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The Temple of Quetzalcoatl at Teotihuacan: Its Possible Ideological

Signicance

Alfredo López Austin, Leonardo López Luján and Saburo Sugiyama

Ancient Mesoamerica / Volume 2 / Issue 01 / March 1991, pp 93 - 105

DOI: 10.1017/S0956536100000419, Published online: 10 October 2008

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0956536100000419

How to cite this article:

Alfredo López Austin, Leonardo López Luján and Saburo Sugiyama (1991). The Temple of Quetzalcoatl at Teotihuacan: Its
Possible Ideological Signicance. Ancient Mesoamerica, 2, pp 93-105 doi:10.1017/S0956536100000419

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Ancient Mesoamerica, 2 (1991), 93-105
Copyright © 1991 Cambridge University Press. Printed in the U.S.A.

THE TEMPLE OF QUETZALCOATL

AT TEOTIHUACAN
Its Possible Ideological Significance

Alfredo Lopez Austin/ Leonardo Lopez Lujan,b and Saburo Sugiyamac

a
Institute de Investigaciones Antropologicas, and Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico
b
Proyecto Templo Mayor/Subdireccion de Estudios Arqueol6gicos, Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico
c
Department of Anthropology, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287-2402, USA, and Proyecto Templo de Quetzalc6atl,
Teotihuacan, Mexico

Abstract

In this article the significance of Teotihuacan's most sumptuous monument is studied: the Temple of Quetzalcoatl. Based
on iconographic studies, together with the results of recent archaeological excavations, it is possible to deduce that the
building was dedicated to the myth of the origin of time and calendric succession. The sculptures on its facades represent
the Feathered Serpent at the moment of the creation. The Feathered Serpent bears the complex headdress of Cipactli,
symbol of time, on his body. The archaeological materials discovered coincide with iconographic data and with this
interpretation. Other monuments in Mesoamerica are also apparently consecrated in honor of this same myth and portray
similar symbolism.

Sometime about A.D. 150, a pyramid was built at Teotihuacan, Sugiyama 1985, 1989a, 1989b, 1991). A recent study of the
characterized by a sculptural splendor that was unsurpassed iconography and the functions of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl
during the following centuries of the city's life. The structure led Sugiyama (1989b, 1991) to three central conclusions: (1) the
has a rectangular base with seven superimposed tiers (Cabrera sculpture interpreted as the head of the rain god or as the deity
and Sugiyama 1982:167) and a stairway on the western facade. with a knot in his headdress is not an individual's head but, in-
It was covered on all four sides by stone reliefs. Balustrades, stead, represents a complex headdress; (2) the serpent bears this
taludes, and tableros are adorned with bas-reliefs of multi- object on his body; and (3) the temple was dedicated only to the
colored feathered serpents that appear to slither along the sur- Feathered Serpent, and not to a sacred duality. Sugiyama based
face among seashells. An alternating series of large sculptures his conclusions on a comparison of the sculptures with exam-
is set within the tableros and balustrades among the undulating ples from Teotihuacan mural painting, where clear representa-
ophidian bodies: a serpent's head, emerging from the petals of tions of plumed serpents bearing a characteristic headdress are
a flower, alternates with a large-fanged creature with two rings depicted (Figure 2) (Miller 1973:100-102, 112). Independently,
in its forehead (Figure 1). Karl Taube also identified the second of the series of sculptures
The identification of the serpents' heads presents no partic- as headdresses (Sugiyama 1989b:73).
ular difficulty. They correspond to the bodies of the serpents In this article, we attempt to carry Sugiyama's original pro-
in bas-relief and clearly represent a deity whose iconographic posals (1989b) still further toward an understanding of the sym-
morphology persisted up until the arrival of the Spaniards. At bolic meanings involved in the iconography of the Temple of
the time of the Spanish Conquest, the figure is known as Quet- Quetzalcoatl. The method followed in the development of this
zalcoatl, the Feathered Serpent, god of the dawn and the wind, interpretation is based upon four assumptions: (1) Mesoamer-
and as the Morning Star. The other sculpture, in contrast, gives ican religion was characterized by historical unity in both
rise to differing interpretations. Several authors have argued thought and action; (2) in spite of profound transformations
that it is the head of Tlaloc, Yohualcoatl, Itzpapalotl, Cipactli, through time, it possessed a nucleus strongly resistant to
the Deity with a Knot in his Headdress, or Xiuhcoatl (Sugiyama change, which gave it a unitary character; (3) this unitary char-
1989b: 68). acter produced a considerable variety of verbal and visual ex-
Recent archaeological excavations at the Temple of Quetzal- pressions, common to the different Mesoamerican traditions
coatl (INAH 1980-1982, INAH 1983-1984, INAH 1986, and throughout a broad territory; and (4) these expressions were
INAH/Brandeis University 1988-1989) have uncovered impor- characterized by a wealth of plasticity, manifest in the abun-
tant evidence that permits us to reevaluate the significance of dance of different tropes (Lopez Austin 1990:Chs. 2 and 10).
this monumental structure (Cabrera and Sugiyama 1982; With respect to the final supposition, we extend the linguistic
Cabrera et al. 1989; Cabrera, Cowgill, and Sugiyama 1990; concept of trope to include areas of semiotics which are not
93
94 Lopez Austin, Lopez Lujan, and Sugiyama

