1 Samuel 28 - The Woman of Endor - Who Is She and What Does Saul See - S. Fischer
1 Samuel 28 - The Woman of Endor - Who Is She and What Does Saul See - S. Fischer
S Fischer (Basel)
ABSTRACT
This paper puts 1 Samuel 28 in its context and looks into the different suggestions
that have been made concerning the role of the woman of Endor, the appearance
of Samuel, the consultation, and the meal afterwards. They are reconsidered in
an exegetical study, which also takes Southern African practices of necromancy
into account.
Saul went to the woman of Endor to manipulate his fate. The woman, who
acted as medium, conjured up from the ground a spirit, who on Saul's request
appeared as Samuel. To describe him the woman uses the term א ל " י םparallel
to spirit, in the sense of ancestor. Samuel appeared, invisible to Saul, as an
ancestor. The method of communication between Saul and Samuel shows
similarities to African ancestor cults. Samuel's negative message to Saul is a
warning against taking part in necromancy. The meal afterwards serves as
sacrificial meal, probably as an offering to honour Samuel.
A INTRODUCTION
The narrative of Saul's visit to the woman of Endor has kept interpreters busy over
the centuries but an agreement on some basic questions has not been reached.
Questions still discussed include:
Who was the woman of Endor? Why did the woman recognise Saul as soon as
she saw Samuel? What did Saul see? How did Samuel appear? How did Saul and
Samuel talk to each other? What did Saul hope to achieve through the consultation
with Samuel? What was the purpose of the meal?
OLD TESTAMENT ESSAYS 14/1 (2001) 26-46 27
This paper provides answers, which derive from a classic western exegesis but
take into account the practice of divination among the African tribes of the Basotho
and Zulu. A cross-cultural analysis faces the difficulty that cultures are not genuinely
similar. The danger is that imposing the suppositions of African culture on Israelite
culture could lead to the wrong conclusions. Nevertheless, it has been shown that the
belief systems and lifestyles of African societies are comparable to those of ancient
Israel and can provide fresh insight into texts and practices of the Israelites (Fabian
1998). For our text an African perspective is legitimate because of its animistic
background not shaped by Western post-enlightenment rationalism. This might in
some respect be closer to the Ancient Near-Eastern World. In spite of the differences
among the traditional religions of African tribes there is a general belief that the
world of the dead penetrates the world of the living. Dead people continue to exist.
Communication and communion with them is possible (Oleka 1998:127). They can
appear in dreams and visions and mediums can communicate with the dead on behalf
of the living (Gehman 1999:145).
The narratives about Saul's kingdom (1 Sm 9-31) are not told in a chronological but
in a carefully structured thematic order. David and Saul are presented side by side to
show David's rise and Saul's downfall.1 With the death of king Saul (31) and Samuel
(25:1), who was a judge and a prophet, the end of an era had come and the way was
free for David to unite their offices.
Since Yahweh had rejected Saul after the battle against the Amalekites (15) he
became a tragic figure. He had several times tried to kill David (18-21; 24; 26),
slaughtered the priests in Nob (22), and harmed David by giving his daughter Michal
to another man (25:44). God's spirit had left him and an evil spirit took possession
of him (1 Sm 16:14-16; 18:10; 19:9), while he was naked and falling into ecstatic
28 SAMUEL 28: THE WOMAN OF ENDOR
prophecy before Samuel demonstrated his disgrace (20:23-24). After Samuel had died
(25:1) things became ever worse. Saul lost his adviser, advocate, and intercessor
before God, while, in contrast, David acquired Abigail (2S\2seq), a clever adviser.
At the dawn of a battle against the Philistines Saul's lonely and desperate situation
is recalled (28:3-6). The death of Samuel is repeated (28:3). After Samuel's death
there was no more prophetic revelation for Saul. He had inquired from God but God
did not speak to him through the common ways of dreams, Urim2 or prophets. God
answered his question with silence (Craig 1994:228).3 Therefore, in his desperation,
he sought help from another source, the woman of Endor. Saul acted morally when
he 'had expelled the mediums and the wizards from the land' (28:3) but now he slides
back to them.4 Saul's cleansing had^ot been very effective. Now, when he slides
back to them his two companions have no difficulty in finding a medium quickly and
nearby (Fokkelman 1986:597, n 1).
