Sear

Industrial
Revolution

The Industrial Revolution was t he t ransit ion t o new manufact uring processes in Great Brit ain,
cont inent al Europe, and t he Unit ed St at es, in t he period from about 1760 t o somet ime bet ween
1820 and 1840.[1] This t ransit ion included going from hand product ion met hods t o machines, new
chemical manufact uring and iron product ion processes, t he increasing use of st eam power and
wat er power, t he development of machine t ools and t he rise of t he mechanized fact ory syst em.
Out put great ly increased, and a result was an unprecedent ed rise in populat ion and in t he rat e of
populat ion growt h.
 Industrial Revolution

c. 1760 – c. 1840

A Roberts loom in a weaving shed in 1835

Location Western Europe

North America

Key events Mechanized textile production

Canal construction

Steam engine

Factory system

Iron production increase

← Preceded by Followed by →

Proto-industrialization Second Industrial Revolution

Text iles were t he dominant indust ry of t he Indust rial Revolut ion in t erms of employment , value
of out put and capit al invest ed. The t ext ile indust ry was also t he first t o use modern product ion
met hods.[2]: 40 

The Indust rial Revolut ion began in Great Brit ain, and many of t he t echnological and archit ect ural
innovat ions were of Brit ish origin.[3][4] By t he mid-18t h cent ury, Brit ain was t he world's leading
commercial nat ion,[5] cont rolling a global t rading empire wit h colonies in Nort h America and t he
Caribbean. Brit ain had major milit ary and polit ical hegemony on t he Indian subcont inent ;
part icularly wit h t he prot o-indust rialised Mughal Bengal, t hrough t he act ivit ies of t he East India
Company.[6][7][8][9] The development of t rade and t he rise of business were among t he major
causes of t he Indust rial Revolut ion.[2]: 15 
The Indust rial Revolut ion marked a major t urning point in hist ory. Comparable only t o humanit y's
adopt ion of agricult ure wit h respect t o mat erial advancement ,[10] t he Indust rial Revolut ion
influenced in some way almost every aspect of daily life. In part icular, average income and
populat ion began t o exhibit unprecedent ed sust ained growt h. Some economist s have said t he
most import ant effect of t he Indust rial Revolut ion was t hat t he st andard of living for t he
general populat ion in t he west ern world began t o increase consist ent ly for t he first t ime in
hist ory, alt hough ot hers have said t hat it did not begin t o meaningfully improve unt il t he lat e 19t h
and 20t h cent uries.[11][12][13]

GDP per capit a was broadly st able before t he Indust rial Revolut ion and t he emergence of t he
modern capit alist economy,[14] while t he Indust rial Revolut ion began an era of per-capit a
economic growt h in capit alist economies.[15] Economic hist orians are in agreement t hat t he
onset of t he Indust rial Revolut ion is t he most import ant event in t he hist ory of humanit y since
t he domest icat ion of animals and plant s.[16]

The precise st art and end of t he Indust rial Revolut ion is st ill debat ed among hist orians, as is t he
pace of economic and social changes.[17][18][19][20] Eric Hobsbawm held t hat t he Indust rial
Revolut ion began in Brit ain in t he 1780s and was not fully felt unt il t he 1830s or 1840s,[17] while
T. S. Asht on held t hat it occurred roughly bet ween 1760 and 1830.[18] Rapid indust rializat ion first
began in Brit ain, st art ing wit h mechanized spinning in t he 1780s,[21] wit h high rat es of growt h in
st eam power and iron product ion occurring aft er 1800. Mechanized t ext ile product ion spread
from Great Brit ain t o cont inent al Europe and t he Unit ed St at es in t he early 19t h cent ury, wit h
import ant cent res of t ext iles, iron and coal emerging in Belgium and t he Unit ed St at es and lat er
t ext iles in France.[2]

An economic recession occurred from t he lat e 1830s t o t he early 1840s when t he adopt ion of
t he Indust rial Revolut ion's early innovat ions, such as mechanized spinning and weaving, slowed
and t heir market s mat ured. Innovat ions developed lat e in t he period, such as t he increasing
adopt ion of locomot ives, st eamboat s and st eamships and hot blast iron smelt ing. New
t echnologies, such as t he elect rical t elegraph, widely int roduced in t he 1840s and 1850s, were
not powerful enough t o drive high rat es of growt h. Rapid economic growt h began t o occur aft er
1870, springing from a new group of innovat ions in what has been called t he Second Indust rial
Revolut ion. These innovat ions included new st eel making processes, mass-product ion, assembly
lines, elect rical grid syst ems, t he large-scale manufact ure of machine t ools, and t he use of
increasingly advanced machinery in st eam-powered fact ories.[2][22][23][24]

Etymology
The earliest recorded use of t he t erm "Indust rial Revolut ion" appears t o have been in a let t er
from 6 July 1799 writ t en by French envoy Louis-Guillaume Ot t o, announcing t hat France had
ent ered t he race t o indust rialise.[25] In his 1976 book Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and
Society, Raymond Williams st at es in t he ent ry for "Indust ry": "The idea of a new social order
based on major indust rial change was clear in Sout hey and Owen, bet ween 1811 and 1818, and
was implicit as early as Blake in t he early 1790s and Wordswort h at t he t urn of t he [19t h]
cent ury." The t erm Industrial Revolution applied t o t echnological change was becoming more
common by t he lat e 1830s, as in Jérôme-Adolphe Blanqui's descript ion in 1837 of la révolution
industrielle.[26]

Friedrich Engels in The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 spoke of "an indust rial
revolut ion, a revolut ion which at t he same t ime changed t he whole of civil societ y". However,
alt hough Engels wrot e his book in t he 1840s, it was not t ranslat ed int o English unt il t he lat e
1800s, and his expression did not ent er everyday language unt il t hen. Credit for popularising t he
t erm may be given t o Arnold Toynbee, whose 1881 lect ures gave a det ailed account of t he
t erm.[27]

Economic hist orians and aut hors such as Mendels, Pomeranz and Kridt e argue t hat prot o-
indust rializat ion in part s of Europe, Islamic world, Mughal India, and China creat ed t he social and
economic condit ions t hat led t o t he Indust rial Revolut ion, t hus causing t he Great
Divergence.[28][29][30]

Some hist orians, such as John Clapham and Nicholas Craft s, have argued t hat t he economic and
social changes occurred gradually and t hat t he t erm revolution is a misnomer. This is st ill a
subject of debat e among some hist orians.[31]

Requirements

Six fact ors facilit at ed indust rializat ion: high levels of agricult ural product ivit y t o provide excess
manpower and food; a pool of managerial and ent repreneurial skills; available port s, rivers, canals,
and roads t o cheaply move raw mat erials and out put s; nat ural resources such as coal, iron, and
wat erfalls; polit ical st abilit y and a legal syst em t hat support ed business; and financial capit al
available t o invest . Once indust rializat ion began in Great Brit ain, new fact ors can be added: t he
eagerness of Brit ish ent repreneurs t o export indust rial expert ise and t he willingness t o import
t he process. Brit ain met t he crit eria and indust rialized st art ing in t he 18t h cent ury, and t hen it
export ed t he process t o west ern Europe (especially Belgium, France, and t he German st at es) in
t he early 19t h cent ury. The Unit ed St at es copied t he Brit ish model in t he early 19t h cent ury and
Japan copied t he West ern European models in t he lat e 19t h cent ury.[32][33]

Important technological developments

The commencement of t he Indust rial Revolut ion is closely linked t o a small number of
innovat ions,[34] beginning in t he second half of t he 18t h cent ury. By t he 1830s, t he following
gains had been made in import ant t echnologies:

Textiles – mechanised cot t on spinning powered by st eam or wat er increased t he out put of a
worker by a fact or of around 500. The power loom increased t he out put of a worker by a
fact or of over 40.[35] The cot t on gin increased product ivit y of removing seed from cot t on by a
fact or of 50.[23] Large gains in product ivit y also occurred in spinning and weaving of wool and
linen, but t hey were not as great as in cot t on.[2]

Steam power – t he efficiency of st eam engines increased so t hat t hey used bet ween one-
fift h and one-t ent h as much fuel. The adapt at ion of st at ionary st eam engines t o rot ary mot ion
made t hem suit able for indust rial uses.[2]: 82  The high-pressure engine had a high power t o
weight rat io, making it suit able for t ransport at ion.[24] St eam power underwent a rapid
expansion aft er 1800.

Iron making – t he subst it ut ion of coke for charcoal great ly lowered t he fuel cost of pig iron
and wrought iron product ion.[2]: 89–93  Using coke also allowed larger blast furnaces,[36][37]
result ing in economies of scale. The st eam engine began being used t o power blast air
(indirect ly by pumping wat er t o a wat erwheel) in t he mid 1750s, enabling a large increase in iron
product ion by overcoming t he limit at ion of wat er power.[38] The cast iron blowing cylinder was
first used in 1760. It was lat er improved by making it double act ing, which allowed higher blast
furnace t emperat ures. The puddling process produced a st ruct ural grade iron at a lower cost
t han t he finery forge.[39] The rolling mill was fift een t imes fast er t han hammering wrought iron.
Hot blast (1828) great ly increased fuel efficiency in iron product ion in t he following decades.

Invention of machine tools – The first machine t ools were invent ed. These included t he
screw cut t ing lat he, cylinder boring machine, and t he milling machine. Machine t ools made t he
economical manufact ure of precision met al part s possible, alt hough it t ook several decades
t o develop effect ive t echniques.[40]

Textile manufacture
British textile industry statistics
Handloom weaving in 1747, from William Hogarth's Industry and Idleness

In 1750 Brit ain import ed 2.5 million pounds of raw cot t on, most of which was spun and woven by
cot t age indust ry in Lancashire. The work was done by hand in workers' homes or occasionally in
mast er weavers' shops. In 1787 raw cot t on consumpt ion was 22 million pounds, most of which
was cleaned, carded, and spun on machines.[2]: 41–42  The Brit ish t ext ile indust ry used 52 million
pounds of cot t on in 1800, which increased t o 588 million pounds in 1850.[41]

The share of value added by t he cot t on t ext ile indust ry in Brit ain was 2.6% in 1760, 17% in 1801,
and 22.4% in 1831. Value added by t he Brit ish woollen indust ry was 14.1% in 1801. Cot t on
fact ories in Brit ain numbered approximat ely 900 in 1797. In 1760 approximat ely one-t hird of
cot t on clot h manufact ured in Brit ain was export ed, rising t o t wo-t hirds by 1800. In 1781 cot t on
spun amount ed t o 5.1 million pounds, which increased t o 56 million pounds by 1800. In 1800 less
t han 0.1% of world cot t on clot h was produced on machinery invent ed in Brit ain. In 1788 t here
were 50,000 spindles in Brit ain, rising t o 7 million over t he next 30 years.[42]

Wages in Lancashire, a core region for cot t age indust ry and lat er fact ory spinning and weaving,
were about six t imes t hose in India in 1770 when overall product ivit y in Brit ain was about t hree
t imes higher t han in India.[42]

Cotton

Part s of India, China, Cent ral America, Sout h America, and t he Middle East have a long hist ory of
hand manufact uring cot t on t ext iles, which became a major indust ry somet ime aft er 1000 AD. In
t ropical and subt ropical regions where it was grown, most was grown by small farmers alongside
t heir food crops and was spun and woven in households, largely for domest ic consumpt ion. In t he
15t h cent ury, China began t o require households t o pay part of t heir t axes in cot t on clot h. By t he
17t h cent ury, almost all Chinese wore cot t on clot hing. Almost everywhere cot t on clot h could be
used as a medium of exchange. In India, a significant amount of cot t on t ext iles were
manufact ured for dist ant market s, oft en produced by professional weavers. Some merchant s
also owned small weaving workshops. India produced a variet y of cot t on clot h, some of
except ionally fine qualit y.[42]

Cot t on was a difficult raw mat erial for Europe t o obt ain before it was grown on colonial
plant at ions in t he Americas.[42] The early Spanish explorers found Nat ive Americans growing
unknown species of excellent qualit y cot t on: sea island cot t on (Gossypium barbadense) and
upland green seeded cot t on Gossypium hirsutum. Sea island cot t on grew in t ropical areas and
on barrier islands of Georgia and Sout h Carolina but did poorly inland. Sea island cot t on began
being export ed from Barbados in t he 1650s. Upland green seeded cot t on grew well on inland
areas of t he sout hern U.S., but was not economical because of t he difficult y of removing seed, a
problem solved by t he cot t on gin.[23]: 157  A st rain of cot t on seed brought from Mexico t o
Nat chez, Mississippi in 1806 became t he parent genet ic mat erial for over 90% of world cot t on
product ion t oday; it produced bolls t hat were t hree t o four t imes fast er t o pick.[42]

Trade and textiles

European colonial empires at the start of the Industrial Revolution, superimposed upon modern political boundaries.

The Age of Discovery was followed by a period of colonialism beginning around t he 16t h cent ury.
Following t he discovery of a t rade rout e t o India around sout hern Africa by t he Port uguese, t he
Dut ch est ablished t he Verenigde Oost indische Compagnie (abbr. VOC) or Dut ch East India
Company, t he world's first t ransnat ional corporat ion and t he first mult inat ional ent erprise t o issue
shares of st ock t o t he public.[a][43] The Brit ish lat er founded t he East India Company, along wit h
smaller companies of different nat ionalit ies which est ablished t rading post s and employed
agent s t o engage in t rade t hroughout t he Indian Ocean region and bet ween t he Indian Ocean
region and Nort h At lant ic Europe.[42]
One of t he largest segment s of t his t rade was in cot t on t ext iles, which were purchased in India
and sold in Sout heast Asia, including t he Indonesian archipelago, where spices were purchased
for sale t o Sout heast Asia and Europe. By t he mid-1760s clot h was over t hree-quart ers of t he
East India Company's export s. Indian t ext iles were in demand in t he Nort h At lant ic region of
Europe where previously only wool and linen were available; however, t he number of cot t on goods
consumed in West ern Europe was minor unt il t he early 19t h cent ury.[42]

Pre-mechanized European textile production

A weaver in Nürnberg, c. 1524

By 1600 Flemish refugees began weaving cot t on clot h in English t owns where cot t age spinning
and weaving of wool and linen was well est ablished. They were left alone by t he guilds who did
not consider cot t on a t hreat . Earlier European at t empt s at cot t on spinning and weaving were in
12t h-cent ury It aly and 15t h-cent ury sout hern Germany, but t hese indust ries event ually ended
when t he supply of cot t on was cut off. The Moors in Spain grew, spun, and wove cot t on
beginning around t he 10t h cent ury.[42]

Brit ish clot h could not compet e wit h Indian clot h because India's labour cost was approximat ely
one-fift h t o one-sixt h t hat of Brit ain's.[21] In 1700 and 1721 t he Brit ish government passed Calico
Act s t o prot ect t he domest ic woollen and linen indust ries from t he increasing amount s of
cot t on fabric import ed from India.[2][44]
The demand for heavier fabric was met by a domest ic indust ry based around Lancashire t hat
produced fust ian, a clot h wit h flax warp and cot t on weft . Flax was used for t he warp because
wheel-spun cot t on did not have sufficient st rengt h, but t he result ing blend was not as soft as
100% cot t on and was more difficult t o sew.[44]

On t he eve of t he Indust rial Revolut ion, spinning and weaving were done in households, for
domest ic consumpt ion, and as a cot t age indust ry under t he put t ing-out syst em. Occasionally
t he work was done in t he workshop of a mast er weaver. Under t he put t ing-out syst em, home-
based workers produced under cont ract t o merchant sellers, who oft en supplied t he raw
mat erials. In t he off-season t he women, t ypically farmers' wives, did t he spinning and t he men did
t he weaving. Using t he spinning wheel, it t ook anywhere from four t o eight spinners t o supply one
handloom weaver.[2][44][45]: 823 

Invention of textile machinery

The flying shut t le, pat ent ed in 1733 by John Kay, wit h a number of subsequent improvement s
including an import ant one in 1747, doubled t he out put of a weaver, worsening t he imbalance
bet ween spinning and weaving. It became widely used around Lancashire aft er 1760 when John's
son, Robert , invent ed t he dropbox, which facilit at ed changing t hread colors.[45]: 821–22 

Lewis Paul pat ent ed t he roller spinning frame and t he flyer-and-bobbin syst em for drawing wool
t o a more even t hickness. The t echnology was developed wit h t he help of John Wyat t of
Birmingham. Paul and Wyat t opened a mill in Birmingham which used t heir new rolling machine
powered by a donkey. In 1743 a fact ory opened in Nort hampt on wit h 50 spindles on each of five
of Paul and Wyat t 's machines. This operat ed unt il about 1764. A similar mill was built by Daniel
Bourn in Leominst er, but t his burnt down. Bot h Lewis Paul and Daniel Bourn pat ent ed carding
machines in 1748. Based on t wo set s of rollers t hat t ravelled at different speeds, it was lat er
used in t he first cot t on spinning mill. Lewis's invent ion was lat er developed and improved by
Richard Arkwright in his wat er frame and Samuel Crompt on in his spinning mule.
A model of the spinning jenny in a museum in Wuppertal. Invented by James Hargreaves in 1764, the spinning jenny was
one of the innovations that started the revolution.