Figure 1 . Temple of Quetzalcoatl and detail of the sculptures.

strictly verbal, but in which equivalent phenomena occur. Fur- tory of complex relationships. The societies thus integrated cre-
thermore, we assume a juncture between linguistic equivalences ated a cultural tradition with vigorous local manifestations in
and those of visual expression. different epochs and regions, but with a common foundation
Space limitations prohibit a detailed consideration in this ar- sufficiently transcendental to allow for permanent relations
ticle of the reasoning behind these assumptions. An in-depth among Mesoamerican groups throughout the centuries.
treatment can be found in Lopez Austin (1990:25-42, 147-170). The joint creation of this cultural tradition is especially no-
But it is convenient to summarize briefly some of the concepts ticeable in the sphere of religion. Iconographic representations
basic to our formulation. The area that we call Mesoamerica was display similarities that leave no doubt that there must have
a historical reality reflecting the coexistence over millennia of so- been intense and constant interaction. Specialists have empha-
cieties at different levels of cultural development related through sized similarities among cultural traits and institutions. To cite
diverse ties. The product of this unity was a long, common his- just one example, which we will emphasize further on, we re-
Ideological significance of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl 95

Figure 2 . Feathered serpents bearing a complex headdress and serpent with necklace of flower petals opposite a headdress: (a) Teoti-
huacan mural (Miller 1973:100-101); (b) Detail (Miller 1973:102); (c) Teotihuacan mural (Miller 1973:112; Sejoume 1966b:45);
(d) Opposite motives on a Teotihuacan Thin Orange ceramic vessel (von Winning 1 987:1:72, Fig. 8b).

call Caso's (1928:45-46) and Thompson's (1978:145, 252) ob- The product of these processes was a firm structural nucleus of
servations concerning the symbolic link among turquoise, time, religion, characterized by its slow transformation and by the
and rain in Mesoamerica. With respect to the Mexica, Thomp- possibility of its being utilized and adapted by the inhabitants
son stated: of Mesoamerica under different conditions and degrees of so-
cial and political complexity.
It is interesting to note that xiuitl, the Mexican name for the
The nucleus seems to be centered in the conceptions of cos-
year, also meant turquoise and, by extension, rain, both be-
cause its color, which is that of the Tlalocs, and because both
mic order and its mechanisms. It would be useful to specify the
turquoise and rain were precious things. (1978:145) characteristics of this nucleus through progressive research ef-
forts by specialists. At the same time, nuclear concepts should
As Langley (1986:151-152) pointed out, if Caso and Thomp- be used as a heuristic point of departure, thus freeing closed re-
son are correct, this is an example of continuity in symbolism ligious and iconographic interpretations, and placing them in-
over more than 2,000 years. stead on a broader plane of spatial and temporal congruence,
Certain cultural expressions are noteworthy for their exten- appropriate to the study of long-term historical processes. In ef-
sion and permanence, including the iconography associated fect, Mesoamerican religion is a system. The integration of the
with the gods, rituals, the calendar, the ties between religious foundations of the great religions and of their iconographic ex-
beliefs and politics or between astronomical phenomena, and pressions are long-term events. This view does not imply forc-
the erection of temples. All of these are corroborated by archae- ing interpretations into preconceived frameworks, but rather
ological data. They are clearly too important to be explained as orienting them toward results that always remain open to cor-
the simple borrowing of cultural practices or artistic manifes- roboration, refutation, or modification.
tations. Their roots may be traced more effectively within a Moreover, archaeological data, recently recovered from a
framework in which the Mesoamerican religious tradition is burial complex associated with the construction of the Quetzal-
conceived of as a system and not as a mere aggregate of com- coatl Pyramid, seem to support the approach adopted here. Our
mon traits. Furthermore, in this system, internal sociocultural interpretation has led us to hypothesize that the temple was ded-
pressures operate dialectically so that religion functioned as one icated to the Feathered Serpent as the creator of calendric di-
of the most important spheres of Mesoamerican interaction. visions, that is, to structured time.
 96 Lopez Austin, Lopez Luj^n, and Sugiyama

