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Convention
People's Party

The Convention People's Party (CPP) is a socialist political party in

Ghana based on the ideas of the first President of Ghana, Kwame
Nkrumah.[1] The CPP was formed in June 1949 after Nkrumah broke away
from the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC). Nkrumah was the then
appointed Secretaty General of the UGCC when he was arrested by the
leader of the UGCC and imprisoned for an alleged thought, plans and
power against Kwame Nkrumah's leadership. Kwame Nkrumah then
formed the Convention People's Party with support of some UGCC
members and had a purpose for self governance.[2] Upon Kwame
Nkrumah's leadership with the CPP, he orgranized a non violent protest
and strike for support of the purpose for self-governance which took him
to imprisonment for a second time, but he was released after winning a
massive vote by the CPP following the colonies election general election
whilst he was in prison. The CPP followers supported Nkrumah's ideas and
voted for him massive for power of self-governance.[3] The articles
discussed about the origins of Ghana political parties, the 1948 riot and
the birth of the Convention People Party among others. Issues that led to
the formation of the CPP, struggles with the colonial powers led by Kwame
Nkrumah and finally the attainment of Ghana's independence were part of
the key concerns for this write up.[4]

Convention People's Party

Apam Nkorɔfo Kuw (Akan)

Leader Nana Akosua Frimpomaa Sarpong-

Kumankumah

Chairman Nana Akosua Frimpomaa Sarpong-

Kumankumah

General Secretary Nana Yaa Jantuah

Founder Kwame Nkrumah

Founded 12 June 1949. Banned 1966.

Refounded 29 January 1996.

Headquarters House No. 64, Mango Tree Avenue,

Asylum Down, Accra, Ghana

Youth wing Convention People's Party Youth

League

Ideology Nkrumaism
Pan-Africanism
African socialism
African nationalism
 Left-wing nationalism
Scientific socialism
Anti-colonialism
Anti-imperialism
Political position Left-wing to far-left

International affiliation Socialist International (consultative)

Colors Red, white and green

Slogan "Forward ever, backward never"

"Ghana Must Work Again the CPP
is emerging!"

Parliament 0 / 275

Pan-African Parliament 0/5

Election symbol

Red cockerel on a white background

Party flag

Website

conventionpeoplesparty.org (http://conventionpeoplesparty.org/)

Politics of Ghana
Political parties
Elections

Party origins …

The Convention People's Party is descended from a line of political

movements formed in the early half of the 20th century to spearhead the
:
 anti-colonial struggle in the Gold Coast.[5] The movement that preceded it
was the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) formed in August 1947 and
led predominantly by members of the professional and business classes.[6]
To expand its support base and step up the struggle for independence, the
leadership of the UGCC decided to appoint a permanent general secretary
to lead its expansion and step up the pace of change.[7] Ebenezer Ako
Adjei, then a young lawyer, was offered the paid secretaryship of the
UGCC but he declined the position and instead proposed Kwame Nkrumah
a political activist then in London, for the position.[7] Ako Adjei had known
Nkrumah as a fellow at Lincoln University in the United States and at the
London School of Economics. He was also the past President of the West
African Students Union (WASU) in London which first hosted Nkrumah
when he arrived in Britain from the United States.[8]

The leadership of the UGGG accepted Ako Adjei's suggestion and agreed
to invite Kwame Nkrumah, who already had a wide reputation as an
experienced political organizer with a gift for leadership.[9] Together with
George Padmore and others he had organised in 1945 the Fifth Pan-
African Congress in Manchester, England.[10] Nkrumah personally drew up
the dynamic Declaration to the Colonial Peoples of the World, approved
and adopted by the Congress. He was an eminently suitable person to
galvanize the mass of the Gold Coast people and the youth to play an
active part in the national liberation movement.[11][12]

Initially Nkrumah was hesitant about accepting the position, being aware
that both the composition and objectives of the UGCC fell far short of the
radical, political program he envisaged for the Gold Coast and for
Africa.[13] But after discussion with his colleagues he decided to accept,
knowing that it might not be long before he would find it impossible to
continue working within the UGCC.[14] On 14 November 1947, Kwame
Nkrumah set sail from Liverpool aboard the SS Accra, accompanied by
Kojo Botsio, another friend from London who was also member of WASU
and with that, the beginning of a new chapter in the modern political
:
 history of Ghana begun.[14]

Kwame Nkrumah was officially introduced to the UGCC's Working

Committee as their Secretary on 28 December 1947 and soon got to work
seeking to expand the support base of the UGCC by mobilizing the youth
through local youth societies in the Colony (e.g., Apowa Literary and Social
Club) and the Ashanti Confederacy[15] (e.g., Asante Youth Association-
AYA), whose members were farmers, petty-traders, drivers, artisans,
school, teachers, clerks and letter-writers, many of whom were the
growing number of elementary-school-leavers.[16] In the beginning, the
UGCC had only a handful of branches in the larger coastal towns and Kibi;
it had no official presence in Ashanti and there had been no attempt to
enlist support for the organisation in the Northern territories.[17] Nkrumah
set about to change this, travelling extensively and organizing mass
meetings and within six months hundreds of branches of the UGCC had
been established throughout the country.

The 1948 riots …

At the time of Nkrumah's arrival in the Gold Coast in late 1947, there was
growing discontent among ordinary people with the economy due to
shortages of consumer goods and rising prices.[18] Farmers were
dissatisfied with the policy of cutting-out cocoa trees ravaged by the
swollen-shoot disease with no compensation. Ex-servicemen who had
fought in World War II for ‘King and country’ had only been awarded a
meagre gratuity and were experiencing the same hardships as the general
populace.[19]

Neither the chiefs nor the political class championed the growing
disaffection in the country and it fell to Nii Kwabena Bonnne II, Osu Alata
Mantse, to lead the agitation against growing economic hardship and
especially the rising prices of consumer goods. Just over a month after
:
 Nkrumah's arrival in the Gold Coast the growing discontent found
expression in a boycott of mostly foreign-owned trading firms organized
by Nii Kwabena Bonnne on 26 January 1948.

The boycott continued for a month while its leaders negotiated price
reductions with the government and the trading firms -Association of West
African Merchants (AWAM). There was unrest also among the ex-
servicemen and both Kwame Nkrumah and Dr. Joseph Boakye Danquah
addressed them at a rally in Accra on 20 February 1948. A petition
expressing their grievances was drawn up to be presented to the
Governor.[20]

Nii Kwabena Bonne's boycott agreed new reduced prices that were to
come into effect on 28 February 1948 and the boycott of the foreign
trading firms was called off. As fate, would have it, however, on that same
day, 28 February, the ex-servicemen set off to march to Christiansborg
Castle to present their petition. Their way was blocked by armed police
commanded by a British officer, Superintendent Colin Imray. When the
marchers refused to halt, Imray gave the order to open fire. Three ex-
servicemen – Sgt. Adjetey, Private Odartey Lamptey and Corporal Attipoe
– were killed and many others were injured. News of the shooting sparked
off days of rioting in Accra by already angry crowds incensed at the high
price of food, which they blamed on the greed of foreign merchants. Shops
and offices owned by foreigners were attacked and looted. Violence
spread to other towns.

Faced with widespread disorder, the Governor, Sir Gerald Creasy, declared
a state of emergency. Troops were called out while police arrested so-
called trouble makers. The executive committee of the UGCC sent
telegrams to A. Creech Jones, British Secretary of State for the Colonies,
asking for a Special Commissioner to be sent to the Gold Coast with power
to call a Constituent Assembly.

Leaders of the UGCC — J. B. Danquah, Ofori Atta, Akufo Addo, Ako Adjei,
:
 Obetsebi Lamptey and Kwame Nkrumah, subsequently known as The Big
Six, were arrested and flown to the Northern Territories where they were
detained for six weeks before being taken to Accra to appear at a
Commission of Enquiry set up by the Governor under the chairmanship of
Aiken Watson Q.C.

After interrogating the accused, the Watson commissioners concluded

Nkrumah was mainly to blame for the disorders. In their words: "The
U.G.C.C. did not really get down to business until the arrival of Mr.
Nkrumah on 16 December 1947."[21] They correctly detected that
Nkrumah's political objectives were far more progressive than those of his
colleagues. They recommended the drafting of a new constitution to
replace the outdated Burns constitution. As a result, in December 1948, a
constitutional committee was appointed by the Governor under the
chairmanship of Mr Justice Coussey.

The leadership of the UGCC blamed Nkrumah for the riots and some,
including Obestebi-Lamptey and William Ofori-Atta, ransacked his house
looking for evidence that he was a communist. It was becoming clear that
differences between Nkrumah and other leaders of the UGCC would soon
make it impossible for them to continue to work together.

Although the detentions increased the popularity of the UGCC leaders, it

also led to infighting and finger-pointing among the U.G.CC leadership and
created a split between the conservative intelligentsia of the UGCC who
favoured a gradualist approach to independence on one hand, and the
radical "Veranda Boys", on the other, who listened willingly to Nkrumah and
were opposed to the convention.

The appointment and acceptance of some UGCC members including J. B.

Danquah as members of the Justice Coussey's "Committee on
Constitutional Reform" enabled Nkrumah to organize the local youth
societies on which the UGCC was based while lawyers of the UGCC, then
on good terms with the Colonial administration were absorbed in the
:
 Coussey committee meetings.[22]

In August 1948 the "Committee on Youth Organizations" was formed with

K. A. Gbedemah as chair and Kojo Botsio as Secretary. Dr. Danquah and
his colleagues had become alarmed at the rapidly growing support of their
members for Nkrumah and his dynamic leadership.[23] They disapproved
of his founding of the Committee on Youth Organisation (CYO), regarding it
as a pressure group advancing Nkrumah's determination to speed up the
campaign for self-government. The CYO adopted the slogan "Self-
Government Now", in contrast to the UGCC slogan "Self-Government in
the shortest possible time". They feared Nkrumah's policy might lead to
further disorder and further arrests.

Nkrumah was called before the UGCC Working Committee and suspended
from his post as general secretary following questioning about his
persistent use of the word "Comrade" as a term of address and his
continued connections with the West African National Secretariat in
London.[24]

The UGCC leadership was determined to remove Nkrumah as general

secretary. After the publication of the first issue of The Accra Evening
News founded and managed by Nkrumah and edited by K. A. Gbedemah in
September 1948, UGCC's main financier affectionately known as Paa
Grant demanded Nkrumah's removal from office.[25] At a meeting of the
UGCC executive in Saltpond, matters came to a head and Nkrumah's
private secretary was dismissed and Nkrumah himself demoted to the
position of treasurer which he at first refused but later accepted in
November 1948.

Nkrumah and his supporters became increasingly exasperated at what

they saw as the timidity of the UGCC By mid-1949, with the mass of the
people and the youth behind him, Nkrumah and his colleagues were in a
strong position to split with the UGCC to form a new party.[26]
:
 Birth of the CPP …

After a three-day meeting of the CYO in early June, 1949 in Tarkwa one
faction led by K. A. Gbedemah and Kojo Bostio advocated for a clean break
with the UGCC while another, led by Kofi Baako's faction demanded
Nkrumah's reinstatement as general secretary of the UGCC to enable them
to capture the convention from within. The compromise reached was that a
new party be formed but should retain the name "Convention".[27]

On 11 June 1949 the Working Committee of the UGCC issued two

resolutions declaring that membership of the CYO and the UGCC were
incompatible and gave notice that Nkrumah was to be "served with
charges" for disregarding "the obligations of collective responsibility and
party discipline" and by publishing in The Accra Evening News, views,
opinions, and criticisms, "assailing the decisions and questioning the
integrity of the Working Committee", he had undermined the convention,
abused its leaders and stolen its ideas.[28]

A day later, on 12 June 1949, before a crowd of some 60,000 people which
had gathered on the Old Polo Ground, the CPP was born and Kwame
Nkrumah resigned as general secretary of the UGCC. He declared that the
CYO had decided to break away from the UGCC to become an entirely
separate political party, the CPP.[29]

Kojo Botsio sent a telegram to the UGCC. Working Committee informing

them about the formation of the CPP under the chairmanship of Nkrumah
with the aim of "Self-Government Now for Chiefs and People of the Gold
Coast, a democratic government and a higher living standard for the
people". The UGCC[23] Working Committee responded with a statement on
15 June 1949 warning members that the convention had nothing to do with
the newly formed CPP, and that Paa Grant expects loyalty from all UGCC
members and considers "formation [of a] new political party inimical to
interests of [the] country".[30]
:
 Wiser heads in UGCC understood danger ahead and appealed for a
resolution of the conflict. On 26 June 1949 arbitrators were appointed to
examine the dispute between Nkrumah and the UGCC Working Committee
and an emergency conference of the UGCC, youth groups and the CPP
met in Saltpond.[31] But it was too late: the CPP made a clean break with
the UGCC at the conference when there was no agreement on the
condition that a new Working Committee be elected following Nkrumah's
acceptance to disband the CPP and resume general secretaryship of the
UGCC.[32]

The foundation of the CPP marked a decisive turning point in the history of
Ghana. For it led directly to the achievement of Ghana's independence on
6 March 1957.[33]

CPP molours, motto, symbol and structure

…
The colours of the party were to be red, white and green, the tricolour flag
in horizontal form with red at the top, white in the centre and green at the
bottom.

Party motto: FORWARD EVER BACKWARD NEVER

Its symbol: A red cockerel heralding the dawn.

Party branches were to be established in every town and village,

throughout the country. It was to be a mass-based party each branch of
which was to be administered by an elected Branch Executive committee.
There was to be a National Secretariat under the direct supervision and
control of the Central Committee of the party.[34]

Members of the first Central Committee were:

1. Kwame Nkrumah (Chairman)

2. Kojo Botsio (Secretary)

:
 3. K. A. Gbedemah

4. N. A. Welbeck

5. Kwesi Plange

6. Kofi Baako

7. Krobo Edusei

8. Dzenkle Dzewu

9. Ashie Nikoi[35]

Positive Action
…
The Evening News became the party's mouthpiece and its full-frontal
demands for self-government increased its popularity and demand rose
dramatically. Its pithy mottoes were:

We have a right to live as men

We prefer self-government with danger to servitude in tranquility

We have the right to govern ourselves[36]

The success of the Evening News encouraged Nkrumah to launch the

Morning Telegraph in Sekondi in 1949 with Kwame Afriyie, who later
became party general secretary, as editor. This was followed by the Cape
Coast Daily Mail edited by Kofi Baako.[37]

The CPP suspected the Colonial Government and the Gold Coast
establishment wanted to use the Coussey Committee on Constitutional
Reform as a ruse to delay indefinitely progress towards independence.
Anticipating that the Coussey constitutional proposals would be
unacceptable, plans had been made for Positive Action which Nkrumah
explained in a statement written in 1949 entitled "What I mean by Positive
Action".[22]

He listed the weapons of Positive Action as:

:
 Legitimate political agitation

Newspaper and educational campaigns

As a last resort, the constitutional application of strikes, boycotts, and

non-cooperation based on the principle of absolute non-violence.

The final stage of Positive Action would only be employed if all other
avenues to achieve self-government had been closed.[38]

As expected, the Coussey Committee's constitutional proposals provided

for very limited African participation in government and Nkrumah
described it as ‘fraudulent and bogus’. The colonial government even
sought to limit the proposals further by objecting to the committee's
proposal that the Executive Council (i.e. the cabinet) be answerable to the
majority African Legislative Council.[39] In a memorandum anticipating the
recommendations of the committee, the colonial office argued that
"collective responsibility of ministers to the legislature instead of to the
Governor was only compatible with the final stage of internal self-
government".[40] Despite the existence of the UGCC and CPP, the colonial
government argued there were no organized political parties in the Gold
Coast and as such it would be "wrong for H.M.G. to grant to the Gold
Coast a degree of self-government greater than accorded Jamaica where
parties exist[ed] and where political life was more mature"[41]

The proposals of the Coussey Committee were published in October 1949

but it was clear from the outset that they were at variance with the CPP's
campaigning objective of "self-government NOW". Worse still, it confirmed
the CPP's suspicion that the colonial government wanted to delay the
transition to self-rule.[42]

The CPP and the Trades Union Congress organized a mass gathering of
some fifty organizations drawn from various trade unions, farmers’
cooperatives and organizations and other educational, cultural, youth,
social and women groups in what became known as the "Ghana
:
 Representative Assembly". The UGCC and the Aborigines’ Rights
Protection Society were invited but they turned it down.[43]

The assembly passed the following resolution:

"That the people of the Gold Coast be granted immediate self-government

by the British Government, that is full Dominion status within the British
Commonwealth of Nations based on the statute of Westminster. That the
assembly respectfully demands the immediate grant and sanction of full
self-government for the chiefs and people of the Gold Coast."[44]

Copies of the resolution were passed to the governing classes including

the Governor, the Colonial Secretary, the Legislative Council and the three
Territorial Councils of chiefs but they ignored it.[45]

In the meantime, there was disquiet among the trade unions who
demanded the reinstatement of meteorological service workers sacked for
going on strike on 5 October 1949 and threatened to call a general strike if
their call was not heeded. The CPP leadership travelled across the county
mobilizing support for Positive Action and issued an ultimatum to the
government to reinstate the meteorological workers by 7 January 1950.[46]

On 15 December, the executive committee of the CPP informed the

Governor, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, that unless the legitimate aspirations
of the people as embodied in the proposed amendments to the Coussey
Committee's report were accepted, the CPP would declare Positive Action.
The Governor was given two weeks in which to accede to the CPP's
request for the calling of a Constituent Assembly.[47]

Nkrumah met the Colonial Secretary and on the basis of the assurance
given that the CPP's. view would be considered by committees on
constitutional reform, he agreed to recommend a review of the Positive
Action policy to the party's executive committee. Dr J. B. Danquah seized
upon this temporary hiatus in the Positive Action campaign and accused
:
 Kwame Nkrumah of "letting the country down by his volte face in calling off
positive action in return for empty promises from the Government".[48]

Needless to say, after several meetings with colonial authorities it became

clear that no progress was being made on the central demand for a
constituent assembly or the reinstatement of the meteorological workers.
On 8 January 1950, in front of a large CPP crowd at a public meeting in
Accra, Nkrumah declared positive action.[49] He called for a general strike
to include all except those engaged in maintaining essential services such
as hospitals and water supplies. Shops and offices closed. Roads and rail
services came to a standstill. He travelled to Sekondi, Cape Coast and
Takoradi to declare Positive Action there too.[50]

The colonial government responded on 10 January by declaring a state of

emergency, banned processions, imposed curfews, and ordered the
disconnection of public services in certain areas. The offices of CPP
newspapers were raided and closed.[51]

The CPP and TUC leaders, including Bankole Awoonor Renner, Tommy
Hutton Mills, Pobee Binney and Kojo Botsio and Anthony Woode were
rounded up and arrested. Two CPP newspapers – The Accra Evening News
and the Cape Coast Daily Mail- were banned and their editors J. Markham
and Kofi Baako arrested.[52]

On 19 January, at a meeting of the Legislative Council, the government

passed three bills – the Sedition Bill, a newspaper registration bill and a Bill
to allow the Governor-in-council to impose curfew in any part of the
country without having to resort to emerging legislation. On 21 January,
Kwame Nkrumah was arrested and tried for inciting an illegal strike and for
sedition for an article in the Cape Coast Daily Mail. He was sentenced to
three years imprisonment. Several thousand workers were dismissed from
their jobs and many others lost their pension rights.[53]

Things would never be the same again. The CPP had shown that an
:
 unarmed people could demonstrate the effectiveness of unified effort in
the form of Positive Action. Never again would they accept that it was
hopeless to challenge a seemingly mighty power structure. The political
revolution in the Gold Coast had begun in earnest.[54]

1951 Elections …

The imprisonment of the CPP leadership created a political vacuum which

the then Governor said he was "anxious to fill without delay" by rallying
"moderate opinion in support of the plan for the constitutional advance set
out in the Coussey report and His Majesty's Government statement, with a
view to encouraging the emergence of a strong moderate party sufficiently
cohesive and vocal to deal with such dissident elements as retain any
substantial popular following" (emphasis added).[55]

In the meantime, K.A Gbedemah who had been released from an earlier
arrest in October 1949, kept the central organization of the party running
and was in constant touch with Nkrumah who was held in James Fort
prison from where messages were smuggled out on toilet paper to party
headquarters.[56] Nkrumah was helped by a friendly warder who managed
to smuggle messages to party headquarters, where the work of the CPP
was continuing. A concise CPP election manifesto, written on sheets of
toilet paper, was delivered to CPP/HQ in this way. CPP manifestos were
always short, simple and direct leaving the electorate in no doubt about
what a CPP victory would mean. They expressed just what the majority of
the people wanted. As 1951 election result showed, the CPP correctly
gauged the pulse of the nation.[57][58]

In the 1950 municipal elections held in the major cities – Accra (April),
Cape Coast (June) and Kumasi (November), – the CPP swept the board
with stunning, if unexpected victories. In the Kumasi municipal election,
the CPP won ALL contested seats and opposition attempts to attribute this
:
 stunning victory to CPP intimidation was swiftly discredited by two
European journalists who observed and reported on the elections.[59] In a
dispatch by the Governor to the Colonial Office on 2 November he wrote:

"I am informed that the reason for the sweeping success of CPP in
obtaining all contested seats was due to real organizing capacity and that
the debacle of the opposition was due to apathy and not to
intimidation"[60]

The colonial government began to revise its view of the CPP describing it
as "clearly more politically skillful than any mere hooligan element could
have been".

As plans for the elections to the legislative assembly gathered pace, the
CPP took what Governor Arden Clarke was later to describe as a "decisive
stroke" to put up Kwame Nkrumah, who was still serving his term of
imprisonment in James Fort, as the candidate for Accra Central –now part
of today's Odododiodoo constituency. Once again the CPP achieved a
stunning victory in the February 1951 Gold Coast legislative election. In
1951 the manifesto could be summed up in three words: Self-Government
NOW.[61]

The party won the directly elected urban seats with ten times as many
votes as those of the combined opposition with Nkrumah polling a massive
22,780 out of the available 23,122 votes in his Accra Central
constituency.[62] In the thirty-three rural seats elected indirectly through
electoral colleges, the CPP secured a stunning 29 seats to UGCC's three.
In the two-member constituency of the Akim Abuakwa Dr. J. B. Danquah
and William Ofori Atta got through by the barest of squeaks – with
majorities of 10 and 4 electoral college votes respectively – in their
ancestral homeland. Dr K. A. Busia on the other hand, lost his seat and
owed his seat in the Legislative Assembly as representative for the Ashanti
Confederacy Council.[63]
:
 Soon after the elections, the CPP wrote to the Governor seeking a
deputation to discuss the immediate release of Kwame Nkrumah from
prison. So that he did not appear to have been forced, the Governor
delayed the decision until after the Territorial Council elections that
weekend and then made arrangements for Nkrumah's release for 1 p.m. on
the following Monday claiming it was "an act of grace".[64]

The first All-African Government …

At the age of 39, Kwame Nkrumah became the Leader of Government

Business of the first All-African Government whose other ministers
included Archie Casely-Hayford, K. A. Gbedemah, Kojo Botsio, Dr A. Ansah
Koi, Dr E. O. Asafu-Adjaye, and Mr J. A. Briamah.[65]

In February 1952, Nkrumah won a significant concession after he

successfully persuaded the colonial administration to amend the 1951
constitution to change his title from Leader of Government Business to
Prime Minister and the Executive Council recast as the Cabinet. From now
on, the Prime Minister would rank second to Governor in Cabinet and will
preside over the affairs of state in his absence and the first African
government would begin to look just like one.[66]

The new government got down to work with the approval and
implementation of the five-year and accelerated development plan (see
next section). The government set up a social welfare department with
community developments teams in rural areas undertaking a myriad of
local projects ranging from the provision of local schools, to water and
public lavatories in towns and villages across country.[67] A share of the
proceeds from higher cocoa prices on the international market was passed
on to the farmers with the Cocoa Marketing Board paying "an
unprecedented price of 80s, a load of the main crops 1951–52". The
resumption of the policy of cutting-out swollen-shoot infected trees was
:
 also accompanied by increased compensation to farmers affected.[68]

In its first year of operation, the Cocoa Purchasing Company set up by the
government paid loans of over £1 million to farmers to alleviate decades of
farmer indebtedness and although the colonial administration had
acknowledged posed a danger to the industry, they had failed to deal with
it. While cocoa prices in the international markets were high, the industry,
ravaged by the swollen shoot disease, was in decline.[69] The Watson
Commission had predicted a possible total disappearance "in 20 years" if
this was not tackled head-on.