In 1764 in t he village of St anhill, Lancashire, James Hargreaves invent ed t he spinning jenny, which
he pat ent ed in 1770. It was t he first pract ical spinning frame wit h mult iple spindles.[46] The jenny
worked in a similar manner t o t he spinning wheel, by first clamping down on t he fibres, t hen by
drawing t hem out , followed by t wist ing.[47] It was a simple, wooden framed machine t hat only
cost about £6 for a 40-spindle model in 1792,[48] and was used mainly by home spinners. The
jenny produced a light ly t wist ed yarn only suit able for weft , not warp.[45]: 825–27 

The spinning frame or wat er frame was developed by Richard Arkwright who, along wit h t wo
part ners, pat ent ed it in 1769. The design was part ly based on a spinning machine built for
Thomas High by clockmaker John Kay, who was hired by Arkwright .[45]: 827–30  For each spindle t he
wat er frame used a series of four pairs of rollers, each operat ing at a successively higher rot at ing
speed, t o draw out t he fibre, which was t hen t wist ed by t he spindle. The roller spacing was
slight ly longer t han t he fibre lengt h.

Too close a spacing caused t he fibres t o break while t oo dist ant a spacing caused uneven
t hread. The t op rollers were leat her-covered and loading on t he rollers was applied by a weight .
The weight s kept t he t wist from backing up before t he rollers. The bot t om rollers were wood
and met al, wit h flut ing along t he lengt h. The wat er frame was able t o produce a hard, medium-
count t hread suit able for warp, finally allowing 100% cot t on clot h t o be made in Brit ain. A horse
powered t he first fact ory t o use t he spinning frame. Arkwright and his part ners used wat er power
at a fact ory in Cromford, Derbyshire in 1771, giving t he invent ion it s name.
The only surviving example of a spinning mule built by the inventor Samuel Crompton. The mule produced high-quality
thread with minimal labour. Bolton Museum, Greater Manchester

Samuel Crompt on's Spinning Mule was int roduced in 1779. Mule implies a hybrid because it was a
combinat ion of t he spinning jenny and t he wat er frame, in which t he spindles were placed on a
carriage, which went t hrough an operat ional sequence during which t he rollers st opped while t he
carriage moved away from t he drawing roller t o finish drawing out t he fibres as t he spindles
st art ed rot at ing.[45]: 832  Crompt on's mule was able t o produce finer t hread t han hand spinning and
at a lower cost . Mule spun t hread was of suit able st rengt h t o be used as a warp and finally
allowed Brit ain t o produce highly compet it ive yarn in large quant it ies.[45]: 832 

The interior of Marshall's Temple Works in Leeds, West Yorkshire

Realising t hat t he expirat ion of t he Arkwright pat ent would great ly increase t he supply of spun
cot t on and lead t o a short age of weavers, Edmund Cart wright developed a vert ical power loom
which he pat ent ed in 1785. In 1776 he pat ent ed a t wo-man operat ed loom which was more
convent ional.[45]: 834  Cart wright built t wo fact ories; t he first burned down and t he second was
sabot aged by his workers. Cart wright 's loom design had several flaws, t he most serious being
t hread breakage. Samuel Horrocks pat ent ed a fairly successful loom in 1813. Horock's loom was
improved by Richard Robert s in 1822 and t hese were produced in large numbers by Robert s, Hill
& Co.[49]

The demand for cot t on present ed an opport unit y t o plant ers in t he Sout hern Unit ed St at es, who
t hought upland cot t on would be a profit able crop if a bet t er way could be found t o remove t he
seed. Eli Whit ney responded t o t he challenge by invent ing t he inexpensive cot t on gin. A man
using a cot t on gin could remove seed from as much upland cot t on in one day as would previously,
working at t he rat e of one pound of cot t on per day, have t aken a woman t wo mont hs t o
process.[23][50]

These advances were capit alised on by ent repreneurs, of whom t he best known is Richard
Arkwright . He is credit ed wit h a list of invent ions, but t hese were act ually developed by such
people as Thomas Highs and John Kay; Arkwright nurt ured t he invent ors, pat ent ed t he ideas,
financed t he init iat ives, and prot ect ed t he machines. He creat ed t he cot t on mill which brought
t he product ion processes t oget her in a fact ory, and he developed t he use of power—first
horsepower and t hen wat er power—which made cot t on manufact ure a mechanised indust ry.
Ot her invent ors increased t he efficiency of t he individual st eps of spinning (carding, t wist ing and
spinning, and rolling) so t hat t he supply of yarn increased great ly. Before long st eam power was
applied t o drive t ext ile machinery. Manchest er acquired t he nickname Cot t onopolis during t he
early 19t h cent ury owing t o it s sprawl of t ext ile fact ories.[51]

Alt hough mechanizat ion dramat ically decreased t he cost of cot t on clot h, by t he mid-19t h
cent ury machine-woven clot h st ill could not equal t he qualit y of hand-woven Indian clot h, in part
due t o t he fineness of t hread made possible by t he t ype of cot t on used in India, which allowed
high t hread count s. However, t he high product ivit y of Brit ish t ext ile manufact uring allowed
coarser grades of Brit ish clot h t o undersell hand-spun and woven fabric in low-wage India,
event ually dest roying t he indust ry.[42]

Wool

The earliest European at t empt s at mechanized spinning were wit h wool; however, wool spinning
proved more difficult t o mechanize t han cot t on. Product ivit y improvement in wool spinning during
t he Indust rial Revolut ion was significant , but far less t han t hat of cot t on.[2][9]

Silk
Lombe's Mill site today, rebuilt as Derby Silk Mill

Arguably t he first highly mechanised fact ory was John Lombe's wat er-powered silk mill at Derby,
operat ional by 1721. Lombe learned silk t hread manufact uring by t aking a job in It aly and act ing
as an indust rial spy; however, because t he It alian silk indust ry guarded it s secret s closely, t he
st at e of t he indust ry at t hat t ime is unknown. Alt hough Lombe's fact ory was t echnically
successful, t he supply of raw silk from It aly was cut off t o eliminat e compet it ion. In order t o
promot e manufact uring, t he Crown paid for models of Lombe's machinery which were exhibit ed in
t he Tower of London.[52][53]

Iron industry

The reverberatory furnace could produce cast iron using mined coal. The burning coal remained separate from the iron
and so did not contaminate the iron with impurities like sulfur and silica. This opened the way to increased iron production.
The Iron Bridge, Shropshire, England, the world's first bridge constructed of iron opened in 1781.[54]

UK iron production statistics

Bar iron was t he commodit y form of iron used as t he raw mat erial for making hardware goods
such as nails, wire, hinges, horseshoes, wagon t ires, chains, et c., as well as st ruct ural shapes. A
small amount of bar iron was convert ed int o st eel. Cast iron was used for pot s, st oves, and ot her
it ems where it s brit t leness was t olerable. Most cast iron was refined and convert ed t o bar iron,
wit h subst ant ial losses. Bar iron was also made by t he bloomery process, which was t he
predominant iron smelt ing process unt il t he lat e 18t h cent ury.

In t he UK in 1720, t here were 20,500 t ons of cast iron produced wit h charcoal and 400 t ons wit h
coke. In 1750 charcoal iron product ion was 24,500 and coke iron was 2,500 t ons. In 1788 t he
product ion of charcoal cast iron was 14,000 t ons while coke iron product ion was 54,000 t ons. In
1806 charcoal cast iron product ion was 7,800 t ons and coke cast iron was 250,000 t ons.[38]: 125 

In 1750 t he UK import ed 31,200 t ons of bar iron and eit her refined from cast iron or direct ly
produced 18,800 t ons of bar iron using charcoal and 100 t ons using coke. In 1796 t he UK was
making 125,000 t ons of bar iron wit h coke and 6,400 t ons wit h charcoal; import s were 38,000
t ons and export s were 24,600 t ons. In 1806 t he UK did not import bar iron but export ed 31,500
t ons.[38]: 125 

Iron process innovations

A major change in t he iron indust ries during t he Indust rial Revolut ion was t he replacement of
wood and ot her bio-fuels wit h coal. For a given amount of heat , mining coal required much less
labour t han cut t ing wood and convert ing it t o charcoal,[55] and coal was much more abundant
t han wood, supplies of which were becoming scarce before t he enormous increase in iron
product ion t hat t ook place in t he lat e 18t h cent ury.[2][38]: 122 
By 1750 coke had generally replaced charcoal in t he smelt ing of copper and lead, and was in
widespread use in glass product ion. In t he smelt ing and refining of iron, coal and coke produced
inferior iron t o t hat made wit h charcoal because of t he coal's sulfur cont ent . Low sulfur coals
were known, but t hey st ill cont ained harmful amount s. Conversion of coal t o coke only slight ly
reduces t he sulfur cont ent .[38]: 122–25  A minorit y of coals are coking.

Anot her fact or limit ing t he iron indust ry before t he Indust rial Revolut ion was t he scarcit y of
wat er power t o power blast bellows. This limit at ion was overcome by t he st eam engine.[38]

Use of coal in iron smelt ing st art ed somewhat before t he Indust rial Revolut ion, based on
innovat ions by Sir Clement Clerke and ot hers from 1678, using coal reverberat ory furnaces known
as cupolas. These were operat ed by t he flames playing on t he ore and charcoal or coke mixt ure,
reducing t he oxide t o met al. This has t he advant age t hat impurit ies (such as sulphur ash) in t he
coal do not migrat e int o t he met al. This t echnology was applied t o lead from 1678 and t o
copper from 1687. It was also applied t o iron foundry work in t he 1690s, but in t his case t he
reverberat ory furnace was known as an air furnace. (The foundry cupola is a different , and lat er,
innovat ion.)

By 1709 Abraham Darby made progress using coke t o fuel his blast furnaces at Coalbrookdale.[56]
However, t he coke pig iron he made was not suit able for making wrought iron and was used
most ly for t he product ion of cast iron goods, such as pot s and ket t les. He had t he advant age
over his rivals in t hat his pot s, cast by his pat ent ed process, were t hinner and cheaper t han t heirs.

Coke pig iron was hardly used t o produce wrought iron unt il 1755–56, when Darby's son Abraham
Darby II built furnaces at Horsehay and Ket ley where low sulfur coal was available (and not far
from Coalbrookdale). These new furnaces were equipped wit h wat er-powered bellows, t he
wat er being pumped by Newcomen st eam engines. The Newcomen engines were not at t ached
direct ly t o t he blowing cylinders because t he engines alone could not produce a st eady air blast .
Abraham Darby III inst alled similar st eam-pumped, wat er-powered blowing cylinders at t he Dale
Company when he t ook cont rol in 1768. The Dale Company used several Newcomen engines t o
drain it s mines and made part s for engines which it sold t hroughout t he count ry.[38]: 123–25 

St eam engines made t he use of higher-pressure and volume blast pract ical; however, t he leat her
used in bellows was expensive t o replace. In 1757, ironmast er John Wilkinson pat ent ed a
hydraulic powered blowing engine for blast furnaces.[57] The blowing cylinder for blast furnaces
was int roduced in 1760 and t he first blowing cylinder made of cast iron is believed t o be t he one
used at Carringt on in 1768 t hat was designed by John Smeat on.[38]: 124, 135 
Cast iron cylinders for use wit h a pist on were difficult t o manufact ure; t he cylinders had t o be
free of holes and had t o be machined smoot h and st raight t o remove any warping. James Wat t
had great difficult y t rying t o have a cylinder made for his first st eam engine. In 1774 John
Wilkinson, who built a cast iron blowing cylinder for his ironworks, invent ed a precision boring
machine for boring cylinders. Aft er Wilkinson bored t he first successful cylinder for a Boult on and
Wat t st eam engine in 1776, he was given an exclusive cont ract for providing cylinders.[23][58]
Aft er Wat t developed a rot ary st eam engine in 1782, t hey were widely applied t o blowing,
hammering, rolling and slit t ing.[38]: 124 

The solut ions t o t he sulfur problem were t he addit ion of sufficient limest one t o t he furnace t o
force sulfur int o t he slag and t he use of low sulfur coal. The use of lime or limest one required
higher furnace t emperat ures t o form a free-flowing slag. The increased furnace t emperat ure
made possible by improved blowing also increased t he capacit y of blast furnaces and allowed
for increased furnace height .[38]: 123–25  In addit ion t o lower cost and great er availabilit y, coke had
ot her import ant advant ages over charcoal in t hat it was harder and made t he column of mat erials
(iron ore, fuel, slag) flowing down t he blast furnace more porous and did not crush in t he much
t aller furnaces of t he lat e 19t h cent ury.[59][60]

As cast iron became cheaper and widely available, it began being a st ruct ural mat erial for bridges
and buildings. A famous early example was t he Iron Bridge built in 1778 wit h cast iron produced
by Abraham Darby III.[54] However, most cast iron was convert ed t o wrought iron.

Europe relied on t he bloomery for most of it s wrought iron unt il t he large-scale product ion of
cast iron. Conversion of cast iron was done in a finery forge, as it long had been. An improved
refining process known as pot t ing and st amping was developed, but t his was superseded by
Henry Cort 's puddling process. Cort developed t wo significant iron manufact uring processes:
rolling in 1783 and puddling in 1784.[2]: 91  Puddling produced a st ruct ural grade iron at a relat ively
low cost .
Horizontal (lower) and vertical (upper) cross-sections of a single puddling furnace. A. Fireplace grate; B. Firebricks; C.
Cross binders; D. Fireplace; E. Work door; F. Hearth; G. Cast iron retaining plates; H. Bridge wall

Puddling was a means of decarburizing molt en pig iron by slow oxidat ion in a reverberat ory
furnace by manually st irring it wit h a long rod. The decarburized iron, having a higher melt ing point
t han cast iron, was raked int o globs by t he puddler. When t he glob was large enough, t he puddler
would remove it . Puddling was backbreaking and ext remely hot work. Few puddlers lived t o be
40.[2]: 218  Because puddling was done in a reverberat ory furnace, coal or coke could be used as
fuel.

The puddling process cont inued t o be used unt il t he lat e 19t h cent ury when iron was being
displaced by st eel. Because puddling required human skill in sensing t he iron globs, it was never
successfully mechanised. Rolling was an import ant part of t he puddling process because t he
grooved rollers expelled most of t he molt en slag and consolidat ed t he mass of hot wrought iron.
Rolling was 15 t imes fast er at t his t han a t rip hammer. A different use of rolling, which was done
at lower t emperat ures t han t hat for expelling slag, was in t he product ion of iron sheet s, and lat er
st ruct ural shapes such as beams, angles, and rails.

The puddling process was improved in 1818 by Baldwyn Rogers, who replaced some of t he sand
lining on t he reverberat ory furnace bot t om wit h iron oxide.[61] In 1838 John Hall pat ent ed t he use
of roast ed t ap cinder (iron silicat e) for t he furnace bot t om, great ly reducing t he loss of iron
t hrough increased slag caused by a sand lined bot t om. The t ap cinder also t ied up some
phosphorus, but t his was not underst ood at t he t ime.[38]: 166  Hall's process also used iron scale or
rust , which react ed wit h carbon in t he molt en iron. Hall's process, called wet puddling, reduced
losses of iron wit h t he slag from almost 50% t o around 8%.[2]: 93 

Puddling became widely used aft er 1800. Up t o t hat t ime, Brit ish iron manufact urers had used
considerable amount s of iron import ed from Sweden and Russia t o supplement domest ic
supplies. Because of t he increased Brit ish product ion, import s began t o decline in 1785 and by
t he 1790s Brit ain eliminat ed import s and became a net export er of bar iron.

