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Blake - Contributions To Comparative Philippine Grammar I

This document provides an introduction to Frank R. Blake's paper on contributions to comparative Philippine grammar. It discusses the Malayo-Polynesian language family that the Philippine languages belong to and estimates that there are between 25-50 known Philippine languages. It then provides an overview of the major languages spoken on each of the main Philippine islands, including Tagalog on Luzon, various Visayan dialects on the Visayan islands, Sulu in the Sulu archipelago, and languages of Mindanao like Magindanao and Bagobo. The introduction establishes the context and scope of Blake's comparative analysis of Philippine languages.

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Blake - Contributions To Comparative Philippine Grammar I

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Contributions to Comparative Philippine Grammar

Author(s): Frank R. Blake

Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 27 (1906), pp. 317-396
Published by: American Oriental Society
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Contributions to Comparative Philippine (7rammar.'-By
FRANK R. BLAKE, Ph.D., Johns Hopkins University,
Baltimore, Md.

INTRODUCTION.

The languages of the Philippine Islands so far as they are

known2 form a closely related group of tongues belonging to
the great Malayo-Polynesian family, which embraces the lan-
guages of practically all the islands between the east coast of Asia
and the west coast of America south of 300 north latitude,
with the exception of Papua and Australia, and also includes
the languages spoken on the Malay peninsula at the south-east-
ern extremity of the continent of Asia, and on the island of
Madagascar off the coast of Africa.

'In the spelling of Philippine words in this paper, k is used instead

of the older c and qu; g instead of gu before i, e; w instead of conso-
nantal u before a vowel; i for initial y before a consonant; but with
these exceptions it has seemed best to retain the traditional orthography.
As in most of the languages the accent of words is not given, the accent
marks have been omitted throughout, except where they indicate a dif-
ference in meaning, and in the case of A and ' in Tagalog, which indi-
cate a final glottal catch (cf. below, p. 335). For the reformed spelling
in Tagalog, cf. the foot-notes to my paper, The Expression of Case by
the Verb in Tagalog, in this volume of the Journal.
2 The languages of the Negritos, the diminutive black people who
live in scattered tribes in the interior mountain ranges of the larger
islands, and who are probably the remnant of the aborigines of the
Archipelago, are said by certain Spanish authorities (cf. El Archipielago
Filipino, Washington, 1900, vol, 1, p. 229; Lacalle y Sanchez, Tierras y
razas del archipielago filipino, Manila, 1886, p. 246) to be entirely dif-
ferent from those of the other inhabitants of the islands. These author-
ities state furthermore that the idioms of all the Negritos practically
constitute one language, and that this language is of monsyllabic struc-
ture as opposed to the dissyllabic structure of the Malay tongues. How-
ever true this may have been originally, at the present day it is certain
that those Negrito dialects about which anything is known are very
similar in vocabulary and grammatical structure to the other Philip-
pine languages. It is probable. however, that the Negritos have in such
cases more or less completely adopted the languages of the neighboring
Malay tribes (cf. A. B. Meyer, Die Philippinen, II. Negritos, Dresden,
1893 (Kbnigl. ethnogr. Museum zu Dresden, ix), p. 36 ff.

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318 F 1R. Blake, [1906.

It is perhaps useless to hazard any conjectures as to the prim-

itive seat of the Malayo-Polynesians, whose ancient history is
practically a sealed book, but it seems most likely that the
cradle of the race was on some of the numerous islands which
it now inhabitA, possibly some of the large islands in the vicin-
ity of the Malay peninsula.
From this birthplace the ancient Malayo-Polynesians, forced
doubtless by the increase in population, must have spread out in
a series of waves or swarms, just as in the case of the primitive
Indo-Europeans and Semites. Crossing at first by means of
their canoes over the comparatively short stretches of sea between
their home and the neighboring islands, they gradually pushed
further and further out into the unknown, passing from island
to island until they had occupied almost all the available land
space of the Pacific. Some of the islands they probably foUnd
unoccupied, in others they must have come in contact with an
inferior black race similar to that inhabiting Papua and Australia,
as is shown by the remnants of this race which are found pushed
back into the interior mountain ranges of some of the larger
islands, notably the Philippines.
The peopling of the Malayo-Polynesian territory probably
took place in three great waves or series of waves, to which
correspond the three grand divisions of tha Malayo-Polynesian
languages, viz., the Polynesian, the Melanesian, and the Malay.
The 180th meridian forms approximately the boundary between
the Polynesian and Melanesian divisions from the north as far
south as the latitude of the Fiji islands, practically all the lan-
guages spoken east of this line being Polynesian. Further south
the line bends to the west, the native language of New Zealand
belonging to the Polynesian division. West of the dividing
line the Melanesian division extends in a north-westerly direc-
tion from the Fiji islands on the south, including the languages
of the principal islands of Melanesia and Micronesia. The
Malay embraces the languages of the Malay peninsula, the East
India islands, the Philippines, and Madagascar.
The Philippine languages, then, may be more accurately
defined as a subdivision of the Malay branch of the Malayo-
Polynesian family of speech.
The estimated number of Philippine languages varies accord-
ing to the different authorities. The well known Spanish Fili-

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Vol. xxvii.] Contributions to Philippine Grammar. 319

pinologist W. E. Retana, in his latest bibliographical work on

the Philippines,' enumerates twenty-five different idioms; the
great Philippine specialist, Professor Ferdinand Blumentritt,
of Leitmeritz in Bohemia, in his brief survey of Philippine races
and languages,2 mentions at least thirty; while in an encyclo-
pediac work on the Philippines prepared by the Jesuits, 'El
Archipielago Filipino,'3 the number given exceeds fifty.
Of many of the languages enumerated in the larger estimates,
practically nothing is known but the name, and it is quite pos-
sible that many of these names are simply alternate designations
of the better known languages, or, at most, designations of
some slightly variant dialect. Beginning at the extreme north
of the Archipelago, the languages about which anything definite
is known are as follows.
Batan is the language of the Batan and Babuyan islands to
the north of Luzon.
On the island of Luzon, Tagalog, the most important and
best known of the Philippine languages, is spoken from coast
to coast, in the middle region of the island, in the latitude of
Manila Bay. On the west coast its territory does not extend
north. of the Bay, but on the east it reaches as far north as the
province of Isabela, the most northerly but one of the provinces
on the east coast, in which is situated the town of Palanan,
where Aguinaldo was captured by General Funston. On the
south and south-east it extends some distance down into what
might be called the tail of Luzon, trenching on the domain of
Bikol, which occupiers the remainder of the southern part of the
island. In the region north and west of the Tagalog district
are spoken a number of languages. Ibanag prevails in the north-
east, in the valley of the Cagayan river, the greatest tobacco-
raising district in the island; Ilokan occupies the north and west
coasts, extending as far south as the gulf of Lingayen, between
which and the Bay of Manila are found Pangasinan, Tino or
Zambal, and Pampangan. In the mountainous district of the
interior are spoken the various Igorot dialects, among which

Cataclago abreviado de la bibliotecafilipina, Madrid, 1898.

2 Cf. List of Native Tribes of the Philippines and of the languages
spoken by them, trans. by 0. T. Mason in Report of Smithsonian Inst.
for the year ending June, 1899; Washington, 1901, pp. 527-547.
3 Washington, 1900; cf. vol. 1, pp. 1-148 passim.

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320 F. B. Blake, [1906.

it is probable that Gaddan, Ginaa'n, Ilongot, and Isinay are to

be classed.'
On the Bisayan islands, which lie between Luzon and Min-
danao, and on the north and east coasts of the latter island,
Bisayan is spoken in a number of different dialects.2
Sulu is used by the Moros of the Sulu subarchipelago, which
extends from the western extremity of Mindanao towards
Borneo. The Moro tribes of Mindanao, which occupy parts of
the west and southwest of that island, speak two almost identi-
cal dialects, Magindanao and Malanao. Of the numerous other
idioms reported as spoken on Mindanao, we know practically
nothing about any except Bagobo, which is found near the
great volcano Apo in the south-eastern part of the island, and
Tiruray, which occupies a district near the Moro territory in
the south-west.
The island of Mindoro, which lies to the south of Luzon and
west of the Bisayas, forms the domain of Mangyan, about
which, so far as I know, nothing has yet been published.' The
principal language of the Calamianes and the long narrow island
of Palawan, which form a chain stretching from Mindoro to the
south-west towards Borneo, is Tagbanwa, of which the idioms
of Agutaya and Cuyo, two small islands between Palawan and
the Bisayas, are perhaps simply dialects,2 though they are usually
given as distinct languages.
The tribes that speak these languages fall into three general
groups according to their religion. Those that speak Batan,
Ibanag, Ilokan, Pangasinan, Zambal, Pampangan, Tagalog,
Bikol, Bisayan, Agutayan,2 and Koyuvan3 are Christians; the
Sulus, Magindanaos, and Malanaos are Mohammedans; while
the remaining tribes mentioned are still pagans.
Three different alphabets are in use in the Archipelago, viz.
1) that of the-pagan Tagbanwas and Mangyans;4 2) that of the

'Cf. Report of the Philippine Commission, 1903, Part 2, p. 780.

2 Cf. my paper The Bisayan Dialects, JAOS. xxvi, 1905, pp. 120-136.
3 Cf. Blumentritt, The Philippines, trans. by D. J. Doherty, Chicago,
1900, p. 24.
4 The Mangyan alphabet, however, is treated in the following, viz.,
Blumentritt, Die Mangianenschrift von Mindoro, Braunschweig,- 1896;
A. B. Meyer, Schadenberg and Foy, Die Mangianenschrift von Mindoro,
Berlin, 1895=Abhandl. u. Berichte d. Konigl. zoolog. u. anthropol.-
ethnogr, Museums zu Dresden, No. 15.

Mohammedan tribes, the Arabic alphabet with some additional

signs to denote some peculiar native sounds;' 3) the Roman
alphabet introduced by the Spaniards, in which all the languages
of the Christian tribes, and all those of pagan tribes which have
been reduced to writing by Spanish missionaries, are written.
At the time of the Spanish conquest, the principal of the now
Christian tribes possessed alphabets that are practically identi-
cal with those of the Tagbanwas and Mangyans,2 and it is
probable that the Mohammedan tribes originally had similar
alphabets. These ancient alphabets have in both cases been super-
seded by that of the race whose religion has been adopted. In
the Mohammedan tribes no trace of them has been preserved,
and their use in the Christian tribes seems to have died out
about the middle of the eighteenth century.3
The archetype of these natives alphabets seems to have been
of Indian origin. As in the Indian alphabets, every consonan-
tal character without addition represents the consonant fol-
lowed by the vowel a, the other vowels being indicated by
secondary marks. There was no way of expressing a consonant
without a following vowel, hence such a consonant was omitted
in writing.4

'Similarly there are some additional characters in the Arabic alpha-

bet adapted to Malay, Persian, Turkish, and Hindustani, cf. Marsden,
A Gram. of the Malayan Language, London, 1812, p. 1 f.; Salemann und
Shukovski, Persische Gram. Berlin, 1889, X 1; A. Miller, Tflrkische
Gram. Berlin, 1889, ?5; Vinson, Manuel de la langue hindoustani, Paris
1899, p. 5. In like manner the Amharic alphabet is the Ethiopic with
some additional characters to denote some peculiar Amharic sounds,
while Coptic is written in the Greek uncial alphabet with seven addi-
tional characters borrowed from Demotic: cf. Praetorius, Die Amharische
,Sprache, Halle, 1879, p. 17, ?1 a; Steindorff, Koptische Grammatik,
2te ed., Berlin, 1904, p. 5.
2 Cf. Marcillo y Martin, Estudio de los antiguos alfabetos filipinos,
Malab6n, 1895.
3Totanes in his Arte de la lengua tagala, Sampaloc, 1745, states that
at his time very few natives could read this alphabet, and that hardly
any could write it: cf. the later edition, Binondo, 1865, p. 1.
4 This defect was remedied by the Austin friar Francisco Lopez, who
in his Ilokan catechism (1621) written in Tagalog characters made use
of a diacritical mark, similar in its nature to the Sanskrit virdma or
Arabic sukfin, to indicate a consonant standing alone; cf. ElArchipidlago
Filipino, vol. 1, p. 227.

VOL. lXVII. 22

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322 -F. R. Blake, [1906.

The Roman alphabet, which is' used in writing the native lan-
guages, was formerly conformed to the peculiarities of Spanish
orthography, but lately a number of improvements in spelling
have been introduced, the most important being the use of k
for c and qu, and w for consonantal u.
The Philippine languages have been influenced to some extent,
principally in their vocabulary, by the languages with which
they have come in contact. The vocabularies of some of them,
notably Tagalog and Bisayan, contain, in common with the
other Malayan languages, a number of Sanskrit words, e. g.
Tagalog and Bisayan bcasa 'read' (San. bha-s 'languages'),
halaga ' price' (San. argha).'
The languages spoken by the Mohammedan tribes, the most
important of which are Magindanao and Sulu, contain a number
of Arabic words, e. g., Magindanao and Sulu duniaI 'world'
(Arabic Ho> dunid), Mag. alatala, alahutaala, Sulu allah-
taala i God' (Arabic dJWK )JJt allaht ta'4ld4 'God, may he be
exalted').
The Christian tribes have adopted a considerable body of
Spanish terms, e. g., -ios ' God,' pade, pare ' priest.'
A few Chinese words are found in Tagalog as designations
of things specifically Chinese, e. g., cha or saI 'tea' (Chin.
tcha), miki 'a kind of vermicelli' (Chin. mi-ki).
At present the various languages are being subjected to the
influence of English, and English words will probably be more
or less extensively borrowed. Already in the northern part of
Luzon the English phrase ' no got ' is in common use.2
- Spanish, besides influencing to some degree the native vocab-
ularies, has also left its mark in a few cases on the grammatical
construction. In Tagalog, for example, the cumbersome native
method of coordinating pronouns and numerals, as in karmi niya
'he and I' literally ' his we,' has been more or less completely

1 Cf. H. Kern, Sanskritische woorden in het Tagala, Bijdragen tot de

Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie, 4de VoIg., D.
4, 1880, pp. 535-564; Sanskritische woorden in het Bisaya, ibid., 4de Volg.,
D. 5, pp. 128-135; T. H. Pardo de Tavera, El Sanscrito en la lengua
agala, Paris, 1887: cf. also my paper, Sanskrit Loan-words in Tagalog,
JHU. Circs., No. 163, pp. 63-65.
2 Cf. A. E. Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, Manila, 1905 (=Ethnological
Survey Publications, vol. 1), p. 158.

driven from the field by the simpler Spanish construction with

copulative conjunction.'
The materials for the study of the Philippine languages con-
sist of texts, collections of conversational phrases, grammars,
dictionaries, and vocabularies. Grammars and dictionaries of
some sort exist of most of the languages mentioned; the others
must be studied without these helps. The languages that are
included in the following comparative studies are, viz., Tagalog,
Bisayan (Cebuan, Hiliguayna, Samaro-Leytean, Harayan), Bikol,
Pampangan, Pangasinan, Ilokan, Igorot (Nabaloi, Bontok),
Ibanag, Batan, Magindanao, Sulu, and Bagobo.2

GENERAL FEATURfeS.

The most important characteristics which the Philippine lan-

guages possess in common are the following.
Words are made up of roots and particles. Roots are mainly
dissyllabic and indicate nominal or verbal ideas; practically all

'Cf. W. G. Seiple, The Taydlog Numerals, JHU. Circs., No. 163, pp.
79-81.
The principal grammars and dictionaries employed are, viz.: Totanes,
Arte de la lengua tagala, reimpr., Binondo, 1865; Campomanes, Lee-
ciones de gramatica hispano-tagala, Manila, 1872; Minguella, Ensayo
de gramatica hispano-tagala, Manila, 1878; Noceda, Vocabulario de
la lengua tagala, 38 ed., Manila, 1860; Zueco, Metodo del Dr. Ollendo
... . adaptado al bisaya, Manila, 1871; Bermejo, Arte conpendiado
de la lengua cebuana, 28 ed., Tambobong, 1894; Mentrida and Aparicio,
Arte de la lengua bisaya-hiligayna, Tambobong, 1894; Lozano, Cursos
de lengua panayana, Manila, 1876; Figueroa, Arte del idioma visaya
de Samar y Leyte, 28 ed., Binondo, 1872; Encarnacion, Diccionario
bisaya-espanol, 38 ed., Manila, 1885; San Augustin and Crespo, Arte
de la lengua bicol, Manila, 1879; Bergafio, Arte de la lengua pampanga,
28 ed. (?), Sampaloc, 1736; Pellicer, Arte de la lengua pangasinana,
reimpr., Manila. 1862; Cosgaya, Diccionario pangasinan-espagol, Ma-
nila, 1865; Naves, Gramatica hispano-ilocana, 2a ed., Tambobong,
1892; Carro, Vocabulario iloco-espanol. 28 ed., Manila, 1888; Sheerer,
The Nabaloi dialect, Ethnological Survey Publications, vol. II, Part II,
pp. 95-171, Manila, 1905; Jenks, The Bontoc Igorot, vol. 1 of series cited,
Manila, 1905, pp, 227-248; De Cuevas, Arte nuevo de la lengua ybanag,
2^ ed., Manila, 1854; (Batan grammar) cf. Retana, Archivo del bibli6filo
filipina, vol. II, Madrid, 1896, pp. xxxviii-xl; Juanmarti, Gramdtica
de la lengua de Magindanao, Manila, 1892; Cowie, English-Sulu-Malay
Vocabulary, London, 1893; Gisbert, Diccionario bagobo-espanol and
espailol-bagobo, Manila, 1892.

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324 F. R. Blake, [1906.

may be used unchanged as significant words; e. g., Tagalog

tawo ' man,' ibig ' wish, want.' Particles are mainly monosyl-
labic, some being independent words indicating pronominal and
adverbial ideas, others being used only in combination with
roots to form derivative nouns and verbs, e. g., Tagalog ka
'thou,' na 'now, already,' mag, a prefix used to form active
verbs, e. g., mag-lar6 'play, sport' from lar6. From these
ultimate components of the language other words are formed:
a) by reduplication of the root, e. g., Tagalog susulat 'will
write' from sulat ' write;'
b) by the combination of two or more particles, e. g., Tagalog
na-man 4also,' from na ' now' and man ' even;'
c) by the combination of the root with one or more derivative
particles, e. g., Tagalog s-um-ulat ' write (imper. and
inf.), s-in-ulat-an ' was written on,' from sulat.
These languages are practically non-inflectional, there being
no inflection except in some few instances in the pronoun and
the verb, the variation being regularly at the beginning of the
word. Pronouns are varied to express case, as a general thing
three cases being distinguished, a nominative, a so-called geni-
tive that is also the case of the agent and instrument, a so-called
oblique that is used to represent all locative relations, place
where, place whither, and place whence, including the dative
and ablative of persons; e. g., Tagalog ito 'this,' nito 'of
this,' dito ' in or to this.' In the verb differences in voice, mode
and tense may be indicated by change of the initial sound of a
form, e. g., Tagalog mayg-laro 'to play,' naglar6 'played,'
paglaro, passive stem of same verb, where m indicates the infini-
tive, n the preterit, andp the passive.
There is no formal distinction of gender even in the case of
the pronouns of the third person. Whenever it is necessary to
indicate the gender expressly, words meaning ' male' and 'female'
must be used in connection with the epicene noun or pronoun,
e. g., from Tagalog kabayo ' horse,' kahayo-ng lalaki ' stallion,'
and kabayo-ng babayi 'mare;' except in the case of certain
nouns of relationship, where different words are used to expre~s
difference in gender, e. g., Tagalog ama ' father,' ina 'mother.'
Even with these nouns the same word often denotes a relative
of either sex, and. the words for 'male' and 'female' must be

used when it is necessary to avoid ambiguity, e. g., Tagalog

anak ' son or daughter,' anak na lalaki ' son,' anak na babayi
'daughter.'1
These languages possess what might be called personal articles,
i. e., words of a particular nature which are placed before names
of persons to denote case, e. g., Tagalog si Pedro 'Pedro,' ni
Pedro ' of Pedro.'2 Many of them also have an article, the so-
called inclusive article, which is placed before the name of a
person to denote that with him are included those who are asso-
ciated with him in any way, as his companions, friends, family,
etc., e. g., Tagalog sina Pedro ' Pedro and his associates.'
The pronoun of the first person plural has regularly two forms,
one of which includes, while the other excludes, the person
addressed; for example, a Tagalog might say to a Spainard
tayo-ng kristiano ' we Christians,' using the inclusive ' we' tayo,
but kami-ng Tagalog ' we Tagalogs,' using the exclusive ' we'
kami. 3
An extensive use is made of certain particles called ligatures
to connect words, phrases, and sentences which stand to one
another in the relation of modifier and modified.4 They stand for
example between adjective and noun; verb and adverb; noun
or verb and dependent clause, in this case playing the part

1 These remarks apply also to the expression of gender in Malay,

Marsden, op. cit. p. 29; Crawfurd, A Gram. and Dict. of the Malay
Lang., London, 1852, vol. i, p. 10; Seidel, Praktische Gram. der Malay-
ischen Sprache, Hartleben's Verlag [Wien, Pest, Leipzig], p. 18); and in
Javanese (cf. Bohatta, Praktische Gram. der Javanischen Sprache, Hart-
leben's Verl.), p. 31.
'Personal articles are found also in Malay and Madagascan; in Malay
it is si, cf. Favre, Grammaire de la langue malaise, Vienne, 1876, pp.
59, 92. The principal ones in Madagascan are i and ra, cf. Brandstet-
ter, Tagalen und Madagassen, Luzern, 1902, p. 79 f.; Parker, A concise
Gram. of the Malagasy Language, London, 1883, p. 47.
3 The same distinction is made also in Malay between kita (inc.) and
kami (exc.), and in Madagascan between isika (inc.) and izahay (exe.);
cf. Marsden, op. cit., p. 45; Parker, op. cit., p. 39.
4 Traces of similar particles are found in Madagascan and some other
Malayan languages, cf. Brandstetter, Tag. u. Mad., pp. 76, 83. In lan-
guages of other families, similar particles are the connective i in mod-
ern Persian (cf. Salemann and Shukovski, op. cit., p. 30, ? 16), and the
genitive sign n in Egyptian and Coptic (cf. Ermann, fgyptische Gram.
2te Aufl., Berlin, 1902, p. 64; Steindorff, op. cit., pp. 79 f., 83).

