ANTIPOD! a “In Front of the World”: Translating Beatriz Nascimento Christen Smith African and African Diaspora Studies andl Anthropology, University of Texos at Austin, Austin, TX, USA; christen [email protected] Archie Davies Department of Geography, Univesity of Sheffield, Sheffield, UK; ‘[email protected] Bethania Gomes Independent Scholar, New York, NY, USA; bethanago@hotmaitcom Abstract: This collection transates some of the work ofthe influential Black Braian thinker and activst Beatie Nascimento (1942-1995) forthe fst time into English, in colaboration with her only daughter, Bethania Gomes. Historian, poet, theorist and organiser, Beatiz Nascimento Was a key figure in Brazi’s Black Movement unt her unt ‘ey deaih in 1995. She dangerously wrote atthe height of Bras Mitary Dictatorship (1964-1985), and theorsed extensively on the Black condition in Braz; the unique ‘experience of Black women; and quilombos-Braziian maroon societies that she imagi- ned as spaces of bath historical and contemporary fugitvity. Following Alex Ratt, this introduction outines her contbution to radical geography, in particular Black geogras Dies, tertorialty and embodiment. I aso postions Nascimento within the trans-Atan- {ic Black radical vadition, We present two of Nascimento's essays in translation here. ‘The fist, “The Concept of Qulombo and Black Cultural Resistance”, introduces a crcial strand of her scholarly work, on the history and socio-poltcal significance of quitorbos (maroon communites). The Second, “For a (New) Existential and Physical Tertory” Shows Nascimento in a diferent mood: philosophical, reflective and iconoclast. In addition, tio of her poemss—"Dream” and "Sun and Biue"—are also translated here for the fat time. Resumo: Esta cole traduz, pela primeira vez para o inglés, e com a colaboracao da ‘sua Unica fia Bethania Gomes, alguns dos trabalhos da intelectual e pensadora negra brasileira Beatriz Nascimento (1942-1995). Historiadora, poeta, tebrica e ativista, Beatriz ‘Nascimento foi uma fiqura-chave do Movimento Negro no Bra, a sua morte prema- tura em 1995. Corajosamente ava no auge da Ditadura Miltar do Brasi (1964-1985), ela esceveu ¢ teorzou extensivamente sobre a condicao do negro no Brasil 2 exper- Encia nica das mulheres negras;e 0 qulombo—que ea retratou como espaco de fuga Tistrica e contemporanea, Segundo Alex Rats, na intoducao descrevemos a conte buigao. de B. Nascimento para o a geografia radical, procurando stuéla na tadicao radical negra transatlantica. Em seguida, apresentamos dois dos seus ensaios: 0 pri mmeiro, “O-conceto de quilombo e a resistencia cultural negra, apresenta uma vertente Crucial do seu trabalho academico, centrado na historia e no significado sociopoliico dos quilombos, com uma abordagem analitca e hstérica; e no segundo, “Por um ter- ‘tério (n0v0) extencal fico", B. Nascimento presenta uma abordager diferente: fosotea, rellexivae iconoclasta Afinal, apresentamos também de forme inédta, dois ppoeas da intelectual versa B. Nascimento “Sono” e "Sole Blue” pales20 Antipode The Concept of Quilombo and Black Cultural Resistance '° Beatriz Nascimento Objectives 1. To outine the preiaspori history of quilombo as an African institution of Angolan origin. 2. To describe the connotations of this institution in the colonial and imperial periods in Brazil 3. To delineate the role of the institution of quilombo in how ideological princi- ples become cultural resistance. 4, To historicise that ideology within the Black consciousness movement and Brazilian society in the 20" century. Introduction ‘The Western world constructed an image of Africa as an isolated and strange con- tinent, where History began with the arrival of Europeans. The History of Black people, like that of the territory they came from, is only allowed to exist in the context of the major events of Wester civilisation. This is a serious failing: histor'- ans risk rupturing the identity of Black people and their descendants both in rela- tion to their African past, and to their historical role in the countries they were forcibly relocated to in the slave trade. Im the long, hard struggle to defend personal and historical identities, Black people's resistance has taken many forms. We could make a long list of such social and political movements in Brazil. One, the Quilombo (or Kilombo), is the object of my study. It is a key milestone in the history of our people's capacity for resistance and organisation. All these forms of resistance can be understood as, the history of Black people in Brazil Quilombo as an African Institution Unlike other Europeans, the Portuguese settled on the African continent and established a colony in Angola. Two initial incentives led them to do so: the first was to repeat what they had done in Brazil, to acquire lands and establish a col Cony. The second, soon frustrated, was to find precious minerals. ‘As early as the 15" century, the