Hot blast , pat ent ed by t he Scot t ish invent or James Beaumont Neilson in 1828, was t he most
import ant development of t he 19t h cent ury for saving energy in making pig iron. By using
preheat ed combust ion air, t he amount of fuel t o make a unit of pig iron was reduced at first by
bet ween one-t hird using coke or t wo-t hirds using coal;[62] however, t he efficiency gains cont inued
as t he t echnology improved.[63] Hot blast also raised t he operat ing t emperat ure of furnaces,
increasing t heir capacit y. Using less coal or coke meant int roducing fewer impurit ies int o t he pig
iron. This meant t hat lower qualit y coal or ant hracit e could be used in areas where coking coal
was unavailable or t oo expensive;[64] however, by t he end of t he 19t h cent ury t ransport at ion
cost s fell considerably.

Short ly before t he Indust rial Revolut ion, an improvement was made in t he product ion of st eel,
which was an expensive commodit y and used only where iron would not do, such as for cut t ing
edge t ools and for springs. Benjamin Hunt sman developed his crucible st eel t echnique in t he
1740s. The raw mat erial for t his was blist er st eel, made by t he cement at ion process.[65]

The supply of cheaper iron and st eel aided a number of indust ries, such as t hose making nails,
hinges, wire, and ot her hardware it ems. The development of machine t ools allowed bet t er
working of iron, causing it t o be increasingly used in t he rapidly growing machinery and engine
indust ries.[66]

Steam power
A Watt steam engine. James Watt transformed the steam engine from a reciprocating motion that was used for pumping
to a rotating motion suited to industrial applications. Watt and others significantly improved the efficiency of the steam
engine.

The development of t he st at ionary st eam engine was an import ant element of t he Indust rial
Revolut ion; however, during t he early period of t he Indust rial Revolut ion, most indust rial power
was supplied by wat er and wind. In Brit ain, by 1800 an est imat ed 10,000 horsepower was being
supplied by st eam. By 1815 st eam power had grown t o 210,000 hp.[67]

The first commercially successful indust rial use of st eam power was due t o Thomas Savery in
1698. He const ruct ed and pat ent ed in London a low-lift combined vacuum and pressure wat er
pump, t hat generat ed about one horsepower (hp) and was used in numerous wat erworks and in a
few mines (hence it s "brand name", The Miner's Friend). Savery's pump was economical in small
horsepower ranges but was prone t o boiler explosions in larger sizes. Savery pumps cont inued t o
be produced unt il t he lat e 18t h cent ury.[68]

The first successful pist on st eam engine was int roduced by Thomas Newcomen before 1712. A
number of Newcomen engines were inst alled in Brit ain for draining hit hert o unworkable deep
mines, wit h t he engine on t he surface; t hese were large machines, requiring a significant amount
of capit al t o build, and produced upwards of 3.5 kW (5 hp). They were also used t o power
municipal wat er supply pumps. They were ext remely inefficient by modern st andards, but when
locat ed where coal was cheap at pit heads, opened up a great expansion in coal mining by
allowing mines t o go deeper.[69]

Despit e t heir disadvant ages, Newcomen engines were reliable and easy t o maint ain and
cont inued t o be used in t he coalfields unt il t he early decades of t he 19t h cent ury. By 1729, when
Newcomen died, his engines had spread (first ) t o Hungary in 1722, Germany, Aust ria, and Sweden.
A t ot al of 110 are known t o have been built by 1733 when t he joint pat ent expired, of which 14
were abroad. In t he 1770s t he engineer John Smeat on built some very large examples and
int roduced a number of improvement s. A t ot al of 1,454 engines had been built by 1800.[69]

Newcomen's steam-powered atmospheric engine was the first practical piston steam engine. Subsequent steam engines
were to power the Industrial Revolution.

A fundament al change in working principles was brought about by Scot sman James Wat t . Wit h
financial support from his business part ner Englishman Mat t hew Boult on, he had succeeded by
1778 in perfect ing his st eam engine, which incorporat ed a series of radical improvement s,
not ably t he closing off of t he upper part of t he cylinder, t hereby making t he low-pressure st eam
drive t he t op of t he pist on inst ead of t he at mosphere, use of a st eam jacket and t he celebrat ed
separat e st eam condenser chamber. The separat e condenser did away wit h t he cooling wat er
t hat had been inject ed direct ly int o t he cylinder, which cooled t he cylinder and wast ed st eam.
Likewise, t he st eam jacket kept st eam from condensing in t he cylinder, also improving efficiency.
These improvement s increased engine efficiency so t hat Boult on and Wat t 's engines used only
20–25% as much coal per horsepower-hour as Newcomen's. Boult on and Wat t opened t he Soho
Foundry for t he manufact ure of such engines in 1795.

By 1783 t he Wat t st eam engine had been fully developed int o a double-act ing rot at ive t ype,
which meant t hat it could be used t o direct ly drive t he rot ary machinery of a fact ory or mill. Bot h
of Wat t 's basic engine t ypes were commercially very successful, and by 1800, t he firm Boult on &
Wat t had const ruct ed 496 engines, wit h 164 driving reciprocat ing pumps, 24 serving blast
furnaces, and 308 powering mill machinery; most of t he engines generat ed from 3.5 t o 7.5 kW (5
t o 10 hp).
Unt il about 1800 t he most common pat t ern of st eam engine was t he beam engine, built as an
int egral part of a st one or brick engine-house, but soon various pat t erns of self-cont ained
rot at ive engines (readily removable, but not on wheels) were developed, such as t he t able
engine. Around t he st art of t he 19t h cent ury, at which t ime t he Boult on and Wat t pat ent expired,
t he Cornish engineer Richard Trevit hick and t he American Oliver Evans began t o const ruct higher-
pressure non-condensing st eam engines, exhaust ing against t he at mosphere. High pressure
yielded an engine and boiler compact enough t o be used on mobile road and rail locomot ives and
st eam boat s.

The development of machine t ools, such as t he engine lat he, planing, milling and shaping
machines powered by t hese engines, enabled all t he met al part s of t he engines t o be easily and
accurat ely cut and in t urn made it possible t o build larger and more powerful engines.

Small indust rial power requirement s cont inued t o be provided by animal and human muscle unt il
widespread elect rificat ion in t he early 20t h cent ury. These included crank-powered, t readle-
powered and horse-powered workshop, and light indust rial machinery.[70]

Machine tools

Maudslay's famous early screw-cutting lathes of circa 1797 and 1800

The Middletown milling machine of c. 1818, associated with Robert Johnson and Simeon North

Pre-indust rial machinery was built by various craft smen—millwright s built wat er and windmills,
carpent ers made wooden framing, and smit hs and t urners made met al part s. Wooden
component s had t he disadvant age of changing dimensions wit h t emperat ure and humidit y, and
t he various joint s t ended t o rack (work loose) over t ime. As t he Indust rial Revolut ion progressed,
machines wit h met al part s and frames became more common. Ot her import ant uses of met al
part s were in firearms and t hreaded fast eners, such as machine screws, bolt s, and nut s. There
was also t he need for precision in making part s. Precision would allow bet t er working machinery,
int erchangeabilit y of part s, and st andardizat ion of t hreaded fast eners.

The demand for met al part s led t o t he development of several machine t ools. They have t heir
origins in t he t ools developed in t he 18t h cent ury by makers of clocks and wat ches and
scient ific inst rument makers t o enable t hem t o bat ch-produce small mechanisms.

Before t he advent of machine t ools, met al was worked manually using t he basic hand t ools of
hammers, files, scrapers, saws, and chisels. Consequent ly, t he use of met al machine part s was
kept t o a minimum. Hand met hods of product ion were very laborious and cost ly and precision
was difficult t o achieve.[40][23]

The first large precision machine t ool was t he cylinder boring machine invent ed by John Wilkinson
in 1774. It was used for boring t he large-diamet er cylinders on early st eam engines. Wilkinson's
boring machine differed from earlier cant ilevered machines used for boring cannon in t hat t he
cut t ing t ool was mount ed on a beam t hat ran t hrough t he cylinder being bored and was
support ed out side on bot h ends.[23]

The planing machine, t he milling machine and t he shaping machine were developed in t he early
decades of t he 19t h cent ury. Alt hough t he milling machine was invent ed at t his t ime, it was not
developed as a serious workshop t ool unt il somewhat lat er in t he 19t h cent ury.[40][23]

Henry Maudslay, who t rained a school of machine t ool makers early in t he 19t h cent ury, was a
mechanic wit h superior abilit y who had been employed at t he Royal Arsenal, Woolwich. He
worked as an apprent ice in t he Royal Gun Foundry of Jan Verbruggen. In 1774 Jan Verbruggen had
inst alled a horizont al boring machine in Woolwich which was t he first indust rial size lat he in t he
UK. Maudslay was hired away by Joseph Bramah for t he product ion of high-securit y met al locks
t hat required precision craft smanship. Bramah pat ent ed a lat he t hat had similarit ies t o t he slide
rest lat he.[23][45]: 392–95 

Maudslay perfect ed t he slide rest lat he, which could cut machine screws of different t hread
pit ches by using changeable gears bet ween t he spindle and t he lead screw. Before it s invent ion
screws could not be cut t o any precision using various earlier lat he designs, some of which
copied from a t emplat e.[23][45]: 392–95  The slide rest lat he was called one of hist ory's most
import ant invent ions. Alt hough it was not ent irely Maudslay's idea, he was t he first person t o
build a funct ional lat he using a combinat ion of known innovat ions of t he lead screw, slide rest ,
and change gears.[23]: 31, 36 

Maudslay left Bramah's employment and set up his own shop. He was engaged t o build t he
machinery for making ships' pulley blocks for t he Royal Navy in t he Port smout h Block Mills.
These machines were all-met al and were t he first machines for mass product ion and making
component s wit h a degree of int erchangeabilit y. The lessons Maudslay learned about t he need
for st abilit y and precision he adapt ed t o t he development of machine t ools, and in his workshops,
he t rained a generat ion of men t o build on his work, such as Richard Robert s, Joseph Clement and
Joseph Whit wort h.[23]

James Fox of Derby had a healt hy export t rade in machine t ools for t he first t hird of t he cent ury,
as did Mat t hew Murray of Leeds. Robert s was a maker of high-qualit y machine t ools and a
pioneer of t he use of jigs and gauges for precision workshop measurement .

The effect of machine t ools during t he Indust rial Revolut ion was not t hat great because ot her
t han firearms, t hreaded fast eners, and a few ot her indust ries t here were few mass-produced
met al part s. The t echniques t o make mass-produced met al part s made wit h sufficient precision
t o be int erchangeable is largely at t ribut ed t o a program of t he U.S. Depart ment of War which
perfect ed int erchangeable part s for firearms in t he early 19t h cent ury.[40]

In t he half-cent ury following t he invent ion of t he fundament al machine t ools t he machine

indust ry became t he largest indust rial sect or of t he U.S. economy, by value added.[71]

Chemicals
The large-scale product ion of chemicals was an import ant development during t he Indust rial
Revolut ion. The first of t hese was t he product ion of sulphuric acid by t he lead chamber process
invent ed by t he Englishman John Roebuck (James Wat t 's first part ner) in 1746. He was able t o
great ly increase t he scale of t he manufact ure by replacing t he relat ively expensive glass vessels
formerly used wit h larger, less expensive chambers made of rivet ed sheet s of lead. Inst ead of
making a small amount each t ime, he was able t o make around 50 kilograms (100 pounds) in each
of t he chambers, at least a t enfold increase.

The product ion of an alkali on a large scale became an import ant goal as well, and Nicolas
Leblanc succeeded in 1791 in int roducing a met hod for t he product ion of sodium carbonat e. The
Leblanc process was a react ion of sulfuric acid wit h sodium chloride t o give sodium sulfat e and
hydrochloric acid. The sodium sulfat e was heat ed wit h limest one (calcium carbonat e) and coal t o
give a mixt ure of sodium carbonat e and calcium sulfide. Adding wat er separat ed t he soluble
sodium carbonat e from t he calcium sulfide. The process produced a large amount of pollut ion
(t he hydrochloric acid was init ially vent ed t o t he air, and calcium sulfide was a useless wast e
product ). Nonet heless, t his synt het ic soda ash proved economical compared t o t hat from
burning specific plant s (barilla) or from kelp, which were t he previously dominant sources of soda
ash,[72] and also t o pot ash (pot assium carbonat e) produced from hardwood ashes.

These t wo chemicals were very import ant because t hey enabled t he int roduct ion of a host of
ot her invent ions, replacing many small-scale operat ions wit h more cost -effect ive and
cont rollable processes. Sodium carbonat e had many uses in t he glass, t ext ile, soap, and paper
indust ries. Early uses for sulfuric acid included pickling (removing rust from) iron and st eel, and for
bleaching clot h.

The development of bleaching powder (calcium hypochlorit e) by Scot t ish chemist Charles
Tennant in about 1800, based on t he discoveries of French chemist Claude Louis Bert hollet ,
revolut ionised t he bleaching processes in t he t ext ile indust ry by dramat ically reducing t he t ime
required (from mont hs t o days) for t he t radit ional process t hen in use, which required repeat ed
exposure t o t he sun in bleach fields aft er soaking t he t ext iles wit h alkali or sour milk. Tennant 's
fact ory at St Rollox, Nort h Glasgow, became t he largest chemical plant in t he world.

Aft er 1860 t he focus on chemical innovat ion was in dyest uffs, and Germany t ook world
leadership, building a st rong chemical indust ry.[73] Aspiring chemist s flocked t o German
universit ies in t he 1860–1914 era t o learn t he lat est t echniques. Brit ish scient ist s by cont rast ,
lacked research universit ies and did not t rain advanced st udent s; inst ead, t he pract ice was t o
hire German-t rained chemist s.[74]
Cement

The Thames Tunnel (opened 1843).

Cement was used in the world's first underwater tunnel.

In 1824 Joseph Aspdin, a Brit ish bricklayer t urned builder, pat ent ed a chemical process for
making port land cement which was an import ant advance in t he building t rades. This process
involves sint ering a mixt ure of clay and limest one t o about 1,400 °C (2,552 °F), t hen grinding it
int o a fine powder which is t hen mixed wit h wat er, sand and gravel t o produce concret e. Port land
cement was used by t he famous English engineer Marc Isambard Brunel several years lat er when
const ruct ing t he Thames Tunnel.[75] Cement was used on a large scale in t he const ruct ion of t he
London sewerage syst em a generat ion lat er.

Gas lighting

Anot her major indust ry of t he lat er Indust rial Revolut ion was gas light ing. Though ot hers made a
similar innovat ion elsewhere, t he large-scale int roduct ion of t his was t he work of William
Murdoch, an employee of Boult on & Wat t , t he Birmingham st eam engine pioneers. The process
consist ed of t he large-scale gasificat ion of coal in furnaces, t he purificat ion of t he gas (removal
of sulphur, ammonia, and heavy hydrocarbons), and it s st orage and dist ribut ion. The first gas
light ing ut ilit ies were est ablished in London bet ween 1812 and 1820. They soon became one of
t he major consumers of coal in t he UK. Gas light ing affect ed social and indust rial organisat ion
because it allowed fact ories and st ores t o remain open longer t han wit h t allow candles or oil. It s
int roduct ion allowed night life t o flourish in cit ies and t owns as int eriors and st reet s could be
light ed on a larger scale t han before.[76]
Glass making

The Crystal Palace housed the Great Exhibition of 1851

The glass was made in ancient Greece and Rome.[77] A new met hod of producing glass, known as
t he cylinder process, was developed in Europe during t he early 19t h cent ury. In 1832 t his process
was used by t he Chance Brot hers t o creat e sheet glass. They became t he leading producers of
window and plat e glass. This advancement allowed for larger panes of glass t o be creat ed
wit hout int errupt ion, t hus freeing up t he space planning in int eriors as well as t he fenest rat ion of
buildings. The Cryst al Palace is t he supreme example of t he use of sheet glass in a new and
innovat ive st ruct ure.[78]

Paper machine

A machine for making a cont inuous sheet of paper on a loop of wire fabric was pat ent ed in 1798
by Nicholas Louis Robert who worked for Saint -Léger Didot family in France. The paper machine
is known as a Fourdrinier aft er t he financiers, brot hers Sealy and Henry Fourdrinier, who were
st at ioners in London. Alt hough great ly improved and wit h many variat ions, t he Fourdrinier machine
is t he predominant means of paper product ion t oday.

