English Reformation

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King Henry VIII of England by Hans Holbein the Younger. Thyssen-Bornemisza Museum, Madrid.

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The English Reformation took place in 16th-century England when the Church of

England broke away from the authority of the pope and the Roman Catholic
Church. These events were part of the wider European Reformation, a religious
and political movement that affected the practice of Christianity in western and
central Europe.
Ideologically, the groundwork for the Reformation was laid by Renaissance
humanists who emphasized the Scriptures as the source of Christian faith and
criticized what they considered superstitious religious practices. By 1520, Martin
Luther's new ideas were known and debated in England, but Protestants were a
religious minority and heretics under the law. The English Reformation began as
more of a political affair than a theological dispute. [note 1] In 1527, Henry
VIII requested an annulment of his marriage, but the pope refused. In response,
the Reformation Parliament (1532–1534) passed laws abolishing papal authority in
England and declared Henry to be head of the Church of England. Final authority
in doctrinal disputes now rested with the monarch. Though a religious traditionalist
himself, Henry relied on Protestants to support and implement his religious
agenda.
The theology and liturgy of the Church of England became markedly Protestant
during the reign of Henry's son Edward VI (1547–1553) largely along lines laid
down by Archbishop Thomas Cranmer. Under Mary I (1553–1558), Roman
Catholicism was restored and England was briefly under papal jurisdiction.
The Elizabethan Religious Settlement reintroduced the Protestant religion but in a
more moderate manner. Nevertheless, disputes over the structure, theology, and
worship of the Church of England continued for generations.
The English Reformation is generally considered to have concluded during the
reign of Elizabeth I (1558–1603), but scholars also speak of a "Long Reformation"
stretching into the 17th and 18th centuries. This time period includes the violent
disputes over religion manifested in the English Civil Wars and the execution
of Charles I. After the Stuart Restoration, the Church of England remained
the established church, but a number of nonconformist churches now existed
whose members suffered various civil disabilities until these were removed many
years later. A substantial but dwindling minority of people from the late 16th to
early 19th centuries remained Roman Catholics in England. Their church
organization remained illegal until the Relief Act of 1829.

Contents

 1Competing religious ideas

 2Henrician Reformation
o 2.1Annulment controversy
o 2.2Actions against clergy
 o 2.3Separation from Rome
o 2.4Moderate religious reform
o 2.5Dissolution of the monasteries
o 2.6Reforms reversed
 3Edwardian Reformation
o 3.1Iconoclasm and abolition of chantries
o 3.21549 prayer book
o 3.3Rebellion
o 3.4Further reform
o 3.51552 prayer book and parish confiscations
o 3.6Edward's succession
 4Marian Restoration
o 4.1Reconciling with Rome
o 4.2Catholic recovery
o 4.3Obstacles
 5Elizabethan Settlement
 6Consequences
 7Historiography
 8See also
 9Notes
 10References
o 10.1Bibliography
 11Further reading
o 11.1Historiograpical
o 11.2Primary sources
 12External links

Competing religious ideas[edit]

History of Christianity
in England

General

Church of England
Catholic Church in England and Wales
Calendar of saints
(Church of England)

Early

Joseph of Arimathea
Legend of Christ in Britain
 Christianity in Roman Britain

Middle Ages

Anglo-Saxon Christianity
Religion in Medieval England

Reformation

English Reformation
Dissolution of the Monasteries
Marian persecutions
Oxford Martyrs
Elizabethan Religious Settlement

Post-Reformation

Puritanism
English Civil War
18th Century Church of England
19th Century Church of England
Catholic emancipation
Church of England (Recent)

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England began the 16th century as a Roman Catholic nation. Roman

Catholicism taught that contrite persons could cooperate with God towards
their salvation by performing good works (see synergism).[1] God's grace was given
through the seven sacraments—Baptism, Confirmation, Marriage, Holy
Orders, Anointing of the Sick, Penance and the Eucharist.[2] The Eucharist was
celebrated during the Mass, the central act of Catholic worship. In this service,
a priest consecrated bread and wine to become the body and blood of
Christ through transubstantiation. The church taught that, in the name of the
congregation, the priest offered to God the same sacrifice of Christ on the
cross that provided atonement for the sins of humanity.[3][4] The Mass was also an
offering of prayer by which the living could help souls in purgatory.[5] While penance
removed the guilt attached to sin, Catholicism taught that a penalty still remained. It
was believed that most people would end their lives with these penalties
unsatisfied and would have to spend time in purgatory. Time in purgatory could be
lessened through indulgences and prayers for the dead, which were made possible
by the communion of saints.[6]
Lollardy anticipated some Protestant teachings. Derived from the writings of John
Wycliffe, a 14th-century theologian and Bible translator, Lollardy stressed
the primacy of scripture and emphasised preaching over the Eucharist, holding the
latter to be but a memorial.[7][8] Though persecuted and much reduced in numbers
and influence by the 15th century,[9] Lollards were receptive to Protestant ideas. [10]
[page  needed]

Renaissance humanists, such as Erasmus (who lived in England for a time), John

Colet and Thomas More, called for a return ad fontes ("back to the sources") of
Christian faith—the scriptures as understood through textual and linguistic
scholarship[11]—and wanted to make the Bible available in the vernacular.
Humanists criticised so-called superstitious practices and clerical corruption, while
emphasising inward piety over religious ritual. Some of the early Protestant leaders
went through a humanist phase before embracing the new movement. [12]
The Protestant Reformation was initiated by a German monk named Martin Luther.
By the early 1520s, Luther's views were known and disputed in England. [13] The
main plank of Luther's theology was justification by faith alone rather than by good
works. In this view, God's unmerited favor is the only way for humans to be justified
—it cannot be achieved or earned by righteous living. In other words, justification is
a gift from God received through faith.[14]
If Luther was correct, then the Mass, the sacraments, charitable acts, prayers to
saints, prayers for the dead, pilgrimage, and the veneration of relics do not mediate
divine favor. To believe they can would be superstition at best and idolatry at worst.
[15][16]
 Early Protestants portrayed Catholic practices such as confession to
priests, clerical celibacy, and requirements to fast and keep vows as burdensome
and spiritually oppressive. Not only did purgatory lack any biblical basis according
to Protestants, but the clergy were accused of using fear of purgatory to make
money from prayers and masses. Catholics countered that justification by faith
alone was a "licence to sin".[17]

The Tyndale Bible was the basis for later English translations.
The publication of William Tyndale's English New Testament in 1526 helped to
spread Protestant ideas. Printed abroad and smuggled into the country,
the Tyndale Bible was the first English Bible to be mass produced; there were
probably 16,000 copies in England by 1536. Tyndale's translation was highly
influential, forming the basis of all later English translations. [18] An attack on
traditional religion, Tyndale's translation included an epilogue explaining Luther's
theology of justification by faith, and many translation choices were designed to
undermine traditional Catholic teachings. Tyndale translated the Greek
word charis as favour rather than grace to de-emphasize the role of grace-giving
sacraments. His choice of love rather than charity to translate agape de-
emphasized good works. When rendering the Greek verb metanoeite into English,
Tyndale used repent rather than do penance. The former word indicated an
internal turning to God, while the latter translation supported the sacrament of
confession.[19]
Protestant ideas were popular among some parts of the English population,
especially among academics and merchants with connections to continental
Europe.[20] Protestant thought was better received at Cambridge
University than Oxford.[12] A group of reform-minded Cambridge students (known by
moniker "Little Germany") met at the White Horse tavern from the mid-1520s. Its
members included Robert Barnes, Hugh Latimer, John Frith, Thomas
Bilney, George Joye and Thomas Arthur.[21]
Nevertheless, English Catholicism was strong and popular in the early 1500s, and
those who held Protestant sympathies remained a religious minority until political
events intervened.[22] As heretics in the eyes of church and state, early Protestants
were persecuted. Between 1530 and 1533, Thomas Hitton (England's first
Protestant martyr), Thomas Bilney, Richard Bayfield, John Tewkesbury, James
Bainham, Thomas Benet, Thomas Harding, John Frith and Andrew Hewet were
burned to death.[23] William Tracy was posthumously convicted of heresy for
denying purgatory and affirming justification by faith, and his corpse was
disinterred and burned.[24]

Henrician Reformation[edit]
Annulment controversy[edit]
Catherine of Aragon, Henry VIII's first wife. Attributed to Joannes Corvus, National Portrait Gallery,
London.

Henry VIII acceded to the English throne in 1509 at the age of 17. He made a
dynastic marriage with Catherine of Aragon, widow of his brother Arthur, in June
1509, just before his coronation on Midsummer's Day. Unlike his father, who was
secretive and conservative, the young Henry appeared the epitome of chivalry and
sociability. An observant Roman Catholic, he heard up to five masses a day
(except during the hunting season); of "powerful but unoriginal mind", he let himself
be influenced by his advisors from whom he was never apart, by night or day. He
was thus susceptible to whoever had his ear.[note 2]
This contributed to a state of hostility between his young contemporaries and
the Lord Chancellor, Cardinal Thomas Wolsey. As long as Wolsey had his ear,
Henry's Roman Catholicism was secure: in 1521, he had defended the Roman
Catholic Church from Martin Luther's accusations of heresy in a book he wrote—
probably with considerable help from the conservative Bishop of Rochester John
Fisher[25]—entitled The Defence of the Seven Sacraments, for which he was
awarded the title "Defender of the Faith" (Fidei Defensor) by Pope Leo X.
[26]
 (Successive English and British monarchs have retained this title to the present,
even after the Anglican Church broke away from Roman Catholicism, in part
because the title was re-conferred by Parliament in 1544, after the split.) Wolsey's
enemies at court included those who had been influenced by Lutheran ideas,
[27]
 among whom was the attractive, charismatic Anne Boleyn.
Anne arrived at court in 1522 as maid of honour to Queen Catherine, having spent
some years in France being educated by Queen Claude of France. She was a
woman of "charm, style and wit, with will and savagery which made her a match for
Henry".[note 3] Anne was a distinguished French conversationalist, singer, and dancer.
She was cultured and is the disputed author of several songs and poems. [28] By
1527, Henry wanted his marriage to Catherine annulled.[note 4] She had not produced
a male heir who survived longer than two months, and Henry wanted a son to
secure the Tudor dynasty. Before Henry's father (Henry VII) ascended the throne,
England had been beset by civil warfare over rival claims to the English crown.
Henry wanted to avoid a similar uncertainty over the succession. [29] Catherine of
Aragon's only surviving child was Princess Mary.

Anne Boleyn, Henry VIII's second wife, by an unknown artist. National Portrait Gallery, London.