The government kicked-off a number projects including the Volta River

hydro-electric project and a new harbour at Tema with a connecting
railway line to Accra. There were also extensions to Takoradi harbour and
improvements to Accra harbour.

The first five-year development plan

…
The first five-year development plan of £120 million sterling was approved
by the Legislative Assembly on 15 August 1951 and replaced the 10-year
Development Plan of £11.5 million sterling drawn up in 1948. By
comparison, the 10-year development plan of Guggisberg period between
the two world wars (1919 – 1938), had an expenditure of £16.5 million.

The plan concentrated on education (under the Accelerated Plan for

Education) communications, public works and general services to prepare
the way for Ghana's industrialization drive. The CPP government
introduced free and compulsory primary and middle school education
which was aimed at the total literacy of the country by 1970.[70]

Average capital expenditure per year for the First Development Plan was
£15.5 million; 11.2% spent on Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing, and
Industry and mining and 88.8% spent on Social Services (Education,
:
 Health and sanitation, Housing, Public Administration, Police and Prisons
and other Social Services) and Infrastructure (Roads, Railways and Inland
waterways, Ports and harbours, Shipping, Posts and Telecommunications,
Electricity and Water and Sewerage).[71]

By the end of 1955, CPP government had achieved the following:

Education

Primary schools enrollment doubled; Middle schools enrollment

increased by 50%.

Nine (9) new Teacher Training Colleges; 18 new secondary schools with
the number of students attending increased almost 3-fold;Technical
training enrolments increased from 180 to 1,400

Four secondary schools added to Achimota School, the only secondary

school offering the Higher School Certificate (A-level): Mfantsipim
School, Adisadel College, St. Augustine's College and Prempeh College

Kumasi College of Technology established and also offered the Higher

School Certificate

Kumasi (1954) and Sekondi (1955) Regional Libraries

The Ghana Library service

Agriculture and Infrastructure

18 Agricultural stations;11 cocoa stations; 4 Agricultural Training

Centers; soil surveys over hundreds of square miles

940 wells and 62 bore holes sunk; 7 new pipe-borne water supplies with
additional 4 under construction

38 miles of new railways; 15 miles re-directed railways with 50 miles

under construction; 828 miles of major roads built or reconstructed; 730
miles resurfaced with bitumen; 2 major bridges completed and 60
smaller bridges built; 4 major bridges including Adomi bridge under
:
 construction

Takoradi harbour expanded, and Tema harbour under construction

Okomfo Anokye hospital construction started; extensions to 15 existing

hospitals and 2 health centres near completion

270 miles of overhead telephone trunk routes; 140 miles of underground

cable; 4,800 new telephones installed (3–fold increase in capacity); 13
new post office buildings completed and the size of the General Post
Office doubled

Construction of Ambassador Hotel started; 15,000 room units of housing

for 40,000 people completed

60% increase in electricity output 51,000 KW from 32,000 KW

These developments so increased the living standards of ordinary citizens

that at independence, Ghana's GDP per capita was £50 compared to
about £300 for the UK, and was higher compared to India, Pakistan and
Ceylon.[72]

The Motion of Destiny and the 1954 elections

In June 1952, the new Secretary of State for the Colonies Oliver Lyttleton
visited the Gold Coast and agreed to a process of consultation with chiefs
and the people to proposal for constitutional changes. On the basis of
proposals received from chiefs and a broad spectrum of groups and
numerous consultations with the territorial council, the trade union
congress and opposition parties, the government published a white paper
on constitutional change on 19 June 1953 which were accepted as the
basis for the transition to independence in December 1956.[73]

On the basis of these proposals, the CPP government introduced a bill in

the Legislative Assembly on 10 July 1953, famously dubbed by The
Evening News as the "Motion of Destiny". This called upon Britain to make
:
 arrangement for independence. It required all members of the Assembly to
be elected directly by secret ballot, and Cabinet members of the Assembly
and directly responsible to it. Britain was asked for a clear commitment to
independence by naming a date. Britain conceded the demand for
independence but insisted on another election first.[74]

The first directly held elections in the country's history took place on 19
June 1954 and the CPP won 72 out of 104 seats, the GCP (the last rump of
the UGCC) were routed winning only 1 seat and so it was left to the
Northern People's Party (NPP) with 12 seats to form the official opposition.
Dr J. B. Danquah, and Mr. William Ofori-Atta both lost their seats and Dr K.
A. Busia, won his seat by a mere 11 votes. However, the euphoria
surrounding this massive victory was soon to turn sour with a sudden turn
in events that ushered the country through a period of instability and
violence, the like of which had never been seen before or since.[62][75]

The violent years: 1954–1956

…
In March 1954, and before the June elections the government took a
decision to fix the price of cocoa at £3.12 shillings in response to the Seers
and Ross "Report on Finance and Physical Problems of Development in the
Gold Coast" to contain looming inflation. Contrary to inaccurate historical
accounts, the CPP did not promise in its manifesto to raise farm gate
prices in its 1954 election and in August 1954, Mr. K.A. Gbedemah as
finance minister introduced the Cocoa Duty and Development funds bill in
parliament based on the cabinet's decision in the March.[76]

In his presentation to parliament, Gbedemah argued that he was seeking to

deal with the ‘fragility’ of the Gold Coast economy highlighted by the Seers
and Ross report stemming from an over-reliance on one commodity for
nearly 60 percent of export revenues. While cocoa prices were enjoying a
boon on the world market in 1954, there was recognition by those who
took a long-term view that this was unsustainable (as it turned out prices
:
 fell £500 per ton in 1954 to £200 in 1956) and in any case, the farmers
needed to be shielded from such fluctuations through a guaranteed farm
gate price.[77]

As part of the diversification strategy to reduce the risk of over-

dependence, any windfall would be used to expand other sectors of the
economy. Naturally the farmers, who wanted a share of higher world prices
for their produce were unhappy about this and demanded a repeal of the
bill. However, what started out as the natural response of an aggrieved
sector of the country over policy was hijacked by disgruntled political
activists and leaders with a melange of grievances including those
unhappy with Justice Van Lare's report on the allocation of seats for the
Legislative Assembly in the 1954 elections.[78] Some, including B. F. Kusi –
who later stood as the parliamentary candidate and become a formidable
member of parliament for opposition before and after independence, –
challenged the basis of the electoral seat allocation by population. He
famously proclaimed: "Ashanti is a nation … Population does not make a
country"?[79]

There was also dissatisfaction with the Cocoa Purchasing Company which
was accused of using funds to help the CPP during the 1954 elections and
disquiet among members of the CPP who failed in the bids to become
candidates in the 1954 election and were asked to stand down as
independents or face expulsion from the party.[80][81]

This toxic combination of disgruntled rumps hijacked genuine farmers’

grievances over the proposed fixed farm gate prices for cocoa and used it
as an excuse to step up opposition to the elected government and in the
process, fomented violence and mayhem that claimed the lives of many
men, women and children needlessly.[82]

The National Liberation Movement (NLM) launched in September 1954

under the leadership for the chief linguist of Ashantehene, Baffour Osei
Akoto emerged from this disgruntled group, and the rump of the routed
:
 political opposition threw in their lot with them. The Asanteman Council
and Asantehene lent their support and the NLM became a rallying
nationalist organisation that was not only a critic of the democratically
elected government but the leading advocate for Ashanti nationalism.[83]

The NLM raided CPP offices in Ashanti and fomented violence

indiscriminately and for the first time a group of nationalists in Ashanti
decided to break with the consensus on the transitional plans for
independence by declaring openly "yeate ye ho".[84]

In March 1955, R. J. Vile, the Assistant Secretary at the Colonial Office

gave one of the first independent assessments of the NLM after his visit to
the Gold Coast. "So little is known about the internal politics of the NLM
that it is difficult to know the importance of this core determined people, or
the kind of control exercised by the Ashantehene over them. It is, however,
clear that they have a fair amount of dynamite at their disposal and
presumably can easily obtain fresh supplies by theft from the mines.[85]
They contain a number of thugs who are prepared to use knives and arms
of precision. Reports were current in Kumasi a fortnight ago that the NLM
had been smuggling in rifles and machine-guns, and there were other
reports that small bands of people were being trained with the object of
sending them to Accra to attack, and possibly murder, Gold Coast
Ministers."[86]

He continued:

"It is possible that Dr. Nkrumah's peaceful approach (described in

paragraph 10) may lead to the resolution of the differences between the
NLM and the CPP on constitutional matters". Nevertheless, he concluded,
ominously, that "it is quite possible that the core of determined young men
will take to the forest and engage in guerrilla warfare from there if other
methods fail".[87]

Violence was stepped up and Kumasi became so dangerous that members

:
 of the CPP were in fear of their lives. Local party leaders such as the
Ashanti Regional Chairman of CPP, Mr B. E. Dwira of New Tafo were
barricaded in their homes and needed protection when they went out. Hon.
B. E. Dwira's residence was bombed or dynamited. The CPP regional office
was shutdown and the local party newspaper "The Ashanti Sentinel" and
its publishing house founded by Hon. B. E. Dwira, the Ashanti Regional
Chairman of the CPP was bombed and burnt to the ground by NLM party
functionaries. Baffour Osei Akoto warned of a possible civil war and a U.K.
newspaper described the situation as "an unseen stealthy backstreet war
being waged on Chicago lines with gunmen in fast cars, rifle, shotguns
home-made bombs and broken bottles and knives".[88][89]

The role of Hon. B. E. Dwira in the CPP (CONVENTION PEOPLE'S

PARTY).*

Hon. B. E. Dwira (Benjamin Emmanuel Dwira) was the Ashanti Regional

Chairman of the CPP, even before the demarcation of the Brong-Ahafo
region in April 1959. It was during his regional chairmanship and leadership
in Ashanti, that the civil unrest broke out between the CPP and the break
away group that largely formed the NLM (National Liberation Movement),
as "ya te yeho" or "ma te meho" (literally, "we have broken away" or "we
have segregated/separated ourselves" or "I have segregated/separated
myself". This led to more brutal, dastard, brazen attacks from the NLM as
opposition so-called, against the CPP, particularly in Ahanti Region. Many
CPP activists as "Action Troopers", were killed by the NLM functionaries.
Hon. B. E. Dwira, personally laid to rest at least 47 out of the 49 CPP
"Action Troopers" killed by the NLM functionaries.