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326 F. R. Blake, [1906.

of relative pronouns and subordinate conjunctions; e. g., in

Tagalog tatoo-ng mabuti 'good man,' mabuti-ng ginatwd ' well
done,' tawo-ng minamahal nang lahat ' a man who is esteemed
by all,' the modifier and modified are connected by the liga-
ture -ng.
The ideas of ' to be in a place ' and ' to have' are not expressed
by verbs, but by particles which may be called quasi-verbs, in
Tagalog rta, may, e. g., ang - libro'g na sa lamesa 'the book is
on the table;' ito-ng tawo'y may asawa 'this man has a wife.'
Verbs are generally made by combining derivative particles
with the root. These particles are very numerous and their
uses very various. By means of them voice, mode, and tense
are distinguished, and also a variety of other modifiations of the
verbal meaning, such as the causative, emphatic, etc.; for exam-
ple from a root aral in Tagalog are formed,
um-aral ' teach.' magsi-aral ' teach (of many).'
mag-aral 'study, learn.' magpaka-aral 'teach earnestly.'
man -ar al 'preach.' ungrm-aral ' taught.'
maka-aral 'be ,able to teach.' nag-aral ' learned.'
magpa-aral 'order, command aralin 'be taught.'
to teach.' inaral 'was taught.'
maki-ar-al 'join with someone pag-aral-in 'be studied.'
in teaching.' pinag-aral 'was studied.'
pa-aral ' ask for instruction.' etc., etc.
Perhaps the most salient feature of these languages is the pre-
vailing use of the passive construction, active verbs not being
used except when the agent is the most emphatic element of
the sentence; for example in Tagalog in the sentence 'he is
reading a book,' 'he' is more emphatic than the indefinite ' book,'
hence the active is used, viz., siya'y bungmabasa nang libro,
while in the sentence ' he is reading this book' the definite
object is ordinarily more emphatic than the agent, hence the
passive is employed, e. g., ito-ng libro'y binabasa niya.'
In the present imperfect state of our knowledge of the Philip-
pine languages any complete classification and subdivision is of
course impracticable, but it is possible nevertheless to distinguish
certain general groups.

I Cf. my paper, The Expression of Case by the Verb in Tagalog, in

this volume of the Journal, pp. 183-189.

The most important of these is a Northern Group, including

the principal languages of North Luzon and the islands to the
north, viz., Batan, Ibanag, Ilokan, Pangasinan, and the Igorot
dialects as far as they are known; and a Central Group, includ-
ing Tagalog, Bikol, and Bisayan. Between these two groups
lies Pampangan, which partakes in a measure of the peculiarities
of both. In the south the dialects of the Magindanao and
Malanao Moros belong together, while Bagobo and Sulu occupy
isolated positions, Sulu being more like Malay than any of the
other Philippine languages. The principal phonetic difference
between the languages of the Northern and Central Groups is
that the former have no h sound (cf. below, p. 335).
The principal differences in grammatical structure between
these two groups are the following.
In general the languages of the Northern Group form their
plural by- reduplication of the singular, e. g., Ilok. balay
'house,' balbalay 'houses.' The languages of the Central Group
employ a special prepositive particle manga for this purpose,
e. g., Tag. bahay 'house,' mania bahay 'houses.'
The Northern Group possesses the ligature a which is not
found as such in the Central Group, e. g., Ilok. naimbag a tao
'good man.'
In the Northern Group the personal pronouns have in general
two-forms of the nominative, an emphatic and a non-emphatic
form; for example, ' I' in Ilokan is represented by siak when
emphatic, by ak when not emphatic. In the Central Group as
a regular thing only one form of the nominative is employed,
e. g., Tag. ako 'I' On the other hand, in the Central Group
these pronouns have both a prepositive and a postpositive form
of the genitive, e. g., Tag. aking ulo and ulo ko 'my head;'
while in the Northern Group only postpositive forms are found;
e. g., Ilok. balay ko ' my house,' aso-k ' my dog.'
As a general thing the languages of the Northern Group dis-
tinguish only two tense forms of the verb, viz., a preterit and
a form to represent all the other tenses, e. g., Ilok., maan4ara-
mid, pret. nangaramid 'do, make.' In the Central Group as
many as four tense and mode forms are distinguished, viz., a
modal, used for infinitive, imperative, and subjunctive; a future;
a preterit; and a present: e. g., Tag.,
maglard ' to play.' naglard 'did play.'
maglalarod ' will play.' naglalaro 'is playing.'

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328 F. R. Blake, [1906.

The languages of the Central Group possess three passive

forms, by means of which not -only the direct object of the
verbal action may be made subject, but also words standing in
other case relations of the verb, such as dative, instrumental,
ablative, etc.'
In the Northern Group this function of the verb has been still
further developed, the languages of this group possessing not
only three passives, but also a number of other passive verbal
forms called verbals, made on the basis of the verbal noun of
action with prefixed pag, pan, etc. These take the place to
some extent of the i and an passives of the Central Group.
Examples of these forms in l1okan are,

daytoy ti pagpunas-mo kadagiti pinggan ' wash the plates with

this (this the washing-instrument thine to the plates).'
ania nga oras ti panagmisa ti pare ' at what hour does the priest
celebrate mass (what hour the mass-celebrating-time of the
priest)?'
asin ti pagsurataiyo (< *an-yo)2 'to whom are you writing (who
the writing-aim yours)?'
Pampangan, which, as was stated above, partakes in a meas-
ure of the peculiarities of both the Northern and Central Groups,
agrees with the Northern Group in not having the consonant
h, and in possessing the ligature a, both emphatic and non-
emphatic forms of the nominative, and exclusively postpositive
genitive forms of the personal pronouns; but with the Central
in possessing more than two tense and mode forms of the verb,
viz., future, present, and preterit, and in the absence of the
verbals which are so characteristic of the languages of the
Northern Group. The plural of the noun is indicated by a
special form of the article as often in Ilokan, e. g., ing tawo
'the man,' ding tawo ' the men,' except in the vocative, where
it is denoted by prepositive mranga, e. g., manga tawo, as in
the Central Group. A special characteristic of Pampangan is
the large number of forms which the personal pronouns have in
the genitive, e. g., under various conditions 'mine' is ko, koo,
ke, kee, or da; ' his,' no, noo, ne, nee, or na.

I Cf. my paper The Express. of Case by the Verb, cited above.

2 In Ilokan the passive endings en and an + the genitive yo ' you (pl.)'
give eiyo, aiyo. The phonetics of the process are not entirely clear.
The spelling may represent an assimilation of n to y, or perhaps a nasal-
ization of the vowels e and a.

Magindanao seems to be more closely related to the Central

Group than to the Northern, forming the plural of its nouns
with manga, and making three tense and mode forms, viz.,
present, preterite, and imperative, e. g., sumulat ' writes,'
sinumulat 'wrote,' sulat or panulat 'write (imperative).' It
is, however, apparently without A, and possesses the ligature a
like the languages of the Northern Group. The most charac-
teristic peculiarity of this language are the forms of the per-
sonal pronouns with prefixed or infixed I element (cf. below,
p. 372), e. g., laki, salaki 'my,' sallkitanu, lekitanu 'we.'
Sulu, like Malay, possesses in the declension of its noun no
special plural form or plural particle, and forms its tense by
means of auxiliaries, e. g., tog na aku ' I sleep,' baklas aku
mat5g 'I have slept.' The ligature, which is so characteristic
of all the other Philippine languages, is here comparatively lit-
tle used.

NOTES ON PHONOLOGY.'

Original Philippine Sounds.

From a comparison of representative words in the various

languages it is evident that the primitive Philippine language
possessed the following sounds, viz.,
vowels a, i, u or o Palatals
Labials p, b, m, w and k, g, y
Dentals t, d, n, 1, s Gutturals ng2
Cf. the following comparative list of words in the principal
Philippine languages.
' road' 'moon' 'drink' 'cook' ' five' 'eight'
Tag. daan buwan inum luto lima walo
Bis. dalan bulan inum luto lima walo
Bik. dalan bulan inum luto lima walo
Pamp. dalan bulan inum luto lima walo
Pang. dalan bulan inum luto lima walo
Ilok. dalan bulan inum luto lima walo
Iban. dalan tulan inum luto lima walu
Mag. lalan inum luto lima walu
Sulu dan bulan hinom lutoh lima walu

1 In general the vowels of Philippine words have the

ciation; the consonants are to be pronounced as in Eng
wise stated.
2 Written ng when it stands at the beginning of a syllable.

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330 F. B. Blake, [1906.

per. art. 'sickness' 'eat' sail' 'heaven'

Tag. si sakit kain layag langit
Bis. si sakit kaon layag langit
Bik; si kan lauag langit
Pamp. sakit kan layag
Pang. si sakit kan layag
Ilok. si sakit kan layag langit
Iban. si takit kan layag langit
Mag.- si sakit kan layag langit
Sulu sakit layag

The diphthongs ai and au also probably formed part of the

primitive phonetic system; ai is usually written ay, ai, and ad,
ao or au; cf.

'house' 'day' 'lake'

Tag. bahay arao
Bis. balay adlao danao
Bik. aldao
Pamp. balay
Pang. baley' ageo'
Ilok. balay aldao danao;
Iban. balay aggau
Mag. walay lanau

Sulu bai adlau lanau

danau
To these sounds are probably to be added,
a) an indistinct vowel # (cf. below, p. 331 f.),
b) r (cf. below, p. 333),
c) the glottal catch (cf. below, p. 335).
and perhaps h (cf. below, p. 335 f.).

Remarks on the Vowels.

The letters o and u are constantly interchanged in the same

language in writing, e. g., Tag. otang, utang ' debt,' and
according to the statements of the grammars this graphic dif-
ference is represented by a corresponding difference in the pro-
nunciation. Hence it is hardly possible to distinguish between
primitive Philippine u and o.

1 For the significance of this spelling with e, ef. below, p. 331.

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Vol. xxvii.1 Contributiosu8 to Philippine Grammar. 331:

There is also a similar interchange between the letters i and e,

and the sounds represented by them e. g., Tag. babayi, babaye
'woman,' but this interchange is so limited in scope, the- e cor-
responding to i rarely occurring, that all such cases are most
conveniently referred to primitive Philippine i.'
The letters e and o are sometimes used to indicate the con-
traction of the diphthongs ai and aq, but usually in - these
cases the origin of the e or o is perfectly clear, and there is no
chance of confusion with the other e and o. In the, Central
Group this contraction seems to be sporadic and confined to the
final syllable of certain very common words, e. g., Tag. and Bis.
mney ' have,' Bik. dey 'not to have,' where the writing ey indi-
cates the pronunciation e; Tag. ikao'y for ikao ay, where the
elision of the a of the particle ay points to the pronunciation
ik5. In Ibanag and Pampangan these diphthongs at the end of
a word are regularly contracted before a possessive suffix begin-
ning with a consonant, e. g., Iban. bale-lc 'my house' Pamp.
balce-rmo 'thy house' from balay 'house'. In Ibanag the diph-
thong ay is pronounced en, i. e. , the first element is pronounced
e and not a, e. g., patay 'dead,' ammay 'r ice;' in Pangasinan
the first element of both the diphthongs ai and au seems to be
sometimes pronounced as e, as is indicated by the spelling, e. g.,
baley ' village, house,' ageo ' dav.'
Generally speaking, cognate words have the same vowels in
all the different languages, a corresponding to a, i to i, o, u to
o, u. In a number of words, however, the vowels vary from
one language to another, in general, Tagalog i being repre-
sented in Bisayan and Bikol by o or u; in Ilokan, Pangasinan,
and Magindanao by A; in Ibanag and Pampangan by a; e. g.,
(passive
'rice' 'bear' 'room' suffix) 'six'
Tag. bigas dingig silid -in anim
Bis. bugas dungug sulud -on unum
Bik. dangog -on anum
Ilok. bagas dengeg silid -en innem
Pang. dengel -en anem
Mag. begas -en anem
Iban. baggat -an annam
Pamp. -an anam

1 In this article, unles

respectively considered

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332 F. R. Blake, [1906.

It is quite possible that this varied vocalism is the represen-

tation of a fourth primitive Philippine vowel, an indistinct
vowel like the Indo-European shewa,' which in a similar way
is represented by several different vowels in the various Indo-
European languages.2
In Sulu there is a vowel corresponding to the German A, e. g.,
tWd 'very,' bukkan 'it is not.' This, however, seems to be a
secondary Sulu development, words containing it having in some
cases by-forms with a or o, u, or corresponding to forms with
these vowels in the cognate languages, e. g., maisitg, maisog
'bold, intrepid' (Bis. maisog) ; dakap, dakap ' embrace' (Malay
dakap).

Remarks on the Consonants.

Labials.

A final p in Ibanag regularly becomes the glottal catch (of.

below, p. 336).
In some of the languages of the Northern Group p and b pass
at times into the spirants f and v. In Ibanag this change regu-
larly' takes place when original p is followed by u or o, e. g.,
fulu ' ten' (Pang. and Bis. polo, Magin. pulu, etc.). In Nabaloi
Igorot p and f are often used interchangeably in the same word,
e. g., apil or qfil ' different;' in others the p or f respectively
are constant, e. g., palit ' dear,' andujit ' soft.'
In Bontoc Igorot, and also in the northern part of the Nabaloi
territory, there is a similar interchange between b and f, e. g.,
Bont. babayi and fafayi ' woman,' Nab. balei and falei 'house.'
In Ibanag, just as pu becomes fu, b1u becomes vu, the b, how-
ever, being still retained in spelling, e. g., buaya 'c ayman.'
The sound v occurs in the one word asivi ' small' in Sulu.
In Magindanao a b sometimes becomes w (written u), e. g.,
uato 'stone,' uata 'boy,' ualay 'house' (Tag. bato, bata, Bis.
balay); but it is sometimes preserved, e. g., babay 'woman,'
ngibu ' thousand' (Tag. babayi, libo).
In Nabaloi Igorot original wa regularly becomes gwa (written
gua or goa), e. g., gualo 'eight,' asagoa ' spouse' (Tag. walo,
asawa).

1 Cf. Brandstetter, Tag. u. Mad., p. 34.

2 Cf. Brugmann, Grundriss der Vergl. Gram. der indogerm. Sp
2te Bearb., Strassburg, 1897, Bd. 1, p. 170.

Dentals.

In Ibanag the combination ti regularly becomes si, e. g.,

sinakao ' robbed' from a root takao with infix in. An original
final t regularly becomes the glottal catch (cf. below, p. 336).
A d of the other languages is regularly represented by the
aifricative ch in Nabaloi Igorot, e. g., chalan 'road,' achalemn
' deep' (Ilok. dalan, adalem), and in Bontoc Igorot the two
sounds are used interchangeably, as in the place names Chakong
or Daakong, Pudpudchog or Pudpuddog.
In Ibanag the combination di when not preceded by a (in
which case d > r, cf. below, becomes 2i (written ji), e. g.,
jinakay ' leprous' from the root dakay.
In Ibanag an s not followed by i seems to be regularly changed
to t, e. g., ataua 'spouse' (Tag. asawa), takit 'sickness' (Tag.
sakit) ta 'to, in the, etc.' (Tag. sa); but si the personal article

(Tag. si).
One of the most complex chapters of Philippine phonology is
that which is concerned with the interrelations of the sounds d,
r,1.
In a number of words an Ibanag, Ilokan, Bikol, and Samaro-
Leytean r corresponds to a Tagalog, Bisayan (except Sam.-
Ley.), Pampangan Pangasinan, Magindanao and Sulu 1, e. g.,
'write' 'silver' 'thousand' 'how much?'
Iban. surat pirak ribu
Jiok. sirat pirak ribo
Bik. surat pirak ribo pira
Sam.-Ley. surat ribo ('million') pira
Tag. sulat pilak libo
Bis. sulat pilak libo pila
Pamp. sulat libo pilan
Pang. sulat libo
Mag. sulat pila
Sulu sulat pelak pela

As an original I is in general preserved without change in

most of the languages, r is here probably to be regarded as the
more original sound.
An original intervocalic I is lost in Tagalog and Sulu; in Taga-
log it is represented by the glottal catch between the two
vowels, or a secondary h or semi-vowel is developed between

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334 F. R. Blake, [1906.

them, e. g., daan 'road,' bahay 'house,'powo 'ten' (Bis. dalan,

balay, polo); in Sulu the two vowels are contracted, e. g., dan
'road,' bai 'lhouse,' poh ' ten.'
In Batan such an I seems regularly to become g, e. g., ogo
'head,' pogo 'ten,' bagay 'house,' bugan 'month' (Bis. olo,
polo, balay, bulan). The same change is perhaps illustrated in
Ibanag, Pangasinan, and Nabaloi piga ' how much?' (Bis. pila).
This change from I to g probably passed through the interme-
diate stages, guttural r, and the guttural sonant spirant like g
in the North German pronunciation of tage 'days.' The writing
g, indeed, may be simply an imperfect attempt to indicate the
latter sound.
In Nabaloi Igorot an I or r of the other languages is often
represented by d, e. g., idoko IIlokan' (Ilok. iloko), mabadin
'possible' (Ilok.r mabalin), sudat 'write' (Ilok. surat, Tag.
sulat).
In Batan the change from I to d is also found, e. g., dima
'five,' tatdo ' three' (Bis. lina, tatlo).
An intervocalic d is in many of the languages often changed
to r. So in Tagalog, Bisayan, Pampangan, Pangasinan, Ibanag,
Nabaloi, Batan, and Sulu; apparently not in Bikol, Ilokan and
Magindanao, cf.
Tag. narito 'is here' from dito here.'
Bis. aruna, duna 'have.'
Pamp. kareni 'to these' from deni 'these.'
Pang. mnaronong ' wise' from root donong.
Iban. ikarua 'second' from root dua 'two.'
Nab. marikit 'pretty,' cf. Tag. dikit 'beauty.'
Bat. icharua ' second,' cf. Iban. dua 'two.'
Sulu ha ran ' on the road' from dan 'road.'
Ilok. ida 'they' from da.
Palatals and Gutturals.

In Ibanag final k regularly becomes the glottal catch (cf.

below, p. 336).
In Nabaloi Igorot k is often changed to the corresponding
surd spirant like German ch, which may be represented by x,
e. g., ixamen 'mat' (Ilok. ikamen), asixen 'old man' (Pang.
asiken).
In Bontoc Igorot k and. g are constantly interchanged, e. g.,
kulid or gulid ' itch,' yeka or yega 'earthquake.'

In Batan a k in juxtaposition to an i sound either before or

after it regularly becomes ch, e. g., icha- prefix which forms
ordinals, machi- verbal prefix indicating accompaniment (Tag.
ika, maki).
A g of the other languages is sometimes represented in Ilokan
by r, the change in all probability being the reverse of the pro-
cess illustrated by the change from I to g (cf. above, p. 334),
e. g., baro 'new,' rabiy 'night,' darat 'sand' (Tag. bago,
gab-i, dagat ' sea').
In Nabaloi Igorot y becomes regularly dy, e. g., dyo 'your,'
adyab 'call' (Ilok. yo, ayab).

Larynyeals.
Under this category the Philippine languages seem originally to
have possessed the glottal catch or laryngeal stop, and perhaps the
surd spirant h. The glottal catch is not recognized as a sepa-
rate sound in any of the works on the Philippine languages, but
its presence in many languages is indicated by the statements
of the grammars, and it probably occurs in all. For example,
the Tagalog grammars speak of final vowels with guttural
accent, of vowels pronounced separately from the single conso-
nant which precedes them, and state that two juxtaposed vowels
stand in different syllables. These statements are to be under-
stood as follows. The hiatus between the two vowels in such
a word as doon ' there' is of course identical with the glottal
catch: the fact that a vowel following a single consonant begins
a new syllable, as for example in gab-i 'night,' indicates that
between the two stands the glottal catch, which really begins
the second syllable: the so-called guttural accent of a final vowel
seems to be really a glottal catch after the vowel; when the
final vowel has at the same time the stress accent, the vowel is
marked with a circumflex, e. g., wald 'is, has not;' when it is
unstressed, with a grave accent, e. g., wikd 'word, language.'
The glottal catch in Ibanag resulting from a final stop is of
course secondary (cf. below, p. 336).
The spirant h does not occur in Ibanag,1 Ilokan, Pangasinan,
Nabaloi, and Pampangan, but it may have been an original
Philippine sound, as it is preserved in the other Philippine
languages; cf.

' Not given in the list of consonants.

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336 F. R. Blake, [1906.

'wind' 'dear' ' hair' 'before' 'king'

Ilok. ankin book ari

Pang. arap ari
Nab. buek
Pamp. angin mal
Tag. hangin mahal buhok harap hari
In Sulu a word with vocalic initial sometimes takes a secondary
h before it, e. g., hinom 'drink' (general Philippine inum).
In Tagalog, Bisayan, and Bikol an h is sometimes inserted
between a final vowel and the suffixes an and in (cf. below,
p. 337).
Other Phonetic Changes.

