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Ph.D. Research Proposal

Propaganda through Media Censorship and

its Effect on the “War on Terror”: How
Today’s Freedom Fighters Become
Tomorrow’s Terrorist Militia Group

NADINE ROBEHMED
[email protected]

FEBRUARY 2015
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ABSTRACT

Censorship is the government approach to controlling the media for the good of the society. The

question is how far can the government go to protect society and is it really justified or merely a

form of citizen control? There are two forms of censorship, the first is direct censorship, which is

the banning of certain mediums and topics, whist the second is propaganda, where the media and

artists feed the government viewpoint. Censorship, through propaganda, one would argue is

more subversive in a democratic society, because it is hidden behind so-called legitimate laws.

This research will be aimed at analyzing the media’s role in propagating the war on terror and

how it is used to change today’s freedom fighter into tomorrow’s terrorist militia.

KEY WORDS

Propaganda, Media, Censorship, Cultural Imperialism, War on Terror, Americanization,

Freedom Fighters, Terrorist, Militia Groups, Media Effects, Globalization,

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………4

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ………………………….……………….…4

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND APPROACH……………………..5

CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY ……………………….…………………………...6

REFERENCES ………………………………………..………………………………7
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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Propaganda can serve to rally people behind a cause, but often at the cost of

exaggerating, misrepresenting, or even lying about the issues in order to gain that support.

As the various examples will show, common tactics in propaganda often used by either

side include using selective stories that come over as wide-covering and objective, partial facts,

or historical context reinforcing reasons and motivations to act due to threats on the security of

the individual. The media will also narrow sources of “experts” to provide insights in to the

situation. For example, the mainstream media typically interview retired military personnel for

many conflict-related issues, or treat official government sources as fact, rather than just one

perspective that need to be verified and researched. Finally, media will begin demonizing the

“enemy” who does not fit the picture of what is “right” and in the case of the Middle East label

them as Terrorist or Militia groups.

Media plays a different role in different cultures. Although cultural imperialism may also

extend to the development of governmental and economic systems, it largely focuses on the

assimilation of media, including literature, film, television, music and Internet content, among

other forms. This concept, known as media imperialism, refers to a situation in which a culture is

chiefly exposed to the media interests of another society rather than their own. This occurs

without reciprocation -- the affected country or culture's media is not exported in turn to the

influencing country in any significant fashion, making media and cultural imperialism a strictly

one-way street. Some believe that the American's spread of culture is beneficial, while others

consider this cultural imperialism a threat.

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Theorists of democratic society postulate that its media is objective and is dedicated to discovering and reporting the truth. From

this perspective, we are lead to believe that the democratic society in which we live gives us a sufficient amount of participation

in the management of our own affairs and that the means of information are open and free. At least that is what a democratic

society is meant to incorporate. However, the democratic society in which we live in reality incorporates the conception that the

public need to be relieved of the management of their own affairs and that the means of information needs to be strictly

controlled. For their own good, of course.

The fears of Americanization and cultural imperialism, therefore, bring an exciting area

for comparative research on media and its effects on the war on terror in which they take one

day’s freedom fighters and turn them into another day’s terrorist militia group.

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

The "global war on terror" that has been launched by the US administration in the

aftermath of the September 11 events has sparked a major debate over the definition of terror, its

social and political probes, and how far news coverage can meet journalistic standards of

balance, truth, and objectivity, especially in cases of extreme political conflict. At the heart of

this debate is the role played by the Arab media in covering "terrorism" or "so-called terrorism"

inside and outside the Middle East. This essay will analyze the Arab media coverage of Al-

Qaeda, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the war in Iraq.

The concept of terrorism is disputable, value-laden, and open to various interpretations

located within broader cultural and social frames. Therefore, the world media systems have not

agreed on a universal definition of terror. Since terrorism is in the eye of the beholder, the Arab

media, in its portrayal of practitioners of violence as either "terrorists" or "freedom fighters,"

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reflects its political culture, value system, and ideological and commercial interests that tend to

drive media anywhere.