The met hod of cont inuous product ion demonst rat ed by t he paper machine influenced t he
development of cont inuous rolling of iron and lat er st eel and ot her cont inuous product ion
processes.[79]

Agriculture
The Brit ish Agricult ural Revolut ion is considered one of t he causes of t he Indust rial Revolut ion
because improved agricult ural product ivit y freed up workers t o work in ot her sect ors of t he
economy.[80] In cont rast , per-capit a food supply in Europe was st agnant or declining and did not
improve in some part s of Europe unt il t he lat e 18t h cent ury.[81]

Indust rial t echnologies t hat affect ed farming included t he seed drill, t he Dut ch plough, which
cont ained iron part s, and t he t hreshing machine.

The English lawyer Jet hro Tull invent ed an improved seed drill in 1701. It was a mechanical
seeder t hat dist ribut ed seeds evenly across a plot of land and plant ed t hem at t he correct
dept h. This was import ant because t he yield of seeds harvest ed t o seeds plant ed at t hat t ime
was around four or five. Tull's seed drill was very expensive and not very reliable and t herefore did
not have much of an effect . Good qualit y seed drills were not produced unt il t he mid 18t h
cent ury.[57]: 26 

Joseph Foljambe's Rotherham plough of 1730 was t he first commercially successful iron
plough.[80]: 122 [82][57]: 18, 21 [83] The t hreshing machine, invent ed by t he Scot t ish engineer Andrew
Meikle in 1784, displaced hand t hreshing wit h a flail, a laborious job t hat t ook about one-quart er
of agricult ural labour.[84]: 286  It t ook several decades t o diffuse [85] and was t he final st raw for
many farm labourers, who faced near st arvat ion, leading t o t he 1830 agricult ural rebellion of t he
Swing Riot s.

Machine t ools and met alworking t echniques developed during t he Indust rial Revolut ion
event ually result ed in precision manufact uring t echniques in t he lat e 19t h cent ury for mass-
producing agricult ural equipment , such as reapers, binders, and combine harvest ers.[40]

Mining

Coal mining in Brit ain, part icularly in Sout h Wales, st art ed early. Before t he st eam engine, pit s
were oft en shallow bell pit s following a seam of coal along t he surface, which were abandoned
as t he coal was ext ract ed. In ot her cases, if t he geology was favourable, t he coal was mined by
means of an adit or drift mine driven int o t he side of a hill. Shaft mining was done in some areas,
but t he limit ing fact or was t he problem of removing wat er. It could be done by hauling bucket s
of wat er up t he shaft or t o a sough (a t unnel driven int o a hill t o drain a mine). In eit her case, t he
wat er had t o be discharged int o a st ream or dit ch at a level where it could flow away by
gravit y.[86]
The int roduct ion of t he st eam pump by Thomas Savery in 1698 and t he Newcomen st eam
engine in 1712 great ly facilit at ed t he removal of wat er and enabled shaft s t o be made deeper,
enabling more coal t o be ext ract ed. These were development s t hat had begun before t he
Indust rial Revolut ion, but t he adopt ion of John Smeat on's improvement s t o t he Newcomen
engine followed by James Wat t 's more efficient st eam engines from t he 1770s reduced t he fuel
cost s of engines, making mines more profit able. The Cornish engine, developed in t he 1810s, was
much more efficient t han t he Wat t st eam engine.[86]

Coal mining was very dangerous owing t o t he presence of firedamp in many coal seams. Some
degree of safet y was provided by t he safet y lamp which was invent ed in 1816 by Sir Humphry
Davy and independent ly by George St ephenson. However, t he lamps proved a false dawn
because t hey became unsafe very quickly and provided a weak light . Firedamp explosions
cont inued, oft en set t ing off coal dust explosions, so casualt ies grew during t he ent ire 19t h
cent ury. Condit ions of work were very poor, wit h a high casualt y rat e from rock falls.

Transportation

At t he beginning of t he Indust rial Revolut ion, inland t ransport was by navigable rivers and roads,
wit h coast al vessels employed t o move heavy goods by sea. Wagonways were used for
conveying coal t o rivers for furt her shipment , but canals had not yet been widely const ruct ed.
Animals supplied all of t he mot ive power on land, wit h sails providing t he mot ive power on t he
sea. The first horse railways were int roduced t oward t he end of t he 18t h cent ury, wit h st eam
locomot ives being int roduced in t he early decades of t he 19t h cent ury. Improving sailing
t echnologies boost ed average sailing speed by 50% bet ween 1750 and 1830.[87]

The Indust rial Revolut ion improved Brit ain's t ransport infrast ruct ure wit h a t urnpike road net work,
a canal and wat erway net work, and a railway net work. Raw mat erials and finished product s could
be moved more quickly and cheaply t han before. Improved t ransport at ion also allowed new ideas
t o spread quickly.

Canals and improved waterways

The Bridgewater Canal, famous because of its commercial success, crossing the Manchester Ship Canal, one of the last
canals to be built.

Before and during t he Indust rial Revolut ion navigat ion on several Brit ish rivers was improved by
removing obst ruct ions, st raight ening curves, widening and deepening, and building navigat ion
locks. Brit ain had over 1,600 kilomet res (1,000 mi) of navigable rivers and st reams by 1750.[2]: 46 

Canals and wat erways allowed bulk mat erials t o be economically t ransport ed long dist ances
inland. This was because a horse could pull a barge wit h a load dozens of t imes larger t han t he
load t hat could be drawn in a cart .[45][88]

In t he UK, canals began t o be built in t he lat e 18t h cent ury t o link t he major manufact uring
cent res across t he count ry. Known for it s huge commercial success, t he Bridgewat er Canal in
Nort h West England, which opened in 1761 and was most ly funded by The 3rd Duke of
Bridgewat er. From Worsley t o t he rapidly growing t own of Manchest er it s const ruct ion cost
£168,000 (£22,589,130 as of 2013),[89][90] but it s advant ages over land and river t ransport meant
t hat wit hin a year of it s opening in 1761, t he price of coal in Manchest er fell by about half.[91]
This success helped inspire a period of int ense canal building, known as Canal Mania.[92] New
canals were hast ily built wit h t he aim of replicat ing t he commercial success of t he Bridgewat er
Canal, t he most not able being t he Leeds and Liverpool Canal and t he Thames and Severn Canal
which opened in 1774 and 1789 respect ively.

By t he 1820s a nat ional net work was in exist ence. Canal const ruct ion served as a model for t he
organisat ion and met hods lat er used t o const ruct t he railways. They were event ually largely
superseded as profit able commercial ent erprises by t he spread of t he railways from t he 1840s
on. The last major canal t o be built in t he Unit ed Kingdom was t he Manchest er Ship Canal, which
upon opening in 1894 was t he largest ship canal in t he world,[93] and opened Manchest er as a
port . However, it never achieved t he commercial success it s sponsors had hoped for and
signalled canals as a dying mode of t ransport in an age dominat ed by railways, which were quicker
and oft en cheaper.

Brit ain's canal net work, t oget her wit h it s surviving mill buildings, is one of t he most enduring
feat ures of t he early Indust rial Revolut ion t o be seen in Brit ain.

Roads

Construction of the first macadam road in the United States (1823). In the foreground, workers are breaking stones "so as
not to exceed 6 ounces in weight or to pass a two-inch ring".[94]

France was known for having an excellent syst em of roads at t he t ime of t he Indust rial
Revolut ion; however, most of t he roads on t he European Cont inent and in t he U.K. were in bad
condit ion and dangerously rut t ed.[88][24]

Much of t he original Brit ish road syst em was poorly maint ained by t housands of local parishes,
but from t he 1720s (and occasionally earlier) t urnpike t rust s were set up t o charge t olls and
maint ain some roads. Increasing numbers of main roads were t urnpiked from t he 1750s t o t he
ext ent t hat almost every main road in England and Wales was t he responsibilit y of a t urnpike
t rust . New engineered roads were built by John Met calf, Thomas Telford and most not ably John
McAdam, wit h t he first 'macadamised' st ret ch of road being Marsh Road at Asht on Gat e, Brist ol
in 1816.[95] The first macadamised road in t he U.S. was t he "Boonsborough Turnpike Road"
bet ween Hagerst own and Boonsboro, Maryland in 1823.[94]

The major t urnpikes radiat ed from London and were t he means by which t he Royal Mail was able
t o reach t he rest of t he count ry. Heavy goods t ransport on t hese roads was by means of slow,
broad wheeled, cart s hauled by t eams of horses. Light er goods were conveyed by smaller cart s
or by t eams of pack horse. St agecoaches carried t he rich, and t he less wealt hy could pay t o ride
on carriers cart s.

Product ivit y of road t ransport increased great ly during t he Indust rial Revolut ion and t he cost of
t ravel fell dramat ically. Bet ween 1690 and 1840 product ivit y almost t ripled for long-dist ance
carrying and increased four-fold in st age coaching.[96]

Railways

Painting depicting the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway in 1830, the first inter-city railway in the world and
which spawned Railway Mania due to its success.

Reducing frict ion was one of t he major reasons for t he success of railroads compared t o
wagons. This was demonst rat ed on an iron plat e-covered wooden t ramway in 1805 at Croydon,
England.

"A good horse on an ordinary turnpike road can draw two thousand
pounds, or one ton. A party of gentlemen were invited to witness the
experiment, that the superiority of the new road might be established
by ocular demonstration. Twelve wagons were loaded with stones, till
each wagon weighed three tons, and the wagons were fastened
together. A horse was then attached, which drew the wagons with
ease, six miles [10 km] in two hours, having stopped four times, in
order to show he had the power of starting, as well as drawing his
great load."[97]
Railways were made pract ical by t he widespread int roduct ion of inexpensive puddled iron aft er
1800, t he rolling mill for making rails, and t he development of t he high-pressure st eam engine
also around 1800.

Wagonways for moving coal in t he mining areas had st art ed in t he 17t h cent ury and were oft en
associat ed wit h canal or river syst ems for t he furt her movement of coal. These were all horse-
drawn or relied on gravit y, wit h a st at ionary st eam engine t o haul t he wagons back t o t he t op of
t he incline. The first applicat ions of t he st eam locomot ive were on wagon or plat e ways (as t hey
were t hen oft en called from t he cast -iron plat es used). Horse-drawn public railways did not begin
unt il t he early years of t he 19t h cent ury when improvement s t o pig and wrought iron product ion
were lowering cost s.

St eam locomot ives began being built aft er t he int roduct ion of high-pressure st eam engines
aft er t he expirat ion of t he Boult on and Wat t pat ent in 1800. High-pressure engines exhaust ed
used st eam t o t he at mosphere, doing away wit h t he condenser and cooling wat er. They were
also much light er weight and smaller in size for a given horsepower t han t he st at ionary
condensing engines. A few of t hese early locomot ives were used in mines. St eam-hauled public
railways began wit h t he St ockt on and Darlingt on Railway in 1825.[98]

The rapid int roduct ion of railways followed t he 1829 Rainhill Trials, which demonst rat ed Robert
St ephenson's successful locomot ive design and t he 1828 development of hot blast , which
dramat ically reduced t he fuel consumpt ion of making iron and increased t he capacit y of t he
blast furnace.

On 15 Sept ember 1830, t he Liverpool and Manchest er Railway, t he first int er-cit y railway in t he
world, was opened, and was at t ended by Prime Minist er, t he Duke of Wellingt on.[99] The railway
was engineered by Joseph Locke and George St ephenson, linked t he rapidly expanding indust rial
t own of Manchest er wit h t he port t own of Liverpool. The opening was marred by problems, due
t o t he primit ive nat ure of t he t echnology being employed, however, problems were gradually
ironed out and t he railway became highly successful, t ransport ing passengers and freight . The
success of t he int er-cit y railway, part icularly in t he t ransport of freight and commodit ies, led t o
Railway Mania.

Const ruct ion of major railways connect ing t he larger cit ies and t owns began in t he 1830s but
only gained moment um at t he very end of t he first Indust rial Revolut ion. Aft er many of t he
workers had complet ed t he railways, t hey did not ret urn t o t heir rural lifest yles but inst ead
remained in t he cit ies, providing addit ional workers for t he fact ories.
Other developments

Ot her development s included more efficient wat er wheels, based on experiment s conduct ed by
t he Brit ish engineer John Smeat on,[100] t he beginnings of a machine indust ry[23][101] and t he
rediscovery of concret e (based on hydraulic lime mort ar) by John Smeat on, which had been lost
for 1,300 years.[102]

Social effects

Factory system

Prior t o t he Indust rial Revolut ion, most of t he workforce was employed in agricult ure, eit her as
self-employed farmers as landowners or t enant s or as landless agricult ural labourers. It was
common for families in various part s of t he world t o spin yarn, weave clot h and make t heir own
clot hing. Households also spun and wove for market product ion. At t he beginning of t he
Indust rial Revolut ion India, China, and regions of Iraq and elsewhere in Asia and t he Middle East
produced most of t he world's cot t on clot h while Europeans produced wool and linen goods.

In Brit ain by t he 16t h cent ury t he put t ing-out syst em, by which farmers and t ownspeople
produced goods for a market in t heir homes, oft en described as cottage industry, was being
pract ised. Typical put t ing-out syst em goods included spinning and weaving. Merchant capit alist s
t ypically provided t he raw mat erials, paid workers by t he piece, and were responsible for t he sale
of t he goods. Embezzlement of supplies by workers and poor qualit y were common problems.
The logist ical effort in procuring and dist ribut ing raw mat erials and picking up finished goods
were also limit at ions of t he put t ing-out syst em.[2]: 57–59 

Some early spinning and weaving machinery, such as a 40 spindle jenny for about six pounds in
1792, was affordable for cot t agers.[2]: 59  Lat er machinery such as spinning frames, spinning mules
and power looms were expensive (especially if wat er-powered), giving rise t o capit alist
ownership of fact ories.

The majorit y of t ext ile fact ory workers during t he Indust rial Revolut ion were unmarried women
and children, including many orphans. They t ypically worked for 12 t o 14 hours per day wit h only
Sundays off. It was common for women t o t ake fact ory jobs seasonally during slack periods of
farm work. Lack of adequat e t ransport at ion, long hours, and poor pay made it difficult t o recruit
and maint ain workers.[42] Many workers, such as displaced farmers and agricult ural workers, who
had not hing but t heir labour t o sell, became fact ory workers out of necessit y. (See: Brit ish
Agricult ural Revolut ion, Threshing machine)
The change in t he social relat ionship of t he fact ory worker compared t o farmers and cot t agers
was viewed unfavourably by Karl Marx; however, he recognized t he increase in product ivit y made
possible by t echnology.[103]

Standards of living

Some economist s, such as Robert E. Lucas, Jr., say t hat t he real effect of t he Indust rial
Revolut ion was t hat "for t he first t ime in hist ory, t he living st andards of t he masses of ordinary
people have begun t o undergo sust ained growt h ... Not hing remot ely like t his economic behaviour
is ment ioned by t he classical economist s, even as a t heoret ical possibilit y."[11] Ot hers, however,
argue t hat while t he growt h of t he economy's overall product ive powers was unprecedent ed
during t he Indust rial Revolut ion, living st andards for t he majorit y of t he populat ion did not grow
meaningfully unt il t he lat e 19t h and 20t h cent uries and t hat in many ways workers' living
st andards declined under early capit alism: for inst ance, st udies have shown t hat real wages in
Brit ain only increased 15% bet ween t he 1780s and 1850s, and t hat life expect ancy in Brit ain did
not begin t o dramat ically increase unt il t he 1870s.[12][13] Similarly, t he average height of t he
populat ion declined during t he Indust rial Revolut ion, implying t hat t heir nut rit ional st at us was also
decreasing. Real wages were not keeping up wit h t he price of food.[104][105]

During t he Indust rial Revolut ion, t he life expect ancy of children increased dramat ically. The
percent age of t he children born in London who died before t he age of five decreased from
74.5% in 1730–1749 t o 31.8% in 1810–1829.[106]

The effect s on living condit ions of t he indust rial revolut ion have been very cont roversial and
were hot ly debat ed by economic and social hist orians from t he 1950s t o t he 1980s.[107] A series
of 1950s essays by Henry Phelps Brown and Sheila V. Hopkins lat er set t he academic consensus
t hat t he bulk of t he populat ion, t hat was at t he bot t om of t he social ladder, suffered severe
reduct ions in t heir living st andards.[107] During 1813–1913, t here was a significant increase in
worker wages.[108][109]

Food and nutrition

Chronic hunger and malnut rit ion were t he norms for t he majorit y of t he populat ion of t he world
including Brit ain and France, unt il t he lat e 19t h cent ury. Unt il about 1750, in large part due t o
malnut rit ion, life expect ancy in France was about 35 years and about 40 years in Brit ain. The
Unit ed St at es populat ion of t he t ime was adequat ely fed, much t aller on average, and had a life
expect ancy of 45–50 years alt hough U.S. life expect ancy declined by a few years by t he mid
19t h cent ury. Food consumpt ion per capit a also declined during an episode known as t he
Ant ebellum Puzzle.[110]

Food supply in Great Brit ain was adversely affect ed by t he Corn Laws (1815–1846). The Corn
Laws, which imposed t ariffs on import ed grain, were enact ed t o keep prices high in order t o
benefit domest ic producers. The Corn Laws were repealed in t he early years of t he Great Irish
Famine.