א ו בis used synonymously for the spirit and the woman (1 Sm 28:3; 2 Ki 21:6;
23:24), 7 which terms become interchangeable. She is a woman, whose divining
abilities are not understood as a natural gift, but as the result of her dealing with and
possession of ancestors or ancestral spirits (Birch 1998:1184). She is the one who
divines, with the help of (Hertzberg 1964:217) an ancestral spirit ( ) ב א ו ב, by
bringing up the one demanded (1 Sm 28:8). This description classifies her as a
medium, not a witch.8
D ETYMOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS
is not the case in the non-Biblical parallels. The consonant ב/ b is dubious. A root
ap instead of ab has to be supposed because of Hittite and Assyrian parallels. Taking
into account the synonymy of בIN with medium, a development of the meaning from
'pit' to 'a spirit arising from the pit' and then to 'a necromancer consulting the spirit',
remains possible.
4 Lust (1974:135-139) related א ו בetymologically to ' אבfather', suggesting that
change in vocalisation was introduced to dissociate the fathers, to whom everybody
is gathered after death, from the appearance of them in divination. In this case א ו ב
refers to the deceased fathers, the ancestors.
A decision concerning the etymology w שhave to be made between the third and
fourth option.
The medium has the power to call up the spirit. This spirit does not act as another
intermediary between the woman and the one to be called up but appears as the one
she commands to come up. This is obvious from the procedure of divination. Saul
requests that the woman should divine for him a או בand bring up the one he will
name, that is Samuel. Here I find three steps.
1 The woman gets into the condition of stirring up the spirit (28:8). She has the
ability to communicate with a .או כ
2 Once this communication is established the א ו בappears on Saul's request
(28:11) as a person, in this case Samuel (28:14).
3 The medium describes the א ו ב, who is Samuel, as D אלל! י.
It is remarkable that the medium describes Samuel as D א ל ה י. ' She may choose
this term because she is still afraid to get punished for consulting a spirit or honouring
OLD TESTAMENT ESSAYS 14/1 (2001) 26-46 31
Samuel but she may also use it to describe precisely whom she brings up. However,
she finds this term appropriate to describe the spirit coming up. She uses אליה י ם
parallel to א ו בfor the appearance to Saul. The same usage of D אליה יis found in
Isaiah 8:19.20aa:
Now if people say to you, Consult the ghosts and the familiar spirits that chirp
and mutter: should not a people consult their אליה י ם, the dead on behalf of the
living, for teaching and for instruction?10
Here it is evident that אליה י םis used for the ancestors." Hence we may
conclude that the medium uses the term אליה י םbecause Samuel appears as Saul's
ancestor.
Isaiah 8:19.20aa sheds light on our whole narrative. The two groups of mediums
that Saul had expelled (1 Sm 28:3) are mentioned ( א ב ו ת, D ] יi n ') and their way
of communication is described as chirping and muttering. It is they who say: 'Should
not a people consult its ancestors (D )אליה י, the dead on behalf of the living.'
For the Basotho and other tribes of Southern Africa the identification of א ל ה י ם
with ancestors is obvious because a dead person becomes a molimo (pi balimo).12
Molimo is used for god as well as for an ancestor, the later only in the plural. 13 If the
woman of Endor said 'I see 14 28:13) ) ׳ א ל י ה י םshe evidently meant that she saw an
ancestor, who 'comes up out of the ground' 15 (28:13).
In African traditional religion an ancestor is a continued spiritual human
existence. If a person dies no substantial change takes place, only a gradual one. The
limitations of the human flesh are removed and the divine element, which everybody
has because of being created by God," is strengthened. Thus an ancestor has more
authority and more knowledge and can act as an intermediary on behalf of the living.
As parents have authority over a child ancestors have authority over the living.
32 SAMUEL 28: THE WOMAN OF ENDOR
They see with other eyes: the insights they communicate can, therefore, be
relied upon as of the Ultimate Reality and never misleading (SetiJoane 1986:20).
The scene is introduced by the woman's rejection of conjuring up a dead person and
Saul's oath of reassurance that nothing evil will happen to her (1 Sm 28:9-10). Saul
takes the whole responsibility on himself, the woman will go off without punishment.
Such a conversation may be part of a ritual to set the medium free and to guarantee
magical protection.17 Only now the consultation can continue and she can conjure up
the dead. But despite this protection she is afraid as she is told to conjure up Samuel.