Arab media focus on the humanitarian aspects

In the "global war on terror" launched by the US administration to root out terrorist cells

around the world, the Arab media outlets have been primarily interested in the impact of the war

on the ordinary people as well as on the perceived passivity and inaction of Arab regimes in

influencing events on the ground.

The Afghan war was the first real war to be covered by any Arab network. Much of the

Arab media coverage of that war focused on the destruction US bombing had on the Afghan

people, cities, and infrastructure.

Al-Jazeera, which was the only network in Afghanistan during the beginning stages of

the US bombings, framed the war in terms of the human toll and the personal suffering of the

Afghanis. Graphic video footage of death and damage to civilian sites, such as houses, mosques,

and complete villages, had a profound effect on the Arab audiences. "This media framing

reinforced the popular perception among Arabs that the war in Afghanistan was not against the

Taliban per se but rather against Islam and Arabs" (Jasperson & Kikhia, 2003, p.126).

Some of the most disturbing videos of the campaign were those that specifically showed

the personal lives of Afghanis that lost loved ones. One such image was presented of an Afghani

who had lost fifteen members of his family in a bombed building in the Afghan capital, Kabul.

He did not need to elaborate on his emotional pain with actions or words. Video footage showing

the man searching for his relatives through the rubble was enough to make viewers sympathize
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with him. It was that kind of coverage that appeared to have angered the US government and

military establishment and ultimately led to the "mistaken" bombing of the Al-Jazeera offices in

Kabul. (Jasperson & Kikhia, 2003).

El-Nawawy (2003, p53) states that “Many Arab viewers who watch CNN believe that

American television is biased against Arabs. They have argued, for example, that the word

"assassination" is seldom used in the U.S. media when describing the Israeli policy of

assassinating anti-Israeli political activists who belong to various Palestinian factions. Such

events are instead referred to as ‘targeted killings.’ This often feeds into a belief in much of the

Arab world that the Western media skew coverage.”

The sovereignty of many Middle Eastern countries has come under threat from the west;

Afghanistan and Iraq were invaded and unrest in Egypt and Syria may lead to more

international/western intervention.  Media played a significant role in the Iraq war. Initial

coverage was biased, based on speculation and lacking basic journalistic practices. Sources were

not given, facts were not checked and public awareness suffered.

Iraq’s national sovereignty was eroded and destroyed by western forces, particularly

American media. The tyrant Saddam Hussein ruled Iraq with violence and fear but so have/do

many dictators around the world and little attention is given to them. The huge pre-invasion

media coverage combined a linking of Saddam with September 11 and a search for weapons of

mass destruction which mobilised enough fear and hatred to attack Iraq. When no WMD’s were

found or links with aiding Al Qaeda the American media did not apologise or investigate the

false information they were fed. Instead they stated that the invasion was for the liberation of the

good people of Iraq from an evil tyrant. According to Pirbhai of stop the war coalition “The Nazi
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blitz on Britain during the whole of World War II killed 40,000 civilians. The US-led 'war on

terror' has killed between 14,000 to 110,000 civilians per year over the past eleven years.”

Estimates of total civilian deaths in Iraq alone range from 100,000 to 1,000,000 since the war

began. This is a severe and deadly erosion of nation’s sovereignty.

The role of new media has been to improve the speed and ease of communication,

information retrieval, and linking with like-minded people. It has also been a check and balance

against poor journalistic practices, evil corporations, lies and the corrupt. Singer (2007 p116)

states that “Millions of people are using the internet to express their ideas and opinions…

facilitated by a medium that extends that freedom both within and among societies.” Now

interested citizens can hold government, business and individuals accountable by publishing

online anywhere at any time. New media and globalisation has helped Al Jazeera reach a wider

audience. El-Nawawy (2003 p68) states the importance of the power and reach of Al Jazeera

stating “The press in the Arab world is getting bolder and affecting the political culture of the

region, which brings to mind the role that journalists have played in democratising other areas of

the world.” Al Jazeera’s role in the world’s media hierarchy has changed dramatically, from a

narrowcasted single language 6 hour a day news station to an international 24 hour news empire.

