Breaking into the Movies: Pedagogy and the Politics of Film

Author(s): Henry A. Giroux

Source: JAC , Summer 2001, Vol. 21, No. 3 (Summer 2001), pp. 583-598
Published by: JAC

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20866426

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 Breaking into the Movies:
Pedagogy and the Politics of Film

Henry A. Giroux

Without a politically guaranteed public realm, freedom lacks the

worldly space to make its appearance.
?Hannah Arendt

My memories of Hollywood films cannot be separated from the

attractions that such films had for me as a young boy growing up in the
1950s in Smith Hill, a working-class neighborhood of Providence, Rhode
Island. While we had access to the small screen of black-and-white
television, it held none of the mystery, fascination, and pleasure that we
found in the five or six grand movie theaters that populated the downtown
section of Providence. Every Saturday afternoon, my friends and I would
walk several miles to the business district, all the while making plans to
get into a theater without having to pay. None of us could afford to buy
tickets, so we had to be inventive about ways to sneak into the theater
without being caught. Sometimes we would simply wait next to the exit
doors, and as soon as somebody left the theater we would rush in and bury
ourselves in the plush seats, hoping that none of the ushers spotted us. We
were not always so lucky. At other times, we would pool our money and
have one person buy a ticket. At the most strategic moment, he would open
the exit door from the inside and let us in. Generally, we would sit in the
balcony so as to avoid being asked for a ticket if the ushers came along and
spotted us.
Hollywood film engendered a profound sense of danger and other
ness for us. Gaining access to the movies meant we had to engage in illicit
behavior, risking criminal charges or a beating by an irate owner if caught.
But the fear of getting caught was outweighed by the lure of adventure and
joy. Once we got inside the theater we were transported into an event. We
were able to participate in a public act of viewing that was generally
restricted for kids in our neighborhood because films were too expensive,
too removed from the daily experiences of kids too poor to use public

jac 21.3(2001)

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 584 jac
transportation, and we were too restless to sit in a movie theater without
talking and laughing and allegedly too rough to inhabit a public space
meant for family entertainment. Silence in the movie theaters was
imposed on us by the fear of being noticed. Yet, the thrill of adventure and
the expectation of what was about to unfold before us was well worth the
self-imposed discipline (that is, the contained silence and focus that such
viewing demanded). Back on the street, the movies enabled a space of
dialogue, criticism, and solidarity for us. Movies were a source of shared
joy, entertainment, and escape. Although we were too young to realize it
at the time, they were a source of knowledge?a source of knowledge
that, unlike what we were privy to in school, connected pleasure to
meaning. Sometimes we saw as many as three double features in one day.
When we left the movie theater, the cinematography and narratives that
we had viewed filled our conversations and our dreams. We argued, and
sometimes actually fought, over their meaning and their relevance to our
lives. Hollywood films took us out of Smith Hill, offered narratives that
rubbed against the often rigid identities we inhabited, and offered up
objects of desire that both seduced us and also left us thinking that the
movies were not about reality but were fantasies, remote from the burdens
and problems that dominated our neighborhoods. Film pointed to a terrain
of pseudo-freedom located in an inner world of dreams, reinforced by the
privatized experience of pleasure and joy offered through the twin
seductions of escape and entertainment.
All of these memories of my early exposure to Hollywood films came
rushing back to me during a recent visit to Universal Studios in Los
Angeles. While I was on one of the tours of the studio lots, the guide
attempted to capture the meaning of contemporary film by proclaiming,
without hesitation, that the great appeal of film lies in its capacity to "make
people laugh, cry, and sit on the edge of their seats." Surely, I believed this
as a child, as much as the tourists listening to the guide seemed to believe
it almost forty years later. My first reaction was to dismiss the guide's
comments as typical of Hollywood's attempt to commodify experience
through simplification and reification, relieving pleasure of the burden of
thinking (let alone engaging in critique) and positioning the public as
passive tourists traveling through the Hollywood dream machine. How
ever, there was something about the guide's comments that warranted
more than a simple dismissal. While the mythic fantasy and lure of
entertainment demands a challenge to the utterly privatized realm of
mass-mediated common sense, it also requires more than the arrogance of
theory, which too often refuses to link the pleasure of film-viewing with

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 Henry A. Giroux 585

the workings and structures of the public domain. Film does more than
entertain; it offers up subject positions, mobilizes desires, influences us
unconsciously, and helps to construct the landscape of American culture.
Deeply imbricated within material and symbolic relations of power, film
produces and incorporates ideologies that represent the outcome of
struggles marked by the historical realities of power and the deep
anxieties of the times; it also deploys power through the important role it
plays in connecting the production of pleasure and meaning to the
mechanisms and practices of powerful teaching machines. Put simply,
films both entertain and educate.
In the 1970s, I began to understand, though in a limited way, the
constitutive and political nature of film?particularly how power is
mobilized through its use of images, sounds, gestures, talk, and spec
tacle?in order to create the possibilities for people to be educated about
how to act, speak, think, feel, desire, and behave. Film provided me with
a pedagogical tool for offering students alternative views of the world. Of
course, film not only challenged print culture as the only viable source of
knowledge; it was an attractive cultural text for students because it was not
entirely contaminated by the logic of formal schooling. As a young high
school teacher, I too was attracted to film as a way of challenging the
constraints imposed by the rigidity of the text-based curriculum. In
opposition to the heavy reliance on the lock-step, traditional curriculum,
I would rent documentaries from a local Quaker group in order to present
students with a critical perspective on the Vietnam War, poverty, youth
oriented issues, the cold war, and a host of other social concerns. Film
became a crucial text for me, useful as a resource to offset dominant
textbook ideologies and invaluable as a pedagogical tool to challenge
officially sanctioned knowledge and modes of learning.
The choices I made about what films to show were determined by
their overtly educational content. At that point in my teaching experience,
I had not figured out that every film played a powerful role pedagogically
not only in the schools, but also in the wider culture as well. Nor did I ever
quite figure out how my students felt about these films. Far removed from
the glamor of Hollywood, these documentary narratives were often
heavy-handed ideologically, displaying little investment in irony, humor,
or self-critique. Certainly, my own reception of them was marked by
ambivalence. The traditional notion that film was either a form of
entertainment or the more radical argument that dismissed film as a one
dimensional commodity seemed crass to me. One option that I pursued in
challenging these deeply held assumptions was to engage film

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 586 jac
performatively as a social practice and event mediated within the give and
take of diverse public spheres and lived experiences. My students and I
discussed the films we viewed both in terms of the ideologies they
disseminated and how they worked to move mass audiences and break the
continuity of common sense. In addition, film became important to me as
a way of clarifying my role as a critical teacher and of broadening my
understanding of critical pedagogy, but there was a price to pay for such
an approach. Film no longer seemed to offer me pleasure inasmuch as my
relationship to it was now largely conceived in narrow, instrumental
terms. As a subversive resource to enhance my teaching, I focused on film
in ways that seem to ignore how it functioned as a site of affective
investment, mobilizing a range of desires while invoking the incidental,
visceral, and transitory. Film unconsciously became for me a formalized
object of detached academic analysis. I attempted to organize the study of
film around important pedagogical issues, but in doing so I did not use
theory as a resource to link film to broader aspects of public life?
connecting it to audiences, publics, and events within the concrete
relations of power that characterized everyday life. Instead, I used theory
as a way of legitimating film as a social text rather than as a site where
different possibilities of uses and effects intersect. I wanted students to
read film critically, but I displayed little concern with what it meant to do
more than examine how a given film as a relatively isolated text was
implicated in the production of ideologies. Missing from my approach,
then, was any sustained attempt to address how both documentary and
popular film might be used pedagogically to prepare students to function
as critical agents capable of understanding, engaging, and transforming
those discourses and institutional contexts that closed down democratic
public life. In addition, by being overly concerned with how film might
be used as an alternative educational text, I failed to understand and impart
to my students the powerful role that film now played within a visual
culture employing new forms of pedagogy, signaling different forms of
literacy, and exemplifying a mode of politics in which, as Lawrence
Grossberg says, "culture [becomes] a crucial site and weapon of power in
the modern world." {Bringing 143).
I am not suggesting that films are overburdened by theoretical
discourse per se or that they should be removed from the sphere of
engaged textual analysis. But I do want to challenge those versions of
textuality and theory that isolate film from broader social issues and
considerations that structure the politics of everyday realities. Drawing on
a distinction that Grossberg makes, I am more interested in theorizing

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 Henry A. Giroux 587

politics than in a politics of theory, which suggests less an interest in

theory as an academic discourse than as a resource strategically deployed
in relation to particular projects, contexts, and practices that both makes
pressing problems visible and offers the tools to expand the promises of
a substantive democracy.
At the same time, as film (particularly Hollywood film) becomes
more commodified, ubiquitous, and increasingly abstracted from serious
forms of critical analysis, it is all the more important to engage the varied
theoretical discourses around film studies produced by feminists, mass
culture theorists, Marxists, and others. These approaches have performed
an important theoretical service in enabling us to understand the aesthetic
and political significance of film texts on the one hand, and, on the other,
the specific industrial and economic formations that shape how they are
produced and consumed.1 However, while academic film studies dramati
cally offsets the commonplace assumption that film is either simply about
entertainment or not worthy of serious academic analysis, such discourses
have often become so narrow as to find no way to talk about film as a
public pedagogy or to fully engage how film relates to public life. These
discourses often treat film in a manner that is overly formalistic and
pretentiously scientific, trapped in a jargon that freezes the worldly
dimension of film as a public transcript that links meaning to effect, and
forged amidst the interconnecting registers of meaning, desire, agency,
and power. The refusal to fully engage film as a public medium that, as
Gore Vidal points out, provides both a source of joy and knowledge is all
the more problematic, especially since film has become so prevalent in
popular and global culture as a medium through which people communi
cate with each other.
The potency and power of the film industry can be seen in its powerful
influence on the popular imagination and public consciousness. Unlike
ordinary consumer items, film produces images, ideas, and ideologies
that shape both individual and national identities. The power of its reach
and the extent of its commodification can be seen as film references are
used to sell tee-shirts, cups, posters, bumper stickers, and a variety of
kitsch. At the same time, however, the growing popularity of film as a
compelling mode of communication and form of public pedagogy?a
visual technology that functions as a powerful teaching machine that
intentionally tries to influence the production of meaning, subject posi
tions, identities, and experience?suggests how important it has become
as a site of cultural politics. Herman Gray captures this sentiment in
arguing that "culture and the struggles over representation that take place

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 588 jac
there are not just substitutes for some 'real' politics that they inevitably
replace or at best delay; they simply represent a different, but no less
important, site in the contemporary technological and postindustrial
society where political struggles take place" (6).
As a form of public pedagogy, film combines entertainment and
politics, and, as I have attempted to argue, lays claim to public memory
(though in contested ways given the existence of distinctly varied social
and cultural formations). Yet, films are more than "vehicles of public
memory." Mining the twin operations of desire and nostalgia, they are
also sites of educated hopes and hyper-mediated experiences that connect
the personal and the social by bridging the contradictory and overlapping
relations between private discourses and public life. While film plays an
important role in placing particular ideologies and values into public
conversation, it also provides a pedagogical space that opens up the
"possibility of interpretation as intervention" (Olson and Worsham 29).
As public pedagogy, it makes clear the need for forms of literacy that
address the profoundly political and pedagogical ways in which knowl
edge is constructed and enters our lives in what Susan Bordo calls "an
image-saturated culture" (2). For progressive educators, this might mean
educating students and others to engage the ethical and practical task of
critically analyzing how film functions as a social practice that influences
their everyday lives and positions them within existing social, cultural,
and institutional machineries of power; it might mean educating
students in how the historical and contemporary meanings that film
produces align, reproduce, and interrupt broader sets of ideas, dis
courses, and social configurations at work in the larger society (see
Gray 132).
Addressing how we think about film as a public pedagogy and a form
of cultural politics is all the more crucial as traditional, if not oppositional,
public spheres such as religious institutions, schools, trade unions, and
social clubs become handmaidens to neoliberal social agendas that turn
such noncommodified public spheres into commercial spaces (see Hill
and Montag). The decline of public life demands that we use film as a way
of raising questions that are increasingly lost to the forces of market
relations, commercialization, and privatization. As the opportunities for
civic education and public engagement begin to disappear, film may
provide one of the few media left that enables conversations that connect
politics, personal experiences, and public life to larger social issues (see
Giroux, Public). Not only does film travel more as a pedagogical form
compared to other popular forms (such as television and popular music),

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 Henry A. Giroux 589

but film carries a kind of pedagogical weight that other media do not.
Films allow their ideologies to play out pedagogically in a way that a
three-minute pop song or a twenty-two minute sitcom cannot do and by
doing so offer a deeper pedagogical register for producing particular
narratives, subject positions, and ideologies. In addition, young people
inhabit a culture in which watching film demands a certain degree of
attention, allowing them to enter into its discourse intertextually in a way
that they cannot or often refuse to do with television programs and other
electronic media. Often a backdrop for a wide range of social practices,
television, video games, and popular music are a kind of distracted media
that do not offer the pedagogical possibilities that appear relatively unique
to the way in which film mobilizes a shared and public space.
Using film in my classes during the last decade, I have come to realize
that film connects to students' experiences in multiple ways that oscillate
between the lure of film as entertainment and the provocation of film as
a cultural practice. On the one hand, many students?feeling powerless
and insecure in a society marked by a cutthroat economy, increasing
privatization, and a breakdown of all notions of public life?find a sense
of relief and escape in the spectacle of film. On the other hand, many
students see in the public issues addressed by film culture a connection to
public life that revitalizes their sense of agency and resonates with their
sense of the importance of the cultural terrain as both an important source
of knowledge and of critical dialogue. At best, film offers students an
opportunity to connect the theoretical discourses we engage in classes to
a range of social issues represented through the lens of Hollywood
movies. Reading about youth seems more compelling when accompanied
by a viewing of Larry Clark's film Kids. Theorizing masculinity in
American society becomes more meaningful and concrete when ad
dressed in the context of a film such as Fight Club, especially since many
students identify with the film and only after seeing and talking about it
as part of a critical and shared dialogue do they begin to question their own
investment in the film. Film no longer merely constitutes another method
of teaching for me, a view I had held as a high school teacher. It now
represents a new pedagogical text, one that does not simply reflect culture
but actually constructs it, one that signals the need for a radically different
perspective on literacy and the relationship between film texts and
society. The power and pervasiveness of film not only calls into question
its status as a cultural product, but also raises serious questions about how
its use of spectorial pleasure and meaning work to put into play people's
attitudes and orientations toward others and the material circumstances of

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 590 jac
their own lives. The importance of film as a form of public pedagogy also
raises questions about the educational force of the larger culture. More
over, it recognizes that the effort to make knowledge meaningful in order
to make it critical and transformative requires that we understand, engage,
and make accountable those modes of learning that have shaped students'
identities outside of school. Of course, there is always the risk of using
popular cultural forms such as film as a way of policing students'
pleasures and in so doing undermining the sense of joy and entertainment
that film provides. As Margaret Miles points out, however, it would be an
ethical and a pedagogical mistake to allow students to believe that film is
merely about entertainment, or, at the same time, that the pleasure of
entertainment is identical to the "learned pleasure of analysis" (14).
Scrutinizing the pleasure of entertainment in film, James Snead points out
that it never has been enough "to just see a film?and now, more than ever,
we need, not just to 'see,' but to 'see through' what we see on the screen"
(131). Snead is not denying that students make important affective
investments in film; rather, he wants educators to recognize that such
investments often work effectively to connect people and power
through mechanisms of identification and affect that undermine the
energies of critical engagement. Snead's comments suggest that stu
dents must think seriously about how film not only gives meaning to
their lives but also how it mobilizes their desires in powerful ways.
Seeing through film means, in this sense, developing the critical skills
to engage how the ideological and affective work together to offer up
particular ways of viewing the world in ways that come to matter to
individuals and groups. Film assumes a major educational role in shaping
the lives of many students, and bell hooks is correct in claiming that the
pedagogical importance of film (both in terms of what it teaches and the
role that it can play as an object of pedagogical analysis) cannot be
underestimated. Hooks' comments about her own use of film is quite
instructive:

It has only been in the last ten years or so that I began to realize that my
students learned more about race, sex and class from movies than from
all the theoretical literature I was urging them to read. Movies not only
provide a narrative for specific discourses of race, sex, and class, they
provide a shared experience, a common starting point from which diverse
audiences can dialogue about these charged issues (2).

As a teaching form, film often puts into play issues that enter the realm
of public discourse, debate, and policymaking in diverse and sometimes

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 Henry A. Giroux 591

dramatic ways?whether we are talking about films that deal with racism,
challenge homophobia, or provide provocative representations that ad
dress the themes of war, violence, masculinity, sexism, and poverty.
Uniquely placed between the privatized realm of the home and other
public spheres, film provides a distinct space in which a range of
contradictory issues and meanings enter public discourse sometimes in a
subversive fashion that addresses pressing and urgent issues in American
society. As a space of translation, film also bridges the gap between
private and public discourse, plays an important role in putting particular
ideologies and values into public conversation, and offers a pedagogical
space for addressing how a society views itself and the public world of
power, events, politics, and institutions.
Engaging film as a form of public pedagogy in my recent work, I have
not been particularly interested in defending film as an art form. Aside
from the residue of nostalgia and elitism that guides this position, it is a
view that seems particularly out of date, if not irrelevant, given the
important role that popular culture, including film, now plays pedagogi
cally and politically in shaping the identities, values, and broader social
practices that characterize an increasingly postmodern culture in which
the electronic media and visual forms constitute the most powerful
educational tools of the new millennium. Similarly, I have avoided
addressing or taking up film within the disciplinary strictures of contem
porary media and film studies, which are designed, in part, to legitimate
film as a serious academic subject. Thus, I choose not to position my
particular approach to discussing film in relation to what is admittedly a
vast literature of film theory and response theories. Absent from the
analysis I recommend is a sustained focus on those specialized film
theories that engage film as a self-contained text or that largely focus on
film through the narrow lens of specific theoretical approaches such as
semiotics, Lacanian psychoanalysis, or feminist theories of pleasure.
Film and media studies are bound up with a complex philosophical debate
surrounding the meaning and importance of film theory, and while such
work is enormously important I point to these traditions in my classes but
do not address them with any depth because of the specialized nature of
their focus. At the same time, I often provide students with resources to
address such traditions in ways that do justice to the complexity of such
work. While this work is enormously important, my aim pedagogically is
much more modest. I try to address film more broadly as part of a public
discourse, cultural pedagogy, and civic engagement that participates in a
kind of ideological framing and works to structure everyday issues around

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 592 jac
particular assumptions, values, and social relations. I make no claim that
there is a direct correlation between what people see, hear, and read and
how they act, between the representations they are exposed to and the
actual events that shape their lives. However, I do argue that film as a form
of civic engagement and public pedagogy creates a climate that helps to
shape individual behavior and public attitudes in multiple ways, whether
consciously or unconsciously.
The entertainment industry is the second largest export?second only
to military aircraft?and it is estimated that ten million see a successful
film in theaters, and millions more see it when it is aired on cable and
exported to foreign markets (Asner ix). The film industry is controlled by
a very limited number of corporations that exercise enormous power in all
major facets of movie-making (production, distribution, and circulation
in the United States and abroad) (see McChesney). At the same time, the
media is not an unchanging, monolithic bastion of corporate culture and
ruling-class power; a critical approach to media and film requires an
understanding that film is not monolithic nor are its audiences passive
dupes. Film, like other media, works to gain consent and operate within
limits set by the contexts in which they are taken up. Moreover, as
numerous film scholars have indicated, audiences mediate such films
rather than simply inhabit their structures of meaning. In my own writing
and teaching, I use film to address a number of important social issues and
to address educators, students, and others who want to explore film in their
classes and other educational sites as part of an interdisciplinary project
aimed at linking knowledge to broader social structures, learning to social
change, and student experience to the vast array of cultural forms that
increasingly shape their identities and values.
Rather than focus on film theory in my classes, I am more concerned
with what it means to situate film within a broader cultural context as well
as with the political and pedagogical implications of film as a teaching
machine. Theory in this approach is used as a resource to study the
complex and shifting relations between texts, discourses, everyday life,
and structures of power. Rather than reduce the study of film to an
academic exercise rooted in a specific theoretical trajectory, I attempt to
analyze film in ways that link texts to contexts, culture to the institutional
specificity of power, pedagogy to the politics of representation, affective
investments to the construction of particular notions of agency, and
learning to public intervention. By taking up a given film intertextually,
I attempt to foreground not just questions of meaning and interpretation
but also questions of politics, power, agency, and social transformation.

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 Henry A. Giroux 593

The ubiquity and importance of film as a mode of public pedagogy

offers educators both an opportunity and a challenge to connect film as a
cultural practice to broader public issues, social relations, and institu
tional formations. How films derive their meanings and how specific
claims are made by different audiences on films must be addressed not
through the narrow lens of film theory or through the somewhat limited
lens of reception theory but through an assemblage of other cultural texts,
discourses, and institutional formations. Meaning should not be sutured
into a text, closed off from the myriad contexts in which it is produced,
circulated, and renegotiated. Nor should the primary signification exist at
the expense of engaging material relations of power. On the contrary, a
given film becomes relevant as public pedagogy to the degree that it is
situated within a broader politics of representation, one that suggests that
the struggle over meaning is, in part, defined as the struggle over culture,
power, and politics. I purposely avoid in my pedagogical practices
focusing exclusively on films as isolated texts, and I also avoid using film
in what Doug Kellner refers to as a narrowly and one-sidedly ethno
graphic approach to audience reception of texts (199). These approaches
are important, but they do not necessarily yield a productive way of
dealing with film as a form of public pedagogy. Rather, they often fail to
address questions of effects because they do not theorize the relationship
of meaning to historical and institutional contexts and consequently
largely ignore the material and power-saturated relations that structure
daily life and provide the context that films both reflect and help to
construct. Often missing from such analyses are the ways in which films
are located along a circuit of power that connects the political economy
and regulation of films with how they function as representational
systems implicated in processes of identity formation and consumption.2
The problem is not that a film can be understood in multiple ways, but that
some meanings have a force that other meanings do not; that is, the
problem is that some meanings gain a certain legitimacy and become the
defining terms of reality because of how well they resonate and align
under certain conditions with broader discourses, dominant ideologies,
and existing material relations of power.
In my own approach to the pedagogy of cultural politics, I emphasize
in my classes that I approach film as a serious object of social, political,
and cultural analysis; moreover, as part of an attempt to read films
politically, I make it clear that I bring a certain set of assumptions,
experiences, and ideas to my engagement with film. At the same time,
however, I try to emphasize that in doing so I am not suggesting that my

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594 jac
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politics matters in the every
make interventions that are
enable people to think more
constructing public spaces th
and political agency, democr
time, film as a form of pub
outside of the academy to
spite of its unquestioned fet
glamour?encourages us to
culture and how it influence
In every class that I teac

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 Henry A. Giroux 595

accessible to the public but that also deal with complex and provocative
topics that highlight a number of important social issues, problems, and
values that provoke the public imaginary and that, in many cases, generate
substantial controversy. In addressing film as a form of cultural politics
and an important mode of public pedagogy, progressive educators may
engage the pedagogical and political practice of film in ways that render
due account of the complexities of film culture itself. At the same time,
such educators must challenge a voyeuristic reception of films by offering
students the theoretical resources necessary to engage critically how
dominant practices of representation work to secure individual desires,
organize specific forms of identification, and regulate particular modes of
understanding, knowledge, and agency. Taking film seriously as a vehicle
of public pedagogy means, in part, examining how a given film's
practices and values embody relations of power and ideological assump
tions?admittedly in contradictory ways?that both mirror and construct
the interests, fears, longings, and anxieties of the periods in which it was
produced. Accordingly, this insight suggests developing pedagogical
practices that promote political engagement, that challenge conventional
ways of thinking about film as simply entertainment, and that use film as
a cultural text to bridge the gap between the academic discourse of the
classroom and those social issues and public concerns that animate the
larger society.
As a young boy going to the movies in Providence, Rhode Island, I
believed that film only provided the diversion of entertainment. I had no
idea that it also played an active role in shaping my sense of agency and
offered me a moral and political education that largely went unnoticed and
uncontested. Film has been a great source of joy throughout my lifetime.
Now it not only provides pleasure, but it also enables me to think more
critically about how power operates within the realm of the cultural and
how social relations and identities are forged. All films disseminate
ideologies, beckon in sometimes clear and always contradictory ways
toward visions of the future, and encourage and stultify diverse ways of
being in the world. Most importantly, film constitutes a powerful force for
shaping public memory, hope, popular consciousness, and social agency
and as such invites people into a broader public conversation. As Miriam
Hansen suggests, film offers a horizon of "sensory experience and
discursive contestation" and engenders a public space in which knowl
edge and pleasure intersect, which is no small matter as public life
becomes increasingly controlled and regulated, if not militarized (312;
see also Giroux, Public). It is in this promise of education and sensuality

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 596 jac
that films become other, gesturing toward public spheres beyond those
spaces offered by the presence of film, spaces in which critical dialogue,
pleasure, shared interaction, and public participation flourish. Film, in
this instance, registers a public dialogue and set of experiences that offer
the opportunity to revitalize those democratic public spheres in which the
popular intersects with the pedagogical and the political in ways that
suggest that film cannot be dismissed simply as a commodity but now
has become crucial to expanding democratic relations, ideologies, and
identities.
Pennsylvania State University
University Park, Pennsylvania

Notes
1. For a representative example of film studies scholarship, see Carroll;
Denzin; Gledhill and Williams; Hollows et al.; and Perez. Although their focus
is not on cinema, Durham and Kellner provide a very useful perspective through
which to understand film within the larger body of theoretical work produced
around media and cultural studies.
2. Here I am drawing on the "circuit of culture" paradigm developed by Hall
and others in the Culture, Media, and Identities series published by Sage.

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