The init ial t echnologies of t he Indust rial Revolut ion, such as mechanized t ext iles, iron and coal,
did lit t le, if anyt hing, t o lower food prices.[81] In Brit ain and t he Net herlands, food supply
increased before t he Indust rial Revolut ion due t o bet t er agricult ural pract ices; however,
populat ion grew t oo, as not ed by Thomas Malt hus.[2][84][111][112] This condit ion is called t he
Malt husian t rap, and it finally st art ed t o be overcome by t ransport at ion improvement s, such as
canals, improved roads and st eamships.[113] Railroads and st eamships were int roduced near t he
end of t he Indust rial Revolut ion.[84]

Housing

The rapid populat ion growt h in t he 19t h cent ury included t he new indust rial and manufact uring
cit ies, as well as service cent ers such as Edinburgh and London.[114] The crit ical fact or was
financing, which was handled by building societ ies t hat dealt direct ly wit h large cont ract ing
firms.[115][116] Privat e rent ing from housing landlords was t he dominant t enure. P. Kemp says t his
was usually of advant age t o t enant s.[117] People moved in so rapidly t here was not enough
capit al t o build adequat e housing for everyone, so low-income newcomers squeezed int o
increasingly overcrowded slums. Clean wat er, sanit at ion, and public healt h facilit ies were
inadequat e; t he deat h rat e was high, especially infant mort alit y, and t uberculosis among young
adult s. Cholera from pollut ed wat er and t yphoid were endemic. Unlike rural areas, t here were no
famines such as t he one t hat devast at ed Ireland in t he 1840s.[118][119][120]

A large exposé lit erat ure grew up condemning t he unhealt hy condit ions. By far t he most famous
publicat ion was by one of t he founders of t he Socialist movement , The Condition of the Working
Class in England in 1844 Friedrich Engels described backst reet sect ions of Manchest er and
ot her mill t owns, where people lived in crude shant ies and shacks, some not complet ely
enclosed, some wit h dirt floors. These shant yt owns had narrow walkways bet ween irregularly
shaped lot s and dwellings. There were no sanit ary facilit ies. The populat ion densit y was
ext remely high.[121] However, not everyone lived in such poor condit ions. The Indust rial
Revolut ion also creat ed a middle class of businessmen, clerks, foremen, and engineers who lived
in much bet t er condit ions.
Condit ions improved over t he course of t he 19t h cent ury due t o new public healt h act s
regulat ing t hings such as sewage, hygiene, and home const ruct ion. In t he int roduct ion of his 1892
edit ion, Engels not es t hat most of t he condit ions he wrot e about in 1844 had been great ly
improved. For example, t he Public Healt h Act 1875 led t o t he more sanit ary byelaw t erraced
house.

Sanitation

In The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 Friedrich Engels described how
unt reat ed sewage creat ed awful odours and t urned t he rivers green in indust rial cit ies.

In 1854 John Snow t raced a cholera out break in Soho in London t o faecal cont aminat ion of a
public wat er well by a home cesspit . Snow's findings t hat cholera could be spread by
cont aminat ed wat er t ook some years t o be accept ed, but his work led t o fundament al changes
in t he design of public wat er and wast e syst ems.

Water supply

Pre-indust rial wat er supply relied on gravit y syst ems and pumping of wat er was done by wat er
wheels. Pipes were t ypically made of wood. St eam-powered pumps and iron pipes allowed t he
widespread piping of wat er t o horse wat ering t roughs and households.[24]

Literacy and industrialization

Modern indust rializat ion began in England and Scot land in t he 18t h cent ury, where t here were
relat ively high levels of lit eracy among farmers, especially in Scot land. This permit t ed t he
recruit ment of lit erat e craft smen, skilled workers, foremen, and managers who supervised t he
emerging t ext ile fact ories and coal mines. Much of t he labour was unskilled, and especially in
t ext ile mills children as young as eight proved useful in handling chores and adding t o t he family
income. Indeed, children were t aken out of school t o work alongside t heir parent s in t he
fact ories. However, by t he mid-ninet eent h cent ury, unskilled labor forces were common in
West ern Europe, and Brit ish indust ry moved upscale, needing many more engineers and skilled
workers who could handle t echnical inst ruct ions and handle complex sit uat ions. Lit eracy was
essent ial t o be hired.[122][123] A senior government official t old Parliament in 1870:

Upon t he speedy provision of element ary educat ion depends are indust rial prosperit y. It is of
no use t rying t o give t echnical t eaching t o our cit izens wit hout element ary educat ion;
uneducat ed labourers—and many of our labourers are ut t erly uneducat ed—are, for t he most
 part , unskilled labourers, and if we leave our work–folk any longer unskilled, not wit hst anding
t heir st rong sinews and det ermined energy, t hey will become overmat ched in t he compet it ion
of t he world.[124]

The invent ion of t he paper machine and t he applicat ion of st eam power t o t he indust rial
processes of print ing support ed a massive expansion of newspaper and pamphlet publishing,
which cont ribut ed t o rising lit eracy and demands for mass polit ical part icipat ion.[125]

Clothing and consumer goods

Wedgwood tea and coffee service

Consumers benefit ed from falling prices for clot hing and household art icles such as cast iron
cooking ut ensils, and in t he following decades, st oves for cooking and space heat ing. Coffee,
t ea, sugar, t obacco, and chocolat e became affordable t o many in Europe. The consumer
revolut ion in England from t he early 1600s t o roughly 1750 had seen a marked increase in t he
consumpt ion and variet y of luxury goods and product s by individuals from different economic
and social backgrounds.[126] Wit h improvement s in t ransport and manufact uring t echnology,
opport unit ies for buying and selling became fast er and more efficient t han previous. The
expanding t ext ile t rade in t he nort h of England meant t he t hree-piece suit became affordable t o
t he masses.[127] Founded by Josiah Wedgwood in 1759, Wedgwood fine china and porcelain
t ableware was st art ing t o become a common feat ure on dining t ables.[128] Rising prosperit y and
social mobilit y in t he 18t h cent ury increased t he number of people wit h disposable income for
consumpt ion, and t he market ing of goods (of which Wedgwood was a pioneer) for individuals, as
opposed t o it ems for t he household, st art ed t o appear, and t he new st at us of goods as st at us
symbols relat ed t o changes in fashion and desired for aest het ic appeal.[128]
 With the rapid growth of towns and cities, shopping became an
important part of everyday life. Window shopping and the purchase
of goods became a cultural activity in its own right, and many
exclusive shops were opened in elegant urban districts: in the
Strand and Piccadilly in London, for example, and in spa towns such
as Bath and Harrogate. Prosperity and expansion in manufacturing
industries such as pottery and metalware increased consumer
choice dramatically. Where once labourers ate from metal platters
with wooden implements, ordinary workers now dined on
Wedgwood porcelain. Consumers came to demand an array of new
household goods and furnishings: metal knives and forks, for
example, as well as rugs, carpets, mirrors, cooking ranges, pots,
pans, watches, clocks, and a dizzying array of furniture. The age of
mass consumption had arrived.

— “Georgian Britain, The rise of consumerism“, Dr Matthew

White, British Library.[127]

Winchester High Street, 1853. The number of High Streets (the primary street for retail in Britain) in towns and cities rapidly
grew in the 18th century.

New businesses in various indust ries appeared in t owns and cit ies t hroughout Brit ain.
Confect ionery was one such indust ry t hat saw rapid expansion. According t o food hist orian Polly
Russell: "chocolat e and biscuit s became product s for t he masses, t hanks t o t he Indust rial
Revolut ion and t he consumers it creat ed. By t he mid-19t h cent ury, sweet biscuit s were an
affordable indulgence and business was booming. Manufact urers such as Hunt ley & Palmers in
Reading, Carr's of Carlisle and McVit ie's in Edinburgh t ransformed from small family-run
businesses int o st at e-of-t he-art operat ions".[129] In 1847 Fry's of Brist ol produced t he first
chocolat e bar.[130] Their compet it or Cadbury of Birmingham was t he first t o commercialize t he
associat ion bet ween confect ionery and romance when t hey produced a heart -shaped box of
chocolat es for Valent ine's Day in 1868.[131] The depart ment st ore became a common feat ure in
major High St reet s across Brit ain, wit h Harding, Howell & Co., opened in 1796 on Pall Mall, London,
a cont ender for t he first depart ment st ore.[132] In addit ion t o goods being sold in t he growing
number of st ores, st reet sellers were common in an increasingly urbanized count ry. Dr Mat t hew
Whit e: "Crowds swarmed in every t horoughfare. Scores of st reet sellers ‘cried’ merchandise from
place t o place, advert ising t he wealt h of goods and services on offer. Milkmaids, orange sellers,
fishwives and piemen, for example, all walked t he st reet s offering t heir various wares for sale,
while knife grinders and t he menders of broken chairs and furnit ure could be found on st reet
corners".[133] An early soft drinks company, R. Whit e's Lemonade, began in 1845 by selling drinks in
London in a wheelbarrow.[134]

Increased lit eracy rat es, indust rialisat ion, and t he invent ion of t he railway creat ed a new market
for cheap popular lit erat ure for t he masses and t he abilit y for it t o be circulat ed on a large scale.
Penny dreadfuls were creat ed in t he 1830s t o meet t his demand.[135] The Guardian described
penny dreadfuls as "Brit ain's first t ast e of mass-produced popular cult ure for t he young", and "t he
Vict orian equivalent of video games".[136] By t he 1860s and 1870s more t han one million boys'
periodicals were sold per week.[136] Labelled an "aut horpreneur" by t he Paris Review, Charles
Dickens used innovat ions from t he revolut ion t o sell his books, such as t he powerful new print ing
presses, enhanced advert ising revenues, and t he expansion of railroads.[137] His first novel, The
Pickwick Papers (1836), became a publishing phenomenon, wit h it s unprecedent ed success
sparking numerous spin-offs and merchandise ranging from Pickwick cigars, playing cards, china
figurines, Sam Weller puzzles, Weller boot polish and joke books.[137] Nicholas Dames in The
Atlantic writ es, “Lit erat ure” is not a big enough cat egory for Pickwick. It defined it s own, a new
one t hat we have learned t o call “ent ert ainment .”[138]

In 1861, Welsh ent repreneur Pryce Pryce-Jones formed t he first mail order business, an idea
which would change t he nat ure of ret ail.[139] Selling Welsh flannel, he creat ed mail order
cat alogues, wit h cust omers able t o order by mail for t he first t ime—t his following t he Uniform
Penny Post in 1840 and t he invent ion of t he post age st amp (Penny Black) where t here was a
charge of one penny for carriage and delivery bet ween any t wo places in t he Unit ed Kingdom
irrespect ive of dist ance—and t he goods were delivered t hroughout t he UK via t he newly creat ed
railway syst em.[140] As t he railway net work expanded overseas, so did his business.[140]
Population increase

The Indust rial Revolut ion was t he first period in hist ory during which t here was a simult aneous
increase in bot h populat ion and per capit a income.[141]

According t o Robert Hughes in The Fatal Shore, t he populat ion of England and Wales, which had
remained st eady at six million from 1700 t o 1740, rose dramat ically aft er 1740. The populat ion
of England had more t han doubled from 8.3 million in 1801 t o 16.8 million in 1850 and, by 1901,
had nearly doubled again t o 30.5 million.[142] Improved condit ions led t o t he populat ion of Brit ain
increasing from 10 million t o 40 million in t he 1800s.[143][144] Europe's populat ion increased from
about 100 million in 1700 t o 400 million by 1900.[145]

Urbanization

The Black Country in England, west of Birmingham

The growt h of t he modern indust ry since t he lat e 18t h cent ury led t o massive urbanisat ion and
t he rise of new great cit ies, first in Europe and t hen in ot her regions, as new opport unit ies
brought huge numbers of migrant s from rural communit ies int o urban areas. In 1800, only 3% of
t he world's populat ion lived in cit ies,[146] compared t o nearly 50% t oday (t he beginning of t he
21st cent ury).[147] Manchest er had a populat ion of 10,000 in 1717, but by 1911 it had burgeoned
t o 2.3 million.[148]

Effect on women and family life

Women's hist orians have debat ed t he effect of t he Indust rial Revolut ion and capit alism generally
on t he st at us of women.[149][150] Taking a pessimist ic side, Alice Clark argued t hat when
capit alism arrived in 17t h-cent ury England, it lowered t he st at us of women as t hey lost much of
t heir economic import ance. Clark argues t hat in 16t h-cent ury England, women were engaged in
many aspect s of indust ry and agricult ure. The home was a cent ral unit of product ion and women
played a vit al role in running farms, and in some t rades and landed est at es. Their useful economic
roles gave t hem a sort of equalit y wit h t heir husbands. However, Clark argues, as capit alism
expanded in t he 17t h cent ury, t here was more and more division of labour wit h t he husband
t aking paid labour jobs out side t he home, and t he wife reduced t o unpaid household work.
Middle- and upper-class women were confined t o an idle domest ic exist ence, supervising
servant s; lower-class women were forced t o t ake poorly paid jobs. Capit alism, t herefore, had a
negat ive effect on powerful women.[151]

In a more posit ive int erpret at ion, Ivy Pinchbeck argues t hat capit alism creat ed t he condit ions for
women's emancipat ion.[152] Tilly and Scot t have emphasised t he cont inuit y in t he st at us of
women, finding t hree st ages in English hist ory. In t he pre-indust rial era, product ion was most ly for
home use and women produce much of t he needs of t he households. The second st age was t he
"family wage economy" of early indust rialisat ion; t he ent ire family depended on t he collect ive
wages of it s members, including husband, wife, and older children. The t hird or modern st age is
t he "family consumer economy," in which t he family is t he sit e of consumpt ion, and women are
employed in large numbers in ret ail and clerical jobs t o support rising st andards of
consumpt ion.[153]

Ideas of t hrift and hard work charact erized middle-class families as t he Indust rial Revolut ion
swept Europe. These values were displayed in Samuel Smiles' book Self-Help, in which he st at es
t hat t he misery of t he poorer classes was "volunt ary and self-imposed – t he result s of idleness,
t hrift lessness, int emperance, and misconduct ."[154]

Labour conditions

Social structure and working conditions

In t erms of social st ruct ure, t he Indust rial Revolut ion wit nessed t he t riumph of a middle class of
indust rialist s and businessmen over a landed class of nobilit y and gent ry. Ordinary working people
found increased opport unit ies for employment in t he new mills and fact ories, but t hese were
oft en under st rict working condit ions wit h long hours of labour dominat ed by a pace set by
machines. As lat e as t he year 1900, most indust rial workers in t he Unit ed St at es st ill worked a
10-hour day (12 hours in t he st eel indust ry), yet earned from 20% t o 40% less t han t he minimum
deemed necessary for a decent life;[155] however, most workers in t ext iles, which was by far t he
leading indust ry in t erms of employment , were women and children.[42] For workers of t he
labouring classes, indust rial life "was a st ony desert , which t hey had t o make habit able by t heir
own effort s."[156] Also, harsh working condit ions were prevalent long before t he Indust rial
Revolut ion t ook place. Pre-indust rial societ y was very st at ic and oft en cruel – child labour, dirt y
living condit ions and long working hours were just as prevalent before t he Indust rial
Revolut ion.[157]

Factories and urbanisation

Manchester, England ("Cottonopolis"), pictured in 1840, showing the mass of factory chimneys

Indust rialisat ion led t o t he creat ion of t he fact ory. The fact ory syst em cont ribut ed t o t he
growt h of urban areas, as large numbers of workers migrat ed int o t he cit ies in search of work in
t he fact ories. Nowhere was t his bet t er illust rat ed t han t he mills and associat ed indust ries of
Manchest er, nicknamed "Cot t onopolis", and t he world's first indust rial cit y.[158] Manchest er
experienced a six-t imes increase in it s populat ion bet ween 1771 and 1831. Bradford grew by
50% every t en years bet ween 1811 and 1851 and by 1851 only 50% of t he populat ion of
Bradford was act ually born t here.[159]

In addit ion, bet ween 1815 and 1939, 20 percent of Europe's populat ion left home, pushed by
povert y, a rapidly growing populat ion, and t he displacement of peasant farming and art isan
manufact uring. They were pulled abroad by t he enormous demand for labour overseas, t he ready
availabilit y of land, and cheap t ransport at ion. St ill, many did not find a sat isfact ory life in t heir
new homes, leading 7 million of t hem t o ret urn t o Europe.[160] This mass migrat ion had large
demographic effect s: in 1800, less t han one percent of t he world populat ion consist ed of
overseas Europeans and t heir descendant s; by 1930, t hey represent ed 11 percent .[161] The
Americas felt t he brunt of t his huge emigrat ion, largely concent rat ed in t he Unit ed St at es.
For much of t he 19t h cent ury, product ion was done in small mills, which were t ypically wat er-
powered and built t o serve local needs. Lat er, each fact ory would have it s own st eam engine and
a chimney t o give an efficient draft t hrough it s boiler.