Some commentators assume that the woman had not expected what she saw. She is
surprised (Beuken 1978:10) or shocked (Eaton 1995:112) because the situation is
beyond her control (Pigott 1998:438). According to Klein (1983) Samuel 'had come
up as a prophet of the living God before she could conjure up a dead ghost' (Klein
1983:271) but these views fail. The woman is not frightened because of 'an apparition
she did not anticipate' (Keil 1956:262) but because she recognises Saul, 'the
persecutor-king himself (Fokkelman 1986:606). She had not expected him and is
afraid that he has trapped her and will consequently expel or kill her (28:3, 12)
(Brueggemann 1990:193). She is frightened for her own life.
If an ancestor is called upon a relationship between the ancestor and the consul-
tant must exist. The ancestral relationship between Saul and Samuel explains why the
woman recognises Saul1" immediately." This is a logical consequence, which does not
need any prophetic knowledge, because a dead person who is consulted stands in
some relationship to the consultant.
Likewise, in the African concept ancestors stand in a close relationship to the
consultant. They can be family members but the concept is not limited to physical
OLD TESTAMENT ESSAYS 14/1 (2001) 26-46 33
relationships (Setiloane 1986:18). There are also 'clan's or chiefs ancestors' for the
'common good of the village or tribe or people' (Manyeli 1995:108-109). Ancestors
can only appear in traditions and visions they knew during their lifetime.20
They are people who, during their lifetime, held positions of responsibility in
the family, village, tribe and the nation (Manyeli 1995:105).
Samuel fits this definition very well. He appears as an ancestor of Saul. Samuel
had been the close adviser of and prophetic voice for Saul. He had been like a father
to Saul and a leader of the nation. Samuel was a prophet in his lifetime, who was
believed to have had knowledge about the welfare of the nation (8:4-18) as well as
about Saul's personal fate (15:23b).
The narrator assumes that Samuel was in a state of rest inside the earth. From there
Samuel comes up although he does not want to be disturbed (1 Sm 28:15). He comes
from the one place all people, whether good or evil, go. There one is 'gathered to his
kin' (Dt 32:50) and 'sleeps with one's fathers' (1 Ki 11:43; 15:24; 22:50) (Lewis
1992a:242).21 It is clearly the perception of the narrative that Samuel returns from this
place (Beuken 1978:14). According to this world-view dead people appear to the
living. Scholars often failed to understand this because they did not consider the text's
literal meaning, but tried to explain what happened. Therefore they imposed their own
world-view on it, often based on other contradicting scripture passages. The answers
given depend heavily on the Zeitgeist but they do not clarify the text.
1 The earliest interpretation is that the dead Samuel appears from the dead as
prophet.
No exact statement is made about Samuel's appearance. Josephus sees the dead
Samuel in a higher state than the living because he describes him as 'venerable, and
of a divine form'. Justin the Martyr uses Samuel as an example of a continued
existence after death and implies a dichotomy of body and soul.
OLD TESTAMENT ESSA YS 14/1 (2001). 26-46 35
2 Most of the early fathers of the Church as well as the reformers who emphasised
the battle against demonic powers assumed that a demonic spirit appeared that looked
like Samuel. This is not based on the Christian belief that dead people do not return.״
Therefore such appearances are interpreted as demonic trickery. According to
Augustine
the spirit of the just man . . . was permitted to appear to him . . . hy some
occult dispensation of which neither the witch nor Saul was aware. Or else the
spirit of Samuel was not in reality aroused from his rest, but some phantom or
mock apparition formed by the machinations of the devil, and styled by
Scripture under the name of Samuel. (Ad Simplie. ii, 3, quoted in Thomas
Aquinas. Summa Theologian, vol 3.95.4.2.)2י
Samuel's rest has been disturbed by the conjuring arts of the woman showing that
it was believed that dead people appear as ancestors. How this happened was not in
view. We have to assume that readers of that time knew what this implied. Now it is
open to speculation as the interpretations, mentioned above, indicate.
In African traditional religion such spiritual beings are called the living dead.
They are visible if they appear in dreams and visions but invisible if they are
consulted by means of a medium. The living dead retain their professional skills as
during their lifetime (Robinson 1993:143). This is also the case for Samuel who is
called in his prophetic function.
Several commentators assume that the woman does not take part in the conversation,
even suggesting that she was not present during the conversation (28:15-19) (Beuken
1978:13). This does not convince me.
