shaykhs in any one
chain, and rarely with 'Ali himself, for guidance, is a widespread belief among
most 'Alid Sufi orders. Notwithstanding that contemporary Sufism is usually
understood to be Sunni, the connection with 'Ali demonstrates how historically
many Sufis could actually have been Shi'as, pursuing their agenda under the
cover of popular Islamic asceticism in hostile environments.
In such a context, the most important aspect of researching a covertly
Shi'a Sufi order (such as the Suhrawardi) is to ascertain how it attained and
celebrated wilayat under dissimulation, which was taught at the khanqahs
in secrecy. In essence, if the attainment of wilayat was based on the wilayat

of 'Ali through its Nawruz connection, complete Shi'a credentials would be

established for that order. Due to the secret nature of Sufi initiation, the process
of attaining wilayat is mostly unknown except to an insider. For those who are
superficially aware of the process, wilayat in Sufism is acquired after a long
process of asceticism, which includes dietary regulation, meditation, and most
importantly dhikr or continuous recitation (remembrance). Dhikr is of the
Names of God, Scripture or supplications, performed with secret formulae,
which are handed down by the Sufi master to the initiate.35 Dhikr carries the
greatest weight amongst the various practices of any order for attaining wilayat,
and emphasis on continuous dhikr is usually the norm for all Sufi orders. To
the trained eye, a close examination of any Sufi dhikr performed for attaining
wilayat will reveal whether or not it is Shi'a in nature.
In Shi'ism, the only divinely revealed text which mentions the wilayat of
'Ali by name is a certain supplication known as the Nad-e-'Ali, or the Call to
'Ali. According to both the Isma'ili and Twelver traditions, it was brought
down to the Prophet by the Archangel Gabriel before the battle of Khaybar
in which 'Ali did not participate. After the Prophet recited the supplication,
'Ali appeared and won the battle for the Muslims which they were sure of
losing.36 Nad-e-'Ali is supposed to have miraculous powers of healing and
spiritual strength.37 In addition to Shi'as of all denominations, it is also recited
by 'Alid Sufis for spiritual benefit.
The verses of the Quran which most comprehensively mention the concept
of wilayat and hence complement the Nad-e-'Ali, are the last three verses of the
second chapter al-Baqara. These are collectively known as the Ayat al-Kursi
(2:255-257), or the Verse of the Throne (of God). It is important to note that
Sunni Muslims consider only verse 255 of al-Baqara as the Ayat al-Kursi,

35 In the event of the success of the prescribed dhikr retreat, wilayat is handed down by
'Ali himself.
36 See http://www.ismaili.net/html/modules.php?file=viewtopic&name=phpBB2&op=
modload&t=837 .
37 During the development of the Safawid state noted Iranian theologians, including
Majlisi, stopped short of endorsing the Nad-e-'Ali as a divinely revealed supplication,
and excluded it from prescribed text books. This was done for the general purpose
of appeasing the Sunni world, as the Nad-e-'Ali is not included in the Quran. The
supplication was also systematically excluded from Mafatih al-Jinan (by Qummi, consult
bibliography), which is the commonly used textbook in Twelver Shi'ism after Majilsi’s
Bihar al-Anwar.

while in Shi'ism, the three verses together (2:255-257) are considered as the
(complete) Ayat al-Kursi.38 The second verse (2:256) starts with, ‘La ikraha fi
al-din,’ or ‘There is no compulsion in religion.’ The wording of verse 2:256
is seen by some as being the main reason for the omission of the last two
verses from the shorter (Sunni) version of the Ayat al-Kursi, so as to legitimise
orthodoxy by force. Wilayat itself is mentioned only in the third verse (2:257),
which begins with, ‘Allahu wali allidhina aminu ukhrijuhum min al-Zhulmati ila
al-Nur,’ or, ‘And Allah, (He) takes out who is His vice-regent (wali) from the
Darkness into the Light.’ In Shi'ism, this verse (2:257) of the Ayat al-Kursi is
considered to be the Quranic corroboration of the complete principle of wilayat,
and the Shi'a schools regard it as an allegorical reference in the Quran to the
wilayat of 'Ali itself (the two being inseparable). Shi'a Sufis regard the longer
version of the Ayat al-Kursi as the one dhikr through the continuous recitation
of which they would gain wilayat and become a wali Allah.
For the initiated, the longer version of the Ayat al-Kursi is reckoned to have
the same miraculous powers as the Nad-e-'Ali. However, both Shi'as and Sufis
also use the abridged shorter version, i.e. only verse 2:255, for other purposes
in their dhikr formulae. This is because the beginning of verse 2:255, ‘Allahu la
ilaha illa Hu, al-Hayyu al-Qayyumu..,’ or ‘Allah there is no God but Him, the
Living, the all Powerful..,’ is supposed to be a secret Ism al-'Azham , or Divine
Name, one which was used by many prophets (including Jesus) to raise the
dead. It is connected to the exaltation of the Sun, and hence in our context
also to Nawruz.39
Within Islamic Scripture, there is no comprehensive Quranic reference to
the concept of wilayat, other than in the Shi'a version of the Ayat al-Kursi, or
any direct mention of the wilayat of 'Ali, except in the Nad-e-'Ali.40 The two
texts are readily used as primary references for the explanation of the concept of
wilayat in Shi'a Islam today. The case would have been no different a thousand

38 This is the basic difference between the Shi'a and Sunni interpretation and use of the
Ayat al-Kursi verses.
39 For this certain Divine Name and its ruler ship under the Sun see, ‘The Seven Names’, by
Agha Hasnain Ahmad, p.65 in Imamia Jantari, (2006), Lahore: Iftikhar Book Depot.
40 These facts are well known to those who have a practitioners’ knowledge of Islamic
Scripture and its use in Shi'ism and Sufism. Hitherto, no academic publication has
dealt with the process of attaining wilayat through the wilayat of 'Ali, Shi'a-Sufi studies
being a very young field. However, the significance of the concept as explained here
would not be lost on Western scholars of 'Alid Sufism.

years ago, either in the Shi'a religious schools of Iraq, or in the khanqahs of
Sufi orders with strong Shi'a leanings like the Suhrawardi.
For the purpose of identifying how these two separate texts that refer to
wilayat complement each other, and are connected to Ghadir through Nawruz,
an investigation into their respective dhikr formulae will be made here. This
will in turn demonstrate how an astrological template based on Nawruz is
used to represent the wilayat of 'Ali through Scripture. The process involves
the conversion of Scripture into numbers to determine the desired number
of recitations for its dhikr, and its subsequent reduction to pre-established
planetary consonants, to deduce its corresponding planet. It is important to
emphasise that this procedure of reducing Scripture to numerical sums, and
to astrological entities or planets, is an across the board practice for the ‘secret’
dhikr formulae indispensable to Sufism, which are handed down on initiation.
The entire process is derived from the science of jafr, or Islamic cabbala,
attributed to 'Ali by the Shi'a and Sufi traditions of Islam.

Jafr
Two lost works on magic are ascribed to the famous Islamic scholar al-Biruni,
which in all probability focused on jafr. However, al-Biruni also mentions
most of the individual components of this science in his book Kitab al-Tafhim,
which is frequently used in this chapter. The maximum spiritual benefit of
the Nad-e-'Ali, or the Ayat al-Kursi, as a Sufi dhikr, is gained by obtaining
their gematric sum from the Arabic abjad, and reciting them that many times
within a given period of days, usually the lunar month.41 This recitation

41 Gematric is derived from gematria, the Hebrew system of writing alphabets with
numbers. Jafr has its roots in the Jewish cabbala, where each alphabet is ascribed a
certain number, the addition of which gives the numerical equivalent of a word, or a
verse of Scripture. In Islam, 'Ali is attributed with having regularised the sounds of
the ancient Hebrew system and its twenty two letters to fit in with the new Arabic
(Yemeni) script, its twenty eight letters and the Quran. Each of these twenty eight
Arabic letters also has a number assigned to it, and the system is known as the Arabic
abjad. Jafr constitutes the esoteric component of this adaptation, and also constitutes
the major part of the secret teaching, which 'Ali is supposed to have passed on to his
disciples. Even Sunni historians of the Arabic language ascribe the first writing and
regularisation of Arabic grammar to 'Ali. The cabbala is said to work better in Arabic
as each one of its twenty eight letters corresponds directly to one of the twenty eight
stages of the moon within the lunar month.

is performed in the designated hour, and in the elemental direction of the

planet with which it tallies, to obtain full effect. In Arabic, the gematric sum
is literally the simple addition of all the corresponding numbers in a certain
text, except for the Arabic prefix (Al 1), which is not counted at all, and
the repeated or emphasised letters, marked by or the shadda on top-which
are counted as a single letter instead. The result gives the desired number of
recitations for the dhikr.
The numerological reduction of the gematric sum of any given dhikr down
to the single digit gives its planetary consonant. Thus through the single
digit, the dhikr is associated with one of the seven major planets and is ideally
performed in the hour(s) of that planet each day, with the consideration of its
element and direction, among other details. The entire process is described in
detail in an unpublished article by the late Seth Carney.42 Aside from Carney’s
article, the process is also explained to some extent in the Colonial era book
Qanun-e-Islami or ‘Islam in India’ [sic],43 first published in 1834, which is a
study of Islamic practices in the princely state of Hyderabad in India.
Al-Biruni’s Kitab al-Tafhim/Elements of Astrology describes the practice
of obtaining the gematric sum of any Arabic text through the abjad for its
use in astrology thoroughly enough for the reader to conclude that this was
standard practice in many Islamic sciences, not just in jafr or magic.44 In
another interesting use of the abjad, al-Biruni ascribes numbers, as is done
for the seven planets in jafr, to the twelve signs of the Zodiac, for their use in
astrology and astronomy.45

42 Seth Carney was a lecturer in Islamic Studies at the University of Michigan, and a PhD
candidate at SOAS; his doctoral thesis was submitted in 2007, but remains unexamined
due to his death on 8 July 2007. While he describes the process accurately, Carney’s
article lacks primary source references, and gives wrong pre-established planetary
consonants for the seven planets, to which the recitation is to be reduced. Carney may
have done this on purpose, so as to limit the dissemination of the procedure. However,
the correct procedure is present in al-Biruni’s book, which also establishes an historical
precedent for the practice.
43 The original translation of the book’s title is erroneous; its correct title would be The
Law of Islam.
44 Al-Biruni 1029: pp.40-42. See section 116, ‘Arabic letters for numerals,’ section
117 (p.41) describes the ease of writing astrological and astronomical tables through
numbers. Section 118 (p.42) gives some rules about combining letters from the abjad
to represent big numbers in order to avoid mistakes, which is an inverse process of the
dhikr formula.
45 Ibid, in section 119, p.43, see ‘Further use for letters.’

Figure 4.3. Top left, the Arabic abjad according to al-Biruni,46 and right, planetary
exaltations according to al-Biruni.47 Bottom, the hours of the day and the night as ruled
by the seven planets according to al-Biruni48

In his book, in addition to the details of the Arabic abjad, and its dual use
for representing text as numbers, and for marginalising error while writing very
big numbers, al-Biruni also describes the method of calculating the hours of the
day and the night, as ruled by the seven planets in succession. The calculation
of planetary hours carries great significance in maximising the strength of a
dhikr, as it has to be ideally performed within the hour (of the day) that is
ruled by the planet with which it is associated.
Essentially, all the details for calculating and performing a planetary dhikr
retreat are present in al-Biruni’s book. The only missing component are the
pre-established planetary consonants. These are the single digit numbers (from
one to ten), associated with each planet, to which the abjad sum of a dhikr
corresponds after numerological reduction. One version of these consonants is
found, with flaws, in Carney’s article. However, the most acceptable planetary
consonants this author has found to date are in a book published by an Indian
Sufi shaykh in 1907, who headed his own order. In The Mysteries of Sound and
Number, each one of the seven major planets, which governs one of the seven

46 Ibid, p.41.
47 Ibid, p. 258.
48 Ibid, p.237. The process of calculating the exact length of the planetary hours for each
day and night is mentioned in the accompanying text.

days of the week, is ascribed a number through clear conceptual reasoning.

In the book, every number from one to ten, necessarily every number after
reduction to a single digit, has a tallying planet. According to the book’s author,
his sources were old Islamic manuscripts, researched by him in the different
libraries of the world. The book was translated and published in English.

Saturn 8

Jupiter 3

Mars 9

The Sun 4 and 1

Venus 6

Mercury 5

The Moon 7 and 2

Figure 4.4. Planetary consonants49

It should be mentioned that the consonants in Figure 4.4 are the same as
those passed on by practitioners of jafr, and are also present in jafr manuals
deemed trustworthy. However, as opposed to contemporary literature of this
kind the credibility of which would be suspect, the jafr-based dhikr formula
pieced together here from older sources gives the reader the necessary tools
to understand the analysis contained in the following sections. These sections
explain how the wilayat of 'Ali can be represented as Scripture or architecture,
via its astrological connection to Ghadir and Nawruz. The lesser details of the
framework are considerably easier to understand, since the gematric sum for
any one Name of God, a verse of the Quran, or a supplication, would always
be the same, whenever it is calculated through the abjad.

49 Ahmad, 1907, pp.26-27. Ahmad mentions the origins and sources of these planetary
consonants on pp. 23-25. The process of the numerical reduction of any number to a
single digit (or planet) is described on p. 24. The reasons for how and why dual numbers
are ascribed to the Sun and the Moon are given on p. 2 and p.32. The primary reason
is because the two play a greater role in determining human affairs than the other
planets, as they rule the day and the night respectively (an example of this ruler ship
is the solar and lunar nature of the Arabic alphabet). The method for calculating the
planetary hours for each day (in the same format as given by al-Biruni) is found on
p. 29.

Application of the dhikr formula to the Nad-e-'Ali and

the Ayat al-Kursi
Returning to the subject of wilayat in Sufism, and its connection to the wilayat
of 'Ali through Nawruz, the application of our dhikr formula to the Nad-e-
'Ali and the Ayat al-Kursi will yield a common astro-numerological point of
reference for their metaphysical equivalence, in terms of 'Ali’s wilayat. This
in turn clarifies why the two texts are regarded as the same in Shi'ism and by
some 'Alid Sufi orders, as both groups actively encourage their adherents to seek
hidden meanings in Scripture. The explanation offers a deeper understanding
into how 'Alid Sufism was used for dissimulation by Shi'a sects, and how Shi'a
concepts were concealed from the public eye by an outward profession of Sufi
orthodoxy, while being taught in secrecy at the khanqahs at the same time. In
short, the analysis of the wilayat of 'Ali in this section will define for the reader
the way the historic relationship between Sufism and Shi'ism is misunderstood,
as simply a ‘third way’ in Islam juxtaposed between the Shi'a and the Sunni.

Figure 4.5. A hexagram talisman of the abjad sum of the Nad-e-'Ali50

The abjad sums for both the Nad-e-'Ali and the Ayat al-Kursi are readily
available from texts published by the Twelver Shi'a and Sufi communities, and
can also be calculated manually. Figure 4.5 (above) shows a hexagram talisman
of the Nad-e-'Ali from one such publication, it is probably a reprint from an older
work. It is meant to be written after the dhikr equalling the numerical sum of

50 See ‘Luh-e-Nad-e-'Ali,’ by S. Nadeem Haidar Zaidi, pp.21-22 in Imamia Jantari (2005)

Lahore: Iftikhar Book Depot.

the Nad-e-'Ali has been completed within the lunar month, in the hours and the
elemental direction of the tallying planet. To obtain the hexagram talisman for
an abjad sum, the grand total is divided by three. In this, the sum in question
has to be divisible by three in order to fit inside a hexagram.51 In the case of
the Nad-e-'Ali, after division the remainder (14,184, see Figure 4.5, above) is
written in the centre of the hexagram. Numbers receding (the remainder) by
one are written on the three left flanks of the hexagram, until the top-most
tip is reached. Similarly, numbers successively increasing by one are written on
the three right flanks, until the bottom-most tip of the hexagram is reached
and filled. The talisman is written immediately after the last day’s recitation
of the dhikr, usually the last day of the lunar month, which completes the total
number of recitations for its abjad sum. Such a talisman can easily be checked
for errors by the simple addition of any three numbers in a straight line on
the hexagram (see lines in Figure 4.5). The sum of these additions in all cases
gives the same value if the talisman is correct, which is the original abjad sum
of the dhikr, in this case the Nad-e-'Ali.
Hence, for the Nad-e-'Ali hexagram in Figure 4.5, the addition from
top to bottom is 14181+14184+14187=42552, from top left to bottom
right is 14182+14184+14186=42552, and from top right to bottom left is
14185+14184+14183 = 42552. The grand total for both the diagonals and the
vertical direction comes to 42552, which is the abjad sum of the Nad-e-'Ali. To
establish the ruling planet for the dhikr, the abjad sum is reduced to a single
digit before beginning its recitation. In the case of 42552, the reduction would
be to the order of 4+2+5+5+2 = 6+12 = 6+3 = 9. This shows that the Nad-e-'Ali
supplication corresponds to Mars, as can be seen from Figure 4.4, and hence
its dhikr should ideally be performed in the hour and elemental direction of
that planet. In addition, its astrological connection to the wilayat of 'Ali is
through the planet Mars itself, which we know was in exaltation at both the
event of Ghadir in 632, and on the Spring Equinox (i.e. actual Nawruz) that
followed it (see Figures 2.4 and 4.2). Moreover, Mars is a part of the Sun and
Mars nexus that defines Nawruz.
If the planetary ruler for the Ayat al-Kursi, which is the alleged reference
to 'Ali’s wilayat in the Quran, were also Mars, the metaphysical equivalence
argued for the two texts will hold true. The abjad sum for the Ayat al-Kursi
can be calculated manually, or be referenced from an existing publication. The

51 In jafr, only multiples of three, six and nine, or rather sums that reduce to these three
single digits can be written as hexagram talismans.

sum of the longer version of the Ayat al-Kursi (verses 255-257 of al-Baqara)
through the abjad is 14067.52 When reduced to a single digit this gives us
1+4+0+6+7 = 5+13 = 5+4 = 9, which also makes it a Mars dhikr. It should be
noted that the reduction of the abjad sum to a single digit to determine its
ruling planet is an across the board practice in jafr, and needs to be envisaged
in the same manner in which plants and metals are ascribed planetary ruler
ships in medical astrology and in alchemy.
It is not known if the Shi'a 'Urafa or Gnostics consciously chose to prescribe
the longer version of the Ayat al-Kursi, which is ruled by Mars, in their
teachings, so as to Quranically complement their perception of 'Ali’s wilayat at
Ghadir, or if the prescription actually goes back to 'Ali himself. In either case,
the idea behind the principle became a part of Shi'a metaphysical thought, and
over a period of time, of Shi'a theology. Within Shi'a 'Irfan or Gnosis, both the
Nad-e-'Ali and the Ayat al-Kursi are mentioned as being equally representative
of the wilayat of 'Ali, with the former being so directly, and the latter through
Quranic allegory. It is probably through connections to Shi'a 'Irfan that the
idea of the metaphysical equivalence of these two texts was disseminated to
certain 'Alid Sufi orders, among which the Suhrawardi figures prominently.
In light of the above analysis, it is easy to see how the Ayat al-Kursi verses
were actually used for the Shi'a representation of ('Ali’s) wilayat under
dissimulation. Baha al-din Zakiriyya, the progenitor of the Suhrawardi Order
in Multan, prescribed the Ayat al-Kursi dhikr above all others to the followers
of his khanqah, in his prayer textbook, Al-Awrad. This text has already been
explored for its hidden Shi'a leanings.53 According to Zakiriyya, continuous
recitation of the Ayat al-Kursi between prescribed prayers is the best way to
attain the highest level of spiritual proficiency (i.e. wilayat).54 The Suhrawardi
expression of the secret knot between the Ayat al-Kursi and the wilayat of
'Ali is also found in the Rukn-e-'Alam monument, where it is represented
architecturally.
The wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir, along with its astrological superstructure,
whether represented through Quranic verses in a Suf i dhikr, or applied to
architecture and iconography, remains conceptually a Shi'a principle. Another
ingenious manner of its use was achieved by Pir Shams, who arranged religious

52 ‘Luh-e-Ayat al-Kursi,’ S. Mumtaz Hussain Bukhari, pp. 17-18 in Imamia Jantari (2005)
Lahore: Iftikhar Book Depot.
53 See Chapter 1, ‘Zakiriyya’s theological connection to the Ja'fari f iqh.’
54 Zakiriyya 1262, p.88ff.

ceremonies that celebrated 'Ali’s wilayat at Ghadir through Chaharshamba-

yi Suri and the local calendar. In essence, the wilayat of 'Ali can be seen as
the centre-piece of the Shi'a model of the universe. Its first recorded use
in architecture was in the construction of Fatimid Cairo, something that
subsequently reoccurred throughout the Suhrawardi monuments of this book.

Ghadir Khumm and architecture: The representation of the

wilayat of 'Ali through Mars in Fatimid Cairo
While the previous section explained how the wilayat of 'Ali is represented
in Islamic Scripture through its ruler ship under Mars, the following sections
will examine its representation in architecture, something which involves the
actual construction of monuments according to the principle. The creation of
buildings through 'Ali’s wilayat gives a much greater insight into the extended
use of the concept, especially since it is represented in architecture secretly for
the most part, as achieved by the Suhrawardi Order in Multan and Uch. The
first identifiable use of the idea however, is to be found in the construction
of Fatimid Cairo.
In section seven of Zaad al-Ma'ad, Majlisi reports on the authority of the
sixth Imam al-Sadiq, that the foundations of the first Ka'aba built by Adam
were laid on Nawruz.55 Essentially, what Majlisi refers to is the beginning of
the Ka'aba’s ritual construction. In our context, such an act of construction
could have been started under any auspicious ruler ship in the Nawruz period,
but in practice it would (preferably) have taken place under either the Sun or
Mars, the nexus that actually defines Nawruz. Nevertheless, the entire period
of the Sun’s exaltation (in the Persian month of Farvardin, known as Hamal
or Aries in the Jalali calendar) was traditionally considered to have been very
auspicious for starting new deeds, including the construction of buildings.
The principle of ritually beginning the construction of a monument
through astrology, as is reported for the Ka'aba on Nawruz by Majlisi, finds
implementation in recorded history. The construction of the Fatimid city of
Cairo, which was also known as ‘the city of Mars,’ began during the exaltation
of Mars. The architecture historian Creswell, in his book The Muslim
Architecture of Egypt A.D. 939-1711, comments on the preparations that were
made for laying the foundations of the city. He relates from primary sources

55 Majlisi, 1845, pp.557-559.

that (foundation) trenches were pre-excavated for the beginning of ritual

construction. The moment Mars was in exaltation (presumably somewhere
near 28 degrees Capricorn), the mortar was to be thrown in by the workmen
and construction was to begin.56
Creswell’s report carries great weight in Western scholarship, as perhaps
being the only one that accurately describes the process of creating divine
architecture in Islam through planetary exaltations. It also complements the
method used in this book for decoding the Suhrawardi buildings of Multan
and Uch. Creswell analyses his sources objectively, while attempting his own
Orientalist critique of the chain of events. He criticises Maqrizi, the main
authority who has dealt with the subject, as being inconsistent in his reports
about the original name of the city. According to Creswell, Maqrizi first claims
that the city took the name al-Qahira four years after the beginning of ritual
construction, when the Fatimid Caliph al-Mu'izz finally settled in the city,
and that it was called al-Mansuriya before that. Seven lines later, Maqrizi gives
the impression that the city was called al-Qahira from its inception, when
discussing the astrologers who had calculated the auspicious moment for the
beginning of construction during the exaltation of Mars.57
Isma'ili tradition asserts that the name al-Qahira derives from the Divine
Name al-Qahhar or the Vanquisher, which is one of the ninety-nine Names of
God in Arabic, and that al-Qahira is connected through the name al-Qahhar
to the planet Mars and to ‘Isma'ili beliefs,’ due to which Cairo came to be
known as the city of Mars.58 To verify this, one can simply calculate the abjad
sum for al-Qahhar, and then reduce it to a single digit to ascertain its planetary
ruler ship. If the ruler of the name al-Qahhar turns out to be Mars, then the
connection of Cairo to ‘Isma'ili beliefs,’ or rather to the wilayat of 'Ali can be
upheld, in addition to a further connection to Nawruz (through Mars). The
deduction will also lend credence to the work of a great architecture historian
like Creswell, and will open up the possibility of decoding similar monuments/
cities beyond the scope of this book.
The abjad sum for al-Qahhar, after omitting the Arabic prefix ‘al,’ and
counting the repeated letters as singular (according to the rules of jafr), is

56 Creswell 1978, vol. 1, p.23. This reference by Creswell is taken from Maqrizi, p.377,
vol. 2 (MS), 19ff.
57 Creswell describes another historian, Ibn Dumaq, as being clearer about the name al-
Qahira being associated with Cairo’s ritual construction: Creswell 1978, vol. 1, p.23.
58 The author thanks Zawahir Moir for this information.

+ + + or 100+5+1+200, which equals 306. The reduction of 306 yields 9,

which is the planetary consonant for Mars. It is evident, therefore, that Cairo
does indeed take its name from al-Qahhar, or for that matter from the planet
Mars, and that the name could only have been given to the city when its
ritual construction began during the exaltation of Mars. Hence, it would be
correct to assert that this method of construction does have clear antecedents
in Isma'ilism, for relating a monument, in this case an entire city, to Scripture,
and to (secret) Shi'a beliefs through planetary exaltation. In a similar manner,
other Names of God, or verses of the Quran, can also be used for the same
purpose. In the next section, we will see how the Ayat al-Kursi is used to relate
an entire building to the wilayat of 'Ali.
In Kitab al-Tafhim/Elements of Astrology, al-Biruni gives a scientific
explanation for the process of auspiciously beginning a new deed according
to its ruling planet, related to the construction of buildings. His book also
describes the general purpose attributed to each planet, which can be used for
maximising the physical strength of a monument built under its ruler ship.
According to al-Biruni’s description, in the case of Cairo this purpose would
have been the destruction of enemies that the expanding Fatimid Empire
must have sought to achieve, with the construction of that city during the
exaltation of the war planet Mars, in addition to the basic Fatimid belief in
the wilayat of 'Ali.
Al-Biruni ascribes planetary ruler ships to different kinds of buildings after
studying the various astrological traditions of the ancient world. According to
him, temples in general, and Zoroastrian f ire temples specif ically, are ruled by
Mars.59 He also implies that the ritual construction of buildings envisaged in
this manner is best started when the ruling planet is in exaltation, which we
have already seen in the case of Cairo. Al-Biruni states that the Lord of the
Hour (ruling planet) for a place or a building cannot be correctly deduced,
unless the accurate time for the beginning of ritual construction is known.
Even a religious ceremony associated with the foundation of a city suffices for
the purpose in his opinion, in which case the astrological chart of the event
will yield the ruling planet. However, he goes on to assert that this method
of deduction is not scientifically applicable to natural phenomena like rivers
and streams, since no concrete evidence for the beginning of the flow of water
in them is available.60

59 Al-Biruni 1029, p.242.

60 Ibid., p.239.

The wilayat of 'Ali as a building: The case of Shah Rukn-e-'Alam

From the exegesis contained in this chapter so far, which is reinforced by the
work of both Creswell and al-Biruni, it appears that if certain buildings were
envisaged as divine events and constructed according to the exaltations of their
ruling planets, the architects would have left behind (astrological) clues for
the beginning of ritual construction. In the context of dissimulation, as was
the case with the Suhrawardi Order in Multan, these clues would be symbols
representing what a certain monument really meant. The one Suhrawardi
monument in Multan that has most of its symbols intact is the shrine of
Zakiriyya’s grandson Shah Rukn-e-'Alam. Its mihrab or Mecca direction
marker, embellished with ornate astrological symbols, is the object that would
most likely yield evidence signifying the beginning of ritual construction,
similar to that reported for Cairo.

Figure 4.6. The Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab hexagram with its recreated numbers (left),
and the seven symbols of the Seal of Solomon, representing the seven planets and
the days of the week (right). The original seal has been flipped here from the Arabic,
to start instead from the left hand side (for English readers). In either case, the seal
begins with the encircled pentagram symbol for the Sunday. The symbol for Saturn
or the Saturday is on the far right61

Some of the symbols on the Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab wore off naturally due to
its sheer age, while others were removed after the building’s restoration in 1977.
However, the right flanking hexagram of the mihrab still had the number 9
clearly inscribed in its middle until recently (see Figure 4.6, left). If the rest of
the numerical configuration of the hexagram is recreated from the surviving
number 9, with the method used for writing the Nad-e-'Ali inscription in

61 From Wali Ullah Khan 1983, p.14 (left), and Savage-Smith 2005, p.170 (right).

Figure 4.5, it would yield the numbers that we see on the hexagram in Figure
4.6. In essence, all the numbers in any one straight line should add up to the
original sum of the inscription, which here is 6+9+12 = 27, or 7+9+11 = 27, or
8+9+10 = 27. The single digit reduction of the number 27 is 9, suggesting that
the Rukn-e-'Alam monument was constructed during the exaltation of Mars
and under its ruler ship.
In Figure 4.6, one can clearly see the symbol ‘∂’ carved in the six outer houses
formed between the outer sides of the hexagram and its inscribing circle. The
Seal of Solomon in the same image shows this to be the talismanic symbol for
Saturn, with ‘∂’ being the last or the seventh planet, i.e. Saturn, in the seal.
The reduced number 9 or literally Mars, and the planetary symbol ‘∂’ for
Saturn from the mihrab hexagram, collectively show that the Rukn-e-'Alam
mihrab inscription is a Mars and Saturn inscription. In the context of Saturn,
the sum of the hexagram, 27, is best interpreted as 27 degrees of Saturn, or
rather as 27 degrees of Capricorn (which is the first sign ruled by Saturn). It
is well established that Capricorn is the sign for the exaltation of Mars. The
configuration of the inscription shows that the Rukn-e-'Alam monument’s
construction was ritually begun when the planet Mars was in exaltation, at
27 degrees Capricorn.62
In addition, the mihrab also has the Ayat al-Kursi inscribed around it, which
frames the mihrab niche and the area that carries the hexagram inscriptions
(see Figure 4.7). It has already been demonstrated earlier in the chapter that
according to Shi'a 'Irfan or Gnosis, the Ayat al-Kursi represents the wilayat
of 'Ali under the ruler ship of Mars. The use of the Ayat al-Kursi here, in a
Suhrawardi monument built during the exaltation of Mars, one which also
carries concealed Shi'a iconography on its upper storeys, gives concrete evidence
on the secret Shi'a beliefs of the Suhrawardi Order. 63
The astrological symbolism of the Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab shows that the
building was constructed in a manner similar to Fatimid Cairo, albeit under
dissimulation, during the exaltation of Mars; which in either of these two cases

62 According to al-Biruni, the exaltation of Mars is at 28 degrees Capricorn, and it is in

exaltation for the whole of that sign, see al-Biruni 1029, p.258. One reason why the
Rukn-e-'Alam monument may have been started slightly earlier at 27 degrees, could
be to make the beginning of construction correspond to a Tuesday, or the day of Mars.
Another reason could simply be to ensure that the exalting planet was still rising, as
the exaltation strength would fall once Mars passed the 28 degree mark.
63 For details of the hidden Shi'a symbols on the Rukn-e-'Alam monument, see Chapter
5.

can only be possible when Mars was in the sign of Capricorn. However, unlike
Fatimid Cairo which was openly Isma'ili, the combination of the Ayat al-Kursi
and hidden Shi'a iconography make Rukn-e-'Alam the first dissimulative
expression of the wilayat of 'Ali as a building that has been decoded to
date. Additionally, the covert use of Shi'a iconography in the Rukn-e-'Alam
monument reveals a technique of representation that can be used for decoding
other Twelver and Isma'ili monuments in the future, especially those from
Fatimid Cairo.64

Figure 4.7. The Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab framed by the Ayat al-Kursi

band running around it65

The process of the construction of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument confirms

a few interesting permutations of the use of the wilayat of 'Ali in the creation
of buildings. The first is that it can be represented through Scripture on
monuments, which in the case of Rukn-e-'Alam was done during the exaltation
period of Mars, and was achieved through the Ayat al-Kursi. The second
scenario is the beginning of ritual construction on Nawruz itself, or rather
during the exaltation period of the Sun, which falls within the Persian month
of Farvardin. Essentially, the exaltation of either the Sun or Mars, the two

64 The al-Hakim mosque in Cairo has long been suspected by archaeologists of having
a secret code, one which has still not been broken.
65 Wali Ullah Khan 1983, p.48.

planets that define Nawruz, can be used to represent the wilayat of 'Ali at
Ghadir, since both planets were in exaltation on that certain Spring Equinox
in 632, considered to be a very rare astrological event. The second method is
also visible in Majlisi’s report on the foundations of the original Ka'aba having
been laid on Nawruz. However as we will see, the technique involving the
exaltation of the Sun is purely astrological for the example we have, and does
not necessitate the application of Scripture to monument. The same result
is achieved instead by the use of astrological symbols that signify the Sun’s
exaltation in the sphere of Mars, as will be demonstrated in the next section.
The second method was employed in the construction of the Suhrawardi
monuments of Uch.

Nawruz and the Bibi Jaiwandi monument complex

The Bibi Jaiwandi complex is an integral part of the Suhrawardi monuments
of Uch, and is connected to the khanqah of Jalal al-din Surkhposh. It will be
explored in detail in Chapter 6. This section will only analyse the astrological
and talismanic symbols discovered at the site, which showcase the use of the
second method of monumental construction outlined above. The symbols
collectively represent a Sun and Mars nexus in the complex, necessarily
Nawruz, which of course mean the wilayat of 'Ali.

Figure 4.8. Top left, the complex site plan as a pentagram, which is the symbol for the
Sun in the Seal of Solomon, and right, an old tile from the Bibi Jaiwandi monument with
the symbol for Mars.66 Bottom, the seven talismanic symbols for the seven planets from
the Seal of Solomon, with those for the Sun and Mars encircled67

66 The tile photograph is courtesy of architect Yasmin Cheema.

67 Savage-Smith 2005, p.170.

Figure 4.8 shows the main symbols from Bibi Jaiwandi which clearly
represent Nawruz on comparison, with the pentagram site plan and the symbol
for Mars signifying the Sun’s exaltation. In addition, as will become apparent
in Chapter 6, all the other symbols found in the complex are also connected
to either the Sun or Mars. Due to its connections to Shi'ism, the only possible
metaphysical basis for such a representation of Nawruz by the Suhrawardi
Order is the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir.68
The astrological configuration at Bibi Jaiwandi, which unlike Rukn-e-
'Alam lacks a (surviving) numerical inscription denoting the beginning of
construction, still suggests that the complex was started somewhere in the
Nawruz period, which is the norm for such buildings. The exact moment
of construction in Uch is of course more difficult to deduce, albeit this may
have been easier before the loss of other iconography.69 Technically, ritual
construction on Nawruz can begin at any auspicious moment while the Sun
remains in the sign of Aries, prior to its exaltation at 19 degrees, after which
the exaltation strength starts falling.70 For reasons of practicality however, the
best interpretation of the Bibi Jaiwandi symbols would be that the construction
of the complex was begun at either the exact onset of the Spring Equinox,
when the Sun enters Aries at 0 degrees, or conversely, at the exaltation of the
Sun, at 19 degrees Aries.
The chart in Figure 4.9 systematically cites the astrological attributes of the
days of the week for use in alchemy, including the ruling planets, associated
Names of God, prophets, angels, and metals. The first such (surviving) charts
in Islam can be traced to the Ikhwan al-Safa (Brotherhood of Purity) who
were mentioned in the Introduction. Some matter in their epistles deals with
subjects such as jafr and alchemy.71 The epistles are attributed to a secret

68 The pentagram site plan at Bibi Jaiwandi also represents the Panjatan or the Family
of the Prophet. In Chapter 6, see ‘Similarity between hidden Shi'a symbolism at the
Bibi Jaiwandi complex and Rukn-e-'Alam.’
69 The Bibi Jaiwandi monuments were half destroyed by floods in 1817, see Chapter 6.
70 For planetary exaltations and strengths see al-Biruni 1029, p.258.
71 Of the fifty-two rasail or epistles, the fifty-second deals with magic and talismans. For
details see Ikhwan al-Safa (1957) Rasail Ikhwan al-Safa, 4 volumes, Bayrut. According
to Ian Netton, who has written on the Ikhwan, the epistles divide into four major
sections, yet the Ikhwan’s understanding and use of these sections is much broader
and paradoxical than what would appear to the normal reader. For example, the last
major section, comprised of the final eleven epistles, is titled ‘theological sciences,’
but deals instead with magic and related subjects, see, http://www.muslimphilosophy.
com/ip/rep/H051.

organisation of scholars from Basra in tenth century Iraq. It has been argued
that the Brotherhood had Isma'ili connections, which makes sense to some,
since the epistles were produced in Buwayhid Iraq.72 The most important
astrological attribute in the chart in Figure 4.9 is that of the associated
prophets. Each prophet is associated with a planet and a day, and the entries
show one of the Abrahamic traditions ruling over each day of the week. This
information plays an important part in decoding the multi-layered symbolism
of the Suhrawardi monuments of Uch, which also represent different religions.
As mentioned, all the religious symbols represented in Uch are related to
either the Sun or Mars, that is, they correspond to the astrological framework
of Nawruz and the wilayat of 'Ali. In the Suhrawardi context of the middle
Indus region, this kind of multi-faith symbolism could not derive from a source
other than the Isma'ili Satpanth, which of course began with Pir Shams.

Figure 4.9. An Islamic astrological chart used for maximising planetary benefit in alchemy73

72 Netton actually argues against the Brotherhood being Isma'ili, but considering that
the Ikhwan lived and wrote in Buwayhid Iraq, and were contemporaries of people like
Murtada al-Radi, the historical evidence of the time, coupled with their own metaphysical
tendencies, which included the veneration of Nawruz (see the section after next), suggests
that the Ikhwan hailed from some Shi'a background, even if they were not Isma'ilis.
73 Savage-Smith 2004, p.171.

Representation of multiple religious identities in Uch:

Connections with the Isma'ili Satpanth
While the architectural implications of the religious symbolism of Uch’s
Suhrawardi monuments is reserved for the next chapter, this section explains
the system behind the astro-religious representation that is found at Bibi
Jaiwandi, in light of the information in Figure 4.9. The section demonstrates
how religious icons, in the absence of numerical iconography, can signify the
beginning of ritual construction in a building. The Bibi Jaiwandi complex,
which adjoins the Surkhposh khanqah, has three surviving buildings, namely
Baha al-Halim, Bibi Jaiwandi and Nuriyya, all of which carry religious symbols.

Figure 4.10. The Bibi Jaiwandi symbols: left, a) Baha al-Halim cross niche,
b) Surkhposh cross niche, c) Bibi Jaiwandi Star of David, d) (bottom right) Baha
al-Halim Star of David

The symbols in Figure 4.10 (above), from the three Bibi Jaiwandi
monuments and the adjoining Surkhposh khanqah are easily recognisable.
The Star of David or the hexagram, and the Latin cross, are found in repeated
succession on each monument. They are always arranged in an order where the
hexagram is represented on the exterior, and the cross mostly on the interior.
In addition, the crosses usually have a depressed niche area, probably meant
for lighting ceremonial candles. In the context of the Suhrawardi Order, the
two symbols can only represent Judaism and Christianity. If one tallies the
associated prophets of these two Abrahamic faiths, namely Solomon and Jesus,

with the entries found in the chart in Figure 4.9, one would get the Sun and
Mars as planets, or necessarily Nawruz.74
During research for this book, seven different sites called Uch were
identified in modern-day Pakistan, which can be traced to the Nizari Isma'ili
da'wa.75 Some of these sites still have surviving monuments. One such site
is the Lal Mohra complex, which is covered in Chapter 6.76 At Lal Mohra,
the ordering of religious symbols is the same as found in the Bibi Jaiwandi
complex, with hexagrams used on the exterior (entrances), and ceremonial
cross niches in the interior, and in one case on the actual mihrab itself.77 This
commonality in the use of certain Jewish and Christian symbols, namely the
cross and the hexagram, which represent the Sun and Mars demonstrates
a homogenous process of ritual construction, based on Nawruz, for all the
monuments belonging to the seven Uchs. The Bibi Jaiwandi complex and
Lal Mohra exemplify the use of the second method for the construction of
buildings at Nawruz, mentioned by Majlisi for the Ka'aba. Only here, ritual
construction is discreetly represented on the monuments through religious
symbols, as opposed to magical ones.
It is much easier to identify the exact date for an historic event associated
to a prophet or a religion when it is represented with its characteristic religious
icon, like the cross, than it is for a magical symbol, like those from the Seal of
Solomon. But, in the absence of a supporting numerical inscription, a religious
icon magical would not yield anything except the ruling planet. The second
method show-cased in this section is a simpler execution through Nawruz, of
the wilayat of 'Ali’s representation as a building. In terms of representing Shi'a

74 In the chart, Monday is associated with the Prophet David who is also Jewish, but the
Jewish symbolism at the Bibi Jaiwandi complex is more associable to Solomon, due to
the hexagram and its connection to Mars, and the visible temple configuration that the
architects sought to give the complex. In the Islamic tradition, and especially in jafr,
the Star of David or the hexagram is associated with Solomon and Mars for its magical
properties rather than to David. It is called the Naqsh Sulaiman or the inscription of
Solomon, since multiples of the number 9, i.e. all abjad sums ruled by the planet Mars,
are best suited for writing it. Al-Biruni also ascribes a Mars ruler ship to temples. The
Uch monuments seem to be an attempt at creating a complex akin to the Temple of
Solomon, through the astrological framework of the wilayat of 'Ali and Nawruz.
75 For the seven Uchs see Shackle and Moir 2000, p.204. They are probably related to
Shams’s da'wa, considering its spread and his personality cult.
76 In Chapter 6 see ‘One of the seven Uchs: Lal Mohra,’
77 For details see Chapter 6, plate 6.6.

concepts, the two methods are like two sides of the same coin. However, the
representational value of the second method is twofold, since it also directly
showcases the various religions that make-up the multi-faith structure of
Suhrawardi beliefs, something which cannot be found in Rukn-e-'Alam.
The method was obviously easier to execute in the religious freedom of Uch
as opposed to Multan, where icons from different religions could be freely
applied to building facades. The second method can also be described as being
more efficient, because if used properly, religious icons easily convey the idea
behind the beginning of ritual construction without the use of numerical
representation, although the exact start date is much harder to indicate.

The exaltation of the Soul of God in Suhrawardi doctrine:

The Crucifixion on Easter Sunday in Farvardin
If one is to attempt to decipher the date for the beginning of ritual construction
at the Bibi Jaiwandi complex, using the religious symbols found on the
buildings, one would use the Latin crosses and not the hexagrams for the
purpose. The hexagrams signify the realm of Mars within the Nawruz context,
and also allude to the original Temple of Solomon in the process of creating
divine architecture. However, even if the exact construction date and time
for the Temple of Solomon were known to the Suhrawardi architects and
somehow represented here, it would be impossible to ascertain these with the
scant (surviving) details available.78 The only other religious icon available
for identifying a day in the Nawruz period for the beginning of construction
is the cross, which, through its planetary exaltation, can provide the accurate
date in the month of Farvardin, for the complex’s beginning. The details can
then simply be adjusted within the proposed year(s) of construction, usually
recorded for such monuments, giving us the exact point in time when ritual
construction actually started.
However, for this assertion to carry weight, we must first know the correct
dates for the Crucifixion and for Easter Sunday, their place in the exaltation
period of the Sun (in Aries), and in Isma'ili metaphysics and Suhrawardi
doctrine. In this regard, the work of 'Umar Khayyam, who played such an
important role in the revival of Nawruz ceremonies through his Jalali calendar,
is a good reference point. Khayyam has allegorically discussed the Crucifixion

78 For the loss of the inner mihrabs in floods a few centuries ago, see Chapter 6.

in the context of Nawruz in his work Nawruz Namah. But it must be noted that,
in Islam, such a belief is heterodox to begin with, and also paints Khayyam in
a heterodox light. In a strict reading, the Quran mentions Jesus as having been
neither murdered or crucified, and refers to the event as an ‘illusion’ from God
to the disbelievers.79 In Shi'a 'Irfan (Gnosis) and metaphysics, this would mean
that the issue of whether or not the Crucifixion actually took place is more a
matter of Quranic tafsir or interpretation, an area where the Shi'a traditions
generally incline towards looking for hidden meanings in Scripture. In short,
the entire idea behind the use of the cross as an icon in an Islamic building
has a Shi'a motif to it, irrespective of its connection to Nawruz.
Khayyam has two original ruba'yis or quatrains which allegorically relate
the Crucifixion to Nawruz in his text Nawruz Namah, the first of which, cited
below, was translated erroneously by Fitzgerald into his innovative English
quatrain. In reality, Fitzgerald’s English quatrain was probably derived from
both of Khayyam’s ruba'yis on Nawruz, possibly to complement the artwork
which accompanied his publication The Ruba'iyat of 'Umar Khayyam.80
Khayyam’s first Nawruz ruba'yi, 81 and its correct translation in English, reads
as follows,

79 See the Quran (4:157-158).

80 The author wishes to thank his doctoral examiners Francis Robinson and Ian Netton
for this correction.
81 See Khayyam. O, Minovi. M. 1933, p.1.

Now that there is a possibility of happiness for you in this world,

Every living heart has yearnings towards the desert,
Upon every bough is the appearance of Moses’ hand,
In every breeze is the exhalation of Jesus’ breath82
The last line is a reference to the Rising of Christ, the most important event
related to him, which obviously occurred on Easter Sunday. Our objective is to
ascertain how Easter Sunday fits inside the idea of Nawruz. As Sunday is the
day associated with Jesus, the calculation of the correct date for Easter Sunday
would yield the exact disposition of the Sun that was used for the beginning
of ritual construction at the Bibi Jaiwandi complex.
It should be noted in addition, that the third stanza of Khayyam’s quatrain
(above), which refers to Moses, complements Shi'a hadith on events in
Moses’ life as having corresponded with Nawruz. Majlisi, on the authority
of Ja'far al-Sadiq, states that the parting of the Red Sea by Moses took place
on Nawruz.83 Judging from his Nawruz quatrains, and the beginning of the
Jalali calendar at 23 degrees Pisces, which astrologically replicates Ghadir,
it is evident that Khayyam had a good grasp of Shi'a metaphysics, which is
after all the basis for the celebration of Nawruz in Islam. He must also have
known of its connection to the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir, which he obviously
suppressed in his work.
Surprisingly, not much work has been done in academia to establish the exact
date of the Crucifixion through astrology. Of the dates suggested, the two most
commonly accepted ones are Friday 7 April 30 CE, and Friday 3 April 33 CE.
However, both these dates are disputed by astrologers for having cited the wrong
year. Sir Isaac Newton (d.1733), was the first to put forward another date for the
Crucifixion. His method involved the calculation of the new crescent moon for
the Jewish month of Nisan, on the fourteenth of which the Crucifixion was said
to have occurred. He adjusted the results within the Julian calendar. Newton
came up with the date of Friday, 23 April 34 CE, which he preferred to the
previous two, but his reasons have apparently been forgotten.84

82 For the correct English translation, and other discrepancies in Fitzgerald’s work, see
Heron-Allen, Edward (1899) Edward Fitzgerald’s Ruba'iyat of 'Umar Khayyam, London:
Bernard Quaritch (et al).
83 See Majlisi 1845, p.557.
84 See ‘Newton’s date for the Crucifixion,’ by John Pratt, pp.301-304 in Quarterly Journal
of Royal Astronomical Society (Sept. 1991), London: Blackwell Publishing Limited.

In this author’s opinion, Newton’s preferred year seems to be correct, since

he tallied it with Scripture to ascertain its authenticity. But the suggested day
of April 23 is far removed from the exaltation of the Sun (at 19 degrees Aries),
or from actual Nawruz (at 0 degrees), both of which fall within the Persian
month of Farvardin (approx. 20 March-20 April). In short, Newton’s date
simply lies outside Farvardin and cannot complement Majlisi and Khayyam’s
accounts on Jesus and Nawruz. Newton’s calculation probably contains an
unavoidable error due to a faulty report on the original Jewish date; even a 1
day error can result in great inaccuracy in calendar conversions. In addition,
Newton calculated the new Nisan moon for 34 CE manually, for an event that
occurred roughly seventeen hundred years prior to his time, which increases
the possibility of error. In the different permutations calculable with Newton’s
preferred year of 34 CE, using the day of Friday in early April as reported in
the other two dates, this author obtained 9 April 34 CE as the most likely
date for Easter Sunday.85

Figure 4.11. The astrological chart of Easter Sunday, 9 April 34 CE

85 The author had the benefit of using advanced astrological software which Newton
did not have access to. The software has shown the 3 April 33 CE date to be entirely
faulty, as this was a Sunday, and not a Friday.

The preference here for 9 April 34 CE is because the astrological disposition

of the Sun on this date is exactly 19 degrees Aries (see Figure 4.11), the point
of the Sun’s exaltation that falls well within the month of Farvardin.86 The
data from the new date demonstrates that in the era of its construction, a large
segment of the Bibi Jaiwandi complex, if not all of it, was begun at 19 degrees
Aries. The scenario also explains why the cross symbols in the complex are
more pronounced than all other icons.87 Obviously, owing to Jesus’ status as
the Soul of God in Islam, and considering the disposition of the Sun on the
Easter Sunday in Figure 4.11, he would have enjoyed a very special place in
Suhrawardi doctrines.88 The principle of interlacing at work here is the same
as 'Ali’s wilayat at Ghadir having corresponded with Chaharshamba-yi Suri
at 23 degrees Pisces, something we have already seen represented in so many
different ways in this book.
This section gives the reader an understanding of how various religious
events in world history are regarded as being auspicious in Shi'a 'Irfan
and metaphysics, a process that relies on clear astrological reasoning for
incorporating them, and the creeds to which they belong, into Shi'a religious
transcendentalism. It is necessarily a process that relates divine events to earthly
ones. Early Isma'ili metaphysics, which influenced Pir Shams’s Satpanth, refers
to an ethereal event known as the ‘Cross of Light,’ which encompassed many
divine secrets.89 It was said to have occurred in the heavens, echoing Jesus’
earthly Crucifixion. Since Jesus is associated with the Sun, Christ’s Rising (to

86 The date is given credence by the fact that the proposed time for the Crucifixion on it,
when the Sun is at 19 degrees Aries, is 2.50 pm; nearly the same as 3 pm in the afternoon,
which is the universally accepted time for the Crucifixion by most Christians (I thank
Donna Fernandes for this information). In addition, the chart in Figure 4.11 also shows
Venus and Jupiter to be in auspicious houses. The two planets are called Sa'adain or
the blessed planets by al-Biruni for their noble traits. Jupiter is in Cancer, the sign of
its exaltation, while Venus is in Taurus, the sign of its ruler ship (See Appendix 1 for
details).
87 The cross niches are the only icons in the complex with depressions, to be used for
lighting oil lamps.
88 This again is a matter of tafsir or interpretation, and although Jesus’ high status is verified
by the Quran, literalist Quranic interpretations abounding in modern puritanical Islam
will not accept Jesus as the actual ‘Soul’ of God.
89 For details of the Cross of Light see Corbin 1983 pp. 62 & 149. The concept of the
Cross of Light demonstrates that some kind of crucifixion was indeed envisaged for
Jesus in Isma'ilism. The concept also complements Khayyam’s reference to the event
in his Nawruz quatrains.

Heaven) should automatically have corresponded to the exaltation of the Sun at

19 degrees, in the month of Farvardin, which connects it to the wilayat of 'Ali.
For the Satpanth model or its Suhrawardi variant to work there should
be clear antecedents and planetary exaltations for every religious event and
prophet contained inside it, without which the super structure would simply
fail. The proponents of these doctrines naturally envisaged this to be the plan
of God himself, and would unequivocally assert that the planetary exaltations
were in no way accidental. Hence, it does not matter if the data from Figure
4.11 is unacceptable to scholars of Christianity, as in the Suhrawardi scheme
of things it is the only date that can be the authentic one for Easter Sunday.
It should be evident to the reader by now that the multi-layered astrological
and religious symbolism of Suhrawardi doctrines works like a tapestry, in which
things fall into a coherent ‘grand design’ at many different levels. One symbol,
icon or number can simultaneously represent many interrelated concepts and
events. Thus the exaltation of Jesus at 19 degrees Aries is associable with the
total number of alphabets in the Bismillah, which are 19 (in Arabic). In Shi'ism,
the Bismillah is associated with 'Ali. Furthermore, the names of the Family of
the Prophet (Panjatan), or Muhammad, 'Ali, Fatima, Hasan and Husayn, also
have 19 letters between them in the Arabic, equalling Bismillah. The number
19 after numerological reduction is 1+9=10=1. One is the primary number for
the Sun (see Figure 4.4), and the number for God and Divinity, and so on.
In short, this is a model of the universe where everything can be reduced to
certain Shi'a principles, the pivot of which is the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir and
Nawruz. All other divine religions and their metaphysics fit into this pivot
like a mosaic. It is more than evident from this chapter that the only source
into which the Suhrawardi Order in Multan and Uch could have delved for
this kind of religiosity was Pir Shams’s Satpanth.

Conclusion
The profession of all the four levels of the wilayat of 'Ali, as explained in the
beginning of this chapter, is a phenomenon common to Twelver Shi'ism,
Isma'ilism, and 'Alid Sufism with Shi'a leanings. In addition to being the
foundation of the Shi'a concept of the Imamate, it is also the basis for the
derivation and relegation of spiritual authority in the aforementioned creeds.
Some extant Twelver literature used in Shi'a 'Irfan today, albeit probably edited
over the centuries, mentions the reality of 'Ali’s wilayat, as disseminated by him
to his two closest disciples, Abu Dharr Ghaffari and Salman the Persian. In

this private sermon known as the Ma'arifat al-Nurraniyat, or ‘the Recognition of

Light,’ 'Ali relates his ethereal reality and that of his wilayat to his two disciples.
He states that it is primordial over all creation (i.e. Universal), and through it
also explains his equality with Muhammad, as being his exoteric other half.
In addition, 'Ali touches upon the different levels of his own wilayat in the
text,90 which have been explored in detail in the earlier sections of this chapter.
'Ali’s companions, Abu Dharr and Salman (especially the latter), in turn
figure in the spiritual chains of many 'Alid Sufi orders. Both figures were
Muhammad’s companions before they became the companions of 'Ali. In
Ja'fari Shi'ism, or its Twelver and Isma'ili branches, Abu Dharr and Salman
are considered near infallible and the two of only four Muslims who, after
Muhammad’s death, did not lose faith in real Islam, which is the wilayat of
'Ali. In fact, certain Shi'a hadith mention clearly Salman as being a part of
the Ahl al-Bayt, or the Prophet’s family.91 In Isma'ilism, this high regard for
Salman is connected to the concept of the Resurrection built around Nawruz,
which of course is indelibly linked to the wilayat of 'Ali.92
With the clarification of the shared belief in the wilayat of 'Ali between
Ja'fari Shi'ism and 'Alid Sufism, it would be reasonable to argue that all
'Alid Sufi orders are somehow Shi'a in nature, and most probably had Shi'a
beginnings, and certainly influences. Many orders turned towards Sunni fiqh
or theology after extended periods of dissimulation, or under Sunni patronage
when they were favoured at the courts. Others, like the Suhrawardi, simply
continued to exercise dissimulation, until they died out, most of its own
adherents having been absorbed into orthodox Twelver Shi'ism in the Indus
region. The evidence analysed in this chapter clearly demonstrates that the
Ja'fari concept of the universal wilayat of 'Ali, and its connection to Nawruz,
is the cornerstone of the Satpanth, and of Suhrawardi beliefs. The Satpanth
therefore should not be envisaged as a multi-faith system that stops being

90 For the complete sermon see http://www.hubeali.com/khutbat/The%20Sermon%20

of%20Recognition%20of%20Noor.pdf . Another version of the sermon is contained
in the Nahj al-Balagha.
91 The hadith in concern are common to both Twelver Shi'ism and Isma'ilism, while
Salman’s infallibility is also a theme in the metaphysics of the Ikhwan al-Safa. For
Salman’s place in this hierarchy, and the related hadith, see Corbin 1986, p.176. One
specific hadith states (Prophet) ‘Salman proceeds from me and I from Salman.’
92 For Salman’s connection to Nawruz and the wilayat of 'Ali, as mentioned in the Ikhwan
al-Safa epistles, see Ibid. (Corbin) pp.165 & 176-180.

Shi'a due to its religious transcendentalism. By its own definition it is, in

fact, the original Divine Religion which is indelibly Shi'a. It is the Satpanth’s
Shi'a superstructure that defines how all other religions fit inside it. Similarly,
because of the Suhrawardi Order’s adaptation of the Satpanth system, i.e. the
celebration of the universal wilayat of 'Ali through Nawruz, without which its
own religious transcendentalism could not work, the order can undoubtedly
be identified as having been secretly Shi'a. However, the general use of the
wilayat concept by other 'Alid Sufi orders, except for those like the Suhrawardi
(or the Qalandariyya), does not have to be in terms of 'Ali’s universal wilayat.
Prior to this book, the Satpanth was not understood for any practicality
of belief. It was generally regarded as a hotchpotch religion concocted by
Isma'ili da'is from Iran for religious convenience in India. The previous most
comprehensive description of the Satpanth was given by the Russian scholar of
Isma'ilism, Wladimir Ivanow, in his often quoted monograph titled ‘Satpanth.’
He describes it as ‘The True Path (to Salvation), the name of a sect of Islam,
forming a kind of transition from ordinary Islamic doctrine of the Shi'ite
type, to Hinduism.’ According to him, its Shi'a component was represented
by the Nizari Khoja followers of the Aga Khan, and its Hindu component
by the Satpanthis. The Satpanthis are remnants of the original belief system
in present day Gujarat, who adhere more to its Hindu elements.93 Ivanow’s
modern era study of the Satpanth in the Gujarat demonstrates the polarity that
existed between the two sections of the Indian Isma'ili population at the time.
One section became attached to the Aga Khan line on its migration to India
in the nineteenth century. This section subsequently became more Muslim;
however, those who remained steadfast to the old traditions delved deeper into
its Hindu components. The evidence contained in this book clearly shows that
the original Satpanth, started by Pir Shams, was far more elaborate than what
survived in Ivanow’s time. In essence, as the Isma'ili da'wa fell apart in Uch,
with the death of Shams’s great grandson Hasan Kabir al-din in 1449, so did
the Satpanth. The remainder that reached the first Aga Khan on his arrival in
India must have seemed incoherently Hindu to him, and later to Ivanow as well.
It remains to be seen to what level the metaphysical concepts of early
Isma'ilism, determined the structure of the Satpanth, and how much of it
was Pir Shams’s own spiritual genius. This is because the full extent of the

93 http://www.Ismaili.net/Source/0723/07231a.html. For differences in Ivanow’s description

of the Satpanth from what is outlined in this book see ‘Satpanth,’ by Ivanow in Collectanea,
Vol. 1, (Leiden 1948), p.31 ff.

development of multi-faith doctrines in early Isma'ilism is not yet established,

albeit a basic level of the idea did emerge in the Fatimid era. Although some
scholars argue that the Ikhwan al-Safa have yet to be proven in an Isma'ili
light, the Ikhwan’s treatise on Salman in the context of Nawruz, and their
having lived in Buwayhid Iraq, firmly establish their connections to Shi'ism.94
Hence, at least in this work, in the likeness of the Suhrawardi Order, the
Ikhwan’s metaphysical link to Isma'ilism can be clearly observed. In addition,
other Nawruz symbolism is also present in the religious motif of the Ikhwan,
who used to ritually arrange their (yearly) meetings to start at the onset of the
Spring Equinox, when the Sun entered the sign of the Ram (Aries).95
An Ikhwan al-Safa quote reads, ‘To shun no science, scorn no book, nor
cling fanatically to one single creed, for its own creed encompasses all the others
and comprehends all the sciences generally. This creed is the consideration
of all things existing, both sensible and intelligible, from beginning to end,
whether hidden or overt, manifest or obscure. In so far as they all derive from
a single principle, a single cause, a single world, and a single Soul.’96 The above
statement does not openly state that this ‘single principle’ was the (universal)
wilayat of 'Ali, but within a heterodox medieval Shi'a context it could mean
little else. However, professing the universal wilayat of 'Ali aloud would be
considered heresy in any Muslim context, even in Buwayhid Iraq, since it is
interpretable as equating 'Ali to God. Hence the Ikhwan, like the Suhrawardi
Order, were a secret organisation, one that expressed its real beliefs through
secret symbolism.
A conscious effort was made in the Fatimid era to give conceptual
importance to other monotheistic religions in the Fatimid version of Shi'a
Islam. The Fatimids, in line with their cyclical view of the sacred history of
mankind, made intentional attempts to accommodate major (world) religions
like Judaism, Christianity, Zoroastrianism, and Manichaeism in their Gnostic
system of thought.97 There are no available reports of multi-faith ceremony in
Fatimid times, but Fatimid efforts to accommodate other religions inside their
system must surely have been made through the wilayat of 'Ali, something
which has not yet been identified. In contrast, the middle Indus region, in
the form of the Satpanth, saw a coherent multi-faith doctrine enacted for the

94 For Isma'ili connections to the Ikhwan al-Safa, see Netton (1980) pp.95 ff.
95 Nasr 1964, p.34.
96 Rasail Ikhwan al-Safa 1957 (reprint), Risala IV, p. 52.
97 Daftary 1996, p.14.

first time during the Mongol era. At the sublime level, the Satpanth aimed
to rediscover the lost primordial Divine Religion based on the wilayat of 'Ali.
The Suhrawardi Order subsequently raised it to new heights in the process
of professing it secretly, and also used its concepts for ritual construction
and burial. A unique building archetype, common to the shrines of Isma'ili
missionaries and Suhrawardi Sufis, was discovered during the research for
this book, and will be explored in the following chapters.

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The Wilayat of 'Ali in Twelver Shi'ism, Sufism and The Religion of The Medieval Isma'ilis

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The Wilayat of 'Ali in Twelver Shi'ism, Sufism and The Religion of The Medieval Isma'ilis

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The Wilayat of 'Ali in Twelver Shi'ism 123

through Chaharshamba-yi Suri, as is the case in the Chetir ceremony.1 In

The concept of wilayat in Shi'ism and Sufism

as representatives of God on earth.6 In the Ja'fari fiqh or school of Shi'ism

10 Nasr 1991, pp.107-108.

The Status of Ahlul Bayt Among Muslims

Figure 4.1. The four different dimensions of wilayat as adhered

Ghadir Khumm, Nawruz, wilayat and Majlisi

It is to better explain this process of representation, that the effort to deduce

Nawruz and 'Umar Khayyam’s Jalali calendar

24 See Chapter 2, ‘Chetir and Chaharshamba-yi Suri.’

place to Chaharshamba-yi Suri, which is the last Wednesday before Nawruz.

The astrological chart of the Ghadir Khumm event, reported by Majlisi to

31 See Figure 2.4, in Chapter 2.

As mentioned earlier, the most obvious planetary characteristic of Nawruz,

The above analysis demonstrates that the incident of Salman congratulating

Ghadir Khumm, the concept of wilayat in Sufism, and

of 'Ali through its Nawruz connection, complete Shi'a credentials would be

is performed in the designated hour, and in the elemental direction of the

days of the week, is ascribed a number through clear conceptual reasoning.

The Sun 4 and 1

The Moon 7 and 2

Figure 4.4. Planetary consonants49

Application of the dhikr formula to the Nad-e-'Ali and

Figure 4.5. A hexagram talisman of the abjad sum of the Nad-e-'Ali50

50 See ‘Luh-e-Nad-e-'Ali,’ by S. Nadeem Haidar Zaidi, pp.21-22 in Imamia Jantari (2005)

ceremonies that celebrated 'Ali’s wilayat at Ghadir through Chaharshamba-

Ghadir Khumm and architecture: The representation of the

55 Majlisi, 1845, pp.557-559.

that (foundation) trenches were pre-excavated for the beginning of ritual

+ + + or 100+5+1+200, which equals 306. The reduction of 306 yields 9,

59 Al-Biruni 1029, p.242.

The wilayat of 'Ali as a building: The case of Shah Rukn-e-'Alam

62 According to al-Biruni, the exaltation of Mars is at 28 degrees Capricorn, and it is in

Figure 4.7. The Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab framed by the Ayat al-Kursi

The process of the construction of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument confirms

Nawruz and the Bibi Jaiwandi monument complex

66 The tile photograph is courtesy of architect Yasmin Cheema.

Representation of multiple religious identities in Uch:

The exaltation of the Soul of God in Suhrawardi doctrine:

79 See the Quran (4:157-158).

Now that there is a possibility of happiness for you in this world,

In this author’s opinion, Newton’s preferred year seems to be correct, since

Figure 4.11. The astrological chart of Easter Sunday, 9 April 34 CE

The preference here for 9 April 34 CE is because the astrological disposition

Heaven) should automatically have corresponded to the exaltation of the Sun at

this private sermon known as the Ma'arifat al-Nurraniyat, or ‘the Recognition of

90 For the complete sermon see http://www.hubeali.com/khutbat/The%20Sermon%20

Shi'a due to its religious transcendentalism. By its own definition it is, in

93 http://www.Ismaili.net/Source/0723/07231a.html. For differences in Ivanow’s description

development of multi-faith doctrines in early Isma'ilism is not yet established,

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