The final stops k, p, t, in Ibanag are, according to the state-

ment in the principal Ibanag grammar, not pronounced, but the
preceding vowel receives a peculiar aspiration.' This clearly
points to the fact that these consonants have become the glottal
catch, like the final k in Malay.2 This pronunciation is indi-
cated in the grammar by placing a dash between the final con-
sonant and the preceding word, e. g., a-k ' I,' taki-t ' sickness.'
In the present article, however, the dash will be omitted for the
sake of convenience. Before this glottal catch the vowel a is
pronounced as o, though a is usually written (but cf. so-ck 'I ').
A characteristic feature of Ibanag and Ilokan is the doubling
of originally single consonants, e. g., Iban. battu ' stone,' annamn
'six' (Tag. bato, anirn), Ilok. adda 'be' (Malay ada).
In Ibanag the final consonants b, d, g, n are assimilated to an
initial consonant in a following word, e. g., kanak ku ' my food '
< kanan ku; and all final consonants are pronounced in the
same syllable with an initial vowel of a following word, the
change from final surd stop to glottal catch not being made in

1 ' ... quedan absolutamente sin sonido, y mudas; mas debe darse en
la vocal, que les precede, un golpe de aspiracion, que solo la voz de maes-
tro puede espresar, y enseflar debidamente.' Cf. De Cuevas, op. cit.,
p. 10.
2 Cf. Seidel, Prak. Gram. d. Mal. Sprache, p. 5. It is interesting to
note that this final glottal catch is written V (e. g., ii anal I son,)
which in Arabic in general is equal to k+glottal catch, and which in
some modern Arabic dialects has become simply the glottal catch. Cf.
Favre, op. cit., p. 12; Marsden, op. cit., p. I1 f.; Wahrmund, Praktische
Gram. der neu-arab. Sprache, Giessen, 1861, p. 11.

this case, e. g., mcelugak ' I want' < ma~lug ak, ayata mapia
'great joy' < ayat a mapia.
In Tagalog after a final vowel the a of the particle ay and
the conjunction at may be elided, e. g., ang tawo'y mabuti
(< tawo ay) ' the man is good,' ama't ina (<-ama at) ' father
and mother.' This elision may also take place after a final ?,
the n being lost at the same time, e. g., iya'y mabuti (< iyan
ay) ' this is good,' amai't ali. (amain at) 'uncle and aunt.'
Many contractions and elisions take place in Pampangan, but
the statements of the grammar on this subject are very meagre
and unsatisfactory; cf., however, kana kita for kana ku ita,
iyeni for iya ini, meng for me ing, yang for ya ing, totita for
toto ita.
In Tagalog the suffixes an and in are added directly to a
word ending in a final vowel with glottal catch, e. g., turo-an
'be taught;' after other final vowels an h is inserted, e. g.,
sabi-h-in ' be said,' una-h-an ' front part.' The same rule as
regards the insertion of the h probably applies also to Bisayan
and Bikol.

PRONOUNS DERIVED FROM PARTICLES.

The Philippine pronouns with regard to their origin may be

divided into two classes, viz.,
a) pronouns derived from monosyllabic particles,
b) pronouns derived from dissyllabic roots.
To the second class belong the indefinite pronouns, except
those derived from the interrogatives, e. g., Tag. kaunti 'a
little' from the root unti, marami 'much' from the root dami;
and the numerals, e. g., Tag. apat 'four,' lima ' five.'
To the first class belong
a) the ligatures,
b) the articles,
c) the demonstrative pronouns,
d) the interrogative pronouns,
e) the personal pronouns.
The present investigation will be confined to the pronouns of
the first class, which will be treated in the order named.
Pronouns derived from particles consist either of a simple
root particle, or-of a root particle combined with other prefixed
VOL. XXVII. 23

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338 F B. R Blake, [1906.

and suffixed particles. The prefixes are usually articular in

character, and are employed to express case; the suffixes are
ordinarily derived from ligatures which stood originally between
the pronoun and the following word. Those pronouns that are
inflected distinguish in general three cases (cf. above, p. 324),
though sometimes two cases have identical forms.'

The Ligatures.

The ligatures that occur in the various languages are the fol-
lowing, viz.:
Tag. na -ng (-n) ay -y
Bis. (in gen.) nga -ng -y
Bis. (Sam. -Ley.) nka (-ng) -n
Bik. na -ng
Pamp. -ng -n a
Pang. -n a ya -y
Ilok. nka -n a
Iban. nga a
Bat. a
Ig. (Nab.) a
Ig. (Bon.) -n ay
Mag. a 1
Sulu -Y2
Bag. i

1 In the
as nomin
As the o
ama ruing batd=sa bata-ng ama 'father of the boy,' forms that are
really oblique are often given by the grammars under the genitive, but
this will occasion little difficulty from a morphological point of view.
Sometimes the oblique forms are not given by the grammars, in which
case they are probably to be formed by prefixing the oblique of the defi-
nite article to the nominative.
2 Not specifically mentioned as ligature by the grammars, though
examples of both occur.
Ka is also said to be a relative in the sentence dini doon kagi ka diri
non.4a olitan ' here are words that it is not proper to reveal;' but it is
here in all probability simply the genitive of the definite article used
before the following clause, which modifies kagi 'words' just like a noun
in the genitive.

The forms with dash are used only after vowels, e. g., Bis.
tawo-ng rnaayo 'good man,' the others, in general, after both
vowels and consonants, e. g., Bis. tawo nga maayo ' good
man,' maalam nga magtotoon 'learned teacher.' Tagalog ay,
-y are used only to join together two elements that stand to each
other in the relation of subject and predicate, and then only
when the subject precedes, e. g., ang tawo'y mab1uti 'the man is
good.' Bisayan -y is also sometimes employed in this case, but
is also used as the equivalent of the other ligatures.'
The difference between -ng and -n in those languages which
possess both is difficult to determine. Often they seem to be
used interchangeably; in Pampangan -n is used especially before
an indefinite noun, like the signs of the indefinite object in Bis.,
and Iban. (cf. below, p. 345); e. g., kuma ka-n danurn 'take
some water.' The choice of a and nja in those languages which
possess both seems to be regulated by euphonic considerations:
in Ilokan a must be used when the preceding word ends and the
following begins with a consonant, e. g., toy a balay ' this
house;' nga must be used when the preceding word ends and
the following begins with a vowel a, e. g., dayta nia aso 'that
dog,' otherwise the two are used indiscriminately. Ilokan -n is
used before the adverbs sa and to, e. g., adda-n-sa 'is there
perhaps,' adda-n-to 'will there be,' and has also various other
uses.2 In Pangasinan ya is used principally to join clauses, e. g.,
alanr so libro ya wala-d3 silid ' bring the book which is in the
room;' -y is used as the equivalent of -n, and also as a substi-
tute for the nominative and genitive of the articles, e. g., talo-
ra-y silla = talora-n silla ' three chairs,' onla dia-y. Antonio=
onla dia si Antonio 'come here Antonio.' Otherwise the four
forms are practically equivalent except that -n and -y are only

1 Cf. my paper, Differences between Tagalog and Bisayan, JAOS. xxv,

1904, p. 167 f.
2 Cf. Williams, Grammatische Skizze der Ilokano-Sprache (disserta-
tion), Minchen, 1904, p. 64f.
3Contracted from wala ed. In Pangasinan wala means ' to be,' in
Tagalog and Bisayan it means ' not to be,' one being affirmative, the
other negative. A similar difference in meaning is presented in Semitic

by Hebrew ,IK ' be willing,' Arabic 'abd, Ethiopic ant 'abana

T Trfs.
'be unwilling, refuse.'

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340 F. R. Blake, [1906.

used after vowels. In the meager specimens of Bontoc Igorot

which are accessible -n is used after a vowel, ay after either
vowel or consonant, e. g., chuwa-n lasot 'two hundred,' chuwa
ay tifo -' two thousand,' siam ay Poo ' ninety' (nine tens). In
Magindanao a is the usual ligature, i being used mainly after
interrogative words instead of the article Su, e. g., tinglin i
midtalu salkaI 'who spoke to you?' In Sulu the ligature i
occurs sporadically, e. g., pela i bulan ' how many months9?' In
Bagobo the ligature is used as relative.
All these ligatures seem to be derived from the four particles
na, nga, a, and i.. The forms -n and -ng are shortened respec-
tively from na and nga; i after a vowel forms the second ele-
ment of a diphthong and is then often written -y; ay and ya
are probably combinations of the two particles a and i; na and
nga are perhaps simply two forms of the same particle.

The Articles.

The Philippine languages possess not only a definite and

indefinite article, which are in the main equivalent to the corre-
sponding English articles, but also a personal and an inclusive
article (cf. above, p. 325).

Definite Article.

The forms of the definite article in the various languages a

viz.

nom. gen. obW.

Tag. ang nang sa
Bis. (Ceb.) ang sa sa
Bis. (Hil.) ang (ing) sang sa
Bis. (Sam. -Ley.) an (in) san, nan, kanan sa
A

Bis. (Har.) ya, nan sa, kan, et

Bik. an Si nin ninsi sa kan

Pamp. sg. ing ning king

pI. ding (ding)1 karing
Pang. sg. so, say na ed

I Doubtless the correct form (cf. i

grammar.

Pang. p1 4 saray, iray, day ed saray

ray; so saray na saray

Ilok. sg. itil ti ti iti

pI. dagiti dagiti kadagiti
Igor. (Nab.) e' ne sun, chi
Iban. i na ta
Bat. u, su nu du, (u, su)2

Mag. sa 4 na, nu, sa sa, kana,

kana, kanu3 kanuS
Sulu in sin, kan ha, pa
Bag. yan, i ka, ta ka, ta

Xominative.

Forms that are apparently root particles are ya, si, i, u, ti.
Ya is probably identical with the ligature ya; si is the personal
article used as definite (cf. below, p. 346); i is probably iden-
tical with the ligature i; ti is probably identical with the demon-
strative root particle ti (cf. below, p. 353).
Pangasinan, Batan, and Magindanao su, so, may be a root
particle, or u with an inflectional s borrowed from si, the nomi-
native of the personal article. Nabaloi e may be a variant form
of i, or a contraction of *ay identical with the ligature ay.
The forms ang, an, ing, in, yan seem to consist of the root
particles i and ya just described, and a which is probably iden-
tical with the ligature a, followed by the ligature -ng, -n,4 which
is regularly used in these languages between two words that stand
to one another in the relation of modified and modifier, when the
first of the group ends in a vowel. Originally the root particle
was the article, and -ng, -n simply a connective, the -ng in Taga-

I Also given as objective along with sun and chi.

2 The oblique case forms are given as du, lu, su, but this is almost cer-
tainly a mistake for du, 1. u, su, 1. being an'abbreviation fori 'or,' as
in the nominative su 1. u. No particle which could be connected with
this apparent lu occurs in any of the languages, except, perhaps, in
Magindanao (cf. below, p. 372) and there it seems to be a foreign ele-
ment. As these forms are headed ' dat., ac., abl.' the forms i, su are
probably nominatives used as accusatives (cf. below, p. 380, ft. ult. 1).
3 As these forms are given by Juanmarti in the paradigm only in con-
nection with the following plural particle manga, the u may be'a modi-
fication of a due to the labial m.
4 Cf. Brandstetter, Tag. u. Mad., p. 78.

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342 F. R. Blake [1906.

log a-ng tawo 'the man' being no more a part of the article
than the -ng in ito-ng tawo ' this man.' The ligature, however,
has become an integral part of the article, as is shown by the
pronominal use of the article before an oblique case, e. g., Tag.
ang sa tawo 'that of the man,' where the ligature would ordi-
narily not be employed.
Pangasinan say seems to be a combination of a root particle
sa and the ligature i. Whether this sa is ultimately identical
with the sa of the oblique case (cf. below) is uncertain.
Harayan nan is probably borrowed from the genitive, being
doubtless identical with the Sainaro-Leytean genitive nan (cf.
below).
Ilokan iti seems to be a combination of the simpler form ti
with an articular prefix i doubtless identical with Ibanag nomi-
native i, and ultimately with the ligature i. This i is to be dis-
tinguished from the prepositional i which occurs in the identical
oblique case iti (cf. below).
The plural forms in Pangasinan and Ilokan contain a plural
element da, ra, which is identical with the root particles da, ra,
la of the third person plural (cf. below, p. 381 f.). In Pangasi-
nan ra is always followed by the ligature i, and it also may
take the prefixes i, sa, and so sa, i being identical with the i
of Ilokan nominative iti, sa and so with the sa and so of the
Pangasinan singular. In Ilokan the plural is made by prefixing
dag, consisting of da+an additional pluralizing element g,' to
the singular iti. In Pampangan ding, which like the singular
forms ang, i'ng, contains the ligature -ng, di may be a modifica-
tion of cda due to the influence of the i of the singular, or it may
be an independent root particle (cf. below, p. 348).

Genitive.

The genitive forms that are apparently root particles are sa,
et, na, ti, ka. Ti is the same as the ti in the nominative; sa, et
and ka belong rather to the oblique (cf. below); na is probably
identical with the ligature na.
Batan nu and perhaps Magindanao nu (cf., however, p. 341,
ft. nt.) may be a root particle, or it may be u with an inflec-

1 Cf. my article, The Bisayan Dialects, cited above,. p. 127.

tional n borrowed from na. Nabaloi ne is either a variant form

of ni, or na + the ligature i. Bagobo ta has apparently no rep-
resentative in any of the other languages, Ibanag ta (obl.) rep-
resenting an original sa.
The forms nang, nagn, sang, san, consist of the root
particles na and sa followed by the ligature -ng, -n. The
forms ning, nin consist of a similar combination of the ligature
with a particle ni, which may itself be a root particle, or the
root particle i with an inflectional n borrowed from na.
In Bikol ninsi the genitive is prefixed to the nominative.
Sulu sin is probably the nominative in with an inflectional s
borrowed from the genitive and oblique sa (cf. below, p. 354).
The forms kan, kanan, kana, kanu, seem to be borrowed from
the oblique (cf. below).
The plural forms in Pampangan and Ilokan are identical with
the nominative. In Pangasinan the form day (=plural particle
(la + ligature i) is probably more original than ray of the nom-
inative, where the r is doubtless due to the analogy of the
other nominative forms (cf. below, p. 382): in the form na
saray; na, the genitive singular, is prefixed as genitive case sign
to the nominative.

Oblique.

The forms that are apparently root particles are sa (including

Iban. ta, cf. above, p. 333), et, ed, *di (Nab. chi, cf. above,
p. 333), ha, pa, ka. Et and ed are probably identical, and are
perhaps to be connected with di; di is doubtless identical with
the Malay preposition di ' in;' Sulu ha is perhaps to be connected
with the Sulu active verbal suffixes a, ha just as the i of Ilokan
i-ti is probably identical with the active verbal suffix i of Malay
(cf. below); Sulu pa, which indicates motion towards, is per-
haps identical with the verbal prefix pa, which is used to form
verbs of motion, e. g., Tag. pa-rito 'come here' from dito
'here,' pa-sa-Aaynila 'go to Manila' from sa-Jifaynila 'in
Manila;' ka is doubtless identical with the Malay preposition ka
'to, towards.' For Bagobo ta cf. under genitive.
The form kan consists of the root particle ka+ligature n;
Pampangan king consists of the ligature ng and a root par-
ticle ki which is probably modified from ka under the influence

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344 F. R. Blake, [1906.

of the i vocalism of the other forms; Batan du is probably u

with an inflectional d borrowed from the particle di; Nabaloi
sun consists perhaps of the root particle u with an inflectional s
as in Sulu genitive sin, and ligature n; Ilokan iti consists of the
root particle ti, and a prepositional iV identical with the i of the
Tagalog adverbs and prepositions sa i-babao 'over,' sa i-taas
'above,' sa i-babd ' below,' sa i-lalim ' underneath,' which con-
sist of a root preceded by two prepositional elements i and sa.
This i may be identical with the prefix i of the passive, just as
in Malay di is both preposition and passive prefix.2 The same
preposition i seems also to occur as active suffix in Malay, where
it is equivalent to the active suffix lan, connected with the prep-
osition ka.3
In Samaro-Leytean kanan, Magindanao kana, kanu, ka is
prefixed as oblique case sign to the genitive; in the plural of
Pampangan and Ilokan to the nominative-genitive. In the
Pagnasinan plural, ed is prefixed as oblique case sign to the
nominative.
For the Batan forms u and -su, which are identical with the
nominative, cf. above, p. 341, ft. nt. 2.

Indefinite Article.

The idea of the indefinite article, whenever it is not indicated

sufficiently by the nature of the construction, is expressed by
the numeral one, which unlike the numerals from 'two' upward
seems to be derived from pronominal particles. This numeral,
however, is not inflected, but expresses its case by means of an
inflected word placed before it. Its forms in the various lan-
guages are, viz.:

Tag. isa Ilok. meysa

Bis. (Ceb.) usa Igor. (Nab.) saxei
Bis. (Hil.) isa, usa Igor. (Bon.) isa
Bis. (Sam. -Ley.) usa Iban. itte, tadday
Bik. saro Mag. isa
Pamp. isa, metong Sulu isa
Pang. isa, sakey Bag. sabbad

I Cf. Brandstetter, Tag. u. Mad., p. 78.

2 Cf. Favre, Grammaire de la langue malaise, Vienne, 1876, pp. 132,
158. Seidel, op. cit., pp. 52, 66.
3 Cf. Marsden, op. cit., p. 56.

All of these forms except Pampangan metong, which is not

clear, are derived from a root particle sa, which is used for
'one' in Javanese and Malay. The initial i of isa is probably
the same articular i which has already been seen in Ilokan
nominative iti, and which has an extensive use in the demon-
strative and personal pronouns (cf. below).
Ibanag itte probably consists of *itta + the ligature i, just as
due 'two' is probably equivalent to dua + i; *itta is doubtless
derived from *ita (=isa, cf. above, p. 333), with the doubling
which is so characteristic of Ibanag (cf. above, p. 336). In
Ilokan instead of the simple i, nmey, contracted from rnai, a
combination of i and the adjectival prefix ma, is used, just as
it is employed instead of the simple i of many of the other lan-
guages, in the formation of the ordinals, e. g., Ilok. maikapat
'fourth' (Tag. ikapat).
The u of Bisayan usa is probably identical with Batan u (cf.
also below, pp. 354, 361).
Ibanag tadday (<*sadday, cf. above, p. 333) is perhaps to
be analyzed as root particle sa + da, root particle of third per-
son plural, + ligature i, the doubling being phonetic. The
second elements of Bikol sa-ro, Pangasinan sa-key, Nabaloi sa-
xei, Bagobo sa-bbad are, perhaps, similar in nature to the
numeral coefficients of Malay.'
Under the head of indefinite articles are best considered those
particles which indicate the indefinite object of an action. In
Cebuan these are ug, Pnore rarely ak; in Hiliguayna and Samaro-
Leytean sing and sin respectively: e. g., Cebuan kumuha ka
ug tubig 'take some water.' The two last are probably iden-
tical in formation with sin, the genitive of the definite article in
Sulu. In Ibanag a particle tu, perhaps identical with Batan and
Magindanao su, Pangasinan so, is employed, e. g., apam mu tu
kanak ku ' bring me something to eat.'

Personal Article.

The forms of the personal article in the various languages

are, viz.:

1 Cf. Favre, op. cit., p. 71 f.; Maxwell, Manual of the Malay Lang
London, 1902. p. 70f.

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346 F R. Blake, [1906.

nom. gen. obl.

Tag. si ni kay

Bis. i ni kay (Hil., Har.)

kanan (Sam.-Ley.) kan (Ceb., Sam.-
Ley., Hil.)
Bik. si ni ki
Pamp. i nan kan
Pang. si nen ed
Ilok. si, ni ni ken
Igor. (Nab.) si' nan, ne sun, sikan
Iban. si ni ta, takkua, tak-
kuani
Bat. si ni di
Mag. si ni, kani kani
Sulu hi
Bag. si ni kan

The usual nominative is the root particle si. In Pampangan

i, identical with the root particle i of the definite article, is
employed, and with this, Sulu hi is perhaps identical, as a second-
arv h is sometimes developed before an initial vowel (cf. above,
p. 336). Ilokan ni is derived from the genitive (cf. below.,
p. 387).
The usual genitive is the particle ni (cf. above, p. 343). The
forms nan, kanan, ne are to be explained like nan, kanan, ne
of the definite article. Pangasinan nen seems to be the articu-
lar root particle na+the ligatures i and n, *nain being contracted
to nen (cf. above, p. 331). . Magindanao kani belongs rather to
the oblique.
In the oblique case most of the forms are based on the articu-
lar root particle ka: kan consists of ka + the ligature n; kay,
of ka + the ligature y; Ilokan ken? is probably to be analyzed,
like Pangasinan nen, as ka+i+n; Magindanao kani consists
of ka + the genitive ni: Nabaloi sikan is kan with what is
apparently the nominative si prefixed. Bikol ki seems to be a
modification of ka due to the influence of the i in the other case
forms si and ni. Pangasinan does not distinguish between the

1 Also given as objective along with sun and sikan.

definite and personal articles in the oblique case, ed serving for

both, and in Ibanag the oblique case ta of the definite article is
used either alone or in the compound forms takkua, takkuani
as the oblique of the personal article. The kua in the com-
pounds just mentioned is a noun meaning 'thing, possession,'
which is used in Ilokan and Ibanag in conjunction with the post-
positive genitives of the personal pronouns to form possessive
pronouns, e. g., kua-k ' mine,' kua-m 'thine,' etc. 1; ni is the
genitive of the personal article. Batan di is doubtless identical
with Nabaloi chi, Malay di (cf. above, p.' 343).

Inclusive Article.

The forms of the inclusive article, in so far as they are given

by the various grammars, are as follows, viz.:

nom. gen. obl.

Tag. sina nina kana

Bis. (Ceb.) sa na ka
Bis. (Hil.) sanday nanday kanday
sila nay ila nay sa ila nay
sila ni ila ni sa ila ni
sila si nila ni kanila ni
sila sa2
Bis. (Sam. -Ley.) sira nira kanda

Bik. { sa, sainda sa, na, ninda na na, sainda na

sinda sa
Pamp. di di kari

Pang. sara di. da di ed sara di

sikara di na sara di
Ilok. da3 da3
Iban. da da takkuara

The Tagalog forms are compounded of a particle na, perhaps

identical with the ligature na, and the case forms of the per-
sonal article, ka being used instead of ka-y.

I Cf. Naves, op. cit., p. 85; De Cuevas, op. cit., p. 77.

2 Cf. Mentrida and Aparicio, op. cit., p. 10.
8 Cf. Naves, op. cit., pp, 80, 121.

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348 F. R. Blake, 11906.