Saul kneels before the woman and communicates with the voice, which the
woman makes him hear and accept as belonging to Samuel. As she conjures up
Samuel, Saul needs her twice to identify him (28:13.14). Afterwards she does not
leave but steps back because as a medium she has no independent function.
If we recall that the voice comes from somewhere else we get an idea how the
talk took place. In the LXX she is called a yuvaiKa eYY«OTp1Vu0ov (28:7), that is
a ventriloquist and likewise in 1 Chronicles 10:13b 'Saul inquired of a ventriloquist
to seek counsel, and Samuel the prophet answered him'. According to Isaiah 29:4 the
voice of the א ו בcomes from the ground: 'Your voice shall come from the ground
like the voice of א ו ב. ' Under the ground, there the א ו בhas its existence and from
there Samuel comes up.
According to the LXX the medium was not speaking obviously but was speaking
out of the belly (cf Is 8:19: 01 ek try; KoiA-iag (Jxovouoiv) that is by ventriloquism.
OLD TESTAMENT ESSAYS 14/1 (2001) 26-46 37
Hence the voice does not come directly from the medium but from elsewhere. The
voice is described as chirping (ף2)צ, as young birds do (Is 8:19; 29:4). She might
have had to interpret this and by doing so taking part in the conversation, even if the
narrative does not state it.
The Basotho know a similar practice that can be explained as ventriloquism.
Among the fortunetellers (senohe) is a certain group of diviners who consult the
ancestors through little baskets (baphaphi).2 י־They make the spirits speak out of them.
The voice chirps and mutters but cannot, or can only partly be understood by the
people, unless the medium explains and translates.
A comparison with a consultation among the Zulu, who are known as the best
diviners in Southern Africa, can help to imagine the situation even better. Ngubane
writes about the whistling great ancestors (abalozi,26 amakhosi amakhulu):
The ancestral spirits . . . communicate directly with the clients by whistling out
words which are meaningful to the listener. The whistling sound (ventri-
loquism?) comes directly from the rafters of the thatched roof, particularly at
the upper part of the rondavel hut opposite the doorway. The diviner in the
meantime sits almost in the centre of the hut facing toward its upper part. i.e.
with her back to the doorway. If the clients are unable to understand some of
the whistled words she interprets them. The clients are free to ask questions of
the whistling spirits (abalozi), and the spirits reply (Ngubane 1977:103).
Samuel's answer reflects the negative judgement of the narrator about necromancy.
The narrator draws a distinctive line between Samuel and the pagan ancestor cult.
Samuel refers seven times to Yahweh. Saul receives a message of Yahweh, as he had
longed for.27 Samuel acts as an intermediary between Saul and Yahweh. By doing so
he acts again as prophet and carries out the function of an ancestor.
The words of Samuel assess necromancy negatively. Samuel is annoyed to be
38 SAMUEL 28: THE WOMAN OF ENDOR
disturbed in his rest (28:15a), while it is positive in the ancestor cult to call upon and
remember ancestors. If somebody is not remembered anymore he is forgotten and has
ceased to be. 2 8
Even if the consultation of ancestors (Dt 18:10-11) or giving offerings to them
(Dt 26:14) was forbidden, its efficacy was acknowledged (Robinson 1993:143).39
However, Samuel's message shows that Yahweh is superior to this cult. If Yahweh
has decided about a person no pagan cult can manipulate this decision. Samuel, even
as an ancestor, remains the prophet of Yahweh. His message is 'not one last
formidable attempt to turn Saul back to God' (Reis 1997:12) but judgement. Samuel
confirms, what had already been said (15:28) and makes it totally clear that there is
no hope for Saul. The message even becomes worse. Samuel's verdict about Saul is:
'Tomorrow, you and your sons will be with me' (28:19). On the next day Saul and
his sons will be dead. Saul understood this message.M Therefore he fell full length on
the ground and was terrified to death (28:20, 21). Saul does not find any consolation.
Samuel has only a message of death.
Saul's visit to Endor sheds light on Samuel's obscure words at the occasion of
Saul's rejection. There Samuel had equalled Saul's rebellion with divination: 'For the
sin of divination (GOp) is [as] rebellion' (15:23). Now, Saul has come for divination
(28:8 • ) ק םand is told its result. He will die.
As Saul went to consult the woman he had hoped for a different message. He did
not go merely to find out about his future as Craffert (1999:67) believes. The mere
knowledge of the future would not have helped Saul. Saul went because he hoped to
get advice for the battle against the Philistines and to manipulate his fate.However,
Saul failed.