Henry claimed that this lack of a male heir was because his marriage was "blighted
in the eyes of God".[30] Catherine had been his late brother's wife, and it was
therefore against biblical teachings for Henry to have married her (Leviticus 20:21);
a special dispensation from Pope Julius II had been needed to allow the wedding
in the first place.[31] Henry argued the marriage was never valid because the biblical
prohibition was part of unbreakable divine law, and even popes could not dispense
with it.[note 5] In 1527, Henry asked Pope Clement VII to annul the marriage, but the
Pope refused. According to canon law, the pope could not annul a marriage on the
basis of a canonical impediment previously dispensed. Clement also feared the
wrath of Catherine's nephew, Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, whose troops
earlier that year had sacked Rome and briefly taken the Pope prisoner.[32]
The combination of Henry's "scruple of conscience" and his captivation by Anne
Boleyn made his desire to rid himself of his queen compelling. [33] The indictment of
his chancellor Cardinal Wolsey in 1529 for praemunire (taking the authority of the
papacy above the Crown) and Wolsey's subsequent death in November 1530 on
his way to London to answer a charge of high treason left Henry open to both the
influences of the supporters of the queen and the opposing influences of those who
sanctioned the abandonment of the Roman allegiance, for whom an annulment
was but an opportunity.[34]
Actions against clergy[edit]
In 1529, the King summoned Parliament to deal with the annulment and other
grievances against the church. The Catholic Church was a powerful institution in
England with a number of privileges. The king could not tax or sue clergy in civil
courts. The church could also grant fugitives sanctuary, and many areas of the
law―such as family law―were controlled by the church. For centuries, kings had
attempted to reduce the church's power, and the English Reformation was a
continuation of this power struggle.[35]
The Reformation Parliament sat from 1529 to 1536 and brought together those
who wanted reform but who disagreed what form it should take. There were
common lawyers who resented the privileges of the clergy to summon laity to
their ecclesiastical courts,[36] and there were those who had been influenced by
Lutheranism and were hostile to the theology of Rome. Henry's
chancellor, Thomas More, successor to Wolsey, also wanted reform: he wanted
new laws against heresy.[37] Lawyer and member of Parliament Thomas
Cromwell saw how Parliament could be used to advance royal supremacy over the
church and further Protestant beliefs.[38]

Thomas Cromwell, 1st Earl of Essex (c. 1485–1540), Henry VIII's chief minister 1532–40.

Initially, Parliament passed minor legislation to control ecclesiastical fees, clerical

pluralism, and sanctuary.[39] In the matter of the annulment, no progress seemed
possible. The Pope seemed more afraid of Emperor Charles V than of Henry.
Anne, Cromwell and their allies wished simply to ignore the Pope, but in October
1530 a meeting of clergy and lawyers advised that Parliament could not empower
the Archbishop of Canterbury to act against the Pope's prohibition. Henry thus
resolved to bully the priests.[40]
Having first charged eight bishops and seven other clerics with praemunire, the
King decided in 1530 to proceed against the whole clergy for violating the
1392 Statute of Praemunire, which forbade obedience to the Pope or any foreign
ruler.[41] Henry wanted the clergy of Canterbury province to pay £100,000 for their
pardon; this was a sum equal to the Crown's annual income. [42] This was agreed by
the Convocation of Canterbury on 24 January 1531. It wanted the payment spread
over five years, but Henry refused. The convocation responded by withdrawing
their payment altogether and demanded Henry fulfil certain guarantees before they
would give him the money. Henry refused these conditions, agreeing only to the
five-year period of payment.[43] On 7 February, Convocation was asked to agree to
five articles that specified that:

1. The clergy recognise Henry as the "sole protector

and supreme head of the English Church and
clergy"
2. The King was responsible for the souls of his
subjects
3. The privileges of the church were upheld only if
they did not detract from the royal prerogative and
the laws of the realm
4. The King pardoned the clergy for violating the
Statute of Praemunire
5. The laity were also pardoned.[44]
In Parliament, Bishop Fisher championed Catherine and the clergy, inserting into
the first article the phrase "as far as the word of God allows". [45][46][page  needed] On 11
February, William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, presented the revised
wording to Convocation. The clergy were to acknowledge the King to be "singular
protector, supreme lord and even, so far as the law of Christ allows, supreme head
of the English Church and clergy". When Warham requested a discussion, there
was silence. Warham then said, "He who is silent seems to consent", to which a
bishop responded, "Then we are all silent." [47] The Convocation granted consent to
the King's five articles and the payment on 8 March 1531. [citation needed] Later,
the Convocation of York agreed to the same on behalf of the clergy of York
province.[47] That same year, Parliament passed the Pardon to Clergy Act 1531. [citation
needed]

By 1532, Cromwell was responsible for managing government business in the

House of Commons. He authored and presented to the Commons the Supplication
Against the Ordinaries, which was a list of grievances against the church, including
abuses of power and Convocation's independent legislative authority. After passing
the Commons, the Supplication was presented to the King as a petition for reform
on 18 March.[48] On 26 March, the Act in Conditional Restraint of Annates mandated
the clergy pay no more than five percent of their first year's revenue (annates) to
Rome.[49]
On 10 May, the King demanded of Convocation that the church renounce all
authority to make laws.[50] On 15 May, Convocation renounced its authority to make
canon law without royal assent—the so called Submission of the Clergy.
(Parliament subsequently gave this statutory force with the Submission of the
Clergy Act). The next day, More resigned as lord chancellor. [51] This left Cromwell
as Henry's chief minister. (Cromwell never became chancellor. His power came—
and was lost—through his informal relations with Henry.) [citation needed]
Separation from Rome[edit]
Thomas More, with John Fisher the leader of political resistance against the break with Rome. Both were
executed in 1535.

Archbishop Warham died in August 1532. Henry wanted Thomas Cranmer—a

Protestant who could be relied on to oppose the papacy—to replace him. [52] The
Pope reluctantly approved Cranmer's appointment, and he was consecrated on 30
March 1533. By this time, Henry was secretly married to a pregnant Anne. The
impending birth of an heir gave new urgency to annulling his marriage to
Catherine. Nevertheless, a decision continued to be delayed because Rome was
the final authority in all ecclesiastical matters. [49] To address this issue, Parliament
passed the Act in Restraint of Appeals, which outlawed appeals to Rome on
ecclesiastical matters and declared that
This realm of England is an Empire, and so hath been accepted in the world,
governed by one Supreme Head and King having the dignity and royal estate of
the Imperial Crown of the same, unto whom a body politic compact of all sorts and
degrees of people divided in terms and by names of Spirituality and Temporality,
be bounden and owe to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience. [53]
This declared England an independent country in every respect. English
historian Geoffrey Elton called this act an "essential ingredient" of the "Tudor
revolution" in that it expounded a theory of national sovereignty.[54] Cranmer was
now able to grant an annulment of the marriage to Catherine as Henry required,
pronouncing on 23 May the judgment that Henry's marriage with Catherine was
against the law of God.[55] The Pope responded by excommunicating Henry on 11
July 1533. Anne gave birth to a daughter, Princess Elizabeth, on 7 September
1533.[56]
In 1534, Parliament took further action to limit papal authority in England. A new
Heresy Act ensured that no one could be punished for speaking against the Pope
and also made it more difficult to convict someone of heresy;
however, sacramentarians and Anabaptists continued to be vigorously persecuted.
[57]
 The Act in Absolute Restraint of Annates outlawed all annates to Rome and also
ordered that if cathedrals refused the King's nomination for bishop, they would be
liable to punishment by praemunire.[58] The Act of First Fruits and Tenths transferred
the taxes on ecclesiastical income from the Pope to the Crown. The Act
Concerning Peter's Pence and Dispensations outlawed the annual payment by
landowners of Peter's Pence to the Pope, and transferred the power to grant
dispensations and licences from the Pope to the Archbishop of Canterbury. This
Act also reiterated that England had "no superior under God, but only your Grace"
and that Henry's "imperial crown" had been diminished by "the unreasonable and
uncharitable usurpations and exactions" of the Pope. [59][page  needed][56]
The First Act of Supremacy made Henry Supreme Head of the Church of
England and disregarded any "usage, custom, foreign laws, foreign authority [or]
prescription".[58] In case this should be resisted, Parliament passed the Treasons
Act 1534, which made it high treason punishable by death to deny royal
supremacy. The following year, Thomas More and John Fisher were executed
under this legislation.[60] Finally, in 1536, Parliament passed the Act against the
Pope's Authority, which removed the last part of papal authority still legal. This was
Rome's power in England to decide disputes concerning Scripture.[citation needed]
Moderate religious reform[edit]
The break with Rome gave Henry VIII power to administer the English Church, tax
it, appoint its officials, and control its laws. It also gave him control over the
church's doctrine and ritual.[61] While Henry remained a traditional Catholic, his most
important supporters in breaking with Rome were the Protestants. Yet, not all of his
supporters were Protestants. Some were traditionalists, such as Stephen Gardiner,
opposed to the new theology but felt papal supremacy was not essential to the
Church of England's identity.[62] The King relied on Protestants, such as Thomas
Cromwell and Thomas Cranmer, to carry out his religious programme and
embraced the language of the continental Reformation, while maintaining a middle
way between religious extremes.[63] What followed was a period of doctrinal
confusion as both conservatives and reformers attempted to shape the church's
future direction.[64]
The reformers were aided by Cromwell, who in January 1535 was
made vicegerent in spirituals. Effectively the King's vicar general, Cromwell's
authority was greater than that of bishops, even the Archbishop of Canterbury.
[65]
 Largely due to Anne Boleyn's influence, a number of Protestants were appointed
bishops between 1534 and 1536. These included Latimer, Thomas Goodrich, John
Salcot, Nicholas Shaxton, William Barlow, John Hilsey and Edward Foxe.[66] During
the same period, the most influential conservative bishop, Stephen Gardiner, was
sent to France on a diplomatic mission and thus removed from an active role in
English politics for three years.[67]
Cromwell's programme, assisted by Anne Boleyn's influence over episcopal
appointments, was not merely against the clergy and the power of Rome. He
persuaded Henry that safety from political alliances that Rome might attempt to
bring together lay in negotiations with the German Lutheran princes of
the Schmalkaldic League.[note 6] There also seemed to be a possibility that Emperor
Charles V might act to avenge his rejected aunt (Queen Catherine) and enforce the
pope's excommunication. The negotiations did not lead to an alliance but did bring
Lutheran ideas to England.[68]
In 1536, Convocation adopted the first doctrinal statement for the Church of
England, the Ten Articles. This was followed by the Bishops' Book in 1537. These
established a semi-Lutheran doctrine for the church. Justification by faith, qualified
by an emphasis on good works following justification, was a core teaching. The
traditional seven sacraments were reduced to three only—baptism, Eucharist and
penance. Catholic teaching on praying to saints, purgatory and the use
of images in worship was undermined.[69]

St Paul's Cross (in the lower left corner of the painting) was a prominent preaching cross on the grounds
of Old St Paul's Cathedral.

In August 1536, the same month the Ten Articles were published, Cromwell issued
a set of Royal Injunctions to the clergy. Minor feast days were changed into normal
work days, including those celebrating a church's patron saint and most feasts
during harvest time (July through September). The rationale was partly economic
as too many holidays led to a loss of productivity and were "the occasion of vice
and idleness".[70] In addition, Protestants considered feast days to be examples of
superstition.[71] Clergy were to discourage pilgrimages and instruct the people to
give to the poor rather than make offerings to images. The clergy were also
ordered to place Bibles in both English and Latin in every church for the people to
read.[72] This last requirement was largely ignored by the bishops for a year or more
due to the lack of any authorised English translation. The only complete vernacular
version was the Coverdale Bible finished in 1535 and based on Tyndale's earlier
work. It lacked royal approval, however. [73]
Historian Diarmaid MacCulloch in his study of The Later Reformation in England,
1547–1603 argues that after 1537, "England's Reformation was characterized by
its hatred of images, as Margaret Aston's work on iconoclasm and iconophobia has
repeatedly and eloquently demonstrated." [74] In February 1538, the famous Rood of
Grace was condemned as a mechanical fraud and destroyed at St Paul's Cross. In
July, the statues of Our Lady of Walsingham, Our Lady of Ipswich, and other
Marian images were burned at Chelsea on Cromwell's orders. In September,
Cromwell issued a second set of royal injunctions ordering the destruction of
images to which pilgrimage offerings were made, the prohibition of lighting votive
candles before images of saints, and the preaching of sermons against the
veneration of images and relics.[75] Afterwards, the shrine and bones of Thomas
Becket, considered by many to have been martyred in defense of the church's
liberties, were destroyed at Canterbury Cathedral. [76]
Dissolution of the monasteries[edit]

Remains of Finchale Priory, a Benedictine monastery near Durham that was closed in 1535

Main article: Dissolution of the Monasteries

For Cromwell and Cranmer, a step in the Protestant agenda was
attacking monasticism, which was associated with the doctrine of purgatory. [77] One
of the primary functions of monasteries was to pray for the souls of their
benefactors and for the souls of all Christians. [78] While the King was not opposed
to religious houses on theological grounds, there was concern over the loyalty of
the monastic orders, which were international in character and resistant to the
Royal Supremacy.[79] The Franciscan Observant houses were closed in August
1534 after that order refused to repudiate papal authority. Between 1535 and 1537,
18 Carthusians were killed for doing the same.[80]
The Crown was also experiencing financial difficulties, and the wealth of the
church, in contrast to its political weakness, made confiscation of church property
both tempting and feasible.[81] Seizure of monastic wealth was not unprecedented; it
had happened before in 1295, 1337, and 1369. [77] The church owned between one-
fifth and one-third of the land in all England; Cromwell realised that he could bind
the gentry and nobility to Royal Supremacy by selling to them the huge amount of
church lands, and that any reversion to pre-Royal Supremacy would entail
upsetting many of the powerful people in the realm. [82]
In 1534, Cromwell initiated a visitation of the monasteries ostensibly to examine
their character, but in fact, to value their assets with a view to expropriation. [81] The
visiting commissioners claimed to have uncovered sexual immorality and financial
impropriety amongst the monks and nuns, which became the ostensible
justification for their suppression.[82] There were also reports of the possession and
display of false relics, such as Hailes Abbey's vial of the Holy Blood, upon
investigation announced to be "honey clarified and coloured with saffron".
[83]
 The Compendium Competorum compiled by the visitors documented ten pieces
of the True Cross, seven portions of the Virgin Mary's milk and numerous saints'
girdles.[84]
Leading reformers, led by Anne Boleyn, wanted to convert monasteries into
"places of study and good letters, and to the continual relief of the poor", but this
was not done.[85] In 1536, the Dissolution of the Lesser Monasteries Act closed
smaller houses valued at less than £200 a year. [72] Henry used the revenue to help
build coastal defenses (see Device Forts) against expected invasion, and all the
land was given to the Crown or sold to the aristocracy. [additional citation(s) needed] Thirty-four
houses were saved by paying for exemptions. Monks and nuns affected by
closures were transferred to larger houses, and monks had the option of
becoming secular clergy.[86]

The chapter house of Forde Abbey, a Cistercian monastery closed in 1539 and converted into a country
house

The Royal Supremacy and the abolition of papal authority had not caused
widespread unrest, but the attacks on monasteries and the abolition of saints' days
and pilgrimages provoked violence. Mobs attacked those sent to break up
monastic buildings. Suppression commissioners were attacked by local people in
several places.[87] In Northern England, there were a series of uprisings against the
dissolutions in late 1536 and early 1537. The Lincolnshire Rising occurred in
October 1536 and culminated in a force of 40,000 rebels assembling at Lincoln.
They demanded an end to taxation during peacetime, the repeal of the statute of
uses, an end to the suppression of monasteries, and that heresy be purged and
heretics punished. Henry refused to negotiate, and the revolt collapsed as the
nervous gentry convinced the common people to disperse. [88]
The Pilgrimage of Grace was a more serious matter. The revolt began in October
at Yorkshire and spread to the other northern counties. Around 50,000 strong, the
rebels under Robert Aske's leadership restored 16 of the 26 northern monasteries
that had been dissolved. Due to the size of the rebellion, the King was persuaded
to negotiate. In December, the Duke of Norfolk offered the rebels a pardon and a
parliament to consider their grievances. Aske then sent the rebels home. The
promises made to them, however, were ignored by the King, and Norfolk was
instructed to put the rebellion down. Forty-seven of the Lincolnshire rebels were
executed, and 132 from the Pilgrimage of Grace. In Southern England, smaller
disturbances took place in Cornwall and Walsingham in 1537. [89]
The failure of the Pilgrimage of Grace only sped up the process of dissolution and
may have convinced Henry VIII that all religious houses needed to be closed. In
1540, the last monasteries were dissolved, wiping out an important element of
traditional religion.[90] Former monks were given modest pensions from the Court of
Augmentations, and those that could sought work as parish priests. Former nuns
received smaller pensions and, as they were still bound by vows of chastity,
forbidden to marry.[91] Henry personally devised a plan to form at least thirteen new
dioceses so that most counties had one based on a former monastery (or more
than one), though this scheme was only partly carried out. New dioceses were
established at Bristol, Gloucester, Oxford, Peterborough, Westminster and
Chester, but not, for instance, at Shrewsbury, Leicester or Waltham.[92]
Reforms reversed[edit]
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According to historian Peter Marshall, Henry's religious reforms were based on the

principles of "unity, obedience and the refurbishment of ancient truth". [93] Yet, the
outcome was disunity and disobedience. Impatient Protestants took it upon
themselves to further reform. Priests said Mass in English rather than Latin and
were marrying in violation of clerical celibacy. Not only were there divisions
between traditionalists and reformers, but Protestants themselves were divided
between establishment reformers who held Lutheran beliefs and radicals who held
Anabaptist and Sacramentarian views.[94] Reports of dissension from every part of
England reached Cromwell daily—developments he tried to hide from the King. [95]
In September 1538, Stephen Gardiner returned to England, and official religious
policy began to drift in a conservative direction. [96] This was due in part to the
eagerness of establishment Protestants to disassociate themselves from religious
radicals. In September, two Lutheran princes, the Elector of
Saxony and Landgrave of Hesse, sent warnings of Anabaptist activity in England.
A commission was swiftly created to seek out Anabaptists.[97] Henry personally
presided at the trial of John Lambert in November 1538 for denying the real
presence of Christ in the Eucharist. At the same time, he shared in the drafting of a
proclamation ordering Anabaptists and Sacramentaries to get out of the country or
face death. Discussion of the real presence (except by those educated in the
universities) was forbidden, and priests who married were to be dismissed. [95][98]
It was becoming clear that the King's views on religion differed from those of
Cromwell and Cranmer. Henry made his traditional preferences known during
the Easter Triduum of 1539, where he crept to the cross on Good Friday.[99] Later
that year, Parliament passed the Six Articles reaffirming Roman Catholic beliefs
and practices such as transubstantiation, clerical celibacy, confession to a
priest, votive masses, and withholding communion wine from the laity.[100]
On 28 June 1540 Cromwell, Henry's longtime advisor and loyal servant, was
executed. Different reasons were advanced: that Cromwell would not enforce the
Act of Six Articles; that he had supported Robert Barnes, Hugh Latimer and other
heretics; and that he was responsible for Henry's marriage to Anne of Cleves, his
fourth wife. Many other arrests under the Act followed. [101] On 30 July, the reformers
Barnes, William Jerome and Thomas Gerrard were burned at the stake. In a
display of religious impartiality, Thomas Abell, Richard Featherstone and Edward
Powell—all Roman Catholics—were hanged and quartered while the Protestants
burned.[102] European observers were shocked and bewildered. French
diplomat Charles de Marillac wrote that Henry's religious policy was a "climax of
evils" and that:
[I]t is difficult to have a people entirely opposed to new errors which does not hold
with the ancient authority of the Church and of the Holy See, or, on the other hand,
hating the Pope, which does not share some opinions with the Germans. Yet the
government will not have either the one or the other, but insists on their keeping
what is commanded, which is so often altered that it is difficult to understand what
it is.[103]

The 14th-century Chantry Chapel of St Mary the Virgin in Wakefield, West Yorkshire. Chantries were
endowments that paid priests to say masses for the dead to lessen their time in purgatory.

Despite setbacks, Protestants managed to win some victories. In May 1541, the
King ordered copies of the Great Bible to be placed in all churches; failure to
comply would result in a £2 fine. Protestants could celebrate the growing access to
vernacular scripture as most churches had Bibles by 1545. [104][105] The iconoclastic
policies of 1538 were continued in the autumn when the Archbishops of Canterbury
and York were ordered to destroy all remaining shrines in England. [106] Furthermore,
Cranmer survived formal charges of heresy in the Prebendaries' Plot of 1543.[107]
Traditionalists, nevertheless, seemed to have the upper hand. By the spring of
1543, Protestant innovations had been reversed, and only the break with Rome
and the dissolution of the monasteries remained unchanged. [108] In May 1543, a new
formulary was published to replace the Bishops' Book. This King's Book rejected
justification by faith alone and defended traditional ceremonies and the use of
images.[109] This was followed days later by passage of the Act for the Advancement
of True Religion, which restricted Bible reading to men and women of noble birth.
Henry expressed his fears to Parliament in 1545 that "the Word of God, is
disputed, rhymed, sung and jangled in every ale house and tavern, contrary to the
true meaning and doctrine of the same." [110]
By the spring of 1544, the conservatives appeared to be losing influence once
again. In March, Parliament made it more difficult to prosecute people for violating
the Six Articles. Cranmer's Exhortation and Litany, the first
official vernacular service, was published in June 1544, and the King's
Primer became the only authorised English prayer book in May 1545. Both texts
had a reformed emphasis.[note 7] After the death of the conservative Edward Lee in
September 1544, the Protestant Robert Holgate replaced him as Archbishop of
York.[111] In December 1545, the King was empowered to seize the property
of chantries (trust funds endowed to pay for priests to say masses for the dead).
While Henry's motives were largely financial (England was at war with France and
desperately in need of funds), the passage of the Chantries Act was "an indication
of how deeply the doctrine of purgatory had been eroded and discredited". [112]
In 1546, the conservatives were once again in the ascendant. A series of
controversial sermons preached by the Protestant Edward Crome set off a
persecution of Protestants that the traditionalists used to effectively target their
rivals. It was during this time that Anne Askew was tortured in the Tower of
London and burnt at the stake. Even Henry's last wife, Katherine Parr, was
suspected of heresy but saved herself by appealing to the King's mercy. With the
Protestants on the defensive, traditionalists pressed their advantage by banning
Protestant books.[113]
The conservative persecution of Queen Katherine, however, backfired. [114] By
November 1546, there were already signs that religious policy was once again
tilting towards Protestantism.[note 8] The King's will provided for a regency council to
rule after his death, which would have been dominated by traditionalists, such as
the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Chancellor Wriothesly, Bishop Gardiner and
Bishop Tunstall.[115] After a dispute with the King, Bishop Gardiner, the leading
conservative churchman, was disgraced and removed as a councilor. Later, the
Duke of Norfolk, the most powerful conservative nobleman, was arrested. [116] By the
time Henry died in 1547, the Protestant Edward Seymour, brother of Jane
Seymour, Henry's third wife (and therefore uncle to the future Edward VI),
managed—by a number of alliances such as with Lord Lisle—to gain control over
the Privy Council.[117]

Edwardian Reformation[edit]

King Edward VI of England, in whose reign the reform of the English Church moved in a more Protestant
direction

When Henry died in 1547, his nine-year-old son, Edward VI, inherited the throne.
Because Edward was given a Protestant humanist education, Protestants held
high expectations and hoped he would be like Josiah, the biblical king of
Judah who destroyed the altars and images of Baal.[note 9] During the seven years of
Edward's reign, a Protestant establishment would gradually implement religious
changes that were "designed to destroy one Church and build another, in a
religious revolution of ruthless thoroughness".[118]
Initially, however, Edward was of little account politically. [119] Real power was in the
hands of the regency council, which elected Edward Seymour, 1st Duke of
Somerset, to be Lord Protector. The Protestant Somerset pursued reform
hesitantly at first, partly because his powers were not unchallenged. [120] The Six
Articles remained the law of the land, and a proclamation was issued on 24 May
reassuring the people against any "innovations and changes in religion". [121]
Nevertheless, Seymour and Cranmer did plan to further the reformation of religion.
In July, a Book of Homilies was published, from which all clergy were to preach
from on Sundays.[122] The homilies were explicitly Protestant in their content,
condemning relics, images, rosary beads, holy water, palms, and other "papistical
superstitions". It also directly contradicted the King's Book by teaching "we be
justified by faith only, freely, and without works". Despite objections from Gardiner,
who questioned the legality of bypassing both Parliament and Convocation,
justification by faith had been made a central teaching of the English Church. [123]
Iconoclasm and abolition of chantries[edit]
In August 1547, thirty commissioners—nearly all Protestants—were appointed to
carry out a royal visitation of England's churches.[124] The Royal Injunctions of
1547 issued to guide the commissioners were borrowed from Cromwell's 1538
injunctions but revised to be more radical. Historian Eamon Duffy calls them a
"significant shift in the direction of full-blown Protestantism". [125] Church processions
—one of the most dramatic and public aspects of the traditional liturgy—were
banned.[126] The injunctions also attacked the use of sacramentals, such as holy
water. It was emphasized that they imparted neither blessing nor healing but were
only reminders of Christ.[127] Lighting votive candles before saints' images had been
forbidden in 1538, and the 1547 injunctions went further by outlawing those placed
on the rood loft.[128] Reciting the rosary was also condemned.[125]
The injunctions set off a wave of iconoclasm in the autumn of 1547. [129] While the
injunctions only condemned images that were abused as objects of worship or
devotion, the definition of abuse was broadened to justify the destruction of all
images and relics.[130] Stained glass, shrines, statues, and roods were defaced or
destroyed. Church walls were whitewashed and covered with biblical texts
condemning idolatry.[131]

This statue in the Lady Chapel of Ely Cathedral was vandalized during the Reformation.

Conservative bishops Edmund Bonner and Gardiner protested the visitation, and

both were arrested. Bonner spent nearly two weeks in the Fleet Prison before
being released.[132] Gardiner was sent to the Fleet Prison in September and
remained there until January 1548. However, he continued to refuse to enforce the
new religious policies and was arrested once again in June when he was sent to
the Tower of London for the rest of Edward's reign. [133]
When a new Parliament met in November 1547, it began to dismantle the laws
passed during Henry VIII's reign to protect traditional religion. [134] The Act of Six
Articles was repealed—decriminalizing denial of the real, physical presence of
Christ in the Eucharist.[135] The old heresy laws were also repealed, allowing free
debate on religious questions.[136] In December, the Sacrament Act allowed the laity
to receive communion under both kinds, the wine as well as the bread. This was
opposed by conservatives but welcomed by Protestants. [137]
The Chantries Act 1547 abolished the remaining chantries and confiscated their
assets. Unlike the Chantry Act 1545, the 1547 act was intentionally designed to
eliminate the last remaining institutions dedicated to praying for the dead.
Confiscated wealth funded the Rough Wooing of Scotland. Chantry priests had
served parishes as auxiliary clergy and schoolmasters, and some communities
were destroyed by the loss of the charitable and pastoral services of their
chantries.[138][139]
Historians dispute how well this was received. A.G. Dickens contended that people
had "ceased to believe in intercessory masses for souls in purgatory", [140] but Eamon
Duffy argued that the demolition of chantry chapels and the removal of images
coincided with the activity of royal visitors. [141] The evidence is often ambiguous.[note
10]
 In some places, chantry priests continued to say prayers and landowners to pay
them to do so.[142] Some parishes took steps to conceal images and relics in order to
rescue them from confiscation and destruction.[143][144] Opposition to the removal of
images was widespread—so much so that when during the
Commonwealth, William Dowsing was commissioned to the task of image breaking
in Suffolk, his task, as he records it, was enormous.[145]
1549 prayer book[edit]
Main article: Book of Common Prayer (1549)
The second year of Edward's reign was a turning point for the English Reformation;
many people identified the year 1548, rather than the 1530s, as the beginning of
the English Church's schism from the Roman Catholic Church.[146] On 18 January
1548, the Privy Council abolished the use of candles on Candlemas, ashes on Ash
Wednesday and palms on Palm Sunday.[147] On 21 February, the council explicitly
ordered the removal of all church images.[148]
On 8 March, a royal proclamation announced a more significant change—the first
major reform of the Mass and of the Church of England's official eucharistic
theology.[149] The "Order of the Communion" was a series of English exhortations
and prayers that reflected Protestant theology and were inserted into the Latin
Mass.[150][151] A significant departure from tradition was that individual confession to a
priest—long a requirement before receiving the Eucharist—was made optional and
replaced with a general confession said by the congregation as a whole. The effect
on religious custom was profound as a majority of laypeople, not just Protestants,
most likely ceased confessing their sins to their priests. [148] By 1548, Cranmer and
other leading Protestants had moved from the Lutheran to the Reformed position
on the Eucharist.[152] Significant to Cranmer's change of mind was the influence of
Strasbourg theologian Martin Bucer.[153] This shift can be seen in the Communion
order's teaching on the Eucharist. Laypeople were instructed that when receiving
the sacrament they "spiritually eat the flesh of Christ", an attack on the belief in the
real, bodily presence of Christ in the Eucharist.[154] The Communion order was
incorporated into the new prayer book largely unchanged. [155]

Title page of the 1549 Book of Common Prayer

That prayer book and liturgy, the Book of Common Prayer, was authorized by
the Act of Uniformity 1549. It replaced the several regional Latin rites then in use,
such as the Use of Sarum, the Use of York and the Use of Hereford with an
English-language liturgy.[156] Authored by Cranmer, this first prayer book was a
temporary compromise with conservatives.[157] It provided Protestants with a service
free from what they considered superstition, while maintaining the traditional
structure of the mass.[158]
The cycles and seasons of the church year continued to be observed, and there
were texts for daily Matins (Morning Prayer), Mass and Evensong (Evening
Prayer). In addition, there was a calendar of saints' feasts with collects and
scripture readings appropriate for the day. Priests still wore vestments—the prayer
book recommended the cope rather than the chasuble. Many of the services were
little changed. Baptism kept a strongly sacramental character, including the
blessing of water in the baptismal font, promises made by godparents, making
the sign of the cross on the child's forehead, and wrapping it in a
white chrism cloth. The confirmation and marriage services followed the Sarum
rite.[159] There were also remnants of prayer for the dead and the Requiem Mass,
such as the provision for celebrating holy communion at a funeral. [160]
Nevertheless, the first Book of Common Prayer was a "radical" departure from
traditional worship in that it "eliminated almost everything that had till then been
central to lay Eucharistic piety".[161] Communion took place without any elevation of
the consecrated bread and wine. The elevation had been the central moment of
the old liturgy, attached as it was to the idea of real presence. In addition,
the prayer of consecration was changed to reflect Protestant theology.[156] Three
sacrifices were mentioned; the first was Christ's sacrifice on the cross. The second
was the congregation's sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, and the third was the
offering of "ourselves, our souls and bodies, to be a reasonable, holy and lively
sacrifice" to God.[162] While the medieval Canon of the Mass "explicitly identified the
priest's action at the altar with the sacrifice of Christ", the Prayer Book broke this
connection by stating the church's offering of thanksgiving in the Eucharist was not
the same as Christ's sacrifice on the cross.[159] Instead of the priest offering the
sacrifice of Christ to God the Father, the assembled offered their praises and
thanksgivings. The Eucharist was now to be understood as merely a means of
partaking in and receiving the benefits of Christ's sacrifice. [163][164]
There were other departures from tradition. At least initially, there was no music
because it would take time to replace the church's body of Latin music. [160] Most of
the liturgical year was simply "bulldozed away" with only the major feasts of
Christmas, Easter and Whitsun along with a few biblical saints' days
(Apostles, Evangelists, John the Baptist and Mary Magdalene) and only two Marian
feast days (the Purification and the Annunciation).[161] The Assumption, Corpus
Christi and other festivals were gone.[160]
In 1549, Parliament also legalized clerical marriage, something already practised
by some Protestants (including Cranmer) but considered an abomination by
conservatives.[165]
Rebellion[edit]
Enforcement of the new liturgy did not always take place without a struggle. In
the West Country, the introduction of the Book of Common Prayer was the catalyst
for a series of uprisings through the summer of 1549. There were smaller
upheavals elsewhere from the West Midlands to Yorkshire. The Prayer Book
Rebellion was not only in reaction to the prayer book; the rebels demanded a full
restoration of pre-Reformation Catholicism. [166] They were also motivated by
economic concerns, such as enclosure.[167] In East Anglia, however, the rebellions
lacked a Roman Catholic character. Kett's Rebellion in Norwich blended Protestant
piety with demands for economic reforms and social justice. [168]
The insurrections were put down only after considerable loss of life. [169] Somerset
was blamed and was removed from power in October. It was wrongly believed by
both conservatives and reformers that the Reformation would be overturned.
Succeeding Somerset as de facto regent was John Dudley, 1st Earl of Warwick,
newly appointed Lord President of the Privy Council. Warwick saw further
implementation of the reforming policy as a means of gaining Protestant support
and defeating his conservative rivals.[170]
Further reform[edit]
Edward VI and the Pope: An Allegory of the Reformation. This Elizabethan work of propaganda depicts
the handing over of power from Henry VIII, who lies dying in bed, to Edward VI, seated beneath a cloth of
state with a slumping pope at his feet. In the top right of the picture is an image of men pulling down and
smashing idols. At Edward's side are his uncle the Lord Protector Edward Seymour and members of the
Privy Council.[171]

From that point on, the Reformation proceeded apace. Since the 1530s, one of the
obstacles to Protestant reform had been the bishops, bitterly divided between a
traditionalist majority and a Protestant minority. This obstacle was removed in
1550–1551 when the episcopate was purged of conservatives. [172] Edmund Bonner
of London, William Rugg of Norwich, Nicholas Heath of Worcester, John Vesey of
Exeter, Cuthbert Tunstall of Durham, George Day of Chichester and Stephen
Gardiner of Winchester were either deprived of their bishoprics or forced to resign.
[173][174]
 Thomas Thirlby, Bishop of Westminster, managed to stay a bishop only by
being translated to the Diocese of Norwich, "where he did virtually nothing during
his episcopate".[175] Traditionalist bishops were replaced by Protestants such
as Nicholas Ridley, John Ponet, John Hooper and Miles Coverdale.[176][174]
The newly enlarged and emboldened Protestant episcopate turned its attention to
ending efforts by conservative clergy to "counterfeit the popish mass"
through loopholes in the 1549 prayer book. The Book of Common Prayer was
composed during a time when it was necessary to grant compromises and
concessions to traditionalists. This was taken advantage of by conservative priests
who made the new liturgy as much like the old one as possible, including elevating
the Eucharist.[177] The conservative Bishop Gardiner endorsed the prayer book while
in prison,[158] and historian Eamon Duffy notes that many lay people treated the
prayer book "as an English missal".[178]
To attack the mass, Protestants began demanding the removal of stone altars.
Bishop Ridley launched the campaign in May 1550 when he commanded all altars
to be replaced with wooden communion tables in his London diocese.[177] Other
bishops throughout the country followed his example, but there was also
resistance. In November 1550, the Privy Council ordered the removal of all altars in
an effort to end all dispute.[179] While the prayer book used the term "altar",
Protestants preferred a table because at the Last Supper Christ instituted the
sacrament at a table. The removal of altars was also an attempt to destroy the idea
that the Eucharist was Christ's sacrifice. During Lent in 1550, John Hooper
preached, "as long as the altars remain, both the ignorant people, and the ignorant
and evil-persuaded priest, will dream always of sacrifice". [177]
In March 1550, a new ordinal was published that was based on Martin Bucer's own
treatise on the form of ordination. While Bucer had provided for only one service for
all three orders of clergy, the English ordinal was more conservative and had
separate services for deacons, priests and bishops.[170][180] During his consecration
as bishop of Gloucester, John Hooper objected to the mention of "all saints and the
holy Evangelist" in the Oath of Supremacy and to the requirement that he wear a
black chimere over a white rochet. Hooper was excused from invoking the saints in
his oath, but he would ultimately be convinced to wear the offensive consecration
garb. This was the first battle in the vestments controversy, which was essentially a
conflict over whether the church could require people to observe ceremonies that
were neither necessary for salvation nor prohibited by scripture.[181]
1552 prayer book and parish confiscations[edit]

Thomas Cranmer (1489–1556), Henry VIII's Archbishop of Canterbury and editor and co-author of the
first and second Books of Common Prayer.

Main article: Book of Common Prayer (1552)

The 1549 Book of Common Prayer was criticized by Protestants both in England
and abroad for being too susceptible to Roman Catholic re-interpretation. Martin
Bucer identified 60 problems with the prayer book, and the Italian Peter Martyr
Vermigli provided his own complaints. Shifts in Eucharistic theology between 1548
and 1552 also made the prayer book unsatisfactory—during that time English
Protestants achieved a consensus rejecting any real bodily presence of Christ in
the Eucharist. Some influential Protestants such as Vermigli defended Zwingli's
symbolic view of the Eucharist. Less radical Protestants such as Bucer and
Cranmer advocated for a spiritual presence in the sacrament.[182] Cranmer himself
had already adopted receptionist views on the Lord's Supper.[note 11] In April 1552, a
new Act of Uniformity authorized a revised Book of Common Prayer to be used in
worship by November 1.[183]
This new prayer book removed many of the traditional elements in the 1549 prayer
book, resulting in a more Protestant liturgy. The communion service was designed
to remove any hint of consecration or change in the bread and wine. Instead
of unleavened wafers, ordinary bread was to be used.[184] The prayer of
invocation was removed, and the minister no longer said "the body of Christ" when
delivering communion. Rather, he said, "Take and eat this, in remembrance that
Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith, with thanksgiving".
Christ's presence in the Lord's Supper was a spiritual presence "limited to the
subjective experience of the communicant". [184] Anglican bishop and scholar Colin
Buchanan interprets the prayer book to teach that "the only point where the bread
and wine signify the body and blood is at reception". [185] Rather than reserving the
sacrament (which often led to Eucharistic adoration), any leftover bread or wine
was to be taken home by the curate for ordinary consumption.[186]
In the new prayer book, the last vestiges of prayers for the dead were removed
from the funeral service.[187] Unlike the 1549 version, the 1552 prayer book removed
many traditional sacramentals and observances that reflected belief in
the blessing and exorcism of people and objects. In the baptism service, infants no
longer received minor exorcism and the white chrisom robe. Anointing was no
longer included in the services for baptism, ordination and visitation of the sick.
[188]
 These ceremonies were altered to emphasise the importance of faith, rather
than trusting in rituals or objects. Clerical vestments were simplified—ministers
were only allowed to wear the surplice and bishops had to wear a rochet.[184]
Throughout Edward's reign, inventories of parish valuables, ostensibly for
preventing embezzlement, convinced many the government planned to seize
parish property, just as was done to the chantries.[189] These fears were confirmed in
March 1551 when the Privy Council ordered the confiscation of church plate and
vestments "for as much as the King's Majestie had neede [sic] presently of a mass
of money".[190] No action was taken until 1552–1553 when commissioners were
appointed. They were instructed to leave only the "bare essentials" required by the
1552 Book of Common Prayer—a surplice, tablecloths, communion cup and a bell.
Items to be seized included
copes, chalices, chrismatories, patens, monstrances and candlesticks.[191] Many
parishes sold their valuables rather than have them confiscated at a later date.
[189]
 The money funded parish projects that could not be challenged by royal
authorities.[note 12] In many parishes, items were concealed or given to local gentry
who had, in fact, lent them to the church.[note 13]
The confiscations caused tensions between Protestant church leaders and
Warwick, now Duke of Northumberland. Cranmer, Ridley and other Protestant
leaders did not fully trust Northumberland. Northumberland in turn sought to
undermine these bishops by promoting their critics, such as Jan Laski and John
Knox.[192] Cranmer's plan for a revision of English canon law, the Reformatio legum
ecclesiasticarum, failed in Parliament due to Northumberland's opposition.
[193]
 Despite such tensions, a new doctrinal statement to replace the King's
Book was issued on royal authority in May 1553. The Forty-two Articles reflected
the Reformed theology and practice taking shape during Edward's reign, which
historian Christopher Haigh describes as a "restrained Calvinism".[194] It
affirmed predestination and that the King of England was Supreme Head of the
Church of England under Christ.[195]
Edward's succession[edit]
King Edward became seriously ill in February and died in July 1553. Before his
death, Edward was concerned that Mary, his devoutly Catholic sister, would
overturn his religious reforms. A new plan of succession was created in which both
of Edward's sisters Mary and Elizabeth were bypassed on account of illegitimacy in
favour of the Protestant Jane Grey, the granddaughter of Edward's aunt Mary
Tudor and daughter in law of the Duke of Northumberland. This new succession
violated the "Third" Succession Act of 1544 and was widely seen as an attempt by
Northumberland to stay in power.[196] Northumberland was unpopular due to the
church confiscations, and support for Jane collapsed. [197] On 19 July, the Privy
Council proclaimed Mary queen to the acclamation of the crowds in London. [198]

Marian Restoration[edit]

Queen Mary I of England restored the English allegiance to Rome.

Reconciling with Rome[edit]

Both Protestants and Roman Catholics understood that the accession of Mary I to
the throne meant a restoration of traditional religion. [199] Before any official sanction,
Latin Masses began reappearing throughout England, despite the 1552 Book of
Common Prayer remaining the only legal liturgy.[200] Mary began her reign cautiously
by emphasising the need for tolerance in matters of religion and proclaiming that,
for the time being, she would not compel religious conformity. This was in part
Mary's attempt to avoid provoking Protestant opposition before she could
consolidate her power.[201] While Protestants were not a majority of the population,
their numbers had grown through Edward's reign. Historian Eamon Duffy writes
that "Protestantism was a force to be reckoned with in London and in towns like
Bristol, Rye, and Colchester, and it was becoming so in some northern towns such
as Hessle, Hull, and Halifax."[202]
Following Mary's accession, the Duke of Norfolk along with the conservative
bishops Bonner, Gardiner, Tunstall, Day and Heath were released from prison and
restored to their former dioceses. By September 1553, Hooper and Cranmer were
imprisoned. Northumberland himself was executed but not before his conversion to
Catholicism.[203]
The break with Rome and the religious reforms of Henry VIII and Edward VI were
achieved through parliamentary legislation and could only be reversed through
Parliament. When Parliament met in October, Bishop Gardiner, now Lord
Chancellor, initially proposed the repeal of all religious legislation since 1529. The
House of Commons refused to pass this bill, and after heated debate, [204] Parliament
repealed all Edwardian religious laws, including clerical marriage and the prayer
book, in the First Statute of Repeal.[205] By 20 December, the Mass was reinstated
by law.[206] There were disappointments for Mary: Parliament refused to penalise
non-attendance at Mass, would not restore confiscated church property, and left
open the question of papal supremacy.[207]
If Mary was to secure England for Roman Catholicism, she needed an heir and her
Protestant half-sister Elizabeth had to be prevented from inheriting the Crown. On
the advice of her cousin Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, she married his
son, Philip II of Spain, in 1554. There was opposition, and even a rebellion in Kent
(led by Sir Thomas Wyatt); even though it was provided that Philip would never
inherit the kingdom if there was no heir, received no estates and had no
coronation.[208]

Cardinal Reginald Pole presided over the English Church's reconciliation with Rome

By the end of 1554, Henry VIII's religious settlement had been re-instituted, but
England was still not reunited with Rome. Before reunion could occur, church
property disputes had to be settled—which, in practice, meant letting the nobility
and gentry who had bought confiscated church lands keep them.
Cardinal Reginald Pole, the Queen's cousin, arrived in November 1554 as papal
legate to end England's schism with the Roman Catholic Church. [208] On 28
November, Pole addressed Parliament to ask it to end the schism, declaring "I
come not to destroy, but to build. I come to reconcile, not to condemn. I come not
to compel, but to call again."[209] In response, Parliament submitted a petition to the
Queen the next day asking that "this realm and dominions might be again united to
the Church of Rome by the means of the Lord Cardinal Pole". [209]
On 30 November, Pole spoke to both houses of Parliament, absolving the
members of Parliament "with the whole realm and dominions thereof, from all
heresy and schism".[210] Afterwards, bishops absolved diocesan clergy, and they in
turn absolved parishioners.[211] On 26 December, the Privy Council introduced
legislation repealing the religious legislation of Henry VIII's reign and implementing
the reunion with Rome. This bill was passed as the Second Statute of Repeal.[212]
Catholic recovery[edit]
Historian Eamon Duffy writes that the Marian religious "programme was not one of
reaction but of creative reconstruction" absorbing whatever was considered
positive in the reforms of Henry VIII and Edward VI. [213] The result was "subtly but
distinctively different from the Catholicism of the 1520s." [213] According to historian
Christopher Haigh, the Catholicism taking shape in Mary's reign "reflected the
mature Erasmian Catholicism" of its leading clerics, who were all educated in the
1520s and 1530s.[214] Marian church literature,
church benefactions and churchwarden accounts suggest less emphasis on saints,
images and prayer for the dead. There was a greater focus on the need for inward
contrition in addition to external acts of penance. [215] Cardinal Pole himself was a
member of the Spirituali, a Catholic reform movement that shared with Protestants
an emphasis on man's total dependence on God's grace by faith
and Augustinian views on salvation.[216][217]

Conservative Bishop Edmund Bonner

Cardinal Pole would eventually replace Cranmer as Archbishop of Canterbury in
1556, jurisdictional issues between England and Rome having prevented
Cranmer's removal. Mary could have had Cranmer tried and executed for treason
—he had supported the claims of Lady Jane Grey—but she resolved to have him
tried for heresy. His recantations of his Protestantism would have been a major
coup. Unhappily for her, he unexpectedly withdrew his recantations at the last
minute as he was to be burned at the stake, thus ruining her
government's propaganda victory.[218]
As papal legate, Pole possessed authority over both his Province of
Canterbury and the Province of York, which allowed him to oversee the Counter-
Reformation throughout all of England.[219] He re-installed images, vestment and
plate in churches. Around 2,000 married clergy were separated from their wives,
but the majority of these were allowed to continue their work as priests. [218][220] Pole
was aided by some of the leading Catholic intellectuals, Spanish members of
the Dominican Order: Pedro de Soto, Juan de Villagarcía and Bartolomé Carranza.
[218]

In 1556, Pole ordered clergy to read one chapter of Bishop Bonner's A Profitable
and Necessary Doctrine to their parishioners every Sunday. Modelled on
the King's Book of 1543, Bonner's work was a survey of basic Catholic teaching
organized around the Apostles' Creed, Ten Commandments, seven deadly sins,
sacraments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Hail Mary.[221] Bonner also produced a
children's catechism and a collection of homilies.[222]

Westminster Abbey was one of seven monasteries re-founded during the Marian Restoration.

From December 1555 to February 1556, Cardinal Pole presided over a national
legatine synod that produced a set of decrees entitled Reformatio Angliae or the
Reformation of England.[223] The actions taken by the synod anticipated many of the
reforms enacted throughout the Catholic Church after the Council of Trent.[219] Pole
believed that ignorance and lack of discipline among the clergy had led to
England's religious turmoil, and the synod's reforms were designed to remedy both
problems. Clerical absenteeism (the practice of clergy failing to reside in their
diocese or parish), pluralism, and simony were condemned.[224] Preaching was
placed at the centre of the pastoral office,[225] and all clergy were to provide sermons
to the people (rectors and vicars who failed to were fined). [224] The most important
part of the plan was the order to establish a seminary in each diocese, which would
replace the disorderly manner in which priests had been trained previously. The
Council of Trent would later impose the seminary system upon the rest of the
Catholic Church.[225] It was also the first to introduce the altar tabernacle used to
reserve Eucharistic bread for devotion and adoration. [219]
Mary did what she could to restore church finances and land taken in the reigns of
her father and brother. In 1555, she returned to the church the First Fruits and
Tenths revenue, but with these new funds came the responsibility of paying the
pensions of ex-religious. She restored six religious houses with her own money,
notably Westminster Abbey for the Benedictines and Syon Abbey for
the Bridgettines.[226] However, there were limits to what could be restored. Only
seven religious houses were re-founded between 1555 and 1558, though there
were plans to re-establish more. Of the 1,500 ex-religious still living, only about a
hundred resumed monastic life, and only a small number of chantries were re-
founded. Re-establishments were hindered by the changing nature of charitable
giving. A plan to re-establish Greyfriars in London was prevented because its
buildings were occupied by Christ's Hospital, a school for orphaned children.[227]
There is debate among historians over how vibrant the restoration was on the local
level. According to historian A. G. Dickens, "Parish religion was marked by
religious and cultural sterility",[228] though historian Christopher Haigh observed
enthusiasm, marred only by poor harvests that produced poverty and want.
[229]
 Recruitment to the English clergy began to rise after almost a decade of
declining ordinations.[230] Repairs to long-neglected churches began. In the parishes,
"restoration and repair continued, new bells were bought, and church
ales produced their bucolic profits".[231] Great church feasts were restored and
celebrated with plays, pageants and processions. However, Bishop Bonner's
attempt to establish weekly processions in 1556 was a failure. Haigh writes that in
years during which processions were banned people had discovered "better uses
for their time" as well as "better uses for their money than offering candles to
images".[232] The focus was on "the crucified Christ, in the mass, the rood, and
Corpus Christi devotion".[230]
Obstacles[edit]
Further information: List of Protestant martyrs of the English Reformation
Protestants who refused to conform remained an obstacle to Catholic plans.
Around 800 Protestants fled England to find safety in Protestant areas of Germany
and Switzerland, establishing networks of independent congregations. Safe from
persecution, these Marian exiles carried on a propaganda campaign against
Roman Catholicism and the Queen's Spanish marriage, sometimes calling for
rebellion.[233][234] Those who remained in England were forced to practise their faith in
secret and meet in underground congregations. [235]
Frontispiece of John Foxe's Book of Martyrs

In 1555, the initial reconciling tone of the regime began to harden with the revival of
the medieval heresy laws, which authorized capital punishment as a penalty for
heresy.[236] The persecution of heretics was uncoordinated—sometimes arrests were
ordered by the Privy Council, others by bishops, and others by lay magistrates.
[237]
 Protestants brought attention to themselves usually due to some act of dissent,
such as denouncing the Mass or refusing to receive the sacrament. [238] A particularly
violent act of protest was William Flower's stabbing of a priest during Mass on
Easter Sunday, 14 April 1555.[239] Individuals accused of heresy were examined by a
church official and, if heresy was found, given the choice between death and
signing a recantation.[240] In some cases, Protestants were burnt at the stake after
renouncing their recantation.[241]
Around 284 Protestants were burnt at the stake for heresy. [242] Several leading
reformers were executed, including Thomas Cranmer, Hugh Latimer, Nicholas
Ridley, John Rogers, John Hooper, Robert Ferrar, Rowland Taylor, and John
Bradford.[243] Lesser known figures were also among the victims, including around
51 women such as Joan Waste and Agnes Prest.[244] Historian O. T. Hargrave writes
that the Marian persecution was not "excessive" by "contemporary continental
standards"; however, "it was unprecedented in the English experience". [245] Historian
Christopher Haigh writes that it "failed to intimidate all Protestants", whose bravery
at the stake inspired others; however, it "was not a disaster: if it did not help the
Catholic cause, it did not do much to harm it." [231] After her death, the Queen
became known as "Bloody Mary" due to the influence of John Foxe, one of the
Marian exiles.[246] Published in 1563, Foxe's Book of Martyrs provided accounts of
the executions, and in 1571 the Convocation of Canterbury ordered that Foxe's
book should be placed in every cathedral in the land. [247]
Mary's efforts at restoring Roman Catholicism were also frustrated by the church
itself. Pope Paul IV declared war on Philip and recalled Pole to Rome to have him
tried as a heretic. Mary refused to let him go. The support she might have expected
from a grateful Pope was thus denied.[248] From 1557, the Pope refused to confirm
English bishops, leading to vacancies and hurting the Marian religious program. [224]
Despite these obstacles, the 5-year restoration was successful. There was support
for traditional religion among the people, and Protestants remained a minority.
Consequently, Protestants secretly ministering to underground congregations,
such as Thomas Bentham, were planning for a long haul, a ministry of survival.
Mary's death in November 1558, childless and without having made provision for a
Roman Catholic to succeed her, meant that her Protestant sister Elizabeth would
be the next queen.[249]

Elizabethan Settlement[edit]

Queen Elizabeth I of England reached a moderate religious settlement.

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Main article: Elizabethan Religious Settlement

Further information: List of Catholic martyrs of the English Reformation
Elizabeth I inherited a kingdom in which a majority of people, especially the political
elite, were religiously conservative, and England's main ally was Catholic Spain.
[250]
 For these reasons, the proclamation announcing her accession forbade any
"breach, alteration, or change of any order or usage presently established within
this our realm".[251] This was only temporary. The new Queen was Protestant,
though a conservative one.[252] She also filled her new government with Protestants.
The Queen's principal secretary was Sir William Cecil, a moderate Protestant.
[253]
 Her Privy Council was filled with former Edwardian politicians, and only
Protestants preached at Court.[254][255]
In 1558, Parliament passed the Act of Supremacy, which re-established the
Church of England's independence from Rome and conferred on Elizabeth the title
of Supreme Governor of the Church of England. The Act of Uniformity of
1559 authorised the 1559 Book of Common Prayer, which was a revised version of
the 1552 Prayer Book from Edward's reign. Some modifications were made to
appeal to Catholics and Lutherans, including giving individuals greater latitude
concerning belief in the real presence and authorising the use of traditional priestly
vestments. In 1571, the Thirty-Nine Articles were adopted as a confessional
statement for the church, and a Book of Homilies was issued outlining the church's
reformed theology in greater detail.
The Elizabethan Settlement established a church that was Reformed in doctrine
but that preserved certain characteristics of medieval Catholicism, such
as cathedrals, church choirs, a formal liturgy contained in the Prayer Book,
traditional vestments and episcopal polity.[256] According to historian Diarmaid
MacCulloch, the conflicts over the Elizabethan Settlement stem from this "tension
between Catholic structure and Protestant theology". [257] During the reigns of
Elizabeth and James I, several factions developed within the Church of England.
"Church papists" were Roman Catholics who outwardly conformed to the
established church while maintaining their Catholic faith in secret. Catholic
authorities disapproved of such outward conformity. Recusants were Roman
Catholics who refused to attend Church of England services as required by law.
[258]
 Recusancy was punishable by fines of £20 a month (fifty times an artisan's
wage).[259] By 1574, Catholic recusants had organised an underground Roman
Catholic Church, distinct from the Church of England. However, it had two major
weaknesses: membership loss as church papists conformed fully to the Church of
England and a shortage of priests. Between 1574 and 1603, 600 Catholic priests
were sent to England.[260] The influx of foreign trained Catholic priests, the
unsuccessful Revolt of the Northern Earls, the excommunication of Elizabeth, and
the discovery of the Ridolfi plot all contributed to a perception that Catholicism was
treasonous.[261] Executions of Catholic priests became more common—the first in
1577, four in 1581, eleven in 1582, two in 1583, six in 1584, fifty-three by 1590,
and seventy more between 1601 and 1608.[note 14][262] In 1585, it became treason for a
Catholic priest to enter the country, as well as for anyone to aid or shelter him.
[259]
 As the older generation of recusant priests died out, Roman Catholicism
collapsed among the lower classes in the north, west and in Wales. Without
priests, these social classes drifted into the Church of England and Catholicism
was forgotten. By Elizabeth's death in 1603, Roman Catholicism had become "the
faith of a small sect", largely confined to gentry households. [263]
Gradually, England was transformed into a Protestant country as the Prayer Book
shaped Elizabethan religious life. By the 1580s, conformist Protestants (those who
conformed their religious practice to the religious settlement) were becoming a
majority.[264] Calvinism appealed to many conformists, and Calvinist clergy held the
best bishoprics and deaneries during Elizabeth's reign. [265] Other Calvinists were
unsatisfied with elements of the Elizabethan Settlement and wanted further reforms
to make the Church of England more like the Continental Reformed churches.
These nonconformist Calvinists became known as Puritans. Some Puritans
refused to bow at the name of Jesus, to make the sign of the cross in baptism,
use wedding rings or organ music in church. They especially resented the
requirement that clergy wear the white surplice and clerical cap.[266] Puritan
clergymen preferred to wear black academic attire (see Vestments controversy).
[267]
 Many Puritans believed the Church of England should follow the example of
Reformed churches in other parts of Europe and adopt presbyterian polity, under
which government by bishops would be replaced with government by elders.
[268]
 However, all attempts to enact further reforms through Parliament were blocked
by the Queen.[269]

Consequences[edit]

Polemical popular print with a Catalogue of Sects, 1647.

Traditionally, historians have dated the end of the English Reformation to

Elizabeth's religious settlement. There are scholars who advocate for a "Long
Reformation" that continued into the 17th and 18th centuries. [270]
During the early Stuart period, the Church of England's dominant theology was still
Calvinism, but a group of theologians associated with Bishop Lancelot
Andrewes disagreed with many aspects of the Reformed tradition, especially its
teaching on predestination. They looked to the Church Fathers rather than the
Reformers and preferred using the more traditional 1549 Prayer Book. [271] Due to
their belief in free will, this new faction is known as the Arminian party, but
their high church orientation was more controversial. James I tried to balance the
Puritan forces within his church with followers of Andrewes, promoting many of
them at the end of his reign.[272]
During the reign of Charles I, the Arminians were ascendant and closely
associated with William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury (1633–1645). Laud and
his followers believed the Reformation had gone too far and launched a "'Beauty of
Holiness' counter-revolution, wishing to restore what they saw as lost majesty in
worship and lost dignity for the sacerdotal priesthood." [272] Laudianism, however,
was unpopular with both Puritans and Prayer Book conformists, who viewed the
high church innovations as undermining forms of worship they had grown attached
to.[273] The English Civil War resulted in the overthrow of Charles I, and a Puritan
dominated Parliament began to dismantle the Elizabethan Settlement. [271] The
Puritans, however, were divided among themselves and failed to agree on an
alternative religious settlement. A variety of new religious movements appeared,
including Baptists, Quakers, Ranters, Seekers, Diggers, Muggletonians, and Fifth
Monarchists.[274]
The Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 allowed for the restoration of the
Elizabethan Settlement as well, but the Church of England was fundamentally
changed. The "Jacobean consensus" was shattered.[275] Many Puritans were
unwilling to conform and became dissenters. Now outside the established church,
the different strands of the Puritan movement evolved into separate
denominations: Congregationalists, Presbyterians, and Baptists.[276]
After the Restoration, Anglicanism took shape as a recognisable tradition.
[277]
 From Richard Hooker, Anglicanism inherited a belief in the "positive spiritual
value in ceremonies and rituals, and for an unbroken line of succession from the
medieval Church to the latter day Church of England". [278] From the Arminians, it
gained a theology of episcopacy and an appreciation for liturgy. From the Puritans
and Calvinists, it "inherited a contradictory impulse to assert the supremacy of
scripture and preaching".[279]
The religious forces unleashed by the Reformation ultimately destroyed the
possibility of religious uniformity. Protestant dissenters were allowed freedom of
worship with the Toleration Act 1688. It took Catholics longer to achieve
toleration. Penal laws that excluded Catholics from everyday life began to be
repealed in the 1770s. Catholics were allowed to vote and sit as members of
Parliament in 1829 (see Catholic emancipation).[280]

Historiography[edit]
Further information: Historiography of the United Kingdom
The historiography of the English Reformation has seen vigorous clashes among
dedicated protagonists and scholars for five centuries. The main factual details at
the national level have been clear since 1900, as laid out for example by James
Anthony Froude[281] and Albert Pollard.[282]
Reformation historiography has seen many schools of interpretation with Roman
Catholic, Anglican and Nonconformist historians using their own religious
perspectives.[283][page  needed] In addition there has been a highly
influential Whig interpretation, based on liberal secularized Protestantism, that
depicted the Reformation in England, in the words of Ian Hazlett, as "the midwife
delivering England from the Dark Ages to the threshold of modernity, and so a
turning point of progress". Finally among the older schools was a neo-Marxist
interpretation that stressed the economic decline of the old elites in the rise of the
landed gentry and middle classes. All these approaches still have representatives,
but the main thrust of scholarly historiography since the 1970s falls into four
groupings or schools, according to Hazlett. [284][page  needed]
Geoffrey Elton leads the first faction with an agenda rooted in political
historiography. It concentrates on the top of the early modern church-state looking
at it at the mechanics of policymaking and the organs of its implementation and
enforcement. The key player for Elton was not Henry VIII, but rather his principal
Secretary of State Thomas Cromwell. Elton downplays the prophetic spirit of the
religious reformers in the theology of keen conviction, dismissing them as the
meddlesome intrusions from fanatics and bigots. [285][286]
Secondly, A. G. Dickens and others were motivated by a primarily religious
perspective. They prioritize the religious and subjective side of the movement.
While recognizing the Reformation was imposed from the top, just as it was
everywhere else in Europe, it also responded to aspirations from below. Dickens
has been criticized for underestimating the strength of residual and revived Roman
Catholicism, but has been praised for his demonstration of the close ties to
European influences. In the Dickens school, David Loades has stressed the
theological importance of the Reformation for Anglo-British development. [287]
Revisionists comprise a third school, led by Christopher Haigh, Jack
Scarisbrick and numerous other scholars. Their main achievement was the
discovery of an entirely new corpus of primary sources at the local level, leading
them to the emphasis on Reformation as it played out on a daily and local basis,
with much less emphasis on the control from the top. They emphasize turning
away from elite sources, and instead rely on local parish records, diocesan files,
guild records, data from boroughs, the courts, and especially telltale individual
wills.[citation needed]
Finally, Patrick Collinson and others have brought much more precision to the
theological landscape, with Calvinist Puritans who were impatient with the Anglican
caution sent compromises. Indeed, the Puritans were a distinct subgroup who did
not comprise all of Calvinism. The Church of England thus emerged as a coalition
of factions, all of them Protestant inspiration.[288]
The more recent schools have decentered Henry VIII, and minimized hagiography.
They have paid more attention to localities, Catholicism, radicals, and theological
niceties. On Catholicism, the older schools focused on Thomas More (1470–1535),
to the neglect of other bishops and factors inside Catholicism. The older schools
tended to concentrate on the capital of London, the newer ones look to the English
villages.[289]

See also[edit]

 Christianity portal

 Calvinism portal
 England portal

 Anti-Catholicism
 Gunpowder Plot
 History of the Church of England
 History of England
 Putting away of Books and Images Act 1549
 Popery
 Reformation in Ireland
 Religion in England
 Scottish Reformation

Notes[edit]
1. ^ According to Scruton (1996, p. 470), "The Reformation must
not be confused with the changes introduced into the Church of
England during the 'Reformation Parliament' of 1529–36, which
were of a political rather than a religious nature, designed to
unite the secular and religious sources of authority within a
single sovereign power: the Anglican Church did not until later
make any substantial change in doctrine."
2. ^ Brigden (2000, p. 103) writes, "He ... believed he that he could
keep his own secrets ... but he was often deceived and he
deceived himself."
3. ^ Brigden (2000, p. 111) notes that Anne's music book
contained an illustration of a falcon pecking at a pomegranate:
the falcon was her badge, the pomegranate, that of Granada,
Catherine's badge.
4. ^ According to Marshall (2017, p. 164), "Henry wanted an
annulment—a formal and legal declaration of the marriage's
invalidity. Yet the word contemporaries used, divorce, captures
better the legal and emotional turmoil."
5. ^ Marshall (2017, pp. 166–167) points out that "[i]nconveniently
for Henry, another Old Testament verse (Deut. 25:5) seemingly
qualified the Levitical prohibition, commanding a man to take to
wife his deceased brother's widow, if there had been no child."
6. ^ According to Brigden (2000, p. 107), Henry was no innocent:
he sought influence in European affairs and, in pursuance of it,
his relationship with the French was ambivalent and essentially
treacherous.
7. ^ Haigh (1993, p. 162) argues that the Litany and Primer were
largely traditional devotions and that the popularity of
the Primer "suggest a continued vitality in conventional
religion". Marshall (2017, pp. 291, 293), however, argues that
both the Litany and Primer were reformed in outlook, especially
in their reduced emphasis on the invocation of saints. They were
successful, he writes, in "taking an old-fashioned form and
subverting its traditional purposes". Duffy (2005, pp. 446–447)
agrees with Marshall.
8. ^ According to MacCulloch (1996, pp. 356–357), Cranmer
believed Henry would have pursued a radical iconoclastic policy
and a transformation of the mass into a Protestant communion
service if he had lived.
9. ^ Marshall (2017, pp. 291, 304) lists among Edward's tutors the
reformers John Cheke, Richard Cox and Roger Ascham.
10. ^ Duffy (2005, p. 481) reports that in Ludlow in Shropshire the
parishioners complied with the orders to remove the rood and
other images in 1547 but the same year spent money on making
up the canopy to be carried over the Blessed Sacrament on the
feast of Corpus Christi.
11. ^ MacCulloch (1996, pp. 461, 492) quotes Cranmer as
explaining "And therefore in the book of the holy communion, we
do not pray that the creatures of bread and wine may be the
body and blood of Christ; but that they may be to us the body
and blood of Christ" and also "I do as plainly speak as I can, that
Christ's body and blood be given to us in deed, yet not
corporally and carnally, but spiritually and effectually."
12. ^ Among many examples provided by Duffy (2005, pp. 484–
485): in Haddenham, Cambridgeshire, a chalice, paten and
processional cross were sold and the proceeds devoted to flood
defences; in the wealthy Rayleigh parish, £10 worth of plate was
 sold to pay for the cost of the required reforms—the need to buy
a parish chest, Bible and communion table.
13. ^ Duffy (2005, p. 490) writes that at Long Melford a church
patron named Sir John Clopton bought up many of the images,
probably to preserve them.
14. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 262f: "...England judicially murdered more
Roman Catholics than any other country in Europe."

References[edit]
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2. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 7.
3. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 8–9.
4. ^ Hefling 2021, p. 97–98.
5. ^ MacCulloch 2001, pp. 1–2.
6. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 16–17.
7. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 86f.
8. ^ Duffy 2005, pp. xxi–xxii.
9. ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 36.
10. ^ Dickens 1959.
11. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 29–32.
12. ^ Jump up to:a b Ryrie 2017, p. 69.
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14. ^ Hefling 2021, p. 96.
15. ^ Hefling 2021, p. 97.
16. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 126.
17. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 146.
18. ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 203.
19. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 132.
20. ^ MacCulloch 2003, pp. 202–203.
21. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 58.
22. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 20,28.
23. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 186.
24. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 188.
25. ^ Ryrie 2009, p. 131.
26. ^ O'Donovan, Louis (5 November 2019).  The Defence of the
Seven Sacraments. ISBN 9781538092026.
27. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 111.
28. ^ Warnicke 1983, p. 38.
29. ^ Lacey 1972, p. 70.
30. ^ Phillips 1991, p. 20.
31. ^ Lacey 1972, p. 17.
32. ^ Morris 1998, p. 166.
33. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 114.
34. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 93–94.
35. ^ Shagan 2017, p. 29.
36. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 73.
37. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 116.
38. ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 199.
39. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 89, 98.
40. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 105–106.
41. ^ Morris 1998, p. 172.
42. ^ Shagan 2017, p. 30.
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44. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 107.
45. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 118.
46. ^ Tanner 1930.
47. ^ Jump up to:a b Haigh 1993, p. 108.
48. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 111–112.
49. ^ Jump up to:a b Moorman 1973, p. 167.
50. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 114.
51. ^ Shagan 2017, p. 31.
52. ^ Shagan 2017, p. 33.
53. ^ Elton 1982, p. 353.
54. ^ Elton 1991, p. 160.
55. ^ Ridley 1962, pp. 59–63.
56. ^ Jump up to:a b Moorman 1973, p. 168.
57. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 208, 221.
58. ^ Jump up to:a b Elton 1982, pp. 364–365.
59. ^ Lehmberg 1970.
60. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 119–120.
61. ^ Elton 1991, p. 162.
62. ^ Shagan 2017, pp. 33–34.
63. ^ Bernard 1990, p. 185.
64. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 238.
65. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 215.
66. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 216–217.
67. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 140.
68. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 125.
69. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 254–256.
70. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 129.
71. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 241.
72. ^ Jump up to:a b Haigh 1993, p. 130.
73. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 241–242.
74. ^ MacCulloch 2001, p. 57.
75. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 134.
76. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 227.
77. ^ Jump up to:a b Haigh 1993, p. 131.
78. ^ Ryrie 2017, p. 19.
79. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 226.
80. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 141.
81. ^ Jump up to:a b Smith 1938, p. vii.
82. ^ Jump up to:a b Elton 1991, p. 142.
83. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 269.
84. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 229.
85. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 232.
86. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 144–145.
87. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 143–144.
88. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 145–146.
89. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 147–149.
90. ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 201.
91. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 282.
92. ^ Mackie 1952, pp. 399–400.
93. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 266.
94. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 269–270.
95. ^ Jump up to:a b Brigden 2000, p. 132.
96. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 229.
97. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 231.
98. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 233.
99. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 241.
100. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 153.
101. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 135.
102. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 280–281.
103. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 281.
104. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 284.
105. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 158.
106. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 284.
107. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 286–287.
108. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 161.
109. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 160.
110. ^ Dickens 1966, p. 103.
111. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 292.
112. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 294.
113. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 165–166.
114. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 356.
115. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 166.
116. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 359.
117. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 166–167.
118. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 366.
119. ^ MacCulloch 1999, pp. 35ff.
120. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 168–169.
121. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 305.
122. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 372.
123. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 308.
124. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 309–310.
125. ^ Jump up to:a b Duffy 2005, p. 450.
126. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 375.
127. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 452.
128. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 451.
129. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 310.
130. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 458.
131. ^ Duffy 2005, pp. 450–454.
132. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 311.
133. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 376.
134. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 377.
135. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 311–312.
136. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 422.
137. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 313.
138. ^ Duffy 2005, pp. 454–456.
139. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 171.
140. ^ Dickens 1989, p. 235.
141. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 481.
142. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 171–172.
143. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 490.
144. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 1–2.
145. ^ Graham-Dixon 1996, p. 38.
146. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 462.
147. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 457.
148. ^ Jump up to:a b Marshall 2017, p. 315.
149. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 384.
150. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 173.
151. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 459.
152. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 322–323.
153. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 380.
154. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 386.
155. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 385.
156. ^ Jump up to:a b Marshall 2017, p. 324.
157. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 410.
158. ^ Jump up to:a b Haigh 1993, p. 174.
159. ^ Jump up to:a b Marshall 2017, pp. 324–325.
160. ^ Jump up to:a b c Marshall 2017, p. 325.
161. ^ Jump up to:a b Duffy 2005, pp. 464–466.
162. ^ Moorman 1983, p. 27.
163. ^ Jones et al. 1992, pp. 101–105.
164. ^ Thompson 1961, pp. 234–236.
165. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 323.
166. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 466.
167. ^ Brigden 2000, p. 185.
168. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 332–333.
169. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 334.
170. ^ Jump up to:a b Haigh 1993, p. 176.
171. ^ Aston 1993; Loach 1999, p. 187; Hearn 1995, pp. 75–76
172. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 177–178.
173. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 338.
174. ^ Jump up to:a b MacCulloch 1996, p. 459.
175. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 408.
176. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 471.
177. ^ Jump up to:a b c Marshall 2017, p. 339.
178. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 470.
179. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 176–177.
180. ^ MacCulloch 1996, pp. 460–461.
181. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 340–341.
182. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 179.
183. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 472.
184. ^ Jump up to:a b c Marshall 2017, p. 348.
185. ^ MacCulloch 1996, p. 507.
186. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 474.
187. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 475.
188. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 473.
189. ^ Jump up to:a b Marshall 2017, p. 320.
190. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 476.
191. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 477.
192. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 350.
193. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 352.
194. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 181.
195. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 353–354.
196. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 356–358.
197. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 183.
198. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 359.
199. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 360.
200. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 363.
201. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 362–363.
202. ^ Duffy 2005, p. 479.
203. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 360, 363.
204. ^ Ward 1981, p. 229.
205. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 364.
206. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 208.
207. ^ Ward 1981, p. 230.
208. ^ Jump up to:a b MacCulloch 2003, p. 281.
209. ^ Jump up to:a b Marshall 2017, p. 390.
210. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 222.
211. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 223.
212. ^ Ward 1981, p. 232.
213. ^ Jump up to:a b Duffy 2005, p. 526.
214. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 217.
215. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 215, 217.
216. ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 214.
217. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 368.
218. ^ Jump up to:a b c MacCulloch 2003, p. 282.
219. ^ Jump up to:a b c MacCulloch 2003, p. 283.
220. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 227.
221. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 398–399.
222. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 216.
223. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 400.
224. ^ Jump up to:a b c Haigh 1993, p. 225.
225. ^ Jump up to:a b Marshall 2017, p. 401.
226. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 226.
227. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 402–403.
228. ^ Dickens 1989, pp. 309f.
229. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 214.
230. ^ Jump up to:a b Haigh 1993, p. 215.
231. ^ Jump up to:a b Haigh 1993, p. 234.
232. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 214–215.
233. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 228.
234. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 386.
235. ^ Hargrave 1982, p. 7.
236. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 390–391.
237. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 396.
238. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 394, 396.
239. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 394.
240. ^ Roddy 2016, p. 64.
241. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 408.
242. ^ Cavill 2013, p. 879.
243. ^ Hargrave 1982, pp. 7–8.
244. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 230.
245. ^ Hargrave 1982, p. 8.
246. ^ Loades 1989, p. 547.
247. ^ Hargrave 1982, pp. 9–10.
248. ^ MacCulloch 2003, pp. 284–285.
249. ^ Haigh 1993, pp. 235–236.
250. ^ MacCulloch 2001, p. 24.
251. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 419–420.
252. ^ MacCulloch 2005, p. 89.
253. ^ Moorman 1973, p. 200.
254. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 238.
 255. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 419.
256. ^ Coffey & Lim 2008, pp. 3–4.
257. ^ MacCulloch 2001, p. 28.
258. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 256.
259. ^ Jump up to:a b Haigh 1993, p. 263.
260. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 261.
261. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 487–495.
262. ^ MacCulloch 2003, p. 392.
263. ^ Haigh 1993, p. 266.
264. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 542–543.
265. ^ Coffey & Lim 2008, pp. 3–5.
266. ^ Craig 2008, p. 37.
267. ^ Craig 2008, pp. 43–44.
268. ^ Craig 2008, pp. 39–40.
269. ^ Craig 2008, p. 42.
270. ^ Heal 2005, p. 12.
271. ^ Jump up to:a b Spinks 2006, p. 50.
272. ^ Jump up to:a b Maltby 2006, p. 88.
273. ^ Maltby 2006, p. 89.
274. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 576.
275. ^ Maltby 1998, p. 235.
276. ^ Bremer 2009, p. 27.
277. ^ Maltby 1998, p. 236.
278. ^ Marshall 2017, p. 575.
279. ^ MacCulloch 2001, p. 85.
280. ^ Marshall 2017, pp. 576–577.
281. ^ Froude, History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the
Defeat of the Spanish Armada, (12 volumes, 1893) "Wolsey"
online free
282. ^ R.A.F. Pollard, Henry VIII (1905) online free; Pollard, The
History of England from the Accession of Edward VI to the
Death of Elizabeth, 1547–1603 (1910) online free.
283. ^ Vidmar 2005.
284. ^ Hazlett 1995.
285. ^ Slavin 1990, pp. 405–431.
286. ^ Haigh (1997, pp. 281–299) deals with Elton.
287. ^ A.G. Dickens, John Tonkin, and Kenneth Powell, eds., The
Reformation in historical thought (1985).
288. ^ Richard Cust and Ann Hughes, eds., Conflict in early Stuart
England: studies in religion and politics 1603–1642 (Routledge,
2014).
289. ^ Duffy 2006.

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1662. Oxford University Press. pp. 28–44. ISBN 9780199639731.
 Slavin, Arthur J. (1990). "G. R. Elton: On Reformation and
Revolution". The History Teacher.  23  (4): 405–
431. doi:10.2307/494396.  JSTOR  494396.
 Smith, Herbert Maynard (1938). Pre-Reformation England. London:
Palgrave Macmillan.  ISBN  9781349004065.
 Spinks, Bryan (2006). "From Elizabeth I to Charles II". In Hefling,
Charles; Shattuck, Cynthia (eds.).  The Oxford Guide to The Book of
Common Prayer: A Worldwide Survey. Oxford University Press.
pp. 44–54. ISBN 978-0-19-529756-0.
 Tanner, J. R. (1930).  Tudor Constitutional Documents A.D. 1485–
1603: With an Historical Commentary  (2nd ed.). Cambridge
University Press.  ISBN  978-1107679405.
 Thompson, Bard (1961). Liturgies of the Western Church. ISBN 0-
529-02077-7.
 Vidmar, John (2005).  English Catholic Historians and the English
Reformation: 1585–1954. Brighton: Sussex Academic
Press.  OCLC 54966133.
 Ward, Cedric (Autumn 1981).  "The House of Commons and the
Marian Reaction 1553–1558"  (PDF).  Andrews University Seminary
Studies. Andrews University Press.  19  (3): 227–
241. Archived  (PDF)  from the original on 28 September 2015.
 Warnicke, Retha (1983). Women of the English Renaissance and
Reformation. Praeger.

Further reading[edit]
 Aston, Margaret (1988).  England's Iconoclasts: Volume I: Laws
Against Images.
 Aston, Margaret (2016).  Broken Idols of the English Reformation.
Cambridge University Press.
  Collinson, Patrick (1988).  The Birthpangs of Protestant England:
Religious and Cultural Change in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
Centuries. St. Martin's Press.  ISBN  978-0-312-02366-9.
 Duffy, Eamon  (2017). Reformation Divided: Catholics, Protestants
and the Conversion of England.
 Guy, John (1988).  Tudor England. Oxford University
Press.  ISBN  9780192852137.
 Hazlett, Ian (2003). The Reformation in Britain and Ireland: An
Introduction. Bloomsbury Publishing.
 Kümin, Beat A. The shaping of a community: The rise and
reformation of the English Parish c. 1400–1560 (Routledge, 2016).
 MacCulloch, Diarmaid (2018).  Thomas Cromwell: A Revolutionary
Life.
 Marshall, Peter. Religious identities in Henry VIII's
England (Routledge, 2016).
 Marshall, Peter (2012).  Reformation England 1480–1642. excerpt
 Randell, Keith (2001). Henry VIII and the Reformation in
England. short textbook
 Ryrie, Alec. Worship and the parish church in early modern
Britain (Routledge, 2016).
 Sheils, William J. (2013).  The English Reformation 1530–1570.
Routledge.
 Turvey, Roger; Randell, Keith (2008).  Access to History: Henry VIII
to Mary I: Government and Religion, 1509–1558. Hodder.
 Tyacke, Nicholas, ed. (1997).  England's Long Reformation: 1500–
1800. 12 essays by scholars; excerpt
 Whiting, Robert (1998).  Local responses to the English Reformation.
 Whiting, Robert (2010).  The Reformation of the English Parish
Church.
 Wilkinson, Richard (December 2010). "Thomas Cranmer: The Yes-
Man Who Said No: Richard Wilkinson Elucidates the Paradoxical
Career of One of the Key Figures of English Protestantism".  History
Review  (68).
 Wilson, Derek (2012). A Brief History of the English Reformation:
Religion, Politics and Fear: How England was Transformed by the
Tudors. ISBN 978-1-84529-646-9.

Historiograpical[edit]
 Haigh, Christopher (December 1982). "The Recent Historiography of
the English Reformation". Historical Journal.  25  (4): 995–
1007. doi:10.1017/S0018246X00021385.  JSTOR  2638647.
 Marshall, Peter (July 2009). "(Re)defining the English
Reformation"  (PDF).  Journal of British Studies.  48  (3): 564–
86. doi:10.1086/600128.  JSTOR  27752571.
 Walsham, Alexandra (December 2012).  "History, Memory, and the
English Reformation".  Historical Journal. 55 (4): 899–
938. doi:10.1017/S0018246X12000362.

Primary sources[edit]
 King, John N., ed. (2004). Voices of the English Reformation: A
Sourcebook. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania
Press.  OCLC 265599728.
External links[edit]
  Media related to English Reformation at Wikimedia
Commons

 The History of the Reformation of the Church of England by Gilbert

Burnet (Oxford University Press, 1829): Volume I, Volume I, Part
II, Volume II, Volume II, Part II, Volume III Volume III, Part II
 Ecclesiastical Memorials, Relating Chiefly to Religion, and the
Reformation of It, and the Emergencies of the Church of England,
Under King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, and Queen Mary I by John
Strype (Clarendon Press, 1822): Vol. I, Pt. I, Vol. I, Pt. II, Vol. II, Pt.
I, Vol. II, Pt. II, Vol. III, Pt. I, Vol. III, Pt. II
 Annals of the Reformation and Establishment of Religion, and Other
Various Occurrences in the Church of England, During Queen
Elizabeth's Happy Reign by John Strype (1824 ed.): Vol. I, Pt. I, Vol.
I, Pt. II, Vol. II, Pt. I, Vol. II., Pt. II, Vol. III, Pt. I, Vol. III, Pt. II, Vol. IV
 Hanover College Historical Texts Collection: The English
Reformation – links to primary sources.
 Hanover College Historical Texts Collection: The Protestant
Reformation – links to primary sources.

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