Cebuan and Bikol sa, which occurs also.in Hiliguayna sila sa,
seems to be a modification of si, a perhaps being borrowed from
the plural particle da, where it was felt as a plural ending.
The other case forms na and ka were then made on the basis of
sa, the nominative case sign s being changed respectively to n
and k.
In many instances the inclusive article is based on the pro-
noun of the third person plural (cf. below; p. 379 if.). In Hili-
guayna, sanday is the pronoun sanda ' they' + the ligature i;
nanday and kanday are made on this basis by simply changing
the case sign: sila nay and its declined forms is a combination
of the pronoun sila 'they' with a particle nay, probably na,
identical with na in Tagalog si-na, + the ligature i: for sila sa
cf. below. The other Hiliguayna forms consist of sila followed
by the nominative or genitive of the personal article.
Samaro-Leytean sira, nira are identical with the correspond-
ing forms of the pronoun of the third person plural; the oblique
kanda is to be connected with the stem of Hiliguayna sanday.
The Bikol forms like sinda sa, ninda na, etc., and Hiliguayna
sila sa5 consist of the forms of the pronoun of the third perso
plural followed by the nominative or genitive of the inclusive
article sa; sainda sa, if it is not a typographical error, owes its
initial syllable sa to the influence of the inclusive article sa. Ilo-
kan and Ibanag da is identical with the root particle da of the pro-
noun of the third person plural. The sign of the oblique. case in
Ibanag, viz., takkua- is to be explained as in the case of the per-
sonal article. Pampangan di may be a modification of da due to
the influence of the prevailing i vocalism of the articular forms,
but the occurrence of di as the final element of the inclusive
article in Pangasinan, where there is no such influence, seems
to indicate that di is an independent particle: kari is di
with prefixed case sign ka. In Pangasinan the inclusive
article is made by prefixing to di, forms derived from the pro-
noun of the third person plural or from the plural of the defi-
nite article: sikara is identical with one of the pronouns of the
third person plural; the other elements prefixed to di are the
corresponding case forms of the plural of the definite article
without the ligature -y.

Demonstrative Pronouns.

With regard to their meaning, the demonstrative pronouns

may be divided into two general classes, A) the nearer demon-
stratives, which may be translated by ' this;' B) the more remote
demonstratives, which may be translated by 'that.' Within these
two general groups, especially in the second, there are in most
of the languages further subdivisions of meaning. For example,
in Tagalog, yari indicates something that is nearer the speaker
than the person addressed, ito, something that is near both,
iyan, something that is nearer the person addressed than the
speaker, and yaon, something that is distant from both.
These more minute distinctions, however, are of practically
no importance from a morphological point of view, and even in
the case of the two main semantic groups, we often find what is
nearer demonstrative in one, used as remoter demonstrative in
another, e. g., Tagalog ito 'this,' Samaro-Leytean ito 'that.'
In general the demonstratives are made up of three elements,
viz., (a) demonstrative root particles; (b) prefixed particles,
usually of articular origin, which denote case and sometimes
number, and which will be known as case indicating particles;
(c) connective particles or ligatures, which are of two kinds,
those that connect case indicating prefix with the root particle,
and those that are suffixal in character, representing what was
originally ligature between the demonstrative and following
noun. Sometimes a demonstrative seems to contain two root
demonstrative particles, viz., in Magindanao en-tu and in the
Ibanag forms ending in -ye. In Bagobo an adverbial particle
go appears as final element in some of the demonstratives.
The forms of the demonstrative pronouns in the various lan-
guages are, viz.:

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350 F. R. Blake, [1906.

AO0
o~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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t j ? 2 o t t t tws ?x, > 2 ? t ce *+ ce

c30c~ ce
ce ce =

0
fr . ^-.-- ~ r' c~~~~~~~

4 e *cr7

4 I o s *rZ 3 w *+ X e X~ce e 4-
8 ' :~~~~~~ =: 3 = 3; m = ~~~~~~~e o e c =X: =Xe -
n ~~~~~~~Q

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e '-w
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.4. , . 3c
H~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~c

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EH P; P; e P = ; G

ce~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~U
U,

= e *+ce *

c Ee ceaS>= Q
y~~~~~~~~
c3 e * c3 3e 3 c O O
e e ce ._-4- -)P ;X X <

Y ,~~~~~~~~~e bo rc & f 3
C 4 - X X
;k
ce.+ ce
8 8 8
ce~~~~~~~
~
P = Q -O E b o
ce~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
:
4
0e

ce 'cl Cd~~~~0

4 s - Ce Ceo p4* = >:2 7e

M 0 0

(v~~ _z: - _c w _ce

< :* O ? tt Y 3 e - 3 = 3 E a ?e 44
ce ce ce *e 4 n p . e 3= = =
&.4 ce C.) 4-;~U)

ce 0 ce Ce &O 06

ce -4 C) ;.4 ce P~~~~~0~4. " U) -

ce ;..4 . 0 , 'D ce ce ce = ce ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~14 _4 0C

.,.4 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ U U,-D ,. ecec c AgA PU~-b
0 60 riz _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ CUCl ceC
ce ce C) m ce c e ce e e c .4 -
ce rtz~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C

CU ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 44
CU W- U)*~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~44E-
U, ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 0~~~~~~~~CU~~~J
c~~~~~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ -~~~~~~CU~~~c ce CU gce

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352 F. R. Blake, [1906.

The root particles of the demonstrative are di, ni, to, ya, au,
na, ti, ta, ma, en, and possibly a (cf. below, under ya and na).
The particles ya, na, a are probably identical, respectively, with
the ligatures, ya, na, a.
-Di, which when intervocalic appears in many languages as
ri, is found in Tag. ya-ri, yi-ri, ye-ri, -ni-ri, all the forms of
Ceb. ka-ri, Iban. ya-ri, yu-ri, Bat. u-ri, Ilok. day-di, de-di-
ay, and in Nab. sai-di-ai, sa-di-ai. The root particle is found
uncombined only in Ilokan. Ilokan dediay is daydi + the
double ligature ay, day being contracted to de. In Ibanag the
forms yad and yud seem to to shortened from yari and yuri
respectively; and these shortened forms were then augmented
by the addition of a, probably the ligature a, viz., yara,. yura,
and ye, probably contracted from the ya which occurs as the
pronoun of the third person + the ligature -y, viz., yajje
(<*yad-ye), yujje (<*yud-ye).
Ni' occurs in Tagalog oblique di-ni and all the forms of
Cebuan k-i-ni, Hiliguayna, Samaro-Leytean, Bikol, Pampan-
gan, Sulu, and Bagobo i-ni, and Magindanao i-ni-a.
To occurs in all the forms of Tagalog i-to, Cebuan k-i-to-t,
Hiliguayna i-to-n, Samaro-Leytean i-to, Ilokan day-to-y,
Ibanag ya-tu-n, ya-tu-n-ye, in Bagobo to, to-y, to-i-go, proba
in Magindanao en-tu, Sulu ie-tu, and in all the forms derived
from the stems, Cebuan, Hiliguayna, and Samaro-Leytean ad-
to, Harayan ag-to, and Bikol id-to. The second t of the Cebuan
forms kitot, etc.; kadtot, etc., is probably due to incomplete
reduplication. The final ye of the Ibanag forms is to be explained
as the ye in yaje (<*yad-ye). Bagobo -go.is an emphatic parti-
cle which is also used in sentences with non-verbal predicate,
e. g., si kona mapia-go manobo 'you are a good man.' The
en- of Magindanao entu seems to be the same as the en in Sulu
i-en.
Ya occurs in all the forms of Tagalog, Bikol, and Pampan-
gan i-ya-n; of Pangasinan sa-ya; in the Ibanag final syllable
ye for *ya-i in yoye, yajje, yujje, yoje, yatu nye; and perhaps
in IHarayan dia (all forms), Nabaloi iai, Batan nooya, and
Bagobo yango. Harayan dia probably stands for *di-ya (cf.

1 Iy, the definite article in Madagascan, is probably identical with

this root particle, cf. Parker, op. cit., p. 45.

sia=siya, p. 381, below). Nabaloi iai may be simply a shortened

form of saidiai, sadiai, or it may be analyzed as ia + ligature
i, or as a root particle a preceded by articular i, and followed
by the ligature i. . Bagobo yango contains the particle, go and
an element yan which is probably ya + the ligature n.
Au occurs in Tagalog y-ao-n, ni-y-ao-n, and in all the forms
of Ibanag y-au, yoye (<*y-au-ye), Batan au, and Sulu i-au-n.
In the Tagalog forms- yoon, niyoon, the first element of the a of
ao seems to have been assimilated to o; nion is contracted from
niyoon; noon and doon seemed to be formed on the basis of-
yoon, the case signs n and d being substituted for y. The
Ibanag forms yod, yokjje (<*yod-ye), yora present a blend of
yau and the forms with d, having the vocalism of yau, and the
d of the latter forms.
Xa is found in all the forms of Cebuan ka-na, Hiliguayna
ya-na, Magindanao a-na-n, and perhaps of Harayan dan if it is
a shortened form of *da-na. In the Harayan forms, however,
the root particle may be a, identical with the root particle of
Tagalog any.
Ti, identical with the ti of the Ilokan definite article, occurs
in all the forms of Pampangan i-ti.
Ta occurs in all the forms of Pampangan i-ta, Pangasinan
sa-ta-n, Ilokan day-ta, and in Nabaloi sa-ta-n, su-ta-n and i-ta-n.
Ma occurs in all the forms of Pangasinan and Nabaloi sa-
ma-n, etc.
IEn 6ccurs in Sulu i-en and Magindanao en-tu, the tu of the
latter form being the demonstrative root particle to.
The case indicating prefixes of the demonstratives are, in
Tagalog i, ni, n, di, d; in Cebuan k, sa, s, di, d, i, kan, ni ;
in Hiliguayna and Samaro-Leytean i, s, sa; in Harayan d, di(?),
ka, k; in Pampangan i, n6i, ka, da; in Pangasinan sa, a, i, to,
da, so, na, ed; in Ilokan i, da, day; in Nabaloi Sa, su, i; in
Ibanag i, n,. t, da, an (?), takka, takkua; in Batan u; in
Magindanao a, i, in Sulu and Bagobo i.
The prefix i (y before a vowel) which is found in most of the
languages as the sign of the nominative case is apparently iden-
tical with the articular root particle i.' The i of the oblique

I This i is found also in the Malay demonstratives i-ni ' this,' i-tu
' that.;' and in all the demonstratives in Madagascan, e. g., i-ty ' this
cf. Parker, op. cit., p. 41.
VOL. XXVII. 24

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354 F. R. Blake, [1908.

singular in Ilokan, howeve

(cf. above, p. 344). Batan u is identical with the u of the defi-
nite article; ni, the most common sign of the genitive, is identi-
cal with the ni of the personal article: sa, ka, kan, di and tak-
kua are identical with articular oblique forms sa, ka, kan, di and
takkua; da is the root particle of the third person plural that
has already been met with in the articles; in Ilokan the da seems
to have lost its plural force, being used as a simple initial demon-
strative element in both singular and plural, the plural being
indicated by da with an additional plural sign g, viz., dag;
Pangasinan so, na, ed are case forms of the definite article; Pan-
gasinan and Nabaloi sa is identical with the sa of the article say;
Pangasinan and Magindanao a is probably the same a as in Tag-
alog ang; Pangasinan to is the genitive of the pronoun of the
third person singular; Nabaloi su is to be connected with the
articles, Pangasinan so, Magindanao su; Pampangan ke and de
are contracted respectively from ka-i and da-i, with articular i;
Ibanag takka is a double oblique sign, standing for *ta-ka <
*sa-ka (cf. above, pp. 333, 336); for an of the Ibanag nomi-
native plural, cf. below, p. 356 f.
When the case sign consists of a single consonant it is usually
to be explained as derived from forms with a fuller case sign
under the influence of proportional analogy. For example, the
s of the genitive-oblique in Hiliguayna and Samaro-Leytean is
probably derived from sa, a series like Samaro-Leytean adto,
sadto (,< sa-adto) giving rise to forms like sini, sito on thb basis
of iqli, ito. Similarly Tagalog n and d in the forms noon, doon
are probably derived from the fuller forms ni and di; Cebuan
and Harayan k, sa, s, and d of the nominative are probably based
on the articular oblique forms ka, sa and di (for the use of
these oblique forms in the nominative, cf. below, p. 388); Har-
ayan k in kagto is certainly derived from the oblique form ka;
Ibanag n and t of the genitive and oblique respectively seem
to be derived from the articular forms na and ta.
Sometimes the case signs are prefixed to a case form, some-
times directly to the demonstrative root particle, sometimes to
a demonstrative stem consisting of a root particle combined
with a prefix, usually articular in character. These prefixes are
a, i and u identical with articular a, i and u (cf. below, p. 361),
and ad, id, ag of uncertain origin. It is. not impossible that

ad, id and ag contain the articular particles a and i followed

by a connective g, which is preserved in Harayan, and which
is perhaps related to Ug, the sign of the indefinite object in
Cebuan; Cebuan and Bikol d representing a partial assimilation
of this g to the following dental t. Bikol id is probably modi-
fied from ad under the influence of the initial i of the other
demonstratives ini, iyan.
In Tagalog the case signs are usually prefixed directly to the
demonstrative root particle, e. g., i-to, ni-to, di-to. In the
nominative y-a-ri, y-i-ri, the case sign i is prefixed to the stems
a-ri, i-ri; yern seems to be a modification of yiri due to the r;'
in the genitives ni-yaon, ni-yoon the case sign is prefixed to the
nominative; for other forms of yaon, cf. above.
In Cebuan the case signs are all prefixed to demonstrative
stems, viz., a-ri, i-ni, i-tot, ad-to, a-na, excelpt in the nomina-
tives itot, diri, where the case signs i, di are prefixed to the
root particle. The forms ari, adto are without case signs.
In Hiliguayna the nominative case sign is prefixed to the root
particle in i-ni, i-na and i-ton, but to a demonstrative stem in
y-ana, y-adto; the genitive-oblique sign s is prefixed to the
first three nominatives; in the others, it replaces the nominative
case sign; another series of genitive oblique forms are made by
prefixing sa to these forms with s.
In Samaro-Leytean the nominative case sign is prefixed to the
root particle in i-ni, i-to, but to a demonstrative stem in y-adto;
the form adto, as in Cebuan, is without case sign; the genitive-
oblique case sign s is prefixed to the nominatives ini, ito, adto,
the genitive-oblique sign sa, as in Hiliguayna, to the forms
with s.
In Harayan the nominative is made by prefixing d to the
stems an (cf. above, p. 353) and ag-to, and di to the root parti-
cle in dia (cf. above, p. 352); the genitive-oblique is made by
prefixing the case sign to the nominative, except in kagto, where
the nominative case sign is simply changed to k.
In Bikol the nominative case sign is prefixed to the root
particle in i-ni and i-yanu; the i in idto is probably not the
prefix i, but is due to analogical influences (cf. above); the
genitive-oblique is made by prefixing the case sign ka to what
is apparently the nominative.

I Cf. Nabaloi era ' they' for *ira, p. 383.

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356f F. B. Blake, [1906.

In Pampangan the" articular particles of the nominative and

genitive singular are prefixed directly to the stem, e. g., i-ni,
ni-ni; that of the oblique singular, to either the genitive or
nominative, e. g., ka-nini, keni (<*ka-ini): to form the nomi-
native-genitive plural the plural particle da is prefixed to the
nominative singular, e. g., deni (<*da-ini), and the oblique
plural is made from this form by prefixing ka, e. g., ka-reni.
In Pangasinan the nominative singular may begin with the
stem as in Samaro-Leytean alto, or may take the articular pre-
fixes sa, a, and i, e. g., tan, sa-tan, a-tan, i-tan; the nominative
plural is formed by prefixing to the stem the particle da or its
combinations with the articular prefixes sa and i, viz., sara, ira,
e. g., ra-tan, sa-ra-tan, i-ra-tan: the genitive, singular and plu-
ral, it formed'by prefixing -to the stem the genitive singular and
plural, respectively of the pronoun of the third person, the two
elements being joined by the ligature n, e. g., to-n-tan, da-n-tan:
the oblique, singular and plural, is always, and the, other cases
may be, indicated by the nominative with initial sa preceded by
the forms of the definite article, e. g., ed satan, ed saratan; so
satan, na satan, so saratan, na saratan.
In Ilokan the nominative-genitive singular may begin with
the root particle, or may take the prefix day, a combination of
the plural particle da and the articular prefix i, e. g.,. toy,
da-y-toy; the nominative-genitive plural is formed from the
nominative singular by substituting for da a particle dag consist-
ing of plural particle da + a pluralizing g; the da of the sin-
gular is borrowed from the plural, where it has apparently lost
its plural significance, owing to the presence of an additional
plural sign g; the oblique singular is made by prefixing a prepo-
sitional particle i (cf. above, p. 344) to the short form of the
nominative, e. g., i-toy, or by placing the oblique of the article
before the long form of the nominative, as in Pangasinan, e. g.,
iti daytoy; the oblique plural is formed by prefixing ka to the
nominative-genitive plural, e. g.,- ka-dagitoy.
In Ibanag the case signs of the singular are prefixed directly
to the root particle as in y-au, or to a demonstrative stem as in
y-a-ri, y-u-.ri; in the plural the ease signs are prefixed to the
genitive singular, the sign of the nominative being the plural
particle dci, or a particle an of uncertain identity, that of the
genitive,-the -particle-da, that of the oblique one of the com-

pounds takkara, takkuara, equivalent to the particle dat

preceded by the oblique- case sign takka, takkua. In the nomi-
native singular there are also a series of forms without the case
sign y, e. g., au: it, is not impossible that the plural forms like
annau may.have been made, from plural forms like d-anau by
dropping the initial d after the analogy of pairs like yau, am in
the singular; in this case the doubling of the n would be
phonetic.
The declension of the demonstratives in the remaining lan-
guages is not given in the grammars. The cases are probably
indicated by the forms of the definite article. The nominative
case signs a, i and u occur prefixed to the root particle in Nab-
aloi i-tan, i-man; Magindanao, a-nan, i-nia; Sulu and Bagobo
i-ni, Sulu i-en, i-aun; Batan u-ri: Sulu ietu is perhaps, a mod-
ification of *i-tu with articular i, due to the influence of the
initial ie of the synonymous ien: for Nabaloi iai, Bagobo yango,
cf. above, p. 352 f. The nominative case signs sa and su are
found in the remaining Xabaloi forms prefixed to the root
particle except in saidiai, which probably contains sa prefixed
to a stem beginning with articular i.
The connective particles which are -used in the formation of
the denmtonstratives are n, i (y), a and ai (ay).
NYoccurs as final in all the forms of Tagalog, Bikol, and Pam-
pangan iya-n, Tagalog yao-n, Hiliguayna ito-n, Pangasinan
sata-n and sama-n, Ibanag yatu-n, in Nabaloi sata-n, suta-n,
ita-n, sama-n, ima-n, Magindanao ana-n, and Sulu iau-n: the
same n occurs followed by another element in all the forms of
Ibanag yatu-n-ye, and in Bagobo ya-n-go. This n is also used
in Pangasinan to connect the genitive case signs to and da with
the root particle (cf. above, p. 356). The n of all the forms of
Harayan dan may also belong here (cf. above, p. 353).
I, or as it is usually written y, occurs as final element in all
the forms of Ilokan dayto-y, in all the Ibanag forms with final
element ye (<*ya-i, cf. above, p. 331), and in Nabaloi ia-i,
Bagobo to-y; it occurs followed by another element in Bagobo
to-i-go, and in the double ligature ai.
A seems to occur as final element in Magindanao ini-a, and
in the double ligature ai.
Ai, a combination of the, two ligatures a and i, occurs as final
element in all the forms of Ilokan dedi-ay, and in Xabaloi saidi-
ai, sadi-ai, and perhaps iai (cf. above, p. 353).

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358 F. R. Blake, [1906.

Interrogative Pronouns.

The interrogative pronouns are of three kinds:

a) The personal interrogative ' who ? ' referring to persons;
b) the neuter interrogative ' what ' referring to things;
c) the individualizing interrogative 'which?' referring to
either persons or things.
In general the interrogatives consist of root particles, some of
which seem to be of adverbial origin, combined with prefixes
and suffixes similar to those of the demonstratives.
Case, in those interrogatives which are inflected, is indicated
by the prefixes. The plural is indicated sometimes by the
articular prefix, sometimes by reduplication, or by both together;
sometimes by the suffix.
Some of the interrogatives cannot be broken up into mono-
syllablic particles, hut for the sake of completeness they are all
included in the discussion.
The forms of the interrogatives in the various languages are,
viz.

PERS. INTER. NEUT. INTER.

nom. gen. obl.

Tag. sg. sino nino, kanino (sa) kanino ano
pt. sinosino ninonino, (sa) kanikanino anoano
kanikanino

Bis. (Ceb.) kinsa, kinsalan (kansa, kansalan sakansa)' unsa, unsalan

Bis. (Hil.) sin-o sin-o, ni sin-o kay sin-o ano
kay sin-o, kalin-o kalin-o
kanin-o kanin-o
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) sin-o kanay, nin-o kanay, ano
sa kanay,
san kanay,
sin kanay
Bik. sg. siisay niisay kiisay ano
pl. saisay naisay, kaisay kaisay
Pamp. sg. nino nino, kanino keno nanu
pl. dinino, deno dinino, deno kareno
Pang. sg. siopa, opa opa ed siopa anto
pl siopara opara ed siopara

1 Little used.

Ilok. asino, asinno, ania

asin
dyano,
Igor. (Nab.) sepa, sepay ngaramto(i)
nganto

Iban. sg. sinni nini takkuanini anni

takkuarani
pl. dani, danirani dani takkuarani-
- rani
Mag. tingin, antain ngain, antuna
Sulu sio, hisio uno
Bag. sadan andin

INDIV. INTER.

nom. gen. obl.