Aguie (2003 p379) states that “Narrowcasting has traditionally been understood as the

dissemination of information (usually by radio or television) to a narrow audience”. For Al

Jazeera and smaller media organisations this means a wider audience and participation. There are

subscribers of Al Jazeera on Twitter, Facebook and YouTube in multiple languages and multiple

countries.

Globalization with its flow of people, capital and beliefs combined with the instantaneous

and almost unlimited information flows of new media is redefining the international media
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landscape. Global media both traditional and emerging have a substantial impact on influencing

public opinion and can lead to an undermining of national sovereignty especially when major

influencers manipulate information for a purpose.

The relationship between terrorists and media

Modern-day terrorists always try to seek publicity about their existence and purposes

through the media. This may include issuing statements; giving interviews; claiming

responsibility for terrorist actions; or sending tapes to television stations. This places extra

burden on media to devise standards for dealing with the terrorists’ publicity tactics. For

example, media executives "face painful decisions when provided by terrorists with videos of

hostages they have executed or of their captives making apparently voluntary but probably

coerced statements" (Paletz & Boiney, 1992, p.8).

When Osama Bin Laden, the head of the Al-Qaeda network, decided to publicize his

group’s ideologies, he selected the two most popular Arab satellite channels: the Qatari-owned

Al-Jazeera and the Saudi-owned Al-Arabiya. In that context, Salah Nigm, Al-Arabiya News

Director, said: "They [Al-Qaeda leaders] go to who’s most influential. I don’t know if it’s their

gut feeling or if someone’s advising them" (Smith, 2004).

Airing the Bin Laden tapes made the US administration vilify Al-Jazeera and accuse it of

serving as a mouthpiece for Bin Laden. In that context, Hafez Al-Mirazi, Al-Jazeera’s

Washington, D.C. bureau chief, said: "They [the US administration] are confusing the message

with the messenger…The tendency of ‘thugs’ like Bin Laden to seek out specific media should
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not necessarily undermine the station’s reputation for journalistic integrity" (el-Nawawy &

Iskandar, 2003, p.179).

Bin Laden also sent several letters to Al-Quds Al-Arabi, an independent Arabic daily

newspaper published in London. Some analysts argued that Bin Laden was aware of the high

circulation of Al-Quds Al-Arabi, which claims a readership of 300,000, and which describes

itself as a pan-Arab newspaper (Salman, 2002). Al-Quds Al-Arabi has often been referred to by

some Western media analysts as the "Al-Qaeda paper" since it was one of Bin Laden’s favorite

newspapers.

In the media coverage of any terrorist event, some facts may be relatively neutral (e.g. the

timing of the event); but many others may be highly controversial (e.g. the political grievances

underlying these actions). This affects the language used by the news media to describe events

(was it a suicide, a martyrdom, or an assassination?), the selection, depiction, and meaning of

iconic images, and the choice of experts for commentary (Norris, Kern, & Just, 2003). Strong

emotional reactions to extreme acts of political violence mean each media system may provide

different interpretations of the same events, sharing almost nothing in common. That is why, one

man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter.

The Cambridge dictionary quite simply defines cultural imperialism as one “culture of a

large and powerful country, organization, etc. having a great influence on another less powerful

country.” As globalization, media proliferation and instant worldwide communication become

the norm, cultural imperialism is perhaps more significant now than ever before.
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Cultural imperialism is, in fact, a very old phenomenon. For centuries, countries imposed

their cultural values on other nations. Today, as a global economic and political power, the

United States is inevitably intruding into the cultures of other countries around the world.

The postcolonial argument is that non-Western cultures are represented through Western

eyes largely because of the impact of cultural imperialism through the power of Western media.

It can be argued, therefore, that whenever Islam is represented it is shown through a Western

perspective that usually fails to understand the nature and complexity of Islamic belief and

culture but instead reduces it to a few stereotypical characteristics.

Those who promote the negative image of the “enemy” may often reinforce it with

rhetoric about the righteousness of themselves; the attempt is to muster up support and nurture

the belief that what is to be done is in the positive and beneficial interest of everyone. Often, the

principles used to demonize the other, is not used to judge the self, leading to accusations of

double standards and hypocrisy.