In ot her indust ries, t he t ransit ion t o fact ory product ion was not so divisive. Some indust rialist s
t hemselves t ried t o improve fact ory and living condit ions for t heir workers. One of t he earliest
such reformers was Robert Owen, known for his pioneering effort s in improving condit ions for
workers at t he New Lanark mills, and oft en regarded as one of t he key t hinkers of t he early
socialist movement .

By 1746 an int egrat ed brass mill was working at Warmley near Brist ol. Raw mat erial went in at
one end, was smelt ed int o brass and was t urned int o pans, pins, wire, and ot her goods. Housing
was provided for workers on sit e. Josiah Wedgwood and Mat t hew Boult on (whose Soho
Manufact ory was complet ed in 1766) were ot her prominent early indust rialist s, who employed
t he fact ory syst em.

Child labour

A young "drawer" pulling a coal tub along a mine gallery.[162] In Britain, laws passed in 1842 and 1844 improved mine
working conditions.

The Indust rial Revolut ion led t o a populat ion increase but t he chances of surviving childhood did
not improve t hroughout t he Indust rial Revolut ion, alt hough infant mort alit y rat es were reduced
markedly.[106][163] There was st ill limit ed opport unit y for educat ion and children were expect ed
t o work. Employers could pay a child less t han an adult even t hough t heir product ivit y was
comparable; t here was no need for st rengt h t o operat e an indust rial machine, and since t he
indust rial syst em was complet ely new, t here were no experienced adult labourers. This made
child labour t he labour of choice for manufact uring in t he early phases of t he Indust rial
Revolut ion bet ween t he 18t h and 19t h cent uries. In England and Scot land in 1788, t wo-t hirds of
t he workers in 143 wat er-powered cot t on mills were described as children.[164]

Child labour exist ed before t he Indust rial Revolut ion but wit h t he increase in populat ion and
educat ion, it became more visible. Many children were forced t o work in relat ively bad condit ions
for much lower pay t han t heir elders,[165] 10–20% of an adult male's wage.

Report s were writ t en det ailing some of t he abuses, part icularly in t he coal mines[166] and t ext ile
fact ories,[167] and t hese helped t o popularise t he children's plight . The public out cry, especially
among t he upper and middle classes, helped st ir change in t he young workers' welfare.

Polit icians and t he government t ried t o limit child labour by law but fact ory owners resist ed;
some felt t hat t hey were aiding t he poor by giving t heir children money t o buy food t o avoid
st arvat ion, and ot hers simply welcomed t he cheap labour. In 1833 and 1844, t he first general
laws against child labour, t he Fact ory Act s, were passed in Brit ain: Children younger t han nine
were not allowed t o work, children were not permit t ed t o work at night , and t he workday of
yout h under t he age of 18 was limit ed t o t welve hours. Fact ory inspect ors supervised t he
execut ion of t he law, however, t heir scarcit y made enforcement difficult . About t en years lat er,
t he employment of children and women in mining was forbidden. Alt hough laws such as t hese
decreased t he number of child labourers, child labour remained significant ly present in Europe and
t he Unit ed St at es unt il t he 20t h cent ury.[168]

Organisation of labour

The Indust rial Revolut ion concent rat ed labour int o mills, fact ories, and mines, t hus facilit at ing
t he organisat ion of combinations or t rade unions t o help advance t he int erest s of working
people. The power of a union could demand bet t er t erms by wit hdrawing all labour and causing a
consequent cessat ion of product ion. Employers had t o decide bet ween giving in t o t he union
demands at a cost t o t hemselves or suffering t he cost of t he lost product ion. Skilled workers
were hard t o replace, and t hese were t he first groups t o successfully advance t heir condit ions
t hrough t his kind of bargaining.

The main met hod t he unions used t o effect change was st rike act ion. Many st rikes were painful
event s for bot h sides, t he unions, and t he management . In Brit ain, t he Combinat ion Act 1799
forbade workers t o form any kind of t rade union unt il it s repeal in 1824. Even aft er t his, unions
were st ill severely rest rict ed. One Brit ish newspaper in 1834 described unions as "t he most
dangerous inst it ut ions t hat were ever permit t ed t o t ake root , under shelt er of law, in any
count ry..."[169]
In 1832, t he Reform Act ext ended t he vot e in Brit ain but did not grant universal suffrage. That
year six men from Tolpuddle in Dorset founded t he Friendly Societ y of Agricult ural Labourers t o
prot est against t he gradual lowering of wages in t he 1830s. They refused t o work for less t han
t en shillings a week, alt hough by t his t ime wages had been reduced t o seven shillings a week and
were due t o be furt her reduced t o six. In 1834 James Frampt on, a local landowner, wrot e t o t he
Prime Minist er, Lord Melbourne, t o complain about t he union, invoking an obscure law from 1797
prohibit ing people from swearing oat hs t o each ot her, which t he members of t he Friendly Societ y
had done. James Brine, James Hammet t , George Loveless, George's brot her James Loveless,
George's brot her-in-law Thomas St andfield, and Thomas's son John St andfield were arrest ed,
found guilt y, and t ransport ed t o Aust ralia. They became known as t he Tolpuddle Mart yrs. In t he
1830s and 1840s, t he Chart ist movement was t he first large-scale organised working-class
polit ical movement t hat campaigned for polit ical equalit y and social just ice. It s Charter of
reforms received over t hree million signat ures but was reject ed by Parliament wit hout
considerat ion.

Working people also formed friendly societ ies and co-operat ive societ ies as mut ual support
groups against t imes of economic hardship. Enlight ened indust rialist s, such as Robert Owen also
support ed t hese organisat ions t o improve t he condit ions of t he working class.

Unions slowly overcame t he legal rest rict ions on t he right t o st rike. In 1842, a general st rike
involving cot t on workers and colliers was organised t hrough t he Chart ist movement which
st opped product ion across Great Brit ain.[170]

Event ually, effect ive polit ical organisat ion for working people was achieved t hrough t he t rades
unions who, aft er t he ext ensions of t he franchise in 1867 and 1885, began t o support socialist
polit ical part ies t hat lat er merged t o become t he Brit ish Labour Part y.

Luddites
Luddites smashing a power loom in 1812

The rapid indust rialisat ion of t he English economy cost many craft workers t heir jobs. The
movement st art ed first wit h lace and hosiery workers near Not t ingham and spread t o ot her areas
of t he t ext ile indust ry owing t o early indust rialisat ion. Many weavers also found t hemselves
suddenly unemployed since t hey could no longer compet e wit h machines which only required
relat ively limit ed (and unskilled) labour t o produce more clot h t han a single weaver. Many such
unemployed workers, weavers, and ot hers t urned t heir animosit y t owards t he machines t hat had
t aken t heir jobs and began dest roying fact ories and machinery. These at t ackers became known
as Luddit es, supposedly followers of Ned Ludd, a folklore figure.[171] The first at t acks of t he
Luddit e movement began in 1811. The Luddit es rapidly gained popularit y, and t he Brit ish
government t ook drast ic measures, using t he milit ia or army t o prot ect indust ry. Those riot ers
who were caught were t ried and hanged, or t ransport ed for life.[172]

Unrest cont inued in ot her sect ors as t hey indust rialised, such as wit h agricult ural labourers in t he
1830s when large part s of sout hern Brit ain were affect ed by t he Capt ain Swing dist urbances.
Threshing machines were a part icular t arget , and hayrick burning was a popular act ivit y. However,
t he riot s led t o t he first format ion of t rade unions, and furt her pressure for reform.

Shift in production's center of gravity

The t radit ional cent ers of hand t ext ile product ion such as India, part s of t he Middle East , and
lat er China could not wit hst and t he compet it ion from machine-made t ext iles, which over a period
of decades dest royed t he hand made t ext ile indust ries and left millions of people wit hout work,
many of whom st arved.[42]

The Indust rial Revolut ion also generat ed an enormous and unprecedent ed economic division in
t he world, as measured by t he share of manufact uring out put .
Share of total world manufacturing output (percentage)[173]
1750 1800 1860 1880 1900

Europe 23.2 28.1 53.2 61.3 62.0

Unit ed St at es 0.1 0.8 7.2 14.7 23.6

Japan 3.8 3.5 2.6 2.4 2.4

Rest of t he world 73.0 67.7 36.6 20.9 11.0

Cotton and the expansion of slavery

Cheap cot t on t ext iles increased t he demand for raw cot t on; previously, it had primarily been
consumed in subt ropical regions where it was grown, wit h lit t le raw cot t on available for export .
Consequent ly, prices of raw cot t on rose. Brit ish product ion grew from 2 million pounds in 1700 t o
5 million pounds in 1781 t o 56 million in 1800.[174] The invent ion of t he cot t on gin by American Eli
Whit ney in 1792 was t he decisive event . It allowed green-seeded cot t on t o become profit able,
leading t o t he widespread growt h of t he large slave plant at ion in t he Unit ed St at es, Brazil, and
t he West Indies. In 1791 American cot t on product ion was about 2 million pounds, soaring t o 35
million by 1800, half of which was export ed. America's cot t on plant at ions were highly efficient
and profit able, and able t o keep up wit h demand.[175] The U.S. Civil War creat ed a "cot t on famine"
t hat led t o increased product ion in ot her areas of t he world, including European colonies in
Africa.[176]

Effect on environment

Levels of air pollution rose during the Industrial Revolution, sparking the first modern environmental laws to be passed in
the mid-19th century.
The origins of t he environment al movement lay in t he response t o increasing levels of smoke
pollut ion in t he at mosphere during t he Indust rial Revolut ion. The emergence of great fact ories
and t he concomit ant immense growt h in coal consumpt ion gave rise t o an unprecedent ed level
of air pollut ion in indust rial cent ers; aft er 1900 t he large volume of indust rial chemical discharges
added t o t he growing load of unt reat ed human wast e.[177] The first large-scale, modern
environment al laws came in t he form of Brit ain's Alkali Act s, passed in 1863, t o regulat e t he
delet erious air pollut ion (gaseous hydrochloric acid) given off by t he Leblanc process, used t o
produce soda ash. An Alkali inspect or and four sub-inspect ors were appoint ed t o curb t his
pollut ion. The responsibilit ies of t he inspect orat e were gradually expanded, culminat ing in t he
Alkali Order 1958 which placed all major heavy indust ries t hat emit t ed smoke, grit , dust , and
fumes under supervision.

The manufact ured gas indust ry began in Brit ish cit ies in 1812–1820. The t echnique used
produced highly t oxic effluent t hat was dumped int o sewers and rivers. The gas companies were
repeat edly sued in nuisance lawsuit s. They usually lost and modified t he worst pract ices. The
Cit y of London repeat edly indict ed gas companies in t he 1820s for pollut ing t he Thames and
poisoning it s fish. Finally, Parliament wrot e company chart ers t o regulat e t oxicit y.[178] The
indust ry reached t he US around 1850 causing pollut ion and lawsuit s.[179]

In indust rial cit ies local expert s and reformers, especially aft er 1890, t ook t he lead in ident ifying
environment al degradat ion and pollut ion, and init iat ing grass-root s movement s t o demand and
achieve reforms.[180] Typically t he highest priorit y went t o wat er and air pollut ion. The Coal
Smoke Abat ement Societ y was formed in Brit ain in 1898 making it one of t he oldest
environment al NGOs. It was founded by art ist Sir William Blake Richmond, frust rat ed wit h t he pall
cast by coal smoke. Alt hough t here were earlier pieces of legislat ion, t he Public Healt h Act 1875
required all furnaces and fireplaces t o consume t heir own smoke. It also provided for sanct ions
against fact ories t hat emit t ed large amount s of black smoke. The provisions of t his law were
ext ended in 1926 wit h t he Smoke Abat ement Act t o include ot her emissions, such as soot , ash,
and grit t y part icles, and t o empower local aut horit ies t o impose t heir own regulat ions.[181]

Nations and nationalism

In his 1983 book Nations and Nationalism, philosopher Ernest Gellner argues t hat t he indust rial
revolut ion and economic modernizat ion spurred t he creat ion of nat ions.[182]

Industrialisation beyond Great Britain

Continental Europe

The Indust rial Revolut ion in Cont inent al Europe came lat er t han in Great Brit ain. It st art ed in
Belgium and France, t hen spread t o t he German st at es by t he middle of t he 19t h cent ury. In
many indust ries, t his involved t he applicat ion of t echnology developed in Brit ain in new places.
Typically t he t echnology was purchased from Brit ain or Brit ish engineers and ent repreneurs
moved abroad in search of new opport unit ies. By 1809, part of t he Ruhr Valley in West phalia was
called 'Miniat ure England' because of it s similarit ies t o t he indust rial areas of Brit ain. Most
European government s provided st at e funding t o t he new indust ries. In some cases (such as
iron), t he different availabilit y of resources locally meant t hat only some aspect s of t he Brit ish
t echnology were adopt ed.[183][184]

Austria-Hungary

The Habsburg realms which became Aust ria-Hungary in 1867 included 23 million inhabit ant s in
1800, growing t o 36 million by 1870. Nat ionally t he per capit a rat e of indust rial growt h averaged
about 3% bet ween 1818 and 1870. However, t here were st rong regional differences. The railway
syst em was built in t he 1850-1873 period. Before t hey arrived t ransport at ion was very slow and
expensive. In t he Alpine and Bohemian (modern-day Czech Republic) regions, prot o-
indust rializat ion began by 1750 and became t he cent er of t he first phases of t he indust rial
revolut ion aft er 1800. The t ext ile indust ry was t he main fact or, ut ilizing mechanizat ion, st eam
engines, and t he fact ory syst em. In t he Czech lands, t he "first mechanical loom followed in
Varnsdorf in 1801,"[185] wit h t he first st eam engines appearing in Bohemia and Moravia just a few
years lat er. The t ext ile product ion flourished part icularly in Prague [186] and Brno (German: Brünn),
which was considered t he 'Moravian Manchest er'.[187] The Czech lands, especially Bohemia,
became t he cent er of indust rializat ion due t o it s nat ural and human resources. The iron indust ry
had developed in t he Alpine regions aft er 1750, wit h smaller cent ers in Bohemia and Moravia.
Hungary—t he east ern half of t he Dual Monarchy, was heavily rural wit h lit t le indust ry before
1870.[188]

In 1791 Prague organized t he first World's Fair/List of world's fairs, Bohemia (modern-day Czech
Republic). The first indust rial exhibit ion was on t he occasion of t he coronat ion of Leopold II as a
king of Bohemia, which t ook place in Clement inum, and t herefore celebrat ed t he considerable
sophist icat ion of manufact uring met hods in t he Czech lands during t hat t ime period.[189]