Tag. sg. alin
pl. alinalin
Bis. hain
Bik. arin
Pamp. sg. insa,1 insanu' ningsa, ningsanu kingsa, kingsanu
kaningsa, kaningsanu
pl. dingsa, dingsanu dingsa, dingsanu karingsa, karingsanu
Pang. dinan
Ilok. adinno, adino,
adin
Igor. (Nab.) chinan, tua, twai
Iban. sg. yasi nasi tasi
pl. danasi danasi (no oblique)
Sulu hadien

As the case forms of the interrogatives are comparatively

few, they will be analyzed in connection with the discussion of
the root particles.
A root particle no is found in all the forms of the personal
interrogative in Tagalog, Hiliguayna, Samaro-Leytean (except
kanay and derived forms), Pampangan, and Ilokan; in the
individualizing interrogative in Pampangan and Ilokan, and

I The initial in in these forms is without doubt the article ing; in this the most
common case form of the word, ng has been partially assimulated to the follow-
ing s, a change which has apparently not taken place in the other case forms.

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3{60 F. B. Blake, [1906.

perhaps in the neuter interrogatives ano, uno. The glottal

catch in Bisayan -n-o is probably secondary. In Tbarlag, no
occurs in the form ni, in the personal, and perhaps in the neuter
interrogative, the i of which is due to the influence of final i
of the individualizing interrogative yasi.
The nominative singular of the personal interrogatives derived
from no is made by prefixing the personal article si to the parti-
cle, except in Pampangan, where ni, ordinarily a genitive sign,
but also usedI for the nominative in Ilokan, is employed. The
initial a of Ilokan a-sino is perhaps due to the analogy of the
neuter interrogative ania; asin is a shortened form of asino.
The doubling of the n in Ilokan asinno, Ibanag sinni, is pho-
netic.
The genitive singular is made with the case signs ni and ka.
Ni is prefixed directly to the particle no in Tagalo nino, Sam-
aro-Leytean ninmo, Pampangan nino, Ibanag nini; in Hili-
guayna ni sin-o it is prefixed to the nominative. Ka is prefixed
to the genitive with ni in Tagalog, Pampangan, and Hiliguayna.
Hiliguayna kalin-o seems to be derived from kanin-o by dissimi-
lation, the first n being changed to the related sound 1. Hili-
guayna also possesses a form made by prefixing kay, the oblique
of the personal article, to the nominative, viz., kay sin-o.
The oblique case in Tagalog is identical with the genitive
form with case sign ka, or is made by placing the oblique of
the definite article before this form; in Hiliguayna it is identi-
cal with the genitive forms beginning with k; in Pampangan
the oblique keno is probably a modification of ka-no with case
sign ka, based on the analogy of the oblique cases with initial
ke in the demonstrative and personal pronouns; in Ibanag the
oblique case sign takkua (cf. above, p. 347) is prefixed to the
genitive.
In Tagalog the cases of the plural are made by reduplicating
two syllables of the corresponding singular form. In the Pam-
pangan nominative-genitive plural there are two forms, viz.,
dinino, made by prefixing di, the root of the inclusive article,
to the singular nino, and deno, probably modified from di-no
after the analogy of the plurals of demonstratives with initial
de. The oblique is made by prefixing ka to deno. In the
Ibanag plural, dani consists of ni with prefixed plural particle

da, danirani is a reduplication of this form, and- the oblique

foinms consist of the case sign takkuna prefixed to these. two
forms.
It is not impossible that the neuter interrogative ano is a com-
bination of no with an articular prefix a, but it may also be
explained 'as containing the root particle an. The u of Sulu
uno, if it is to be analyzed -as u-no, and is not simply a phonetic
modification of ano, is probably the same u which is used in
Batan as definite article.
1%) also occurs as the final syllable nu, no of the individual-
izing interrogative in Paimpangan and Ilokan.
This stem no is perhaps identical with the particle no which
is 'the "word for 'if,' in Ilokan, Ibanag, and Pangasinan, the
ideas of ' doubting 'and ' questioning' being very similar.
A root particle sa occurs in all the forms of the personal
interrogative in Cebuan, Bikol, and Bagobo, the neuter inter-
rogative in Cebuan, and the individualizing interrogative in
Pampangan.
The initial k of the Cebuan personal interrogative forms
is probably the same which occurs as the sign of the nomi-
native in the demonstratives. The case in this pronoun seems
to be indicated not according to the usual rule by initial
inflection, but by the difference of the vowel after the initial,
i indicating the nominative, a the genitive-oblique. The par-
ticles in, an, un, which precede sain Cebuan and Pampangan,
seem to consist of the' articular particles i, a, u + the ligature;
this seems to be shown by the fact that the in of the Pampan-
gan forms is declined like the definite article. The final element
lan of the Cebuan forms is perhaps to be connected with Taga-
log alin, Bikol asrin. The nu of insanu is to be connected with
the stem no. The case forms of the Pampangan individualizing
interrogative all consist of sa or -sanu preceded by the proper
case form of the definite article, except in the oblique singular,
where additional forms are made by prefixing ka to the genitive,
following the analogy of the plural.
The forms of the Bikol personal interrogative are based on an
element isay, composed of sa with prefixed articular i and fol-
lowing ligature i. To this stem the case forms of the personal
and inclusive articles are prefixed in singular and plural respect-
ively, ka being equivalent to Cebuan ka (cf. p. 348).

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36'2 F. R. Blake, [1906.

In Bagobo sa-dan, dan seems to be the genitive plural of the

third person, just as the din of an-din ' what?' is the genitive
singular (cf. below).
This interrogative root particle sea is perhaps identical with the
adverbial particle sa which means 'perhaps' in Ilokan, and in
Tagalog is equivalent to the modal adverb sana which imparts
to verbs the idea of ' should, would.'
The forms of the personal interrogative in Pangasinan and
Nabaloi are clearly connected with Malay apa 'what?' siapa
'who ?' Pa may be root particle and the prefixes articular; o
of the Pangasinan forms being equal to Batan u; se of the
Nabaloi forms, to sa-i, as in saidiai this;' a of Malay apa, to
the a of Tagalog ang. The si of the Pangasinan and Malay
forms is of course the personal article, and it is also not impos-
sible that Nabaloi se may be some modification of si. The final
y of Nabaloi sepay is ligature. In Pangasinarn the form with-
out si is used as genitive, and the oblique is made by placing
the oblique of the definite article ed before the nominative.
The plural is made by adding ra (<da) to the forms of the
singular.
The root particle of the neuter interrogatives in Pangasinan,
Ilokan, and Bagobo is an, and the same an is perhaps the root
particle of all the other neuter interrogatives except the Cebuan
and Sulu, and the forms ngararnto(i), n'janto, njain; Sulu uno,
however, may be a modification of ano (cf. above, p. 361).
The o, u of Tagalog, Bisayan, and Bikol an-o, Pampangan
nan-u, Nabaloi dyan-o, according to this view, is probably due
to the analogy of sino or some other interrogative form contain-
ing the particle no; the initial n of the Pampangan form is
doubtless derived from nino; the initial dy (-*y) in Nabaloi
is probably articular. The final i of Ibanag anni, -in which the
doubling is phonetic, is probably due to the same cause as the
final i in sinni.
In Pangasinan an-to and Bagobo an-din (cf. inter. sa-dan,
above) the second element is apparently the genitive of the pro-
noun of the third person, literally 'its what9?' just as in Nabaloi
the common word for 'what' is ngaraim-to ' its name?' The
first part of Magindanao an-tu-na seems to be identical with
Pangasinan anto; na is perhaps identical with the genitive of
the definite article, the root particle in this case being followed

by a double genitive. Ilokan ania is to be analysed in the

same way, as an + an element ia equivalent to the ya of the
third personal pronoun.
The stem an seems also to occur in some of the personal and
individualizing interrogatives, viz., in Magindanao antain, Pan-
gasinan di-n-an, Nabaloi chi-n-an.
This an is perhaps identical with the locative suffix an of
nouns and verbs.'
For Nabaloi n^aramto, cf. above; the i of ntgaramto-i is
ligature; nganto is contracted from nyjaramto, m being assimi-
lated to the following t.
Tagalog alin (<*arin cf. above, p. 333), Bikol arim seems to
be based on a stem ar, the ending in being probably the same
as the in in Bisayan hain, and perhaps Magindanao tingin,
antain, nAain. This suffix in is different from the in of Taga-
log ak-in ' mine' (cf. below, p. 368), as this in would appear in
Bisayan and Bikol as on, un, in Magindanao as en (cf. above,
p. 331). The same stem occurs perhaps also in the Cebuan
forms kinsalan, kansalan, unsalan which may be contracted
from *kinsa-alan, etc., al (<*ar) being in, this case combined
with a suffix an identical with that in Tagalog haan ' where?'
which bears the same formal relation to hain as *alan does to
alin. This suffix an is doubtless ultimately identical with the
locative suffix an.
The Ibanag individualizing interrogative is clearly connected
with the interrogative adverb dasi, the element asi being the
same. This element asi forms its cases like the demonstrative
pronouns (cf. above, p. 356 f.).
The idea of ' which ?' is closely related to the idea of ' where ?'
as we see in the two practically synonymous expressions ' which
is the road ?' and ' where is the road ?' Hence it is not surpris-
ing that the two ideas are sometimes expressed by the same
word, as in Bisayan hain, Nabaloi twa, twai, Sulu hadien, which
mean both ' which ?' and ' where ?
As 'where?' is practically an oblique case, we might expect
the initial syllables to be identical with the oblique case signs in
these individualizing pronouns, and so they seem to be. The

I Cf. my paper, Analogies between Semitic and Tagalog, JHU. Circs.,

No. 163, p. 65.

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364 F. R. Blake, [1906.

ha of Bisayan ha-in, Sulu ha-dien is to be connected with the

oblique of Sulu definite article ha. This ha also occurs in Taga-
log in ha-an ' where ?' The in of Bisayan hain is difficult (cf.
above, p. 363). For the dien of Sulu hadIien see below.
The di of Pangasinan di-nan, Nabaloi chi-nan (<*di-nan),
Ilokan a-di-no, etc., and Sulu ha-di-en is probably identical
with the oblique articular form di. The nan of the Pangasinan
and Nabaloi forms is probably the interrogative stem an with
preceding ligature rt, used to connect the prefix to the root
particle as it is in the genitive of the demonstratives in Pan-
gasinan (cf. above, p. 356). The initial a of the Ilokan forms
is to be explained like the a of asino; the doubling in adinno
is phonetic; adin is a shortened form of adino, like asin from
asino. The final no of these forms is probably identical with
the interrogative root particle no.
The en of Sulu hadien is probably connected with the demon-
strative particle en (cf. above, p. 353).
Nabaloi tua is perhaps identical with Cebuan tua I be there.,'
the i of twa-i is ligature.
The remaining interrogative forms, Samaro-Leytean kanay,
Magindanao tingin, antain, ngain, Sulu sio, hisio, are not clear.
Xanay contains, of course, the case sign ka or k; its ending
suggests a comparison with the Bikol forms; in the oblique it
may be preceded by sa and san, respectively oblique and geni-
tive of the definite article, and by sin the sign of the indefinite
object. The Magindanao forms all have the ending in (cf.
above, p. 363); antain probably contains also the interrogative
stem an; nsain may be a combination of nia identical with the
ligature, and the suffix in. :+ Sulu sio seems to contain the per-
sonal article si, which, however, is not used as such in Sulu;
-while hisio has prefixed, in addition, the regular Sulu personal
article hi.

Personal Pronouns.

The personal pronouns are of three persons, first, second, and

third; each person has two numbers, a singular and a plural,
and'the plural of the first person again distinguishes two series
of forms, an exclusive and an inclusive series (cf. above, p. 325);
the first person in some languages possesses also a dual *hich is

closely related morphologically to the inclusive plural; there is

no distinction of gender even in the third person.
Case is indicated partly by prefixes similar to those of the
demonstratives and interrogatives, partly by using different root
particles and stems.
The personal pronouns consist of simple root particles, modi-
fied forms of root particles, and forms derived from the root
particles by the addition of prefixes and suffixes.

First Person.

The forms of the personal pronouns of the first person in the

various languages are, viz.:

nom. gen. obW.

Tag. sg. ako akin, ko, (nakin)' sa akin

pl. ex. kami amin, namin sa amin
pl. inc. tayo atin, natin sa atin
du. kita, kata ata, kanita; ta sa ata, sa kanita
Bis. (Ceb.) sg. ako Ako, nako, ko, ta kanako, sa ako
pl. ex. kami amo, namo kanamo, sa amo
pl. inc. kita ato, nato, ta kanato, sa ato
du. kita at6, nato, ta kanato, sa ato
Bis. (Hil.) sg. ako akon, nakon, ko, kanakon, sa akon,
ta dakon, karakon
pl. ex. kami amon, namon kanamon, sa amon
damon, karamon
pl. inc. kita aton, naton, ta kanaton, sa aton,
daton, karaton
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) sg. ako, si ako akon, nakon, ko sa akon, dakon
pl. ex. kami, si kami amon, namon sa amon, damon
pl. inc. kita, si kita aton, naton, ta sa aton, daton
Bis. (Har.) sg. ako, akota akon, nakon, ta kanakun
Bik. sg. ako ko, niako, sako, sako, sakoya
sakoya
pl. ex. kami niamo, samo, samo, samoya'
samoya, mi
pl. inc. kita niato, sato, sato, satoya
satoya, ta

1 Used only in the phrase a-nakin ' inquam.'

2 Written -damoya, evidently a mistake, in San Augustin.

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-366 P. R. Blake, [1906.

nom. gen. obl.

Pamp. sg. ako, ko ko, koo, ke, kee, kanako, kako
da
pl. ex. ikami, ike, mi kekami, keke
kami, ke
pl. inc. ikamo, ita, tamo,' ta kekatam (sic),
katamo, kata, kekata
tamo, ta
du. ikata, kata, ta ta, tee, too kekata
Pang. sg. siak, ak ko, -k ed siak
pI. ex. sikami, kami mi ed sikami
pl. inc. sikiti, sikatayo, ti, tayo ed sikiti, ed
iti, itayo sikatayo
du. sikata, ita ta ed sikata
Ilok. sg. siak, ak ko, -k kaniak
pl. ex. dakami, kami mi kadakami
pl. inc. datayo, tayo tayo kadatayo
du. data, ta ta kadata
Igor. (Nab.) sg. sikak, ak; nak, ko, -k, na, ta
na
pl. ex. sikame, kame me
p1. inc. sikatayo, tayo tayo
Iban. sg. sakan, sok, ak ku, -k, ta niakan, niok
pl. ex. sikami, kami mi nikami
pl. inc. ittam tam nittam
du. itta ta nitta
Bat. sg. yakin, ako niakin, ko diakin
pl. ex. yamuen, kami niamuen, namin, diamuen
namuen
pl. inc. yaiatin,2 ta
Mag. sg. saki, aku ku, salaki, laki sa]aki, sa salaki
pl. ex. salkami, kami salkami, nami, salkami, sa salkami
lekami

1 Written iamo, evidently a mistake, in Bergafin.

2 Perhaps a mistake for yatin, cf. yamuen. The forms given as genitive and oblique
of this pronoun evidently belong to the pronoun of the second person. The Batan
grammar from which these paradigms are quoted by Retana (cf. above, p. 323, ft. nt. 2)
is in manuscript, according to Retana (p. xl) probably a copy of the original. The
personal pronouns are given in the order, 1St sg., I9t exc. pl., 2nd sg., and then follows
a paradigm headed ' Plur. de yo inclusive,' but with genitive and oblique apparently
belonging to the second plural; no paradigm of the second plural is given. The copyist
has evidently mixed up the paradigms of the It inc. pl. and 2nd pl. The forms that
we should expect in let inc. pl. gen. and obl. are niatin, diatin.

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VoL. xxvii.] Contributions to Philippine Grammar. 367

Mag. pl. inc. salkitanu, seki- salkitanu, tanu, salkitanu, sa salki-

tanu, tanu, sa salkitanu tanu
lekitanu
du. salkita, sekita, salkita, sekita, salkita, sa salkita
ta ta, lekita
Sulu. sg.' aku, ku ku, kaaku
pl. ex. kami kaamu, kannamu,
kanamu
pl. inc. kita kaatu
Bag. sg. sakkan ko kanakkan
pl. ex.' kami, ke, si kami de kanami
pl. inc.' kita, si kita ta, nita kanita

The pronouns of the first person singular are practically all

based on one of the root particles ak, ko, or ta.
Ak is found uncombined as nominative in Pangasinan, Ilokan,
Nabaloi, and Ibanag: also in Tagalog, Bisayan, Bikol, Pam-
pangan, Batan, Magindanao, and Sulu nominative ako, aku; in
the ako, aku of the genitive and oblique cases in Bikol and Sulu,
and in Harayan ako-ta; in the Tagalog and Batan stem ak-in
and Bisayan stem ak-on, ak-o and their derivatives; in the nomi-
natives, Pangasinan and Ilokan si-ak, Nabaloi sik-ak, Ibanag
s-ak-an, s-ok (cf. above, p. 336), Bagobo s-ak-kan, and the
oblique forms derived from them; in the Magindanao secondary
stem aki in s-aki, etc.; in Nabaloi n-ak.
The nominative ako may represent a blend of the two root
particles ak and ko, or it may be ak with an analogical o as in
ikao 'thou' (cf. below, p. 375), due to the influence of other
nominatives in o like tayo ' we,' kayo 'you.' In Harayan
ako-ta the genitive ta is added to this form, probably for t
sake of emphasis' (cf. Nab. sikam 'thou,' p. 375, below).
The Magindanao stem aki probably owes its final i to the
analogy of the forms of the exclusive plural kami, etc. The
n of Nabaloi n-ak is not clear; the form na, which seems to be

' The nounpatek ' slave' is also used for 'I,' as in Malay.
2 These pronouns as given together in the paradigms as the equiva-
lent of -nosotros ' we,' but there is probably the same distinction here as
in the other languages; for ke as exclusive plural cf. Pampangan.
3 Cf. my paper, The Bisayan Dialects, cited above, p. 127.

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368 F. R. Blake, [1906.

employed& principally befo

e. g., na-kaama-munu 'I am
tion of nak, due to the fact
the initial k of the verb coalesce.
The Tagalog, Batan, and Bisayan stems ak-in, ak-on are
made by adding the suffixes in and on to the -root particle.
These suffixes, which are variants of the same original form (cf.
above, p. 331 f.), are found also in the passive, and in nominal
derivation. When applied to a noun they express'the idea of
'like, similar,' e. g., Tag. uwakin 'cock black as a raven' from
uwak ' raven, polotin ' honey (pet name),' from polot ' honey;'
when applied to a verb they form passives that. denote to be
directly affected by the ac'tion of the root, e. g., Tag. inumin
(mnum) 'that which is drunk.' The meaning of the suffix in
the pronouns is perhaps nearer that of the verbal suffix, Tagalog
ak-in, for example, signifying 'that which is affected by me,
that which pertains or belongs to me.' In the Cebuan stem
dk-o, the final n was dropped, doubtless because it was regarded
as ligature. The ako, aku of the genitive and oblique forms in
Bikol and Sulu may be either the nominative ako, aku, or may
correspond to the Cebuan stem ak-o derived from ak-on. The
element ya of Bikol oblique s-akd-ya is not clear; it may be
the demonstrative root particle ya (cf. above, p. 352).
The stems of Ibanag s-akan, Bagobo s-akkan, are probably
identical, the doubling in the latter being phonetic, and consist
of the root particle with a suffix an, doubtless the same as the
nominal and verbal suffix an, which expresses the idea of place,
e. g., Tag. sagingan ' banana grove' from sagintg ' banana,'
inuman ' vessel (drinking place)' from inumr ' drink.' These
forms would therefore mean literally ' the I place.'
The particle ko occurs uncombined as genitive in all the lan-
guages except Harayan, and apparently as nominative in Pampan-
gan and Sulu. In Pampangan it may be a shortened form of ako.
In Sulu it is genitive used as nominative (cf. below, p. 388). The
-k of Pangasinan, Ilokan, Nabaloi, and Ibanag is a shortened
form of ko. The Pampangan form koo, ke and kee are modifi-
cations of ko (cf. below, p. 387).
The particle ta occurs uncombined as genitive in Bisayan
(except Samaro-Leytean), Nabaloi, and Ibanag. Pampangan da
is probably a modification of this particle. It is found also in
the Harayan nominative ako-ta (cf. above, p. 367).