As the woman approaches the exhausted Saul she slaughters her calf and prepares a
OLD TESTAMENT ESSAYS 14/1 (2001) 26-46 39
meal (28:22-25), Within 1 Samuel this is a 'fitting marker of the end of Saul's reign'
(Pigott 1998:441). It serves as a counterpoint to the meal in the beginning of his
kingship (1 Sm 9:12). It shows an ironical contrast 'to evoke Samuel's meal with
Saul in 1 Samuel 9' (Pigott 1998:444, n 28) and frames the rise and downfall of Saul.
Here, several contrasting elements are used as a literary device to show how deep
Saul has fallen. He had expelled the mediums but now he visits one. He breaks the
law but the medium reminds him to keep it. He seeks good news but is doomed. In
the beginning Saul gives the commands, at the end the medium does and urges him
to take part in the meal. The narrative functions not primarily as a warning against
necromancy, even if the superiority of Yahwism is indicated, but shows how deep
Saul has fallen and 'sees in his fate a well deserved punishment' (Hertzberg
1964:220).32
These functional elements of the meal do not exempt us from the question, for
which purpose the woman prepares a meal. Different suggestions have been made.
1 The woman shows sympathy and hospitality (Hertzberg 1964:220) or human care
and attention (Fokkelman 1986:619) to Saul. Even if Saul needed nourishment
because he was exhausted and threatened with death, it must be admitted that it does
not explain the importance given to this meal.
2 Beuken suggests that the calf is a sacrifice for conjuring up the dead (1978.11).
I agree with Beuken that this calf is a sacrifice but its purpose is not to conjure up the
dead. Samuel appears before the meal.
3 Reis accepts that the calf is a sacrifice and finds a 'motivation to self-preser-
vation' (1997:4) but she goes too far as she postulates:
Pigott (1998:444, n 28) has rightly rejected these suggestions. There is no reason
for the woman to mike a covenant with Saul to protect her life. Saul assured her
twice (1 Sm 28:10, 1: )׳not to harm her. Reis' study clarifies that the meal has been
described in sacrificial and covenantal terminology.
4 The meal follows after the consultation of the dead as an offering to honour
Samuel. It confirms that Saul was taking part in an ancestor cult.
Such offerings are common among the Basotho. Whenever an ancestor appears,
in a vision, dream, or consultation of a diviner a sacrifice has to be made in honour
of the dead." The sacrificial meal expresses the existential union of the living
dead with the living (Manyeli 1995:125). If it is not made, ancestral anger may be
provoked (Manyeli 1995:131). For the ancestors blood must flow. Hence the Basotho
have the saying.
That Saul first rejects the offer of food might be an expression of his depression
(Fokkelman 1986:621) because of his death sentence but it could also be the final
attempt of a broken man not to be ensnared by this cult or woman (Brueggeinann
1990:196) any further. However, he is too much bound and gives in.
We have seen that the consultation of the ancestors has the purpose to manipulate
the future: Consequently we might even conclude that the woman tried to change the
death-sentence, which had just been passed upon Saul.
5 Another interpretation of the sacrifice might also be given from African tradi-
tional Religion. If a person dies an animal is slaughtered to accompany the deceased
to the other world. In this case Saul would have received his sacrifice in advance as
a prophetic meal signifying his sudden death.
OLD TESTAMENT ESSAYS 14/1 (2001) 26-46 41
It is not mentioned that Samuel goes down to the earth after he has spoken. Does
this indicate that he takes part in the meal? The belief that the dead and the living
could participate in the same meal was common in the Ancient Near East. The
Aramaic Hadad-statue of Panamuwa I (KAI 214, 8th century BC) reports about a
meal between Hadad and the dead and now divine king (Niehr 1998:167). In Egypt
the living and the dead met, for example, in Thebes at the Beautiful Feast of the
Valley. In Ugarit the cultic meals (marzi Hu) included the living and the dead (Niehr
1998:58). Such banquets were probably also known in Israel (Jr 16:5; Lewis
I992b:582). These meals were related to ancestral worship but not to a consultation
with a necromancer. 34
L CONCLUSION
Saul took part in an ancestor cult. This can be confirmed by African practices of
necromancy, which shed new light on the interpretation of this narrative. The woman
is not a witch but a diviner of ancestral spirits. א ו י בand אליה י םare used synony-
mously in the sense of an ancestral spirit. Saul does not consult her to find out about
his future but to manipulate his future. Samuel appeared as an ancestor. The meal
after the consultation was a sacrifice to honour the ancestor. There is also the
possibility that it was a prophetic meal to signify Saul's death.