THE FEATHERED SERPENT BEARING A HEADDRESS Borgia, Tlaloc is depicted not only with a headdress, but also
covered with the skin of an earth monster, in which costume he
The significance of "burden." A symbolic relation existed in is meant to represent the first day of the calendar (Figure 4c).
Mesoamerica among the concepts of burden, time, and politi- The use of the headdress with calendrical significance is
cal power. The essence of beings in the world of men was con- clearer when it is depicted together with the figure known as the
ceived of as an internal, invisible burden. To the extent that "year sign" (Caso 1967:178-182), also referred to as miotli
documentary sources allow interpretation, this essence was a (Seler 1963:1:258), meyotli (Heyden 1979:63), or trapeze-ray
substance that came forth from the world of the gods. A com- (TR) (Langley 1986:148). The calendrical significance of the so-
bination of at least three types of essences existed in each be- called year sign has been amply demonstrated, although some
ing: that of his class, that of his individuality, and that which authors associate it only with political power in some contexts
came to him in the form of a divine-temporal-destiny force, (Langley 1986:148-153). We do not believe that such a dichot-
proceeding from the world of the gods and irradiated by the sun omy existed, but rather that there was a significant turquoise-
onto the terrestrial surface (Lopez Austin 1975, 1990:178). In time-rain-headdress-power complex.
other words, the burden was the totality of the essence, an idea From the Central Highlands of Mexico to the Maya region,
that still exists among the peninsular Maya (Villa Rojas and from the Middle Classic through the Late Postclassic periods,
1978:307). In addition, the highland Maya associate this con- the year sign was used as a headdress in iconographic represen-
cept with that of periodic service (cargo) of local officials tations (Langley 1986:148) (Figure 3a,c-l). But the identifica-
(Bricker 1966). The complex significance of the symbol derives tion goes still further. The year sign is a headdress. In effect,
from ancient conceptions: the ancient Maya believed that the an iconographic derivation has been established, tracing the for-
divisions of time were sacred burdens carried in relays by divine mation of the year sign from the headdress. This derivation
beaters (Thompson 1978:59, 69). These were represented by the originated among the Olmecs and the Zapotecs (Caso 1928:45-
same glyph, recorded by Thompson (1962:225-226) as number 46, 1967:178; Edmonson 1988:16; Winter 1989:50-51) (Fig-
601, indicating burden, office, charge, or prophecy. The ancient ure 5a-c). According to Langley, at Teotihuacan the year sign
Nahua also shared this idea. They considered the Sun as the is the most frequent component of the Feathered Headdress
great bearer which daily fulfilled its obligations (Sahagiin symbol (FHS). Furthermore, a direct visual and conceptual re-
1979:Book III, fol. lr; Book VII, fol. 2v). This interpretation lation can be seen between this and one of the variants of the
is in agreement with the symbolic ties discussed by Caso and year sign (TR B) (Langley 1986:114, 117). Compare the signs
Thompson, since the symbols of turquoise, time, and of rain TR, TR A, and TR B from Langley (1986:293-295).
also appear linked to political power. In accordance with this This leads us to suppose that in some cases the Teotihuacan
idea, Noguez (1975) emphasized the importance of the tur- headdresses should be considered as specific calendar signs
quoise headdress as a symbol of the power of the huei tlatoani, which can depict the year sign, the day sign (Figure 3b,f,i-j),
the highest office during the Postclassic in the Central High- and even the day number (Figure 3k-l).
lands of Mexico. To summarize, the divine-temporal-destiny
force should be conceived of as the burden carried, or borne by
The reason for portraying Quetzalcoatl bearing a head-
a deity.
dress. Quetzalcoatl is a deity with multiple attributes. In a re-
cent attempt to reduce his functions to a common denominator,
The significance of the headdress. Complex headdresses are Lopez Austin (1990:321-339) identified him as the great initi-
abundant motifs in Teotihuacan art. They may have been as- ator of the worldly things of men, and the extractor of secrets
sociated with political power, in Teotihuacan as well as in other and wealth from the world of the gods. In particular, he is char-
Mesoamerican cultures (Millon 1973, 1988; Schele and Miller acterized as the creator of the calendric divisions and the extrac-
1986:112, 114; Sugiyama 1991). Not only do they cover the tor of the divine-temporal-destiny force, and as the source of
heads of important personages, but they also occur as indepen- the four trees from which these forces periodically surge forth
dent elements, both in mural paintings and in ceramic appliques in a helix to the world of men.
and on seals (Figure 3a-b,f,i-l). Their frequency in political, Given this significance, the complex of the Temple of Quet-
mythical and ritual contexts, the variety of their features and, zalcoatl may be summarized as follows: Quetzalcoatl, the ex-
at the same time, the repetition of these elements allow us to tractor of destinies, bears upon his body a calendar sign. But
suppose that they are identified with divine personages or their it is not necessarily his own calendar sign, since elsewhere the
earthly representatives in power, and that on occasion they are feathered serpent is depicted as bearing a headdress with ele-
symbolic substitutes for the deities themselves (see Langley ments clearly distinct from those of the Pyramid of Quetzal-
1986:107-124; Millon 1973,1988; Pasztory 1976:121). This might coatl (Figure 2c).
explain the occurrence of headdresses with hands (Figure 3b).
In many cases, divine headdresses also played a role in Meso- The master of the headdress of the Temple of Quetzal-
american symbolism as indicators of the calendrical attributes coatl. The headdress that Quetzalcoatl carries has the follow-
of the gods. For example, in Plate 27 of the Codice Borgia, four ing characteristics. It is a monstrous figure, with large fangs but
rain gods appear with helmets corresponding to each of the no lower jaw. The surface is textured with quadrangular ele-
signs of the days of the month (Figure 4a-b), described by Seler, ments: two rings appear on the forehead and a knot (a knotted
who compares them with their equivalents in the Codice band) on the top. The two rings appear on diverse Teotihuacan
Vaticano (Seler 1963:11:258-261). The headdress may be a syn- figures, but cannot as yet be identified in association with any
thetic symbol of the identity deity-time, because the deity acts specific personage (Figure 6). Nevertheless, knots clearly have
as a temporal force. In some representations, the god is totally calendrical significance in Teotihuacan iconography (Langley
transformed into a calendrical sign. In Plate 38 of the Codice 1986:165-166). The quadrangular texturing as well as the knot
Figure 3 . Complex headdress in Mesoamerican iconography: (a) Teotihuacan vessel (von Winning 1 987:11:28, Fig. Id); (b) Teoti-
huacan mural (detail) (Miller 1973:150); (c) Mixtec gold ornament (detail) (Caso 1969:84); (d) Stela of Horcones, Chiapas (von Winning
1987:11:38, Fig. 4); (e) Stela 2, Xochicalco (detail) (Museo Nacional de Antropologia); (f) Teotihuacan mural (detail) (von Winning
1987:1:1 70, Fig. 7a); (g) Mexica harvest goddess (Museo Nacional de Antropologia); (h) Zapotec relief of Monte Alban (von Win-
ning 1987:11:14, Fig. 5g); (i) Teotihuacan mural (detail) (von Winning 1987:1:96, Fig. 3b); (j) Teotihuacan vessel (von Winning
1 987:11:38, Fig. 2); (k) Teotihuacan carved seashell (von Winning 1987:11:28, Fig. 1 a); (I) Glyph of Lapida de Texmilincan, Guerrero
(Caso 1967:161).
98 Lopez Austin, Lopez Lujan, and Sugiyama

URBAN STAGE

CITY-STATE STAGE
<• •;$»,.?/

LATE URBAN STAGE

oooo

Figure 5. Year sign as a headdress: (a) Olmec (Edmonson 1 988:16); (b)

Development of Zapotec year sign, after Winter (1989:50); (c) Zapotec
year signs as headdresses (Caso 1 967:178).

To whom does the headdress belong? There are three pos-

Figure 4 . Calendric helmets: (a-b) Rain gods wearing helmets with signs sible answers: (1) Quetzalcoatl bears his own headdress; (2) he
of the days and "year sign" [Cddice Borgia 1 963:27); (c) Rain god trans- bears the headdress of the day cipactli, indicating the day
formed into Cipactli (Cddice Borgia 1963:38).
cipactli; (3) he bears the headdress of the day cipactli as an ab-
stract symbol of time.
These three alternative explanations are all plausible. Al-
though Sugiyama (1988, 1989b, 1991) morphologically classified
identify the headdress with the symbolic complex known as the headdress in the general categories of "serpent" in the past,
the manta complex (MC) (Langley 1986:139-140, 153-171), all of us now favor the third, largely because the iconography
frequently associated with a symbol that also has calendrical of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl makes sense in an explanation
significance: the "reptile-eye" sign (Figure 7). There is little applying Postclassic ethnohistorical data of the Mesoamerican
agreement among specialists as to the meaning of the "reptile- cosmology and Cipactli. Moreover, the explanation seems to be
eye." This sign has been identified with cipactli of the Nahua supported by the results of recent archaeological research at the
and imix of the Maya (von Winning 1961), on one hand, and Temple of Quetzalcoatl. According to this interpretation, the
with ehecatl of the Nahua and ik of the Maya (Caso 1967:158- characteristics of the headdress correspond to the mythical be-
163, 164-165, 168-169) on the other. ing of great antiquity in Mesoamerica, called Cipactli by the
Ideological significance of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl 99