The pronouns of the exclusive plural of the first person are

practically all based on a particle mi, which occurs uncombined
as genitive in Bikol, Pampangan, Pangasinan, Ilokan, Nabaloi,
and Ibanag. It also occurs in Magindanao genitive na-mi, and
in the noininative ka-m.i of all the languages, and its derivatives
with the various articular particles, viz., Pampangan i-kami,
Samaro-Levtean, Pangasinan and Nabaloi si-kami, Ibanag
si-kami, ni-kami, Ilokan da-kami, Magindanao le-kami, sal-
kami, sa sal-karmi, and the oblique forms derived from them in
Pampangan, Pangasinan, and Ilokan. The element ka of kami
is perhaps due to the analogy of other plural forms like kayo
'you,' kata 'we all, we two.'
In Tagalog, Bisayan, Bikol, Batan, and Sulu, there is appar-
ently a root particle am that forms in general the same combi-
nation as the ak of the singular; for example, in Tagalog, amnin
corresponding to akin. It is very likely, however, that all these
forms with am, are simply made on the basis of mi, after the
analogy of the forms of the singular. The final uen of the
Batan forms is simply the representation of in after the labial m,
cf. inumuen = Tagalog inumin ' drink. '
Pampangan and Bagobo ke in ke, i-ke is not clear. In Bagobo
a particle de with the same vocalization, perhaps a modification
of the plural particle da, is used as genitive.
At the base of the forms of the inclusive plural, and of the
dual when it occurs, lies the particle ta, doubtless identical with
the ta of the singular, which is found uncombined as genitive
plural in Bisayan, Bikol, Pampangan and Bagobo; as genitive
dual in Tagalog, Cebuan, Pampangan, Pangasinan, Ilokan,
Ibanag, and Magindanao; and as nominative plural in Batan,
nominative dual in Pampangan, Ilokan, and Magindanao. The
Pampangan forms tee, too are secondary modifications of ta (cf.
below, p. 387). For Pangasinan ti, cf. below, p. 371.
Ta occurs also, combined with articular prefixes only, in Taga-
log genitive dual ka-ni-ta and the oblique derived from it;
Pampangan nominative plural, Pangasinan nominative dual i
Ibanag dual forms i-tta, ni-tta, in which the doubling is pho-
netic; and in Bagobo ni-ta, Ilokan da-ta, and the oblique forms
derived from them. It is found also in Tagalog genitive dual
ata and the oblique derived from it, where the initial a is prob-
VOL. XXVI. 25

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370 F. R. Blake, [1906.

ably due to the analogy of the other genitive forms of the first
person. For Pangasinan i-ti, cf. below, p. 371.
It occurs also combined with a following root particle of the
second person, which probably emphasizes the inclusive significa-
tion of the pronoun, the combinations meaning literally 'your we,'
'the we of which you form a part,' in ta-yo, ta-mo, and ta-nu.
Ta-yo occurs as nominative inclusive plural in Tagalog, Ilokan,
and Nabaloi, and as genitive in Pangasinan, Ilokan, and Nabaloi.
It also occurs with various case indicating prefixes in the nomina-
tives Pangasinan i-tayo, Ilokan da-tayo, Pangasinan and Nabaloi
sika-tayo, and the oblique forms derived from the last two in
Ilokan and Pangasinan. Ta-mo occurs in Pampangan uncom-
bined as nominative and genitive, in the nominative ka-tamo,
in which ka is doubtless due to the analogy of plural and dual
forms with initial ka, like kayo ' you,' and the oblique ke-katamn
in which the final o of katamno is dropped;' it is found also
without o, in the Ibanag forms tam, i-ttamn, ni-ttamr, the doubling
in the last two forms being phonetic. Ta-nu occurs only in
Magindanao: as all the forms of the inclusive plural have a cor-
responding form in the dual without nu, it seems more likely
that nu was added to what are now the forms of the dual, but
which had originally both inclusive plural and dual meaning,
in order to differentiate between the two numbers, than that the
inclusive forms were made independently upon a base tanu.
Ta also occurs in the plural and dual forms ka-ta and ki-ta:
ka is probably to be explained as the ka in ka-mi; ki-ta per-
haps represents a blend of ka-ta with i-ta, which occurs as nomi-
native dual in Pangasinan and Ibanag, nominative plural in
Pampangan. Ifata occurs uncombined as plural nominative in
Pampangan, and as dual nominative in Tagalog and Pampan-
gan. It is found in combination with articular prefixes in Pam-
pangan nominative dual i-kata, oblique dual and plural ke-kata,
Pangasinan nominative dual si-kata and the oblique derived
from it. _Kita occurs uncombined as nominative plural in Bisa-
yan, Bikol, Sulu, and Bagobo, and as nominative dual in Taga-
log and Cebuan: with articular prefixes in Samaro-Leytean and
Bagobo si kita; in Magindanao, where it is the basis of most

I In Ilokan the pronouns of the first and second persons plural datayo,
tayo, dakami, karni, dakayo, kayo, often drop their final vowel in the
middle of a sentence; cf. Naves, op. cit., p. 49 f.; H. W. Williams, op. cit.,
pp. 55, 56.

of the forms of both dual and plural (cf. below, p. 373); and
in Pangasinan si-kiti (cf. below), and the oblique derived from it.
In Tagalog, Bisayan, Bikol, Batan, and Sulu plural there is
apparently a root particle at which is made on the basis of ta,
after the analogy of the singular, in the same way as the am
of the exclusive plural. The forms based on at are made in
the same way as those based on am. In Cebuan the forms
based on at are used also as dual, with, however, a different
accent.
The Pangasinan plural forms ti, i-ti, si-kiti seem to be modi-
fications of ta, i-ta, si-kita; the final i being probably due to the
influence of the exclusive forms mi, kami, etc.
The case indicating particles which are found in the pronouns
of the first, person are, in Tagalog n, sa, kani, in Cebuan n, sa,
ka(n), in Hiliguayna n, ka, ka(n), d, sa, in Samaro-Leytean
si, n, d, sa, in Harayan n, ka(n), in Bikol ni, s, in Pampan-
gan i, kan, k, ke, in Pangasinan si, i, ed, in Ilokan si, da,
kani, ka, in Nabaloi si, sika, sik, in Ibanag si, s, i, ni, in Batan
i, yai(?), ni, n, di, in Magindanao se, s, le, 1, sal, na, sa, -in
Sulu ka, kan, in Bagobo si, s, ni, kan, ka.
The prefixes i, ni, n, sa, ka, di, d, da, ke, ed, and the oblique
case sign s of Bikol have already been explained in connection
with the demonstratives (cf. above, p. 353 f.); kani is a combina-
tion of the two articular particles ka and ni. In the Bisayan
sign ka(n) it is difficult to say whether the n belongs to the case
sign or the following stem, i. e., whether forms like Cebuan
kanato are to be analysed as ka + the genitive forms like nato,
or as kan + the genitive forms like ato. Si is identical with the
si of the personal article, and s in Ibanag s-akan, Magindanao
saki, Bagobo s-akkan, is doubtless based upon it; Magindanao
se also is probably based on si, the e being, due to the influence
of the case sign le. Pampangan k in kako is derived from ka,
a having coalesced with the a of ako. Nabaloi sika, sik in sika-
tayo, sik-ak are based upon a wrong division of forms like sikaszi,
a combination of the stem karni with the case sign si; in sikak
the a of sika coalesces with the a of ak. The apparent case sign
yai in Batarn yaiatin, if it is not simply due to a typographical
error, is the result of the reduplication of the first syllable ya of
yatin, a combination of the stem atim and case sign i. Magin-
danao na of na-mi is identical with the genitive of the definite
article: since Magindanao has been strongly influenced by Ara-

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372 F. R. Blake, [1906.

bic (cf. above, p. 322), the case sign le, 1, which occurs in none
of the other languages, may be the Arabic preposition J li,
which is used to express a dative and sometimes a genitive idea;
sal is a combination of this element with the case sign sa.
In the formation of the cases these particles are added, some-
times to a root particle, sometimes to a modified form of a root
particle or to a secondary stem, sometimes to another case
form. The forms of the nominative and genitive are often
without case sign.
In the nominative, Samaro-Leytean has si in all numbers
in the forms si ako, si kami, si kita: Pampangan has i in the
plural and dual forms i-kami, i-ke, i-ta, i-kano, i-kata: Pan-
gasinan has si in all numbers in the forms si-ak, si-kami, si-kiti,
si-kata; sika in sika-tayo; and i in inclusive plural a~nd dual in
the form i-ti, i-tayo, i-ta: Ilokan has si in the singular si-a/k,
and da in the plural and dual forms cda-kami, etc.: Nabaloi has
si in si-kanie; sika, sik in sika-tayo, sik-ak: Ibanag has si in
si-kami; s in s-akkan, s-ok; and i in i-ttam, i-tta: Batan has
i(y) in all three numbers in y-akin, yaiatin (cf. above, p. 366,
ft. nt.), y-amuen: Magindanao has s in s-aki; se in se-kitanu,
se-kita; le in le-kitanu;' and sal in plural and dual sal-kam
sal-kitanu, sal-kita; the forms with le and sal are genitive-
oblique forms used as nominative: Bagobo has s in the singular
s-akkan; si in the plurals si kami, si kita. Nominative forms
without case sign, consisting of a root particle, a secondary stem,
or some modification of these, are found in all the languages,
Tagalog, Bisayan (except Samaro-Leytean), Bikol and Siilu hav-
ing only forms of this kind.
In the genitive in Tagalog, Bisayan, and Batan there are a
number of forms made on the basis of stems derived from the
root particles ak, am, and at by the addition of the suffix, in,
en, on. For the analogical character of the forms of the plural
cf. above, pp. 369, 371. These stems occur in Tagalog and Bisa-
yan both uncombined, and with case sign n, e. g., Hil. ak-on,
n-ak-on, in Batan only with the case signs ni or n, e. g.,
ni-amuen, n-arnuen.
In Bikol the case signs of the genitive ni, s are prefixed in
the singular to ako, which is either nominative or identical with
Cebuan genitive ako, in the plural to the stems arno, ato, made
after the analogy of ako. In Sulu the stems aku, amu, atu, to

which the ease signs ka, kan are prefixed, are susceptible of the
same two explanations as the Bikol forms. The double n in
kannamu is perhaps due to the analogy of forms like kan-niac
'his' (cf. below, p. 385).
In Magindanao in the singular the case signs I and sat are
prefixed to the secondary stem aki; in the plural and dual the
case signs are all prefixed to the stems kanri, kitanu, kita except
in na-mi, where na is prefixed to the root particle. In Bagobo
the case sign ?,i is prefixed to the root particle in ni-ta. Geni-
tive forms without case sign, consisting of a root particle or
secondary stem, or of some modification of these, are found in
all the languages, Pampangan, Pangasinan, Ilokan, Nabaloi, and
Ibanag having only genitives of this kind.
In the oblique, Tagalog prefixes sa to the forms of the geni-
tive beginning with a, and in the dual also to the genitive with
case sign kani: Cebuan has two series of forms, one in which
sa is prefixed to genitive forms with initial a, one in which ka(n)
is prefixed to genitive forms (cf. above, p. 371): Hiliguayna
has four series of forms, two like those in Cebuan, one ill which
the case sign d is prefixed to forms with initial a, one in which
an additional case sign ka is prefixed to the forms with initial
d: Samaro-Leytean has two series of forms identical with the
Hiliguayna forms with initial sa and d: Harayan has apparently
only one series, identical with the series with initial k: the Bikol
oblique forms are identical with the genitives with initial s:
Pampangan makes its oblique singular by prefixing kan and k
to ako, probably the nominative, the oblique of the other mem-
bers by prefixing ka to the nominative with articular i, ka ? i
becoming ke: Pangasinan prefixes ed to the nominative with
articular si: Ilokan makes its oblique singular by prefixing kani
to the root ak, the oblique of the other numbers by prefixing ka
to the nominative with initial da: Ibanag substitutes ni, Batan
di, for the case signs of the nominative: in Magindanao, the
oblique case signs sat or sa sal are prefixed to the same stems as
in the genitive.

Second Person.

The forms of the personal pronouns of the second person are,

viz.:

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374 F. R. Blake, [1906.

nom. gen. obl.

Tag. sg. ikao, ka iyo, mo-(niyo)' sa iyo
pl. kayo, (kamo) inyo, ninyo sa inyo
Bis. (Ceb.) sg. ikao, ka imo, nimo, mo kanimo, sa imo
pl. kamo inyo, ninyo kaninyo, sa inyo
Bis. (Hil.) sg. ikao, ka imo, nimo, mo kanimo, sa imo,
dimo, karimo
pl. kamo inyo, ninyo kaninyo, sa inyo,
dinyo, karinyo
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) sg. ikao, ka, si ikao imo, nimo, mo sa imo, dimo
pl. kamo, si kamo iyo, niyo sa iyo, diyo
Bis. (Har.) sg. ikao, kao, ka imo, nimo, mo kanimo
Bik. sg. ika mo, nimo, saimo, saimo, simo
simo
pl. kamo nindo saindo
Pamp. sg. ika, ka mo, moo, me, keka2
mee2
pl. ikayo, kayo, yo, yoo, ye, yee kekayo, keko
iko, ko
Pang. sg. sika, ka mo, -m ed sika
p1. sikayo, siki, yo ed sikayo, ed siki
kayo, ki
Ilok. sg. sika, ka mo, -m kenka
pl. dakayo, kayo yo kadakayo
Igor. (Nab.) sg. sikam, ka mo, -m
pl. sikayo, kayo dyo
Iban. sg. sikau, ka mu, -m nikau
p1. sikamu, kamu nu nikamu
Bat. sg. imu, ka nimo, mo dimo
pt.3 ninio, nio dinio
Mag. sg. ka, saleka, nengka, saleka, salka, sa salka
seka sa salka, leka, ka
pl. kanu, salkanu salkanu, sa sal- salkanu, sa salkanu
kanu, nu, niu,
lekanu
Sulu sg. ekau, kau, nio mu, kannio, kanio
pl. kamu kaimu
Bag. sg. kona, ka, niko, no kaniko, niko
si kona
pi. kio, ko, si kio nio kanio
' Used only in the phrase a-niyo ' inquis.'
i In place of the genitive and oblique forms, whic
the forms of the pronoun of the first person singular
3 Cf. above, p. 366, ft. nt. 2.

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Vo1. xxvii.] Contributions to PAilippine Grammar. 375

The root particles upon which the pronouns of the second

person, singular and plural, are based, are ka, mo, yo, and nu.
Ka occurs uncombined as -nominative singular in all the lan-
guages except Bikol and Sulu, and also as genitive in Magin-
danao. It is found also in the nominatives, Sulu and Harayan,
kau, kao. and with articular prefixes, Bikol and Pampangan i-ka,
Pangasinan and Ilokan si-ka, Tagalog and Bisayan i-kao, Sulu
e-kau, Ibanag si-kau, Nabaloi si-ka-m; in the oblique forms
Pampangan ke-ka, Pangasinan ed si-ka, Ilokan ken-ka, Ibanag ni-
kau; in all the forms with case signs in Magindanao. The forms
in o, a, probably owe this final element to the analogy of other
pronominal forms ending in o, u, like tayo, kdyo. The final mn of
the Nabaloi form is probably an added genitive element of the
same person, like the ta in Harayan ako-ta (cf. above, p. 367).
In the Bagobo genitive and oblique forms ni-ko, ka-ni-ko; ko
probably represents a modification of ka due to the analogy of
the genitive no. The particle ko which is found in Pampangan
and Bagobo in the plural forms ko, i-ko, ke-ko, is probably a
blend of the singular ka with the final o of the plural form
kayo, which o was felt as a sign of the plural. Similarly Pan-
gasinan ki in the plural forms ki, si-ki, ed si-ki, is probably a
blend of ka with the final i of plural forms of the first person,
viz., kami, sikiti, etc.
Ka occurs also in the plural stems ka-yo, ka-mo, ka-nu, which
are made up of two root particles of the second person. Kayo
is found uncombined as nominative plural in Tagalog, Pampan:
gan, Pangasinan, Ilokan, and Nabaloi, and with articular pre-
fixes in the nominatives, Pampangan i-kayo, Pangasinan and
Nabaloi si-kayo, Ilokan da-kayo, and the oblique forms derived
from them. Bagobo kio in kio, si-kio, is, perhaps, a modification
of kayo, due to the analogy of the genitive nio. Kamo occurs
uncombined in Bisayan, Bikol, Ibanag, Sulu, and in certain dia-
lects of Tagalog, and with articular prefixes in Ibanag si-kamu,
ni-kamu. Kanu is found only in Magindanao both uncombined
and with articular prefixes. Bagobo kona in kona, si-kona, may
represent a metathesis of *ka-.no. The ka of Pampangan ka-
tamo 'we,' and of the Pangasinan and Nabaloi case sign si-ka,
is an analogical element based on forms like ka-yo, ka-mo ' you,'
where ka is root particle.

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376 F. R. Blake, [1906.

Ao occurs uncombined as genitive in all the languages except

Magindanao and Bagobo. The genitive -m of Pangasinan,
Ilokan, Nabaloi and Ibanag is a shortened form of mo: it is
found also in Nabaloi nominative si-ka-n (cf. above). Pam-
pangan moo, me, mee, are secondary modifications of mo (cf.
below, p. 387). Jo also occurs with case indicating prefixes in
the Bisayan genitives i-mo, ni-mo and the oblique forms derived
from them, in Bikol ni-mo, si-mo, sai-mo, Batan i-mu, ni-mo,
di-mo, and Sulu kai-mu; it is used, moreover, in the forma-
tion of the plural stems, second person ka-mo (cf. above), first
person ta-mo (cf. above, p. 370).
Yo occurs uncoinbined as genitive plural in Pampangan,
Pangasinan, Ilokan, and Nabaloi (dyo < *yo, cf. above, p. 335).
Pampangan yoo, ye, yee are secondary modifications of yo (cf.
below, p. 387). With case indicating prefixes, yo is-found in
the genitives, Tagalog singular, Samaro-Leytean plural i-yo,
ni-yo, Tagalog, Cebuan, and Hiliguayna plural in-yo, nin-yo,
and the oblique forms derived from them; and in the Batan
plural forms nin-io, din-io (io = yo); it is also used as
an element of the plural stems, second person ka-yo (cf. above),
first person ta-yo (cf. above, p. 370).
Batan, Magindanao and Bagobo genitive, Sulu, nominative
niu, nio, which is found also in Sulu ka-nio kan-nio, Batan
ka-nio, is probably to be analysed as case sign ni + yo, the form
representing either a different spelling of niyo, or a phonetic
variant, with y changed to the hiatus or glottal catch (cf. forms
with ia for iya, below, p. 381). Bikol nindo, saindo, are proba-
bly modifications of forms identical with Tagalog ninyo, sa inyo,
the d being due to the analogy of the corresponding forms of
the third person plural, viz., ninda, sa inda.
The particle, no occurs uncombined as genitive plural in
Ibanag and Magindanao, and as genitive singular in Bagobo.
It is also used in Magindanao in the plural stem of the second
person ka-nu (cf. above) and as a final element of all forms of
the first person inclusive plural. It is not impossible that this
no is a modification of no or yo, the n being due to the influ-
ence of other pronominal genitive forms with initial n.
The case indicating prefixes which are found in the pronouns
of the second person are, in Tagalog, i, n(i), in, sa, in Cebuan i,
n(i), in, sa, ka(n), in Hiliguayna i, n(i), in, sa, ka(n), d(i), ka,

in Samaro-Leytean i, si, n(i) sa, d(i), in Harayan i, n(i), ka(n),

in Bikol i, n(i), sa, s, in, in Pampangan i, ka, in Pangasi-
nan si, ed, in Ilokan si, da, ken, ka, in Nabaloi si, in Ibanag si,
ni, in Batan i, n(i), d(i), in, in Magindanao se, sal, sale, le,
neng, sa, in Sulu e, ka, kan, i, in Bagobo si, ni, ka.
The prefixes i (of nom.), si, se, da, ni, sa, s, (of gen.-obl.),
sal, le, ka, ka(n), kan, ke, ed, have already been explained
(cf. above, pp. 353 f., 371). The prefix i in the Tagalog and
Bisayan genitive forms i-yo, i-mo is probably the same as the
prepositional i in Ilokan oblique of the definite article i-ti.
Whether the i in Batan nominative i-mu is this prepositional i
or the articular i of the nominative is difficult to say. The e
of Sulu ekau, though long, seems to be identical with articular i
(cf. pela 'how much ?'=Bis. pila). In the Tagalog, Bisayan,
Bikol, and Batan case signs n(i) and d(i) it is uncertain whether
the i is this prepositional i, or the final i of the case signs ni
and dli, i. e. whether the forms niyo, nimo, diyo, dimo, in Tag-
alog, Bisayan, Bikol and Batan, are to be analysed as i-yo,
i-mo with prefixed case signs n and d, or as ni-yo, di-mo, etc.
The case signs n and d would of course be derived from ni and
di (cf. above, p. 354). Ilokan ken is probably contracted from
*ka-i-n with the two ligatures i and n. In Magindanao, sale is
a fuller form of sal; neng contains the ligature ng; the e is an
indistinct vowel, as is shown by the spelling ngka,1 and not the
result of the contraction of a diphthong;, ne may, therefore,
represent a reduced form of no/, the genitive of the definite arti-
cle. The Tagalog, Cebuan, Hiliguayna, Bikol, and Batan prefix
in, which occurs both as initial and with additional prefixed case
signs, is not clear. It may be the prepositional i of iyo followed
by the ligature is, the prefix being thus similar to the prefixes
af, in, fin, of the Cebuan and Pampangan interrogatives. In the
forms with compound prefix like nin-yo, din-yo, the i is of the
same ambiguous character as in forms like ni-yo, di-yo (cf.
above).
In general the case signs are used in the formation of cases
as in the first person.
In the nominative Tagalog, Bisayan and Bikol have i in the
singular forms, i-kao, i-ka: Samaro-Leytean has si in the forms

' Cf. Porter, Primer of the Moro Dialect, Washington, 1903, passim.

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378 E. R. Blake, [1906.

si ikao, si kamo: Pampangan has i in both singular and plural in

the forms i-ka, i-kayo, i-ko: Pangasinan, Nabaloi and Ibanag
have si in both singular and plural in the forms si-ka, si-kayo,
si-ki; si-kam, si-kayo; si-kau, si-kamu: Ilokan has si in singu-
lar si-ka; da in plural da-kayo: Batan has i, whether articular
or prepositional i is doubtful, in singular i-mu: Magindanao has
se and sale in the singular se-ka, sale-ka; sal in the plural sal-
kanu: Suln has e=i, in e-kaw : Bagobo has si in the forms si
kona, si kio. Nominative forms without case sign, consisting
of a root particle or plural stem, or some modification of these,
are found in all the languages.
In the genitive in a number of languages secondary stems are
made by prefixing prepositional i and the particle in to the
root particles, viz., Tag. i-yo, in-yo, Bis. i-yo, i-mo, in-yo,
Bik. i-mo, in-do (cf. above, p. 376), Batan i-mo, in-io, Sulu
i-mu. In Tagalog and Bisayan these stems occur both uncom-
bined and with the prefixed case signs n, e. g., Tag. inyo, n-inyo.
In the other languages they are found only with case signs,
Bikol n(i), n, sa, s in nimo, n-indo, sa-imo, s-imo; Batan n(i),
n in nirno, n-inio, Salu ka in ka-imru. In Magindanao the
case signs are prefixed to the nominatives ka and kanu; neng,
le, sale, sa sal to ka; le, sal, sa sal to kanu. In Sulu the case
signs ka and kan are prefixed in the singular to the form nio,
which though used as a nominative is formally a genitive; in
the plural, ka is prefixed to the secondary stemn imu. In Bag-
obo, ni is prefixed to the root particle in nio=ni-yo, and
ni-ko, in which ko is a modified form of ka (cf. above, p. 375).
Genitive forms without case signs, consisting of a root par-
ticle either unchanged or in some modified form, are found in
all the languages, Pampangan, Pangasinan, Ilokan, Nabaloi,
and Ibanag having only forms of this kind.
In the oblique Tagalog prefixes the case sign sa to the geni-
tives with initial i; each of the Bisayan dialects has the same
series of forms based on the genitives as in the first person,
the analysis of the forms with initial kan, di, and kari being
ambiguous. In Bikol in the singular, as in the first person, the
oblique forms are identical with the genitives with initial s, in
the plural the case sign sa is prefixed to the secondary steIn
indo. In Batan in the plural the case sign d is prefixed to the
secondary stem inio; the singular dimo has the case sign d(i).