NOTES
or a narrative frame (Craig 1994:236). There are other cross-references to this event, namely
the mentioning of Urim (14:41; 28:6), divination (15:23: 28:8), and Samuel's speech (15:28:
28:17, 18).
4 This was in accordance with the law (Lv 19:31; 20.6; Dt 18:11). The question if these laws are
more recent than this narrative or both shaped by deuteronomistic history can be neglected
because Samuel's Yahwism excludes these practices likewise.
5 Here and in a prophetic consultation the same elements occur. Cf Lust (1974:133).
6 Davies (1969:86) translates !" בעליinto 'the possessor of. The relationship seems to be the
same as in New Testament incidents, when it is reported that a spirit is dwelling in a person.
Whether a person is in possession of a spirit (Ac 16:16) or possessed by a spirit or spirits
(Mk 5:15) is only a question of power struggle.
7 I Sm 28:3: מהארץ. . . שאול ה ס י ר האיכותand Saul had removed the spirits/mediums from
the land. 2 Ki 21:6 / 2 Chr 33:6: הו־בה. . . ו ע ט ה א ו בand he (Manasseh) multiplied the
spirits/mediums.
8 Unfortunately she is still called a witch until the present day, e g Reis (1997), Pigott (1998).
9 That אל ה י םcan be used for a human being is evident from Ex 21:6; 22:7, 8, 27, where
translators are divided by translating • א ל ה יas 'god' or 'judges'.
10 This contradicts those translations that find here a contrasting voice. 'And when they say to
you, "Seek those who are mediums and wizards, who whisper and mutter," should not a people
seek their God? Should they seek the dead on behalf of the living?' (New King James Version.)
In this case 'their God' would refer to the God of Israel. This is common in German
translations (Luther; Elberfelder, Einheitsiibersetzung, Schlachter), which add an 'then say'
before *should not a people seek'.
11 This supports the view that או כis related to father but does not deny the possible etymological
link to the ground as the place from where the ancestors come up.
12 Molimo has two plural forms belonging to different noun classes. Balimo belongs to class 2,
which contains nouns that indicate human beings. Accordingly it is used for the ancestors. This
plural is not only used to indicate plurality but also to 'indicate that the person whose name is
singled out is a person of importance and is accompanied by others under his charge' (Guma
1995, par 4.8). This creates an interesting parallel to the usage of the plural אליה י ם. Afelimo
belongs to class 4, which is mainly used for parts of nature, natural phenomena, and impersonal
nouns. Melimo is used for non-ancestral spirits with whom people cannot communicate.
13 Molimo as god: The humorous saying 'Khomo molimo o nko e metsi' (The cow - a god with
a wet nose) refers to the cow as god because it supplies man with all he needs. Molimo as
ancestor: 'Pha balimo o ja le bona' (who gives to the ancestors, eats with them).
OLD TESTAMENT ESSAYS 14/1 (2001). 26-46 43
14 ר א הis used elsewhere for supernatural events like prophetic visions (Nm 12:6; 24:17;
Zth 1:8; Am 8:1. 2) and dreams (Gn 31:10. 12; 41:22).
15 Samuel appears from the ground ()ארץ. This is the place where the א ו בhas its existence.
ארץis sometimes used for the place of the dead (Job 10:21; Ps 88:13), the land of no return.
16 This African view finds its equivalent in the Old Testament. In both creation accounts mankind
participates in God as image (1:27) or through his breath (2:7).
17 An African ritual may fit in here. Diviners are never directly paid for their service. The
consultant throws the money in the dust and tramples on it. Later the diviner will 'find' it there.
18 This explanation makes it unnecessary to assume with Beuken (1978:9) that the woman
recognises Saul because of the prophetic power of Samuel. The mentioning of his name and not
Samuel's prophetic power reveals Saul's identity.
19 Kyle McCarter (1980:421) fails to understand this and assumes that vv 1 l-12a are secondary.
In his opinion the medium would recognise Saul because of his authoritative oath of reassurance
(v 10). Some LXX manuscripts smooth and replace Samuel by Saul.