tion correspond to the dorsal epidermic plates of the reptile. As

a calendar sign, cipactli represents the first of the 20 days which
comprise a "month." When it appears in combination with the
number one, it refers to the first day of the tonalpohualli or
divinatory cycle of 260 days. A frequent characteristic of the
calendar sign is the absence of the mandible (Figure 8), a trait
that may be related to the original separation of the monster
into two halves. Speaking about the first sign of the twenty that
were used by the Classic Maya, Thompson (1978:72) identified
Imix as the earth monster.
The Imix monster, therefore, is the earth dragon, the exact
counterpart of Cipactli, even, at times, to the absence of the
lower jaw. He symbolizes the earth and the abundance it brings
forth.
One of the ways in which the day imix was represented
among the Maya was in the form of a monster with no mandi-
ble (Figure 8d). Furthermore, among the Zapotec, the name of
the first sign was "crocodile" (Seler 1904:38-39).
If the headdress of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl belongs to
Cipactli, it may allude concretely to the destiny cipactli as well
as to time-destiny in the abstract. The calendar sign of cipactli—
as with imix—carries with it a strong sense of beginning, and
the body of the deity Cipactli itself is time. The most plausible
explanation is that Quetzalcoatl is represented as the bearer of
time-destiny.
Once again we find support in writings referring to mythi-
Figure 6. Teotihuacan figurines with two rings in the forehead (Sejoume cal beliefs of the Mesoamerican people during the Postclassic
1966a:32, 37, 142).
period. Cipactli was cut by two gods transformed into serpents,
which formed heaven and earth with the two halves, placing
columns between them, thus creating the open space that would
be occupied by man. This space was formed by four levels: the
four lower heavens. The columns acted as passageways flowing
from Cipactli's body —from heaven and from the infraworld to
the surface of the earth — to form time in the world of men in
a calendric sequence (Lopez Austin 1975, 1988:1:52-72). As
such, omnipresent uncalendarized time remained above and be-
low, in the two separate parts of the body of Cipactli. All pos-
sibilities of existence, all forms of time, were located in heaven
and in the infraworld: above, in nine levels, "the nine which are
above us" (chicnauhtopa) (Ruiz de Alarcon 1953:63) or "the
nine folds of heaven" (Codice Ramirez 1944:94); and below,
in the "nine worlds of the dead" (chicnauhmictlan) (Ruiz de
Alarcon 1953:63). For this reason, shamans could refer to
Figure 7. The "reptile-eye" glyph with quadrangular pieces and knots: (a) themselves and to their mystical transport as "travelers to the
(Caso 1967:159); (b) (Sejourne 1984:45); (c) (von Winning 1987:
underworld and to heaven" (niani Mictlan, niani Topari) (Ruiz
" : 7 8 , Fig. lg).
de Alarcon 1953:163). In order to find any possible reality in the
"zone of omnipresent time" they traversed the 18 levels of
Cipactli's body. There were 18 levels as in the 18 "months" or
Nahua. Our opinion also coincides with that expressed by periods of 20 days in the year (Lopez Austin 1990:78-79). Con-
Drucker (1974:13). sequently, Cipactli's body carried the totality of time that was
to be transported to the world of men in a calendric order.
An explanation for the portrayal of Quetzalcoatl carrying As we have seen, the sign cipactli was considered first not
Cipactli's headdress. Although we can only refer to the mythi- only in the 20-day cycle, but also in the calendar of destinies.
cal beliefs recorded for the Late Postclassic period, these are in In the words of Sahagun (1956:1:317):
accordance with ancient iconography. Cipactli is the original
monster, feminine and aquatic, which according to Nahuatl
The first character is called cipactli, which means sawfish,
myths was divided into two to form heaven and earth (Historia which is a fish that lives in the sea; and it is the beginning of
de los mexicanos por sus pinturas 1965:25-26; Historia de Mexico all of the characters, that make up and count each day un-
1965:105, 108). Most of the time she appears as a crocodilian til they make a cycle of two-hundred sixty days, and the day
beast, although on occasion she takes the form of a sawfish or count begins by giving thirteen days (numbers) to each char-
a snake. The quadrangular elements of the headdress in ques- acter, which is called year of the characters.
100 Lopez Austin, Lopez Lujin, and Sugiyama

Figure 8 . Cipactli: (a-c) Tlaxcala-Puebla tradition (Codice Borgia 1963:21, 27 and 71); (d) Imix day Maya glyph (Thompson 1978:Fig.
6); (e) Mexica glyph (Codice Borbdnico 1963:21); (0 Teotihuacan headdress (Miller 1973:101); (g-j) Mixtec tradition (Codice Laud
1 964:23; Cddice Fejerviry-Mayer 1967:42, 2 8 , 21).

Its significance is related to the concept of origin (see Lopez first letter or sign of said calendar: and agreeing to it, they
Lujan and Morelos 1991), "beginning of the days of Sun or of painted it and named it ce cipactli, which means "one ser-
light" (Orozco y Berra 1960:11:17), earth, abundance, ceiba, and pent." The husband of the old woman put two canes [sic pro
maize (Thompson 1978:70-73). Cipactli is the leader of all des- two wind], and the grandson three houses & c , and in this
tinies. Following a clearly described hierarchical order set forth way they went on placing up to thirteen signs on each page,
in honor of the said authors and of other gods which the in-
in Book IV of Sahagun (1956:1:317-378), cipactli, as the first
dians had in the middle of each page, painted and well estab-
of the signs, represents the others. Possibly this would explain lished in this book of the calendar, which contained thirteen
the appearance in the Cddice Laud (1964:23) of the monster pages and on each page thirteen signs, which were also used
Cipactli below a representation of the god Tlaloc surrounded to count the days, weeks, months and years. . . .
by the 20 signs.
In a well-known origin myth, the invention of the calendar Another version of the same myth appears in Historia de los
is attributed to a personage named Cipactonal ("the mistress of mexicanospor suspinturas (1965:25) and the act of creation of
destiny cipactli"). Fray Geronimo de Mendieta (1945:1:106) re- the calendar is represented in the Cddice Borbonico (1979:21;
lated the myth as follows: Paso y Troncoso 1979:92-93).
To summarize, the most plausible interpretation is that
Quetzalcoatl, the extractor-bearer of the divine forces of time,
And the old indians related the beginning and foundation
is represented in the act of transporting time-destiny in the ab-
which this calendar had telling a silly fiction as are the oth-
ers, which they believe about their gods. They say that since stract to the surface of the earth.
their gods had seen man created in the world, and without
a book from which to guide them, being in the land of Cuer- The global significance of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl. If the
navaca, in a cave two persons, husband and wife, from sculptures refer to the-relationship bearer/burden, we can con-
among the gods, called by name he, Oxomoco, and she, sider the Temple of Quetzalcoatl to be dedicated to time; it was
Cipactonal, consulted each other about this. And the old the place where the primordial moment in which Quetzalcoatl,
woman thought it well to take the advice of her grandson the creator of the calendric divisions, makes time emerge in the
Quetzalcoatl . . . who agreed with their purpose. Thinking world of men, as well as where the divine daily acts of succes-
well of his wish, and the cause just and reasonable: such that
sion of time destinies were venerated. If, on the contrary, Quet-
the three argued over who would place the first day name or
sign of the calendar. Finally, out of respect for the old woman,
zalcoatl were to bear the sign of ehecatl, the temple would be
they agreed to act on what was said. She went forth looking dedicated to the god in his role of lord of the wind.
for what to place at the beginning of said calendar, bumped
into a thing called Cipactli, which they paint in the manner Other testimonials of the bearer/burden relationship. It is log-
of a serpent, and they say goes in the water, and she related ical to consider that if the union of Quetzalcoatl and Cipactli
her intention to it, begging it to be willing to be placed as the had such profound cosmological significance, other clear exam-
 Ideological significance of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl 101

Figure 9. Relation between Quetzalcoatl and Cipactli: (a) Building 5-D-43 at Tikal (Gendrop 1982:99); (b) Altar O at Copan (Mauds-
lay 1889-1 902:1, Plate 85a); (c) Codex Nutull (1 975:75); (d) Serpents of the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan.

pies of the relationship between both deities would appear in side, while its companion on Tlaloc's side has a pair of rings
Mesoamerican religious iconography in a very broad temporal above its body (Figure 9).
and spatial range.
In this case two semantic groups exist: one is very well
RECENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES
known, including elements such as the figure of the feathered
serpent and the symbol for Venus since Quetzalcoatl is identi- Archaeological evidence recovered from recent excavations also
fied with the planet. The second is associated with the croco- supports our proposal to some extent. During the past decade,
dilian body and the absence of a lower jaw. But we see that a 113 complete human skeletons have been found in association
pair of rings should be included as well. We can point out at with the Temple of Quetzalcoatl. Recent analyses (Sugiyama
least four examples with considerable spatial and temporal 1985, 1989a:88; Cabrera et al. 1989:75-76; Cabrera, Cowgill,
range, in which the elements of both groups clearly or presum- and Sugiyama 1990) demonstrate that these burials took place
ably occur together in pairs. One of them is the Mixtec repre- at the beginning of the construction of the temple. The great
sentation of Cipactli and the Feathered Serpent swimming majority of the remains correspond to males, between the ages
together in marine waters, depicted in the Codice Nut tall. The of 13 and 55, many of whom were apparently placed in a seated
other examples unite the symbols of Quetzalcoatl with the two position with their hands tied behind their back.
rings which appear in the headdress of Cipactli on the Temple As the archaeological descriptions indicate (Cabrera et al.
of Quetzalcoatl. The first of these is Building 5-D-43 at Tikal, 1989; Sugiyama 1989a), rich offerings were associated with the
built during the seventh century, and showing strong Teotihu- human remains: in the thorax region, necklaces made of shell
acan influence. The Venus symbol characteristic of Quetzalcoatl pieces carved in the form of human teeth, often joined to imi-
appears on its taludes and cornices while pairs of rings occur tate maxillae, or real human and animal maxillae: in the sacrum
on the tableros. The second example is the serpentine figure region, slate disks were recovered; and numerous obsidian pro-
from Altar O at Copan: a feathered serpent is represented bear- jectile points surrounded the bodies. These elements have been
ing three pairs of large rings on the back of its body. The third interpreted to indicate the remains of sacrificed warriors
example is the serpents on the base of the Pyramid of Huitzilo- (Sugiyama 1985, 1989a: 103).
pochtli and Tlaloc of the Templo Mayor of Mexico-Tenochtit- The skeletons were located in rectangular pits excavated in
lan: the feathered serpent is clearly depicted on Huitzilopochtli's the tepetate (indurated subsoil), covered with stones and earth.
 Lopez Austin, Lopez Lujan, and Sugiyama
102

Figure 10. Hypothetical reconstruction of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl (af-

ter Sugiyama 1 989a:87), showing the arrangement of the 1 8 sculpted
headdresses of Cipactii on the structure, and the locations of burials around
and underneath the structure.

The symmetry of the location of burial pits and the curious reg-
ularity in the number of individuals they contain has been noted
(Cabrera et al. 1989; Sugiyama 1985, 1989a). Symmetry is a fre-
quent component of Mesoamerican architecture and ritual, es-
pecially at Teotihuacan. The pits are parallel to the walls of the
building. Outside of the south wall, a central group of 18 bod-
ies in one long pit flanked by two individual burials was found.
An identical group was found outside the north wall. On the
east side of the pyramid, the burial subcomplex has a different
configuration, more complicated to interpret. Two pairs of long
burial pits, one pair with 9 individuals per pit and the other with
4 individuals per pit, are symmetrically arranged north and
south of a long shallow excavated pit (see Cabrera, Sugiyama,
and Cowgill, 1991, for the detailed description). Considered in
their north-south subgroupings, then, the symbolic numbers
expressed by skeletons would be 4, 9, and their total of 13, all
significant numbers in the cosmological-calendric system. Tun-
neling into the pyramid, which was initiated in 1988, led to the
discovery of two pits in the southern half of the structure: the
one to the south contained eight bodies, and 18 individuals were
found together in the pit to the north (Figure 10).
All of these discoveries can be related to the idea previously
expressed. The repetition of the number 18 recalls not only the
Figure 1 1 . Figurines with detachable resplandores (Rubin de la Borbolla
levels of the body of Cipactii, but also the number of periods 1947:Figs. 15, 16, 18).
of 20 days in the 365-day cycle. According to Sugiyama's recon-
struction (1989a:87), the number of sculptures of Cipactli's
headdress on the tableros at each side of the temple's stairway
is also 18. Counting the bodies found in individual pits flank- sume bilateral symmetry, we have the most important number
ing the burials of 18 individuals, we have a total of 20, which in the Mesoamerican calendar: 52 (Figure 10).
could refer to the number of days in a "month." Below the On the other hand, the necklaces of real or imitation max-
southern half of the building the pits total 26 corpses. If we as- illae, an otherwise unknown archaeological find in Mesoamerica,
Ideological significance of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl 103

may be related to one of most important attributes associated gressively refined by future iconographic studies. The Teotihua-
with Cipactli: the maxilla without a mandible. canos erected a sumptuous monument to time. There is nothing
strange about the fact that such a practice was repeated in other
regions and epochs. To mention a few examples:
ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES IN 1939
Other indicative elements of our argument derive from infor- 1. The Temple of the Feathered Serpents, the most sumptuous at
mation from earlier excavations. Alfonso Caso and Jose Perez Xochicalco, depicts on its lower taludes representations of the Feath-
explored the Temple of Quetzalcoatl in 1939. They discovered ered Serpent together with individuals bearing rich headdresses as-
two offerings pertaining to the building phase corresponding to sociated with Cipactli and the calendar glyph 9 reptile-eye. Other
the large sculptures (Sugiyama 1989a: 100-101). In addition to reliefs on the building have been interpreted by many authors as
calendric corrections.
other objects, four types of human figurines made of green-
2. The four sides of the so-called Calendar Temple of Tlatelolco de-
stone were uncovered, which possess a detachable element
pict a sequence of the days of the tonalpohualli. Recently, Salvador
called a resplandor (aura) by Rubin de la Borbolla (1947:66). Guil'liem (1989) discovered a mural painting on the main facade in
This resplandor, also made of greenstone in the shape of a par- which Oxomoco and Cipactonal are protrayed in the act of creating
apet with two perforations, was fixed to the back or the back the calendar.
of the head of the figurine (Figure 11). This piece is borne by 3. An image of Ehecatl-Ozomatli, one of the forms of Quetzalcoatl,
the figurine. Its silhouette is vaguely similar to a headdress. Per- was discovered in one of the staircases of the so-called Temple of
haps the symbolism bearer/burden is present. In the more re- Quetzalcoatl located in the Pino Suarez metro station in Mexico
cent excavations at the Temple of Quetzalcoatl, additional City. Two calendar glyphs were carved on the balustrades: 2 Reed
examples of this figurine type were discovered in a clearly de- (year of the new fire) and 1 Eagle. Furthermore, inside the structure
fined multiple burial context (Burial 14; see Cabrera, Sugiyama, an offering was found contained in a box. All four walls of the in-
side were decorated with calendric glyphs portraying the four year
and Cowgill, 1991) underneath the pyramid structure, which is
bearers, whose numbers totaled 52: 13 House to the west, 13 Rab-
obviously related to its construction. Similar figurines were un-
bit to the south, 13 Reed to the east, and 13 Flint to the north (Gus-
covered from Tomb 29 at Monte Alban and in Tzintzuntzan, sinyer 1970).
and the resplandores appear at diverse sites in Mesoamerica 4. The number 365 is significantly associated with some of the most im-
(Rubin de la Borbolla 1947:66). portant Mesoamerican pyramids. For example, at the Temple of
Kukulcan —the Feathered Serpent —at Chichen Itza, each of the four
stairways has 91 steps. These steps and the one of the upper platform
OTHER MESOAMERICAN TEMPLES total 365 (Marquina 1964:849). Another example is that of El Tajin:
DEDICATED TO TIME archaeological research has reaffirmed that the Pyramid of the
Niches contained 365 niches on its seven tiers before the addition of
The myth of the origin and the nature of time was fundamen- the stairway.
tal to Mesoamerican cosmovision. There is no doubt that
throughout the centuries, Mesoamerican peoples were obsessed
with the succession of time. The identification of temporal sub- CONCLUSIONS
stance as divine substance is one of the most vigorous ideas in
prehispanic thinking. The flow of calendric time through the As we can see, several lines of reasoning support the argument
four posts of the cosmos relates to the cruciform geometry as that the Temple of Quetzalcoatl at Teotihuacan was a temple
well as to the cosmic mechanism of the succession of influences. dedicated to the passage of time. It is hoped that new excava-
The obsession with time provided the ideological foundation for tion materials will corroborate our proposal. We believe that
political power. this interpretation offers a basis upon which productively to re-
According to our proposal, the Teotihuacanos also shared consider Teotihuacan iconography and, more generally, the sig-
these beliefs, and we are confident that our ideas will be pro- nificance of other important Mesoamerican monuments.

SUMARIO
En este articulo se estudia el significado del monumento mas suntuoso creation. La Serpiente Emplumada carga sobre su cuerpo el complejo
de Teotihuacan: el Templo de Quetzalcoatl. Con base en estudios tocado de Cipactli, simbolo del tiempo. Los materiales arqueologicos
iconograficos y con la information producto de recientes excavaciones descubiertos coinciden con los datos iconograficos y con esta interpreta-
arqueologicas, es posible deducir que el edificio estaba dedicado al mito tion. Existen en Mesoamerica otros monumentos aparentemente con-
del origen del tiempo y al decurso calendarico. Las esculturas de sus sagrados a este mismo mito y con similar simbologia.
fachadas representan a la Serpiente Emplumada en el momento de la

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