Europeans discovered that the slave trade was the true source of wealth, Brazil became the major recipient of such “merchan- dise" in the middle of the 16" century. As demand grew, penetration into the ‘rican interior intensified, often coordinated by the king of the Congo, who aided and abetted the Portuguese attacks. (©2021 The Authors. Apa © 2021 Antipode Foundation Ld‘tin Front of the World” 2 The preferred “hunting ground” was the ethnic region of mbundu, in the south of Angola. It was in the 17" century that the Portuguese definitively settled on the trade in humans, more than any other activty, as the best way to serve colo- nial interests. Three principal methods proved effective. The first was using traf fickers, who purchased slaves in farsflung markets along the borders of Congo and Angola. The Mpunbu people, located near Lake Stanley, famously called these traffickers pombeiros. The second method was to impose tribute on con- ‘quered mbundu chiefs, to be paid in young adult slaves known as “peca da india” [a piece of india]. The third method was to take slaves directly through war. For the Portuguese governors this last method was most appealing; many had inter- ests in Brazil and needed to supply slaves for their own lands there. ‘When they arrived on the African continent, the Europeans found many forms of societies. Indeed, in that period these societies were undergoing processes of redefinition, with the emergence of state forms in some places. As in the King- dom of the Congo, these clashed with traditional structures such as the lineage- based mode of production of the mbundu. David Birmingham (1973) gives a full account of the conflicts within the bantu societies of central west Africa at the moment of the Portuguese incursion. Many ethnic groups overlapped in the same spaces, and came into conflict with one another, whether while succumbing to the new conjuncture, or resisting Euro- pean invasion. Among these were the Imbangalas (also known as the Jagas). They ‘were hunter-gatherers who came from the east. Around 1560 they invaded the kingdom of the Congo and, by 1569, had succeeded in expelling the king and the Portuguese from the capital, forcing them to hide on an island in the river. Between 1571 and 1574, thanks to their access to firearms, the Europeans man- aged to force this belligerent people to retreat. “Ten years later, the Imbangalas fought alongside the mbundu against Por- tuguese incursion. Their entry into mbundu territory, however, had been pre- ceded by a fierce struggle between the mbundu leader, Ngola, and Kingui, leader of the Imbangala. The Imbangala who dominated Angola were considered to be particularly fear- some. Living entirely from pillage, they did not raise livestock or plant crops. Unlike other ethnic groups, they did not raise children, to avoid disruption to their lifestyle of continuous movement. They killed their children at birth and adopted the youth of the groups that they defeated. They were anthropophagic, and ornaments, tattooing and palm wine held special cultural significance for them. The Imbangala's nomadic character, and the specificities of their social forma- tion, can be seen in the institution of the Kilombo. The warlike Imbangala society was open to foreigners, once they were initiated. Initiation replaced the rites of passage of lineage-based systems. Partly because they did not live with their chil dren, but adopted youth from other groups, the Imbangalas had an important role in this period of Angolan history, often resisting the Portuguese and contro! ling the vast regions which supplied slaves. The Kilombo disrupted lineage struc- tures and, in the face of other institutions in Angola, established a new centrality, of power. © 2021 The Authors. Anse © 2021 Antipode Foundation Ld22 Antipode Initiation rites were based on the practice of circumcision, by which young peo- ple of different lineages were incorporated into one warrior society. Here is where the Kilombo got its meaning, Individuals would become Kilombo once they incor- porated themselves into Imbangala society. Kilombo also meant the territory or field of struggle, the jaga and the sacred place where initiation rites took place. When some Imbangalas were involved in the slave trade with the Portuguese, the encampment of escaped slaves was referred to as Kilombo, and so were 19" century Angolan trading caravans, The slave trade brought Brazil and Angola into close interrelation, so it is not hard to connect the history of this institution in Africa (Angola) and Brazil. The difficulty is to establish direct lines of contact, such as quilombos in Brazil which had territorial or ethnic origins in Angola, members of quilombos in Brazil who were direct descendants of members of Kilombos in Africa, or direct links between the struggles of quilombos in Brazil and those on the other side of the Atlantic. Quilombo as an Institution