In Bagobo the case sign ka is prefixed to the genitive in ka-niko,

ka-nio; the genitive niko is also used as oblique. In Pampan-
gan, Pangasinan, Ilokan, Ibanag, and Magindanao the case
signs are prefixed to the nominative. In Pampangan, keka,
kekayo and keko are derived from the nominatives ika, ikayo
and iko by prefixing ka; kai becoming ke. Pangasinan forms
its oblique by prefixing ed to the nominatives with case sign si,
Ibanag changes this si to ni. Ilokan forms its singular by
prefixing ken to the nominative ka, its plural by prefixing ka to
the nominative with case sign da. In Magindanao, sal and sa
sal are prefixed to ka and kanu.

Third Person.

The forms of the personal pronouns of the third person are,

viz.:

nom. gen. obl.

Tag. sg. siya niya kaniya

pl.' sila nila kanila
Bis. (Ceb.) sg. siya2 niya,2 iya,2 na kaniya,2 saiya,
pl. sila. nila, ila kanila, saila
Bis. (Hil.) sg. siya2 niya,2 iya kaniya, sa iya, dia,
karia, sang iya
(sila nila, ila kanila, sa ila, di]a,
pi. - sang ila
(sanda nanda, anda kananda, sa anda
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) sg. siya niya, iya kaniya, diya,
sa iya
pl. sira nira, ira dira, sa ira
Bis. (Har.) sg. tana ana, na kana, kanana,
kaniya
pl. sanda anda, nanda kananda
Bik. sg. siya niya saiya
pI. sinda ninda sainda
Pamp. sg. iya, ya, na, ne na, ne, nee, no, keya
noo

pI. ila, la, no da, de, dee, doo kare]a

Pang. sq. sikato to ed sikato
pl. sikara, ra, ira da, ra ed sikara

I The forms of the plural may also be reduplicated

2 These forms are also written with ia instead of iya.

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380 F. R. Blake, [1906.

Ilok. sg. isu na kenkuana, kaniana

pl. isuda, da, ida da kadakuada,
kaniada
Igor. (Nab.) sg. sikato, to to
pl. sikara, si era, cha, ra
era
Iban. sg. ya na sa
pl. ira da nira
Bat. sg. ya, sia na, nia dia,' sia'
pl. sira, sa nira, dara2 dira, sira,3 da,3 ra3
Mag. sg. salkanin, salkanin, salkanin,
sekanin, nin sa i salkanin, kana j salkanin
na sa
lekanin, nin
pl. silan, salkilan kanilan, sa kani- kanilan, sa kanilan
Ian, nilan
Sulu sg. sia, nia nia, kansia, kannia
pl. sila, nila kansila, kanila
Bag. sg. kandin, din kandin
si kandin
pl. kandan, dan kandan
si kandan

The pronouns of the third person singular all appear to be

based on one of the particles ya, na, to,- Su, and nin. Ya. and
na are probably identical respectively with the ligatures and
articular and demonstrative particles ya, na; to is probably
identical with the demonstrative particle to; su with the Batan
and Pangasinan article su, so; nin is perhaps the demonstrative
root particle ni + the ligature n.
Ya occurs uncombined in the nominative in Pampangan,
Ibanag, and Batan; with case indicating prefix in the nomina-
tive in Tagalog, Bisayan (except Harayan), and Bikol si-ya,
Batan and Sulu nominative sia (for si-ya), Pampangan i-ya,

1 These case forms are headed IDat. ac. abl;' sia doubtless belongs to
ac.=accusative; cf. above, p. 341, ft. nt. 2.
2 Probably a mistake for da, ra, cf. oblique, and Pangasinan and
Nabaloi genitive. The use of a reduplicated form in the plural, how-
ever, is a priori quite natural, and is found in Tagalog (cf. above. p. 379,
ft. nt. 1), hence it is possible that the form is correct.
3 These forms are given under the head of ' Acus.'=accusative.

Sulu nia (borrowed from the genitive), in the genitive in Taga-

log, Bisayan (except Harayan), and Bikol ni-ya, Batan and
Sulu nia (for ni-ya), Bisayan (except Harayan) i-ya; and in
all the oblique forms in Tagalog, Bisayan (in Harayan only in
kani-ya), Bikol, Pampangan, and Batan. In the forms writ-
ten with ia for iya we have either a variant spelling, or the
intervocalic y has been changed to the hiatus or glottal catch
(cf. nio for niyo above, p. 376).
Na occurs uncombined as genitive in Cebuan, Harayan, Pam-
pangan, Ilokan, Ibanag, and Batan, and as nominative in Pam-
pangan. In Harayan it is the root particle of the pronoun in
all its forms with the exception of the oblique kani-ya. The
ta of the nominative tana is perhaps to be connected with the
demonstrative root particle ta. The initial a of the genitive
ana is probably due to the analogy of the plural form anda
(cf. below). Na also forms the basis of the Ilokan oblique
forms kenkua-na, kania-na. The Pampangan forms ne, nee,
zo, noo, are probably secondary modifications of na (cf. below,
p. 387). It is not likely that no has any connection with the
particle nu, no of the second person.
To is found only in Pangasinan and Nabaloi, both uncom-
bined, and with prefixed case signs in Pangasinan and Nabaloi
sika-to, Pangasinan ed sikd-to.
S'a occurs only in Ilokan singular i-su with articular i, and
in isu, a prefix of the nominative plural (cf. below).
iNin forms the basis of all the forms of the pronoun in Magin-
danao. With this nin the particle din which forms the basis
of the pronoun in Bagobo is perhaps to be connected, the
initial d being due. to the influence of the plural dan.
What Ibanag sa represents is doubtful. An original s seems
to be preserved in Ibanag only before i, otherwise becoming t
(cf. above, p. 333); hence sa can hardly be connected with the
articular sa of the other languages. It may be contracted
from *sia < *siya just as perhaps sakan 'I ' from *si-akan,
though it is difficult to see why such a form should be used as
oblique.
The pronouns of the third person plural, with the exception
of Batan sa, which is perhaps identical with the inclusive arti-
cle of Bisayan and Bikol, are all based on one of the particles
da, ra, la, which are perhaps ultimately identical.

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382 F. R. Blake, [1906.

Da occurs uncombined as genitive in Pampangan, Pan-

gasinan, Ilokan, Nabaloi (cha < *da) and Ibanag; as nominative
in Ilokan; and as oblique in Batan. Pampangan de, dee, doo
are secondary modifications of. da (cf. below, p. 387). Bagobo
dan in dan, kan-dan, si kan-dan, is probably da+the ligature n.
Da is found also with case indicating prefixes in Hiliguayna
and Harayan stem an-da, the Bikol stem in-da, and in the Ilo-
kan forms isu-da, i-da, kania-da, kadakua-da, and in the com-
pound case sign ka-dakua of the last (cf. below, p. 384). It
also forms the first element of Batan genitive da-ra (cf. above,
p. 380, ft. nt. 2). The an and in of the stems an-da, in-da are
probably to be explained as articular a, i + ligature n, like the
prefixes an, in, un, of the interrogative pronouns (cf. above,
p. 361).
The particle ra occurs preceded by case signs ending in a
vowel in Samaro-Leytean, Pangasinan, Nabaloi, Ibanag and
Batan: la is found in Tagalog, Cebuan, Hiliguayna, Pampangan,
Magindanao, and Sulu under similar conditions; the final n of
the Magindanao forms is probably due to the analogy of the
singular. Ra occurs uncombined in Pangasinan genitive and
nominative, Nabaloi genitive, and Batan oblique, and in Batan
da-ra (cf. above). La occurs uncombined as nominative in
Pampangan.
It is difficult to determine with certainty the exact relation of
the three particles da, ra, la. Ra seems almost certainly to be
simply a phonetic modification of da, in all the languages in
which it occurs. This is indicated by the following facts. In
all these languages da and ra occur alongside of one another (in
Samaro-Leytean cf. the forms of the inclusive article), and as
the change of intervocalic d to r is a common phenomenon of
these languages (cf. above, p. 334), and as they seem to pre-
sent no change from r to d, the supposition lies near at hand
that the two are simply different forms of the same partic1l, da
being the more original form. This supposition is strengthened
by the evidence of Ilokan, which does not change intervocalic d
to r, where the form corresponding to Pangasinan and Ibanag ira,
Nabaloi era. is ida. According to this explanation the r of the
uncombined form ra of Pangasinan, Nabaloi, and Batan would
be due to the analogy of forms like ira, where the r is organic.
The particle la is perhaps a further phonetic modification of
this ra resulting from original da after a vowel. It is true that

r resulting from intervocalic d is regularly retained in these

languages, but as words of very frequent use often suffer special
phonetic changes, it may be that in these pronouns the
secondary r became I just as original r became I in these lan-
guages (cf: above, p. 333). In this case the uncombined la of
Pampangan would be analogical like the uncombined ra.
It is also possible, however, to suppose that la is a particle
distinct from da. If so it can hardly represent an original la,
as in that case the intervocalic I would have been lost in Taga-
log and Sulu, but as in the languages where la is found I often
represents an r of the other languages (cf. above, p. 333), the
original form of the particle was perhaps ra. If this supposi-
tion is correct, the ra in some of the forms may be referred to
the same original particle, as original r is usually retained in
these languages, but in just which forms, it would be difficult
to say.
The case indicating prefixes that are found in the pronouns.
of the third person are in Tagalog Sit n(i), ka(n), Cebuan si,
n(i), i, ka(n), sa, in Hiliguayna si, s, n(i), vn, i, ka(n), d(i), ka,
sa, sang, in Samaro-Leytean si, n(i), i, ka(n), d(i), sa, in Hara-
yan s, n, ka, ka(n), kan, in Bikol si, s, fl(i), n, sa, in Pampan-
gan i, ka, kare, in Pangasinan sika, i, ed, in Ilokan i, isu, ken-
kua, kadakua, kania, in Nabaloi sika, e, Si, in Ibanag i, n(i),
(for the case sign of sa, cf. above, p. 381), in Batan si, n(i), d(i),
in Magindanao {alka, seka, leka, sa, na, iana, si, salki, n(i),
ka(n), in Sulu si, n(i), ka, ka(n), lan, in Bagobo lan, si.
The signs i (of nom.), si, s (of nom.), sika, i (prepositional),
in, na, n(i), n, sa, d(i), ka, ka(n), kan, ed have already been
explained (cf. above, pp. 353 f., 371, 377).
The ambiguous signs are found in the following forms: n(i)
in uiya, nia, nilan, nira, in Tagalog, Bisayan, Bikol, Ibanag,
Batan, Magindanao, and Sulu; ka(n) in kaniya, kanilan in Taga-
log, Bisayan, and Magindanao, in kananda in lliliguayna and
Harayan; d(i) in dia, dila, dira in Hiliguayna, Samaro-Levtean,
and Batan. I in Pampangan, Pangasinan, Ilokan, and Ibanag is
articular (cf. above, p. 353); in Bisayan, prepositional (cf. above,
p. 344); Nabaloi e is probably a modification of articular i due
to the following r; liliguayna sang is the genitive of the defi-
nite article; Pampangan kare is probably borrowed from the
oblique plural of the demonstratives kareni, careti, etc.; Ilokan

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384 F. R. Blake, [1906.

isu is the pronoun of the third person singular used as case sign;
kenkua and kadakua contain the noun kua (cf. above, p. 347)
and the case signs ken (cf. above, p. 377), and kada, which is
derived by a wrong division from the oblique plural forms of
the first and second persons, e. g., ka-datayo, where the da
belongs to the stem and not to the oblique case sign; kania in
the forms kaniana and kaniada is a combination of the parti-
cles ka and ni with an a which is, probably due to a wrong divi-
sion of the case signs containing kua, viz., kadaku-ana, kadaku-
ada. In Magindanao, kana is the genitive and oblique of the
definite article; the ka of seka, leka and salka is probably due
to a wrong division of forms like sal-kanu 'you' where the ka
belongs to the pronominal stem and not to the case sign; salki
may be borrowed in the same way from forms like sal-kita, 'we
two,' or it may be the case sign salka with the a changed to i
before la after the analogy of the other forms of the plural; for
the elements se, le, sal, cf. above, pp. 371, 372.
In general the case signs are used in the formation of cases as
in the pronouns of the first and second persons.
In the nominative, Tagalog, Cebuan, Hiliguayna, Samaro-
Leyfean, Batan, and Sulu, prefix si to the root particles ya and
la, ra in both singular and plural, in si-ya (sia), si-la, si-ra.
In Hiliguayna and Harayan plural the case sign s is prefixed to
the stem anda. In Bikol, si is prefixed to the root particle ya
in the singular, s, to the stem inda in the plural. In Pampangan,
i is prefixed to the root particle in singular i-ya, plural i-la.
In Pangasinan and Nabaloi in the singular, sika is prefixed to
the root particle in sika-to; in the plural both prefix sika and
i, e to the root particle da or ra, and Nabaloi makes an addi-
tional form by prefixing'si to the form with case sign e. Ilokan
prefixes i to the root particle in singular i-su, plural i-da, and
also makes a plural form by prefixing isu to the root particle.
Ibanag has i in the plural i-ra. In Magindanao in the singular
the signs seka, salka are prefixed to the root particle nin; in
the plural si and salki are prefixed to lan, the root particle la
with an analogical n derived from the singular. In Sulu the
case signs si and: ni are prefixed to the root particles in singu-
lar and plural, sia and nia being equivalent to si-ya, ni-ya: the
forms with ni are borrowed from the genitive (cf. below,
p. 388). In Bagobo the nominative of both numbers seems to

be identical with the oblique; the nominative, however, may

take the additional case sign si.
Nominative forms without case sign are found in Harayan (tana
cf. above, p. 381), Pampangan, Pangasinan, Ilokan, Nabaloi,
Ibanag, Batan and Magindanao, consisting, with the exception
of Batan sa (cf. above, p. 381) of a root particle, two root par-
ticles (tana), or a modified form of a root particle.
In the genitive, Bisayan (except Harayan), as in the pronouns
of the second person, makes genitives by prefixing prepositional
i to the root particles, viz., i-ya, i-la. It is not impossible
that the genitive forms niya(nia), nila of Tagalog, Bisayan,
Bikol, Batan, Magindanao, and Sulu are based on this stem, the
case sign being n, but it seems more likely that they consist of
the case sign ni + the root particle. Hiliguayna, Harayan, and
Bikol prefix in the plural the case sign n to the stems anda,
inda. In Magindanao in the singular, the case signs leka, salka,
na salka, sa salka, are prefixed to the root particle nin; in the
plural the forms are based on Ian (cf. above), the case signs
being n(i), ka(n), and sa ka(n). Sulu kanila has the case sign
ka(n); in kan-nia, kan is prefixed to the genitive; in kan-sia,
kan-sila, to the nominative. Genitive forms without case
sign, consisting of a root particle or stem, or some modification
of a root particle, are found in all the languages except Tagalog,
Samaro-Leytean, Bikol and Sulu.
In the oblique, the Tagalog forms may be based either on the
genitive or the secondary stem with initial i, the case sign being
ka(n). Each of the Bisayan dialects has in general the same series
of forms as in the pronouns of the first and second persons; the
forms with case sign sa are based on the secondary stem with
initial i; the forms kaniya, kanila, kananda have the case sign
ka(n) as in Tagalog; the forms with initial d and kar have the
case sign d(i); in Harayan, oblique forms are made from the
genitives na, ana by prefixing ka and kan respectively. In
Hi]iguayna there is an additional series of forms made by
prefixing sang, Athe genitive of the definite article, to the
stem with initial i; in Samaro-Leytean, in addition to the regular
series, there is the form kaniya with case sign ka(n). The
Bikol forms are made by prefixing sa to the stems with
prefixed i and din. Pampangan makes its singular by prefixing
ka to the nominative with articular i; in the plural we
VOL. XXVII. 26

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386 :F B. Blake, [1906.

should expect *kela, but the form has become karela under
the influence of the demonstratives. In Pangasinan, ed is
prefixed to the nominative with case sign si. In Ilokan the
case signs are prefixed to the root particles, kenkua and kadakua
in the singular and plural respectively, kania, to both numbers.
In Ibanag the plural nira contains the sign n(i); for the singu-
lar sa cf. above, p. 381. Batan has the forms dia, dira with
sign d(i), also sia and sira identical with the nominative. In
Magindanao all the forms are identical with genitive forms,
except kana salkanin, in which kana salka is prefixed to the
root particle. In Bagobo kan is prefixed to the genitive. The
only oblique forms without case sign are Batan da and ra, which
are given as accusative forms (cf. above, p. 380, ft. nt. 3).
These forms may be really genitives, their presence under the
head of accusative being due to a mistake of the grammarian
or copyist (cf. above, p. 366, ft. nt. 2).

General Remarks on Case Formation.

Generally speaking, the inflection of pronouns in the Philip-

pine languages is initial, and is based on the forms of the arti-
cles. The nominative is often without case sign, especially in
the personal pronouns, but is also frequently indicated by initial
i, si, which are identical respectively with the i of the nomina-
tives, Ibanag i, Pampangan i-ng, etc., of the definite article,
and si of the personal article; it is also sometimes indicated by
s derived from si.
The genitive is most frequently characterized by an initial n.
As the ligatures qua, n, are still often used between two nouns
that stand to one another in the relation of genitive and modi-
fied noun, e. g. Tag. bahay sna bato, 'house of stone,' baro-n
kastila, ' a shirt of Spain, Spanish shirt,' it is very likely that
the genitive sign n is derived from them.
In the personal pronouns there are a number of genitive
forms without case sign. These forms, which are usually root
particles, are placed after the modified word, the genitive being
originally indicated simply by the postposition. Doubtless in
some primitive stage of the Philippine languages, any root par-
ticle might be thus used as a genitive, but in the course of
time, however, certain root particles were adapted to this use
(so with ko and to of the first and second persons respec-
tively), others being excluded.

In Pampangan the number of genitive forms of this kind has

been greatly increased by modifying the final vowel of the root
particle. There are five series of these forms, the endings
being a, o, e, oo, ee. Of the forms in a, all are unmodified
root particles except da (1. sg.) [cf. above, p. 368]. Of the
forms in o; ko, mo and yo are root particles; no (3. sg.) is modi-
fied from na on the analogy of these forms. The forms in e,
viz., ke, me, ye, ne, de, are all secondary; the e may have arisen
from the combination of a root particle ending in a, e. g. na
(3. sg.) with ligature i, and then have been extended to
the other forms. The forms in oo and ee are derived from
the o and e series respectively by repeating the final vowel.
The repetition seems to be emphatic, these forms being used
when the subject of the verb of which they are the agent, is
omitted.
This expression of the genitive by simple postposition has
been extended in Ilokan to the other pronouns, e. g. ti balay ti
tao, ' the house of the man,' iti atep toy a balay, ' the thatch of
this house,' so that the genitives of the various pronouns are
always identical with some form of the nominative.
The oblique case is never without a case indicating prefix, except-
in the doubtful Batan forms da, ra (cf. above, p. 386). It is
usually characterized by an initial d, s, or k, derived respec-
tively from the oblique case forms of the articles di, sa, and ka.
These oblique case forms are prepositional in character, but
have this peculiarity, viz., that they denote not only the case,
but also the idea of the definite, personal or inclusive article
before a following noun, For example, 'in the house' is in
Tagalog not literally sa ang bahay, but simply sa bahay, the
oblique sa expressing both the idea of 'in,' and that of the
definite article.
It is quite common for forms which have oblique case signs
to be used as genitives, as, for example, in the Sulu personal
pronouns, and instances also occurs in which forms with geni-
tive case sign are used as oblique, for example, in the Cebuan
demonstratives and Ibanag personal pronouns.
The identity of nominative and genitive forms in Ilokan has
already been mentioned. Other instances of this identity are
found, especially in Pampangan and certain languages of the
Northern Group, and there especially in the inclusive article,

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388 F. R. Blake, [1906.

and the plural of other pronouns. In the Sulu personal pro-

nouns the use of genitive forms in the nominative is probably
due to the fact that both nominative and genitive forms are
found after the case sign kan, e. g. kan-sia, kan-nia, thus giv-
ing rise to the idea that the forms like sia and genitive forms
like nia are equivalent.
Oblique case forms are found in the nominative in the Magin-
danao personal pronouns, the Cebuan demonstratives and
interrogatives with initial k, the Tlarayan demonstratives with
initial d, and the Bagobo pronouns of the third person. In the
Magindanao personal pronouns the case forms are very much
confused, some forms being used for all three cases. In the
demonstratives, the use of the oblique forms in the nominative is
probably due to the fact that certain adverbs of place, identical
with the oblique forms of the demonstratives, were used as
simple demonstratives, 'the there man,' or 'the man there,'
being used as the equivalent of 'this man,' (cf. the use of the
Cebuan adverb karon, above p. 351, ft. nt. 1.) The oblique case
signs thus introduced into the nominative became the regular
nominative case signs of the demonstratives, and in Cebuan,
were also extended to the interrogatives. The nominative
forms of the Bagobo pronouns-of the third person are possibly to
be explained in the same way, inasmuch as pronouns of the third
person and demonstratives are very closely related.
The nominative forms given under the oblique in Batan are
probably used only in the accusative (cf. above, pp. 341, ft. nt. 2,
380, ft. nt. 3). The difficult Ibanag oblique sa (3. sg.) seems to
have a nominative case sign (cf. above, p. 381).