20 'Children . . . cannot appear in dreams or visions complaining about traditions and customs
they did not know during their life time. Hence the rarity of their appearance in dreams and
visions, because their needs were very limited, because their concerns were likewise very
limited' (Manyeli 1995:106).
21 This is in accordance with what Zulu and Basotho assume about their ancestors who all, good
or evil dwell under the earth (Ngubane 1977:56). This is the place from where according to
several creation myths mankind comes and to which everybody goes (Setiloane 1986:5). This
motif for the origin of mankind was familiar in the Ancient Near East and is already found in
the Sumerian 'Song of the hoe' (translation in Farber 1997:511-515).
22 Christians refer to Luke 16:23ff and state that the believers are in the hand of God and cannot
be called by a human being.
23 See Keil (1956:265) for other examples.
24 Fokkelman intended to avoid the 'ontological trap' by 'writing an explanation of a story not
history' (1986:617, n 16) and, therefore, accepts 'that the woman really saw Samuel'
(1986:606). However, he is inconsistent by presenting a psychological explanation: 'I therefore
imagine that the aura or energy field of the internally divided and highly stressed Saul induces
such a figure of Samuel that the woman who, purely professionally, has already carefully
attuned herself to her client, is then able, as a psychic, to tell from the situation (e.g. the auras
of the client and the apparition) what the truth is concerning this duo and the meaning of their
polarity.' (1986:606).
25 Similarly the balotsi are mediums who communicate through little dolls. Other magic
practitioners are selaoli (bone-thrower) and lethuela (somebody who acquired knowledge of
44 1 SAMUEL 28: THE WOMAN OF ENDOR
medicine and divination), ngaka (doctor who gained his knowledge from the balimo), baloi
(witches and sorcerers who use their knowledge and powers for harm). See Ashton (1943:2-10).
There is not any more a clear distinction between these functions. As sangoma they can have
more than one of these functions at the same time. The ngaka can be a diviner, a medicine man,
and a bone-thrower. He can heal and release people from their pain, who belief to have been
bewitched. He may use bones, stones and shells to reveal the past or to predict future events,
find lost articles, and discover thieves.
26 This is the same term as the Sesotho balotsi, showing the genuine relationship between them.
27 Saul consulted Samuel because Yahweh did not speak to him (28:6) anymore. Thus I find it
unlikely that Saul tried to drive a wedge between Samuel and Yahweh (Brueggemann
1990:194).
28 A person lives on in the descendants or in their remembrance (cf 1 Macc 6:44). Ecclesiastes
polemised against this position (Ec 2:16; 6:3).
29 The bones of a dead person can have magical power (2 Ki 13:20-21). The welfare of the living
depends on the proper honour given to the dead. As the bones of Saul and his sons had not
found a proper grave the land suffered (2 Sm 21:12-14). Contrary, critical wisdom literature,
like Ec 9:4-6, 10, denied that dead people have any knowledge of or influence on the living.
30 Eaton fails to understand this, he interprets Saul's message positively: 'In many ways this is
a statement of great mercy . . . It was mercy for Saul to be told he and his sons would be with
Samuel . . . Using New Testament language, all of them were about to go to heaven.'
(1995:113).
31 Texts from Ugarit show that necromancers where visited to change one's fate, e g to change
barrenness or to receive a blessing (Niehr 1998:66). Also in the African context ancestors are
called upon to manipulate (Salala 1998:134).
32 Probably, 'it provides a scenario for the contrast of Saul's perfidious complicity with David's
later faithful integrity in an analogous situation' (Reis 1997:4).
33 'Visions of ancestors are always followed by a sacrificial rite in honour of the dead
whereas people do not feel obliged to offer sacrifices to the semi-living, semi-dead person -
"Lithotsela".' (Manyeli 1995:136). This also makes it clear that Samuel was not a semi-dead
being but an ancestor.
34 If the meal is accepted as a sacrifice to the ancestors, the question may be asked why the woman
slaughtered a calf and not another animal. In the narrative no hint is given. But it is known
from African ancestor sacrifices that the animals offered differ according to the ancestor and
the purpose of the sacrifice. The Basotho (Manyeli 1995:123-126) and the Zulu distinguish
between different ones. E g Ukubuyisa - a goat and an ox for a married man, so that he may
be integrated 'with the rest of the body of ancestral spirits' (Ngubane 1977:59).
OLD TESTAMENT ESSAYS 14/1 (2001) 26-46 45
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46 SAMUEL 28: THE WOMAN OF ENDOR