Technological change accelerat ed indust rializat ion and urbanizat ion. The GNP per capit a grew
roughly 1.76% per year from 1870 t o 1913. That level of growt h compared very favorably t o t hat
of ot her European nat ions such as Brit ain (1%), France (1.06%), and Germany (1.51%).[190]
However, in a comparison wit h Germany and Brit ain: t he Aust ro-Hungarian economy as a whole
st ill lagged considerably, as sust ained modernizat ion had begun much lat er.[191]

Belgium

Belgium was t he second count ry in which t he Indust rial Revolut ion t ook place and t he first in
cont inent al Europe: Wallonia (French-speaking sout hern Belgium) t ook t he lead. St art ing in t he
middle of t he 1820s, and especially aft er Belgium became an independent nat ion in 1830,
numerous works comprising coke blast furnaces as well as puddling and rolling mills were built in
t he coal mining areas around Liège and Charleroi. The leader was a t ransplant ed Englishman John
Cockerill. His fact ories at Seraing int egrat ed all st ages of product ion, from engineering t o t he
supply of raw mat erials, as early as 1825.[192][193]

Wallonia exemplified t he radical evolut ion of indust rial expansion. Thanks t o coal (t he French
word "houille" was coined in Wallonia),[194] t he region geared up t o become t he 2nd indust rial
power in t he world aft er Brit ain. But it is also point ed out by many researchers, wit h it s Sillon
industriel, 'Especially in t he Haine, Sambre and Meuse valleys, bet ween t he Borinage and
Liège...t here was a huge indust rial development based on coal-mining and iron-making...'.[195]
Philippe Raxhon wrot e about t he period aft er 1830: "It was not propaganda but a realit y t he
Walloon regions were becoming t he second indust rial power all over t he world aft er Brit ain."[196]
"The sole indust rial cent re out side t he collieries and blast furnaces of Walloon was t he old
clot h-making t own of Ghent ."[197] Professor Michel De Cost er st at ed: "The hist orians and t he
economist s say t hat Belgium was t he second indust rial power of t he world, in proport ion t o it s
populat ion and it s t errit ory [...] But t his rank is t he one of Wallonia where t he coal-mines, t he blast
furnaces, t he iron and zinc fact ories, t he wool indust ry, t he glass indust ry, t he weapons indust ry...
were concent rat ed."[198] Many of t he 19t h-cent ury coal mines in Wallonia are now prot ect ed as
World Herit age sit es[199]

Wallonia was also t he birt hplace of a st rong Socialist part y and st rong t rade unions in a part icular
sociological landscape. At t he left , t he Sillon industriel, which runs from Mons in t he west , t o
Verviers in t he east (except part of Nort h Flanders, in anot her period of t he indust rial revolut ion,
aft er 1920). Even if Belgium is t he second indust rial count ry aft er Brit ain, t he effect of t he
indust rial revolut ion t here was very different . In 'Breaking st ereot ypes', Muriel Neven and Isabelle
Devious say:

The industrial revolution changed a mainly rural society into an urban

one, but with a strong contrast between northern and southern
 Belgium. During the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period,
Flanders was characterised by the presence of large urban centres [...]
at the beginning of the nineteenth century this region (Flanders), with
an urbanisation degree of more than 30 percent, remained one of the
most urbanised in the world. By comparison, this proportion reached
only 17 percent in Wallonia, barely 10 percent in most West European
countries, 16 percent in France, and 25 percent in Britain. Nineteenth-
century industrialisation did not affect the traditional urban
infrastructure, except in Ghent...Also, in Wallonia, the traditional
urban network was largely unaffected by the industrialisation process,
even though the proportion of city-dwellers rose from 17 to 45 percent
between 1831 and 1910. Especially in the Haine, Sambre and Meuse
valleys, between the Borinage and Liège, where there was a huge
industrial development based on coal-mining and iron-making,
urbanisation was fast. During these eighty years, the number of
municipalities with more than 5,000 inhabitants increased from only
21 to more than one hundred, concentrating nearly half of the Walloon
population in this region. Nevertheless, industrialisation remained
quite traditional in the sense that it did not lead to the growth of
modern and large urban centres, but to a conurbation of industrial
villages and towns developed around a coal mine or a factory.
Communication routes between these small centres only became
populated later and created a much less dense urban morphology than,
for instance, the area around Liège where the old town was there to
direct migratory flows.[200]

France

The indust rial revolut ion in France followed a part icular course as it did not correspond t o t he
main model followed by ot her count ries. Not ably, most French hist orians argue France did not go
t hrough a clear take-off.[201] Inst ead, France's economic growt h and indust rialisat ion process was
slow and st eady t hrough t he 18t h and 19t h cent uries. However, some st ages were ident ified by
Maurice Lévy-Leboyer:

French Revolut ion and Napoleonic wars (1789–1815),

 indust rialisat ion, along wit h Brit ain (1815–1860),

economic slowdown (1860–1905),

renewal of t he growt h aft er 1905.

Germany

Based on it s leadership in chemical research in t he universit ies and indust rial laborat ories,
Germany, which was unified in 1871, became dominant in t he world's chemical indust ry in t he lat e
19t h cent ury. At first t he product ion of dyes based on aniline was crit ical.[202]

Germany's polit ical disunit y—wit h t hree dozen st at es—and a pervasive conservat ism made it
difficult t o build railways in t he 1830s. However, by t he 1840s, t runk lines linked t he major cit ies;
each German st at e was responsible for t he lines wit hin it s own borders. Lacking a t echnological
base at first , t he Germans import ed t heir engineering and hardware from Brit ain, but quickly
learned t he skills needed t o operat e and expand t he railways. In many cit ies, t he new railway
shops were t he cent res of t echnological awareness and t raining, so t hat by 1850, Germany was
self-sufficient in meet ing t he demands of railroad const ruct ion, and t he railways were a major
impet us for t he growt h of t he new st eel indust ry. Observers found t hat even as lat e as 1890,
t heir engineering was inferior t o Brit ain's. However, German unificat ion in 1870 st imulat ed
consolidat ion, nat ionalisat ion int o st at e-owned companies, and furt her rapid growt h. Unlike t he
sit uat ion in France, t he goal was t he support of indust rialisat ion, and so heavy lines crisscrossed
t he Ruhr and ot her indust rial dist rict s and provided good connect ions t o t he major port s of
Hamburg and Bremen. By 1880, Germany had 9,400 locomot ives pulling 43,000 passengers and
30,000 t ons of freight , and pulled ahead of France.[203]

Sweden

During t he period 1790–1815 Sweden experienced t wo parallel economic movement s: an

agricultural revolution wit h larger agricult ural est at es, new crops, and farming t ools and
commercialisat ion of farming, and a proto industrialisation, wit h small indust ries being est ablished
in t he count ryside and wit h workers swit ching bet ween agricult ural work in summer and indust rial
product ion in wint er. This led t o economic growt h benefit ing large sect ions of t he populat ion and
leading up t o a consumption revolution st art ing in t he 1820s. Bet ween 1815 and 1850, t he
prot oindust ries developed int o more specialised and larger indust ries. This period wit nessed
increasing regional specialisat ion wit h mining in Bergslagen, t ext ile mills in Sjuhäradsbygden, and
forest ry in Norrland. Several import ant inst it ut ional changes t ook place in t his period, such as
free and mandat ory schooling int roduced in 1842 (as t he first count ry in t he world), t he abolit ion
of t he nat ional monopoly on t rade in handicraft s in 1846, and a st ock company law in 1848.[204]
From 1850 t o 1890, Sweden experienced it s "first " Indust rial Revolut ion wit h a verit able
explosion in export , dominat ed by crops, wood, and st eel. Sweden abolished most t ariffs and
ot her barriers t o free t rade in t he 1850s and joined t he gold st andard in 1873. Large
infrast ruct ural invest ment s were made during t his period, mainly in t he expanding railroad
net work, which was financed in part by t he government and in part by privat e ent erprises.[205]
From 1890 t o 1930, new indust ries developed wit h t heir focus on t he domest ic market :
mechanical engineering, power ut ilit ies, papermaking and t ext ile.

Japan

The indust rial revolut ion began about 1870 as Meiji period leaders decided t o cat ch up wit h t he
West . The government built railroads, improved roads, and inaugurat ed a land reform program t o
prepare t he count ry for furt her development . It inaugurat ed a new West ern-based educat ion
syst em for all young people, sent t housands of st udent s t o t he Unit ed St at es and Europe, and
hired more t han 3,000 West erners t o t each modern science, mat hemat ics, t echnology, and
foreign languages in Japan (Foreign government advisors in Meiji Japan).

In 1871, a group of Japanese polit icians known as t he Iwakura Mission t oured Europe and t he
Unit ed St at es t o learn west ern ways. The result was a deliberat e st at e-led indust rialisat ion
policy t o enable Japan t o quickly cat ch up. The Bank of Japan, founded in 1882,[206] used t axes
t o fund model st eel and t ext ile fact ories. Educat ion was expanded and Japanese st udent s were
sent t o st udy in t he west .

Modern indust ry first appeared in t ext iles, including cot t on and especially silk, which was based in
home workshops in rural areas.[207]

United States
Slater's Mill in Pawtucket, Rhode Island.

During t he lat e 18t h and early 19t h cent uries when t he UK and part s of West ern Europe began t o
indust rialise, t he US was primarily an agricult ural and nat ural resource producing and processing
economy.[208] The building of roads and canals, t he int roduct ion of st eamboat s and t he building
of railroads were import ant for handling agricult ural and nat ural resource product s in t he large and
sparsely populat ed count ry of t he period.[209][210]

Import ant American t echnological cont ribut ions during t he period of t he Indust rial Revolut ion
were t he cot t on gin and t he development of a syst em for making int erchangeable part s, t he
lat t er aided by t he development of t he milling machine in t he US. The development of machine
t ools and t he syst em of int erchangeable part s was t he basis for t he rise of t he US as t he
world's leading indust rial nat ion in t he lat e 19t h cent ury.

Oliver Evans invent ed an aut omat ed flour mill in t he mid-1780s t hat used cont rol mechanisms and
conveyors so t hat no labour was needed from t he t ime grain was loaded int o t he elevat or
bucket s unt il t he flour was discharged int o a wagon. This is considered t o be t he first modern
mat erials handling syst em an import ant advance in t he progress t oward mass product ion.[40]

The Unit ed St at es originally used horse-powered machinery for small-scale applicat ions such as
grain milling, but event ually swit ched t o wat er power aft er t ext ile fact ories began being built in
t he 1790s. As a result , indust rialisat ion was concent rat ed in New England and t he Nort heast ern
Unit ed St at es, which has fast -moving rivers. The newer wat er-powered product ion lines proved
more economical t han horse-drawn product ion. In t he lat e 19t h cent ury st eam-powered
manufact uring overt ook wat er-powered manufact uring, allowing t he indust ry t o spread t o t he
Midwest .

Thomas Somers and t he Cabot Brot hers founded t he Beverly Cot t on Manufact ory in 1787, t he
first cot t on mill in America, t he largest cot t on mill of it s era,[211] and a significant milest one in t he
research and development of cot t on mills in t he fut ure. This mill was designed t o use
horsepower, but t he operat ors quickly learned t hat t he horse-drawn plat form was economically
unst able, and had economic losses for years. Despit e t he losses, t he Manufact ory served as a
playground of innovat ion, bot h in t urning a large amount of cot t on, but also developing t he wat er-
powered milling st ruct ure used in Slat er's Mill.[212]

In 1793, Samuel Slat er (1768–1835) founded t he Slat er Mill at Pawt ucket , Rhode Island. He had
learned of t he new t ext ile t echnologies as a boy apprent ice in Derbyshire, England, and defied
laws against t he emigrat ion of skilled workers by leaving for New York in 1789, hoping t o make
money wit h his knowledge. Aft er founding Slat er's Mill, he went on t o own 13 t ext ile mills.[213]
Daniel Day est ablished a wool carding mill in t he Blackst one Valley at Uxbridge, Massachuset t s in
1809, t he t hird woollen mill est ablished in t he US (The first was in Hart ford, Connect icut , and t he
second at Wat ert own, Massachuset t s.) The John H. Chafee Blackst one River Valley Nat ional
Herit age Corridor ret races t he hist ory of "America's Hardest -Working River', t he Blackst one. The
Blackst one River and it s t ribut aries, which cover more t han 70 kilomet res (45 mi) from Worcest er,
Massachuset t s t o Providence, Rhode Island, was t he birt hplace of America's Indust rial
Revolut ion. At it s peak over 1,100 mills operat ed in t his valley, including Slat er's mill, and wit h it
t he earliest beginnings of America's Indust rial and Technological Development .

Merchant Francis Cabot Lowell from Newburyport , Massachuset t s memorised t he design of

t ext ile machines on his t our of Brit ish fact ories in 1810. Realising t hat t he War of 1812 had ruined
his import business but t hat demand for domest ic finished clot h was emerging in America, on his
ret urn t o t he Unit ed St at es, he set up t he Bost on Manufact uring Company. Lowell and his
part ners built America's second cot t on-t o-clot h t ext ile mill at Walt ham, Massachuset t s, second
t o t he Beverly Cot t on Manufact ory. Aft er his deat h in 1817, his associat es built America's first
planned fact ory t own, which t hey named aft er him. This ent erprise was capit alised in a public
st ock offering, one of t he first uses of it in t he Unit ed St at es. Lowell, Massachuset t s, using nine
kilomet res (51⁄2 miles) of canals and 7,500 kilowat t s (10,000 horsepower) delivered by t he
Merrimack River, is considered by some as a major cont ribut or t o t he success of t he American
Indust rial Revolut ion. The short -lived ut opia-like Walt ham-Lowell syst em was formed, as a direct
response t o t he poor working condit ions in Brit ain. However, by 1850, especially following t he
Great Famine of Ireland, t he syst em had been replaced by poor immigrant labour.

A major U.S. cont ribut ion t o indust rialisat ion was t he development of t echniques t o make
int erchangeable part s from met al. Precision met al machining t echniques were developed by t he
U.S. Depart ment of War t o make int erchangeable part s for small firearms. The development
work t ook place at t he Federal Arsenals at Springfield Armory and Harpers Ferry Armory.
Techniques for precision machining using machine t ools included using fixt ures t o hold t he part s
in t he proper posit ion, jigs t o guide t he cut t ing t ools and precision blocks and gauges t o measure
t he accuracy. The milling machine, a fundament al machine t ool, is believed t o have been invent ed
by Eli Whit ney, who was a government cont ract or who built firearms as part of t his program.
Anot her import ant invent ion was t he Blanchard lat he, invent ed by Thomas Blanchard. The
Blanchard lat he, or pat t ern t racing lat he, was act ually a shaper t hat could produce copies of
wooden gun st ocks. The use of machinery and t he t echniques for producing st andardised and
int erchangeable part s became known as t he American syst em of manufact uring.[40]
Precision manufact uring t echniques made it possible t o build machines t hat mechanised t he
shoe indust ry[214] and t he wat ch indust ry. The indust rialisat ion of t he wat ch indust ry st art ed in
1854 also in Walt ham, Massachuset t s, at t he Walt ham Wat ch Company, wit h t he development
of machine t ools, gauges and assembling met hods adapt ed t o t he micro precision required for
wat ches.

Second Industrial Revolution

Sächsische Maschinenfabrik in Chemnitz, Germany, 1868

St eel is oft en cit ed as t he first of several new areas for indust rial mass-product ion, which are
said t o charact erise a "Second Indust rial Revolut ion", beginning around 1850, alt hough a met hod
for mass manufact ure of st eel was not invent ed unt il t he 1860s, when Sir Henry Bessemer
invent ed a new furnace which could convert molt en pig iron int o st eel in large quant it ies.
However, it only became widely available in t he 1870s aft er t he process was modified t o
produce more uniform qualit y.[45][215] Bessemer st eel was being displaced by t he open heart h
furnace near t he end of t he 19t h cent ury.
Sir Henry Bessemer's Bessemer converter, the most important technique for making steel from the 1850s to the 1950s.
Located in Sheffield (Steel City)

This Second Indust rial Revolut ion gradually grew t o include chemicals, mainly t he chemical
indust ries, pet roleum (refining and dist ribut ion), and, in t he 20t h cent ury, t he aut omot ive indust ry,
and was marked by a t ransit ion of t echnological leadership from Brit ain t o t he Unit ed St at es and
Germany.