There were more widespread killings perpetrated and committed by the

NLM functionaries against the CPP party members at various locations in
Ashanti region, some of which Hon. B. E. Dwira could not get to the
bereaved family to help lay the dead to rest. Hon. B. E. Dwira's house was
bombed or dynamited by the NLM functionaries, and his publishing
company that published and printed the "Ashanti Sentinel"; a newspaper
:
 that he founded to promote the CPP and Prime Minister Osagyefo Dr.
Kwame Nkrumah's ideologies, programmes, policies, and projects for
Ghana (then Gold Coast) and Africa was bombed and burnt to the ground
by the NLM functionaries.

So much harm and hurt and mayhem did the NLM cause the CPP in
Ashanti region that most of the CPP members fled Ashanti region to other
towns, villages and cities, in other parts of the country where they were
known as "refugees". It was at the height of these political disturbances,
disputations, disruptions, destructions and killings perpetrated by the NLM
against the CPP members that the 1956 general elections was held to
determine which party should lead the country into independence.

Hon. B. E. Dwira, organised the CPP "refugees" on the eve of the election
day to come in buses and vans and trains to Ashanti Region and vote and
after go back into hiding if they feared for their lives. The CPP won 8 out of
the 21 seats in the elections thereby denying the NLM of the 2/3 (two-
thirds) majority in Ashanti region that they had hoped to win; a condition
set by the British government to determine the popularity and favourite
party to lead the country into independence. On the national level the CPP
won 71 majority out of the 104 seats inclusive of the 8 seats in Ashanti
region.

The CPP was given the mandate to lead the country into independence
which happened the following year on 6 March 1957. The Prime Minister of
Ghana, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, was full of gratitude and praise to
Hon. B. E. Dwira for the brave leadership and chairmanship that he
exhibited and demonstrated to help the CPP win the general elections
thereby paving the way for Ghana's independence.

A photograph of Kwame Nkrumah congratulating and thanking Hon. B. E.

Dwira in a handshake for the no mean feat achieved was taken at the
house of Parliament at Accra in the presence of Hon. Kojo Botsio, E. R. T.
Madjitey (first Ghanaian IGP) and others after the election results were
:
 declared.

A ballad was also composed in honour of B. E. Dwira dubbed

"OKOKODUROFO DWIRA" (BRAVE DWIRA), which was played on air at the
Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, during every independence day
celebrations and occasion. Hon. B. E. Dwira, was appointed the first Mayor
of Kumasi (then called Chairman of Kumasi City Council) soon after
independence in 1957. There are many other positions that Hon. B. E.
Dwira held both at home in Ghana and abroad under the CPP led
government and political administration.

He died on 28 March 1985 having contributed so much to his dearly

beloved country, Ghana. He was born on Sunday, 19 September 1909, a
day after Kwame Nkrumah was also born, on Saturday, 18 September
1909. Note: Nkrumah's birthday of 18 September 1909 changed to 21
September 1909, as a result of a mistake in a later registration, which he
came to accept himself, since for him it didn't make much difference to his
life.

The Governor, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke was pelted with stones when he
went to Kumasi to mediate and seek an end to the violence. Kofi Banda
was shot by a gunman from the Palace of the Chief of Ejisu – a crime for
which no one was convicted. Krobo Edusei's sister was shot while
preparing food for her children at home and Nkrumah's home in Accra New
Town was bombed.[35]

The CPP was keen to avoid the ‘Guyana trap’ that would reverse the gains
made since 1951 and so its leadership urged restraint. Fourteen months
after closing the party's offices in Kumasi, the CPP decided to re-open it
and predictably, the occasion was met with violence perpetrated by the
NLM. This time, the CPP responded and faced the NLM squarely.[90] By
December 1955 over 850 cases of assault had been reported in Kumasi
alone of which less than a third had been brought to the courts. The
country was to be put through a protracted debate about federalism which
:
 had not been part of any discussion in the Coussey Constitutional
proposals or in the most transparent and collective constitutional process
of 1954.[91]

Three times the NLM refused to attend a meeting with the Governor and
Nkrumah to discuss their grievances. The government set up a
parliamentary select committee to discuss the NLM's grievances – the
opposition in the Assembly, led by Mr S. D. Dombo walked out and NLM
boycotted the hearings of the select committee. The Governor went to
Kumasi but he was stoned and humiliated.[92]

Dr K. A. Busia travelled to London to see the Minister of State Alex Lennox-

Boyd and requested that a constitutional expert be sent to mediate and
yet, the NLM refused to co-operate with Sir Frederick Bourne when he
arrived in Ghana. Although his recommendations were not favourable to
the CPP by any means Sir Frederick described the NLM's demands as "an
extreme form of federation" which "would introduce an intolerable
handicap to the administration of the country".[93]

The NLM was invited to the Achimota conference to discuss Sir Frederick
Bourne's recommendations but refused to attend and instead insisted on a
constituent assembly to draft a new federal constitution.[94]

In the end, Secretary of State for the Colonies decided that the only way to
settle the matter was through the will of the people and felt it necessary to
hold one last election in 1956. The NLM happily accepted this challenge
hoping that the alliances they had built with the other opposition parties
would enable them secure victory at the polls.[95]

The 1956 elections

…
The stage was set for settlement, once and for all, the opposing views of
how an independent Ghana would be governed. Once again, Mr K. A.
:
 Gbedemah led the CPP campaign and challenged the NLM's call for a
federal constitution and revealed their true intentions by declaring:, "
[w]hat they [NLM] want and have never been able to say openly is that
THEY should be in office and not the C.P.P.".[96]

Despite the NLM's argument that federalism was a natural way of

organizing Ghana's regional and tribal groupings, when it had the
opportunity to draft a new constitution for Ghana in 1969 it proposed a
unitary form of government and conveniently side-stepped all of its
previous arguments in favor of federation; regional assemblies were not
established in the second republic neither were the fixed farm gate prices
for cocoa reversed. Much of the basis of the NLM's violent campaign does
not appear to been based on any principles but rooted, as Gbedemah had
argued, in a deep-seated dislike for the CPP and Nkrumah.[97][98]

In the course of the 1956 campaign, Gbedemah declared that if the CPP
were defeated in the 1956 elections it would happily be a loyal opposition
to an NLM government and he challenged that leader of the NLM, Dr Busia
to give a similar undertaking. In a portent of how the opposition would
behave post-independence, Dr. Busia openly declared instead that the
NLM would "take steps IN and OUT of the Legislative Assembly" against
the CPP, which he described as "evil".[91]

The CPP election machine sprang into action, confident of a decisive result
but taking no chances. As on previous occasions, the party manifesto was
brief, summed up in just seventeen words: Do I want Independence in my
life-time? Or do I want to revert to feudalism and imperialism?’ The
impractical, divisive option of federalism in a country the size of Ghana
was not allowed to cloud the issue.[99]

In June 1956, the CPP recorded another impressive victory winning 71

seats including all 44 seats in the Colony and 8 out of the 21 in Ashanti.
The NLM failed to win a single seat outside Ashanti. However, for all their
appeal to Ashanti nationalism, the CPP won 43 percent of the votes cast in
:
 Ashanti, proving once again that although the NLM was predominantly an
Ashanti party, not all Ashantis were NLM supporters.[84]

Once again Dr J. B. Danquah failed to win his seat but that was not the only
familiar outcome: again the NLM refused to accept the results of
democratic elections and proceeded to derail the transitional plans toward
independence. With twisted logic argued that the distribution of the votes
in the 1956 election vindicated their position for a federal constitution
because the CPP did not win a majority in Ashanti or the Northern
Territories.[57][100]

Defeating the NLM separatists and threats of

partition

After the election, Nkrumah tabled the motion for independence on 3

August 1956 but NLM members of the Assembly, including Dr K. A. Busia,
Mr Joe Appiah and Mr R. R. Amponsah walked out in protest and the
motion passed 72-0. As Richard Rathbone put it: "The newly elected
opposition appeared unwilling to accept the results of the election which
they signified by walking out of the first session of the newly elected
Legislative Assembly. The NLM, once again resorted to its tried and trusted
tactics of boycott, lobbying to London and threatening secession. … The
NLM continued to suggest that it would refuse to operate as a loyal
opposition…"[101] Just as Dr K. A. Busia had promised during the election
campaign. Nonetheless, soon after CPP government tabling the motion for
independence, the Asante Youth Association (AYA) sent a telegram to the
Secretary of State for the Colonies on 13 August 1956 stating among other
things that "since the C.P.P. Government have declared themselves
unwilling to call for consultations before the Motion calling for
Independence, [this] shall be considered by Ashanti as repealing the Order
in Council of 1901 which annexed Ashanti to the British Crown. Ashanti
shall then be Sovereign and Independent state within the
:
 Commonwealth."[102]

Despite the crushing defeat at the polls, the opposition continued to push
for a federal union and made representations to the secretary of Secretary
of State for the Colonies in London and called for a royal commission to
look into their grievances and for a postponement of independence until it
had reported. This time the British Government refused to indulge the
opposition and rejected calls to postpone independence.[103] On 17
September 1956, in response to a formal request from the CPP to the
British Secretary of State to name a firm date for Independence, the
Governor informed Nkrumah that 6 March 1957 had been decided upon.
Amid scenes of jubilation, the news was given to the Assembly by
Nkrumah on the following day 18 September 1956.[104]

The opposition modified their position and demanded constitutional

safeguards in the form of regional autonomy and a second chamber
among others. The secretary of state persuaded the CPP to negotiate and
following lengthy consultations with the opposition, the Asanteman and the
territorial Councils, the CPP published on 8 November 1956, what became
known was the Revised Constitutional Proposals for the Gold Coast. While
the government accepted a measure of devolution it limited the powers of
Regional Assemblies and refused to accept the opposition's call for an
undertaking that Ashanti's borders would remain inviolable.[105]

In response to the publication of the constitutional proposals, AYA ran a

daily half-page advert in the Liberator (the mouthpiece of the NLM) from
9-15 Nov 1956 which declared "ASHANTI AND THE N.T.’S WILL SECEDE
FROM GHANA".[106]

On 18 November 1956, the opposition NLM and the Northern People's

Party forwarded a joint resolution to the Secretary of State for the colonies
stating:
:
 "In view of the failure to reach agreement on the
constitution we now ask for separate independence
for Ashanti and the Northern Territories and for a
Partition Commission to divide assets and
liabilities of the Gold Coast among its component
territories"[107]

Crucially, the Asanteman Council endorsed this call for partition by

requesting that the United Kingdom take all necessary steps to grant
separate independence for Asante and the Northern Territories on 6 March
1957. Opposition members bragged that they retained the services of
lawyers in London to draw up the necessary legal documents for
secession, apply for membership of the United Nations and plans were
underway to build a £500,000 House of Parliament in Ashanti.[108]

The CPP was well aware that NLM were only seeking to delay the transition
to independence and although it stuck to its guns on the powers on
regional assemblies, it compromised on issues relating to future
amendments to the Ghana Constitution in the full knowledge that a
sovereign and elected national parliament could reverse them, if they were
deemed unworkable after independence.[109]

So it was that the "Ghana (Constitution) Order in Council", 1957 was

agreed.

Independence: 6 March 1957 …

At midnight on 5/6 March 1957, on the Polo Ground in Accra, Nkrumah

proclaimed the Independence of Ghana, To cries of FREEDOM! FREEDOM!
FREEDOM! from the huge crowd the British flag was lowered, and the red,
green gold flag of Ghana was raised in its place. It was the climax of the
CPP's epic campaign to bring colonial rule to an end.[110]
:
 The party's first objective, the battle for political freedom had been won,
without resort to arms. In the words of Nkrumah on that historic night: "At
long last the battle has ended. And thus Ghana, your beloved country is
free for ever." But there would be further battles in the years ahead to build
a new Ghana and to achieve Pan- African objectives. The struggle for
economic independence and social justice was only just beginning.[111]

Continued threats to national security

…
Even after independence, the NLM continued with violence in Kumasi and
there was evidence of arms smuggling across the border from Ivory Coast
to western Asante. Over 5,000 people originally living in Ashanti had been
exiled as result of the NLM's violence.[112]

While preparations for independence were underway, supporters of the

Togoland Congress were busy setting up military training camps in
Alavanyo as part of a plot of violent disturbances with elements of the NLM
The police moved in to dismantle the camp and in the ensuing riots, three
people were killed. Two members of parliament – S. G. Antor and Mr. Kojo
Ayeke – were tried, found guilty and sentenced to six years imprisonment
but their convictions were quashed on appeal on a technicality.[113]

In the meantime a group of young men in Accra led by Attoh Quarshie

formed the Ga Shifimo Kpee ostensibly to defend the interests of the Ga.
However this organisation soon took on a violent character, particularly
through its revolutionary wing called the ‘Tokyo Joes’ of unemployed
school leavers with criminal elements thrown in. They too sympathized
with the NLM whose leadership was in attendance at their formal launch in
Accra on 7 July 1957. Members of the Ga Shifimo Kpee circulated forged
cabinet papers purporting to show the government was deliberately acting
against the interests of the people from the North, the Volta region and
Accra in an attempt to fan tribal hatred and disturbances. Intelligence
services reported discussions of assassination attempts and plans to
:
 kidnap senior members of the cabinet at their meetings, which members of
the opposition NLM attended.[114]

In response, CPP supporters in Accra set up a rival group, the Ga

Ekomefeemo Kpee, and the two inevitably clashed notably in a
demonstration outside Parliament on 20 August 1957 which led to several
people being injured.[115]

In less than year after independence members of the opposition leaders

were talking about unseating the government. As early as December 1957,
the leader of the opposition NLM. Dr K. A Busia was secretly soliciting
funds from the United States government to undermine and destabilize the
elected government of his own country.[116] According to Mr Wilson Flake,
then the US Ambassador to Ghana (see Foreign Relations, 1955–1957,
Volume XVIII, pages 387–388), the leader of the opposition and member
of Parliament approached him and requested "25 thousand dollars in the
US to purchase vehicles and hire party workers to offset "dangerous
indoctrination" being given by CPP agents who have unlimited funds." This
behaviour would have been intolerable in any country.[91]

One foreign journalist J. H. Huizinga reported in an Israeli newspaper one

such conversation which apparently took place in the first half of 1958: " In
spite of all its professed concerned for democracy, Ghana's Opposition
sometimes betrays curious conceptions of the role the servants of the
State should play in the political life of the country. Thus, one of its leading
members told me that he would welcome a military coup d'état to unseat
Nkrumah."[117]

A number of Government intelligence reports confirmed these rumours

including one that quite accurately revealed plans coup d'etat involving
prominent members of the opposition with assistance from members of
the Ghana Army sometime between 13 and 31 December. Not too long
after these reports the security services were tipped off by staff at Badges
and & Equipment, a London shop dealing in the sale of military
:
 accoutrements, that a man who styled himself as "John Walker", had
purchased replica officer uniforms, badges of rank and belts of the type
used by the Ghana Army.[118] It was established that the afore-mentioned
"John Walker" was Mr R. R. Amponsah, general secretary of the United
Party who ordered the replica military accoutrements to be shipped to
Lome and delivered through relatives of another opposition member, Mr.
Modesto K Apaloo, a member of parliament and former deputy opposition
leader of the Legislative Assembly.[119]

The order of replica Ghana army uniforms, badges of rank and belts by
senior members of the opposition might appear innocuous, but they
immediately reminded the government and the security services of what
happened to the Burmese government in 1946. Members of the opposition
members to the government of Burma, dressed in replica uniform of the
Burmese army, commandeered an army vehicle, stormed the cabinet room
and murdered 14 cabinet ministers.[120] It later transpired that the
opposition had attempted to recruit the Ghanaian commandant at Giffard
(now Burma) Camp, Major Benjamin Ahwaitey and other NCOs in the
Ghana Army to engage in a similar plot.[121]

A quasi-judicial Commission set up by the government and chaired by

Justice Granville Sharp found unanimously that both Apaloo and
Amponsah had "engaged in a conspiracy to carry out at some future date
in Ghana an act for unlawful purpose, revolutionary in character." Majority
of the Commission held that Major Benjamin Awhaitey, Mr R. R. Amponsah,
Mr. Modesto Apaloo and Mr. John Mensah Anthony (half-brother of
Apaloo), were engaged in a conspiracy to assassinate the Prime Minister,
Dr Kwame Nkrumah, and to carry out a coup d'état.[122]

In response to these and other disturbances and events, the CPP

government took a number of landmark decisions to preserve the security
of the state, all of which were subject to extensive debates in parliament
and voting.[123]
:
 1. Alhaji Amadu Baba the Zerikin Zongo and Alhaji Othman Larden Lalemi
key leaders of the Moslem Association Party who helped the NLM
orchestrate violence in Ashanti were deported in line with colonial
precedent of sending such unsavoury characters back to their countries of
origin. Both men were shown by Justice Sarkodee Addo's Commission
(investigating the Kumasi State Council and the Asanteman Council) to
have been deeply mired in NLM's violence in Ashanti region and in
recruiting non-Ghanaians to carry out acts of terrorism.[124]

2. The Government set up commissions of inquiry headed by senior judges

into affairs of the Abuakwa State Council, Kumasi State Council and the
Asanteman Council and they found that in many cases, public money had
been illegally diverted to fund the violent activities of NLM's Action
Troopers.[125]

3. To quell the outbreak of violence and disorder along tribal lines, the
Government introduced the Avoidance of Discrimination Act to prohibit the
establishment of political parties based solely on ethnic, racial or religious
grounds. The Act's immediate impact was to trigger the merger of the
NLM, Northern People's Party (NPP), Togoland Congress, Ga Adangbe
Shifomo Kpee combined to form in a single opposition party, the United
Party (UP).[126]

4. In July 1958, the government introduced the Prevention Detention Act to

extend the period of pre-trial detention for suspected opposition terrorists,
not dissimilar to many of the anti-terrorist legislation passed in countries
such as United Kingdom, United States of America, Australia, France and
other countries around the world.[127]

CPP – Independent Ghana's first government …

With independence, the CPP government at last had the political power
needed to build the economic and social infrastructure necessary for
:
 Ghana to become a modern, progressive state. The Party inherited an
economy developed mainly to serve foreign interests. Education, health
and other social needs of the people, improved with the implementation of
the CPP's First Development Plan (1951-6), but still fell far below the high
standards at which the CPP aimed. Much remained to be done.[128]

Through Development plans the party was determined to restructure the

economy so that the people, through the state would have an effective
share in the economy of the country and effective control over it. The
needs of the people and not so-called market principles would be the
paramount consideration in economic planning.[129]

The Consolidation Plan (1957-9), covered the first two years of

Independence, giving time for the government to consolidate in
preparation for the launching of a far-reaching Five Year Development Plan
(1959–64). Its notable achievements include the establishment of the Bank
of Ghana in July 1957, Black Star Shipping Line with SS Volta River
welcomed to home port in December 1957 and opening of Broadcasting
House of Radio Ghana early 1958[130]

The second five-year development plan was launched on 1 July 1959,

aimed at (a) achieving economic independence, (b) developing resources
to produce a strong, healthy and balanced economy, and (c) reducing
economic vulnerability by reducing dependence on cocoa as a single
crop.[131]

To lay the foundations on which socialism could be built, Ghana's economy

was divided into five sectors (with no single person given the exclusive
right to produce a commodity in any sector of the economy):

1. State Enterprises;

2. Foreign Private Enterprises;

3. Enterprises jointly owned by the State and foreign private interests;

:
 4. Co-operatives; and

5. Small-scale Ghanaian private enterprise (reserved to Ghanaians to

encourage and utilize personal initiative and skill among
Ghanaians)[132]

The CPP's major task was rousing the spirit of devotion and sacrifice
necessary for the program of development; the rewards of their
endeavours being national and individual dignity resulting from the
creation and a raised standard of life, that is, wealth with labour. All
sections of the community had a part to play in the economic and social
revolution. As Nkrumah stated: "We are now working for Ghana regardless
of party affiliations.[133] The government will see to it that any sacrifices
which the workers, whether by hand or brain, and the farmers may make,
will not rob them of the fruits of their labor. The government will ensure
that these sacrifices will be made for the benefit of all the people."[134]

The Workers Brigade was formed to absorb 12,000 young men and women
among elementary school-leavers, and trained in discipline, responsibility
and citizenship, and skills to enable them find employment in agriculture
and industry.[135]

The Ghana Academy of Sciences was established in November 1959 to

spearhead Research and Development in Ghana for modernization of
agriculture and industrialization using the country's local raw material.[136]

Over 60 new factories opened in 1961 which included; a distillery, a

coconut oil factory; a brewery; a milk processing plant; and a lorry and
bicycle assembly plant. Agreements signed for the establishment of an oil
refinery; an iron and steel works; a flour mill; sugar factory; textile and
cement factories in 1961 and the Volta River project was officially launched
at Akosombo in 1961 after successfully negotiating international loans
against the active campaign of opposition mounted by Dr. K.A. Busia.[137]

In 1961 a new harbor opened and started operating in Tema, and the Volta
:
 Aluminium Company (VALCO) was formed to establish an aluminium
smelter at an estimated cost of £100 million in 1962. A Unilever Soap
factory started operation at Tema on 24 August 1963.[138]

Ghana's Republic
…
Three years after Independence, in March 1960, proposals for a republican
constitution were published. A plebiscite was then held in April, the result
of which made it clear that the people of Ghana welcomed a republican
constitution, and overwhelmingly voted for Nkrumah to become the first
president.[139]

On 1 July 1960, Ghana became a republic. The governor general, Lord

Listowel, performed his last duty, the prorogation of parliament. The
Republican constitution contained the unique provision that: "The
independence of Ghana should not be surrendered or diminished on any
grounds other than the furtherance of Africa unity, that no person would
suffer discrimination on grounds of sex, race, tribe, religion or political
belief, and that chieftaincy in Ghana would be guaranteed and preserved.
Freedom and justice would be honored and maintained".[140]

Nkrumah was installed as president at State House on 1 July 1960. On that

same day, the new president, accompanied by President Sekou Toure of
Guinea and other African leaders, lit the flame of African freedom. This was
to be kept burning to symbolize the CPP government's continuing,
vigorous Pan-African efforts to bring about the total liberation and unity of
the continent.[141]

The second phase of economic transformation The CPP adopted a

program of "Work and Happiness" in 1962 designed to define the lines of
national development to be implemented by the seven-year development
Plan. The objectives were to build a socialist state devoted to the welfare
of the masses, and turning Ghana into the power house of the African
:
 revolution.[142]

In March 1964, building on the work of previous plans, the Seven Year
Development plan was launched. The main tasks of the plan were to:

1. Speed up the growth off the national economy.

2. Embark upon the socialist transformation of the economy through the

rapid development of state and co-operative sectors.