in the Colonial and Imperial Periods in Brazil The first reference to a quilombo in an official Portuguese document appears in 1559. After the wars in the Northeast of Brazil in the 17" century—including the destruction of the Quilombo of Palmares, and its consequences—pockets of Black populations re-emerged living free from colonial rule. This re-emergence fright- ‘ened the Portuguese authorities. In a document of 2 December 1740, they gave their own definition of what quilombo meant: “all habitations of Black fugitives in groups of more than five, even if destitute or lacking buildings, tools or cultiva- tion”. ‘Among the Brazilian quilombos in the 17 century, the great state of Palmares was beyond compare. Its dismantling was a seminal moment in the History of Brazil, The historical evidence suggests that the spread of quilombos at the time was directly related to it. The dates of these events are noteworthy. The Quilombo of Palmares paralleled ‘what was taking place in Angola in the late 16"” and early 17" centuries, Indeed, Palmares is pethaps the only quilombo through which we can directly associate the Kilombo as an Angolan institution with the quilombo of colonial Brazil Jaga resistance peaked between 1584 and the middle of the next century, after Which the group allied itself with the Portuguese slave trade. At that very moment, Angola-langa was being built: the quilombo known as Palmares in Bra- zi. Palmares is linked to Angola in other ways. Firstly, the name of its African leader Ganga Zumba recalls the similar title of the king of the Imbangala, “Gaga”. Sec- ondly, the records of the hair-piece that Ganga Zumba wore in Recife during the Palmarino truce recall the Imbangala king Calando, who wore his hair in long braids adorned with shells as a sign of authority. Thirdly, the mode of warfare based on opposing probable enemies on multiple fronts. Just as the Angolan kilo- mbo cut through the vertical power-structures of the lineage-based system and established a new centre of power in relation to other institutions. Palmares, too, 12021 The Authors. Ampase © 2021 Antipode Foundation Ld“In Front of the World” 23 made a horizontal cut through the colonial regime, and confronted it too with a new kind of centrality. In Brazil Palmares was, after all, also known as Angola- Janga. The name of the colonial territory "Angola" is derived from the mbundu king N’gola, who passed it on to his many descendants and successors. Its very possi ble that some members of this African dynasty were transported to Brazil during the slave trade, and indeed may have become leaders of the resistance move- ment. The sumame Janga is a vatiation of jaga, and probably demonstrates that these two lineages—the Ngola and the Jaga—were linked in the leadership of the Quilombo of Palmares. Both names connect Palmares to mbundu territories in Angola. Thinking about this Quilombo in Brazil allows us to assess the extent of interac tion between Brazil and Angola at that time. Other quilombos, though, distanced themselves from the African model. They adapted to their needs inside Brazilian territory. But the historiographical task of studying quilombos in Brazil, and ana- lysing them according to their form and structure across time remains unfulfilled. In general, quilombos are described as if throughout history they were African vil lages where the Black population took refuge to pine after their motherland, In the colonial period, quilomibos were characterised by the formation of large States, such as that of Comarca in the Rio das Mortes in Minas Gerais, dismantled in 1750. Like Palmares, this quilombo responded to the structural and economic conditions of Brazilian economic “cycles” in Brazil: from sugar in Pernambuco to gold in Minas Gerais. It is possible, from this perspective, to describe quilombos as alternative social systems, of, in the words of Ciro Flamarion: breaches in the slavocratic system. ‘An important, and controversial, element, is to account for the position of large quilombos precisely in relation to the regime of slavery. The Aftican is no more a "good savage” than Africa is a strange paradise. The institution of slavery was known and used since African antiquity. What it lacked was colonial slavery’s proprietary quality. A free person could end up in the condition of slavery in many ways, whether through war, political instability, being the child of an enslaved person, as a punishment for breaking group norms, or in response to internal threats that could lead individuals to seek pro- tection from other lineages (so-called “voluntary slavery”). This final factor is relevant to quilombo as an institution formed by people who had either been subject to, or threatened with, colonial slavery. Quilombo, as a social group founded in extraordinary conditions, bore these traditional forms ‘and practices of slavery wi The great quilombos were spatially and temporally linked to the social system of slavery. They could not be entirely economically isolated from it. Their interac- tion with the slavocratic system can be seen, for instance, in Ganga-Zumba’s will- ingness at the treaty of Recife to allow unincorporated palmarinos to become colonial slaves. It’s important to remember that when joining the quilombo, people who had been enslaved under the colonial system often put themselves in the position of 1 2021 The Authors. Antpoe © 2021 Antpade Foundation Lt24 Antipode voluntary slavery. That this practice was widely used in Africa makes this easier to understand, Nevertheless, the quilombos of the 17" century were distinctive as groups and ethnicities in particular territories and economies that posed a threat to the colo- system. We can argue that it was faced with these quilombos that Brazil iden- tified itself for the first time as a centralised State. With the dismantling of the quilombos of Tijuco and Comarco do Rio das Mortes in the 18" century, the geographical area, official repression and ethnic diversity of quilombo all changed. Ethnic diversity became more and more com- ‘mon thanks to colonial slavery’s policy of mixing people of diverse origins. In the 18" century, quilombos proliferated across the territory of the colonial captaincies. Unlike the large quilombos of the previous century each institution could not itself be said to have been a threat to the system. If the 17 century quilombo was a wholescale breach in the slavocratic system, these were cracks Seen as a whole across territorial space and historical time, while they often co-ex- isted peacefully with it, the institution of quilombo produced an inherent instabil- ity in the system of slavery. Changing economic activities in different regions often led to loosening ties between slaves and masters. This colonial fragility led to the growth of the practice of escape. It became integral to the structure of qui- lombo. Looting, plundering and banditry were key to the survival of these agglomerations. The Penal Code of 1835 defined quilombo as a refuge for bandits and distin- uished it from other forms of resistance by enslaved people. But it was, never- theless, a threat to the stability and integrity of the Empire. The punishment for being a member of a quilombo was the same as for being part of an insurrection: beheading. In this period quilombo became wrapped up with the so-called “black danger” of the wars in Bahia and Maranhao. Police suspicions increased. Powerful religious practices developed in some quilomibos in this period, for example in Nossa Sen- hora dos Mares e Cabula in Salvador. nificantly, at that time large quilombos were founded on the slopes and peripheries of important urban centres. In imperial Rio de Janeiro, for instance, there were quilombos in Catumbi, Corcovado and Manuoel Congo. Many of these organised themselves within a single ideological framework: flight as a reac- tion to colonialism. We can see this not only in literary references, but in the oral tradition that sprang up at this time. The Quilombo as a Guide towards Ideological Principles By the end of the 19" century quilombo had come to be an ideological instru- ment against oppression. Often through abolitionist discourse, its magic nour- ished the dreams of freedom of thousands of enslaved people on the plantations of Sa0 Paulo. Quilorbo's transition from institution as such to symbol of resistance trans- formed it once again. The emergence of the quilomibo of jabaquara is the best ‘example. Black fugitives from the plantations of Sao Paulo migrated to Santos {©2021 The Author. tipo © 2021 Antipode Foundation Ls“In Front of the World” 25 and founded a quilombo that was declared by the followers of Antonio Bento. This quilombo became a huge favela. It both frustrated the ideal of a free territory dedicated to African cultural practices and, at the same time, enacted armed resis- tance to the slavocratic regime. However, itis principally as an ideological form that quilombo enters the 20" century. The old slavocratic regime having come to an end, with it went qui- lombo as an institutional resistance to slavery. However, precisely because it had been, for three centuries, a concrete, free institution existing in parallel to the dominant system, its aura continued to nourish yearnings for freedom in the national conscience. In the wake of the So Paulo Modern Art Week of 1922, the Brazilian publisher Editora Nacional published three books on quilombo, by Nina Rodrigues, Emesto Enne and Edison Carneiro. it's also worth referencing the work of Artur Ramos and Guerreiro Ramos, as well as Felicio dos Santos’ slightly earlier novels. This key moment in Brazilian national identity elicited intellectual production on quilombo. It sought to emphasise quilombo's positive aspects in order to rein- force a historical Brazilian identity. Quilombo is remembered as a form of utopian desire. In this period, works on quilombo, including in samba lyrics and academic contexts, showed varying levels of familiarity with theories of popular resistance. Up to 1964 it was common to find the official historical narrative of quilombos in school textbooks. Even into the 1970s quilombo played an ideological role of threading popular resistance to oppression into narratives of Brazilian nationality It provided material for participative fiction, such as in the theatrical work Arena Contra Zumbi. The territory of Palmares came to signify the hope of a fairer Brazil of liberty, unity and equality. In analysing the meanings of quilombo, we cannot overlook the question of heroism, which is intrinsically connected to the history of quilombo. The hero fig- ure, particularly Zumbi, is inescapably central. More than any other element in the history of quilombos, the image of Zumbi retains representational force as part of a new national soul Between 1888 and 1970, in the struggle for recognition of their role in Braziian society, Black Brazilians could not, with few exceptions, express themselves in their own voices. It is remarkable, therefore, that just when the country was suffo- ‘ating under a profound repression of freedom of thought and freedom of assem- bly, such an expression became possible. The 1970s were that moment of possibility Perhaps by virtue of being an extremely oppressed group which did not pose an immediate threat to institutional power, Black people were able to inaugurate a social movement founded on a discourse of self-afirmation and the recovery of cultural identity. It was the rhetoric of quilombo, and the analysis of this alternative system, that served as the principal symbol for the trajectory of this movement. We could call this a correction of nationality. The absence of full citizenship and effective means of reparation, and the fragility of a popular Brazilian consciousness, led to a rejec- tion of the national, and within the movement, to the identification of a heroic past © 2021 Te Authors, Antipode © 2021 Antpade Foundation Ld26 Antipode Just as before it had served as a reaction to actually existing colonialism, in the 1970s quilombo returned as a form of reaction to cultural colonialism. It reaf- firmed African heritage and sought a Brazilian mode! that fortified ethnic identity. Al the literary and oral history of quilombos helped drive this movement to ‘overhaul hackneyed historical concepts. In November 1974, Palmares do Rio Grande do Sul, a group which included the poet Oliveira Silveira, suggested in the Jomal do Brasil that celebrations should mark the date of 20 November, to commemorate the murder of Zumbi and the fall of the Quilombo of Palmares, rather than 13 May, the date of the abolition of slavery. Memorialsing an event that emphasised the capacity of our ancestors to resist had a greater positive significance, they argued, than abolition, often char- acterised as handed down from above by the slavocratic and imperial system. ‘Their suggestion was immediately well received. The search for greater clarity about the history of resistance led to workshops, debates, research and projects that fed young people's longing for liberty through institutions, schools, univers ties and the media. Quilombo came to be synonymous with Black people, their conduct, and the hope for a better society. It became an intemal and external crux for all forms of cultural resistance. In the search for greater recognition of Black inheritance, everything, from attitude to association, became quilombo. Today, 20 November is enshrined in the national calendar as Black Consciousness Day. Final Considerations This brief study has sought to put quilombo into a singular temporal framework. Because the diversity of quilombo has previously been underplayed, this has nec- essarily been descriptive. An analytical project is needed to understand the persis- tence of quilombo in Brazilian thought and in the collective unconscious of Black people. During its existence, the quilombo has served as a symbol for ethnic and politi- cal resistance. As an institution it retains unique characteristics from its African model. As political practice it proclaims liberal, emancipatory ideas which resist the distortions imposed by hegemony at moments of national crisis. For Black People, often figured as docile and subservient, the figure of heroism fortifies everyday struggles against oppression and social inequality Quilombo is a powerful tool in the process of recognising a Black Brazilian iden- tity, and moving towards deeper selfaffirmation as Black and Brazilian. Alongside other practices which strengthen cultural identity, the history of quilombo as an actually existing breach in the system of oppression of Black people offers hope that similar institutions can have the same effect today. © 2021 The Athos. Ape © 2029 Antipode Foundation 1