The increasing availabilit y of economical pet roleum product s also reduced t he import ance of
coal and furt her widened t he pot ent ial for indust rialisat ion.

A new revolut ion began wit h elect ricit y and elect rificat ion in t he elect rical indust ries. The
int roduct ion of hydroelect ric power generat ion in t he Alps enabled t he rapid indust rialisat ion of
coal-deprived nort hern It aly, beginning in t he 1890s.

By t he 1890s, indust rialisat ion in t hese areas had creat ed t he first giant indust rial corporat ions
wit h burgeoning global int erest s, as companies like U.S. St eel, General Elect ric, St andard Oil and
Bayer AG joined t he railroad and ship companies on t he world's st ock market s.

New Industrialism

The New Indust rialist movement advocat es for increasing domest ic manufact uring while
reducing emphasis on a financial-based economy t hat relies on real est at e and t rading
speculat ive asset s. New Indust rialism has been described as "supply-side progressivism" or
embracing t he idea of "Building More St uff."[216] New Indust rialism developed aft er t he China
Shock t hat result ed in lost manufact uring jobs in t he U.S. aft er China joined t he World Trade
Organizat ion in 2001. The movement st rengt hened aft er t he reduct ion of manufact uring jobs
during t he Great Recession and when t he U.S. was not able t o manufact ure enough t est s or
facemasks during t he COVID-19 pandemic.[217] New Indust rialism calls for building enough
housing t o sat isfy demand in order t o reduce t he profit in land speculat ion, t o invest in
infrast ruct ure, and t o develop advanced t echnology t o manufact ure green energy for t he
world.[217] New Indust rialist s believe t hat t he Unit ed St at es isn’t building enough product ive
capit al and should invest more int o economic growt h.[218]

Causes
Regional GDP per capita changed very little for most of human history before the Industrial Revolution.

The causes of t he Indust rial Revolut ion were complicat ed and remain a t opic for debat e.
Geographic fact ors include Brit ain's vast mineral resources. In addit ion t o met al ores, Brit ain had
t he highest qualit y coal reserves known at t he t ime, as well as abundant wat er power, highly
product ive agricult ure, and numerous seaport s and navigable wat erways.[60]

Some hist orians believe t he Indust rial Revolut ion was an out growt h of social and inst it ut ional
changes brought by t he end of feudalism in Brit ain aft er t he English Civil War in t he 17t h cent ury,
alt hough feudalism began t o break down aft er t he Black Deat h of t he mid 14t h cent ury,
followed by ot her epidemics, unt il t he populat ion reached a low in t he 14t h cent ury. This creat ed
labour short ages and led t o falling food prices and a peak in real wages around 1500, aft er which
populat ion growt h began reducing wages. Inflat ion caused by coinage debasement aft er 1540
followed by precious met als supply increasing from t he Americas caused land rent s (oft en long-
t erm leases t hat t ransferred t o heirs on deat h) t o fall in real t erms.[219]

The Enclosure movement and t he Brit ish Agricult ural Revolut ion made food product ion more
efficient and less labour-int ensive, forcing t he farmers who could no longer be self-sufficient in
agricult ure int o cot t age indust ry, for example weaving, and in t he longer t erm int o t he cit ies and
t he newly developed fact ories.[220] The colonial expansion of t he 17t h cent ury wit h t he
accompanying development of int ernat ional t rade, creat ion of financial market s and
accumulat ion of capit al are also cit ed as fact ors, as is t he scient ific revolut ion of t he 17t h
cent ury.[221] A change in marrying pat t erns t o get t ing married lat er made people able t o
accumulat e more human capit al during t heir yout h, t hereby encouraging economic
development .[222]

Unt il t he 1980s, it was universally believed by academic hist orians t hat t echnological innovat ion
was t he heart of t he Indust rial Revolut ion and t he key enabling t echnology was t he invent ion and
improvement of t he st eam engine.[223] Market ing professor Ronald Fullert on suggest ed t hat
innovat ive market ing t echniques, business pract ices, and compet it ion also influenced changes in
t he manufact uring indust ry.[224]

Lewis Mumford has proposed t hat t he Indust rial Revolut ion had it s origins in t he Early Middle
Ages, much earlier t han most est imat es.[225] He explains t hat t he model for st andardised mass
product ion was t he print ing press and t hat "t he archet ypal model for t he indust rial era was t he
clock". He also cit es t he monast ic emphasis on order and t ime-keeping, as well as t he fact t hat
medieval cit ies had at t heir cent re a church wit h bell ringing at regular int ervals as being
necessary precursors t o a great er synchronisat ion necessary for lat er, more physical,
manifest at ions such as t he st eam engine.

The presence of a large domest ic market should also be considered an import ant driver of t he
Indust rial Revolut ion, part icularly explaining why it occurred in Brit ain. In ot her nat ions, such as
France, market s were split up by local regions, which oft en imposed t olls and t ariffs on goods
t raded among t hem.[226] Int ernal t ariffs were abolished by Henry VIII of England, t hey survived in
Russia unt il 1753, 1789 in France and 1839 in Spain.

Government s' grant of limit ed monopolies t o invent ors under a developing pat ent syst em (t he
St at ut e of Monopolies in 1623) is considered an influent ial fact or. The effect s of pat ent s, bot h
good and ill, on t he development of indust rialisat ion are clearly illust rat ed in t he hist ory of t he
st eam engine, t he key enabling t echnology. In ret urn for publicly revealing t he workings of an
invent ion t he pat ent syst em rewarded invent ors such as James Wat t by allowing t hem t o
monopolise t he product ion of t he first st eam engines, t hereby rewarding invent ors and increasing
t he pace of t echnological development . However, monopolies bring wit h t hem t heir own
inefficiencies which may count erbalance, or even overbalance, t he beneficial effect s of
publicising ingenuit y and rewarding invent ors.[227] Wat t 's monopoly prevent ed ot her invent ors,
such as Richard Trevit hick, William Murdoch, or Jonat han Hornblower, whom Boult on and Wat t
sued, from int roducing improved st eam engines, t hereby ret arding t he spread of st eam
power.[228][229]

Causes in Europe
Interior of the London Coal Exchange, c. 1808.
European 17th-century colonial expansion, international trade, and creation of financial markets produced a new legal and
financial environment, one which supported and enabled 18th-century industrial growth.

One quest ion of act ive int erest t o hist orians is why t he Indust rial Revolut ion occurred in Europe
and not in ot her part s of t he world in t he 18t h cent ury, part icularly China, India, and t he Middle
East (which pioneered in shipbuilding, t ext ile product ion, wat er mills, and much more in t he period
bet ween 750 and 1100[230]), or at ot her t imes like in Classical Ant iquit y[231] or t he Middle
Ages.[232] A recent account argued t hat Europeans have been charact erized for t housands of
years by a freedom-loving cult ure originat ing from t he arist ocrat ic societ ies of early Indo-
European invaders.[233] Many hist orians, however, have challenged t his explanat ion as being not
only Eurocent ric, but also ignoring hist orical cont ext . In fact , before t he Indust rial Revolut ion,
"t here exist ed somet hing of a global economic parit y bet ween t he most advanced regions in t he
world economy."[234] These hist orians have suggest ed a number of ot her fact ors, including
educat ion, t echnological changes[235] (see Scient ific Revolut ion in Europe), "modern" government ,
"modern" work at t it udes, ecology, and cult ure.[236]

China was t he world's most t echnologically advanced count ry for many cent uries; however, China
st agnat ed economically and t echnologically and was surpassed by West ern Europe before t he
Age of Discovery, by which t ime China banned import s and denied ent ry t o foreigners. China was
also a t ot alit arian societ y. China also heavily t axed t ransport ed goods.[237][238] Modern est imat es
of per capit a income in West ern Europe in t he lat e 18t h cent ury are of roughly 1,500 dollars in
purchasing power parit y (and Brit ain had a per capit a income of nearly 2,000 dollars[239]) whereas
China, by comparison, had only 450 dollars. India was essent ially feudal, polit ically fragment ed
and not as economically advanced as West ern Europe.[240]

Hist orians such as David Landes and sociologist s Max Weber and Rodney St ark credit t he
different belief syst ems in Asia and Europe wit h dict at ing where t he revolut ion occurred.[241][242]
The religion and beliefs of Europe were largely product s of Judaeo-Christ ianit y and Greek
t hought . Conversely, Chinese societ y was founded on men like Confucius, Mencius, Han Feizi
(Legalism), Lao Tzu (Taoism), and Buddha (Buddhism), result ing in very different worldviews.[243]
Ot her fact ors include t he considerable dist ance of China's coal deposit s, t hough large, from it s
cit ies as well as t he t hen unnavigable Yellow River t hat connect s t hese deposit s t o t he sea.[244]

Regarding India, t he Marxist hist orian Rajani Palme Dut t said: "The capit al t o finance t he Indust rial
Revolut ion in India inst ead went int o financing t he Indust rial Revolut ion in Brit ain."[245] In cont rast
t o China, India was split up int o many compet ing kingdoms aft er t he decline of t he Mughal
Empire, wit h t he major ones in it s aft ermat h including t he Marat has, Sikhs, Bengal Subah, and
Kingdom of Mysore. In addit ion, t he economy was highly dependent on t wo sect ors—agricult ure
of subsist ence and cot t on, and t here appears t o have been lit t le t echnical innovat ion. It is
believed t hat t he vast amount s of wealt h were largely st ored away in palace t reasuries by
monarchs prior t o t he Brit ish t ake over.

Economic hist orian Joel Mokyr argued t hat polit ical fragment at ion (t he presence of a large
number of European st at es) made it possible for het erodox ideas t o t hrive, as ent repreneurs,
innovat ors, ideologues and heret ics could easily flee t o a neighboring st at e in t he event t hat t he
one st at e would t ry t o suppress t heir ideas and act ivit ies. This is what set Europe apart from t he
t echnologically advanced, large unit ary empires such as China and India by providing "an insurance
against economic and t echnological st agnat ion".[246] China had bot h a print ing press and movable
t ype, and India had similar levels of scient ific and t echnological achievement as Europe in 1700,
yet t he Indust rial Revolut ion would occur in Europe, not China or India. In Europe, polit ical
fragment at ion was coupled wit h an "int egrat ed market for ideas" where Europe's int ellect uals
used t he lingua franca of Lat in, had a shared int ellect ual basis in Europe's classical herit age and
t he pan-European inst it ut ion of t he Republic of Let t ers.[247]

In addit ion, Europe's monarchs desperat ely needed revenue, pushing t hem int o alliances wit h t heir
merchant classes. Small groups of merchant s were grant ed monopolies and t ax-collect ing
responsibilit ies in exchange for payment s t o t he st at e. Locat ed in a region "at t he hub of t he
largest and most varied net work of exchange in hist ory,"[248] Europe advanced as t he leader of
t he Indust rial Revolut ion. In t he Americas, Europeans found a windfall of silver, t imber, fish, and
maize, leading hist orian Pet er St earns t o conclude t hat "Europe's Indust rial Revolut ion st emmed
in great part from Europe's abilit y t o draw disproport ionat ely on world resources."[249]

Modern capit alism originat ed in t he It alian cit y-st at es around t he end of t he first millennium. The
cit y-st at es were prosperous cit ies t hat were independent from feudal lords. They were largely
republics whose government s were t ypically composed of merchant s, manufact urers, members
of guilds, bankers and financiers. The It alian cit y-st at es built a net work of branch banks in leading
west ern European cit ies and int roduced double ent ry bookkeeping. It alian commerce was
support ed by schools t hat t aught numeracy in financial calculat ions t hrough abacus schools.[242]

Causes in Britain

As the Industrial Revolution developed British manufactured output surged ahead of other economies.

Great Brit ain provided t he legal and cult ural foundat ions t hat enabled ent repreneurs t o pioneer
t he Indust rial Revolut ion.[250] Key fact ors fost ering t his environment were:

The period of peace and st abilit y which followed t he unificat ion of England and Scot land[2]

There were no int ernal t rade barriers, including bet ween England and Scot land, or feudal t olls
and t ariffs, making Brit ain t he "largest coherent market in Europe"[2]: 46 

The rule of law (enforcing propert y right s and respect ing t he sanct it y of cont ract s)[2]

A st raight forward legal syst em t hat allowed t he format ion of joint -st ock companies
(corporat ions)[2]

Free market (capit alism)[2]

Geographical and nat ural resource advant ages of Great Brit ain were t he fact t hat it had
ext ensive coast lines and many navigable rivers in an age where wat er was t he easiest means
of t ransport at ion and Brit ain had t he highest qualit y coal in Europe. Brit ain also had a large
number of sit es for wat er power.[2]

"An unprecedented
There were t wo main values t hat drove t he Indust rial Revolut ion in
explosion of new Brit ain. These values were self-int erest and an ent repreneurial spirit .
 ideas, and new Because of t hese int erest s, many indust rial advances were made t hat
technological result ed in a huge increase in personal wealt h and a consumer
inventions,
revolut ion.[128] These advancement s also great ly benefit t ed Brit ish
transformed our use
societ y as a whole. Count ries around t he world st art ed t o recognise
of energy, creating an
t he changes and advancement s in Brit ain and use t hem as an example
increasingly industrial
and urbanised t o begin t heir own Indust rial Revolut ions.[251]
country. Roads,
A debat e sparked by Trinidadian polit ician and hist orian Eric Williams in
railways and canals
were built. Great his work Capitalism and Slavery (1944) concerned t he role of slavery in
cities appeared. financing t he Indust rial Revolut ion. Williams argued t hat European
Scores of factories capit al amassed from slavery was vit al in t he early years of t he
and mills sprang up. revolut ion, cont ending t hat t he rise of indust rial capit alism was t he
Our landscape would driving force behind abolit ionism inst ead of humanit arian mot ivat ions.
never be the same
These argument s led t o significant hist oriographical debat es among
again. It was a
hist orians, wit h American hist orian Seymour Drescher crit iquing
revolution that
Williams' argument s in Econocide (1977).[252]
transformed not only
the country, but the
world itself."

– British historian
Jeremy Black on the
BBC's Why the
Industrial Revolution
Happened Here.[128]

William Bell Scott Iron and Coal, 1855–60

Inst ead, t he great er liberalisat ion of t rade from a large merchant base may have allowed Brit ain
t o produce and use emerging scient ific and t echnological development s more effect ively t han
count ries wit h st ronger monarchies, part icularly China and Russia. Brit ain emerged from t he
Napoleonic Wars as t he only European nat ion not ravaged by financial plunder and economic
collapse, and having t he only merchant fleet of any useful size (European merchant fleet s were
dest royed during t he war by t he Royal Navy[253]). Brit ain's ext ensive export ing cot t age indust ries
also ensured market s were already available for many early forms of manufact ured goods. The
conflict result ed in most Brit ish warfare being conduct ed overseas, reducing t he devast at ing
effect s of t errit orial conquest t hat affect ed much of Europe. This was furt her aided by Brit ain's
geographical posit ion—an island separat ed from t he rest of mainland Europe.

William and Mary Presenting the Cap of Liberty to Europe, 1716, Sir James Thornhill. Enthroned in heaven with the Virtues
behind them are the royals William III and Mary II who had taken the throne after the Glorious Revolution and signed the
English Bill of Rights of 1689. William tramples on arbitrary power and hands the red cap of liberty to Europe where, unlike
Britain, absolute monarchy stayed the normal form of power execution. Below William is the French king Louis XIV.[254]

Anot her t heory is t hat Brit ain was able t o succeed in t he Indust rial Revolut ion due t o t he
availabilit y of key resources it possessed. It had a dense populat ion for it s small geographical
size. Enclosure of common land and t he relat ed agricult ural revolut ion made a supply of t his
labour readily available. There was also a local coincidence of nat ural resources in t he Nort h of
England, t he English Midlands, Sout h Wales and t he Scot t ish Lowlands. Local supplies of coal,
iron, lead, copper, t in, limest one and wat er power result ed in excellent condit ions for t he
development and expansion of indust ry. Also, t he damp, mild weat her condit ions of t he Nort h
West of England provided ideal condit ions for t he spinning of cot t on, providing a nat ural st art ing
point for t he birt h of t he t ext iles indust ry.
The st able polit ical sit uat ion in Brit ain from around 1689 following t he Glorious Revolut ion, and
Brit ish societ y's great er recept iveness t o change (compared wit h ot her European count ries) can
also be said t o be fact ors favouring t he Indust rial Revolut ion. