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1978

The Ixtleros of North-Central Mexico: a

Geographical Study of Man-Plant Relationships.
Samuel Richard Sheldon
Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College

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 790315 ?
S H E L D O N , SAMUEL R I C H A R D
THE I X T L E R O S OF N O R T H - C E N T R A L M E X I C O £ A
GEOGRAPHI CAL STUDY OF M A N - P L A N T
RELAT I O N S H I P 5 -

THE L O U I S I A N A S TATE U N I V E R S I T Y AND

A G R I C U L T U R A L AND ME C H A N I C A L C O L . , P H . D , 1978

University
Microfilms
International 3 00 n . z e e b r o a d , a n n a r b o r , m i 48 i o e

© 1978

SAMUEL RICHARD SHELDON

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

/
/
 THE IXTLEROS OF NORTH-CENTRAL MEXICO:
A GEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF MAN-PLANT
RELATIONSHIPS

A Dissertation

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the

Louisiana State University and
Agricultural and Mechanical College
in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy

in

The Department of Geography

and Anthropology

by
Samuel Richard Sheldon
B.S., State University College
at Buffalo, 1964
M.S., Eastern Michigan University, 1968
August 1978
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

To everyone who contributed directly or indirectly to the com­

pletion of this dissertation I express my gratitude. To Dr. Robert C.

West, my advisor and academic inspiration, and to committee members

Drs. William V. Davidson, Milton B. Newton, Jr., Miles E. Richardson,

and Lowell E. Urbatsch, my thanks for their time, constructive criti­

cism, and guidance. Dr. Sam B. Hilliard deserves a note of special

gratitude for being both counselor and friend during the past ten years.

Additionally, my appreciation extends to the entire faculty of the

Department of Geography and Anthropology who have stimulated my interest

in research, and who have been most generous in funding me during my

lengthy tenure as a graduate student. During my stay in Mexico numer­

ous individuals contributed to my understanding of the country and it's

people. A special debt of gratitude is owed Manuel Laborde and

Dr. Jorge S. Marroquin of the Universidad Autonoma Agraria "Antonio

Narro," and Dr. Fernando Medellin-Leal, of the Universidad de San Luis

Potosi. I also am deeply beholden to the ixtlero people. This dis­

sertation could never have come to fruition without the benefit of

their warmth and generous cooperation. Finally, I am grateful to my

wife, Ellen, who provided encouragement and assistance at those times

when it was most needed.

 TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S .......................... ii

LIST OF T A B L E S ................................................... vi

LIST OF I L L U S T R A T I O N S ............................................. vii

LIST OF P L A T E S ................................................... viii

A B S T R A C T .......................................................... xi

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION ............................................. 1

THE STUDY D E F I N E D ............................... 1

THE MAJOR THEME: MAN-PLANT

RELATIONSHIPS ........................................ 7

PURPOSE ............................................... 9

LITERATURE ON IXTLE AND THE IXTLEROS ................ 9

II. AN OVERVIEW OF CONTEMPORARY ENVIRONMENTAL

AND ECONOMIC PATTERNS IN NORTH-CENTRAL
MEXICO AND THE ZONA IXTLERA ................. 15

THE ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING ........................... 15

L A N D F O R M S .......................................... 15

C L I M A T E ........................ - ................. 17

SOILS AND V E G E T A T I O N ............................. 20

AGAVE LECHEGUILLA TORREY ...................... 24

YUCCA CARNEROSANA (TRELEASE) MC KELVEY . . . . 28

THE "ZONA IXTLERA" - LOCATION AND

C O M P O N E N T S ........................................ 30
 TABLE OF CONTENTS (CONTINUED)

CHAPTER PAGE

III. IXTLERO FIELD ACTIVITIES .................................... 43

THE GATHERING OF I X T L E .................................. 43

FIELD I M P L E M E N T S ...................................... 43

THE DAILY R O U N D ...................................... 46

SITE S E L E C T I O N .................................... 49

GATHERING COGOLLOS ............................... 50

DECORTICATION OF THE COGOLLOS OF

AGAVE L E C H E G U I L L A .................................. 52

DECORTICATION OF THE COGOLLOS OF

YUCCA C A R N E R O S A N A .................................. 59

TRANSACTIONS AT THE EJIDO COOPERATIVE .................. 66

SALES OF FIBER PRODUCTS BY IXTLEROS

OUTSIDE THE E J I D O S ...................................... 68

THE GATHERING OF NON-IXTLE PLANTS ...................... 69

HUNTING AND THE CULTIVATION OF C R O P S .................. 70

S T O C K R A I S I N G ............................................. 77

IV. NON-COMMERCIAL UTILIZATION OF AGAVE

LECHEGUILLA AND YUCCA CARNEROSANA IN
THE EJIDOS OF NORTH-CENTRAL MEXICO ......................... 80

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF IXTLE: THE

ARCHAIC P E R I O D ........................... 80

MAN-PLANT RELATIONSHIPS DURING THE IMMEDIATE

PRE- AND POST-CONQUEST P E R I O D ........................... 82

PRESENT-DAY SUBSISTENCE UTILIZATION OF

THE P L A N T S ............................................... 86

F I B E R ................................................. 86

THE R O O T S T O C K ........................................ 94

L E A V E S ................................................. 97

iv
 TABLE OF CONTENTS (CONTINUED)

CHAPTER PAGE

FRUIT AND F L O W E R S ......................................... 100

T R U N K S .................................................... 103

V. COMMERCIAL ASPECTS OF AGAVE LECHEGUILLA

AND YUCCA CARNEROSANA FIBER .................................. 112

SPANISH SETTLEMENT AND ECONOMIC ENDEAVORS

DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY ............................. 112

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY TO THE END OF THE

COLONIAL PERIOD (1821) . . . . ........................... 116

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY .................................... 117

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO TWENTIETH CENTURY

CHANGES IN THE COMMERCIAL FORTUNES OF I X T L E .............. 121

FORMATION OF L A NACIONAL I X T L E R A ........................ 127

LA FORESTAL, F . C . L ......................................... 130

THE CONTEMPORARY SALE OF I X T L E .......................... 133

VI. POVERTY AND ITS RESOLUTION IN THE

ZONA I X T L E R A .................................................... 142

MEASURES OF P O V E R T Y ......................................... 142

THE GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO INDIGENCE

IN THE ZONA I X T L E R A ......................................... 155

VII. SUMMARY AND C O N C L U S I O N S .....................................167

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................... 178

A P P E N D I C E S ................................................................203

V I T A E .................................................................... 213

v
 LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

1. Average Monthly Precipitation for Selected

Stations in North-Central Mexico ............................. 21

2. States and Municipios in Which Fiber from Agave

lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana is Gathered
for Commercial Purposes ...................................... 33

3. Land Classification in Selected Ejidos of Coahuila ......... 72

4. Yearly Rainfall Totals for Selected Stations

in the Zona Ixtlera of C o a h u i l a ................................75

5. Exports of Ixtle - July 1, 1877 to June 30, 1896 ............ 118

6. Lechuguilla and Palma Samandoca Fiber Collected

by La Forestal, 1967-1975 135

7. Production of Lechuguilla and Palma Fiber

by State - 1975 135

8. Exports of Ixtle de Lechuguilla, 1973 138

9. "Conditions of Life" in Major Ixtle-Proiucing

Municipios of the Zona I x t l e r a ............................... 143

10. Income Distribution in the Zona Ixtlera of

Nuevo Leon, by Municipio - 1970 146

11. Regions and Economic Orientation in the

State of San Luis P o t o s x ........................................148

12. Annual Family and Per Capita Income of Families

in Northeastern San Luis P o t o s f ...............................149

13. Annual Family and Per Capita Incomes in

San Luis Potosf, by R e g i o n s ................................... 151

vi
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

ILLUSTRATION PAGE

1. The Zona Ixtlera of M e x i c o ............................... 4

2. Physiographic Regions of Mexico: The Mexican

Plateau and Adjacent Mountain Ranges .................... 16

3. Arid and Semiarid Zones in M e x i c o ...................... 19

4. Distribution of Lechuguilla: Agave

lecheguilla . ............................................. 27

5. Distribution of Palma Samandoca: Yucca

c a r n e r o s a n a .................. 31

6. The Zona Ixtlera of Mexico: Core and Periphery . . . . 34

7. Ixtle Producing Municipios in 1950 and the

Contemporary Zona Ixtlera ............................... 36

8. Field Implements of the I x t l e r o ........................ 45

9. Distance to Work for the Ixtleros of

I n d e p e n d e n c i a ........... . 48

10. Land Use in the Ejido of Cuatro de Marzo, Coahuila . . . 73

11. Land Use in Ejido El Milagro de Guadalupe, San

Luis P o t o s x ............................................... 74

12. The Indian "Nations" of Sixteenth Century

Northern Mexico ........................................... 84

13. Lechuguilla's Transfer from Field to

Tampico, 1899 120

14. Exports of Lechuguilla, 1934-1946 126

15. Lechuguilla Fiber Collected by La Forestal,

1967-1975 136

16. Palma Samandoca Fiber Collected by

La Forestal, 1967-1975 .................................... 136

17. Municipios Included in the IMSS Study of

Nuevo Leon's Zona I x t l e r a ............. 145
 LIST OF PLATES

PLATE PAGE

1. Agave lecheguilla Torrey .................................... 25

2. Agave lecheguilla on rocky limestone slopes

southwest of Saltillo, Coahuila ........................... 28

3. Yucca carnerosana (Trelease) McKelvey ..................... 29

4. The cogollo of Yucca c a r n e r o s a n a ........................... 30

5. Implements used in the collection of i x t l e ................ 44

6. Collecting cogollos of Agave lecheguilla in the

campo near Tula, Tamaulipas ...................... 51

7. Oaxaca filled with lechuguilla cogollos .................. 52

8. Decortication of lechuguilla leaves - typical

scene near Saltillo, C o a h u i l a ............................. 53

9. Decortication of lechuguilla leaves near

Tula, T a m a u l i p a s ............................................. 54

10. Transportation of lechuguilla fiber from

field to ejido. Independencia, Coahuila .................. 56

11. Human transport of lechuguilla cogollos from

field to settlement. Campo near Punta de
Santa Elena, C o a h u i l a ...................................... 57

12. Drying of ixtle prior to bundling and

transport to ejido cooperative. Alvaro
Obregc&i, T a m a u l i p a s ......................................... 58

13. Gathering the cogollo of Yucca carnerosana

near Punta de Santa Elena, Coahuila ...................... 59

14. Large paila in Punta de Santa Elena ....................... 61

15. Small paila in the campo southwest of Punta

de Santa E l e n a ............................................... 61

16. Arrangement of palma samandoca cogollos in

large p a i l a ................................................. 63

viii
 LIST OF PLATES (CONTINUED)

PLATE PAGE

17. Palma samandoca stages ......................................... 65

18. Ejido cooperative, Independencia, Coahuila .................. 65

19. Selling of ixtle products at the marketplace

in Saltillo, Coahuila ........................................ 69

20. Initial stage in the making of ixtle rope.

Ejido Independencia, C o a h u i l a ............... 88

21. Loose ixtle bundle being converted into

rope in I n d e p e n d e n c i a ........................................ 88

22. Final stage in the making of ixtle rope.

Independencia ................................................. 89

23. Oaxaca composed of ixtle mesh. Punta de

Santa Elena, C o a h u i l a ........................................ 90

24. Initial stage in the making of a peine.

Independencia ................................................. 91

25. Fashioning a p e i n e ............................................. 92

26. Standard size p e i n e ........................................... 92

27. Estropajo made of i x t l e ....................................... 93

28. Agave lecheguilla with exposed rootstock ..................... 95

29. Preparation of lechuguilla amole prior to its

immersion in water. Punta de Santa Elena .................. 95

30. Soapy solution derived from the amole of

Agave l e c h e g u i l l a ............................................. 96

31. Lechuguilla guishe and cogollo centers piled

in front of ixtleros. Ejido Alvaro Obregon,
T a m a u l i p a s ...................................................... 98

32. Soaphy solution created by mixing guishe

with w a t e r ...................................................... 99

33. Guishe solution used to clean dishes. San

Luis Potosx c a m p o ............................................. 99

ix
 LIST OF PLATES (CONTINUED)

PLATE PAGE

34. Datiles on an Agave lecheguilla flower stalk .............. 101

35. Flower stalk of Agave lecheguilla ......................... 102

36. Jacal constructed of local plant materials,

including Yucca carnerosana trunks,
Coahuila state ............................................... 106

37. Close-up of jacal c o n s t r u c t i o n ........... 107

38. Walled enclosure using Yucca carnerosana

trunks, Punta de Santa Elena ............................... 108

x
 ABSTRACT

In the north-central drylands of Mexico campesinos known as

"ixtleros" or "talladores" gather "ixtle," a hard fiber derived from

the uncultivated plants lechugilla (Agave lecheguilla Torrey), and palma

samandoca (Yucca carnerosana (Trelease) McKelvey). Within ixtlero com­

munities the fiber is converted into rope and brushes and used for a

variety of purposes. Stems, rootstocks, and pulp of lechugilla and

palma samandoca are employed to meet local construction, cleansing, and

dietary needs. In addition, the sale of ixtle derived from these two

plants constitutes the single most important source of an ixtlero's

annual income. Fiber collected in the field is sold at a fixed price

to La Forestal, a government subsidized organization that exercises

monopoly control over the collection, processing, and exportation of

ixtle. The region in which ixtle is currently exploited for commercial

purposes is known as the "Zona Ixtlera." In the Zona Ixtlera the time

devoted to gathering ixtle, the implements that have been developed to

collect the fiber, the material culture of the tallador, and the appel­

lation "ixtlero" all reflect a traditional way of life in which the

link between man and plants is a time-honored and deeply ingrained one.

Campesinos in the Zona Ixtlera are among the most impoverished

Mexicans in terms of per capita income, material well-being, and

health and educational facilities. Ixtlero indigence is rooted in the

difficult environment of north-central Mexico, and perpetuated by the

Mexican government's continued support of the ixtle industry.

 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The Study Defined

For most of human history man has lived as a hunter-gatherer.

The pursuit of wild animals and the collection of uncultivated plants

sustained all of mankind from the time that m a n first evolved some two

million years ago, until the eighth millenium B.C. Since that time

hunting-gathering has been superceded as a subsistence base, initially

by agriculture and pastoralism, and more recently by the industrial

age. Confronted with more productive life-support systems, many hunting

and gathering societies abandoned their traditional economy and adopted

the newer modes of livelihood. Others, anachronisms in time and space,

disappeared altogether. Today, only a handful of isolated hunting-

gathering groups remain. Murdock's 1966 review entitled, "The Current

Status of the World's Hunting and Gathering Peoples," cites only

twenty-seven surviving groups of "pure" hunters-gatherers in the world.

These groups are generally small, numbering fewer than one thousand

people, and most live in lands that have little or no value for agri­

cultural societies (Lee and Devore, 1966:5). As inroads continue to

be made by agriculture and other economic activities, the number of

hunter-gatherer societies will dwindle further, and this life form may

eventually become extinct.

Within the broad context of hunting-gathering societies are highly

acculturated groups who concurrently collect wild plants for local

needs and/or specialize in the gathering of one or more species-specific

plants for part, or all, of their economic livelihood. Among the Ita

people of Brazil's Amazonian region, for example, the principal "money

crop" is rubber collected from the wild rubber tree (Hevea brasiliensis)

(Wagley, 1964:82).^ A second product of major economic significance in

the Amazon forest is the Brazil nut, collected from the uncultivated

tree of the same name (Bertholletia excelsa).^ The importance of Hevea

brasiliensis and Bertholletia excelsa to residents of the Amazon is

such that "gathering wild rubber and Brazil nuts remains the main way to

make a living from Acre to the Amazon" (McIntyre, 1977:708). In the

semiarid northeastern region of Brazil products gathered from unculti­

vated trees such as the carnauba palm (Copernicia cerifera), and

babassu palm (Orbignya martiana and Orbignya oleifera) are a source of

remuneration for local inhabitants.^

Gatherers living in diverse habitats around the world collect and

sell roots, bark, leaves, fiber, nuts, and tree trunk materials from a

variety of uncultivated plants.^ Included among these are the

chicleros of Middle America's Yucatan Peninsula and the Menomini

Indians of northern Wisconsin.-* Included also is a lesser known group,

the ixtleros of north-central Mexico.

Mexico has a long tradition of desert plant use and desert-plant

industries. This tradition is particularly significant today in the

arid and semiarid lands of north-central Mexico where a large rural

population continues to rely on uncultivated plants for the essentials

of their existence. The utilization of plants and plant derivatives

remains an integral part of day-to-day living in this area for two

reasons: the plants are used for a variety of utilitarian purposes

in rural communities, and a select few are exploited for their commercial

value. The most notable plants in this second group are candelilla

(Euphorbia antisyphilitica) , valuable because its leafless stems exude a

white wax that has industrial applications; guayule (Parthenium argen-

tatum) , a shrub whose roots and stems contain a latex that closely re­

sembles that extracted from the Hevea rubber tree; nopal carddn

(Opuntia streptacantha), a cactus plant from which fruits are collected

and converted into numerous confections, including "queso de t u n a ;"

and lechuguilla (Agave lecheguilla) and palma samandoca (Yucca

carnerosana) from which a hard fiber,^ "ixtle," is extracted that has

widespread applications in the cordage and brush industries.

In terms of areal extent, commercial value, and the number of

people involved, the most important of the plant products gathered in

M e x i c o ’s north-central drylands is ixtle. That region in which the

fiber is exploited for commercial purposes is called locally the "Zona

Ixtlera." This region currently encompasses twenty million hectares

and includes parts of the states of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, San Luis

7
Potosi, Tamaulipas, and Zacatecas (Illustration 1).

Rural folk, or campesinos, who collect and market lechuguilla and

palma samandoca fiber in the Zona Ixtlera are called "ixtleros" or "talla-

dores." Ixtleros sell most of the fiber they collect to La Forestal,

F.C.L. (Federacion de Cooperativas Limitadas), a government-subsidized

organization that has a monopoly on the purchase, processing, and sale of

ixtle. Money derived from the sale of ixtle constitutes the single most

important source of an ixtlero's annual income. Unmarketed fiber is used

locally for a wide variety of purposes. Within ixtlero communities

it is commonly made into rope and brushes of many types. Other

 THE ZONA IXTLERA OF MEXICO
Illustration 1

200 Mi.
400 KM.

STATES OF THE ZONA IXTLERA

■J - Coahuila
2 - Nuevo Leon
3 - Zacatecas
4 - San Luis Potosf
5 - Tamaulipas

SOURCE: La ForestaL F. C. L., 1976.

derivatives of lechugilla and palma samandoca are used non-commercially

as well. Stems, rootstocks, and the pulp of both plants are employed

to meet local construction, cleansing, and dietary needs.

Although Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana are the most im­

portant plants collected by ixtleros, they are by no means the only

ones. A host of other uncultivated desert-steppe vegetation is collected

and used as food, beverages, fiber, in construction, and for medicinal

purposes. Furthermore, the gatherning economy of the ixtleros is sup­

plemented, and occasionally superceded, by agriculture and stockraising.

When rainfall occurs in sufficient quantities, the campesinos divert

their attention from gathering to crop cultivation.

In the Zona Ixtlera of present-day Mexico there exists a way-of-

life that focuses on the gathering and utilization of uncultivated dry­

land vegetation. This traditional life style antedates by many years

the commercial exploitation of plants in the area. In fact, its his­

torical antecedents may have originated with the hunting-gathering

economy of the nomadic Indian bands who occupied the region in pre-

Conquest times. Archaeological evidence indicates that lechuguilla

fiber was used in north-central Mexico as early as 8080 B.P. (Crane

and Griffin, 1958:1120). The finely honed skills and tools employed

by ixtleros to exploit the native resources of their environment suggest

a long developmental process that further supports the antiquity of

this gathering tradition.

The folk economy of Mexico's ixtleros exists as an anomaly in a

nation that is rapidly expanding its industrial base and modernizing

its economy. While other regions of Mexico are experiencing unprece­

dented rates of economic growth, residents of the Zona Ixtlera

continue to lead impoverished lives. Socio-economic conditions in the

region are among the worst in all of Mexico: health and education

facilities are inadequate or absent, utilities are limited, roads are

poorly developed, and income levels are low. The gathering economy

has reaped few social or material benefits for the ixtleros, yet it

is an occupation that engages as many as 650,000 campesinos and will

continue to do so in the foreseeable future. This pessimistic con­

clusion is based on an assessment of the environmental and economic

realities that touch ixtlero existence. One reason why ixtleros per­

sist in their relict gathering economy is that the environment in which

they live is an adverse one that currently has limited economic poten­

tial. Water-deficit conditions, particularly in the more arid regions

of the Zona Ixtlera, severely limit farming pursuits. Viscissitudes

of precipitation therefore sustain the ixtlero-plant bond because

during drought years, when agriculture is difficult or impossible,

lechuguilla and palma samandoca and the potential they offer for an

assured, albeit limited, income, remain. Even during those years

when rainfall is sufficient and the ixtlero works his fields, his

children assume responsibility for gathering ixtle and exchanging it

at the local cooperative for the staples required by the family.

Equally significant in sustaining the gathering economy are in­

ternational market demands for ixtle and the subsequent decision by

the Mexican government to subsidize an industrial enterprise devoted

solely to the purchase, processing, and export of ixtle. The Zona

Ixtlera is, in fact, an institutionally inscribed economic region

created, fostered, and sanctioned by the Mexican government. It is

delimited solely on the basis of the commercial gathering of fiber

 7

from two specific plants, Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana.

Therefore, as long as a viable export market continues to exist for

lechuguilla and palma samandoca fiber, and as long as the government

continues to guarantee that market demands for ixtle are met, the

ixtlero, confronted with limited economic alternatives, will continue

to collect and sell fiber, and the Zona Ixtlera will persist as a

recognizable entity. It is ironic that the Mexican government, while

seeking to modernize the nation, is simultaneously perpetuating a folk

economy through its support of the ixtle industry.

The Major T h e m e : Man-Plant Relationships

The relationship between man and his physical environment has

long been a matter of academic concern to geographers. In his presi­

dential address to the Association of American Geographers in 1922,

H. H. Barrows (1923:2) defined geography as "human ecology," i.e.,

the tendency of many geographers of the time to treat their subject as

the study of the relation of man to his environment. Barrow's address

underscored the antiquity and significance of the man-land relationship

in geography, a relationship that today constitutes one of the disci­

plines four major "traditions" (Pattison, 1964). Professional geogra­

phers have developed divergent perspectives on the spatial interactions

between humans and the land they inhabit. Early in this century the

physical environment was stressed as an active force that controlled

or determined all of man's actions and activities (see for example,

Semple, 1903, 1911, and. Huntington, 1907). This philosophical doctrine,

known as "environmental determinism," was subsequently disavowed and

in its stead geographic studies have emphasized man's influence on the

physical environment. Man is viewed as a geomorphic agent (Sauer,

1962:32), and the impress that he and his works have on the land are

considered of paramount importance in assessing organic-inorganic re­

lationships .

Both environmental determinism and the man-oriented theme that

succeeded it were often perceived as being uni-directional in their con­

sideration of human-physical relationships: influences emanated from

one source only, be it man or the environment, and reciprocity was

minimal or altogether absent. In fact, the relationship between

human organisms and the physical milieu in which they are enmeshed is

a mutual one in which forces are operative in two directions. This

dynamic cause-and-effeet interplay is known as "cultural ecology." The

anthropologist Julian Steward has been instrumental in promoting this

approach to man-land relationships. His 1955 publication entitled

Theory of Culture Cha n g e : The Methodology of Multilinear Evolution is

considered a classic statement on the nature of cultural ecology. Sub­

sequent anthropological literature detailing the interaction between

man and the various components of his environment have been extensive

(among others: Sahlin, 1964; Vayda and Rappaport, 1968; and Watson

and Watson, 1968). Sorre (1962:46) states the case for geography by

commenting that the geographer is an ecologist by definition, and in

recent years the spate of publications written by geographers utilizing

the ecological approach tends to substantiate his observation.

In the cultural ecology approach to man-land studies, man inter­

acts with the entire gamut of environmental features, of which land-

forms, water bodies, soils, vegetation, and climate are the most

prominent. That component of the physical milieu most relevant to

 9

this study is natural vegetation. Carter (1950) was among the first to

define the relationship between ecology, geography, and ethnobotany,

and man-plant studies today form a significant part of the larger man-

land tradition in geography (see for example: Bahre, 1974; Dickinson,

1969; Gade, 1967, 1975; Johnson, 1970, 1972; and Brand, 1941). This

study employs the theme of cultural ecology to examine and to assess

man-plant relationships in the Zona Ixtlera of Mexico.

Purpose

This paper examines the prominent life activities of a population

that inhabits 20,000 hectares of the Mexican national territory.

These people are closely bound to the native plant resources of their

environment. Their daily round of activities and standard of living

are largely contingent upon their interaction with the vegetative com­

plex that surrounds them, and a rendering of their ethno-botany helps

to explain how a folk economy is being perpetuated in the face of a

modernizing world. In detailing the bond that exists between ixtleros

and the plants Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana it is hoped

that a fuller and more meaningful understanding of the relation of

man to his environment will result.

Literature on Ixtle and the Ixtleros

Publications in English on ixtleros and ixtle per se are limited

and generally out-of-date. Furthermore, extant literature invariably

emphasizes the fiber's economic potential and/or the plants from which

it eminates rather than the people who gather it for a livelihood.

Expositions devoted strictly to Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana,

or products derived from them, are rare. Johns', et ai. , (1922) highly

technical article on lechuguilla saponins; Greene's (1932) discussion

of the composition of Agave lecheguilla fiber and waste; Mathews'

lengthy discourse on lechuguilla poisoning in sheep and goats (1937);

and DuFrane's (1946) superficial treatment of the "istle industry" are

all examples. In most instances the economic botany of ixtle is in­

cluded as a minor item within the broader framework of "useful desert

plant products," or "fiber plants" (Armour Research Foundation, 1946;

Botkin, 1945; Cruse, 1949; Dewey, 1943; Duisberg, 1952; Kirby, 1950;

Mauersberger, 1954; and Rose, 1899).

Despite the absence of a significant body of substantive informa­

tion in English on ixtle there are a number of publications that pro­

vide adequate background information on the physical parameters and

distribution of lechuguilla and palma samandoca. Of particular note

are Standley's (1961) publication on the trees and shrubs of Mexico;

Shreve's (1939, 1942a, 1951) writings on vegetation associations in

northern Mexico; Muller's (1939) coverage of climate-vegetation rela­

tions in Nuevo Leon and Coahuila (1947); and Johnston's (1943-1944)

work on the association between elevation and plant types in Coahuila,

eastern Chihuahua, Zacatecas, and Durango. While not directly con­

cerned with the Zona Ixtlera, Gentry's (1972) recent monograph on

the Agaves of Sonora signifies a return to the type of comprehensive

descrintive-explanation of plant associations initially provided by

Shreve, Muller, and Johnston during the 1 9 3 0 's and 1 9 4 0 's.

Numerous articles in the journal Economic Botany have detailed

the close association between man and the native vegetation of arid

environs. In 1971, Duisberg and Hay compiled a selected list of

references on economic arid-land plants and their uses that appeared

^in Economic Botany through April-June 1969 (Volumes 1-23). The tabu­

lation covers sixteen pages, and while references dealing specifically

with lechuguilla and palma samandoca products are few (3:111-131;

4:243-252; 8:3-20; 11:39; 12:95-102; 13:243-260), information gleaned

from articles included on the list provides information vital to an

understanding of man-plant relationships in arid environments.

Not surprisingly, Mexican literature on ixtle and the people who

gather it is more detailed than its English counterpart. A large seg­

ment of Mexico's national territory is classified as arid or semiarid,

and consequently a plethora of government reports and scholarly articles

have appeared in recent years delimiting the arid z o nes, detailing their

problems, describing dryland resources, and proffering suggestions for

maximizing their economic potential. Notable for their attempt to en­

compass all these areas are two publications of the Instituto Mexicano

de Recursos Naturales Renovables: a 1955 opus entitled Problemas de

las Zonas Aridas de M e x i c o , and a 1964 monograph on Las Zonas Aridas del

Centro jy Noreste de Mexico el Aprovechamiento de sus Recursos , edited

by Enrique Beltran. Both publications are invaluable in providing an

understanding of problems and prospects in Mexico's drylands. In the

area of plant-resources Rzedowski's articles on the vegetation of north-

central Mexico are notable for both their thoroughness and quality.

Although much of his work is restricted to San Luis PotosiT (1955a,

1955b, 1957, 1961, 1965b) Rzedowski expanded the scope of his studies

In 1968 to include the vegetation of Mexico's major drylands. Others

who have described plant-life in the north-central region of the nation

include Miranda and Hernandez X. (1973), Rojas (1965), Rojas Garciduehas

(1954), and Takaki (1961). Because of their abundance the genera Agave

and Yucca have been the particular focus of numerous publications

(Berlin, 1953; Esquer Felix, 1962; Garcia C. and Aragon S., 1975;

Gomez Pampa, 1963; Pina L . , 1974; and Ramirez, 1935). Literature on

the economic botany of arid-land plants is extensive. If one restricts

the list to authors who have only considered the subsistence and com­

mercial utilization of Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana it in­

cludes Alviso Flores, 1958b; Borja L. , n.d., Bosque Rodriguez, 1969;

Campos Rocha, 1961; Cepeda, 1949; Fuentes, 1958; Garza, 1953; H. Bravo,

1960; Nava Calvillo, 1968; Patoni, 1917; Valero, 1946; and Villanueva,

1945. Despite this profusion of literature on lechuguilla and palma

samandoca two points are worth noting: Patoni's 1917 publication is

the seminal work, providing many subsequent authors with their infor­

mation and ideas; and most publications emphasize the commercial poten­

tial of ixtle, completely ignoring or superficially treating the

numerous local uses to which products from Agave lecheguilla and Yucca

carnerosana are applied. The 1948 monograph by Mesa A. and Villanueva

V. is by far the most comprehensive account of ixtle's history as an

export commodity. It traces the gathering of the fiber from its pre-

Conquest subsistence use to its nineteenth and twentieth century com­

mercialization. In doing so, Mesa A. and Villanueva V. establish a

historical perspective on the status of contemporary ixtleros who are,

in effect, perpetuating a relict economic livelihood.

The socio-economic plight of ixtleros has provoked a rash of

books and articles during the past decade. Publications with titles

such as Hambre (De la Cerda, 1964), Problemas de las Zonas Ixtleras

(Carmona P., 1963), and Problemas de los Campesinos Ixtleros y Cereros

del Norte del Pais (Quillares Lona, 1971), are designed to draw atten­

tion to the conditions of abject poverty that are an integral part of

most ixtlero's existence. Aleman Aleman's statistical analysis of

socio-economic conditions in San Luis Potosi (1966) vividly illustrates

the depressed nature of ejidos located in the Zona Ixtlera vis-a-vis

the remainder of the state. Solutions designed to alleviate ixtlero

problems largely remain on the drawing boards of Mexican government

agencies. The few development schemes that have reached print thus

far (e.g., Centro de Investigacion y Social Accion, n . d . , Santos

Saavedra, 1965, and Galvan, 1973) are limited in scope and/or remain

paper solutions only. The one project to date that could have a

favorable impact on ixtleros is the Estudio Ecolo'gico Dasonomico de

las Zonas Aridas del Norte de Mexico (1964) by Marroqu^n, et al. This

inventory of native vegetation in Mexico's northern drylands is hope­

fully the prelude to a rational utilization of the regions natural

resources, a utilization that will benefit both the environment and

the people who inhabit it.

 14

FOOTNOTES

Chapter I

^In addition to wild rubber from Hevea brasiliensis the Ita collect
and sell nuts from the ucuba palm (used for palm oil) and a forest seed,
the paracaxi, that supplies an oil used as a lubricant and in the manu­
facture of soap (Wagley, 1964:87-88).
9
Brazil nuts contain an edible seed highly prized for its food
value.

■^Both trees are located in the thorn>, deciduous, drought-resistant

woodland known as caatinga (James, 1969:706) Wax scraped from leaves
of the carnauba palm is used in the manufacture of phonograph records,
floor waxes, shoe polish, carbon paper, coatings for metal, and water­
proofing. Babassif palm, also known as b a b a c u , coco de m a c a c o , and
a g uassu, produces an abundance of fruit containing up to 72% oil
(National Academy of Sciences, 1975:89).

^In a 1975 publication entitled Underexploited Tropical Plants with

Promising Economic V a l u e , the National Academy of Sciences cites thirty-
six uncultivated plants that are currently exploited for commercial
purposes. The NAS study concludes that the export value of these
plants could be greatly increased if they were brought under cultivation.

^Chicle is gathered from chicosapote trees (Achras sapote) that

grow wild in Guatemala's Peten region, and in the Mexican states of
Campeche and Quintana Roo. The development of synthetic chewing gums
in recent years has effected a sharp drop in the number of chicle
gatherers. The Menomini have long been dependent on plant life such
as "wild rice" for food and other uses. Wild rice (Zizania aquatica)
gathered by the contemporary Menomini is marketed nation-wide. The
importance of this plant is such that the Menomini word for wild rice
is "Ma'noman," and the Indians took to themselves the name of the
"wild rice men," Ma'nomaneo ina'niwug (Smith, 1923:10).

^Hard fibers are those that occur throughout the leaves or stems
of monocotyledonous plants. Soft fibers are produced in the bast area
of stems (Fishier, 1961:5).

^Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana are distributed beyond the

limits of the Zona Ixtlera (Illustrations 4 and 5, Chapter 11:27,31).
For example, both plants grow in parts of Chihuahua and Durango states,
and lechuguilla extends into the arid rangelands of southeastern New
Mexico and southwestern Texas in the United States. Neither plant is
commercially harvested in these areas however, and the name "ixtlero"
is not used in association with the rural populace of these locales.
 CHAPTER II

AN OVERVIEW OF CONTEMPORARY ENVIRONMENTAL AND

ECONOMIC PATTERNS IN NORTH-CENTRAL MEXICO AND THE ZONA IXTLERA

The Environmental Setting;

Landforms

The natural habitat of both Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana

are the drylands of north-central Mexico. Their distribution coincides,

in large p a r t , with that landform region known as the Mesa del Norte

(Altiplanicie Septentrional) (Illustration 2), although outliers of

both plants extend to the lower western slopes of the Sierra Madre

Oriental in the states of Tamaulipas and Nuevo Leon.

The Mesa del Norte is not a homogeneous physical unit. Its western

periphery has a tectonic history different from that of the remainder

of the altiplano, and at least two distinct landform areas are discern-

able on the present-day surface: a western high basin and range area

with a predominantly volcanic rock surface, and a central-eastern low­

land region covered by clastic rocks, principally limestone. This dif­

ference accounts in large part for the distribution of Agave lecheguilla

and Yucca carnerosana on the Mesa del Norte. Since climatic conditions

are relatively uniform throughout the region, edaphic parameters become

important in accounting for the distribution of plant species. Lechu-

guilla and palma samandoca thrive on calcareous soils, and the lime­

stone rocks that dominate the surface material of the central-eastern

Mesa del Norte contain from 50% to 80% calcium carbonate. Conse­

quently, the distribution of the plants is coincident with the location

15
 PHYSIOGRAPHIC REGIONS OF MEXICO: THE MEXICAN
PLATEAU AND ADJACENT MOUNTAIN RANGES
Illustration

(D
200
i
MI.
V
400 KM.

Z O N A lXTLERA

Limits of Physiographic f
li
Regions

Dividing line between volcanic

a clastic (B) rock areas
on the Mesa del Norte
< L

SOURCE: West, 1964:37

of calcareous rocks and soils in central-eastern portions of the Mesa

del Norte, as well as in sedimentary formations along the western foot­

hills of the Sierra Madre Oriental.

The central-eastern part of the Mesa del Norte is an arid land

composed largely of isolated mountain ranges interspersed by broad,

alluvium-covered plains. This alternating plain and mountain topography

has been defined physiographically as "basin and range." The folded

and faulted mountain ranges rise 600 to 900 m above the adjacent de­

pressions. In general, they are inclined in a northwest-southeast

direction, but in a few sections, such as to the west of Monterrey, and

in central Coahuila, they assume an east-west orientation.

Between the sierras are numerous desert basins, or bolsones .

These depressions constitute the largest and most conspicuous landform

feature of the central-eastern Mesa del Norte. The basins are aggraded

areas filled with water-deposited detritus from adjacent mountains.

Toward the center of the enclosed bolsones, the finest materials col­

lect to form an almost level plain called the barrial (West, 1964:50).

When runoff waters from the surrounding slopes and mountains are ex­

cessive, many bolsones become ephemeral lakes. The water subsequently

evaporates, leaving behind thin layers of gray calcareous clays,

alkali, or salt encrustations (Jaeger, 1957:33). Many of these de­

posits are of commercial import.

Climate

The outstanding climatic feature of the Mesa del Norte is its

aridity. Rainfall is limited and irregular, and a pattern of interior

drainage subsequently characterizes most of the area. The drylands of

 18

the Mesa del Norte have long been a matter of concern to Mexican govern­

ment officials. This concern derives from a cognizance that a large

portion of the national territory experiences water deficit condi­

tions.^ Numberous classification schemes have been devised to delimit

the nation's drylands.^ Illustration 3 depicts one of the most recent

classifications.^ Arid and semi-arid zones on the map are separated

by the 350 mm isohyet. Semi-arid lands have their outer limits de­

fined by the 600 m m isohyet (Martfnez and Maldonado, n . d . : 3-4). The

eastern two thirds of the dryland region is coincident with the

Chihuahuan Desert. The boundaries of this desert have been variously

defined, but in general it encompasses nearly two-thirds of the state

of Chihuahua, and parts of the states of Coahuila, San Luis Potosi,

Nuevo Leon, Zacatecas, and Durango in Mexico, and sections of western

Texas and southern New Mexico in the United States (Shreve, 1942b:236;

Jaeger, 1957:33).

Precipitation in the Mesa del Norte is as erratic as it is

limited. Amounts vary both seasonally and annually. Wallen's (1956:

150) study of long-term fluctuations in Mexican rainfall revealed that

the highest variability occurred in areas of low precipitation in the

northern and north-western parts of the nation, with a maximum of ap­

proximately 50% in the extremely dry areas. A secondary maximum of

ca. 40% coincided with the central-eastern parts of the Mesa del

Norte.

Pluvial conditions vary most dramatically from month to month.

The "rainy season" occurs during the summer months in conjunction with

an influx of moist air from both the Gulf of Mexico and Pacific Ocean

toward a semipermanent low-pressure system centered in northern Mexico.

 ARID AND SEMIARID ZONES IN MEXICO
Illustration 3

200 Ml.
400 KM.

Arid (0 -350 mm/year)

Semiarid (350-600 mm/year)

vm Zona Ixtlera

<L
SOURCE: Martmez and Maldinado, n.d.: 3-4, from a map by COTECOCA.
 20

Precipitation between June and September normally accounts for 60% to

70% of the annual total (Table 1). Only light drizzles of frontal

origin interrupt the almost continuous drought that lasts from November

through May (Vivo’ Escoto, 1964:203).

The absence and variability of rainfall throughout the Mesa del

Norte imposes severe limitations on agricultural pursuits. Limited

precipitation reduces the range of crops that can be grown, and the

unreliability of rainfall makes crop cultivation of any kind a hazardous

venture.

Soils and Vegetation

Gray desert soils (siernozems) and red desert soils dominate the

surface materials of the Mesa del Norte. In less arid peripheral areas

these give way to brown and chestnut soils.^ Siernozems contain little

humus due to the sparse vegetative cover. Their color ranges from

light gray to grayish brown and although horizons are present, they are

not conspicuous. In the more arid expanses of the Mesa del Norte, red

desert soils prevail. Color varies from a pale reddish gray to a de­

cidedly reddish tinge, as a result of greater dehydration of iron com­

pounds. Both the siernozem and red desert are zonal soils that result

from the calcification process common to arid and semi-arid environ­

ments. Lime carbonates (CaCC^) accumulate in the soil, a process made

possible because the soil is not continually moist and the lime carbo­

nate and other minerals, formed from solutes in the water, are pre­

cipitated by evaporation within the soil profile at a faster rate than

they are removed by leaching.

Edaphic, as well as climatic, conditions have been instrumental

 TABLE 1.

Average Monthly Precipitation for Selected Stations in North-Central Mexico

Ramos Doctor Villa

Station: Saltillo Arizpe Galeana Arroyo Charcas Matehuala Tula de Cos

State: Coah. Coah, N.L, N.L. S.L.P. S.L.P. Tamp. Zac.

Years on
Record: 30 30 24 27 30 28 31 28

Months: Rainfall in m m

January 9.2 10.6 3.3 11.4 6.6 12.2 10.9 17.5

February 10.6 10.3 8.2 10.3 6.5 10.1 11.3 9.2
March 5.8 6.2 5.9 13.5 9.7 10.5 8.3 11.7
April 11.4 13.2 25.2 19.1 12.0 22.4 18.4 12.1
May 22.9 21.2 41.1 63.2 34.1 55.2 25.4 16.3
June 35.3 23.7 57.3 72.2 59.3 89.9 74.3 55.6
July 39.2 31.7 39.7 56,2 44.3 59.2 80.2 69.0
August 43.7 32.2 65.5 93.3 57.2 67.0 76.8 85.9
September 46.8 42.7 69.4 83.3 60.7 77.0 78.0 87.5
October 23.2 20.7 36.3 41.7 46.0 49.1 28.9 62.0
November 10.7 11,8 6.5 9.4 10.5 11.7 13.2 14,3
December 10.6 11.4 6.6 16.3 11.4 14.3 10.0 19.5

Totals 269.4 235.7 365.0 489.9 358.3 479.2 435.7 460.6

J u ne-Sept.
Totals 165.0 130,3 231.9 305,3 221.5 293,9 309.3 298.0
J-S Rainfall
as % of Total 61 55 64 62 62 61 71 65
Source: G anaderia, 1976b:ll, 122, 514, 512, 618, 621, 700, 788.
Secretarfa de Agricultura y '
 22

in determining the vegetative cover of the Mesa del Norte. The presence

of limestone is particularly significant in accounting for the distri­

bution of Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana. Limestone is preva­

lent along the mountain front in Coahuila and Nuevo Leon, and in that

part of the Mesa del Norte coincident with the Chihuahuan Desert. The

slow weathering of limestone deposits in an arid climate leaves the

soil shallow and the surface stony (Shreve, 1942a:192). Under such

circumstances limestone soils are unable to support heavy stands of

grass. What they do support is a large number of liliaceous and

amaryllidaceous species of the genera Agave and Y u c c a . A g a v e s in par­

ticular thrive on limestone, although they grow on igneous rocks and

on other well-drained nonalkalinic lands. Rzedowski (1955b, 1957:66)

applied the term "matorral desertico calcicola" (desert calcicola

scrub) to plants that develop exclusively on limestone, while the

closely allied "matorral cactus-mezquite" (cactus-mesquite scrub) is

found mainly on igneous substrata. In a later publication Rzedowski

(1961:150) substituted the term "matorral desertico rosetofilo"

✓ fi
(desert rosette scrub) for "desert calcicola scrub." "Desert rosette

scrub" derives its name from the fact that the dominant scrub vegeta­

tion has long, narrow leaves that radiate from a center, in a fashion

similar to that of a rosette or small rose. This vegetative type is

most abundant on the well-drained slopes of limestone hills and the

alluvial fans that form at their base. It is less frequent in level

areas but will occur on any land surface rich in limestone gravel and

rock fragments. The altitudinal range of this plant complex extends

from 1,000 to 2,000 m above sea level. Its tolerance of climatic

extremes is notable: it can survive in areas with less than 500 mm

 23

of annual precipitation and in thermal conditions that range from -15°C

to +20°C (Rzedowski, 1961:140-141, 150).

Desert rosette scrub plants can be essentially divided into two

t y pes: those that possess a visible trunk or caudex (Y u c c a , Dasylirion),

and those that lack a trunk and subsequently have their leaves radi­

ating from the base of the plant on the ground surface (A g a v e , Hechtia) .

It is the latter category of smaller shrubs, often no more than 20 to

60 cm in height, that dominates the landscape. This stratum frequently

covers 50% or more of the ground surface, and occasionally it will com­

pletely blanket an area. Agave lecheguilla, Agave striata (espadfn),

and Hechtia glomerata (guapilla) are among the plant types noted for

their clustering tendency. A second stratum of vegetation in the desert

rosette scrub complex rises to heights of 1 to 2 m above the ground.

These high, essentially trunkless shrubs include, among others, Acacia

crassifolia, Buddleia marrubiifolia, Dasylirion cedrosanum (sotol),

Larrea divaricata (gobernadora or creosote b u s h ) , and Prosopis

juliflora (mesquite). The upper stratum of plants consists of the

lofty, trunked Yucca carnerosana which attains heights of up to 6 m.

Lands covered by desert rosette scrub are not utilized for agri­

culture, and their grazing potential is limited. Nevertheless, various

plants associated with this vegetative complex are, and have long been,

intensively exploited by man. Most notable among these are lechuguilla,

palma samandoca, candelilla, and guayule. Lechuguilla and palma

samandoca are the focus of this study in man-plant relationships.^ Both

plants are employed for a variety of purposes in the rural areas of north-

central Mexico. Moreover, the commercial value of fiber extracted from

Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana is such that it provides a

vital and consistent source of income to the area's rural populace.

Agave lecheguilla Torrey

This plant has been referred to by many different names over the

y e a r s , and until the present some confusion exists about its proper

nomenclature. Agave lecheguilla Torrey dates from 1859, the same year

that a second name Agave poselgeri Salm-Dyck appeared for the plant.

In 1915 the names Agave lophantha, var. pallida Berger and Agave

lophantha, var. Poselgeri Berger were introduced. Agave lecheguilla

Torrey now supercedes all other designations in use but there are

botanists and authors (Standley, 1961:1:136; Mauersberger, 1954:467;

Uphof, 1968:13; DuFrane, 1946:71) who claim that the plants growing in

Jaumave and Tula, Tamaulipas, from which ixtle is extracted, are a

different species of Agave: Agave funkiana, Agave lophantha, or Agave

heteracantha. Most scientists disavow this duality and consider Agave

lecheguilla Torrey to be the lone species of Agave from which "ixtle

de lechuguilla" is extracted. The term "ixtle" is believed to have

been derived from the early Mexican Indian tribe of Nahuatlans whose

work "ixtli" means a plant giving fiber (Mauersberger, 1954:473).

Today the word "ixtle" is used to denote fiber extracted from a wide

variety of Agave plants scattered throughout Mexico. Lechuguilla

literally means "little lettuce," an appelation that doubtless has

reference to the shape and disposition of the plant center and leaves.

Agave lecheguilla consists of a rosette of 25 to 50 green leaves

radiating from the ground without an exposed trunk (Plate 1).

 Plate 1. Agave lecheguilla Torrey

Although the lechuguilla plant that grows in Tula and Jaumave has notice­

ably longer leaves, an average plant has leaves that are 30 to 50 cm long,

and 3 to 4 cm wide. Leaves are thick and stiff, and nearly always curve

toward the center of the plant. Each leaf terminates in a sharp spine

25 to 40 m m long. The sides of each leaf are liberally bordered with

hooklike barbs 3 to 7 m m long, spaced at 20 to 40 m m intervals. Outer

leaves of the lechuguilla plant are hard, coarse, and difficult to

work. Younger and more tender leaves are constantly being formed at

the plants center. These grow in a tightly formed cluster, or cogollo,

and it is from this central spike of unopened leaves that the com­

mercially valuable ixtle is extracted. The life span of Agave

lecheguilla is contingent upon whether the cogollo is removed. After

the sixth year of growth, the center bud contains a marketable fiber.

If the plant is not harvested, the cogollo grows into a flower stalk

1.5 to 3 m high that bears light-yellow flowers in a close spike. After

flowering, the plant dies, a phenomenon common to all species of Agave.

If the cogollo is cut after the sixth year, and periodically cut there­

after, the plant may live 15 to 20 years before flowering and dying

(Patoni, 1917; Cepeda, 1949:15). Regeneration of new cogollos after

cutting varies in accordance with pluvial conditions. If rains occur in

sufficient quantities, a new centerbud can be ready for harvesting in

six months. During drought periods, regeneration may take as long as

one year (Gonzalez C. and Scheffey, 1964:42). Agave lecheguilla re­

produces vegetatively. Young shoots (hijuelos) are emitted by the

rhizomes of the mother plant. Field work conducted at experimental

stations in Mexico suggests that the greater the exploitation of the

cogollo, the more rapid the increase in the number of new hijuelos

(Campa and Barragan, 1974:34; personal interview with Jorge S.

Marroquin, April 22, 1976).

Lechuguilla is distributed from 99°W. longitude (just southwest

of Ciudad Victoria, Tamaulipas) to 106°45’ W. (southeast of Ciudad

Juarez, Chihuahua), and latitudinally from 22° N. (southwest of

Cardenas, San Luis Potosi) to 31°40' N (Ciudad Juarez) in Mexico

(Illustration 4). Within this broadly defined area, the greatest abun­

dance of plants occurs in northern Zacatecas, southeastern Nuevo Leon,

north-central Coahuila, northern San Luis Potosi, and southeastern

Chihuahua (Marroquin, at a l . , 1964:130). Densities are greatest on

rocky soils along limestone slopes at elevations between 200 to 2,000

 T'-V* ZONA IXTLERA

©1 - Ciudad Juarez
(S)2 - Ciudad Victoria
©3 - Cardenas

SOURCE: COTECOCA, 1973.

m above sea level (Plate 2). At times it grows in such dense clusters

that mobility by humans and animals can be impeded.^

Plate 2. Agave lecheguilla on rocky

limestone slopes southwest of Saltillo,
Coahuila.

Yucca carnerosana (Trelease) McKelvey

Palma samandoca was initially classified by Trelease in 1902 as

Samuela carnerosana. Mc K e l v e y ’s studies of the genus Yucca in 1938

modified the p l a n t ’s nomenclature to the present Yucca carnerosana

(Trelease) M c K e l v e y . U n l i k e lecheguilla, palma samandoca is arboreal

in appearance (Plate 3). The plant first develops as a rosette of

long, narrow leaves rising from the ground, but eventually this rosette

surmounts a trunk 1.5 to 6 m high. Trunks are rarely branched, a

characteristic that helps distinguish palma samandoca from other

species of Yucca such as palma china (Yucca filifera) . Leaves that

 Plate 3. Yucca carnerosana
(Trelease) McKelvey.

crown the trunk are a dark, dull green, 60 to 110 cm long, 6 to 8 cm

wide, and 4 to 7 m m thick, concave, rigid, terminating in a sharp

point, with coarse brown curled fibers projecting out of the margins

near the point. As with lechuguilla, exterior leaves are hard, and

the younger, more tender leaves of the cogollos are the source of

"ixtle de palma" (Plate 4). Palma samandoca's meter-long flower stalk

is crowned with a dense cluster of cream-white flowers. Unlike lechu­

guilla the plant does not die after flowering, and under favorable

pluvial conditions the same plant may flower twice a year. Palma saman-

doca's normal life-span is 50 to 75 years (Gonzalez C. and Scheffey,

1964:51). It reproduces either vegetatively or from seed.

 Plate 4. The cogollo of Yucca carnerosana

Yucca carnerosana grows abundantly on alluvial fans at the base

of limestone mountains, although it is also found at or near the crests

of sierras. In the latter instance, the plant may grow at elevations

up to 2,900 m above sea level. Even in those areas where it grows in

greatest profusion, density per unit area is considerably less than

that of lechuguilla. In a good stand, densities average 100 to 120

plants per hectare, with the plants usually clustered together in

groups of 2 to 8 (Marroquin, et al. , 1 9 6 4 : 1 2 8 ) . ^

The spatial distribution of Yucca carnerosana is roughly the same

as that of lechuguilla (Illustration 5). Heaviest concentrations of

the plant are in the Coahuila municipios of Ocampo and Saltillo

(Marroquin, et_ _al., 1964:125-126).

The "Zona Ixtlera" - Location and Components

The zone in which ixtle is exploited for commercial purposes is

considerably more restricted than the areal distribution of Agave

lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana, the source plants for fiber. In

 DISTRIBUTION OF PALMA SAMANDOCA: Yucca carnerosana
AREA: 10,970,000 Has.

200 Mi.

'\~m 400 KM

ZONA DvTLERA

SOURCE: COTECOCA, 1973.

their inventory of flora in north-central Mexico, Marroquin, et a l .,

(1964:162) included a table on the area occupied and under exploitation

of the more important economic species of native vegetation. In the

arid areas of Chihuahua, Coahuila, Durango, Zacatecas, and San Luis

Potosi, lechuguilla occupied 142,115 km^, of which 41,035 km^ (28.8%)

was harvested. For palma samandoca, corresponding figures are 61,185

o o
1cm , 31,420 km , and 51.3%. These figures fail to provide a completely

accurate assessment of lechuguilla and palma samandoca's distribution

or exploitation because both plants grow in abundance on the limestone

slopes and adjacent valleys of Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas, states ex­

cluded from the study. Illustrations 4 and 5 show the distribution of

these plants for Mexico. Lechuguilla covers a surface area of over

11,000,000 hectares in the states of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, San Luis

Potosi, Tamaulipas, Zacatecas, Chihuahua, and Durango. Palma samandoca

is spread over almost 11,000,000 hectares in the same seven states

(COTECOCA maps, included in Martinez and Maldonado, n.d.:20,25). Com­

mercial harvesting of the plants is currently restricted to sections

of the first five states only. Table 2 lists the municipios in

Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, San Luis Potosi, and Zacatecas where

ixtle de lechuguilla and ixtle de palma are gathered by campesinos

and sold to La Forestal, F.C.L.

The municipios listed in Table 2 constitute the "Zona Ixtlera"

(Illustration 6), an area designated by La Forestal within which the

company exercises its monopoly over the purchase of ixtle. A core area

within the Zona Ixtlera is delineated on the basis of information taken

from tables in Appendices I and II. Municipios that comprise the core

annually produce the most fiber, have the highest production per
 33

TABLE 2

States and Municipios in Which Fiber from

Agave lecheguilla and Yucca Carnerosana
is Gathered for Commercial Purposes

Number of
State Municipios Municipios

Coahuila 11 Arteaga Ramos Arizpe

Castanos Saltillo
Cuatrociengas San Pedro
General Cepeda Viesca
Ocampo Torreon
Parras

Nuevo Leon 10 Aramberri Mina

Doctor Arroyo Rayones
Galeana Santa Catarina
Iturbide Villa de Garcia
Mier y Noriega Zaragoza

San Luis Potosi 12 Catorce Matehuala

Cedral Vanegas
Cerritos Venado
Charcas Villa de Guadalupe
Ciudad del Maiz Villa de la Paz
Guadalcazar Villa de Hidalgo

Tamaulipas 5 Bustamante Palmillas

J aumave Tula
Miquihuana

Zacatecas 4 Concepcion del Oro

El Salvador
Mazapil
Melchor Ocampo

Total 42

Source: La Forestal, F.C.L., 1976:27, 68,

STATES OF THE ZONA IXTLERA

1 - Coahuila
2 - Nuevo Leon
3 -Zacatecas
4 - San Luis Potosf
5 -Tamaulipas
CORE AREA

PERIPHERAL AREA

SOURCE: La Forestal, F. C. L., 1976.

hectare, the largest number of campesinos gathering ixtle, and the most

communities affiliated with La Forestal. Specifically, municipios of

the core produced at least one million kilograms of ixtle during one

or more years from which production figures are taken (1968, 1970,

1972, and 1973), or they averaged over 500,000 kgs during the four years.

Other criteria used to designate core region municipios include: at

least 1,500 ejidatarios dedicated to the collection of ixtle de lechu­

guilla and ixtle de palma, and an average production for 1968 and 1972
2
of 200 kg per km or more.

Over the years, the Zona Ixtlera has experienced a marked spatial

contraction. In the 1950 agricultural census, a total of 79 municipios

in the states of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, San Luis Potosx, Tamaulipas, and

Zacatecas are listed as producers of lechuguilla and palma samandoca

fiber (Secretarxa de Economia, 1957). The 42 municipios in the con­

temporary Zona Ixtlera represent a near halving of the 1950 total

(Illustration 7). Quillares Lona's meticulous rendering of ixtle-pro-

ducing municipios in 1968 includes eight municipios in the above five

states, and four municipios in Durango that are no longer on the rolls

12
of La Forestal. Diminution of the Zona Ixtlera is explained by the

emergence of economic alternatives in former fiber-gathering communi­

ties, and by La Forestal’s attempts to maximize the efficiency of their

operations. Outlying areas in which production was limited because

ejidatarios devoted most of their energies to other activities have

been abandoned by La Forestal.13 Slender profit margins were being

eroded by costs attendant upon servicing peripheral municipios. Con­

sequently, La Forestal has chosen to maximize its efforts in a more

restricted area, the present-day Zona Ixtlera (personal interview with

m ,9*> ^ th^ c o h ^ ' c v io s
<xtuZ ORaky
mustrati0n 7
Jose Bernardo Solis Robledo, May 25, 1976).

Although the spatial dimensions of the Zona Ixtlera have been

shrinking, the number of communities associated with La Forestal has

risen dramatically. When La Forestal was first incorporated in 1940,

only 79 ixtlero communities affiliated with it. Today, that number

has grown to 1,761 (personal interview with Quirino Orta, August 17,

1977). The cooperatives are operated by ixtleros in their respective

communities. They serve as the vehicle by which ixtleros share in the

benefits of La Forestal profits and socio-economic programs. Co­

operative members also act as a collective body on occasion, purchasing

foodstuffs from Compania Nacional de Subsistencias Populares (C0NASUP0)

wholesalers at reduced prices and/or agricultural necessities (e.g.

seed) from other government agencies.

With very few exceptions, people who gather and sell ixtle are

ejidatarios. The "ejido" is a collective land-holding unit whose im­

mediate existence dates from the Agrarian Revolution of 1910, although

the concepts of land ownership it embodies pre-date Spanish arrival in

the New World. Of the two major types of ejidal tenancy, collective

and individual, the latter dominates throughout the Zona Ixtlera.

Male members of the community (ejidatarios) receive village plots to

which they have usufruct, or land-use, rights only. The individual

cannot sell or mortgage his land, and if he fails to till it for two

consecutive years, it reverts back to the community and is reassigned.

Pasture and woodland surrounding the community are used in common.

It is this latter area that is exploited for ixtle.

 The number of campesinos whose livelihood is dependent upon the

gathering and selling ixtle is difficult to ascertain with any degree

of certainty. La Forestal claims that 100,000 families are affiliated

via cooperatives with the agency (personal interview with Jose Bernardo

Solis Robledo, May 25, 1976; La Forestal, 1976:26). The Instituto

Nacional Para el Desarrollo de la Comunidad Rural y de la Vivienda

Popular (INDECO) (n.d.:1) elevates this figure to 124,000 families.

Average family size in Mexico is 5.3 members (Secretaria de Industria

y Comercio, 1973b). If this figure is applied to La Forestal's esti­

mate of families associated with the organization through cooperatives

there are approximately 530,000 people in the Zona Ixtlera whose eco­

nomic livelihood is linked to ixtle. This figure rises to 657,000 if

the INDECO estimate is employed. Campos Rocha (1961:33) suggests

45,000 heads of families and a population of 300,000. In a 1968 study

of Mexico's arid zones the Secretaria de Salubridad y Asistencia cites

a total of 44,026 ejidatarios dedicated to the gathering of lechuguilla,

and 25,749 to the collection of palma samandoca, in the five states of

the Zona Ixtlera. The significance of these figures for ascertaining

the total number of people linked to Agave lecheguilla and Yucca

c a m e r o s a n a is suspect, however, because many ixtleros gather both

plants, and the SSA study provides no clarification as to whether the

same ejidatario is included on only one, or both, lists.

Uncertainties as to the number of ixtleros are not confined to

the Zona Ixtlera as a whole. Three different studies of the Zona

Ixtlera of Nuevo Leon arrive at three different conclusions as to

the number of people linked to ixtle for their economic existence in

the state. The Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social (IMSS) (1974:1)
estimates that 11,000 families live entirely from the sale of ixtle,

while an additional 6,000 family units supplement their gathering in­

come by selling agricultural commodities. If one applies the 5.3

average family figure to the IMSS results, then approximately 90,000

people subsisted on the collection and sale of ixtle in Nuevo Leon

during 1 9 7 4 . a figure of 20,000 families (x 5.3 = 106,000 popula­

tion) for nine municipios in Nuevo Leon was arrived at by the Centro

de Investigaciones Economicas (1963:3), while the Centro de Investi-

gacion y Social Accion (n.d.:51), investigating the same nine municipios,

concluded that in 1960 approximately 30% of the total population, be­

tween 31,000 and 32,000 people, lived from the sale of ixtle.

No one knows for certain how many people within the Zona Ixtlera

depend upon the sale of ixtle for their livelihood, and no one can un­

equivocally state what percentage of that number is wholly dependent

on the fiber, or what percentage supplements their income via the sale

of agricultural commodities or through extra-ejido labor. The number

of people who gather fiber from Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana

varies annually according to pluvial conditions, and the attendant

situation for agriculture. During years when rainfall occurs in suf­

ficient quantities (e.g., 1967 and 1968) ixtleros readily abandon the

arduous task of collecting fiber for the less strenuous and more re­

warding labors of crop cultivation. Conversely, when precipitation is

limited and drought ensues, agriculture is difficult or impossible,

and the number of ejidatarios who resort to collecting lechuguilla and

palma samandoca increases. Despite these annual fluctuations in the

number of ixtle gatherers between 400,000 and 650,000 people earn a

living, either wholly or in part, from the collection and sale of

fiber in the Zona Ixtlera today. This estimate is based upon the

studies mentioned above, information gathered from Quillares Lona

(1971), the IX Censo General de Poblacion, 1970, and conversations

with various officials at La Forestal and numerous Mexican govern­

ment agencies.
 FOOTNOTES

Chapter II

4 n 1971 the Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas (CONAZA) was

created for the express purpose of assessing conditions and effecting
development schemes in the drylands of the nation. CONAZA estimates
that 41% of the national territory is arid or semi-arid. Arid zones
are defined as those receiving less than 250 mm of rainfall annually.
Semi-arid lands have an average annual precipitation between 250 and
500 m m (Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1974:8, 13).

^Among them: the Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1974;

Contreras Arias, 1955; Stretta and Mosina, 1963; and Pedrero, 1963.

^The government agency responsible for defining parameters for

Illustration 3 is the Coordinador Tecnico de la Comision Tecnico
Consultiva para la Determinacicm Regional de los Coeficientes de
Agostadero (COTECOCA).

^Ortiz Monasteria (1956) has mapped the soils of Mexico and pro­
vided a quantitative breakdown of specific soil groups for each state
in the nation. For the five states that are the focus of this study,
siernozem and red desert soils account for 3% to 39% of the total state
surface. Specific states and their respective percentages of those
soil types include: Coahuila, 39%; San Luis Potosx, 38%; Tamaulipas,
3%; Zacatecas, 15%; and Nuevo Leon, 15% (Samano Pineda, 1965:90-92).

^In addition to Agaves and Yuccas, a host of other plants develop

on limestone surfaces. Among the most significant: Larrea, A c a c i a ,
Euphorbia, J a t r o p h a , Fouquiera, Dasylirion texanum, and Hechtia texana.
For a complete list of vegetation associated with limestone sierras see
Le Sueur (1945:56-57).

^These floristic types are synonomous with the "vegetation on

isolated limestone sierras" of LeSueur (1945): the "desert" (subdivision
cactus desert) of Leopold (1950); and Muller's (1939) "central plateau
desert scrub" in Nuevo Leon and "Chihuahuan desert shrub" in Coahuila
(1947) (Rzedowski, 1961:104).

^Although Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana are most closely

associated with the vegetative type designated "desert rosette scrub,"
both species are found in other plant associations. For example,
lechuguilla is included in the "matorral desertica microfilo" by
Rzedowski (1957:60-66), and Rojas Mendoza (1965:93) includes palma
samandoca in a varient of desert rosette scrub, "matorral rosetofilo-
succulento con Agave-Echino cactus-Fero cactus."
 42

^Rose (1899:242) translated the word "lechuguilla" as "cabbage-

like."

^Ballesteros (1946:13) reported densities as high as 2,000 plants

per hectare in the region. The Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones
Forestales (INIF), in order to undertake long-term studies in the
management of native and introduced species of economic importance for
the arid regions of Mexico, has established experimental field stations
at El Cedral, San Luis Potosi and La Sauceda, Coahuila. At La Sauceda,
an inventory of native vegetation revealed that the highest densities
of lechuguilla were between 160 and 770 plants per 100 m^ at an ele­
vation of 1,520 m above sea level (Perez Rosales, 1964:24).

-*-^This plant is locally referred to as "palma barreta" in the

countryside surrounding Saltillo, and as "palma de San Pedro" in parts
of Coahuila (Pina L . , 1957:37).

11-At the La Sauceda experimental station maximum densities for palma

samandoca were 45 plants per 100 m^ (Pdrez Rosales, 1964:26).

•^The municipios, and their respective states, include: Monclova

and Progresso in Coahuila; Hidalgo in Nuevo Leon; Moctezuma and Villa de
Ramos in San Luis Potosi; Victoria in Tamaulipas; Villa de Cos and Gene­
ral Francisco Murguia in Zacatecas; and Simon Bolivar, Mazas, Cuencame’,
and San Juan de Guadalupe in Durango (Quillares Lona, 1971).

1
-^Lechuguilla and palma samandoca are exploited for their fiber pro­
perties outside the Zona Ixtlera but the fiber is not sold commercially,
or at least it is not done so legally, since La Forestal has monopoly
control over the purchase of ixtle, and is not operating in such areas
at present.

"*-^The IMSS study focused on only seven municipios in Nuevo Leon:

Iturbide, Galeana, Zaragoza, Rayones, Doctor Arroyo, Aramberri, and
Mier y Noriega.
 CHAPTER III

IXTLERO FIELD ACTIVITIES

The Gathering of Ixtle

Field Implements

Only a few rudimentary tools are employed by ixtlero campesinos

in the collection and decortication of ixtle. The equipment inventory

of every tallador includes a cogollero (arrancador or m u l a ) , oaxaca,

tallador, banco and bolillo (Plate 5). The cogollero is used to cut

the young leaves that form the centerstalk, or cogollo, of Agave

lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana. Most cogolleros consist of a metal

ring attached to one end of a long wooden pole (Illustration 8A) . The

wooden handle is fashioned from center stems (garrocha) of plants

proximate to the ejidos such as sotol and granjeno (Celtis spinosa) .

It generally measures 0.5 to 3 m long, the greater length reflecting

the need to reach cogollos of the lofty Yucca carnerosana. The metal

ring, 15 cm in length and 10 to 25 cm in diameter, is usually pur­

chased from nearby urban communities. It is hammered into one end of

the handle and fastened with nails. A less common type of cogollero

is constructed of wood and wire. One end of the wooden pole is forked,

and wire strands are used to connect the extremities of the bifurca­

tion. This produces the "closed ring" essential to proper operation of

the cogollero. The oaxaca (Illustration 8B) is a bowl-shaped basket

that serves as a container for cogollos. Its frame normally consists

of four pieces of granjeno: a top U-shaped segment connected to both

43
 Plate 5. .Implements used in the
collection of ixtle. A - cogollero;
B - oaxaca; C - bolillo; D - banco;
E - tallador.

ends of a straight back-piece, and two curving base poles that inter­

sect and are nailed to the top parts. A webbing of ixtle rope is used

to cover the frame, and an attached leather strap serves as a shoulder

harness. Basket capacities vary from 5 to 30 kg, with the norm being

15 kg. A oaxaca with a 15 kg capacity can hold approximately 75 to

100 cogollos. The tallador is a blunt-edged knife used to separate

fiber from the leaves (pencas or hojas) that form the cogollo (Illustra­

tion 8 C ) . The knife consists of a circular handle 10 to 15 cm long

made of mesquite or other readily available woody plant material. The

handle is split to accommodate insertion of the 35 to 40 cm long iron

 45

JT
Cogollero

sharp
side B
Oaxaca

Tallador

Bolillo
D
Banco

Illustration 8 - Field Implements of the Ixtlero

blade, which is commercially produced. The blade is secured by tightly

winding wire strands around the bisected handle. A tallador blade is

straight for two-thirds of its length but thereafter gradually tapers

until, at its very end, an upward or "reverse-curve" hook appears. The

hook permits the implement to be firmly secured at the base of a tree,

bush, or other ground support for the shredding operation. Bancos and

bolillos (Illustration 8D, 8E) are the least complex and most varied

of the ixtlero’s tool complex. The banco is a piece of wood of variable

length and width against which the fiber-containing leaf is placed prior
 46

to being shredded. A standard banco is a piece of granjeno 45 cm long,

6 cm wide, and 4 cm high. Extraction of ixtle from pencas of lechuguilla

and palma samandoca is facilitated by use of the bolillo. A convention­

ally shaped bolillo resembles a miniature bowling pin. It has a maximum

length of 15 cm and a bulbous end diameter of 10 to 15 cm. As with the

other tools employed by ixtleros, the bolillo is made from the woody

material of locally available plants. During decortication, the basal

portion of each cogollo leaf is secured around the wide end of the

bolillo prior to shredding the narrower end of the leaf. The newly ex­

pressed fiber is then wrapped around the neck of the bolillo while the

broader section of the leaf is rasped.

The Daily Round

The daily round of ixtle-related activities commences at an early

hour. By 7:30 a.m. ixtleros have departed their homes and are engaged

in the collection of cogollos. The distance traveled between homestead

and work zone varies from less than one kilometer to as many as 20

kilometers, depending upon the anticipated duration of the collecting

period, the mode of transportation, and most significantly, the avail­

ability of exploitable plants.

For most collectors the journey to work and return home occurs on

the same day. The field day commences at 7:30 a.m., and usually termi­

nates between 3 and 5 p.m. This 8 or 10-hour work day, and the ixtlero’s

desire to return home before nightfall, impose certain limitations on

the maximum range of daily travel. However, it is not uncommon for

gatherers, either alone or in pairs, to remain in the campo for three

to four days at a time, .and I have been informed that men will occasion­

ally stay in the surrounding mountains collecting fiber for as long as

 47

2
two or three weeks. The ixtleros of Independencia ejido, Coahuila

typify this time-distance relationship. Most gather fiber from within

a 5 to 6 km radius of the village, and return home by nightfall

(Illustration 9). Only those who venture into mountains such as the

Sierra de Narigua remain away from Independencia for more than a day.

Transportation between homestead and the field is most commonly

provided by burro. The use of this dependable animal affords the

opportunity to maximize the limits over which ixtle can be collected.

Individuals who traverse the distance between settlement and field on

foot find their activity sphere considerably more restricted.

The availability of cogollos is the most significant factor affect­

ing the ixtlero*s work range. Most talladores travel farther afield to

gather fiber today than they did ten years ago. In environs proximate

to ixtlero settlements conversion of the campo to dryland agriculture

has depleted or completely eliminated stands of Agave lecheguilla and

Yucca carnerosana and effected an outward extension of the collecting

area. Overexploitation also contributes to this pattern. Intensive

exploitation frequently takes the form of repeated cuttings of imma­

ture cogollos from the same plant, critically lowering its resistence

to water-deficit conditions, and making it particularly susceptible

during prolonged periods of drought (Coe, 1962:328). During a drought,

these are the first plants to succumb, a stage preceded by the shrivel­

ing up of leaves that change from a dark green to light green or yellow

color, and progressively bend inward toward the plant center (personal

interview with Jorge S. Marroquin, May 17, 1976). As ixtleros have

traveled farther to gather cogollos the attendant increase in transport

 48

DISTANCE TO WORK FOR THE IXTLERO S OF INDEPENDENCIA

Illustration 9

Sierra
de
Narigua

General
Cepeda

INPEPENDENCIA

Paved Road

- - - - 8 Gravel Road

Cultivated Land
Saltillo

Contour lines (meters above

I ^ sea level
level) Kilometers
SOURCE: CETENAL Carta Topografica, General Cepeda, 1972.
time has, in some instances, curtailed the amount of time devoted to

the decortication of fiber.

Site Selection

Within the ejido, sites selected for harvesting cogollos are a

matter of personal choice by campesinos. Densities of lechuguilla and

palma samandoca are greatest in areas generally unsuitable for agri­

culture. Even when assigned to individual ejidatarios, these lands are

perceived as communal property and used for collection purposes by all

talladores in the ejido. Thus, ixtleros frequently return to the same

general locale to gather fiber, but this reflects the availability of

plants rather than decisions rendered by the comisario or ejido council

delegating specific locations to individual workers. In the ejidos

I visited, Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana were available in

great abundance beyond the immediate environs of the community, and

there was subsequently no need to ration the land on which they were

located. In fact, there is a noticeable absence of any awareness or

concern for conservation of the plants among ixtleros. They are

cognizant that these species have been abundant from time immemorial,

and they believe that this situation will persist into the future.

Reinforcing this belief is the fact that over a period of years both

lechuguilla and palma samandoca will reproduce numerous cogollos from

the same p l a n t .

When an ixtlero departs his residence in search of cogollos, he

therefore seeks out a general area rather than a specific site. Once

he arrives at a locale where sufficient quantities of the plants are

in evidence he selects a spot where the vegetation provides a natural

 50

shade, or where he can artificially create it by draping a shirt or

ixtle sack (costal) over the portruding limb of a bush or small tree.

After tethering his burro and depositing his provisions, he ventures

afield with oaxaca and cogollero to commence the harvesting of cogollos.

Gathering Cogollos

At least one author (Cepeda, 1949:17) has contended that ixtleros

select cogollos for cutting on the basis of sound. The cogollero is

rapped against the center stem, and if the proper noise results, the

bud is severed from the remainder of the plant. I have never observed

this procedure in the field, and in numerous discussions with ixtleros

no one has ever admitted to employing it. Ixtleros engage in their

work in a methodical fashion, endeavoring to minimize their time in the

field. Rather than take time to "sound" cogollos, they resort to a

quick visual assessment of the center bud as they approach it, and this

"look" suffices to let them know intuitively if it is ready to cut. A

mature cogollo is comprised of tightly compacted leaves, terminates in

a sharp spine, and has a dark green color. In both Agave lecheguilla

and Yucca carnerosana the cogollos are spindle-shaped, tightly com­

pacted agglomerations of the youngest and most tender leaves. The

moisture in these leaves increases their pulp content (and hence tender­

ness) , rendering them more susceptible to the process whereby ixtle can

be extracted. The outer leaves, with a lower moisture content per unit

area, and with less pulp, are too hard and firm to be scraped by

h a n d .^

Collecting cogollos is a relatively simple procedure. The iron

ring of the cogollero is placed over the centerstalk and given a quick

forward-backward jerk (Plate 6). This breaks off the cogollo and
 Plate 6. Collecting cogollos of
Agave lecheguilla in the campo
near Tula, Tamaulipas.

leaves behind a small inner n u c l e o u s , the cogollito, which forms the

basis for a new growth. Generally speaking, the right hand is used

to handle the cogollero while the harvested buds are held in the left.

When the ixtlero has accumulated four or five plant centers, he trans­

fers them to the oaxaca which is normally slung over his left shoulder

(Plate 7). This procedure continues until the basket is full. The

gathering of cogollos constitutes a minor part of the ixtleros work

day. If center stems are readily available, a 10 kg oaxaca can be

filled in fifteen minutes, a procedure that is repeated two to four

more times during the course of the day.

 52

Plate 7. Oaxaca filled with lechuguilla cogollos.

Decortication of the Cogollos of Agave Lecheguilla

Cogollos of both Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana are col­

lected in the manner described above, but thereafter the procedures and

locales for decorticating the two differ. Lechuguilla leaves are

shredded in the field without benefit of any prior treatment, while

those of palma samandoca are transported back to ejidos, or individual

farmsteads, to be "processed" prior to decortication. This difference

is a function of the ease of separating the fiber from its leaves,

which in turn is contingent upon differences in the moisture content

of lechuguilla and palma samandoca leaves.

After gathering lechuguilla cogollos, the ixtlero returns to the

site where he initially deposited his provisions and commences to ex­

tract the fiber. During decortication the remaining implements in the

ixtlero's equipment inventory are utilized. Taking advantage of the

shade afforded by the arbor of natural vegetation or the draped costal,

the tallador positions himself by sitting down and spreading his legs

(Plate 8). He then proceeds to fasten the hooked end of the tallador

Plate 8. Decortication of lechuguilla leaves -

typical scene near Saltillo, Coahuila.

under a convenient root or other firmly grounded object (estaca). The

banco is placed on the ground directly beneath the dull edge of the

knife, so that by pressing downward on the handle of the tallador, the

ixtlero is able to exert considerable pressure. Cogollos are removed

from the basket and leaves are individually stripped. Each cogollo

normally has 15 to 20 leaves long enough to provide marketable ixtle.

As the pencas are peeled from the bud, it is reduced in size until a

central core 15 to 20 cm long remains. This nucleus, small and diffi­

cult to clean, is considered waste and discarded.

 54

After stripping the outer leaves from the cogollo, some ixtleros

remove the marginal barbs and terminal spine from each leaf. However,

most disdain this procedure and commence rasping with the barbs and

spine attached. Years of experience and a certain coarseness of hand

seemingly makes these people immune to the painful irritation caused

by the spines of agave leaves. Leaves are initially shredded indivi­

dually. The convex base of each is placed around the broad end of the

bolillo and inserted between the banco and the tallador. As the ixtlero

applies pressure to the tallador with one hand, he simultaneously pulls

the leaf toward him with the other hand, separating the leaf pulp from

the fiber (Plate 9). He repeats this procedure, and in an equally

Plate 9. Decortication of lechuguilla leaves

near Tula, Tamaulipas.
 55

rapid manner inverts the leaf and runs it between the tallador and banco

to remove pulp from the reverse side. Approximately half the penca

is now a hank of moist fiber, or ixtle. The semi-cleaned leaf is set

aside and the same procedure is repeated until another ten or fifteen

leaves have been shredded. The unrasped, broad ends of these pencas

are then fitted one into the other, the ixtle is wrapped around the

neck of the bolillo, which serves as a handhold, and decortication is

performed on the remaining portion of the leaf. Usually one or two

sweeps on each side of the small end of a leaf suffices to separate the

fiber from the pulp, but the broader and heavier base end of the peine

requires as many as a half dozen pulls between the tallador and the

banco. The residual mass of pulp and spines, which accumulates in

front of the ixtlero as he extricates the fiber from its leaf, is known

as guishe (shishi, x i x i ) .^

Depending upon plant availability, distance traveled, and worker

efficiency, four to ten kilos of ixtle de lechuguilla can be collected

by a single ixtlero during the course of an eight-hour field-work day.

The characteristic color of freshly cleaned fiber is opaque white with

a light-green tint. Occasionally, decortication is improperly or hap­

hazardly done, and pulp remains attached to the fiber giving it a more

pronounced green color. Fiber varies in length from 20 to 50 cm and is

moist to the touch. As ixtle accumulates, it is neatly piled to one

side of the worker, and at the end of the field day it is bundled to­

gether with loose strands of fiber.

Field work generally terminates around 3 p.m. If the ixtlero is

returning to his settlement, the accumulated fiber is packed into the

oaxaca alongside the work implements, and the. basket is either slung
 56

over the worker's shoulder or upon the back of a burro, if the latter

is available (Plate 10). When the distance between work site and

Plate 10. Transportation of lechuguilla fiber

from field to ejido. Independencia, Coahuila.

residence is not great, the ixtlero may return to his dwelling with the

center stems unrasped. One or more baskets are filled with cogollos

and carried back to the ejido or individual farmstead (Plate 11) where

the ixtlero and his family scrape them at their leisure in the shade

of their own homes. However, the transfer of lechuguilla centerstalks

from field to hearth is the exception rather than the rule. Inasmuch
 57

Plate 11. Human transport of lechuguilla

cogollos from field to settlement. Campo
near Punta de Santa Elena, Coahuila.

as the average fiber content of a lechuguilla leaf is only 11% by

weight,"’ and distances between collecting points and settlements

generally exceed one kilometer, the carrying of five to thirty kilos

of cogollos is a transport burden best obviated by extracting the

ixtle in the field.

After returning to the settlement, ixtleros spread the fiber on

the ground or any other available surface adjacent to their homes

 58

(Plate 12). The fiber is allowed to dry in the sun one or two hours.

Plate 12. Drying of ixtle prior to bundling

and transport to ejido cooperative. Alvaro
Obregon, Tatnaulipas.

Exposure to the sun results in the typically bleached appearance of

ixtle de lechuguilla, making it readily distinguishable from the

characteristic brownish tint of ixtle de palma. When dry, the fiber

is bundled and carried by the ixtlero to the local ejido cooperative

where it is exchanged for money, food staples, or a combination of

the t w o .
 59

Decortication of the Cogollos of Yucca Carnerosana

Cogollos of Yucca carnerosana are collected with the same imple­

ments and in the same manner as those of Agave lecheguilla (Plate 13).

m m m

Plate 13. Gathering the cogollo of Yucca

carnerosana near Punta de Santa Elena,
Coahuila.

Because of the low moisture content, however, leaves in palma saman­

doca center stems are firm and very difficult to scrape by hand. Before

decortication can occur, the cogollos are subjected to a steaming opera­

tion that increases moisture content, softens the pulp, and facilitates

shredding. The steaming of cogollos takes place in ejido settlements,

or immediately adjacent to isolated farmsteads scattered throughout

the countryside. Rudimentary stone and earthen ovens called pailas are

used to steam the cogollos. In those areas of the Zona Ixtlera where

Yucca carnerosana is widespread, pailas are a common landscape feature

in both ejido's and on individual homesteads.

 The structural composition and capacity of pailas varies consider­

ably within any given community. This heterogeneity is exemplified by

the ejido of Punta de Santa Elena, situated approximately 80 km south­

west of Saltillo City, in the state of Coahuila. Punta's population of

286 includes 73 ixtleros who collect both ixtle de palma and ixtle de

lechuguilla. La Forestal annually purchases approximately four tons of

lechuguilla fiber and six tons of palma samandoca fiber from Punta de

Santa Elena (Secretaria de Agricultura y Ganaderia, 1976a:l).

Scattered throughout Punta de Santa Elena are eight pailas. De­

spite structural differences and variations in capacity, they can be

differentiated into two broad catagories: Larger, more structurally

sophisticated "communal" pailas, and smaller earthern pailas located in

the yards of individual ixtleros (Plates 14 and 15). The large pailas

number four and have capacities ranging from 150 to 600 kilos. Their

construction is a cooperative venture and, upon completion, they are

simultaneously used by two or more ixtleros. Major features of these

large pailas include a sloping trench 1 to 1.5 m deep, a 200-300 liter

capacity oil drum, and a circular masonry or adobe wall. Construction

starts with excavation of a trench 2 m deep, 2 m wide, and 3 m long.

A couple of meters from the back wall of the trench, a large slab of

wood or a rail tie is inserted between the side walls of the trench

some 60 cm above the floor. A masonry wall is constructed atop the

wood/rail frame to ground level. A concrete slab floor is then laid

flush to ground level with an aperture in the center large enough to

accommodate the cylindrical drum. The latter is set into the concrete

floor in such a fashion that its open end is even with the floor and

its closed bottom is suspended 45 to 60 cm above the base level of

Plate 14. Large paila in Punta de Santa Elena.

Plate 15. Small paila (right foreground) in

the campo southwest of Punta de Santa Elena.
the trench. Finally, a circular wall of adobe bricks or masonry is

erected above and around the periphery of the concrete slab. Pailas

with 200-300 kilo capacities normally have an interior diameter of 1.25

m,and masonry walls 75 cm high and 50 cm wide.

The smaller pailas of Punta de Santa Elena consist of 1 to 2 m

deep excavations info which the 200-300 liter drums are placed. The

top of the inserted drum is either laid flush with the ground or re­

cessed 30 to 60 cm. When the can top is level with the adjacent sur­

face, earthen embankments 30 to 90 cm high are built around it. After

the drum is securely imbedded, a side trench is dug so that a gap 30 to

90 cm is left between the ground and the bottom of the drum. Small

pailas account for only half of Punta de Santa E l e n a ’s total, but on

individual farmsteads in the surrounding countryside they are the

dominant type.

Pailas are made ready for the steaming of cogollos by filling the

large drum with water and placing a few stout sticks across the open

mouth of the can. The sticks prevent centerstalks from falling into

the water-filled container below. The paila is, in effect, a furnace,

and the requisite fuel, gathered from the countryside, includes de­

cayed palma samandoca and palma china stems. Guapilla, a low-lying

shrub widely distributed throughout the region, is commonly used as

fuel to initiate burning. All of these incendiary materials are

placed in the open pit beneath the drum.

Cogollos are placed inside the walled part of the paila at day's

end.Generally speaking, a single day's collection suffices to fill

the smaller pailas. However, two or three days of gathering are often

required before the larger pailas are filled to capacity. In the

 63

latter, cogollos are carefully arranged with their terminal spines

facing center (Plate 16). By contrast, centerstalks are haphazardly

Plate 16. Arrangement of palma samandoca

cogollos in large paila.

deposited in the smaller pailas. Whatever the paila type, a layer of

guishe is placed atop the center stems to retard moisture loss. The

firewood assembled in the pit beneath is then set ablaze. A fire is

thereafter maintained for a minimum of five to a maximum of twelve

hours. During this period, additional fuel is shoved into the pit

with the aid of a 2 to 3 m-long metal rod (atesador) . Sustained burn­

ing boils water in the drum and the ensuing steam penetrates and softens

the cogollos. The "tenderized" center stems are subsequently easier

to shred. Firing also imparts to both the cogollos and the attendant

ixtle de palma a markedly brownish-yellow tinge.

The steaming operation usually terminates before midnight, but

cogollos are kept in the pailas overnight to cool off. Early the
 64

following morning, they are removed and carried back to individual home-

sites for decortication. Both the tools and procedures used in ex­

tracting ixtle de palma are the same as those described for ixtle de

lechuguilla. Differences that exist between the two are related to

locale, family participation, and more subtly, work intensity. Unlike

the field orientation of ixtle de lechuguilla scrapping, that of ixtle

de palma occurs within the homestead of each ixtlero. As an activity

proximate to the family hearth, the shredding of palma samandoca

cogollos tends to involve almost every member of the ixtlero family.

In Punta de Santa Elena, children six and seven years of age extract

fiber. School-age children often work for an hour or two before they

commence their studies. Ixtlero wives frequently devote time to de­

cortication between domestic chores. One of the advantages of this

broadly based family participation is that it permits the ixtlero

to return to the field to gather additional quantities of fiber while

his wife and children are engaged in the same activity at home.

Compared to the sustained work associated with the shredding of

lechuguilla cogollos, the extraction of fiber from palma samandoca is

pursued in a much more leisurely manner. Women and children work only

when domestic or school activities are in abeyance. Ixtleros take ex­

tended rest periods, often gathering at the focal point of every ejido

settlement, the community store (cooperativa), to exchange gossip and

pass the time. This comparatively relaxed approach to the rasping of

palma samandoca center stems results in a situation where two, three,

or even four days are required to decorticate a paila full of cogollos.

Procedures employed after palma samandoca cogollos are rasped

parallel those used for ixtle de lechuguilla (Plate 17). The freshly
 65

Plate 17. Palma samandoca stages. From left

to right: cogollos, leaves, guishe, cogollo
cores (waste), and fiber.

extracted fiber of palma samandoca is spread to dry in the sun, bundled,

and transported to the ejido cooperative for sale^ (Plate 18).

Plate 18. Ejido cooperative, Independencia, Coahuila.

 66

Transactions at the Ej ido Cooperative

The interaction between ixtleros and the ejido member responsible

for receiving fiber at the cooperative (the coparario), is a multi­

faceted one that transcends a simple cash exchange. In August, 1977,

the fixed price paid at the cooperative per kilo of ixtle de lechuguilla
7
and ixtle de palma was 9.00 and 4.50 pesos respectively. Ixtleros re­

ceive an additional 30 centavos for every kilo of ixtle de lechuguilla

they sell at the cooperative. This is known as the remanente, and is,

in effect, a bonus paid to the ixtlero at the end of each calendar year.

Every ixtlero carries with him a small green notebook into which the

date and number of kilos of ixtle de lechuguilla he sells to the co­

operative are recorded. The small, pocket-sized book is entitled,

"Credencial - Aportaciones de Ixtle de Lechuguilla" (Credentials -

Contributions of the Ixtle of Lechuguilla). It includes the name of

the ixtlero as well as the name and registration number of his "Sociedad

Cooperativa." On a separate page, the ixtlero is reminded of his obli­

gation to sell ixtle to the cooperative only, and cautioned that failure

to do so is prejudicial to both the ixtlero and the cooperative.

Entries are made in the notebook and initialed by the collecting agent

after the fiber has been inspected and weighed. Ixtle may occasionally

be less than acceptable due to improper cleaning or inadequate drying,

conditions that hamper further refining. Although the "Credencial"

notebook is quite explicit in cautioning ixtleros that fiber in any un­

satisfactory state of preparation is subject to rejection, and hence

no remuneration, I have never seen a coparario refuse ixtle at the

cooperative.
 67

Fiber is stored in the cooperative for periods ranging from one to

two weeks, whereupon trucks from La Forestal collect and transfer it

to regional warehouses for sorting and storage.

One of the most vexing .problems associated with this study of the

ixtleros relates to their average annual income. The sale of ixtle

represents the single most important source of income for the majority

of the inhabitants of the Zona Ixtlera, but despite the established

prices paid per kilo of fiber and detailed records of the ixtle de

lechuguilla collected annually by each ixtlero, it is exceedingly diffi­

cult to ascertain specific per capita incomes. The explanation for

this is two-fold. First, no records are maintained of the kilos of

ixtle de palma collected by each worker. The price paid per kilo for

the fiber is so low that La Forestal deems a remanente superfluous

(Personal interview with Quirino Orta, August 17, 1977). The quantity

of ixtle de palma transferred from ejido cooperatives to La Forestal

trucks is carefully recorded, but this represents a cumulative figure

which is ineffectual in determining per capita specifics. Second, and

more significantly, the most common transaction between ixtlero and

coparario is not a straight fiber-for-peso exchange but rather a fiber-

for-cash-and-goods transaction. A recurring cooperative scenario in­

volves the exchange of fiber for goods such as rice, flour, beans, lard,

detergent, and cigarettes. Thereafter, if the value of such commodities

falls short of matching the sale value of ixtle, the balance is paid

in pesos. Thus, an ixtlero who exchanges five kilos of ixtle de

lechuguilla at the established rate of 9.00 pesos per kilo rarely de­

parts the cooperative with 45 pesos in hand. More often than not, he

leaves with a basket filled with a variety of goods and a small amount
 68

of hard currency to show for a day's work. At times he may receive no

cash at all. It is not uncommon for the ixtlero to purchase goods that

have a total value greater than the sale price of the fiber. In such

instances, the deficit is recorded in a notebook kept in the coopera­

tive. Few members of the community are immune from these liabilities,

and in some instances ixtlero's owe several hundred pesos to the co­

operative.

Sales of Fiber Products by Ixtleros

Outside the Ej idos

Although most of the fiber gathered by ixtleros is sold in local

ejido cooperatives, small amounts are retained for home consumption and/

or sale in surrounding towns and cities. The sale of ixtle brushes,

rope, and body sponges is a common scene in the marketplaces of San

Luis Potosi, Saltillo, Matehuala, Concepcion del Oro, Tula, and

numerous other urban communities througout the Zona Ixtlera. Responsi­

bility for selling these products is usually entrusted to the women and

children of the ejido. They either sell their wares to permanent market

vendors or dispose of the products themselves on sidewalks and streets

adjoinint the market (Plate 19). The quantity of goods sold directly

by family members is small, and prices paid for the ixtle products they

purvey are low. The most prevalent items are brushes and body sponges.

The former sell for 3 or 4 per peso, the latter for 3 to 7 pesos apiece.

Sales at the end of the day rarely exceed 20 or 30 pesos. Despite such

miniscule totals the profits accruing from these exchanges provide an

important source of supplementary income to the ixtlero family.

 69

f. ^ :Kmm
gf '••• ■ ■, V ,, *«,.-• ..••»• ■.f

w.

^ ,< ^ 5

Plate 19. Selling of ixtle products at the market­

place in Saltillo, Coahuila.

The Gathering of Non-Ixtle Plants

Ixtleros gather a wide variety of uncultivated plants other than

Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana. Two plants of international

commercial import collected by a segment of the ixtlero population are

candelilla, from which a hard white wax is derived, and guayule, a

source of rubber. Young fruits of the nopal cardon have both subsistence

and commercial value. In ixtlero settlements, they are despined, dis­

sected, and cooked with a variety of condiments. In San Luis Potosi City

and environs the fruit is processed and sold as a cheese, queso de tuna.

Fruits of the garambullo plant (Myrtillocactus geometrizans) are con­

sumed in the field or sold to surrounding urban communities where they

are converted into a delightful tasting ice-cream. Flowers and fruits

from palma china are eaten, and candy made from the heart of the biznaga

(Echinocactus visnaga) is a highly prized treat. In the vicinity of

 70

Tula and Jaumave, Tamaulipas, mesquite pods are gathered during summer

months and made into flour cakes. Wild plants utilized for house and

fence construction include mesquite, sotol, ocotillo (Fouquieria

splendens) , and coyonostle (Opuntia imbricata). Gobernadora (creosote:

bush) and hojasen (Flourensia cernua) have medicinal properties used

by residents of the Zona Ixtlera. In their ecological study of the arid

zones of northern Mexico, Marroquin and associates (1964:159-160) cite

thirty-two uncultivated plants other than lechuguilla and palma saman­

doca that are collected and utilized as food, drink, fiber, in con­

struction, and as forage. Within the Zona Ixtlera each of these plants

play an important role in the material culture of the ixtlero, but it

is a role secondary to that of Agave lecheguilla and Yucca earnerosana.

Hunting and the Cultivation of Crops

During the course of a normal year, ixtleros devote most of their

field-work time to gathering uncultivated plants. But they and their

families engage in other economic activities as well, most notably

hunting and the cultivation of crops. The year-round pursuit of fauna

in the Zona Ixtlera is simultaneously a diversion from gathering and

the source of much needed protein in the ixtlero diet. Commonly hunted

animals include fox, deer, rabbits, prairie dogs, quail, and kangaroo

rats. The latter are frequently offered for sale along the major

thoroughfares of the region by ixtlero family members.

When rainfall occurs in sufficient quantities, ixtleros divert

their attention from collecting fiber to cultivating crops. But water-

deficit conditions, particularly in the more arid regions, severely

 71

limit agricultural pursuits. A high percentage of land is unsuitable

for cultivation due to the paucity of rainfall. Table 3, and Illustra­

tions 10 and 11 show this situation. A land-use classification of twenty-

three arbitrarily selected ejidos in Coahuila is included in Table 3.

Of the total land surface of these communities (115,279 hectares), less

than 1% is classified as riego (irrigated farming land); 5.4% is

temporal (dryland farming land); 82.1% is agostadero (pasture land);

and 11.9% is monte (woodland). Only 5.9% of the entire area is under
g
cultivation. Illustrations 10 and 11 do not provide specific percen­

tile figures for land classification, but they convey a strong visual

impression of the relative paucity of farming lands in two typical

ejidos of the Zona Ixtlera.

Rainfall variability imposes additional limitations on agriculture.

Totals vary from year to year (Table 4) and there is no assurance as

to when rain will fall during the course of a year. Most precipitation

occurs during the high-sun period, but the rainy season may begin as

early as May or as late as September. Pluvial vagaries have a bearing

on the type of crops grown. If the rains commence from May to July,

maize is planted; if they start later, beans are planted. If the rains

occur as late as the middle of August or September, maize might still be

planted for whatever fodder is produced (Hernandez X., 1970:325).

On cultivated lands, the dominant type of farming practiced is

"temporal," or dryland farming. To date, the Zona Ixtlera has not

shared in the spectacular irrigation developments initiated in other

regions of northern Mexico (e.g., La Laguna, Delicias, and Rio Salado)

by the Secretaria de Recursos Hidraulicos. Surface water is absent in

 TABLE 3 - LAND CLASSIFICATION IN SELECTED EJIDOS OF COAHUILA

Total Total A g . Land

Area Agosta- Ag. as %
Ej ido Municipio Ha Riego Temporal dero Monte Poblado Area of Total

Palma Gorda Saltillo 1,610 0 200 1,395 0 15 200 12

Presa de
Guadalupe Saltillo 4,170 0 212 2,000 1,950 8 212 5
Tanque de
Emergencia Saltillo 2,744 0 350 2,384 0 10 350 13
Las Mangas Saltillo 4,122 0 212 404 3,486 20 212 5
Punta de
Santa Elena Saltillo 3,294 0 195 3,003 96 0 195 6
La Paloma Ramos de Arizpe 22,000 0 105 21,885 0 10 105 0.5
Reata Ramos de Arizpe 7,029 0 202 6,802 0 25 202 3
Paredon Ramos de Arizpe 2,700 64 286 2,350 0 0 350 13
Mesillas Ramos de Arizpe 3,591 0 616 2,971 0 4 616 17
Fraustro Ramos de Arizpe 2,503 0 360 2,143 0 0 360 14
Hipolito Ramos de Arizpe 3,300 90 200 3,010 0 0 290 9
Castanos Castanos 4,822 72 250 4,500 0 0 322 7
El Granjeno Castanos 3,422 0 400 3,002 0 20 400 12
El Sago Castanos 5,000 0 250 4,730 0 20 250 5
Independencia General Cepeda 5,143 216 424 4,499 0 4 640 12
Ojo de Agua General Cepeda 1,769 20 378 1,370 0 1 398 22
Tanque San
Vicente General Cepeda 2,618 15 163 934 1,500 6 178 7
Carmen Parras 4,400 64 400 3,936 0 0 464 11
Huariche Parras 4,900 0 150 2,300 2,445 5 150 3
Jalapa Parras 6,700 0 120 6,580 0 0 120 2
El Mesteno Parras 2,966 0 270 2,550 140 6 270 9
Notillas Parras 2,116 0 256 1,860 0 0 256 12
Sabanilla Parras 14,310 0 200 10,000 4,100 10 200 0.1
Totals 115,279 541 6,199 94,608 13,717 164 6,740
Percentages 100 1 5.4 82.1 11.9 1 5.9 5.9
Source: Comision Nacional Campesino, 1974.
 LAND USE IN THE EJIDO OF CUATRO
DE MARZO, COAHUILA
Illustration 10

MUNICIPIO: PARRAS

Railroad
' Pasture lands
Highway »- of bad quality

TOTAL SURFACE AREA

OF THE EJIDO: 31,680 hectares
Cuatro
de Marzo

Temporal

PASTURE LANDS OF
BAD QUALITY

SOURCT,: Dcpartamento de Asuntos Agrarios y Colonization, 1968. Kilometers

 LAND USE IN EJIDO EL MILAGRO DE GUADALUPE, SAN LUIS POTOSI
Illustration 11

•«fo
«Sj£0*»O

El Milagro
de Guadalupe

San Jose
del Refugio

GUADAtcXz.
I I Agricultural Land - Temporal

| | Pasture Lands Areas Covered by

Native Vegetation
0
Highlands L J ____ I
Kilometers

SOURCE: CETENAL Carta Topografica, El Milagro de Guadalupe, 1976.

 75

TABLE 4

Yearly Rainfall Totals for Selected

Stations in the Zona Ixtlera
of Coahuila

Saltillo Ramos Arizpe Parras General Cepeda

1952 273.9 m m 130.2 214.0 187.7

1953 277,8 186.5 409.6 265.7
1954 191.6 174.8 233.2 196.8
1955 320.1 171.5 340.2 305.0
1956 222.6 141.6 157.8 172.5
1957 214.2 133.6 239.9 173.2
1958 679.0 547.6 557.5 434.7
1959 684.5 446.7 468.0 584.4
1960 393.0 252.0 268.4 292.0
1961 369.0 168.0 273.6 354.2

1962 251.5 158.0 265.2 287.1

1963 355.0 217.0 368.3 259.6
1964 356.0 263.0 394.7 315.7
1965 385.0 263.0 405.4 315.7
1966 525.0 282,0 428.7 505.0
1967 597.0 331.0 585.9 565.0
1968 560.0 330.0 604.1 532.0
1969 328.0 145.0 190.8 294.0
1970 276.5 213.0 303.6 256.0
1971 505.0 202.0 559.3 523.0

1972 387.0 286.0 359.8 337.0

Secretarra de Recursos Hidraulicos (SRH), 1976.

 76

much of the region and irrigation facilities developed thus far have

been sporadic and small-scale. The example of the ejido of Independen-

cia, Coahuila, is typical. Water from check dams and diversion canals

irrigates 216 hectares in the ejido, but this represents only 4% of

Independencia's total land surface of 5,143 hectares (Table 3).

In the absence of surface water, subterranean aquifers are the

major source of water in the Zona Ixtlera. In certain areas, however,

much of this water contains salts that impede its use for certain

activities. In the Zona Ixtlera of Zacatecas for example, only 30%

of the area possesses well-drawn water of a "good" drinkable quality

(Trujillo C . , Lesser I., and Martinez Garza, 1976:7).^

Despite the problems engendered by the limited and poorly distri­

buted precipitation, ixtleros readily turn to agricultural pursuits.

Working the land is a less physically demanding activity than gathering

ixtle, and in those years when sufficient quantities of rain fall,

agriculture is a more remunerative occupation. Most of the cultivable

lands are individually farmed. Seeds are purchased in ejido coopera­

tives, and if the rainfall regime is normal, the fields are prepared

and planted in May. Harvesting extends from September through

November. Rainfall variability, coupled with a shortage of funds,

limits the application of agricultural practices such as the use of

fertilizers which would help to increase production. In fact, farming

practices from beginning to end are rudimentary. Field preparation,

planting, weeding and harvesting are all done by hand or with the aid

of rented oxen.

Throughout the Zona Ixtlera, maize and beans are the most impor­

tant cultigens, while wheat and barley are crops of secondary signifi­
 77

cance. Crop yields vary greatly from year to year. During particularly

dry periods, fields may not be sown at all, or else the planted seed

fails to produce for lack of water. Most years, however, yield harvests.

Average yields of maize and beans per hectare for ejidos cited in the

Zona Ixtlera of San Luis Potosi were 383 kg and 137 kg respectively in

1960 (Aleman Aleman, 1966:99). For Independencia, in 1974, corresponding

figures were 2,275 kg of maize and 910 kg of beans per hectare (Comision

Nacional Campesino, 1974:n.p.). While the veracity of these figures is

suspect, they'do convey some idea of crop-yield variability.

When crop yields are good, the available surplus is marketed, pro­

viding an income which supplements that derived from the sale of ixtle.

However, these sales are generally small and would appear to be the

exception rather than the rule. Most ejiditarios I spoke with had not

sold any of their crops during the past few years.

Stockraising

The extensive grasslands and scrub vegetation of northern Mexico

have supported livestock since the colonial period. One of the most

visible features of the Zona Ixtlera's contemporary landscape are

grazing animals. Of the livestock roaming the ejidos of north-central

Mexico, the most ubiquitous is the goat. Ideally suited to the sparse

vegetative cover of the northern drylands, the goat requires a minimum

of care and provides maximum benefits, both local and commercial.

Goat's milk, cheese, and meat are consumed in ixtlero communities.

Roast kid (cabrito) is a local specialty served in restaurants through­

out north-central Mexico, and it is not uncommon for ixtleros to carry

three or four bleating young goats to the nearest urban center where

they either sell them in the marketplace or directly to dining estab­

lishments. Another minor source of income is derived from the sale

of goat cheese (queso de cabra) in the same urban markets.

 79

FOOTNOTES

Chapter III

"*"A random sampling of 35 ixtlero communities revealed that the

average distance-to-work for collectors was 6.9 km. The samples were
drawn from information compiled by Quillares Lona, 1971.
o
The last time period would appear to be a thing of the past, for
no ixtlero that I spoke to admitted to being away from home for more
than three or four days at a time. All remembered "years ago" when
they remained in the campo for lengthier periods, and most believed
that it was a continuing practice, but "elsewhere."
O
Fiber has been extracted from the outer leaves of lechuguilla in
the past. Now discontinued, this practic was last employed in a small
area south of Torreon, Coahuila (Marroqurn, at a l ., 1964:141-142).

^The most commonplace spelling for this by-product of shredding

is guishe. Some authors (e.g., Cepeda, 1949:21) use shishi, and the
Diccionario Rural de Mexico (Islas Escarcega, 1961:156) refers to it
as xixi.

^Campa and Barragan, 1974:35. In addition to the 11% fiber content,

leaves of Agave lecheguilla cogollos have the following composition:
54% guishe, 30% "waste," i.e., the discarded nucleous of the center-
stalk, and 5% water, which evaporates during the extraction process.
£
The fiber of palma samandoca is considerably longer than that of
lechuguilla, the average length being greater by 25 to 75 cms
(Gonzalez C. and Scheffey, 1964:52).

^These prices have been in effect since December, 1976. Prior to

that time the ixtlero received 6.60 pesos per kilo of lechuguilla and
2.90 pesos per kilo of palma samandoca fiber at the cooperative.
O j
Aleman Aleman's (1966:99) study of 18 ejidos in the Zona Ixtlera
of San Luis Potosi produces figures for cultivated land very similar to
those of the ejidos in Table 3. For San Luis Potosi, 0% of ejido lands
are classified as riego, 3.2% as temporal, 47% as agostadero, and 49.8%
as cerril (wasteland).
9
Studies of subsoil water supplies and quality in the Zona Ixtlera
of Zacatecas indicate that there is only one sizable area where the
construction of pump irrigation facilities will result in new agri­
cultural activities. This is the Bolson de Cedros, in the Mazapil
Valley. Engineers estimate that 1,000 to 1,500 hectares of land can
be converted to cropland via irrigation (Veytia Barba, 1974:3).
 CHAPTER IV

NON-COMMERCIAL UTILIZATION OF AGAVE LECHEGUILLA

AND YUCCA CARNEROSANA IN THE EJIDOS
OF NORTH-CENTRAL MEXICO

The well-being of most tallador families is heavily dependent upon

the exchange of ixtle for money and goods. But the significance of

Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana to inhabitants of the Zona

Ixtlera transcends a purely economic role. Different parts of both

plants are variously employed in the ejidos of north-central Mexico,

and their utilitarian value is evident in the material culture of the

tallador and his family. By utilizing these and other plants native

to the region, ixtleros perpetuate a tradition that long antedates the

arrival of the Spanish in the New World.

The Historical Geography of I x tle: The Archaic Period

In contrast to the detailed accounts of Mesoamerican civilizations,

the amount of cultural-historical information for northern Mexico is

much less. Many elements of the way of life of the peoples who in­

habited the area during both pre- and post-Conquest times remain little

known. The aboriginal population, scant to begin with, was greatly

reduced by disease and fighting after the Spanish arrived. Ethno-

graphic accounts and archival sources are therefore scarce and super­

ficial. Consequently, many aspects of the material culture and socio­

religious organization of the indigenous peoples can only be inferred

by piecing together the limited information available or utilizing the

technique of ethnographic analogy. Nevertheless, the archaeological

80
record indicates that agave fiber was used in north-central Mexico,

perhaps as early as 8080 B.P. (Crane and Griffin, 1958:1120). Arti­

facts from cave sites in central Coahuila show evidence of a continuous

cultural tradition of approximately 10,000 years (Taylor, 1966:61-62).^

This cultural continuum belonged to what has been called the "Desert

Culture" (Coe, 1962:44). Within this continuum, three chronologically

separable complexes can be distinguished. The first of these, the

Cienegas complex, is known from three sites: Frightful Cave, Fat Burro

Cave, and Nopal Shelter (Taylor, 1966:62; 1972:170). All three excava­

tions are located in canyons that ring the Cuatro Cienagas Basin in

central Coahuila. At Frightful Cave, 24 km southeast of the city of

Cuatro Cienagas, an agave scuffer-sandal with a radiocarbon date of

8080+450 B.P. has been removed from the bottom level of the deposit

(Crane and Griffin, 1958:1120).

The Coahuila complex was the major cultural matrix in central and

northern Coahuila, and is known in sites extending from the Rio Grande

to the northern edges of the Laguna District, and from the front ranges

of the Sierra Madre Oriental on the east to the Coahuila-Chihuahua

border on the west (Taylor, 1966:63). The earliest dates range between

7600 and 7300 B.C.; the latest radiocarbon date is A.D. 185^250, from

the top level of Frightful Cave, the site which provides the most

realistic picture of aboriginal culture in ancient Coahuila (Crane and

Griffin, 1958:1121). In the Coahuila complex, three major types of

material are found: wood, plant fiber, and stone. The ratio of stone

to wood to fiber at Frightful Cave is approximately 1:6:26, these

figures representing the average numbers of artifacts of the respective

materials per cubic meter of deposit excavated at the site (Taylor,

1966:67). Of the wooden artifacts found in association with the

Coahuila complex, the so-called "burial sticks" are of special signifi­

cance. Found only in burial sites, they range from 420 to 1,390 m m in

length, and are generally made of the flowering stalk of Agave leche­

guilla (?) or Yucca (sp.) (?) (Taylor, 1966:73). The most abundant

material in the Coahuila complex is fiber. Twisted fiber cordage,

primarily of Agave lecheguilla, is the most commonplace fiber product

at the cave sites, but sandals made of ixtle de lechuguilla are also

numerous, especially at Frightful Cave (Taylor, 1966:73-74). Agave

lecheguilla spines used as scarifiers and tattooers have also been dis­

covered at sites in the Coahuila complex (Taylor, 1972:171).

As indicated above, the Coahuila complex extended over a large

portion of north-central Mexico, encompassing what is today the core of

the Zona Ixtlera. Although archaeological evidence for the utilization

of lechuguilla exists for only a few sites in Central Coahuila, it is

not unreasonable to infer that both Agave lecheguilla and Yucca

carnerosana were being exploited for similar purposes throughout the

northern region. In all probability other properties of these plants,

e.g., the fruits, rootstock, and guishe, were being used by the aborigi­

nal peoples of the area, perhaps as early as 8,000-10,000 B.P.

Man-PIant Relationships During the Immediate

Pre- and Post-Conquest Period

When the Spanish arrived in Mexico, the lands lying to the north

of the Mesoamerican civilizations were inhabited by bands of Indians

collectively referred to as "Chichimeca." The word Chichimeca is

roughly translatable as "dirty, uncivilized dog" (Powell, 1945:318),

and it reflected the condescending attitude held by the Aztec and

Tarascan peoples toward the Indians who roamed the northern drylands.

It was an appellation quickly adopted by the Spanish, who also per­

ceived these nomads as little more than "wild barbarians."

Although the term "Chichimeca" was applied collectively to the

northern tribesmen, there were in fact a number of independent groups

located north of the Mesoamerican civilizations. During the fifteenth

and sixteenth centuries, four large groups, or "nations," dominated:

the Pames, Guamares, Zacatecos, and Guachichiles (Illustration 12).

Lifestyles varied little from tribe to tribe and nation to nation

in the northern drylands. Every group relied heavily on hunting and

gathering for their livelihood, and the mobility engendered by this

type of subsistence economy doubtless led to similarities in socio­

political organization, religious ceremonies, and world view. Beyond

this, the "pristine" culture of these people can only be inferred.

Pre-Conquest documents detailing their material and non-material culture

are limited, and Spanish influence, most notably the introduction of

European diseases, made an impress on the Chichimeca long before direct

contact occurred between the two groups. Thus, early Spanish accounts

of the northern nomads were in fact descriptions of a people already

altered by external influences.

Information for the immediate post-contact period is likewise

limited. The mobility of the Indians, coupled with their rapidly de­

clining num b e r s , stymied the accumulation of detailed ethnographic

accounts. Consequently, many aspects of the sixteenth century

Chichimeca lifestyle remain little known.^ Nonetheless, Spanish accounts

make it clear that locally available plants, including Agave lecheguilla

 84

THE INDIAN “NATIONS” OF SIXTEENTH

CENTURY NORTHERN MEXICO
Illustration 12
100

//?/?/ T / L A S
S A L T IL L O

^ cuencam £

OURANGO

f,'
SAN L U IS POTOSI

TEUL.

A %/ c ° p U C £ '* I
CUAX**4* ^
■. h C UA N AJU A TO ,

G U AD A LA J AR A 11 AM A R .QUEretaro
u -= -# o r

b Ta ZAZALC A
LOTE PEC

SOURCE: Powell, 1952:34

and Yucca carnerosana, continued as important components of the Indians’

material culture.

In both hunting and warfare, the principal weapon of the Chichimeca

was the bow and arrow. The bow was made of cottonwood, willow, mesquite

or juniper. The arrow, two-thirds as long as the bow, was constructed

of reed or lechuguilla. Major tribal groups in northern Chihuahua, in­

cluding the Chisos and Conchos, reputedly made their arrows of lechu­

guilla centerstalks. The Salineros and Tobosos bands of the Greater

Bolson de Mapimi region also used lechuguilla arrows (Griffen, 1969:

106). Bow strings were made of twisted Agave lecheguilla fiber (Mason,

1893:645).

Most Chichimecas depended on caves, or crude thatch huts (jacales) ,

5
for shelter. By the end of the sixteenth century, however, more sub­

stantive structures, perhaps using palma samandoca trunks in their

construction, were extant. One Spanish chronicler of the time com­

mented on the native dwellings of the north as follows:

"Las casas que habitan todos los indios de

estos reinos son en tres m a n e r a s : unas son
de gente muy pobre y agreste, que son
fabricados de scSlo paja a manera de
tugurios; otras son fabricadas de palizada
y embarradas de barro; otras son las
mejores, que son do adobe cubiertas de
vigas." (Mota y Escobar, c.1605, 1940:33)

Lechuguilla was an important source of nutrition among the Chichi­

meca. During winter months, cogollos of Agave lecheguilla were boiled

and served as a common staple, mezcal (Leon, 1649:20). The Coahuilenos

were reported to use agua miel from the maguey plant, and lechuguilla

and maguey were cited for the Parras area (Griffen, 1969:110). Other

parts of both lechuguilla and palma samandoca were undoubtedly used

during the sixteenth century, but the limited and sketchy accounts of

the time fail to reveal them. In that region of Mexico known as the

Zona Ixtlera, the Indians who were the original inhabitants are today

almost non-existent. During the Colonial period warfare and diseases

ravaged the aboriginal population, and in succeeding generations mis­

cegenation has further reduced the Indian element. Native traditions

remain however-— traditions adopted and perpetuated by a largely mestizo

population. One of the most widespread and salient of these traditions

is the collection of wild plants and their use for local ends. The

utilization of Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana in contemporary

ixtlero communities in effect emulates a folk tradition that traces its

roots back to pre-Conquest times.

Present-Day Subsistence Utilization

of the Plants

Fiber

Ixtle fiber is the most commonly used part of Agave lecheguilla

and Yucca carnerosana in tallador communities. Use of the fiber affects

the daily life of every family member; from an infant sleeping in his

ixtle-constructed crib, to a woman who scrubs utensils with an ixtle

brush, to male members of the ejido whose favorite athletic pastime,

volleyball, is dependent on a net held up with ixtle rope. Of the

numerous uses of ixtle, the most ubiquitous is its incorporation into

cordage. Ixtle rope (m e c a t e , s oga, or riata) of varying dimensions is

employed as clothesline, saddle cinches, carrying harnesses, bridles,

and tethers for horses and burros. Other uses include the fabrication

of brushes, brooms, baskets, and an assortment of children's para­

phernalia. Collectively, these items constitute important elements of

the ixtleros material culture.

Although both ixtle de lechuguilla and ixtle de palma are utilized

in the fabrication of cordage, the campesinos who fashion the coarse

fiber into rope prefer lechuguilla. They claim it is easier to work

and has greater resistance than ixtle de palma, a fact substantiated

by tensile strength tests conducted in laboratory-controlled situ­

ations.^

The operation by which lechuguilla fiber is converted into rope

is a simple one, but it requires the efforts of two people. One person

sits in front of a ’V - s h a p e d wooden frame implanted in the ground.

Lodged between the forked ends of the "Y" is a metal spindle secured

by means of bolts or pegs attached to ends which portrude through, and

are located on the outside of, the frame. The individual seated beside

this apparatus entwines a small length of ixtle rope around the spindle

and sets it in motion by rapidly working the rope back and forth with

his hands (Plate 20). Fiber destined to become rope is initially pre­

pared by sorting the strands and shaking out particles of undesirable

dirt and dryed leaf pulp. It is then consolidated into loose bundles

from which a few threads are tied to the bolted end of the spindle. As

the spindle is rotated, the second worker walks backward, slowly re­

leasing small amounts of fiber from the ixtle bundle he carries in his

hands (Plate 21). The gyrating spindle unites the loose strands into

a slender rope of increasing length. After this initial filament is

created, the procedure for making rope of a greater thickness varies.

One method involves doubling and re-doubling the original strand u n t i l

the desired width is achieved. More common is the practice of making

Plate 20. Initial stage in the making of ixtle
rope. Ejido Independencia, Coahuila

m m

Plate 21. Loose ixtle bundle being converted

into rope in Independencia.
distinct multiple threads and thereafter fashioning them together.

After the initial strand is completed, it is detached from the bolted

end of the spindle and tied to the base of the "Y" frame. The pro­

cedure for making the first line is then repeated three or four ad­

ditional times. All the strands are reattached to the bolt and the

rotating spindle integrates them into a single unit. The final step

in the conversion of fiber into cordage occurs when the two Workers

stand opposite each other with the finished product stretched between

them. They rapidly twirl the rope and pull it taut to strengthen the

linkages of the multiple strands (Plate 22).®

Plate 22. Final stage in the making of

ixtle rope. Independencia.

The conversion of ixtle fiber into cordage is normally done late

in the day, after the collectors have returned from the field, and when

there is sufficient humidity in the air to make the fiber more flexible.

The entire operation requires little time. In 20 minutes a 1/2 kilo

bundle of ixtle can be transformed into rope 5.5 m long and 5 cm in

 90

diameter.

Ixtle rope is much in evidence in ixtlero settlements. It is used

to hold, carry, support, and bind objects ranging from burros to

babies. It is equally valuable when used in combination with other

materials. One of the most important work implements, the oaxaca, or

carrying basket, is composed of a ixtle mesh wrapped around a wooden

frame (Plate 23).

Plate 23. Oaxaca composed of ixtle mesh.

Punta de Santa Elena, Coahuila.

Ixtle is also used in the fabrication of brushes of many different

sizes and shapes. These brushes, called peines, serve a dual role in

the livelihood of the ixtlero and his family. Within the settlements,

they are employed for a variety of practical purposes. As a salable

commodity in the marketplaces of surrounding towns and cities they pro­

vide a source of supplemental income, albeit a small one, to the ixtlero

family. In both countryside and city, peines are conventionally used as

kitchen utensil cleaners, pain brushes, floor scrubbers, and curry

combs for animals.

A peine is made by initially sorting out a small quantity of ixtle

and doubling it into a compact unit (Plate 24). A slender rope is

Plate 24. Initial stage in the making of a

peine. Independencia.

wrapped around the middle of the fiber bundle to compact it further.

The most common method for making the rope taut is to fasten one end

of it around a fixed object and exert pressure by pulling against the

object (Plate 25). Loose strands of ixtle are severed with a machete,

making the brush ends even. A peine can be fashioned by a single

ixtlero in less than 30 minutes. It normally lasts for one year. Al­

though they assume many different sizes, the dimensions of a standard

peine are 15 cm in length and width (Plate 26). Peines with 15 cm

diameters can be easily gripped and manipulated by hand.

Plate 25. Fashioning a peine.

Plate 26. Standard size peine.

 The incorporation of ixtle fiber into rope, and its conversion

into a diverse array of brush-types, is commonplace throughout the

Zona Ixtlera. Less frequent is utilization of the fiber as a scrub

brush (estropajo) used with soap to cleanse the human body. Estropajos

are loose strands of ixtle de lechuguilla kneaded into hand-sized cir­

cular pads (Plate 27). Although they require only 15 to 30 seconds to

v>-\

Plate 27. Estropajo made of ixtle.

produce, use of the estropajo varies considerably between and within

ixtlero settlements. In some ejidos they are employed by most or all

of the community members as a cleansing aid. In other settlements the

residents have no recollection of their use, or they have recently been

substituted for by less abrasive items such as the sponge. Despite

obvious cost advantages and its extreme simplicity, one of the factors

mitigating against a more extensive use of the estropajo is its rustic

crudeness. It is frequently superseded in use by more expensive and

less efficient cleaning agents merely because they connote a measure of

 94

"progress."

The Rootstock

Many parts of Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana other than

their fiber find practical applications in ixtlero communities. The

rootstock of Agave lecheguilla contains sapogenins, substances which

emulsify grease.^ When the rootstock is placed in water and agitated,

a soapy foam is produced that is used for a variety of cleansing pur­

poses, the most common of which is the washing of human hair. Root-

stock soap does an efficient cleaning job on clothes, preserving their

color, softness and pliability. Nevertheless, in none of the ejidos

that I visited was the soap used for this purpose. Older women in the

communities retained memories of days past when rootstock soap was used

to wash fabrics, but in recent years commercial detergents have become

the preferred cleansing ag e n t .^

Among ixtleros the rootstock of Agave lecheguilla is called a m ole.

11

Saponins necessary for cleaning purposes are found only in the amoles

of living plants. Plants selected for this property are kicked or dug

out of the ground, and a few basal leaves are separated from the root-

stock prior to its being severed from the remainder of the plant (Plate

28). The freshly decapitated amole is cleaned by removing smaller peri­

pheral roots, soil, and other extraneous matter from it. Ixtleros may

collect as many as half a dozen amoles in this manner and transport

them back to their residence at the conclusion of the field day.

Extracting the saponaceaus properties of the rootstock is a simple

procedure. It is fragmented by crushing it with a heavy blunt object

such as a large stone (Plate 29). Segments of the white fleshy interior
 95

Plate 28. Agave lecheguilla with exposed rootstock

Plate 29. Preparation of lechuguilla

amole prior to its immersion in water.
Punta de Santa Elena.
are placed in a container of water and soaked for approximately five

minutes. The water is then agitated with a stick and a soapy lather

forms (Plate 30). Stirring continues for another five to ten minutes,

Plate 30. Soapy solution derived

from the amole of Agave Lecheguilla.

whereupon the mixture is ready for use as a hair, body, or clothes

cleaner. Ejido members claim that this soapy solution retains its

potency as a cleaning agent for up to two weeks, or eight to ten wash­

ings, whichever comes first, but I have never seen a mixture used more

than once. Rootstocks collected for this purpose constitute a very

minor percentage of the Agave lecheguilla plants available to ixtlero

communities, and because these plants are found in abundance throughout

 97

the region villagers exhibit little concern for conserving the soapy

solution derived from a single rootstock.

Although the saponaceous properties of the lechuguilla amole are

utilized primarily in washing hair, the degree to which they are em­

ployed for this purpose varies from community to community. In some

ejidos, no other cleansing agent is used. In others, the amole solution

has been superseded by commercially produced soaps such as Camay. Over­

all, its use is most prevalent today in the poorest ejidos, or in those

farthest removed from outside contacts. /

Despite its use as a piscicide in other regions of Mexico

(Pennington, 1963:105), the rootstock of Agave lecheguilla does not

appear to be used for fish stupefaction in the Zona Ixtlera. The most

vital prerequisite for an amole piscicide, stationary pools or slowly

moving water, is among the scarcest of natural resources throughout the

area— a scarcity reflected in the near absence of fish in the ixtlero

diet. When available in sufficient quantities, water is used as nourish­

ment for foraging ejido animals. The introduction of agave piscicides

to watering holes would only enhance the possibility of poisoning

valuable livestock.

Leaves

Yet another part of Agave lecheguilla that has utilitarian value

for the contemporary inhabitants of north-central Mexico is the plant

leaf. Lechuguilla leaves contain the same saponaceous properties found

in the rootstock of the plant, and they therefore possess similar

cleansing capabilities. Saponins are concentrated in the leaf pulp.

During decortication the primary goal of the tallador is to extract

 98

and accumulate the commercially redeemable ixtle. But in the process

of separating fiber from the leaf, a sizable quantity of residual

material, guishe, is also amassed (Plate 31). Guishe is composed of

Plate 31. Lechuguilla guishe and cogollos centers

piled in front of ixtleros. Ejido Alvaro Obregon,
Tamaulipas.

fleshy leaf pulp and loose border spines. This combination of sapon­

aceous leaf pulp and abrasive spines makes guishe an efficient cleansing

agent, and its use as a detergent is widespread throughout the Zona

Ixtlera. Guishe finds particular application in the washing of kitchen

utensils, where its abilities to eradicate dirt are on a par with those
12
of commercially manufactured soaps. Small amounts of it are combined

with water to scrub pots, pans, and dishes (Plates 32 and 33).
Plate 32. Soapy solution created by
mixing guishe with water.

Plate 33. Guishe solution used to

clean dishes. San Luis Potosi campo.
 100

Decortication of both Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana

leaves produces guishe, but the lechuguilla by-product is much pre­

ferred. An absence of lateral spines on palma samandoca leaves re­

duces the abrasive ability, and hence cleaning efficiency, of guishe

derived from this plant. More importantly, the boiling of palma

samandoca cogollos reduces the potency of the leaf saponins and

renders the guishe less effective as a detergent. Moreover, boiling

imparts to the leaf fabric a brown color that makes palma samandoca

guishe as dirty in appearance as the utensils it is supposed to

clean.

As with amole, the utilization of guishe varies widely among the

ixtleros. In numerous communities, detergents purchased in stores

have completely supplanted it. Conversely, in more remote and poverty-

ridden communities, guishe remains the paramount product for washing

kitchen implements.

Guishe has other uses in ixtlero settlements. In those ejidos

where Yucca carnerosana cogollos are collected and stored in pailas for

steaming, guishe is piled atop the centerstallcs to retard the loss of

moisture. The same guishe is used repeatedly as a cover for successive

quantities of palma samandoca cogollos. Dryed guishe also serves as

a fuel to initiate and sustain the fire in the pit of the paila.

Fruit and Flowers

As indicated in an earlier section of this chapter, inhabitants of

the Zona Ixtlera have long exploited the nutritive properties of both

Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana. Of the plant parts used for

food by contemporary ixtleros, only the flower buds (chevitos, or more

commonly datiles) are important. Pale green datiles occur by the hun­

dreds along the upper half of the flower stalk of both lechuguilla and

palma samandoca (Plate 34). They have a maximum length of 3 cm and are

Plate 34. Datiles on an Agave lecheguilla

flower stalk.

composed of two parts: a smaller and thinner basal pedicel which joins

the datil to the flower stalk, and a fleshy, bulbous end. Only the

latter portion of the datil is edible, and prior to its consumption

the pedicel is detached and discarded.

Datiles are commonly eaten raw in the field. In the kitchen, they

are used in combination with different vegetables to make salads, or

mixed and cooked with such ixtlero staples as beans and tortillas.

Irrespective of the method of preparation, they have a waxy non­

descript taste.

Datiles also serve as animal forage, although the eJeyai Jone above

the ground at which they are normally found negate their widespread

exploitation for this purpose. They do, however, assume greater

significance as forage in times of severe drought when more commonly

browsed plants are in short supply or unavailable.

Lechuguilla and palma samandoca datiles mature into clusters of

white or greenish-white flowers. The flowers of both plants are fleshy

and edible, but they are not, to my knowledge, used for sustenance by

residents of the Zona Ixtlera. Wandering livestock do feed on the

flower clusters when accessible.

The tall center stem (garrocha) of Agave lecheguilla has a nutri­

tive value that is sporadically exploited by the tallador in the field.

When the lechuguilla cogollo is left uncut, it grows into a datil-

bearing flower stalk 1.5 to 3 m high (Plate 35). Shortly thereafter,

Plate 35. Flower stalk of Agave lecheguilla.

 103

the datiles blossom into large cream-white flower clusters and the plant

dies. As the plant matures, the garrocha not only increases in height,

but the succulent interior pulp hardens and assumes wood-like properties.

During the incipient years of the plants growth, the tender pulp is

chewed much the same as sugar cane, and its juicy sweetness is quite

tasty. The edible pulp is readily exposed by stripping away the integu­

ment that surrounds it with a machete or sharp-edged knife. After the

garrocha has attained a height of approximately 1 m, the reduced water

content per unit volume results in a transformation of the fleshy pulp

into a dryer and harder core. At this point, the value of the flower

stalk as a source of nutrition ceases. Yucca carnerosana flower stalks

do not appear to be used for this purpose. Their height above the

ground makes them difficult to reach and effectively negates their

exploitation.

The roasting and consumption of Agave lecheguilla amoles and leaves

appears to be a practice alien to contemporary inhabitants of the Zona

Ixtlera. No tallador with whom I spoke admitted using either the root-

stock or the leaves of the plant for food, and no one recollected his

immediate ancestors ever having done so. This pre-Conquest use of the

plant does persist elsewhere in Mexico however. Pennington (1963:130-

131) has reported utilization of the roasted meaty pulp of young lechu­

guilla leaves as a foodstuff among present-day Tarahumars in Chihuahua

state.

Trunks

Residence in an ixtlero community quickly reveals the many ways in

which its members utilize different components of Agave lecheguilla and

 104

Yucca carnerosana. Use of these plants is nowhere more visible than

in the dwelling and ancillary enclosures of the Zona Ixtlera. Standing

structures are conspicuous elements of the cultural landscape, and both

lechuguilla and palma samandoca are significant constituents of many

rural structures. Certain house types make liberal use of the lechu­

guilla flowerstalk and the stem of palma samandoca in wall and roof

construction. Outbuildings are also constructed of these and other

locally available plants. The fences and stockades that incorporate

homes and outbuildings into discrete residential units frequently com­

prise many different species of Yucca, including Yucca carnerosana.

Of the two plants, Yucca carnerosana has the greater potential for

construction purposes. Lechuguilla lacks a trunk above the ground and,

consequently, the only part of the plant capable of being used for

buildings and fences is the tall flower stalk. But sustained cutting

of the cogollos from which the flower stalk grows prohibits develop­

ment of the center stem. In contrast to lechuguilla, palma samandoca

has a simple, or rarely branched, stem that attains heights of 1.5 to

6 m and a diameter of 15 to 25 cm. These stems, in combination with

the trunks of other arborescent species of Yucca (most notably Yucca

filifera) , are important building materials in certain house types,

outbuildings, fences and stockades.

Throughout the Zona Ixtlera, the predominant rural house type is

the flat-roofed adobe dwelling. As building material the only contri­

bution made by lechuguilla or palma samandoca to this type of structure

is in the roof. Adobe roofs are constructed of horizontal wooden beams

over which lengths of hard mesquite wood, called latias or tabletas,

are diagonally placed (West, 1974:114). One of the more common types
 105

of latia is the centerstem of the sotol plant. Of less significance,

but nonetheless employed for the same purpose, is the Agave lecheguilla

garrocha.

Small, crudely built jacales utilizing palma samandoca stems as a

basic building material are found throughout north-central Mexico.

These rudimentary structures are most evident in the poorer and more

isolated ejidos of the region, and in the surrounding countryside

where single farmsteads prevail. In many ejidos, the more substantial

adobe structures are located close to the settlement center, and the

less sophisticated jacales are situated on the periphery of the commu­

nity. Location of the two house types vis-^-vis the church, school,

cooperative store, and volleyball court, which collectively form the

focal point of every ejido, would appear to be indicative of the economic

status of the people who reside therein. Jacales may serve as tempo­

rary dwellings for newly married couples; later, when the couple has

acquired sufficient funds, the jacal is supplanted as a residence unit

by the more prestigious flat-roofed adobe house type (West, 1974:124).

The jacal is essentially a rectangular one-room structure whose

composition closely reflects the availability of local plant materials

(Plate 36). Two of the major constituents of jacal walls are palma

samandoca and palma china trunks, flower stalks of lechuguilla and sotol

are used in roof construction, and a variety of other plants, including

gobernadora and ocotillo serve as building materials.

Jacal construction commences with excavation of a shallow trench

whose dimensions coincide with the desired circumference of the house.

Palma samandoca and palma china trunks, wooden beams, and loose boards

are placed upright in the hole and secured by tamping earth at their
 106

' , * '**•

Plate 36. Jacal constructed of local plant

materials, including Yucca carnerosana trunks,
Coahuila state.

base. The wall of vertical Yucca stems and wooden boards is linked to­

gether and reinforced by nailing or wiring slender wooden crosspieces

to the structure (Plate 37). Sotol flower stalks are usually employed

for this purpose. When completed, the walls of a jacal exhibit a modi­

cum of uniformity. The stems and boards of a single wall, laid parallel

to one another, are rarely parallel. Rather, they have a tendency to

skew in different directions. This not only results in height dis­

crepancies at the w a l l s ’ apex, but tends to convey a strong impression

of structural impermanence. Furthermore, walls are rarely the same

height and the roof that is subsequently laid across them often slants

in more than one direction.

With one notable exception, the construction and composition of

jacal roofs parallels that of the flat-roofed adobe house type. In

contrast to the horizontal wooden beam or hewn logs that span the wall
 107

Plate 37. Close-up of jacal

construction.

tops of adobe homes, the initial roof support of many jacales consists

of palma samandoca and palma china trunks. Thereafter, the roof is

completed in much the same fashion as that of the adobe house type:

latias, including flower stalks of lechuguilla, are laid diagonally

across the support beams and a layer of mortar, sod, or a mud-grass

mixture is placed atop the latticework frame.

Jacales generally measure 3 to 4.5 m long and wide, and are 1.5

to 2 m high. As single-unit dwellings they frequently serve simul­

taneously as kitchen, bedroom, living room, and storage area. However,

with the construction of additional jacales in the same family compound,

these functions tend to become segregated. New jacales are for the most
 108

part discrete units. The rudimentary construction and structural in­

stability of jacales obviates additions to the original structure. It

is common, therefore, to see three, four, or more jacales in a single

farmstead, each serving a different function.

One of the most widespread features of the Zona Ixtlera landscape

is the walled enclosure. Stockades are used to insure privacy and con­

tain livestock. Materials employed for fence walls run the gamut from

living columnar cactus to yucca stems to any available thorny bush or

shrub, and a single fence is often a composite of many different plants

(Plate 38). In those areas of north-central Mexico where Yucca

Plate 38. Walled enclosure using Yucca carnerosana

trunks, Punta de Santa Elena.

carnerosana is commonplace, the plant's trunk is a significant consti­

tuent in fence construction. Erection of a stockade using palma

samandoca stems involves a work sequence that parallels the one employed
in the building of a jacal. A hole 20 cm deep is dug and the stems are

placed in it. The vertical trunks are secured by piling small earthen

mounds at their base, and a wooden cross-piece is wired to each of the

parallel trunks, binding the disparate parts into a single, reinforced

unit. The finished product may lack aesthetic appeal, but is is quite

functional.
 110

FOOTNOTES

Chapter IV

■^Much of the material dealing w i t h the pre-Conquest agave artifacts

of northern Mexico is taken from W. W. Taylor, "Archaic Cultures
Adjacent to the Northeastern Frontiers of Mesoamerica," in Archaeologi­
cal Frontiers and External Connections, Volume 4 in the Handbook of
Middle American Indians, G. F. Ekholm and Gordon R. Willey (Volume
editors), pp. 59-94.
o
The Indians were adept with the bow, which they preferred to make
of mesquite root, and on which they used a bow-string of twisted Agave
lecheguilla fiber (Taylor, 1972:173).

^Kelley (1956:139) has detailed four cultural complexes and their

associated settlement patterns in prehistoric north-central Mexico, but
no specific mention is made of either lechuguilla or palma samandoca.
Alessio Robles (1938:40) refers to a cave site on the eastern flank of
the Sierra del Carmen in Coahuila where mummified corpses were covered
with "tejidos de lechuguilla y provistos de sandalias de palma."

^Powell (1952:32-54) has pieced together information from various

sixteenth century Spanish chroniclers of the Chichimeca and reconstruct­
ed their culture. Using the same approach, Griffen (1969:104-137)
provides a general ethnography of the Greater Bolson de Mapimf area in
eastern Chihuahua.

“*The term jacal (from Nahua xacalli; xamitl meaning adobe or sand,
and calli meaning house) originally referred to a dwelling having adobe
walls and a thatch roof. In many parts of Mexico, the term applies to
vertical log or stick construction (Winberry, 1971:45).

^In a brief phamphlet entitled Historia -de San Luis Potosx Cabrera
Ipina (1968:23) commented on Chichimeca dwellings as follows: "their
houses were jacales made of the leaves of m a g u e y ...... and were supported
by thick poles of lechuguilla "

^The breaking point per metric-gram for ixtle de lechuguilla is

15.402 kg, for ixtle de palma, 7.760 kg. (Mesa A. and Villanueva V.,
1948:220).
Q
Lanks (1938:191-192) briefly describes the procedures involved in
making rope from "wild maguey" among the Otomx Indians of the Mesquital
Valley in Hidalgo state M e x i c o . The procedures are remarkably similar
to the ones described herein. The fiber is derived from a "wild agave
called lechuguilla, or in Otomf tzita," (Lanks, 1938:186). Granberg
(1970:14-16) details the stages whereby the Otomf extract the fiber
"ixtle" from a "maguey" plant and spin it into a variety of useful
items, most notably the a y a t e , or carrying cloth. He does not use the
word "lechuguilla" however. Neither Lanks nor Granberg designate the
botanical nomenclature for the "magueys" they describe, but the plants
discussed are not Agave lecheguilla since the range of this species does
 Ill

not extend as far south as the state of Hidalgo. The "lechuguilla"

mentioned by Lanks probably refers to Agave filifera or Agave w e b e r i ,
species common to Hidalgo and environs.
Q
^Sapogenin concentrations are found in many species of Agave as
well as in numerous other plants of the Zona Ixtlera. The explanation
for this seems to be due to genetic factors rather than climatological
causes. Nevertheless, sapogenins appear to be broadly coincidental with
climates having marked dry seasons. This notion is supported by the
scarcity of sapogenins among mesophytes and their absence from hydro­
phytes (Correll, Schubert, Gentry and Hawley, 1955:327). For a de­
tailed chemical analysis of the saponin found in Agave lecheguilla
see Johns, Chernoff, and Viehoever, 1922:335-347.

■^Pennington (1957:96; 1963:212) reported use of the saponaceous

properties of many plants, including Agave lecheguilla by the Tarahumar
people of western Chihuahua. Young roots of Agave lecheguilla, A.
Patonii, and A. Schottii (collectively known as soko) are crushed,
soaked, and smeared on blankets or cotton clothing which are then
immersed in a pool of water for several hours. The articles are there­
after rinsed and dried in the sun.

-^ A g a v e lecheguilla Torrey was commonly referred to as "lechuguilla"

or "amole de lechuguilla" at the turn of the centry in north-central
Mexico (Johns, Chernoff, and Viehoever, 1922:335). Rivera (1943:25-28)
traced the origin of the word "amole" back to the Aztec "amulli"
(atl = water, mulli = to thicken) and suggests that as a generic term
it referred to any plant used by the ancient Mexicans which possessed
saponins and emitted soaplike properties when mixed with water. The
Diccionario Rural De Mexico (Islas Escarcega, 1961:13) applies the word
to plants whose roots and bulbs have saponaceous properties and are
used as a substitute for soap.

■^During the latter part of the nineteenth century the cleansing

ability of guishe in Mexico and the southwestern United States was such
that Newberry (1887:43) reported, "the most effective soap-plant of this
region is the lechuguilla, of which the parenchyma of the leaves is
thought by the inhabitants of the country where it grows to be better
than the best soap for washing."
 CHAPTER V

COMMERCIAL ASPECTS OF AGAVE LECHEGUILLA AND

YUCCA CARNEROSANA FIBER

While exploitation of Agave lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana is

a centuries long tradition in north-central Mexico it was not until

the colonial period that fiber from these plants was used for commercial

purposes, and a coordinated system for collecting, processing, and the

exportation of ixtle has only been established during this century.

Since 1940, a federation of ixtlero cooperatives, organized under the

title of La Forestal, F.C.L., has had a monopoly over the purchase of

ixtle de lechuguilla and ixtle de palma from talladores. La Forestal

also controls the processing of fiber and the export of ixtle and ixtle

products to domestic and international markets.

Spanish Settlement and Economic Endeavors

During the Sixteenth Century

North-central Mexico remained an alien and forbidding land to the

Spaniards for many years after they asserted their hegemony over the

Aztecs. Until the early 1540s, the vast region lying between the

Sierras and north of a line extending from Queretero to Guadalajara

remained beyond the pale of Iberia control. Spanish enthusiasm for

pushing north beyond the traditional frontiers of the sedentary Indian

agriculturalists was dampened by the apparent paucity of mineral

wealth in the northern deserts and steppes, as well as by the presence

of the Chichimeca, an aggressive, warlike people who roamed the terri­

tory and strongly resisted attempts to subdue them. Furthermore,

112
 113

their mobility in. an arid land of great size and rugged topography made

them difficult to incorporate into a system of controlled sedentary

activity.

The conquest of the north commenced during 1541-42 when Spanish

cattlemen and friars pushed north and east from Guadalajara and settled

Along the southern fringes of the Chichimeca domain. Concurrently,

military and prospecting forays into the north-central plateau brought

the Spaniards into contact with the wandering natives. As Iberian in­

fluence spread west from Queretaro, north from Michoacan, and northeast

from Guadalajara during the first years of the decade, a new province

"of the Chichimeca" came officially into being (Powell, 1952:4).

Spanish advances into this province were sporadic and tentative until

1546, when rich, silver-bearing ore deposits were discovered at

Zacatecas. The Zacatecas lode became the catalyst for sustained

Spanish expansion into Chichimeca territory, an expansion that ulti­

mately resulted in the subjugation and near annihilation of the indige­

nous peoples. Silver discoveries continued into the early years of the

eighteenth century and the "Silver Belt" that developed in the steppes

of northwestern and north-central Mexico during this period became a

major contributor to the coffers of the Spanish crown.

In their quest for precious metals the Spanish also ventured north­

eastward into the more arid regions of the Mesa del Norte, into what

today constitutes the Zona Ixtlera. Here they encountered the

Guachichiles, whose ferocity and elusiveness stymied permanent Spanish

settlement north of Zacatecas to Saltillo and east to the edge of the

plateau until the early 1560s. Only after the Spaniards defeated an

allied force of Chichimeca tribes in 1561 were permanent settlements

 114

established at Mazapil (1568), Saltillo (1577), San Luis Potosx (1592),

and Monterrey (1596).

The development of real de minas during the sixteenth century was

accompanied by the establishment of cattle ranches and grain farms. The

large labor force required to work the mines was sustained by foodstuffs

and other products supplied by local ranchers and farmers. Demands for

animals and animal products in the m i n e s , coupled with the excellent

pasture lands that fringed the Sierras, provided a special impetus to

development of the range-cattle industry. The mining community and the

stock ranch evolved as economically interdependent and geographically

proximate units, and they combined to form the ranch-mine settlement

complex that prevails to this day throughout northern Mexico (West,

1949:57).

The discovery of silver at Zacatecas thus initiated a chain of

events that had profound repercussions for the frontier region of

northern New Spain. By the end of the century, Spanish colonization

had deeply penetrated the region and permanent settlements had been

established throughout the southern drylands of the Mesa del Norte, in

the grass-covered basins of the eastern and western Sierras, and in the

coastal plains of northeastern Mexico. These colonization efforts did

not come easily. The Chichimeca fiercely resisted the invaders from

the south and a "guerra a fuego y a sangre" ("war by fire and blood")

raged for most of the latter half of the century, slowing colonization

efforts, disrupting travel and trade, and frequently transforming new

settlements into ghost towns. However, by 1700 A.D. the Chichimeca,

reduced in numbers by years of conflict, and pacified via a "peace by

purchase" program, had been effectively and permanently subdued

 115

throughout most of the Mesa del Norte.^

One can only speculate as to the utilization of ixtle for commercial

purposes during this initial period of Spanish settlement in northern

New Spain. Culture contact between Spaniards and Chichimecas engendered

modifications in both peoples. The Spanish drive northward during the

sixteenth century introduced a host of culture traits and trait com­

plexes that had a profound impress on the aboriginal inhabitants. The

implementation of Spanish society via mines, missions, and ranches

effected a number of new conditions to which Indian ways of life were

forced to accommodate because the stability of the natives’ adjustment

to pre-contact conditions had been disturbed (Griffen, 1969:152).

The adjustments and selective adoptions that followed contact were

by no means restricted to the Indians. Spanish frontiersmen were

obliged to adapt to native societies. The Iberian invaders, confronted

with an alien environment, integrated certain culture traits borrowed

from the Chichimeca into their social system. One such material item

may have been ixtle fiber. Uncertainty as to whan the Spanish first

used ixtle reflects the lack of substantive historical materials docu­

menting this event, a difficulty exacerbated by the confusion vis-a-

vis plants and plant nomenclature that existed at the time. As Mesa A.

and Villanueva V. (1948:45) state:

"muy pocas noticias se tienen respecto de la

explotacion de los ixtles de palma y lech-
uguilla en pasadas epocas y las referencias
escritas, que se encuentran muy dispersas,
relativas a la epoca precolonial son muy
vagas y en muchas ocasionas no dicen si se
trata del ixtle de palma, del de lechuguilla
o del que tambien se elabora con las hojas
del maguey pulquero o de otros agaves, lo
cual impide conocer la importancia de la
explotacion de aquellas fibras."
 116

Seventeenth Century to the End of the

Colonial Period (1821)

Spanish control of northern New Spain was consolidated during the

seventeenth century, although Indian groups continued to plague Iberian

communities for many years thereafter. The mines, ranches, and missions

that were the cutting edge of Spanish settlement during the 1500s per­

sisted as dominant landholding units into the 1600s and for the balance

of the colonial period. Despite a mining depression in certain areas

of the north, the extraction of metallic ores continued as an important

economic activity and production from the Silver Belt contributed sig­

nificantly to Spain's wealth. Herds of cattle and sheep proliferated,

and livestock-related activities expanded in number and scope. Con­

comitant with this growth was the evolution of larger landholding units.

The seventeenth century witnessed the emergence and florescence of the

hacienda as the typical and predominant landholding unit in the vast

expanse of northern Mexico (Chevalier, 1963:Chapter 5).

The establishment of mining communities and haciendas during the

colonial period effected a dramatic transformation in the economic base

of the north. The nomadic hunting and gathering economy of the indige­

nous Chichimecas was supplanted by a sedentary livelihood that relied

on a complex of different resources. Subsurface mineral deposits were

exploited for the first time, and previously neglected vegetation became

the basis for the rapid expansion of a viable grazing economy. But

many resources exploited during the pre-Conquest era continued in use

throughout the colonial period. Included in this category were ixtle

de lechuguilla and ixtle de palma. By 1741, ixtle had found widespread

application in Spanish settlements throughout northern Mexico, although

 117

its utilization was limited to commonplace, indispensible items (Mesa

A. and Villanueva V., 1948:45-46). Quantities of ixtle gathered at

this time could not have been great. During the mid-eighteenth century,

the municipios where ixtle was collected were sparsely inhabited, and

the small, isolated communities scattered throughout the region were

constantly harassed by roving bands of Indians. Indian attacks were

so persistent that ixtle gathering, a field-oriented operation, was a

hazardous venture, and the amount of fiber collected was doubtlessly

small.

The Nineteenth Century

Ixtle first appears as a marketable commodity during the nineteenth

century, in association with the haciendas of the region. During this

century, livestock raising remained the principal activity of these

vast estates, leaving little time for ancillary pursuits. Nevertheless,

ixtle emerged as a notable item of international trade by 1900. A

growing overseas demand for fiber spurred hacendados throughout north-

central Mexico to purchase both ixtle de lechuguilla and ixtle de palma

from their estate laborers, or acasillados. Ixtle was stored in estate

warehouses, sorted, classified on the basis of fiber length, and shipped

to foreign markets where it was converted into brushes and rope. Mar­

keting at the local level was tightly controlled by the hacendados.

Estate workers were assigned specific weekly quotas of fiber, the quotas

varying in accordance with the exigencies of the hacendado (De la

Cerda, 1967:260). The system for collecting, processing, and exporting

ixtle was undertaken by hacendados independently of one another. Indi­

vidual enterprise prevailed largely because livestock raising remained

 118

the major activity throughout the Mesa del Norte, and its success

negated any concern with coordinating or organizing the production and

sale of a product that played a secondary role in the region's economy.

But even as an ancillary activity, ixtle's growing marketability was

evident, as Table 5 attests.

Table 5

Exports of Ixtle - July 1, 1877 to June 30, 1896

Five-Year Value in
Period Weight in Mexican
Averages Kilograms Currency

1877 - 1882 2,882,359 $ 353,902

1882 - 1887 4,958,959 $ 515,272
1887 - 1892 6,148,576 $ 644,877
1892 - 1896 5,873,115 $ 523,640

19 Year Total 93,441,931 $9,664,865

19 Year Averages 4,917,996 $ 508,677

Source: Romero, 1898:164.

An 1899 account of lechuguilla's distribution, commercial signifi­

cance, and the means by which it was transferred from field to its port

of embarkation, Tampico, reads:

"These plants grow wild in the greatest abundance

on limestone mountains and adjacent valleys near
Victoria, Tamaulipas, to the Mexican National
Railroad, in San Luis Potosx, north to near
Saltillo, Coahuila. From within this area many
millions of pounds are exported (via Tampico)
each year, nearly the entire product going to
the United States.
 The ixtle fiber shipped from Tampico is produced
mainly in the region about the valley of Jaumave
and valley of Tula, in western Tamaulipas and the
adjacent part of eastern San Luis Potosdu The
production of this fiber is the main industry of
a considerable area, with the towns of Jaumave
and Tula as the centers. The fiber from the
Jaumave district is shipped by pack animals to
the town of Victoria, on the Monterrey and Gulf
Railroad, and thence by rail to Tampico. The
Tula Valley outlet is sent to Cenito, on the
Mexican Central Railroad, in eastern San Luis
Potosi, and sent by rail thence to Tampico.
Wagon roads lead out from Tula to the railroads,
and the State government has had a large force
of convicts working for a number of years build­
ing a finely constructed road from Victoria across
the mountains to Jaumave (E.W. Nelson, quoted
by Rose, 1899:243, Illustration 13)."

By the end of the century, a number of northern Mexican cities

were exporting ixtle to foreign markets. Included among these were

Tampico, Saltillo, Monterrey, San Luis Potosf, Victoria, Porfirio

Diaz, and Matamoras. During this period the Gulf coast port city of

Tampico emerged as the most important embarkation point for ixtle,

despite the fact that no fiber was produced from the tropical lowlands

immediately surrounding it. Tampico was the only major port situated

near the ixtle-producing area however, and its relative proximity to

eastern United States and European markets gave it a locational, and

hence cost, advantage over M e x i c o ’s inland cities. As the nations

leading exporter of ixtle Tampico and the fiber became synonomous, so

so that by 1900 ixtle was commonly referred to as "Tampico fiber."

During the latter years of the nineteenth century, the major

importer of ixtle was the United States. Between 1884 and 1898, the

U.S. imported 70,000 tons of the fiber from Mexico (United States

Department of the Treasury, 1896, 11:1159; 1897, 1:535; 1898, 1:617).

For the year 1897-1898, the dollar value of ixtle, as declared for
 LECHUGUILLA’S TRANSFER FROM FIELD
TO TAMPICO, 1899
Illustration 13

UNITED STATES

Chihuahua
Coahutla

O O J ft.
I
Nuevo
Leon

Oft.
M onterrey

S
Saltillo

w
Durango 2 rTamau

X-
*

h
lipas

OO
V lcto

OtOSl Tula

Potosi
Core area of
::: \y production ^

& Mexican National RR

2 Monterrey - Gulf RR
3 Mexican Central RR
100
_J
Kilometers

SOURCE: Rose, 1899; 243.

 121

shipment to the U.S., emanated from: Tampico, $62,002; Saltillo,

$45,476; Monterrey, $35,659; San Luis Potosi, $14,425; Victoria, $4,221;

Porfirio Diaz, $1,913; Matamoras, $583 (Rose, 1899:244).

Historical Background to Twentieth Century Changes

in the Commercial Fortunes of Ixtle

One of the most significant and far-reaching events of twentieth

century Mexico has been the Mexican Revolution. The upheaval that took

place in the country between 1910 and 1930 was fundamentally an agrarian

revolution that sought elimination of inequities in land ownership and

an end to hacienda-associated evils such as debt peonage. Nowhere were

inequities of land proprietorship more blatant than in the states that

today constitute the Zona Ixtlera. In 1923, after the Revolution but

prior to the large-scale dissolution of estates, haciendas in Coahuila,

Nuevo Leon, San Luis Potosi, Tamaulipas, and Zacatecas accounted for

only 9.6% of all rural properties, yet hacienda-controlled land repre­

sented nearly 70% of the total land in rural property holdings

(Tannenbaum, 1929:91-92, 484, 490). During 1916, the Mexican government

began to implement legislation designed to break up the haciendas and

3
redistribute land to the rural proletariat. Lands were allotted to the

peasantry as communal property and under this system the landholding

community, or ejido, re-emerged as a significant mode of land ownership

throughout the country.

Despite the Revolution and the agrarian reform programs it spawned,

the system for collecting, storing, and exporting ixtle in northern

Mexico remained much the same as it had during the pre-Revolution years.

Hacendados continued to act independently of one another, but collec­

tively they retained monopolistic control over all phases of commercial

 122

ixtle production. During the 1920s, when dissolution of the haciendas

was intensified, this situation was altered, but not markedly. Al­

though the pace of land expropriation quickened during this decade,

many of the large estates in the Mesa del Norte remained unaffected hy

land reform. Livestock ranching had persisted as the dominant economic

activity into the twentieth century, and measured against the limited

carrying capacity of the northern desert scrub and semiarid grassland,

a viable grazing economy could only be sustained on large units of

land.

On haciendas that remained unaltered by land expropriation the

hacendado continued to control the plant resources from which ixtle

was extracted. In areas of the north where estates were dismembered,

the hacendados lost control over both the plant resources and the labor

required to exploit them. Consequently, a new group of middlemen

emerged throughout the Zona Ixtlera. These intermediaries, often ex-

hacendados, invariably ejido storekeepers, purchased ixtle from campe-

sinos and sold it to extant hacendados who retained facilities to store

the fiber and the overseas contacts requisite for its export.

In the wake of the Revolution, the relationship between hacendado

and the labor force that collected rxtle was markedly altered. Prior

to 1910, the peons who comprised the hacienda labor force were of two

general types: the resident peon, or peon acasillado, and the non­

resident peon, or peon alquilado. The peon acasillado formed the

nucleus of the estate work force, and was bound to the hacienda by being

in a state of perpetual indebtedness to the hacendado. Debt peonage was

insured by extending credit or advancing payments to the peon that he

was unable to repay because of the low remuneration he received for

 123

his labors (Simpson, 1937:39, Whetten, 1948:102, McBride, 1923:30-31).

By ending the debt peonage system, the Revolution irrevocably changed

the hacendado-peon relationship. Deprived of a captive labor force,

the estate owner found himself bidding for the services of a newly

emancipated class of rural laborers, many of whom were now landholders

in their own right.

In the years following the Revolution, hacendados continued to

maintain monopolistic control over the storage, processing, and ex­

port of ixtle, but fiber collecting became increasingly associated with

ejidatarios and communal lands. The ejidatario-ixtle link was forged

during the 1920s because of the granting of lands to the rural

peasantry. The ejidos that began to appear on the landscape of northern

Mexico after 1916 were frequently located in areas with limited agri­

cultural potential. Barely able to eke out a livelihood from the arid

and semi-arid lands of the Mesa del Norte, communal residents turned to

the gathering of ixtle. It was an occupation with which they were

familiar, and one that provided a steady, albeit low, source of income

or goods. But the campesinos lacked the funds, organization, and

business contacts necessary to sell their product directly to foreign

buyers. They were therefore committed to dealing with hacendados who

had survived the Revolution with their estates intact or with inter­

mediaries who acquired the fiber in ejido or town stores and thereafter

transferred it to the hacendados. Throughout most of the region, a

barter system prevailed within which the ixtleros exchanged fiber for

foodstuffs or other indispensible items. Cash payments were re­

stricted to only a few locales, most notably in the state of Tamaulipas

(Mesa A. and Villanueva V., 1948:47).

 At the same time that the Revolution was effecting changes in land

tenure and relationships between hacendados and peons within Mexico,

international events were having profound repercussions on ixtle's

marketability. World War I engulfed much of the world between 1914 and

1918, severely disrupting international trade patterns and ushering in

an era of wildly fluctuating demands and prices for many products, in­

cluding ixtle. Prior to World War I, Europe had been a major market

for ixtle. During the war, however, as continental factories were de­

stroyed or cut off from Mexican suppliers, European fiber demands de­

clined drastically. In an attempt to counteract this loss, Mexican

entrepreneurs increased exports of ixtle to the United States. But

supply quickly exceeded demand and manufacturing firms north of the

border, confronted with inventory surpluses, curtailed their imports of

the fiber. This action further diminished the already constricted mar­

ket for ixtle and initiated a period during which prices for the fiber

were sharply reduced. This situation persisted until the cessation of

the war. Thereafter, as European industry recovered and trade links be

tween the continent and the balance of the world were restored, ixtle

re-emerged as a significant item of international trade. The large

quantities of fiber that had accumulated in Mexican and United States

warehouses during the War were rapidly absorbed by overseas enterprises

and prices paid for ixtle took a sharp turn upward, attaining their

highest levels in 1926-1927. This post-war boom was a short-lived one,

however. The era of large overseas demands, high market prices, and

big profits terminated with the onset of the world-wide depression of

the 1930s. The Depression ushered in a complex of adverse economic

conditions that closely emulated those of World War I. Prices plum-

 125

meted as international market demands for ixtle declined. Depressed

markets and large inventories combined to drive U.S. and European im­

porters to the verge of bankruptcy. In Mexico, hacendados and store­

keepers sharply reduced their purchases of fiber from ixtleros, aggra­

vating the already poverty-stricken conditions of rural residents in

the northern drylands. The impact of the Depression on ixtles pro­

duction and export represented one phase of the ongoing "boom or bust"

cycle that has characterized the fibers commercial history during this

century. This cycle continued after the Depression, and into the 1940's,

as Illustration 14 demonstrates, aid it persists to the present day.

Coincident with the economic difficulties engendered by the De­

pression was the social upheaval that continued as a legacy of the

Agrarian Revolution. Land redistribution accelerated during the 1930s,

and relationships between fiber gatherers and buyers continued to be

altered. In the absence of any formal controls over ixtle procure­

ments or exports, competition between hacendados intensified. In an

attempt to eliminate such competition and the inconsistencies it foster­

ed, Mexican and United States businessmen began to envision formation or

an organization that would unite the different groups associated with

ixtle and establish guidelines for its production and sale. A precedent

for this idea had been established as early as 1917 when the Mexican

Constitution was promulgated. Article 28 of the constitution, the "Ley

de Sociedades Cooperatives, La Forestal y de Caza y Pesca," stipulated

the conditions necessary for a rational exploitation of native resources

such as ixtle de lechuguilla and ixtle de palma, and outlined the

duties of those organizations entrusted with the responsibility for

 EXPORTS OF LECHUGUILLA, 1934 - 1946
THOUSANDS OF TONS
Illustration 14

Thousand tons
16

IS

14

13

12

10

1934 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46

SOURCE: Mesa A., and Villanueva V., 1948:151.

 127

procuring these plant products. During the ensuing decade, the govern­

ment sporadically attempted to implement the provisions of Article 28.

Hacendados and storekeepers were encouraged to unite and coordinate

purchasing procedures and prices. Under the auspices of the Secretarxa

de Industria, Comercio y Trabajo, ixtleros were organized into com­

munity cooperatives. But the realities of the time nullified such

efforts. The sheer expanse of area from which the fiber was collected,

coupled with a widely dispersed gathering population, a continued pre­

dilection among buyers to pursue an independent course, and a govern­

mental concern with more pressing matters, effectively prevented efforts

to combine the disparate forces affiliated with the exploitation and

sale of ixtle. Thus, despite an awareness of the need to provide an

organizational framework for the ixtle industry dating back to 1917,

little was accomplished along these lines during the boom years of

the 1920s.

Formation of La Nacional Ixtlera^

In 1931, at the height of the Depression, a movement was initiated

that eventually culminated in an organizational framework which has,

in modified form, persisted to the present day. The catalyst for this

movement was the E.B. and A.C. Whiting Company, a Burlington, Vermont

textile and brush-manufacturing firm that had a strong, vested interest

in ixtle fiber. At the onset of the Depression, the Whiting Company

was the single largest importer of ixtle in the world (personal corres­

pondence from Everett C. Bailey, October 8, 1976). During 1931, the

company embarked on a campaign to expand its share of the export market,

a goal that Whiting officials believed could only be attained through r

 128

unification of the numerous independent Mexican sellers into a single

organization, In January and February the president of the company,

Thomas A. Unsworth, traveled to Mexico and, in a series of talks with

businessmen and landholders in Saltillo, San Luis Potosi, Monterrey,

and Mexico City, proffered the idea of a cooperative association of

Mexican ixtle sellers. Unsworth*s promise of financial backing for

such an organization and the prospects for gaining exclusive control

over the sale of ixtle prompted a dozen of the largest hacendados and

businessmen to pool their resources and form "La Nacional Ixtlera,

S.C.L." (Sociedad Cooperativa Limitada) on May 24, 1932 in Saltillo.

The specific goal of La Nacional Ixtlera was to organize the

production and export of ixtle de lechuguilla under a single coopera­

tive structure. By doing so, the organization sought to stabilize pro­

duction, regulate prices, and eliminate the ruinous competition that

had characterized the sale of ixtle up to 1931. It was envisioned

that standardization and stabilization would ultimately result in

higher prices, and that everyone associated with ixtle, including the

talladores, would benefit.^

The stability of La Nacional Ixtlera was assured when it entered

into contractual agreements with the two largest purchasers of ixtle,

the Whiting Company and the A. and L. Mayer Company of Hamburg, Germany.

A key stipulation in these contracts was that the two companies would

purchase ixtle only from La Nacional Ixtlera. Within Mexico, the

federal government enacted legislation that further strengthened the

6
organization at the expense of its competitors. In October, 1932, the

government raised the duty on the exportation of ixtle, at the same time

providing a subsidy to La Nacional Ixtlera to cover the additional ex-

 129

penses of the import tax (De la Cerda, 1967:265, Beltran, 1964:46).

In succeeding years, the government continued to raise simultaneously

the export tax and subsidize La Nacional Ixtlera, in effect creating

a situation where it became the only organization that could afford to

ship the fiber to foreign markets.

The privileged position accorded to La Nacional Ixtlera by the

Mexican government was a consequence of the organization's ability to

convince the nation's politicians that by having exclusive control over

the production and sale of ixtle prices on the international market

would rise, benefiting the country, the company, and the campesinos.

With respect to the latter, Article 2 of the La Nacional Ixtlera's

constitution stipulated that 25% of the commercial value of ixtle would

be distributed to ixtleros.

La Nacional Ixtlera controlled Mexico's ixtle industry from June,

1932 to August, 1941. During this period, the first coordinated system

for collecting, transporting, and exporting ixtle was put into operation.

A hierarchy of fiber-collecting agencies was established, a fiber-

classification system was inaugurated, credit was extended to collectors

via a "Banco Ixtlero," and prices paid to the campesinos for their pro­

duct were standardized.^ La Nacional Ixtlera also succeeded magnifi-

cantly in achieving one of its major goals, that of raising the market

price for ixtle. Between 1931 and 1941, the sale price of ixtle in­

creased approximately 400% over the 1929 value (Quillares Lona, 1971:

124).

By 1940, however, charges of mismanagement of funds prompted a

federal investigation of La Nacional Ixtlera. The investigation re­

vealed that despite a large increase in the value of ixtle, and the
 130

profits this increment generated, the economic position of the ixtlero

remained much the same as it had a decade earlier. Prices paid to

collectors for their fiber remained low, and the 25% of the commercial

value of ixtle promised the campesinos never reached them. Conversely,

hugh profits were reaped by the hacendados and businessmen who con­

trolled La Nacional Ixtlera. By stockpiling ixtle in their warehouses,

they managed to drive its price up, thus becoming the chief benefici-
O
aries of the subsequent profits. This combination of income inequities

and the failure of La Nacional Ixtlera to successfully meet the goals

for which it was established prompted the government to act, and in

August, 1941, the organization was dissolved.

La Forestal. F.C.L.

Abolition of La Nacional Ixtlera in no way diminished i x tle ’s

marketability. Consequently, the government encouraged talladores to

organize their own sociedades cooperativas for the sale of ixtle. In

contrast to La Nacional Ixtlera, which had been organized by hacendados

and administered from the top down, these new cooperatives were viewed

as grass roots organizations that would truly benefit the ixtleros.

The idea for locally developed and oriented cooperatives dated back

to 1939 and originated not with the government but among the campesinos

themselves. Disenchanted with socio-economic conditions in northern

q
Mexico, a coalition of ixtleros and candelilleros met in Saltillo during

October, 1939, and organized a civil association entitled the "Frente

Campesino de Productores de Ixtles y Cera de Candelilla, A.C." A

second ixtlero congress in Monterrey attracted thousands of collectors

from Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, Tamaulipas, San Luis Potosi, and Zacatecas.
At both meetings, congress representatives cited a long list of griev­

ances, including allegations of improprieties against La Nacional

Ixtlera. Among the goals sought by the coalition was the organization

of cooperative societies at the ejido level (sociedades cooperativas

ejidals) charged with the responsibility of selling fiber in common.

This objective was brought to the personal attention of President

L^zaro Cardenas via a dramatic "walk" from Laredo to Mexico City in

1940. Cardenas, sympathetic to campesino demands, encouraged the idea

of local cooperatives and by presidential decree created an agency to

administer them, "La Forestal, F.C.L." (Federacion de Cooperativas

Limitadas), on March 23, 1940. On November 21 of the same year, repre­

sentatives from 79 ejido cooperatives met in Saltillo and drafted a

constitution for the newly established organization. As stipulated in

Clause 4a of the constitution, the primary objectives of La Forestal

included:

1. To coordinate and watch over the activities

of the cooperatives

2. To sell in common all of the forest products

of the cooperatives

3. To develop in common goods and services

4. To eliminate itinerant merchants, replacing

them with cooperatives that will distribute
articles of prime necessity

5. To promote industrialization of the prime

materials produced by cooperatives

6. To represent and defend the interests of

the cooperatives
(De la Cerda, 1967:335-336; Beltran,
1964:47, La Forestal, F.C . L . , 1975:n.p.)
 132

Cooperatives were to be financed through the contributions of

its members, all of whom were ejidatarios. Affairs of the cooperatives

were vested in two councils: one of administration and one of vigilence.

Each cooperative designated one of its members a cooperador, i.e., a

community member entrusted with the responsibility of managing the

ejido store and recording the quantities of fiber sold at the store

(Aleman Aleman, 1966:101-102).

La Forestal commenced operations on August 23, 1941. From that

time to the present, it has had a monopoly over the purchase and sale

of ixtle, much the same as its predecessor, La Nacional Ixtlera,

had.^ However, a major difference between the two organizations is

that La Nacional Ixtlera was a private monopoly of buyers, sellers,

and hacendados, while La Forestal is a monopoly of the ixtleros them­

selves .

Since its inception, La Forestal has grown on many fronts. Origin­

ally comprised to 79 cooperatives, the organization is currently affili­

ated with 1,761 com m unities located in Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, San Luis

Potosi, Tamaulipas, and Zacatecas. The area within these five states

where ixtle is collected and sold to La Forestal is known as the Zona

Ixtlera (Illustration 1). By its own estimate, La Forestal claims that

the Zona Ixtlera encompasses twenty million hectares, or one-tenth of

Mexico's land area, and that over 100,000 ixtleros are gathering and

selling ixtle within this region. The hierarchy of collecting agencies

initiated during the 1930s by La Nacional Ixtlera has been refined and

expanded by La Forestal. Each of the ejidos affiliated with the organi­

zation has its own collection center, usually a cooperative store

jointly constructed by La Forestal and CONASUPO (CompaniTa Nacional de

 133

Subsistencias Populares). A fleet of over one hundred La Forestal

trucks periodically collects the fiber from each ejido and transports

it to one of thirty regional agencias recopiladoras where it is stored

before being carried by the same La Forestal vehicles to one of four

La Forestal-operated factories. In the factories, the fiber is semi­

processed and shipped by rail or truck to Mexican ports for export to

overseas markets (personal interview with Jose Bernardo Solis Robledo,

May 25, 1976; La Forestal, 1974:5).

The Contemporary Sale of Ixtle

Ixtle remains an important item of international commerce because

the fiber possesses particular qualitative aspects of resilency, tex­

ture and water absorbency that make it a superior fiber for some appli­

cations and indispensable for others. Its most important uses today

are in power driven industrial wheels or cylinder brushes for a variety

of buffing or cleaning uses in such places as steel mills and other

metal fabricating applications. It has not been satisfactorily re­

placed in either industrial or home type rotary floor scrubbers and

polishers, and is still widely used in its pure state, or in combina­

tion with horsehair, in floor sweeps, counter dusters, calcimine

brushes, roofing brushes, pastry brushes and to some degree in scrub

brushes and bowl brushes. Most brush manufacturers of household,

maintenance or industrial brushes (but not manufacturers of personal

brushes, artist brushes or paintbrushes) use some quantities of ixtle

fiber in certain applications or in parallel brush lines to similar

brushes made from plastic fibers. In the United States and Canada

these manufacturers are widely dispersed from the Maritime Provinces

 134

to Tampa, Florida, and from Manchester, New Hampshire to Los Angeles,

California.

La Forestal's exclusive control of the ixtle industry insures that

figures cited for purchases and exports are a fairly accurate barometer

of the industry's status. Table 6 indicates the quantity of ixtle de

lechuguilla and ixtle de palma collected by La Forestal from 1967 to

1975, and Illustrations 15 and 16 depict changes in production of the

two fibers during the same period. Table 7 lists production by fiber

in each of the five states of the Zona Ixtlera.

Fiber is collected from the ejido cooperatives by La Forestal

trucks at intervals of one to two weeks. Prior to transfer from coopera­

tive to truck, the fiber is weighed and the amount recorded by both the

cooperador and driver. Payment is made by check: 9.10 pesos per kilo

of ixtle de lechuguilla, 4.60 pesos per kilo of ixtle de palma.At

day's end, La Forestal vehicles unload their contents at one of the

thirty regional collection centers, or agencias recopiladoras (Appen­

dix III) .

At most recopiladoras, ixtle is bundled into bales of 120 kilos

and stored for shipment. At the recopiladores in Tamaulipas (Tula,

Jaumave, and Miquihuana), lechuguilla fiber is extra long, and it is

subsequently hand-sorted and classified into four categories on the

basis of length. Selecto (#1) is the "Jaumave type" fiber, longer

(43-46+ cm) and smoother than the remainder. Ixtle classified as #2,

#3, and #4 corresponds to decreasing fiber length: #2 - 33-36 cm;

#3 - 23-31 cm; //4 - less than 23 cm. The sorted fiber is baled and

placed in storage. La Forestal trucks transport the baled fiber from

the agencias recopiladoras to one of the cbmpany-operated factories

 135

TABLE 6

Lechuguilla and Palma Samandoca Fiber Collected

By La Forestal, 1967 - 1975

Lechuguilla Palma Samandoca

Year Kilos Kilos

1967 14,356,000 1 0 ,212,000

1968 12,138,000 6,665,000
1969 12,207,000 6,827,000
1970 10,282,000 7,142,000
1971 8,628,328 5,561,960
1972 7,256,967 4,551,115
1973 8,722,371 3,512,182
1974 13,225,163 5,220,088
1975 12,409,944 3,532,534

Totals 99,225,773 53,223,879

S o urces: 1967-1970, La Forestal, F.C.L., 1976:101

1971-1975, La Forestal, F.C.L., 1976:n.p.

TABLE 7

Production of Lechuguilla and Palma Fiber

By State - 1975

Lechuguilla Palma Samandoca

State Kilos Kilos

Coahuila 3,751,450 2,371,555

Nuevo Leon 2,113,620 442,576
San Luis Potosi 4,557,130 439,030
Tamaulipas 1,566,092 36,035
Zacatecas 421,652 243,338

Source: La Forestal, F.C.L., 1976:n.p.

 136

LECHUGUILLA FIBER COLLECTED BY LA FORESTAL, 1967 - 1975

M IL L IO N S O F KILO S
Illustration 15

1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975

PALMA SAMANDOCA FIBER COLLECTED BY LA FORESTAL, 1967 -1975

M IL L IO N S OF KILO S
Illustration 16

1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975

 137

at Monterrey, Matehuala, San Luis Potosf, or Saltillo. All four

factories process ixtle de lechuguilla, but only the Saltillo plant

manufactures goods made of ixtle de palma. This emphasis on lechuguilla

reflects the international market orientation of the fiber. All

lechuguilla fiber processed by La Forestal is shipped to foreign buyers.

Conversely, the market for ixtle de palma products is strictly internal.

The bulk of the palma samandoca fiber is converted into sacks that are

sold to Mexican buyers. Sack capacities vary from 50 to 90 kilos and

are most commonly employed to hold agricultural commodities.

Prior to being exported, lechuguilla fiber is subjected to a number

of industrial processes. It is sorted and classified by length, cleaned,

carded, mixed, cut into designated lengths, tinted, cylindrically

wrapped, and packed into 25-kilo boxes. During the manufacturing pro­

cess, approximately 8% of the fiber becomes waste material, or mar a n a .

Marana is sold to local buyers who use it to stuff pillows, mattresses,

and car seats (personal interview with Luis F. Sosa Ceron, May 27,

1976).

In addition to the La Forestal factories, there are two fabricas

particulares, i.e., privately owned and operated manufacturing estab­

lishments that process and export ixtle de lechuguilla. These fac­

tories, located in Saltillo and Santa Catarina, a Monterrey suburb,

purchase lechuguilla fiber from La Forestal after it has been cleaned,

classified and bundled. Fibras Saltillo, S.A. annually purchases in

excess of 110,000 tons of ixtle at 9.50 pesos per kilo (the rate as of

August, 1976). In preparing the fiber for export, the company engages

in the same industrial sequence for semi-processing the product as

La Forestal.
 138

La Forestal and the privately owned factories do not compete for

the same international markets. By mutual consent, the private firms

have agreed to restrict their markets to the United States while La

Forestal sends its fiber to the remainder of the world. In 1973 the

combined exports from La Forestal and the private firms exceeded 6

million kilos (Table 8).

Table 8

Exports of Ixtle de Lechuguilla, 1973

Country Kilos Value in Pesos

Argentian 18,768 82,800

Australia 7,904 105,138
Belgium-Luxembourg 6,864 104,958
Brazil 26,520 117,000
Chile 7,507 34,825
Colombia 1,664 12,800
Italy 2,080 16,000
Japan 46,816 325,850
Low Countries 138,324 1,846,534
Peru 1,040 8,000
Philippines 1,040 8,000
Switzerland 1,296,649 7,850,797
United Kingdom 114,760 682,000
United States 4,452,394 54,501,136
Uruguay 969 4,275
Venezuela 3,080 17,000

Totals 6,216,379 65,717,113

Source: Secretaria de Industria y Comercio, 1974:691.

The United States is by far the single most important buyer of ixtle

de lechuguilla. Fibras Saltillo exports most of its product to the.

eastern seaboard, while the Ixtlera de Santa Catarina factory lias most

of its outlets in the western United States. Of the buyers in the U.S.A.,
the E.W. and A.C. Whiting Company remains the largest, importing

approximately 40% to 50% of the fiber annually sold in the country

(personal correspondence from Everett C. Baily, October 8, 1976).

 140

FOOTNOTES

Chapter V

■^Apache and other Indian bands continued to raid as far south as

Saltillo and Mazapil until the middle of the nineteenth century.

^The term "hacienda" denotes the large-scale private landholding

which dominated the Mexican landscape prior to 1910, A distinction
is made between the hacienda and the smaller rural private property
("rancho") on the basis of size. Haciendas were classified as holdings
of more than 1,000 hectares, ranchos were units of 1,000 hectares or
less (McBride, 1923:82). Other salient characteristics of the hacienda
included: absentee ownership, a large resident labor force, an adminis­
trator, and extensive agriculture. For a more comprehensive descrip­
tion of the hacienda and its characteristics, see Whetten, 1948:90-
107.
3
Under terms of the agrarian reform program, three types of land
grants were made to the campesinos: restitution, dotation, and ampli­
fication. Villages that had title to lands illegally acquired by
haciendas had those lands returned via restitution. Dotation involved
out-right grants of land to villages that lacked proof of title of
previous possession. Amplification was a land grant given for the pur­
pose of enlarging existing village holdings when it could be shown that
land already owned was insufficient to support village needs. Of the
three land grant types, dotation was by far the most important means
by which lands were dispensed. Between 1916 and 1944, 79% of the land
distributed in the land reform program was in the form of dotation
(Whetten, 1948:129-130.

^Much of the information included in this section is a synthesis

of material included in Mesa A. and Villanueva V . ,(1948:48-56).

^La Nacional Ixtlera concerned itself only with ixtle de lechu­

guilla because it had unique properties for which other fibers could not
substitute. Mexico was also the lone producer of lechuguilla fiber in
the world and the organization that controlled its production and sale
could establish prices without fear of competition.
z:
The hacendados and businessmen who formed La Nacional Ixtlera
constituted but a small percentage of those who sold ixtle. Many
hacendados continued to operate independently and did not associate
with La Nacional Ixtlera.

^The remanente de tallador was paid to the ixtlero at a rate of two

centavos per kilogram for second-class fiber, and two and one-half
centavos per kilogram for first-class fiber (Quillares Lona, 1971:129).
 141

^During the last years of its existence over 12,000 tons of ixtle
were stored in the warehouses of La Nacional Ixtlera in Tampico, Saltillo,
San Luis Potosx, and other major cities located in or near areas of ixtle
production.
Q
Candelillero is the name applied to a campesino who gathers
wa x from the candelilla plant.

•^Unlike La Nacional Ixtlera, La Forestal purchases ixtle de palma

as well as ixtle de lechuguilla. The organization charged with re­
sponsibility for overseeing ixtle de palma's production, Comite Dis-
tribuidor y Exportador de Ixtle de Palma, was disbanded in 1942 and its
duties were transferred to La Forestal.
 CHAPTER VI

POVERTY AND ITS RESOLUTION

IN THE ZONA IXTLERA

Measures of Poverty

During the current decade, numerous government reports and scholarly

articles have detailed the socio-economic conditions of the campesinos

who live in Mexico's drylands. These studies reflect a growing concern

about a physical milieu that encompasses a large segment of the repub­

lic's land area, and includes a sizable percentage of its population.^

The Zona Ixtlera accounts for approximately 50% of Mexico's arid

and semi-arid regime. Rural inhabitants of the region have traditionally

been sustained by native plants. But the m e a g e m e s s of products ob­

tained from these resources has led to impoverished living conditions, a

situation little alleviated by ancillary economic pursuits such as crop

cultivation and stock-raising. While no comprehensive study of socio­

economic conditions exists for the Zona Ixtlera as a discrete entity,

reports on specific administrative units within the region are extant.

A recurring theme in these reports is poverty. Whether measured in

terms of per capita income, material well-being, or health and education

facilities, campesinos in the Zona Ixtlera are among the most indigent

Mexicans.

One general measure of conditions in certain of the municipios in

the Zona Ixtlera is indicated in Table 9. Criteria used to ascertain

"conditions of life" included: population engaged in primary activities;

per capita consumption of meat, eggs, and milk; income per capita; num­

ber of rooms per residential unit; residences with electricity; and

142
 143

TABLE 9

"Conditions of Life" in Major Ixtle-Producing

Municipios of the Zona Ixtlera

Classification
Municipios3 Most Very Aver­
State Municipios Classified Abject Low Low age High

Coahuila 6 5 0 0 1 3 1

Nuevo Leon 6 6 0 2 4 0 0

San Luis P. 11 10 1 3 5 1 0

Tamaulipas 5 5 0 3 2 0 0

Zacatecas 4 4 0 1 3 0 0

Totals 32 30 1 9 15 4 1

Percent of
Total Ranked — — 3% 30% 50% 13% 3%

Source: Saeb Camarca and Cabrera, 1973 :15-25. The .authors utilized
information from M e x i c o ’s Ninth General Census of Population
(1970) to categorize 368 municipios in 16 states and one
territory in the arid zones of the nation.

a Specific municipios and their classification: Coahuila (5): Low -

General Cepeda; Average - Castanos, Parras, Ramos Arizpe; High - Saltillo.
Nuevo Leon (6): Very low - Dr. Arroyo, Mier y Noriega; Low - Aramberri,
Galeana, Mina, Zaragoza. San Luis Potosi (10): Most abject -
Guadalc^fzar; Very low - Venado, Villa de Guadalupe, Villa de Hidalgo;
Low - Catorce, Cedral, Charcas, Vanegas, Villa de la Paz; Average -
Matehuala. Tamaulipas (5): Very low - Bustamante, Miquihuana, Tula;
Low - Jaumave, Palmillas. Zacatecas (4): Very low - Melchor Ocampo;
Low - Concepcion del Oro, El Salvador, Mazapil.
 144

literacy (Saeb Camarco and Cabrera, 1973:5-6). No specific quantitative

breakdown is provided to differentiate the categories used. Nevertheless,

while Table 9 fails to elucidate the specifics of poverty, it does indi­

cate that the standard of living among residents of the Zona Ixtlera is

exceedingly low. Twenty-five of the thirty municipios (83%) rate below

average in terms of income, diet, education, and shelter. The lone

municipio ranked above average is Saltillo, an anomally explained by the

presence of Saltillo City, the political, economic, and cultural center

of Coahuila state.
i

Studies of individual states within the Zona Ixtlera, while limited,

corroborate the above. A 1974 report by the Instituto Mexicano del

Seguro Social (IMSS) of eight municipios in Nuevo Leon (Illustration 17)

details the economic plight of the ixtlero. In 1970 these municipios

had a combined population of 123,141, or 7.2% of the state's total popu-

2
lation. Of the 22,270 heads of families, the livelihood of approxi­

mately one half (11,000) depended almost exclusively on income derived

from the sale of lechuguilla and palma samandoca. Another 6,000 fami­

lies gathered and sold ixtle, but supplemented their income through the

sale of agricultural commodities. Thus, for over three-quarters (76.4%)

of the families in the eight municipios under consideration, the sale of

ixtle constituted the single most important source of remuneration.

Family income ranks among the lowest in Mexico. Table 10 lists income

distribution for the eight municipios of Nuevo Leon's Zona Ixtlera.

Eighty-three per cent of the gainfully employed population had monthly

incomes of less than 500 pesos (approximately $24 U.S.), 13% averaged

less than 1,499 pesos per month ($69 U.S.), and only 4% earned in excess

of 1,500 pesos per month. The 500 pesos per month translates into a
 145

MUNICIPIOS INCLUDED IN THE IMSS STUDY

OF NUEVO LEdN’S ZONA IXTLERA
Illustration 17

TAMAULIPAS

COAHUILA

$ 1 - Mina
2 - Rayones
3 - Iturbide
4 “ Galeana

I 5 -Aramberri
6 - Doctor Arroyo
SAN LUIS POTOSI 7 -Zaragoza
8 -Mier Y Noriega

ZONA IXTLERA MUNICIPIOS

NOT INCLUDED IN EMSS STUDY

A-Garcfa
B-Santa Catarina
 TABLE 10

Income Distribution in the Zona Ixtlera

of Nuevo Leon, by Municipio - 1970

Monthly Income - In Pesos

Municipio 0-499 500-1499 1500-2499 2500-4599 5000+ Total

D r . Arroyo 8,679 687 220 59 39 9,684

Zaragoza 1,103 219 25 9 4 1,360
Mier y Nor. 1,689 105 20 6 10 1,827
Galeana 6,512 1,678 279 88 70 8,627
Aramberri 3,053 346 76 22 14 3,511
Iturbide 621 201 19 11 5 857
Rayones 792 149 17 8 8 974
Mina 581 221 4 4 1 811

Total 23,027 3,606 660 207 151 27,651

Source: Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social, 1974:11.

146
 147

pre-devaluation total of U.S. $480.00 annually.

One of the clearest insights into the economic situation in the

Zona Ixtlera is provided by a comparison of ixtlero incomes with those

of Mexicans whose livelihood is wholly dependent upon agriculture or

other non-gathering activities. Aleman Aleman's socio-economic profile

of one hundred ejidos in San Luis Potosi is notable in that it provides

the basis for such a comparison. Ejidos are grouped into six regional

units, each with a particular economic orientation. The number of

ejidos and predominant economic activities for the six regions are

cited in Table 11.

Region three is of particular interest because it coincides with

the Zona Ixtlera of San Luis Potosi. Arable land is limited in this

region. The eighteen ejidos under consideration have a combined total

of 102,836 hectares, of which only 3.2% (3,345 ha) is classified as

"temporal" (dryland farming). Pasturelands account for 47.0% (48,277

ha) of the area, and nearly one-half of the ejido lands, 49.8% (51,214

ha) are designated "cerril" (wasteland) (Aleman Aleman, 1966:98).

In the absence of large amounts of cultivable land, the campesinos of

northeastern San Luis Potosf have turned to the gathering and sale of

wild plant products such as ixtle. Although difficult to ascertain

with exactitude, ixtle's contribution to the economic livelihood of the

area's rural populace can be approximated by interpreting the data in

Table 12. Of the combined annual income for the families cited in the

table, 86% was generated within the communities in which the families

resided. The single most important commodity sold by campesinos in

the ejidos of northeastern San Luis Potosi is Ixtle. It is not un­

reasonable to assume that income that accrues to the ixtlero consti-

 148

TABLE 11

Regions and Economic Orientation in the

State of San Luis Potosi

Number of
Region Ej idos Economic Orientation

1. Ejidos in areas Located in the immediate

bordering the economic hinterland of
state capital 16 San Luis Potosi, these
ej idos have close trade
links with the capital

2. Ejidos of the Livestock raising,

Northwest 12 particularly smaller
livestock, e.g., sheep
and goats

3. Ejidos of the The "Zona Ixtlera" of

Northeast 18 San Luis Potosf. Sale of
ixtle is the single most
important source of
income

4. Ejidos in the center Diversified agriculture

of the state 19

5. Ejidos in the northern Cattle-raising and sugar

Huasteca region 11 cane production

6. Ejidos in the southern Horticulture (fruits)

Huasteca region 24 and cattle-raising

Source: Aleman Aleman, 1966:59-60.

 TABLE 12 - ANNUAL FAMILY AND PER CAPITA INCOME OF FAMILIES IN NORTHEASTERN SAN LUIS POTOSI

Income in Pesos
Num. of Total pop. Yearly Family income Total Average A v e . annual
families of the Ave. family obtained from Annual Annual In­ Income per
investi­ families family income inside the Family come per Family
Ej ido Municipio gated studied size in ejido ej ido Income Family Member

Arroyito
del Agua Matehuala 11 63 5.7 24,009 22,568 1,441 2,182 381
La Caja Matehuala 8 49 6.1 17,637 16,226 1,411 2,231 460
El Cuarejo Cedral 7 45 6.4 17,893 16,640 1,253 2,555 398
Encarnacion Matehuala 8 41 5.1 22,542 16,005 6,537 2,818 550
de Abajo
La Gavia Matehuala 3 32 10.6 13,156 9,474 3,682 4,385 411
El Milagro Guadalcazar 10 80 8.0 29,283 17,277 12,006 2,928 366
Norias del Guadalcazar 9 49 5.3 17,675 16,801 874 1,969 360
Refugio
Palo Blanco V. de Gpe. 8 58 7.3 23,798 21,140 2,658 2,974 410
Pastoriza Matehuala 9 47 5.2 22,038 18,392 3,646 2,449 469
La Polvora Guadalcazar 8 44 5.5 17,377 14,597 2,780 2,172 396
Santa Rosa Guadalcazar 4 26 6.5 8,640 8,035 605 2,160 332
Santa Te­ V. de Gpe. 4 28 7.0 8,852 8,746 101 2,213 316
resa
San Antonio Matehuala 3 23 7.6 7,526 7,300 226 2,509 327
de los Cas­
tillos
San Fran­ V. de Gpe. 7 50 7.1 17,324 15,418 1,906 2,475 346
cisco
San Jose de Matehuala 2 21 10.5 5,230 4,289 941 2,615 249
la Pena
San Juan de Matehuala 8 38 4.8 18,254 16,246 2,008 2,282 480
los Guajes
TABLE 12 (Continued)

Income in Pesos
Num. of Total pop. Yearly Family income Total Average A v e . annual
families of the Ave. family obtained from Annual Annual In­ Income per
investi­ families family income inside the Family come Per Family
E j ido Municipio gated studied size in ejido e j ido Income Family Member

San Juan Guadalcazar 6 40 6.7 13,803 13,803 2,300 345

sin Agua
Tanque Cedral 3 13 4.3 7,888 7,494 394 2,629 607
Nuevo

TOTALS 118 747 6.3 292,925 250,451 42,474

PERCENTAGES
AND AVERAGES 86% 14% 2,482 392

Source: Aleman Aleman, 1966:110-111.

 151

tutes most, if not all, of the 86%, a figure six times greater than

that of monies derived from extra-ejido sources. The disposable income

of rural families in the region is therefore primarily a function of

the quantity of ixtle they sell during the course of a year. This in­

come compares unfavorably with the remuneration derived from the agri­

culture, livestock raising, and other economic pursuits dominant in

the remaining regions of San Luis Potosi (Table 13).

Table 13

Annual Family and Per Capita Incomes in

San Luis Potosi, by Regions

Income - in Pesos
Average Average
Region Per Family Per Capita

1. Northeast (Zona Ixtlera) 2,482 392

2. State Capital area 3,630 481
3. Northwest 3,152 453
4. Central Area 5,293 953
5. Northern Huasteca 8,832 1,497
6. Southern Huasteca 4,449 711

Source: Aleman Aleman, 1966:70, 87, 111, 127, 143, 163.

The figures cited in preceding pages bear testimony to ixtlero

impoverishment. But quantitative measures alone fail to convey ef­

fectively the harsh realities of day-to-day living in the ejidos of

the Zona Ixtlera. Material culture, reflecting the absence of any

significant disposable income, is humble and repetitive. As indicated

previously, the typical ixtlero dwelling is a single-story, adobe

4
structure with an earthen floor and flat-roof. On the periphery of
 152

many ejidos, and widely dispersed throughout the surrounding country­

side, are the crudely constructed jacales. Space is at a premium in

both house types. The typical adobe dwelling has two rooms: a kitchen

(cocina) , and a combination bedroom-living room-storage room. Ixtlero

families are large and residential crowding is common. On occasion I

have shared the same 3 by 5 meter bedroom with three adults, four

children, and assorted livestock.

In both the flat-roofed adobe and jacale house types, windows are

few, or altogether lacking, and doors are crudely fashioned of loosely-

fitted planks. Furniture is limited and unadorned. Indoor plumbing is

absent. Electricity is available but its use is generally restricted

to a single naked light bulb in each room of the house. Cooking is

done over small pits located on a raised platform of adobe or fired

brick.

The ixtlero diet is predictable and monotonous. Tortillas, beans,

and chile are served at almost every meal.'* When not eaten alone or in

combination with each other, these staples form the main ingredients

of more complex meals, e.g., meega (day-old tortillas mixed wit h onions,

tomatoes, and sausage), chicales (a spicy soup of maize kernels and

barley leaves), or blanqueto (a mixture of goat cheese, chile, and

tomatoes). Eggs are periodically served but meat and milk are notable

for their near-absence in the ixtlero diet. On rare occasions, a calf

or kid is slaughtered in the ejido and small amounts of meat are dis-

tributed to village members.

Health problems in the Zona Ixtlera are among the most serious

in all of Mexico. Malnutrition is commonplace. Many families eat

two or less meals a day, and these are rarely nutritionally balanced.
 153

Water is a limited resource in the drylands of north-central Mexico

and its availability and quality affect the salubrity of the rural

populace. The few surface streams and artificial reservoirs are shared

by humans and animals, and water is often contaminated. In the general

absence of surface water, wells are the major source of drinking water.

(agua potable) . But during lengthy periods of drought the water table

drops and village residents are compelled to either seek water else­

where or conserve locally available supplies. Under such circumstances

the limited water from whatever source is recycled, and less essential

water needs (e.g., personal hygiene and clothes-washing) are disdained.

Sanitary conditions deteriorate and the possibilities for disease are

enhanced.

Ixtleros are plaqued with a host of physical maladies. Measles,

parasitosis, whooping cough, bronchitus, and typhus are common (Campos

Rocha, 1961:34). Tuberculosis is especially prevalent. Additionally,

certain ailments are endemic to the Zona Ixtlera. Caustic substances

in Agave lecheguilla leaves cause skin irritation, and an illness re­

ferred to as "mal de ixtlero," whose symptoms include a painful back,

fatigue, and loss of appetite, is widespread among ixtle collectors

(Seguridad y Solidaridad Social, 1975:19).^ The gravity of illness

in ixtlero communities is exacerbated by the absence of resident

medical personnel and facilities. During 1970, for example, Cedral

and Villa de Guadalupe, two of the major ixtle-producing municipios in

San Luis Potosx, had a combined population of 25,000 and no doctors

(Partido Revolucionario Institucional, 1976:49).

A random sampling of fiber-producing municipios reveals that in

1970 the literacy rate among ixtleros was 70% (Secretarxa de Industria
 g
y Comercio, 1973b: various volumes and pages). It is difficult to

test the validity of this figure, but personal experience leads me to

suspect that it may be too high. Primary schools (grades one through

six) exist in most ixtlero communities, but the learning process is

hampered by the economic realities of the Zona Ixtlera. Attendance is

often only one-third to one-half of official enrollment. Absenteeism

is most pronounced during April and May when adults work the agricultural

plots and children become full-time surrogate gatherers. By the age of

eight or nine, most ixtlero children are considerably more adept at

defibering lechuguilla and palma samandoca leaves than they are at

reading and writing. Many never complete their primary education be­

cause of the exigencies of day-to-day living, and fewer still pass on to

secondary school.

By most socio-economic criteria, ixtleros rank among the poorest

people in Mexico. Residents of the Zona Ixtlera are undernourished,

poorly educated, inadequately housed, and lacking in basic medical

services. Most ixtleros live in communities far removed from major

highways and urban centers. Their sole link to the "outside" world

is invariably a third-class, dirt or gravel road (brecha) that is bone-

jarring to travel during dry periods and impassable when infrequent

rains occur. To the outsider, residence in an ixtlero community con­

veys an inescapable sense of isolation. The vastness of the surrounding

drylands envelopes one during the day and imputes a pervasive sense of

desolation at night. It is doubtless this sense of isolation, of being

frozen in time and space, that contributes to the exodus of many young

people from the ejidos.

 155

While ixtleros are confronted with numerous social problems, it

is their economic plight that is most readily apparent. Even a casual

visitor to an ixtlero community cannot remain oblivious to the flimsily

constructed homes, the shabby attire, and the other elements of a

material culture that visibly attest to the indigence of the population.

During extended drought periods, the poverty of these people is manifest

beyond the confines of their community by the presence of women and

children begging alongside the major highways of north-central Mexico.

The Government Response to Indigence in

the Zona Ixtlera

Living conditions in the Zona Ixtlera have not gone unnoticed by

either individual researchers or the Mexican government. During the

1 960’s, publications with titles such as Hambre and Problemas de las

Zonas Ixtleras, deplored the ixtlero's low standard of living. In

recent years, government concern for depressed regions such as the

Zona Ixtlera has resulted in the creation of agencies and programs de­

signed to promote economic and social development in these areas.

Particularly notable because of its relevance to the Zona Ixtlera is

the creation of the Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas (CONAZA) in

December, 1970. CONAZA is charged with the responsibility of compiling

and evaluating information pertinent to Mexico's arid zones, inven­

torying its natural and human resources, and, in conjunction with

other government agencies, initiating and implementing programs that

will improve socio-economic conditions in the region (Comision

Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1974:1).^

CONAZA's development projects are divided into three broad cata-

gories: infrastructure, social development, and productive businesses.

Under the rubric of the last-named category, projects designed to im­

prove or maximize utilization of arid zone resources have been initi­

ated with the ultimate goal of raising income levels among dryland

inhabitants. Experiments with high-yielding varieties of dryland crops

water conservation, pasture improvement, and the utilization of unculti

vated desert plants are conducted in four field camps under the guidanc

of personnel from the Universidad Autonomia Agraria "Antonio Narro"

(UAAAN), located at Buenavista, Coahuila.'*'^

CONAZA1s task is a demanding one. It has been charged with the

responsibility of resolving the entire spectrum of social and economic

ills in the arid zones of the nation. Thus far, the com m ission has

directed its efforts toward the accumulation of data gleaned from the

experimental projects conducted at the field camps.

CONAZA represents a comprehensive attempt to confront the problem

of Mexico's arid zones, of which the Zona Ixtlera constitutes a sizable

portion."^ Other government agencies, private companies, and indivi­

dual citizens are dealing with specific social and economic issues

relevant to the Zona Ixtlera. IMSS has constructed medical facilities

in the region designed for the express purpose of ministering to

ixtlero health needs. Under its "Programs Solidaridad Social - Plan

Ixtlero," seven hospital-clinics were constructed between 1971 and

1976, and two others are nearing completion. The hospital-clinics are

modern, fully-staffed units that provide the entire range of essential

medical services, including surgery, pre- and post-natal care, and

dental work. Medicine and health-care services are free to ixtlero

families whose head contributes 10 working days a year to public work

projects (La Forestal, 1976:168).

 Education in the Zona Ixtlera has not been neglected. During 1975

130 primary schools were in various stages of construction in ejidos of

the Zona Ixtlera. Additionally, the Secretarxa de Educacion Publica

(SEP) recently initiated a series of vocational-technical programs in

rural secondary schools. Students are trained to live and work in the

countryside for three years at the Escuela Technologi^a Agropecuario

(ETA), and an additional two years at a Centro de Estudio Technologxa-

Agropecuario (CETA) (personal interview with Manual Laborde, May 17,

1976). The ETA-CETA program is designed to return trained youths to

their native rural habitats where they can transmit the latest in

modern agricultural techniques to their families and neighbors.

Government efforts to alleviate deficiencies in physical in­

frastructure are visible throughout the region. Under the auspices of

the Secretarxa de Obras Publicas (SOP), nearly 7,000 k m of new roads

were constructed in the Zona Ixtlera between 1971 and 1975 (La Forestal

F.C.L., 1976:179). SOP has also been active in the construction of

hundreds of small dams and catchment basins in the area. Public works

constructed by the Comision Constructora e Ingenierxa Sanitaria (CCIS)

of the Secretarxa de Salubridad y Asistencia provide the bulk of

drinkable water in ixtlero settlements. Other CCIS projects include

the construction of community laundries and baths. Conspicuous by its

modern appearance is the local cooperative, the economic and social

center of every ejido. La Forestal and CONASUPO had jointly erected

115 of these stores by 1971. Four years later, 700 were in operation

(La Forestal, F.C.L.,1975:n.p.). The Institute Nacional Para el

Desarrollo de la Comunidad Rural y de la Vivienda Popular (INDECO) has

been active in ejido construction on two fronts. Under its "Planix"

 158

or "Plan Nacional Ixtlero," 70 "centros comunales ixtleros" (ixtlero

community centers) were either completed or under construction as of

August, 1975 (Instituto Nacional Para el Desarrollo de la Comunidad

Rural y de la Vivienda Popular, 1975:63). The community center is en­

visioned as a multi-functional structure that will provide the catalyst

for greater ejido cooperation and organization. A second INDECO pro­

ject involves the construction or restoration of individual dwelling

units. This project is part of INDECO*s "vivienda campesino" that is

national in scope, and urban as well as rural. In the ejidos of the

;

Zona Ixtlera, INDECO supplies technical information and building

materials for the erection or rehabilitation of adobe homes. Labor is

12
provided by the ixtleros. Whether new or rebuilt, the homes are easy

to identify. They are invariably white-washed cement blocks that stand

in marked contrast to the typical drab-brown adobe. The "viviendas

campesino" program in the Zona Ixtlera has been sporadically applied

to date. Numerous ejidos in Coahuila have not been touched by the

project, while in the municipio of Tula, Tamaulipas, 479 units have

been built or restored in only eight ejidos (personal interview with

Arturo Carlos Sepulveda, June 17, 1976).

Many government agencies and private companies are actively en­

gaged in attempts to alleviate the economic woes of the Zona Ixtlera.

In fact, within the context of "socio-economic" development, it is the

ixtlero*s economic plight that has attracted the greatest attention.

Most government and private planners have concluded that the social

fabric of the people can only improve if it is preceded by a higher

standard of living. In concert with this philosophy, there currently

exists a plethora of development schemes on drafting tables or in the

experimental stage. There is a recurring theme in these projects, i.e.,

that the economic development of the Zona Ixtlera is predicated upon

a more extensive and efficient utilization of existing dryland re-

13
sources. In the field camps of CONAZA - UAAAN and other organiza­

tions, ^ attempts to maximize the use of arid and semi-arid lands have

been directed along four major lines of inquiry: (1) control of water

for the irrigation of arid lands, (2) the transfer of lands to dryland

agriculture, (3) the gathering of useful products from native vegetation

and (4) production of livestock (Hernandez X., 1970:319). Most of the

work has been concentrated on uncultivated plant production. The abun­

dance of native vegetation, its minimal exploitation to d a t e , ^ and the

commercial success of ixtle, candelilla, and nopal cardon, has provoked

an intense interest in developing the economic potential of these plants

CONAZA has experimented with palma china, palma pita (Yucca treculeana),

nopal cardon, garambullo, and cortadillo (Nolina microcarpa); and INIF

and ITESM have conducted field studies on an equally wide array of wild

plant species. In some instances, the plants have been cultivated and

tested under controlled conditions.

The work on palma china is particularly noteworthy because many

anticipate that its exploitation will provide a viable source of income

for the campesinos of the region. A high cellulose content in the

plant's trunk and the potential it offered as a paper source initially

attracted the attention of researchers to palma china. (Hernandez

Corzo, 1955:186). Recently, the nutritional and medicinal properties

of the datil have generated enough interest to warrent the construction

of pilot factories by both CONAZA and INDECO. At the CONAZA plants

in Saltillo, Coahuila, and Galeana, Nuevo Leon, steriods used in drug

 160

manufacture are extracted from d^tiles and processed. The steroids have

a potential use in contraceptives and as hormone-like drugs. INDECO*s

experimental plant in Mazapil, Zacatecas, was scheduled to commence

operations in January, 1977. D^tiles of palma china and palma samandoca

will be processed and converted into domestic cattle feed and/or

molasses destined for foreign markets. INDECO anticipates that similar

operations will commence throughout the Zona Ixtlera in the near future.

Each will serve as an economic focal point to which ixtleros will trans­

port and sell the d^tiles they have collected.

The palma china programs seek to raise the ixtlero's standard of

living by offering a more lucrative alternative to ixtle-gathering.

CONAZA estimates that a single factory operating at capacity will gene­

rate a demand for 900 full-time datil collectors, and that employment

will increase ten fold if the exploitation of palma china is maximized

throughout the Zona Ixtlera (Centro Nacional de Investigacioli para el

Desarrollo de Zonas Aridas, 1972:66). During the four-month harvest

period, an estimated six million pesos will be paid to the harvesters

(Canales, 1973:4).

Many other plants are envisioned as having new or accelerated

commercial uses that will ameliorate ixtlero living standards. An in­

dustrial plant established at El Catorce, near San Luis Potosi City,

is manufacturing floorboards made from mezquite (Hernandez X., 1970:

336). Mezquite also produces a gum comparable to "goma arabiga," and

its fruit averages 30% glucose, making it potentially useful as a

cattle feed, or in the preparation of ethylene alcohol (Medellin-Leal,

n.d.:2). Experiments conducted by the National School of Chemical

 161

Sciences at the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM) demon­

strate that nopal, source of the well-known queso de tuna, has the

potential to produce alcohol of a reasonable quality. Both Agave

lecheguilla and Yucca carnerosana have a commercial potential beyond

that of the fiber they produce. An experimental CNIZA project

("Proyecto Prefabricados") has verified the feasibility of converting

dead trunks of palma samandoca and other plentiful yucca species into

wall panels, acoustical ceilings, room dividers, and ornamental objects.

The conversion process, which can be effected by campesinos within their

own communities, involves the reduction of plant trunks to sawdust and

1 f\
the subsequent placement of a saw-dust latex mixture into m o l d s .

Agave lecheguilla contains chemical substances of the steroid group

that can be used in the manufacture of hormone-like drugs. The juice

and pulpy parts of lechuguilla leaves supply the steroid smilagenin

which can be converted into cortisone and used in the treatment of

rheumatic, arthritic, and other types of ailments. Another new drug

that can be fabricated from the lechuguilla steroid is halotestin. It

shows promise in treating diseases of older people involving unsatis­

factory protein metabolism (Anon., 1957:7). Aside from the humanitarian

benefits to be gained from the exploitation of lechuguilla for drug

purposes, using the plant for its steroid content is much more lucrative

economically than using it as a source of fiber. An anonymous author

of the mid-1950's compared the commercial value of fiber and steroids

and concluded:
 162

"A ton of freshly harvested lechuguilla leaves

may yield as much as 200 pounds of fiber, worth
$20 or possibly more. But the same amount of the
green plant can supply 7 to 8 pounds of steroid
chemicals, and at the estimated value of $25 a
pound they would be worth $175 to $200."
(Anon., 1957:7)

Despite the medicinal and economic advantages associated with ex­

ploiting lechuguilla for its steroid content, no practical measures to

do so have ever been initiated.

Most suggestions for raising the living standards of inhabitants

in the Zona Ixtlera have emphasized the development, utilization, or

more efficient exploitation of the plant resource base. Fewer studies

and pilot programs explore the potential for increasing animal quality

and productivity in the region. It is ironic that despite the long

history of animal husbandry in northern Mexico, the scrub vegetation

and semi-arid grasslands of the Zona Ixtlera support a low-yielding

livestock population marked b y a preponderance of goats and an absence

of m o d e m scientific techniques. Thus far, attempts to alleviate

these conditions have focused on range improvement and controlled

grazing practices. Studies on the yields and nutritional value of

forage crops are being conducted in the field camps of CONAZA, INIF,

and ITESM. CONAZA has also embarked on a "Programa Caprino" in seven

ixtlero ejidos with the goal of maximizing the output of goat products

via a system of fencing and regulated grazing (personal interview with

Jose Luis Hernandez Padilla and Victor Samuel Pena Olvera, July 14,

1976).17
 163

The research with goats reflects the dominance of this animal

18
throughout the Zona Ixtlera. Current demands for cabrito in market­

places such as Monterrey and Saltillo provide a profitable outlet for

ixtleros. Efficient methods of range and animal management can only

enhance the economic position of the rural campesino.

One of the most heavily publicized development programs for the

Zona Ixtlera is La Forestal's "Programs Cunicultura." This project

has a two-fold purpose: ejido-raised rabbits will add protein to the

ixtlero diet and concomitantly generate income via their sale to ixtlero-

operated restaurants. The program commenced in 1971 with 100 New

Zealand White rabbits. By 1975, 70,000 rabbits were being raised in

320 "Centros Cunfcolas Ejidales," slaughterhouses in Castanos, Coahuila,

and Dr. Arroyo, Nuevo Leon, and a scientific breeding farm in Saltillo

were in operation, courses in rabbit-raising were being conducted in

ixtlero communities, ejido workshops in tanning and producing artistic

items had been established, and the restaurant "El Conejo Ixtlero,"

located near the city of Matehuala, had opened for business (LA

Forestal, F.C.L., 1975:n.p.). A second restaurant commenced operating

near the city of Arteaga, Coahuila in mid-1976. On April 20 of the same

year, president-elect Jose Lopez Portillo dedicated the cornerstone of

a building devoted to rabbit research on the campus of UAAAN.

 164

FOOTNOTES

Chapter VI

^Depending on the criteria employed, 40% (Comision Nacional de

las Zonas Aridas, n.d.:l) to over 80% (Garcia Quintero, 1955;43) of
Mexico's national territory is classified as arid and semi-arid. De­
spite adverse environmental conditions, these zones support approxi­
mately one-half of the nation's inhabitants (Beltran, 1964b:421).

^The population of the eight municipios in 1973 was 130,412, a

per annum growth rate of 2.0%. By contrast, the annual population
growth rate for the nation was 3.5% betx*een 1970 and 1975.
3
The 3.2% of arable land in the ejidos of the Zona Ixtlera region
is the lowest of the six regions. Percentages of cultivable land in
ejidos of the remaining regions are: state capital area, 15.0%; the
northwest, 7.3%; the central region, 19.3%; northern Huasteca, 21.0%;
southern Huasteca, 30.7% (Aleman Aleman, 1966:64, 80, 122, 138, 154).

^A thorough description of the form and function of this house-

type is provided by West (1974:111-132).

^During 1976 the Departamento de Nutricion of the Direccion

General de Servicios Coordinados de Salud Publica conducted a survey of
nutrition in Coahuila. Five "geoeconomic" zones were delimited in the
state. Zone I includes the municipios of Arteaga, General Cepeda,
Parras, Ramos Arizpe, and Saltillo, and is coincident w i t h the core of
Coahuila's Zona Ixtlera. According to the study, the habitual fare of
residents in Zone I includes: breakfast - eggs, beans, tortillas,
cookies, and coffee or tea; lunch - soup, chile, beans, tortillas, and
coffee; supper - eggs, beans tortillas, and coffee or tea (.Departamento
de Nutricion, 1977:n.p.).

The frequency of meat consumption varies considerably from ejido

to ejido in the Zona Ixtlera. I have lived in ejidos where meat was
served an average of one to two times per week. De la Cerda's (1964:
183) study of El Tajfn (in the municipio of Dr. Arroyo, Nuevo Ledh)
revealed that community members eat meat only twice a year. In Alemdn
Aleman's work in San Luis Potosi, less than 1% of the families in the
Zona Ixtlera ate meat as much as three times a week, and over 91% of
the families did not consume meat at all. The intake of other protein
sources was equally low: milk and eggs were absent from the weekly diets
of 63% and 62% of the families respectively (Aleman Aleman, 1966:114-
115).
 165

A major by-line from the same publication reads:

"El Drama del Ixtlero...Miseria,
Ignorancia y Enfermedades Diezman
al Campesino del Desierto" (p. 18).
For an impassioned description of ixtlero living conditions see Antonio
Andrade, El Desierto Mex i c a n o , n.d.:50-58.
g

In Mexico "illiteracy" is the inability to read or write Spanish.

The standard minimum age for tabulating illiteracy was 10 from 1910 to
1930, and 6 thereafter (Wilkie, 1970:207). Information was obtained
for eleven of the thirty-two major ixtle-producing municipios. The
municipios, and their respective literacy rates: in San Luis Potos£,
Catorce, 69.1%; Cedral, 67.9%; Ciudad de Maiz, 74.1% and Moctezuma,
65.0%; in Nuevo Leon, Dr. Arroyo, 70.7%; Tula, Tamaulipas, 75.6%;
Saltillo, Coahuila, 88.1%; and in Zacatecas, Concepcion del Oro, 57.4%;
El Salvador, 68.6%; Melchor Ocampo, 72.7%; and Mazapil, 77.0%.
Q
C O N A Z A ’s formation by no means heralded a sudden awareness of
M e x i c o ’s arid zones. In fact, the problems and prospects of this vast
region were the subject of publications and symposia for many years
prior to 1970. Particularly notable are the monographs of the Insti-
tuto Mexicano de Recursos Naturales Renovables in 1955 and 1964, and
the International Symposium on Increasing Food Production in Arid Lands
convened in Monterrey in April, 1968, under the auspices of the Inter­
national Center for Arid and Semi-Arid Land Studies.

■^The experimental field stations are located in Matehuala, San

Luis Potosf; Mazapil, Zacatecas; Ocampo, Coahuila; and Cuencame',
Durango. C O N A Z A ’s affiliation with UAAAN dates back to the fall of
1971 when the Centro Nacional de Investigation Para el Desarrollo de
Zonas Aridas (CNIZA) was organized as the investigative field branch
of CONAZA and headquartered at the Escuela Superior de Agricultura
"Antonio Narro," a branch campus of the University of Coahuila located
near Saltillo. When Antonio Narro became autonomous in 1975, CNIZA
was incorporated into the UAAAN structure and its title was dropped.
Antonio Narro remains a major source of information for both the arid
zones and the Zona Ixtlera. Many of its personnel have worked among
the ixtleros, and since 1974 it has housed the Centro de Informacion
para Zonas Aridas (CIZA).

l-k)f the 41% of Mexico's national territory classified as "zonas

aridas" by CONAZA, approximately one-third is commercially exploited
for ixtle and candelilla (Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas,
n.d.:4).

•^The cost of building a dwelling varies from 12,000 to 15,000

pesos. Restoration expenses range from 6,000 to 7,000 pesos. In
either case, the cost to the ixtlero is considerably less because he
provides the labor (personal interview with Carlos Sanchez Morales,
June 22, 1976).
 166

•^ a great deal of literature has appeared in recent years

espousing this approach as a solution to the economic malaise of the
region. See, for example, Borja L. and Castro, 1965; Canales, 1973;
Galvan, 1973; Giner Marquez, 1972; Hernandez X., 1970; and Medellin-
Leal, n.d.

■^In addition to the CONAZA - UAAAN camps, experimental stations

located in or near the Zona Ixtlera are operated by the Instituto
Nacional de Investigaciones Forestales (INIF) at La Sauceda, Ramos
Arizpe, Coahuila, and El Cedral in San Luis Potosf state, and the
Instituto Technolcfgico y Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM) in
the municipios of Apodaca, Nuevo Leon.

•^A 1964 inventory of native vegetation in north-central Mexico

includes information on the total area occupied and the area exploited
for several uncultivated plants. Included among the more significant
economic species are:

Area in Km^ % of
Species______________________ Occupied___________ Exploited__________ E/0

Nopal for forage 232,984 44,821 19.3

Candelilla 82,850 47,025 56.9
Yucca carnerosana 61,185 31,420 51.03
Agave lecheguilla 142,115 41,035 28.8
Opuntia streptacantha 38,335 18,900 49.3
Opuntia lecuotricha 52,750 6,555 12.4

Totals 610,219 189,756 31.1

Marroqufn, at a l ., 1964:162.

•^The idea of using yucca trunks as prefabricated or ornamental

material originated with Professor Arturo Fuentes Morales, a scientist
and inventor who has worked among the ixtleros for many years. Pro­
fessor Morales believes that the sawdust by-product has numerous utili­
tarian applications, including its use as a sole for the ubiquitous
Mexican huarache (personal interview with Arturo Fuentes Morales,
April 22, 1976).

•^The ejidos are located in the San Luis Potosx municipios of

Matehuala, Cedral, and Villa de Guadalupe.

18
In 1960, goats outnumbered cows 2 to 1 and sheep 3 to 1 in the
states of Nuevo Ledn, San Luis Potosf, Coahuila, Tamaulipas, and
Zacatecas (Secretaria de Industria y Comercio, 1965: various pages).
 CHAPTER VII

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The foregoing study has examined man-plant relationships and atten­

dant socio-economic conditions in the Zona Ixtlera of north-central

Mexico. Rural inhabitants of this arid and semi-arid environment have

traditionally been sustained by wild vegetation native to the region.

In contemporary ixtlero communities, plants and plant derivatives are

an integral part of day-to-day living. They furnish food, drink and

fiber to the populace, and are commonly used as construction materials,

soap substitutes, and medicines. Additionally, the products of certain

uncultivated dryland plants transcend local use and reach national

and international markets. Extra-regional demands have fostered the

commercial exploitation of candellila,, guayule, lechuguilla and palma

samandoca, and simultaneously provided campesinos with an important

source of remuneration.

Of the plants indigenous to north-central Mexico, Agave lecheguilla

and Yucca carnerosana are the foremost with respect to their utilitarian

value and commerical significance. Derivatives of these two plants form

an important part of ixtlero material culture, and money from the sale

of lechuguilla and palma samandoca fiber is the single most important

source of an ixtleros income. Indeed, the appellation "ixtlero" reflects

the intimate bond that exists between campesino and the plants that

produce ixtle fiber.

167
 168

This study has focused on the Zona Ixtlera, an institutionally de­

fined region that encompasses twenty million hectares in parts of the

states of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, San Luis Potosf, Tamaulipas, and

Zacatecas. Within this area, as many as 125,000 ixtlero families

collect and sell ixtle to La Forestal. While the gathering of ixtle

is a folk tradition of long standing, the ixtlero-La Forestal association

dates back only to 1941. Nevertheless, this relationship has had signi­

ficant ramifications for contemporary socio-economic conditions in the

Zona Ixtlera. La Forestal's absolute monopoly of ixtle purchase, pro­

cessing, and export, insures that the economic orbit of the ixtlero is

a closely circumscribed one. Water-deficit conditions in the Zona

Ixtlera limit agriculture and restrict the number of viable income-

generating options open to the ixtlero. In lieu of alternative economic

pursuits, the ixtlero turns to the one constant in his environment, the

gathering of ixtle, and in the absence of an open-market system, he is

restricted to dealing with La Forestal. Ixtleros are subsequently

functionally dependent upon La Forestal for a considerable part of their

economic well-being. La Forestal in turn owes its continued existence

to Mexican government subsidies and overseas market demands for ixtle.

Economic linkages exist, therefore, between ixtleros and La Forestal,

and La Forestal and foreign buyers, and decisions rendered by the latter

have profound repercussions on the former. This "ripple" effect ex­

emplifies the anthropological concept of a "complex society" in which

smaller units are functionally dependent upon larger systems. In this

case, the international market for ixtle acts as a catalyst for the

continued operation of La Forestal, and ultimately, for a perpetuation

 169

of the gathering economy in the Zona Ixtlera. Thus, in addition to the

environmental conditions that reduce his income options, the ixtlero

continues in the gathering tradition of his forebears because he is

locked into a network of economic linkages that places a commercial

value on the fiber extracted from lechuguilla and palma samandoca. The

gathering of these and other plants may persist for yet another reason.

As more than one government or university official stated to me, "es

todo lo que saben" ("it is all they kno w " ) .

Living in an ixtlero community quickly reveals the persistent

association that exists between ixtleros and the plants lechuguilla and

palma samandoca. The time devoted to gathering ixtle, the implements

used to collect the fiber, and the material culture of community resi­

dents, are all visible manifestations of the deeply ingrained bond be­

tween man and these plants. Also visible is the poverty of the rural

populace. Residents of the Zona Ixtlera are sustained by the drylands

they live in, availing themselves of native vegetation and animal re­

sources, and supplementing these by means of a limited livestock pro­

duction and agriculture that is at best speculative, at worst a total

loss. The meagerness of the products obtained results in the ex­

tremely poor living conditions so typical of the region. Recent govern­

ment efforts have ameliorated this situation, but living standards

remain low, health and education facilities continue sub-par, and

physical infrastructure is such that accessibility to ixtlero communi­

ties is difficult.

Numerous factors enter into any assessment of future socio­

economic conditions in the Zona Ixtlera. If one subscribes to the idea

 170

that ixtle will continue as a major source of income for its rural

residents, then the availability of lechuguilla and palma samandoca,

and projected market demands for the fiber they produce, must be con­

sidered. To date, no comprehensive survey of wild plant resources in

the Zona Ixtlera per se has been carried out. During the early 1960's,

however, the Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Forestales (INIF)

was charged with the responsibility of conducting an inventory of useful

species of native vegetation, their abundance, and distribution in the

arid areas of Chihuahua, Coahuila, Durango, Zacatecas, San Luis Potosi,

and Nuevo Leon. The inventory revealed that of the area occupied by

Agave lecheguilla (142,115 krn^), only 28.8% (41,035 km^) was being har­

vested. Slightly more than one-half (31,420 of 61,185 km^, or 51.3%)

of the available stands of Yucca carnerosana were being exploited

(Marroquin, et_ a l ., 1964:162). These figures indicate that large un­

tapped areas remain for the areal expansion of lechuguilla and palma

samandoca harvesting. In areas of the Zona Ixtlera where the plants are

already collected for commercial purposes, there does not appear to be

any significant over-exploitation of the resource base. In fact, cutting

the lechuguilla cogollo prolongs the life of the plant, and removing

the centerstalks of both lechuguilla and palma samandoca is tantamount

to pruning the plants. Instances of plant reduction do exist. The

areal expansion of cultivable lands has frequently eliminated plants

proximate to ixtlero settlements. Excessive browsing during periods of

severe drought has likewise effected destruction of the vegetation in

certain locales. Nevertheless, neither plant is in imminent danger of

extinction. In the survey of native plant resources conducted by INIF,

the investigators conclude that conservation measures for lechuguilla

 171

are unnecessary because of the plant's rapid regenerative capabilities

and the large areas over which it remains unexploited (Marroquin, et al.,

1964:143).-*- INIF researchers do suggest that a program of artificial

reproduction and controlled cutting of the slower-reproducing palma

samandoca be initiated.

Although there is little concern about the future availability of

Agave lecheguilla and Yucca earnerosana, the domestic and foreign market

for ixtle in forthcoming decades is questionable. Ixtle's commercial

history has been characterized by dramatic year-to-year fluctuations in

production and export. Wars, depressions, government policies, and

cartels have all effected irregularities in the industry at one time or

another. Currently, synthetic fibers such as nylon offer increasingly

strong competition for ixtle and other natural fibers. Plastic fiber

substitutes have cost and productivity savings over ixtle in many appli­

cations. The increased automation of brush-making equipment operating

at high speeds has also been detrimental to ixtle's utilization in that

the relative uniformity of plastic fibers presents fewer production

problems than their natural fiber equivalents. A final factor account­

ing for the heavy substitution of plastic fibers for natural fibers

such as ixtle, has been the climatic, political, and economic variables

in the countries of origin of natural fibers, and the attendant dis­

ruption of supply and quality occasionally encountered by brush manu­

facturers. Plastic-fiber substitutes for ixtle have made particularly

strong inroads in the United States, long the world's leading importer

of ixtle. The E.B. and A.C. Whiting Company of Burlington, Vermont,

the major importer of the fiber into the United States, reported that

its market, by weight, for ixtle is less than 20% of what it was
 172

twenty-five to thirty years ago when there were no satisfactory alterna­

tives to ixtle for a wide variety of industrial, household, and

maintenance brushes (personal correspondence from Everett C. Bailey,

October 8, 1976). The trend toward synthetic fibers in the United

States and other international markets is reflected by the decline of

ixtle de lechuguilla exports in recent years. Between 1960-1965,

Mexico annually produced an average of 14,580 tons of ixtle de lechu­

guilla. For the 1966-1970 period, the yearly average declined to

12,067 tons (Banco Nacional de Comercio Exterior, S.A., 1971:545-546).

The domestic market for ixtle de palma has also experienced a de­

cline in recent years. Within Mexico, ixtle de palma has commonly

been used in the fabrication of rope, sacks of various capacities, and

a diverse array of household items, including floor and place mats,

and baby cradles. During the past decade, both natural and synthetic

fibers have emerged as successful rivals of ixtle in the manufacture

of these items. Cotton has supplanted ixtle in the manufacture of

numerous cloth-like products, and the lower-priced, better quality

hennequin is increasingly being substituted for ixtle in the making of

sacks. M o d e m techniques in transporting and storing agricultural

commodities are also adversely affecting the use of ixtle de palma.

Ixtle sacks used as containers for rice, wheat, coffee, and a host of

other foodstuffs, are being supplanted by tank trucks and storage silos

(Banco de Comercio, S.A., 1969:40; 1970a:41-42.

Despite the contraction of domestic and foreign markets during

the past few years, there are those who view time commercial future of

ixtle with optimism. Authorities at both La Forestal and Fibras

Saltillo believe that the market for ixtle will expand in coming years.
 173

Fibras Saltillo confidently anticipates a growth rate of 25% in the

next five years. These aspirations are predicated on the conviction

that ixtle offers unique properties of strength and resistence to

friction that insure its continued use in the manufacture of brushes.

There is also a commonly held belief among La Forestal and Fibras

Saltillo personnel that increasing fuel costs will eventually have an

adverse effect on the synthetic industry, resulting in a revived in­

terest in natural fiber production.

Even those who view the future market for ixtle with optimism con­

cede that the campesinos who gather the fiber must turn to other eco­

nomic pursuits to elevate their standard of living. The rash of de­

velopment projects initiated in the Zona Ixtlera during the past ten

years attests to a tacit recognition by government and private planners

that the economic well-being of ixtleros does not lie with the gathering

and sale of ixtle. But the Mexican government's approach to developing

the Zona Ixtlera is disturbing on three counts. First, a comprehensive

scientific inventory of the Zona Ixtlera*s native resources is lacking.

No survey of the region's flora, fauna, soil, hydrology, or mineral

content exists per se. Consequently, without an adequate understanding

of the Zona Ixtlera's resource base, planning programs cannot be ef­

fectively implemented. The recently created (1976) Natural Resources

Department at the Universidad Auto'noma Agraria Antonio Narro (UAAAN) ,

near Saltillo, Coahuila, is in the incipient stages of formulating pro­

cedures for conducting comprehensive ecosystem studies of arid and

semi-arid regions (Armijo T . , Nava C . , and Gasto C . , 1976). Once de­

veloped, this type of study should be applied to the Zona Ixtlera.

Second, a coordinated development plan for the Zona Ixtlera as a whole

 174

does not exist. The number of government agencies that have embarked on

projects in the region is impressive, but all too often they work inde­

pendently of one another. INDECO, IMSS, CONASUPO, SEP, FONAFE, INIF,

and La Forestal are all government-affiliated or sponsored organizations

operating in the Zona Ixtlera, yet the degree of interaction between

these agencies is minimal. Each pursues its own pet project, largely

ignorant of what the others are doing. What is lacking is a single

agency to coordinate the activities of these organizations. By so

doing, a "Zona Ixtlera Regional Planning Commission" could effectively

administer programs in an even-handed manner, curtail the unnecessary

duplication of costs and services, and facilitate socio-economic de-

2
velopments in the region. Perhaps formation of the Fondo Nacional de

Fomento Ejidal (FONAFE) to coordinate efforts to improve conditions

among the rural populace of the Zona Ixtlera and other northern dry­

lands, represents a step in this direction.-^ Finally, government plans

to develop the Zona Ixtlera often consist of little more than substi­

tuting the gathering of one native plant for another. Campesinos who

harvest and sell ixtle lead a marginal economic existence. One can

only conjecture how the collection and sale of palma china datiles or

other wild plants that are currently the focus of government development

plans will markedly improve their standard of living.

Mexico's long and important tradition of desert-plant use remains

deeply entrenched in the Zona Ixtlera. It is a tradition that is being

perpetuated by government subsidization and tenuous international de­

mands for ixtle. So long as desert plants and their derivatives provide

an adequate income for those who gather and sell them, it is an occu­

pation that should be continued. But in the Zona Ixtlera extant plant
 175

resources cannot adequately sustain the burgeoning rural populace.

Projects designed to perpetuate a gathering economy in the region tend

to ignore this reality. Furthermore, they are oblivious to many of the

social conditions that have fostered or exacerbated economic problems.

In f act, economic conditions in the Zona Ixtlera can improve only if

they are preceded by some significant social changes, the most funda­

mental of which has to do with population control. The Zona Ixtlera

is a naturally adverse environment with a limited human carrying

capacity. Population densities throughout most of the region are already

too high, vis-a-vis the resource base, and additional increments will

only place greater stress on the fragile ecosystem and further reduce

living standards. In an environment in which the margin of tolerance is

so finite that any error may have disastrous consequences, it becomes

imperative to implement a program for regulating population. Certain

self-regulating factors are already operating. Like their compatriots

in other regions of Mexico, ixtleros are abandoning the countryside and

moving to urban centers in search of a better life. Saltillo, San Luis

Potosx, and other large cities in the Zona Ixtlera, or on its periphery,

have grown rapidly in recent years as a consequence of in-migration, and

this trend will no doubt continue in the future. Aside from the natural­

ly occurring rural to urban migration, the government may have to insti­

tute, or at least encourage, family-planning programs in rural areas.

In view of the strong Roman Catholic orientation of Mexico's campesinos,

this will be no small task.

The dispersal of population in the Zona Ixtlera is yet another

problem that will have to be resolved before meaningful economic de­

velopment can take place. The very nature of a gathering economy

 176

demands scattered populations, but provision of basic services to rural

residents is severely hampered by this pattern of ixtlero settlement.

Services could be more effectively provided and socio-economic develop­

ments facilitated if the number of communities was reduced and the popu­

lation resettled into larger rural villages. In effect, such a re­

settlement scheme would employ a regional-planning strategy known as

"growth pole," in which certain communities are selected as investment

focal points on the basis of their potential for economic development.

One can speculate that social change must precede economic de­

velopments in the Zona Ixtlera if meaningful improvements in living

conditions are to occur. But the direction economic development ulti­

mately takes remains to be seen. Government officials and extension

agents who work among the ixtleros concur that economic conditions in

the Zona Ixtlera are bad, and that alternatives to the gathering and

sale of ixtle must be initiated and promoted. The ixtleros themselves

are receptive to change and have willingly accepted new ideas in the

past. Yet they continue to gather fiber, and they continue to live an

impoverished existence as a consequence of their gathering economy.

In doing so, they emulate their forebears and perpetuate a centuries-

long folk tradition. This time-honored and deeply-ingrained bond be­

tween man and plant resources in the Zona Ixtlera, sustained by the

Mexican government, is destined to continue into the foreseeable

future.
 177

FOOTNOTES

Chapter VII

■*"At least one authority on M e x i c o ’s dryland vegetation, botanist

Jerzy Rzedowski (1973:6), has suggested that lechuguilla be cultivated.
Rzedowski believes that the controlled planting and mechanical harvesting
of ixtle will produce a more abundant and better-quality fiber.

^The only comprehensive development scheme for the Zona Ixtlera

to date is the Centro de Investigaciones Economicas plan for rehabili­
tating the Zona Ixtlera of Nuevo Leon (1963). Agricultural, horticul­
tural, irrigation, stock-raising, and industrial projects are proffered
for each of three regions included in the Zona Ixtlera of the state.
Developmental stages and a cost analysis are also included.

^FONAFE was created in 1972. It is financed from the sale of

candelilla, guayule, and ixtle.
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 PERSONAL INTERVIEWS

Dibildox, Alfonso. Manager, Fibras Saltillo, S.A. Saltillo, Coahuila

Interview, May 27, 1976.

Fuentes Morales, Arturo. Inventor. Saltillo, Coahuila. Interview,

April 22, 1976.

Herndndez Padilla, Jose Luis. Delegado Coordinador, Comision Nacional

de las Zonas Aridas (CONAZA), San Luis Potosf, and Victor Samuel
Pena Olvera. Supervisor de Zona Extenclon Agrxcola, Matehuala,
San Luis Potosx. Interview, July 14, 1976.

Laborde, Manuel. Rural Sociologist and Director of the Centro de

Informacion de Zonas Aridas (CIZA) Data Bank, Universidad Autonoma
Agraria "Antonio Narro," Buenavista, Saltillo, Coahuila. Inter­
views, April 24, May 17, and July 21, 1976.

Marroquxn, Jorge S. Chairman, Department of Botany, Universidad

Auto'noma Agraria "Antonio Narro," Buenavista, Saltillo, Coahuila.
Interviews, April 22, May 26, and July 20, 1976.

Medellin-Leal, Fernando. Director, Instituto de Investigacion de

Zonas Deserticas, Universidad de San Luis Potosx, San Luis Potosx
Interviews, April 20 and July 13, 1976.

Orta, Quirino. Engineer, La Forestal, F.C.L. Personal Interview,

August 17, 1977.

Paz Herrera, Raul. Agente Recopilador, Tula, Tamaulipas. Interview,

June 7, 1976.

Sanchez Morales, Carlos. Director, Instituto Nacional Para el

Desarrollo de la Comunidad Rural y de la Vivienda Popular
(INDECO), Zacatecas. Interview, June 22, 1976.

Sepulveda*Arturo Carlos. Architect, Instituto Nacional Para el

Desarrollo de la Comunidad Rural y de la Vivienda Popular
(INDECO), Cd. Victoria, Tamaulipas. Interview, June 17> 1976.

Sosa Ceroix, Luis F. Superintendent, Fibras Saltillo, S.A. Saltillo,

Coahuila. Interviews, May 27, May 31, and July 20, 1976.

Solxs Robledo, Jose Bernardo. Sub-Gerente, La Forestal, F.C.L.

Saltillo, Coahuila. Interview, May 25, 1976.
Wilson, Delbert. Pastor, Church of Christ. Saltillo, Coahuila.
Interview, May 27, 1976.

PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE

Bailey, Everett C. President and Treasurer, E. B. & A. C. Whiting

Company, Burlington, Vermont. Correspondence, October 8 , 1976.
 APPENDIX I - A

Communities, Ejidatarios, and Ixtle Production in the Zona Ixtlera of Coahuila

Communities Ejidatarios dedicated Production Municipio. P r o d . Per

La to
Area km^
Municipio Forestall CONAZA 2 Q . L .3 Ixt.-Lech Ixt.-Palma^ 19685 19726 km 2 1968 1972

Arteaga 36 13 20 234 660 268,298 102,429 1,819 147.5 56.3

Castafios 25 2 13 120 453 397,630 2,856 2,921 136.1 1.0
General Cepeda 44 35 36 1,772 44 726,821 290,056 3,517 206.7 82.5
Parras 56 36 40 2,001 1,186 1,619,024 997,485 9,271 174.6 107.6
Ramos Arizpe 102 42 50 1,770 132 1,273,580 688,022 5,306 240.0 129.7
Saltillo 121 60 75 3,363 3,029 1,988,806 1,501,393 6,837 290.9 219.6
Viesca 1 NI 1 56 79 42,720 NI 4,203 10.2 NI
Torreon 2 NI 2 154 0 40,032 NI 1,948 20.6 NI
San Pedro 4 NI 1 0 105 52,100 NI 9,942 5.2 NI
Cuatrociengas 3 NI NI 0 170 0 NI 7,860 NI NI
Ocampo NI7 NI NI 0 163 60,000 NI NI NI NI
Totals 394 188 238 9,740 6,021 6,493,011 3,532,241 54,624 --- --

■^La Forestal, F.C.L., 1976.

o
Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1975.
■3

Quillares Lona, 1971. Also includes one community each in the municipios of Monclova and Progresso.

^Quillares Lona, 1971.

^Quillares Lona, 1971. Figures are for "Annual Production of Ixtle."

6Comisidn Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1975. Figures are for "Production of Lechuguilla and Palma."

7NI - No Information
 APPENDIX I - B

Communities, Ejidatarios, and Ixtle Production in the Zona Ixtlera of Nuevo Ledn

Communities Ejidatarios dedicated Production Municipio Prod. Per

to C kS , Area km2
La 1 2 I x t .-Lech Ixt.-Palma^ 19685 1972& km2 1968 1972
Municipios Forestal 1 CONAZA^ Q . L .3

Aramberri 51 33 1,610 898 730,463 2,840 257,2 *•—

Dr. Arroyo 153 94 5,356 1,424 4,254,470 5,106 833.2 -

Galeana 129 82 3,095 4,474 3,627,350 7,155 507.0 -
Iturbide 1 5 125 0 118,200 719 164.4 -
Mier y Noriega 28 13 941 611 428,300 1,168 366.5
Mina 22 9 228 50 145,483 3,916 37.2 —

Rayones 7 5 255 0 124,692 672 185.6 ——

Santa Catarina 5 1 0 0 0 --
Villa de Garcia 14 11 400 0 392,726 853 460.4 -
7aragoza NI7 NI 0 1,108 0 --
14 0

Totals 424 NI 260 12,012 7,457 8,420,879 NI 25,537 — -

^La Forestal, F.C.L., 1976.

9
Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1975.

^Quillares Lona, 1971. Also includes one community ’n the municipio of Hidalgo.

^Quillares Lona, 1971.

-’Quillares Lona, 1971. Figures are for "Annual Production of Ixtle."

^Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1975. Figures are for "Production of Lechuguilla and Palma."

?NI - No Information.
 APPENDIX I - C

Communities, Ejidatarios, and Ixtle Production in the Zona Ixtlera of San Luis Potosf

Communities Ejidatarios dedicated Production Municipio Prod. Per

La to kg Area km 2
Municipios Forestal 1 CONAZA 2 Q . L .3 Ixt.-Lech Ixt.-Palma^ 19685 19726 km 2 1968 1972

Catorce 22 22 18 1,207 828 436,689 388,333 1,180 370.1 329.1

Cedral 28 28 22 1,406 689 559,695 429,429 1,080 518.2 397.6
Cd. del Maxz 13 13 13 919 1,019 520,622 239,040 3,851 135.2 62.1
Charcas 58 62 14 735 652 394,438 387,572 2,340 168.6 165.6
Guadalc^zar 38 38 38 3,339 1,379 2,786,831 1,093,604 4,244 656.6 257.7
Matehuala 45 45 30 1,960 494 574,101 409,013 1,299 442.0 314.9
Vanegas 19 19 18 1,139 176 681,812 547,445 2,667 255.6 205.3
Venado 5 5 5 348 208 180,400 80,386 1,361 132.5 59.1
V. de Guadalupe 31 33 20 1,669 647 856,760 822,985 1,486 576.6 553.8
V. de la Paz 5 5 5 220 60 109,542 65,479 229 478.3 285.9
V. de Hidalgo 5 5 6 746 200 693,000 96,528 2,158 321.1 44.7
Cerritos 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 935 0 0

Totals 269 275 182 13,712 6,467 7,844,400 4,588,579 22,830 — —

-*-La Forestal, F.C.L., 1976.

2 Comisi<$n Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1975.
3Quillares Lona, 1971. Also includes two communities in the municipio of Villa de Ramos and one in the
municipio of Moctezuma.
^Quillares Lona, 1971.
^Quillares Lona, 1971. Figures are for "Annual Production of Ixtle."

205
6 comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1975. Figures are for "Production of Lechuguilla and Palma."
Also includes Moctezuma, 12,202 kg.
 APPENDIX I - D

Communities, Ejidatarios, and Ixtle Production in the Zona Ixtlera of Tamaulipas

Communities Ejidatarios dedicated Produc:tion Municipio Prod. Per

La to y Area km 2
5 k*
19685 19726
Municipios Forestal 1 CONAZA 2 Q . L .3 I x t .-Lech I x t .-Palma^ km 2 1968 1972

Bustamante 27 27 17 1,145 497 481,964 492,032 1,383 348.5 355.8

Jaumave 39 39 32 1,688 0 686,964 842,855 2,661 258.0 316.7

Miquihuana NI7 9 7 791 451 262,582 256,148 1,048 250.6 244.4

Palmillas NI 1 1 180 0 15,805 21,814 765 20.7 28.5

Tula NI 37 24 1,289 676 735,419 725,037 2,661 276.4 272.5

Totals 66 113 81 5,100 1,624 2,192,185 2,337,885 8,518 — —

■^La Forestal, F.C.L., 1976.

2Comisidn Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1975.
3Quillares Lona, 1971. Includes one community in the municipio of Victoria.
^Quillares Lona, 1971.
^Quillares Lona, 1971. Figures for "Annual Production of Ixtle."
^Comisi<5n Nacional de ias Zonas Aridas, 1975. Figures are for "Production of Lechuguilla and Palma."

206
 APPENDIX I - E

Communities, Ejiditarios, and Ixtle Production in the Zona Ixtlera of Zacatecas

Communities Ejidatarios dedicated Production Municipio Prod. Per

La to Area km 2
Municipios Forestal 1 CONAZA 2 Q . L .3 I x t .-Lech I x t .-Palma^ 19685 8 1972& km 2 1968 1972

Con. del Oro NI7 22 18 1,226 729 743,780 719,761 1,991 373.6 361.5
Melchor Ocampo NI 4 12 390 386 763,512 130,640 1,382 552.5 94.5
Mazapil NI 22 48 1,573 2,425 1,954,203 654,621 13,636 131.1 48.0
El Salvador NI NI 5 523 480 239,000 NI 281 850.5 NI
Totals NI 50 83 3,732 4,180 3,892,095 1,405,022 17,290 --- —

■^La Forestal, F.C.L, 1976.

2Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1975.

3Quillares Lona, 1971. Includes nine communities in the municipio of Villa de Cos,
and one community in the municipio of General Francisco Murgufa.

^Quillares Lona, 1971. Includes 160 ejiditarios who collect ixtle de palma in the
municipio of Villa de Cos.

~'Quillares Lona, 1971. Figures for "Annual Production of Ixtle."

^Comision Nacional de las Zonas Aridas, 1975. Figures are for "Production of Lechuguilla and Palma."

207
 208

APPENDIX II

MUNICIPIO AND STATE PRODUCTION OF

IXTLE IN THE ZONA IXTLERA,
1970 and 1973

19701

Ixtle de Ixtle de
Palma Lechuguilla
State Municipio kg kg

Coahuila Arteaga 64,000 7,000

CastaHos 14,040 None
Cuatrocienegas 36,000 None
General Cepeda 30,000 341,355
Ocampo 59,200 1,150
Parras 612,722 634,288
Ramos Arizpe 10,000 590,000
Saltillo 429,247 467,347
San Pedro 144,400 None
Torreon None 12,000
Viesca 30,000 2,200

Totals 1,429,609 2,055,340

Nuevo Leon Aramberri 306,625 315,590

Doctor Arroyo 104,844 387,848
Galeana 131,200 92,000
Garcia None 87,890
Gen. Zaragoza 2,330 18,710
Mier y Noriega 1,528 28,874
Mina None 780,370
Santiago 2,000 None

Totals 548,527 1,711,282

San Luis Potosi Cardenas None 6,000

Catorce 73,373 249,154
Cedral 591,684 762,881
C d . del Maiz 22,043 3,957
Charcas None 115
Guadalcffzar 117,496 255,418
Matehuala None 6,005
Mexquitic None 180
Rfo Verde 13,250 None
 209

Ixtle de Ixtle de
Palma Lechuguilla
State Municipio kg kg

San Luis Potosi Santo Domingo 500 None

Tamasopo None 25
Tampacan 1,000 None
Tamufn 100 None
Tierranueva None 1,105
Vanegas 705,705 893,893
V . de Guadalupe 59,554 296,106
V. Hidalgo 4,000 15,000

Totals 1,588,705 2,489,947

Tamaulipas Jaumave None 986,798

Miquihuana None 126,400
San Nicolas None 6,250
Tula None 1,156,786
Victoria None 6,250
Bustamante 50,000 229,900

Totals 50,000 2,504,034

Zacatecas Con c e p . del Oro 463,460 273,572

Mazapil 1,432,417 253,929
Melchor Ocampo 125,389 65,340
Nochistlan de
Mej ia None 2
El Salvador 61,653 125,689
Valparaiso None 3

Totals 2,082,919 718,535

Five State Totals 5,699,760 9,479,138

ISecretar^La de Industria y Comercio, 1975: Table 13.

 210

19732

Fibras Palmas^ Ixtles

Diversas Lechuguilla
State Municipio kg kg

Coahuila Castafios 145,000 None

Catroci^ngas None 125,000
General Cepeda 100,000 400,000
Parras 400,000 1,450,000
Ramos Arizpe None 1,050,000

Totals 645,000 3,025,000

Nuevo Leon Aramberri 400,000 280,000

Dr. Arroyo 225,000 550,000
Galeana 150,000 105,000
Gar c fa None 150,000
Gen. Zaragoza None 100,000
Mier y Noriega 175,000 150,000
Mina None 50,000
Rayones None 80,000

Totals 950,000 1,465,000

San Luis Potosf Catorce 50,000 84,588

Cedral None 250,000
Charcas 93,656 94,855
Matehuala 450,000 680,690
Vanegas 100,000 50,000
V. de Guadalupe 75,000 150,000

Totals 768,656 1,310,133

Tamaulipas Jaumave None 300,000

Miquihuana None 200,000
Nuevo Morelos 100,000 None
Tula None 300,000

Totals 100,000 800,000

Zacatecas Concepcidn del Oro 100,000 200,000

Mazapil None 200,000
Melchor Ocampo None 300,000

Totals 100,000 700,000

Five State Totals 2,563,656 7,300,133

^Secretarfa de Agricultura y Ganaderia, 1974:50-53, 137-143, 166-169,

180-186, 204-206.
^For Nuevo Ledn, San Luis Potosx, and Zacatecas the title used is
"Fibras Palma Barreta."
 211

APPENDIX III

AGENCIAS RECOFILADORAS
IN THE ZONA IXTLERA

State Location of the Agencia Recopiladora

Coahuila 1 . Bahan 5. Ocampo

2. Castanos 6 . Paredon
3. Fraustro 7. Parras
4. General Cepeda 8 . Saltillo (8 )

Nuevo Leon 1 . Aramberri 7. Mina

2. Ascencion 8. Rayones
3. Doctor Arroyo 9. Rinconada
4. Galeana 10, Villa de Garcia
5. La Huasteca 11. Zaragoza
6. Mier y Noriega (1 1 )

San Luis Potosi 1 . Catorce 5. San Luis Potosi

2. Cedral 6. Vanegas
3. Charcas 7. Villa de
4. Matehuala Guadalupe (7)

Tamaulipas 1 . Jaumave
2. Miquihuana
3. Tula (3)

Zacatexas 1 . Concepcion del Oro (1 )

Total 30
 212

APPENDIX IV

INDEX OF PLANTS CITED

IN DISSERTATION

Common Name Botanical Name Family

azafrancillo Buddleia marrubiifolia Benth. Loganiaceae

babassu palm Orbignya martiana Barb.-Rodr. Palmaceae
Orbignya oleifera Burret Palmaceae
biznaga Echinocactus visnaga Hooker Cactaceae
Brazil nut Bertholletia excelsa Humb. & Lecythidaceae
Bonpl.
candelilla Euphorbia antisyphilitica Zucc. Euphorb iac eae
carnauba palm Copernicia cerifera (Mill.) Palmaceae
H.E. Moore
chicosapote Achras sapote L. Sapotaceae
cortadillo Nolina microcarpa S. Watson Liliaceae
coyonostle Opuntia imbricata (Haworth) DC. Cactaceae
espadin Agave striata Zucc. Amaryllidaceae
garambullo Myrtillocactus geometrizans Cactaceae
gobernadora Larrea divaricata Cav. Zygophyllaceae
(creosote bush)
granj eno Celtis spinosa Ulmaceae
guapilla Hechtia glomerata Zucc. Bromeliaceae
guayule Parthenium argentatum Gray Compositae
hoj asen Flourensia cernua DC. Compositae
lechuguilla Agave lecheguilla Torrey Amaryllidaceae
mesquite Prosopis juliflora Torrey Leguminosae
Cockerell
nopal cardon Opuntia streptacantha Lemaire Cactaceae
ocotillo Fouquieria splendens Engelm Fouquieriaceae
palma china Yucca filifera Chabaud Liliaceae
palma pita Yucca treculeana Carriere Liliaceae
palma samandoca Yucca carnerosana (Trelease) Liliaceae
McKelvey
sotol Dasylirion cedrosanum Liliaceae
Trelease
wild rice Zizania aquatica L. Gramineae
wild rubber Hevea brasiliensis (H.B.K.) Euphorbiaceae
Muell. Arg.
Acacia crassifolia Gray Leguminosae
 VITAE

Samuel Richard Sheldon was born December 10, 1941 in North Tonawanda,

New York and graduated from St. Mary's High School in June 1959. He

entered the State University College at Buffalo, earning a Bachelor of

Science degree in Elementary Education in 1964. After teaching fourth

grade for one year in the Cheektowaga Public School System Mr. Sheldon

entered Graduate School in Geography in September 1965. A Master of Arts

degree from Eastern Michigan University was conferred on him in 1968.

From January 1968 to August 1969 he was an Instructor in the Department

of Geography at the State University College at Buffalo. Graduate work

towards the doctorate commenced in September 1971 in the Department of

Geography at Southern Illinois University at Carbondale. Mr. Sheldon

transferred to the Department of Geography and Anthropology at Louisiana

State University in Baton Rouge, and continued to work toward the docto­

rate from 1971 to 1973. Between 1973 and 1975 he was an Instructor in

the Department of Geography at Salem State College in Salem, Massachusetts.

During the summers of 1973 and 1974 he served as an Instructor of Geogra­

phy in the cruise program of the Texas A & M Moody College of Marine

Sciences and Maritime Resources, located at Galveston, Texas. In May

1975 Mr. Sheldon returned to Louisiana State University to resume docto­

rate work. The topic for his dissertation on the ixtleros was determined

during the summer of 1975. Field research for the doctorate was carried

out from January to July 1976, and during August 1977, in north-central

Mexico. Mr. Sheldon is currently Assistant Professor of Geography at the

University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff. He has been married to the former

Ellen Payne O'Callaghan since M ay 20, 1978.

213
 EXAMINATION AND THESIS REPORT

Candidate: Samuel Richard Sheldon

Major Field: Geography

T itle of Thesis: THE IXTLEROS OF NORTH-CENTRAL MEXICO: A GEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF

MAN-PLANT RELATIONSHIPS

Approved:

/fdffativF-’
Major Professor and Chairman

Dean of the Graduate Sc

EXAM INING COM M ITTEE:

Date of Examination:

May 11, 1978