3. Eradicate completely the colonial structure of the economy.[143]

There was to be a period of mixed economy, when a limited private sector

would be allowed to operate. During this time, public and co-operative
sectors would expand rapidly, particularly in the strategic, productive
sectors of the economy. Eventually, with the complete implementation of
Development Plans, a fully planned economy and a just society would be
established.[143]

The plan embodied the CPP's Program of Work and Happiness adopted at
the party's Congress in July, 1962. A total expenditure £1016.0 million
sterling was proposed for the plan out of which the Ghana government was
to provide £G475.5 million with an average capital expenditure per year of
£G68.0 million; 37.3% on Agriculture and Industry; 62.7% on Social
Services and Infrastructure.[143]

Among the achievements of the period are:

Establishment of atomic reactor at Kwabenya

Aluminium Smelter at Tema

Glass Manufacturing Corporation at Aboso

Cement works at Tema

Government Electronics Industry at Tema

:
 Cocoa Processing Factories (Takoradi and Tema)

Ghana Publishing Corporation

Ghana Textile Corporation

Rattan Factory at Asamankese in operation in January 1966; five

factories at Nkawkaw, Enyiresi, Oppon Valley, Asanwinso and Bobikuma
planned to go into operation later in 1966

Two Coir Fibre Factories with a total capacity each of 990,000 lb. of Coir
Fibre and over 1000 lb. of door and floor mats; a factory at Axim with
laboratory facilities planned as training centre for Rattan, Bamboo, Coir
and wood projects

Bamboo factories being established as in January 1966 at Manso-

Amenfi, Assin Foso and Axim to manufacture bamboo cups and trays

Production to start in 1966 in the following plants:

Corned beef factory at Bolgatanga

Sugar Factory at Akuse

Television Assembly Plant at Tema (Jointly established by the

Government of Ghana and Sanyo planned to be opened in March, 1966)

Inauguration of completed Volta River Project at Akosombo on 23

January 1966

52 State Enterprises in operations[144]

Development of industries in all regions:

Silos For Food and crop preservation

Tomato and Mango Factory, Wenchi, Brong-Ahafo Region

Match Factory, Kade, Eastern Region

Pwalugu Tomato Factory; Upper Region

:
 Ghana Glass Factory, Aboso and Tarkwa, Western Region

Akasanoma Radio Factory, Greater-Accra Region

Gold Processing Factory, Prestea, Western Region

Meat Processing Factory, Bolgatanga, Upper Region

Dairy Farm at Amrahia and Avatime

Paper Processing Factory, Takoradi, Western Region

Pomadze Poultry Farm, Central Region

Ghana Cement Factory, Takoradi, Western Region

Ghana Household Utilities Manufacture, Sekondi, Western Region

Tema Steel Company, Greater-Accra Region

Nsawam Fruit Cannery – Greater-Accra Region

State hotels:

Continental, Star, Meridian, Ambassador, Greater-Accra Region

Atlantic Hotel, Western Region

City Hotel, Ashanti Region

Catering Rest Houses, Regional Capitals

Ghana Black Star Line with almost fifteen ships, Takoradi and Tema

Ghana Distilleries, Greater-Accra Region

Ghana Shoe Factory Kumasi, Ashanti Region

Ghana Jute Factory, Kumasi, Ashanti Region

Tema Food Complex, Greater-Accra Region

Infrastructure:

Ghana Atomic Energy Commission

:
 Tema Harbour and Tema Township

Akosombo Dam (Ghana paid half of the £70 million)

Accra -Tema Motorway (originally meant to go through Kumasi to Paga)

Accra International Airport -Refurbishment

Peduasi Lodge for conferences

Farmers Council

Workers Brigade

National Management and Productivity Institute

New Army Headquarters in Ho, Sunyani, Bolgatanga, and Takoradi

National institutions:

Ghana Film Industries Accra

Ghana Airways Corporation

Ghana National Trading Corporation

Cocoa Purchasing Company

Bank of Ghana

National Investment Banks

Ghana Commercial Bank

Agricultural Credit and Cooperative Bank (later, Agricultural

Development Bank)

The austerity budget and the 1961 workers strike In 1961 the CPP
government introduced an austerity budget to counter declining world
price of cocoa while maintaining planned capital expenditure on economic
expansion and industrialisation, including Tema Harbour and the new
township, new industries such as the steelworks, new housing, and new
schools, among others. In response to increases in duty on consumer
:
 goods and the introduction of a compulsory saving scheme to quell rising
inflation, the railways workers organized a strike to register their opposition
to the austerity measures in the budget.[145]

Nkrumah was out of the country at the time, and a delegation of the
cabinet sought a meeting with representatives of the Unions but the
leaders of the strike refused to meet and the government declared a state
of emergency in response to what was an illegal strike under the 1958
Industrial Relations Act. After this, many workers returned to work except
in Sekondi –Takoradi and surrounding areas.[146]

As time wore on, it became clear that the union leadership had been
infiltrated and come under the influence of the opposition United Party.
Two leading members of the strike – Ishmaila Annan and Atta Bordoh –
were executive members of the United Party in the Western region.
Ishmaila Annan had been a member of the Moslem Association Party
(before it became part of the U.P.) and was closely associated with the
deported Amadu Baba, who orchestrated much of the NLM's violence in
the run-up to independence.[147]

A week after the strike was declared, the executive of the opposition
United Party met in Dr Danquah's House in Accra. Present at the meeting
were the strike leaders, Ishmaila Annan and Atta Bordoh ostensibly in their
capacity as party executives and not as trade unionists or strike
organisers. However, as Dr J. B. Danquah was later to confirm, the central
issues for discussion at the meeting were the railway strike and the 1961-
1962 budget.[148]

At the end of the meeting, the United Party executives issued a press
statement calling on the government to recall parliament and revise the
budget or resign. In public, however the opposition did not condemn the
illegal strike but criticized the government for failing to control it. A week
after the executive meeting of the United Party, Dr J. B. Danquah travelled
to Sekondi to meet with the strike leaders in Kwesi Lamptey's house in Fijai
:
 Secondary School.[126] Those present included members of the United
Party executive, and far from seeking to resolve the dispute, the meeting
discussed how to steel the nerves of the striking workers and to persuade
them to continue with the dispute and not to respond to Nkrumah's
overtures after he had returned from his trip – these included ending the
state of emergency and releasing persons arrested.[149]

It later transpired that members of the opposition helped draft and paid for
telegrams on behalf of the unions (using fictional unions names and a
private mail bag address belonging to Ishmaili Annan) to International
Railway and Maritime workers unions in Nigeria, U.S. and U.K. requesting
for funds ostensibly to ensure the "survival of parliamentary democracy" in
Ghana.[150] The strike was no longer about workers’ grievances against the
1961 budget, but the survival of parliamentary democracy in Ghana. It
became clear that not only were the U.P. financing the strike, they were
involved in the design of an illegal activity that soon took on a politically
subversive tone.[151]

Dr. K.A. Busia, who was in self-imposed exile moved to Lome to provide
proximate support to the strikers and subversives, and he was joined by a
number of opposition leaders including Obetsebi-Lamptey and Ekow
Richardson. Dr. Busia disclosed he had been offered £50,000 to fight the
democratically elected government of his country.[152]

The government discovered that among the plans of the Lome group was a
series of bomb explosions to be launched from neighbouring Togo on
national monuments and at the residences of prominent ministers
orchestrated by the personal assistant to K. A. Gbedemah (who had by
now become estranged from the CPP administration) Victor Yaw de Grant
Bempong.[153]

It became clear that as in 1954, when a defeated opposition took

advantage of the grievances of farmers to re-launch itself on the political
stage, having lost the 1960 elections, they were once gain taking
:
 advantage of the genuine grievances of working people about an austere
budget to bring down the elected government of Ghana.[154] This time the
colonial government was not around to indulge them and the CPP took
decisive action and leading members of opposition politicians including Dr.
Danquah and Joe Appiah were arrested under prevention detention for the
first time in the three years since the Act had been introduction.[155]

Pan-Africanism …

In the wider context, the CPP's Pan-African policy was expressed in the
famous words of Nkrumah at the end of his midnight speech at
Independence.

‘The Independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the

total liberation of the African continent’[156]

With Independence, the Party was in a position to embark on a practical

program of Pan-Africanism. This involved meaningful support for Africa's
freedom fighters and the taking of effective steps to advance African
unity.[157]

In 1957, there were only eight independent African states. They were
Ghana, Ethiopia, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Liberia and Sudan. Most
of the African continent was yet to be liberated. The last Pan-African
Congress had been held in Manchester, England in 1945.[158]

The CPP government was determined to reactivate the Pan-African

Movement on the soil of Africa its true home. Practical steps were
taken.[159]

1. In April 1958 the Conference of African Independent States was held in

Accra. The eight states agreed to co-ordinate economic planning; to
improve communications; to exchange cultural and educational
information; to assist liberation movements by providing training and other
:
 facilities. Most important was the adoption of the formula of one man one
vote as an objective of the liberation movement. This gave the liberation
movement direction and cohesion.[160]

2. In December 1958, the All-African People's Conference was held in

Accra. This Conference represented Africa's freedom fighters, nationalist
parties, trade unions, co-operative and youth movements throughout
Africa. It was the first time that freedom fighters from European colonies
and white-minority regimes in Africa had met together to discuss common
problems and to formulate plans. History was made when the Conference
endorsed the right of the unliberated to use all methods of struggle,
including armed struggle, if non-violent methods to obtain freedom had
failed.[161]

At the Conference were Patrice Lumumba, Kenneth Kaunda, Kanyama

Chiume, Tom Mboya, Oginga Odinga, Joshua Nkomo and many others who
were to become notable political leaders. Conference members returned to
their countries with a common purpose to liberate their countries. They
were inspired as never before, and confident in the CPP government's
commitment to the Pan-African struggle. On obtaining independence, they
were to follow Ghana's example in making their territories base areas for
freedom fighters. Ghana had become the pace-maker of the Pan-African
Movement.[162]

1. Among liberation movements which received aid and training in Ghana

during the government of the CPP were:

ANC (African National Congress)

PAC (Pan Africanist Congress)

ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union)

ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People's Union)

MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation

:
 of Angola)

SWAPO (South West African People's Organisation

FRELIMO (Front for the Liberation of Mozambique)[163]

Steps towards African unification

…
1. Ghana-Guinea Union, November 1958 This was to mark the start of the
actual process of unification by setting up a nucleus union which other
states could join as and when they wished. The CPP and the PDG (Parti
Democratique de Guinee) shared the same Pan-African objectives, and
followed a similar path of social and economic development.[164]

2. Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union, April 1961 This was formed when President

Modibo Keita of Mali joined President Sekou Toure of Guinea and President
Nkrumah in Accra and agreed on a Charter for the Union of African States
(UAS) which was open to other states to join. The UAS reaffirmed support
for the liberation movement and agreed that an African Common Market
should be formed.[164]

3. Ghana-Congo Agreement, August 1960 The outcome of a secret

meeting in Accra between Nkrumah and Patrice Lumumba, then Prime
Minister of the Congo. They agreed to form a political union, a republican
constitution within a federal framework. The capital to be Kinshasa (then
Leopoldville). The Agreement was never implemented because of the fall
of Lumumba's government the following month and his subsequent
assassination.[165]

The CPP government, throughout its tenure of power, demonstrated time

and again the possibility of achieving a degree of unity between states with
differing historical backgrounds, language, culture and institutions.[166] As
expressed by Nkrumah: ‘The forces that unite us are intrinsic, and greater
than the superimposed influences that keep us apart. It is not just our
colonial past, or the fact that we have aims in common. It is something
:
 which goes far deeper. I can best describe it as a sense of oneness in that
we are Africans’[167][168]

The Organisation of African Unity (OAU), May 1963

…
The foundation of the OAU was the culmination of the CPP government's
initiative to establish the political machinery for the unification of Africa.
The Charter of the OAU was signed in Addis Ababa on 25 May 1963 by the
Heads of State and Governments of 32 African independent states.[169]

All the signatories were agreed on the principles of African liberation and
unity. But they differed on questions of procedure and priorities. While
some advocated a gradualist approach, emphasis being on economic,
cultural and regional groupings, others led by Ghana considered it
essential to provide political machinery to plan liberation and development
on a continental scale.[170] It was consistently the Party's view that Africa's
huge natural and human resources could only be developed to the full for
the well-being of the African people as a whole if Africa was united.[171]

These differences and the lack of provision for an All-African High

Command to provide strength to enforce OAU decisions meant that the
Charter was one of intent rather than of positive action. Later OAU Summit
Conferences also failed to agree to the setting up of effective political
machinery.[172]

The final OAU Summit held during the period of CPP government was in
Accra in 1965. The Party's attempt to establish a full-time OAU Executive
Council narrowly failed to obtain the required number of votes.[173]

Nkrumah predicted that the continued failure of Africa to unite would mean
‘stagnation, instability and confusion, making Africa an easy prey to foreign
interference and confusion’. He warned that the independent states would
be ‘picked off one by one’. As he remarked in 1965: "It is courage that we
:
 lack."[174]

African Personality
…
The concept of the African Personality is an important aspect of CPP
thinking. Nkrumah described it as a "reawakening consciousness among
Africans and peoples of African descent of the bonds which unite us — our
historical past, our culture, our common experience and our aspirations". It
was expressed by the CPP government through:

1. Africanisation to break down old colonial structures and personnel in the

civil service, armed forces and police. To eradicate the "colonial mentality".
It was not based on racism. Foreigners were welcomed to work in Ghana
provided they were sincerely committed to CPP objectives.[175]

2. Bureau of African Affairs in Accra set up to administer to the needs of

Africa's freedom fighters.[176]

3. Institute of African Studies opened in 1963 as part of the University of

Ghana. Attached to the institute was the School of Performing Arts. A
Dance Ensemble and a national Orchestra were formed to express both
modern and traditional culture.[177]

4. First Africanist Conference in Accra 1962 to plan a comprehensive

programme of research into all aspects of Africa's history, culture, thought
and human and material resources. Results of research to be published in
an Encyclopedia Africana. Eminent US scholars Dr W. E. B. DuBois and Dr
W. Alphaeus Hunton had years before the conference been invited to
Ghana to work on the project.[178]

5. Links with peoples of African descent in the Diaspora. Ghana during the
time of the CPP government was described as ‘the very fountainhead of
Pan-Africanism’. (Malcolm X after a visit to Ghana in 1964) 6. George
Padmore Research Library on African Affairs opened in Accra in 1961[179]
:
 African Voice in World Affairs

The emergence of a distinctive African voice in world affairs was

something new in international relations. It was another direct result of
CPP policy after Independence, which generated a remarkable succession
of developments throughout Africa and the Diaspora. Africans were no
longer prepared to be silent spectators in world affairs.[180]

Non-Aligned Movement

Ghana and African countries obtained independence soon after they

emerged on the world political scene when the "cold war" between the US
and the USSR dominated international affairs. The nuclear arms race was
at its height. The world seemed on the brink of war. The Non-Aligned
Movement offered hope of a Third Force holding the balance of power and
thus avoiding war.[181] In this political climate, newly independent states of
Africa and Asia adopted a non-aligned stand. Among the most notable
leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement were President Nkrumah
representing the CPP government, President Jawaharlal Nehru of India,
President Abdul Nasser of Egypt, President Tito of Yugoslavia and
President Sukarno of Indonesia.[182]

Relationships with Asia and Latin America

In May 1965, the CPP government hosted the 4th Afro-Asian Solidarity
Conference. Nkrumah emphasized how much more effective Africa's
human and material resources would be when mobilized under a
continental Union Government.[183]

Nkrumah, Ben Barka, leading Moroccan opposition figure, and Fidel Castro
were responsible for the formation of Organisation of Solidarity with the
:
 Peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America (OSPAAL) which sought to
maintain independence from both the USSR and China. At that time,
relations between China and the USSR were very strained.[184]

The CPP and the United Nations

Organisation (UNO)

The emergence of a meaningful African voice in the largest of international

bodies, the UN, may be traced to the period of the CPP government.[185]

The Ghana government actively supported the peace-keeping work of the

UN in the Congo between 1960 and 1964. Ghanaian troops formed part of
the UN operation when Lumumba in 1960 appealed for military assistance
after Moise Tshombe announced the secession of Katanga. But having
supported UN intervention, Ghana¬ian troops found themselves part of a
UN force engaged in operations which resulted in the fall and consequent
murder of Lumumba, the leader of the very government which had sought
UN support. The experience confirmed the CPP view that African solutions
had to be found for African problems.[186]

In 1963, the Ghanaian delegation at the UN discussed with the Africa

Group a plan for an All-African force to be sent to the Congo. The
establishing of an All-African High Com¬mand to maintain peace in Africa
instead of relying on outside forces such as the UN or NATO remained a
key objective of the Party.[187]

The CPP and the Commonwealth

Ghana remained a member of the Commonwealth throughout the years of

CPP government and its role was critical in the work of
Com¬commonwealth Conferences when African issues were discussed.
This became very apparent during the time of the crisis in (then) Rhodesia
:
 when it became clear in 1964 that the settler government was moving
towards a unilateral declaration of independence (UD1).[188]

At the 1965 Commonwealth Conference in Lon¬don, African and Asian

countries agreed a common line in opposing UD1. This was largely a result
of Nkrumah's efforts. The Conference agreed that the principle of one man
one vote should be applied to Rhodesia, and that there should be
unimpeded progress to majority rule.[189]

When in 1965 UD1 was declared, the CPP government drew up proposals
for joint action by African states to assist in the overthrow of the Ian Smith
settler regime, and to go to the help of any African state attacked or
threatened by it. In addition, Ghana indicated an intention to leave the
Commonwealth.[190]

The reputation of Ghana was further enhanced when largely owing to the
efforts of Nkrumah, apartheid South Africa was forced to leave the
Commonwealth. Ghana could not remain a member of an organisation
containing the racialist minority gov¬ernment of South Africa. The British
government had to choose between Ghana and South Africa. Britain chose
Ghana. It was a measure of the stature of the CPP government. Britain
knew that if Ghana left the Commonwealth, many African states would
follow Ghana's lead.[191]

Attempts to destabilize the CPP Government

In late 1961, only a few months after the Opposition inspired and
sponsored Railway Strike, Accra witnessed a series of bomb outrages
organized by the Opposition based in Lome. These bomb outrages
preceded the planned visit of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II in 1962, and
were designed by the Opposition to create the impression of Ghana being
unsafe for the visit.[192] The now infamous Kulungugu bomb outrage
followed in August 1962, and led to the brutal and cowardly murder of a
:
 young girl carrying a bouquet of flowers meant for Nkrumah, in which a
bomb had been concealed by the Opposition. Following the Kulungugu
bomb outrage, a series of organized grenade attacks occurred in Accra,
one of these targeted Young Pioneers children on a route march near the
Princess Marie Louise Children's hospital.[193] The Opposition Member of
Parliament R. B. Ochere and UP activist Yaw Manu pleaded guilty for their
role in the Kulungugu bomb, and as Dennis Austin stated in "Politics in
Ghana 1946 – 1960" published in 1964: "That the plots [Kulungugu and
the other bombing outrages] had been hatched in Lome and elsewhere by
former Opposition members – notably Obetsebi Lamptey – was clear".[194]

In January 1964, an assassination attempt on Nkrumah by the armed

Constable Ametewee on duty at Flagstaff House resulted in the killing of
Superintendent Salifu Dargati. In course of these terrorist bombing
outrages by the Opposition, a death toll of 30 Ghanaians, men, women and
children, had been recorded with over 300 injured and maimed for life.[195]

All these terrorist bomb outrages at destabilizing the CPP government

were to be followed by the subversion and overthrow of the CPP
government in February 1966.[196]

24 February 1966
…
While on his way as leader of the British Commonwealth mission to seek a
resolution to the Vietnam crisis, the CPP government was overthrown by a
military junta and members of the Ghana Police who had since 1964 at
least, been working with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the
United States to bring about a change in government.[197]

For some hours, the presidential Guard Regiment of Flagstaff House

resisted fiercely, but was eventually forced to surrender. There was no
popular participation in the coup. The ordinary people were initially
stunned.[198]
:
 The military/police junta co-opted key members of the opposition such as
Dr. K. A. Busia, who was on the junta's political committee, and Mr. Victor
Owusu, who became the military junta's attorney general. The Preventive
Detention Act was repealed and replaced by the Preventive Custody
Degree with two modifications: (1) detainees could make no appeal and (2)
there was no requirement to inform them as to why they were being
arrested.[199]

Troops and police rounded up key CPP personnel and flung them into
prison. Practically the entire Party leadership throughout the country was
arrested. Included were all cabinet ministers, members of Parliament,
officials of CPP and all its subsidiary, associate organisations including
trade union leaders.[200]

With Nkrumah out of the country en route to Vietnam with peace

proposals, with all the key points in Accra seized, and with the CPP
leadership arrested, immediate effective resistance was out of the
question. The military / police junta installed itself in power, declaring the
CPP government abolished and the Party banned. Members of the CPP
were banned from participating in party political activity for the next
thirteen years until 1979.[201]

Conakry and the wilderness years

The party lived on in Conakry, Guinea where Nkrumah and his entourage
stayed from 1966 to 1972 at the invitation of President Sekou Toure and
the PDG. It lived on underground in Ghana, surfacing from time to time
under different party names. The CPP remained alive and grew even
stronger in the Pan-Africa Movement, for the reactionary coup in Ghana
was not a domestic matter affecting only the people of Ghana. The coup
was to have, repercussions for the whole of the African people, on the
continent and worldwide.[202]
:
 Nkrumah and his entourage arrived in Guinea on 2 March 1966 and in an
unprecedented expression of Pan-Africanism, Nkrumah was appointed co-
president in Conakry, and became the central point both for the effort to
restore constitutional government in Ghana and for the continuance of CPP
Pan-African objectives.[21]

The struggle was pursued through:

1. Organisation: The preparation of practical plans for a return to Ghana

and the restoration of constitutional government.

2. Broadcasts to the people of Ghana by Nkrumah on Guinea's Voice of the

African Revolution.

3. Close contact with CPP support groups both inside Ghana, in the UK, in
the Diaspora, throughout Africa and elsewhere.

4. Books, pamphlets and statements by Nkrumah. These were published

by Panaf Books Ltd., a company establishment in the UK to publish and
distribute the works of Nkrumah's since his previous UK publishers were
not willing to publish his writings after the fall of his government.[26]

5. The magazine Africa and the World, a London-based monthly magazine,

founded in 1960 and sponsored by the CPP government. It had a world-
wide readership and a high reputation for progressive and accurate
reporting. After the coup the magazine managed to continue publishing
the truth about Ghana and Africa until 1971 when lack of funds forced it to
close.[203]

A Political Committee was formed by members of Nkrumah's entourage, as

part of a politicization program. Its first task was to examine the causes
and aftermath of the Coup in Ghana. What were the internal and external
forces behind it? What lessons could be learned? These were the
questions discussed among Party members in Ghana and elsewhere. How,
when Ghanaians enjoyed one of the highest standards of living in Africa,
:
 could there have been sufficient Ghanaians, willing to collude with the CPP
government? Why the defections of some key CPP officials? How was it
that the Party's extensive program of political education failed to prevent
the coup?[204]

The following were among some of the conclusion reached by the Political
Committee

1. The main external forces behind the coup were the intelligence agencies
of the US, Britain and West Germany.

2. There were certain deficiencies: in the Party, its integral "wings" and in
the Civil Service, state corporation, armed forces and police. For example,
there was mismanagement of some state farms, waste of equipment,
inefficiency and lack of ‘political orientation’.[205]

Underlying most of the Political Committee's Report and recommendations

for action on the Party's return to power was the need to stress the
importance of educating the masses to know and understand the policies
and method of the CPP, necessary to build a society based on Pan-African
socialist principles.[206]

It was a lack of political awareness among the people and not any
underlying fault of party principles and policies.

CPP Overseas

Through meetings, demonstrations, seminars and so on, and their bulletin

The Dawn, member of the Party in London showed their continuing loyalty
to the CPP, refusing to accept the military junta's assertion that the Party
was abolished.

The CPP. Overseas issued a statement on the same day as the coup (24
February 1966), condemning the military action and pledging support for
:
 the constitutional government.

External Nkrumah groupings

From 1966 onwards, Nkrumaists in Britain, Europe, throughout Africa and

elsewhere formed organisations committed to the political philosophy of
Nkrumah. Each claimed to be the authentic voice of Nkrumaism. But they
differed in their interpretation of the term, what it implied, and also the
procedures to follow. They spoke of "Nkrumaism" rather than the CPP.
Disunity of the various groups each claiming to be Nkrumaist was caused
largely by lack of ideological clarity. Confusion concerning Nkrumaist
parties which mushroomed in Ghana over the years was also a factor in
continued frustration and failure to unite.[207]

The Death of Kwame Nkrumah …

‘The Greatest African’, the words which Sekou Toure ordered to be

inscribed on the coffin of Nkrumah, died at 8:45 am on 27 April 1972, in
Bucharest, Romania. He had been unwell for some time but had refused to
leave Guinea for medical treatment until August 1971.

On 30 April, three days after his death, Kwame Nkrumah returned to Africa.
The Guinean government had arranged for his body to be preserved,
placed in a special coffin and flown to Conakry.

For two days, on 13 and 14 May 1972, funeral ceremonies were held in
Conakry, attended by representatives of liberation movements,
governments, progressive parties and movements from Africa and
elsewhere.[208]

On 7 July 1972, after weeks of negotiations between the Guinean

government and the military regime in Ghana, the coffin of Kwame
:
 Nkrumah was flown to Accra. Flags flew at half mast while the coffin was
lying-in-state at State House and a memorial service was held. Then on 9
July it was taken to Nkroful where it was placed in a tomb on the site of his
birthplace.[209]

The final resting place of "The Greatest African" and founder of the
Convention People's Party, is in a marble mausoleum in a beautiful
Memorial Park on the site of the Polo Ground in Accra, where Kwame
Nkrumah declared the Independence of Ghana on 6 March 1957. The Re-
interment ceremony took place on 1 July 1992, the thirty-second
anniversary of the Republic of Ghana.[210]

1979–1981: Back in Government …

Although the ban on party politics was lifted by the military regime of
General Akuffo in the late 1970s, the CPP remained banned and the party
name and symbol could not be used. The CPP regrouped in the People's
National Party (P.N.P.) under the leadership of Alhaji Imoru Egala, who had
become the father of the party. He, however, remained ineligible to contest
in the 1979 election as result of the party political decrees of the National
Liberation Council that overthrew the CPP in 1966.[211]

In his place, Dr. Hilla Limann was elected the party's presidential candidate
while Egala tried to clear his name. The P.N.P. won the 1979 elections and
Dr. Hilla Limann became president of Ghana. Unfortunately however, on 31
December 1981, his government was overthrown by Flight Lieutenant Jerry
John Rawlings, who went to govern the country first as military dictator in
the Provisional National Defence Council (P.N.D.C.) and as first president
of the fourth republic leading the National Democratic Party (N.D.C.) he
founded while in office.[212]

The Fourth Republic

:
 When the ban on party politics was lifted again in 1992, the CPP was
unable to organise and rally around any leader. Imoru Egala had died, and,
although Dr. Hilla Limann was still alive, he was not accorded the
recognition as leader of the party.[213]

A number of splinter groups emerged, including the People's National

Convention (PNC) led by D. Hilla Limann, the National Convention Party
(NCP) led by Kow Nkensen Arkaah, who later became vice president to
Rawlings, the People's Heritage Party and many others led by previous
party stalwarts such as the former Minister for Education Mr Kwaku
Boateng. All the splinter parties contested the 1992 elections and lost
massively.[214]

There were realignments before the 1996 election, but with the exception
of the PNC, now led by D. Edward Mahama, most of the other Nkrumaist
parties had entered a ‘Grand Alliance’ and supported the presidential
ambitions of the leader of the New Patriotic Party, John Agyekum
Kufour.[215]

On 22 August 2020, Ivor Greenstreet was elected as the flag bearer for the
2020 elections. He garnered 213 votes and his competitors split the votes
as Bright Akwetey gathered 27 and Divine Ayivor had 14 votes. Ivor Kobina
Greenstreet represented the party in the 2016 elections hence this forms
the second time he represents the party at the national level.[216]

Campaign to lift the ban on the CPP

…
Resistance to the banning of the CPP dates back to the February 1966
coup when the CPP government was overthrown and all political activity
banned. For many years, while military regimes were in power, opposition
to the ban had to be covert. Later, when political activity was permitted,
attempts were openly made to get the ban in the CPP lifted. The matter
was pursued through the Ghana judiciary, but without success.[217]
:
 Nevertheless, Nkrumaists in Ghana and overseas continued to work
tirelessly, organising pressure groups, appeals, demonstrations, petitions
and so on. It was a campaign destined never to end until victory, when
Nkrumaists could once again gather under the banner of the ‘C.P.P.’, the
historic Party name indelibly imprinted in the minds off all true
Nkrumaists.[218][219]

The Convention Party (CP)

In 1998, with parliamentary and presidential elections due to take place in

December 2000, it was essential to register a party without further delay,
to allow sufficient time to organise an efficient election campaign. If the
"C.P.P." could not be registered, then the nearest equivalent had to be
chosen.[220]

The Convention Party was reborn on 11 August 1998 when the party
received its final certificate of registration from the Electoral Commission.
In the words of an Nkrumaist: "The C.P. is the C.P.P.". It was the
mainstream Nkrumaist formation, comprising the PHP, NIP, PPDD, the
Nkrumaist Caucus, NCP, and sections of the PNC. The Party retained the
cockerel symbol of the CPP, and its motto: FORWARD EVER, BACKWARD
NEVER. The experienced CPP veteran, Comrade Koko Botsio was
appointed Interim Chairman of the Party.[221]

Impetus for the merger of Nkrumaist forces which resulted in the formation
of the CP had come from the grassroots, notably from the youth. This
augured well for the future, as did the CP's clearly stated adoption of
Nkrumaism as its political philosophy.[222]

The CPP is un-banned Before the 2000 elections however, the CPP was
un-banned and has since contested the 2000 and 2004 election

Key Dates in the Party's History

In the history of every country there are landmark dates marking decisive
:
 turning points. Landmark dates in Ghana's history are all connected with
the CPP.

12 JUNE 1949 Birth of the CPP

6 March 1957 Independence

1 July 1960 Republic Day

24 February 1966 Re-Dedication Day

12 June 1999 50th birthday of the CPP

Party Calendar

24 February Re-Dedication Day

6 March Independence Day

27 April Founder's death

12 June Party's anniversary

1 July Republic Day

21 September Founder's birthday

Years of Publication

1945 – Towards Colonial Freedom

1957 – Autobiography To my Mother’

1961 – I Speak of Freedom ‘Dedicated to Patrice Lumumba, late Prime

Minister of the Republic of the Congo, and to all those who are engaged in
the struggle for the political unification of Africa’.

1963 – Africa Must Unite ‘Dedicated to George Padmore (1900-1959), and

to the African that must be ‘.
:
 1964 – Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonisation

1965 – Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism (This book is

dedicated to the Freedom Fighters of Africa living and dead).

1966 – Challenge of the Congo: A Case Study of Foreign pressures in an

Independence State ‘A Ahmed Sekou Toure Mon Frere de Combat Au
Bureau Politique national du Parti Democratique de Guinee, et au Vaillant
Peuples de Guinee, Aux Peuples Africains et aux Courageux Militants pour
la Cause Secree du progress African dans la Liberte et La Liberte et l’Unite
du Continent’.

1966 – Axioms: Freedom Fighters Edition

1967 – Voice from Conakry

1968 -Dark Days in Ghana "To Major General Barwah, Lieutenant S. Arthur
and Lieutenant M. Yeboah and all Ghanaians killed and injured resisting the
traitors of the 24th February 1966".

1968 – Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare: A Guide to the Armed Phase

of the African Revolution ‘To the African guerrilla’.

1968 – Ghana: The Way Out (Pamphlet); The Spectre of Black Power
(Pamphlet); The Struggle Continues (Pamphlet)

1969 – Two Myths (Pamphlet); The Big Lie (Pamphlet)

1970 – Revised edition of Consciencism[223]

At the elections on 7 December 2004, the party won three out of 230
seats. Its candidate in the presidential elections, George Aggudey, won
only 1.0% of the vote.

In the 2008 presidential and parliamentary elections, the party won one
parliamentary seat for Kwame Nkrumah's daughter, Samia Nkrumah in the
:
 Jomoro constituency. The presidential candidate, Paa Kwesi Nduom,
performed below expectation, managing to get 1.4% of total valid
votes.[224]

In June 2018 the party was admitted in the Socialist International as

consultative member.[225]

National Executives

The Convention People's Party holds its national delegates convention

every fours to elect a new set of executives to lead.

2020
…
In 2020, the party held its election in Eastern region on 22 August 2020 to
elect a flagbearer and a set of executives to lead the party. Below are the
current executives.[216]

National Chairman
…
Nana Akosua Frimpomaa Sarpong-Kumankumah

National Vice Chairman

…
Onsy Kwame Nkrumah

2nd National Vice chairman

…
Emmanuel Ogborjor

3rd National Vice chairman

…
JB Daniels.
:
 General Secretary
…
Nana Yaa Akyimpim Jantuah

National Woman Organizer

Hajia Aisha Sulley

National Organizer
…
Moses Ambing Yirimbo

National Youth Organizer

…
Osei Kofi Aquah

Treasurer
…
Emmanuel Opare Oduro

Electoral history …

Presidential elections
…
:
 Party
Election Running mate Votes % Result
candidate

Elected
1960 1,016,076 89.07%
Kwame
1964 Nkrumah Elected
2,773,920 99.91%
(referendum)

Alhaji Ibrahim
2000 George Hagan 115,641 1.78% Lost
Mahama

George Bright Kwame

2004 85,968 1.00% Lost
Aggudey Ameyaw

Paa Kwesi
2008 113,494 1.34% Lost
Nduom

Michael Abu Nana Akosua

2012 20,323 0.18% Lost
Sakara Foster Frimpomaa

Gabby Nsiah
2016 25,552 0.24% Lost
Ivor Nketiah
Greenstreet Emmanuel
2020 12,200 0.09% Lost
Bobobe

Parliamentary elections
…
:
 Election Votes % Seats +/– Position Result

Urban
58,585 91.31%
areas 34 / 38 Supermajority
1951 1st
Rural 34 government
1,950 71.88%
areas

72 / 104 Supermajority
1954 391,817 55.44% 1st
38 government

71 / 104 Supermajority
1956 398,141 57.10% 1 1st
government

198 / 198 Sole legal

1965 1st
121 party

Banned 1966 refounded 29 January 1996.

1 / 200
2000 285,643 4.37% 5 3rd Opposition

3 / 200
2004 247,753 2.88% 2 3rd Opposition

1 / 200
2008 252,266 2.95% 2 3rd Opposition

1 / 200
2012 81,009 0.73% 3rd Opposition

0 / 200 Extra-
2016 69,346 0.64% 1 4th
parliamentary

0 / 200 Extra-
2020 11,105 0.08% 6th
parliamentary

See also

Nkrumah government
:
 Notes

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External links

CPP website. (https://cppfreedom.com/)

Convention People's Party page at GhanaWeb. (http://www.ghanaweb.co

m/GhanaHomePage/republic/cpp.php)
:
 Governments of Ghana
Parliamentary democracy
First Republic
New title Queen Elizabeth II
established
ceremonial Head of state
1957 – 1960

Succeeded by
Governments of Ghana
National Liberation
New title First Republic
Council
1960 – 1966
Military regime

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