List of principal Elements used in the Formation of the Pronouns.1

a-1) lig., cf. p. 338. 2) elem. of ligs. ay, ya, cf. p. 340. 3)
final elem. in dems., cf. p. 357. 4) root part. of def. arts.
ang, an, cf. p. 341. 5) prefix in dems., cf. p. 351, and
dem. stems like ar, cf. p. 354 f. 6) elem. of an, and per-
haps of ad, ag. 7) perhaps dem. root part., cf. p. 352,
and root part of e.
ad-elem. of dem. stem adto, cf. p. 354f.
ag-elem. of dem. stem agto, cf. p. 354 f.

1 Por elements of inc. art. not included here, cf. p. 348.

ak1-root part., 1. sg., cf. p. 367.

ak2 -sign of indef. object in Ceb., cf. p. 345.
al-cf. ar.
am-elem. of prons. 1. exe. pl., cf. p. 369.
an,-prefixed elem. in Ceb. inter. k-an-sa, cf. p. 361, and in t
stem anda, 3. pI., cf. p. 382.
an2-prefixed elem. in nom. pl. of Iban. dems., cf. p. 356 f.
an -inter. root part., cf. p. 362.
an4-probably suffix in Ceb. inters. ending in Ian, cf. p. 363.
an5 -suffix of prons. 1. pers., of. p. 368.
ar-elem. of inters. Tag. al-in, Bik. ar-in, and perhaps of Ceb.
forms ending in Ian, cf. p. 363.
asi-stem of indiv. inter. in Iban., cf. p. 363.
It-elem. of prons. 1. inc. pl., cf. p. 371.
au-dem. root part., cf. p. 353.
ay, ai-1) lig., cf. p. 338. 2) final elem. of dems., cf. p. 357.
bbad-final elem. of Bag. numeral ' one,' cf. p. 345.
chi-Nab. form of di.
d,-obl. case sign in Tag. dems., cf. p. 354; in prons. 1. pers.,
cf. p. 371; and in Bat. du, cf. p. 344: [cf. also d(i)].
d2-nom. case sign in dems., cf. p. 354.
da, ra, la 1) root part., 3. pl., cf. p. 381. 2) elem. of pI. def.
art. in Pang., cf. p. 342. 3) root part. of inc. art. in Ilok.
and Iban., elem. of inc. art. in Pang., cf. p. 348. 4) plu-
ral elem. of dems. in Pamp., Pang., and Iban., cf. p. 354.
5) elem. of prefixes dag and day. 6) prefix of gen. pI. of
Pang. dems., cf. p. 356. 7) prefix in Ilok. prons., 1. pl.,
du., 2. pI., cf. pp. 372, 378. 8) elem. of pers. inter. in
Pang., Iban., and Bag., cf. pp. 360, 361, 362, and of indiv.
inter.. in Iban., cf. p. 363. 9) perhaps elem. of dday.
Pampangan da gen. of pron. 1. sg. is not identical with
this da, but a modification of ta2.
dday-final elem. of Iban. numeral ' one,' cf. p. 345.
dag-prefix of pI. in Ilok. def. art. and dems., cf. pp. 342, 354.
day-prefix of dems. sg. in Ilok., cf. p. 356.
de,-gen. of pron. 1. exc. pl. in Bag., cf. p. 369.-Pamp. de
gen. of pron. 3. pI. is not identical with this de, though both
are probably modifications of da.
de2-prefix of Pamp. inter. pl. de-no, cf. p. 360.
di1-1) obl. of def. art. [Nab. chi], cf. p. 343, and of pers. art.,
cf. p. 347. 2) obl. case sign in Tag. dems., cf. p. 353.

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390 F B. -Blake, [1906.

3) elem. of indiv. inter. in Pang., Ilok., Nab., and Sulu,

cf. p. 364. 4) obl. case sign in Batan prons. 1. pers., cf.
p. 371.-[cf. also d(i)].
di2 -dem. root part., cf. p. 352.
di.-1) root part. of pl. of def. art. in Pamp., cf. p. 342.
2) root part. of inc. art. in Pamp., and elem. of inc. art.
in Pang., cf. p. 348. 3) prefix of pers. inter. pl. in Pamp.,
cf. p. 360.-perhaps a modification of da.
di4-nom. case sign in Ceb. and Har. dems., cf. p. 354 (=di,).
d(i) -obl. case sign, maybe d, or di1, in prons. 2. and 3. pers.,
cf. pp. 377, 383.
din-in Bag., root part., 3. sg., and final elem. of neut. inter.,
cf. pp. 381, 362.
ding-in Pamp., stem of pl. of def. art., and elem. of pl. of
indiv. inter., cf. pp. 342, 36i.
e-nom. of def. art. in Nab., cf. p. 341.-e in Sulu ekau is
identical with il, cf. p. 377.
ed-in Pang. only: I) obl. of def. and pers. arts., cf. pp. 343,
346 f. 2) obl. case sign of all other pronouns, cf. pp.. 347,
356, 362, 373, 379, 386.
en1-1) dem. root part., cf. p. 353. 2) probably elem. of Sulu
inter. hadi-en, cf. p. 364.
en- cf. uen.
et-obl. and gen. of def. art. in Har., cf. pp. 342, 343.
g-pluralizing infix in Ilok. dems, cf. pp. 354, 356.
go-final elem. of Bag. dems., cf. p. 352.
ha-1) obl. of def. art. in Sulu, cf. p. 343. 2) initial elem. of
indiv. inters. in Bis. and Sulu, cf. p. 364.
hi-in Sulu only, pers. art. and prefix of pers. inter., cf. pp. 346,
364.
i,-1) lig., cf. p. 338. 2) elem. of ligs. ay, ya, cf. p. 340. 3) final
elem. in Pang. def. art., cf. p. 342, and perhaps in the
forms e, ne of the def. and pers. art. in Nab. (cf. pp. 341,
343); in the forms of the numeral ' one ' in Iban.; cf. p. 345;
in kay, obl. of pers. art. in Tag. and Bis., in the inc.
art. in Hil., cf. p. 348; in the dems., cf. p. 357; in the
following inters., viz., Bik. and Samaro-Leytean pers.
inter., cf. pp. 361, 364, Nab. sepa-i, twa-i, ngaramto-i;
followed by n in the case sign ken, and perhaps in Pang.
nen (cf. p. 346). 4) root part. in def. arts. i, in, ing, cf.

p. 341; and pers. art. i and perhaps hi, cf. p. 346. 5) artic-
ular prefix or nom. case sign in Ilok. def. art., cf. p. 342;
in the forms of the numeral ' one,' cf. p. 345; in the dems.,
cf. p. 353; in the Bik. inter. stem isay, cf. p. 361, in
Iban. indiv. inter., cf. p. 363, and in Nab. inter. sepa(y) if
it is equivalent to *sa-i-pa(y), cf. p. 362; in the pers. pronS.
of all persons, cf. pp. 371, 372, 376, 377 f., 383, 384. -The
root part. ya, ia, 3. sg. is perhaps a combination of a with
this prefix. 6) elem. of in,.
i2 prepositional prefix or obl. and gen. case sign in Ilok. def.
art. and dems., cf. pp. 344, 353 f., 356; and in prons. 2. and
3. pers., cf. pp. 377, 378, 383, 385: elem. of in .
ia-cf. ya.
id-elem. of dem. stem idto, cf. p. 354f.
in,-prefix in inters., Ceb. k-in-sa, Pamp. insa (in<ing), cf.
p. 361, and in the stem inda, 3. pl., cf. p. 382.
in,-prefix in stems inyo, in do, 2. pl., cf. pp. 376, 377.
in.-suffix of gen. and obl. forms, prons. 1. pers. (=zon, uln.,
and en,), cf. p. 372.
in4-suffix of inters., cf. p. 363.-not identical with in.
k,-nom. case sign in Ceb. dems. and pers. inter., cf. pp. 354, 361.
k2-obl. case sign in inc. art., cf. p. 348; in Pamp. king, cf.
p. 343 f.; in Bik. ki, cf. p. 346; in Har. k-agto, cf. p. 355;
and in Pamp. k-ako, cf. p. 373.
ka,-root part., 2. sg., cf. p. 375.
ka2-1) obl. and gen. of def. art. in Bag. 2) obl. and gen. case
sign in def. art., cf. pp. 342-344; in pers. art., cf. p. 346;
in the inc. art., cf. p. 347 f.; in dems., cf. p. 353; in the
inters. in Tag., Hil., and Pamp., cf. p. 360, and probably
in Sam. -Ley. kanay, ef. p. 364; in the prons. of all three
persons, cf. pp. 371, 376 f., 383. 3) elem. of ka(n), kan,
kay, ken, kana, kani, kare and takka.-The ka of the inc.
art. in Ceb. does not belong here, cf. k2 and ka4.
ka.-elem. of the Mag. case signs salka, seka, leka, cf. p. 384,
and of sika.
ka4- in Ceb., obl. of inc. art., and in Bik., obl. case sign of pl.
of pers. inter., cf. pp. 348, 361.
kan-1) obl. and gen. of the def. art., cf. p. 343 (bis); of pers.
art., cf. p. 346. 2) obl. and gen. case sign in pers. prons. in

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392 F. R. Blake, [1906.

Har., Pamp., Sulu, and Bagobo, cf. pp. 371, 377, 383.
3) in Nab. obl. sikan, cf. p. 346.
ka(n)-obl. and gen. case sign, may be ka or kan, in the pers.
prons. of all three persons, of. pp. 371, 376 f., 383.
kana-in Mag., gen. and obl. of def. art., and gen. case sign in
prons. 3. sg., cf. pp. 343, 344, 383.
kani-1) gen. and obi. of pers. art. in Mag., cf. p. 346. 2) obl.
case sign in Ilok. kaniak, cf. p. 373. 3) elem. of case
sign kania in Ilok. prons. 3. pers., cf. p. 384.
kare-obl. case sign in Pamp. kareno, karela, cf. pp. 360, 386.
kay-1) obl. of pers. art. cf. p. 346. 2) obl. and gen. case sign
in Hil. pers. inter., of. p. 360.
ke,-obl. case sign in Pamp. inter. keno, of. p. 360.
ke -nom. pron. 1. exc. pl. in Pamp., and Bag., cf. p. 369.
-Pamp. ke, 1. sg. does not belong here, being a modifica-
tion of o, ocf. p. 387.
ken-in Ilok., obl. of pers. art., cf. p. 346, and obl. case sign of
prons. 2. and 3. sg., cf. pp. 379, 384.
key, xey-elem. of numeral ' one' in Pang. and Nab. respect-
ively, cf. p. 345.
ki-in Bik., obl. of pers. art., cf. p. 346, and obl. case sign in
pers. inter., cf. p. 361.-probably a modification of ka,; not
identical with Pang. ki, 2. pl., which seems to be a modi-
fication of ka,, cf. p. 375.
king-in Pamp., obl. of def. art. and obl. case sign of indiv.
inter., cf. pp. 343 f., 361.
ko-root part., 1. sg., cf. p. 368.-ko, 2. pl. does not belong
here, being probably a modification of kal, cf. p. 375.
kua-a noun meaning I possession' used in lban. in the obl. case
sign takkua, and in Ilok. in the obl. of the prons. 3. sg.
and pl., cf. p. 384.
la- root part., 3. pl., of. (la.
le, 1-gen. case signs in Mag. pers. prons., cf. pp. 372, 373, 378;
elem. of Mag. case sign leka, cf. p. 384, and of sale, sal.
ma-dem. root part., of. p. 353.
mey-prefix of Ilok. numeral 'one,' cf. p. 345.
mi--root part., 1. exo. pl., cf. p. 369.
mo-root part., 2. sg., cf. p. 376.
n,-1) lig., of. p. 338. 2) final elem. in def. art., of. p. 341 if
in pers. art., of. p. 346; in the dems., cf. p. 357; perhaps

in prons. 3. pl. in Mag. and Bag., cf. p. 382 (bis). 3)

between prefix and root part. in the gen. of Pang. dems.,
cf. p. 356; in indiv. inters. in Pang. and Nab., cf.
p. 364; in the elems. anO, ini, ung. 4) in case sign
ken.

n2-gen. case sign in inc. art., cf. p. 348; in dems., cf. pp. 353,
354; in Iban. indiv. inter., cf. p. 363; in prons. 1. and
3. pers., cf. pp. 371, 372, 383, 385; and in all probability
in Bat. nu.
na1-1) lig., cf. p. 338. 2) gen. of def. art., cf. p. 342. 3)
root elem. of gen. forms nan, nang, ka-nan, and perhaps
of ne (na + i) and nen (na + i + n) of def. and pers. arts.,
cf. pp. 343, 346; and of nay in Hil. inc. art., cf. p. 348,
4) final elem. of Tag. inc. art., cf. p. 347. 5) dem. root
part., cf. p. 353, and root part., 3. sg., cf. p. 381. 6) gen.
case sign of Pang. dems., cf..p. 356, and of Mag. prons.,
1. and 3. pers., cf. pp. 373, 385. 7) final elem. of inter.
antuna, cf. p. 362. 8) in kana.
na2 in Bik. and Ceb, gen. and obi. of inn. art. and gen. case
sign of pl. of pers. inter., cf. pp. 348, 361; and final elem.
of inc. art., cf. p. 348.
ne-1) gen. of def. and pers. arts in Nab., cf. pp. 343, 346. 2)
gen. of pron. 3 sg. in Pamp., cf. p. 381. 3) elem. of Pang.
gen. of pers. art. nen, cf. p. 346.
neng-gen. case sign of pron. 2. sg. in Mag., cf. p. 378.
ni,-1) gen. of pers. art., cf. p. 346. 2) gen. case sign in inc.
art., cf. p. 347 f.; in dents., cf. pp. 353, 354; in the pers.
inter. in Tag., Sam.-Ley., Bik., Pamp., and Iban., cf. pp.
360, 361; in prons. 1. and 2. pers., cf. pp. 371, 372, 373, 377,
378. 3) obi. case sign in- Ceb. dems., cf. p. 353, and in
Iban. prons. 1. and 2. pers. 4) root element of gen. forms
nin, ning of def. art., cf. p. 343. 5) final elem. in Hil.
inc. art., of. p. 348. 6) in cani.
ni2 . dem. root part., cf. p. 352, and perhaps root part. of Mag
nin, cf. p. 380.

ni -elem. of Iban. inters.= nol, cf. pp. 360, 362.

n(i)-gen. case sign, may be n, or nil, in prons. 2. -and 3. pers.,
cf. pp. 377, 378, 383, 385.
ning-in Pamp., gen. of def. art. and gen. case sign of indiv.
inter., cf. pp. 340, 361.

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394 F. 1R. Blake, [1906.

no,-inter. root part., cf.

no, root part., 2. Pers., Cf. p. 376.-Pamp. gen. no, 3. sg.,
does not belong here, being a modification of nal, cf. p. 387.
nm-in nu, ka-nu of def. art. in Bat. and Mag., cf. p. 342 ff.
ng-1) Hig., cf. p. 338. 2) final elem. in forms of def. art., cf.
p. 341 ff.; in case signs identical with def. art. in Pamp.
indiv. inter., cf. p. 361. 3) in Mag. ne-ng-ka, of. p. 377.
nia-lig., cf. p. 338.
on, un-suffix of gen. and obl. forms, prons. 1 pers. (=in, and
enj),-cf. pp. 372, 373.
pal-obl. of def. art. in Sulu, cf. p. 343.
pa,-perhaps inter. root part. in Pang. and Nab. pers. inter.,
cf. p. 362.
ra-root part., 3. pl., of. da.
ri- = di intervocalic.
ro-final elem. of numeral 'one' in Bik., cf. p. 345.
S5-1) obl. case sign in the articular forms sin, sun, cf. pp. 343,
344, 346; in the signs of indef. obj. sin, sing, cf. p. 345; in
the dems., cf. pp. 353, 354. 2) gen. and obl. case sign in
prons. 1. and 2. pers. in Bik., cf. pp. 371, 372, 377, 378.
s.-nom. case sign in Ceb. sini, cf. p. 354 (=-s).
sS-nom. case sign in inc. art. sa in Ceb, Bik., and sanday in
Hil., cf. p. 348; in pers. prons. 3. pl., Bat. sa (?), Hil. and
Har. sanda, Bik. sinda, of. pp. 381, 383, 384; and in prons.
1. sg., cf. p. 371.
sa1-1) obl. and gen. cf def. art., cf. pp. 342, 343. 2) root
elem. of forms san, sang of def. art., cf. p. 343. 3) obl.
case sign in dems., cf. p. 354; in pers. inter. in Tag.,
Ceb., and Sam.-Ley., cf. p. 358; in pronouns of all three
persons, cf. pp. 371, 373, 376 f. 378 f., 383, 385 f. 4) elem.
of Mag. case sign sale, sal.
sa -1) root elem. in Pang. def. art., nom. sg. say. 2) nom.
case sign in pl. of def. art., and in incl. art. in Pang., cf.
pp. 342, 348; in dems. in Pang. and Nab., cf. pp. 356,*357;
and perhaps in the Nab. pers. inter., cf. p. 362.
Sax-root part. of numeral ' one,' cf. p. 345.
sa4-inter.- root part., cf. p. 361.
sa,-1) nom. of inc. art. in Ceb. and Bik., and of pron. 3. pl. in
Bat., of. pp. 348, 381. 2) in Bik., nom. case sign of inc.
art. and of pl. pers. inter., cf. pp. 348, 361. 3) final elem.
of inc. art., cf. p. 348.

sa -nom. case sign in Ceb. sa-ini, cf. p. 354 (-sal).

sa1-obl. of pron. 3. sg. in Iban., cf. p. 381.
sale, sal-case sign in Mag. pers. prons., cf. pp. 371 f., 377, 383.
san-in Sam. -Ley. only; 1) gen. of def. art. 2) obl. case sign in
pers. inter. Cf. pp. 343, 364.
sang-in Hil. only; 1) gen. of def. art. 2) obl. case signs in
prons. 3. sg. and pl. Cf. pp. 343, 385.
sel case sign in Mag. pers. prons., cf. references under sale.
se2- initial elem. of pers. inter. in Nab., cf. p. 362.
si-1) nom. of pers. art., cf. p. 346. 2) nom. of def. art. and
elem. of gen. nin-si in Bik., cf. pp. 341, 343. 3) nom.
case sign in inc. art., cf. p. 348; in pers. inter. in Tag.,
Hil., Sam.-Ley., Bik., Pang., Ilok., Iban., and Sulu, cf.
pp. 360, 361, 362, 364; in prons. of all three persons, cf.
pp. 371, 372, 377, 378, 383, 384 f. 4) initial elem. of sikan,
obl. of pers. art. in Nab., cf. p. 346. 5) final elem. in Hil.
inc. art., cf. p. 348. 6) elem. of case sign sika, sik.
sin-1) gen. of def. art. in Sulu, cf. p. 343. 2) sign of indef.
object, and obl. case sign of pers. inter. in Sam.-Ley., cf.
pp. 345, 364.
sika, sik-nom. case sign in Pang. and Nab. prons. 1. and 3.
pers., cf. pp. 371, 372, 383, 384.
so, su-1) nom. of def. art., cf. p. 341. 2) in form tu in Iban.,
as sign of indef. obj., cf. p. 345. 3) root part., 3. sg. in
Ilok., cf. p. 381. 4) initial elem. of Nab. dems. suta, sutan,
cf. p. 357. 5) nom. case sign in Pang. dems., cf. p. 356.
t-in Iban. only; equivalent to s8, cf. p. 333: obl. case sign in
Iban. dems. and indiv. inter., cf. pp. 354, 363.
tal-dem. root part., cf. p. 353, and elem. of Har. tana, cf.
p. 381.
ta -root part., 1. sg. pl., and du., cf. pp. 368, 369 ff.
ta3 in Iban. only; equivalent to sal, cf. p. 333. 1) obl. of def.
and pers. arts., cf. pp. 343, 347. 2) elem. of obl. case signs
takka, takkua.
ta4-gen. and obl. of def. art. in Bag., cf. p. 343; probably not
identical with ta3.
takka-in Iban. only; obl. case sign in pl. of dems., cf. pp. 354,
356 f.
takkua-in Iban only; 1) obl. of pers. art., cf. p. 347. 2) obl.
case sign in pers. and inc. arts., cf. pp. 347, 348; in pl. of
dems., cf. p. 356 f.; and in pers. inter., cf. p. 361.

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396 Blake, Contributions to Philippine Grammar. [1906.

ti-root part of def. art. in Ilok., cf. p. 341, and of Pamp. dem.
iti, cf. p. 353.-Pang. ti, gen. 1. inc. pl., does not belong
here, being probably a modification of ta., cf. p. 387.
to-1) dem. root part., cf. p. 352. 2) root part., 3. sg., in Pang.
and Nab., cf. p. 381. 3) prefix of gen. sg. in Pang. dems.,
cf. p. 356. 4) elem. of inters. anto, antuna, cf. p. 362.
tu-sign of indef. obj. in Iban. = so, su, cf. p. 345.
u-1) root part. of def. art. in Bat. and perhaps in Nab. sun,
cf. pp. 341, 342, 344. 2) articular elem. in Bis. numeral
usa, cf. p. 345; in the dem. stems uri, ura, cf. p. 354; and
perhaps in the Pang. inter. stem opa, cf. p. 362, and the
Sulu inter. uno, cf. p. 361. 3) elem. of unu.
uen-suffix of gen. and obl. forms, prons. 1. pers. (--in and
on, un), cf. p. 369.
un1-articular elem. in Ceb. inter. unsa, cf. p. 361.
un.-cf. on ,un.
y-cf. i,.
ya1-1) lig. in Pang., cf. p. 338. 2) nom. of def. art. in Har.,
cf. p. 341. 3) dem. root part., cf. p. 352 f. 4) root part.,
3. sg., cf. p. 380f. 4) root elem. of Bag. def. art. yan, cf.
p. 341, and in Iban. dem. suffix ye, cf. p. 352, 357. 5) final
elem. of Ilok. ania, cf. p. 363.
ya,-suffix of prons. 1. pers. in Bik., cf. pp. 368, 369, 371.
yo-root part., 2. pers., cf. p. 376.

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