For reporters covering this war on terrorism, the challenge is not just in getting unfettered

and uncensored access to U.S. troops and the battlefield—a long and mostly losing struggle in

the past—but in discerning between information and disinformation. That is made all the more

difficult by a 24-hour news cycle, advanced technology, and the military’s growing fondness for

a discipline it calls “Information Operations.” IO, as it is known, groups together information

functions ranging from public affairs (PA, the military spokespersons corps) to military

deception and psychological operations, or PSYOP. What this means is that people whose job

traditionally has been to talk to the media and divulge truthfully what they are able to tell now
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work hand-in-glove with those whose job it is to support battlefield operations with information,

not all of which may be truthful.

Labeling

Parenti says that the media will seek to prefigure perceptions of a subject using positive

or negative labels and that the “label defines the subject without having to deal with actual

particulars that might lead us to a different conclusion”.

Examples of labels (positive and negative) that he points to include things like,

“stability”, “strong leadership”, “strong defense”, “healthy economy”, “leftist guerrillas”,

“Islamic terrorists”, “conspiracy theories”, “inner-city gangs” and “civil disturbances”. Others

with double meanings include “reform” and “hardline”.

Labels are useful, he suggests, because the “efficacy of a label is that it not have a

specific content which can be held up to a test of evidence. Better that it be self-referential,

propagating an undefined but evocative image.”

Framing

“The most effective propaganda,” Parenti says, “relies on framing rather than on

falsehood. By bending the truth rather than breaking it, using emphasis and other auxiliary

embellishments, communicators can create a desired impression without resorting to explicit

advocacy and without departing too far from the appearance of objectivity. Framing is achieved

in the way the news is packaged, the amount of exposure, the placement (front page or buried

within, lead story or last), the tone of presentation (sympathetic or slighting), the headlines and

photographs, and, in the case of broadcast media, the accompanying visual and auditory effects.”
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It is much more difficult to see a propaganda system at work where the media are private

and formal censorship is absent. This is especially true where the media actively compete, attack

and expose corporate and government malfeasance, and aggressively portray themselves as

spokesmen for free speech and community interest. What is not evident is the limited nature of

such critiques. (Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky)

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH OBJECTIVES AND APPROACH

This study will focus on how American media censorship and propaganda techniques

lead the global public to view groups of people positively as freedom fighters, or negatively as

terrorist militias based on their political agenda.

Comparative research of news broadcasts and news stories will showcase the shift in

public opinion and will be analyzed based on the America agenda during the time.

RQ1: Does American media censorship dictate public opinion and create new stereotypes

about groups in the Middle East?

RQ2a: Is there a link between public opinion and political agenda regarding Islamic

groups?

RQ2b: When does the shift of opinion occur regarding these groups?

RQ3:
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CHAPTER 4: METHODOLGY

The major aim of comparative research is to identify similarities and differences between social

entities. Comparative research seeks to compare and contrast nations, cultures, societies, and

institutions. Scholars differ on their use of the terminology: To some, comparative research is

strictly limited to comparing two or more nations (also known as “cross-national research”), but

other scholars prefer to widen the scope to include comparison of many different types of social

and/or cultural entities. Yet other scholars use the term to encompass comparisons of subcultures

or other social substrata either within or across nation-states or other cultural and social

boundaries. Although scholars are far from a consensus on a definition, the trend appears to be

toward defining comparative research in the social sciences as research that compares

systematically two or more societies, cultures, or nations

Comparative research is often used in the study of international politics or international relations.

It is associated with positivist epistemology. Logic of the comparative method may be used as

qualitative approach (inductive) which leads onto quantitative analysis (deductive).

This study will use comparative research in order to analyze the difference in public opinion due

to media censorship in the coverage of the War on Terror.

REFERENCES

Maud S. Beelman, The Dangers of Disinformation in the War on Terrorism, Coverage of

Terrorism Women and Journalism: International Perspectives, from Nieman Reports Magazine,
Winter 2001, Vol. 55, No.4, p.16. (from The Nieman Foundation for Journalism at Harvard
University)
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Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, The Political Economy of the Mass Media, Pantheon
Books, NY, 1988, pp.xiv, 1-2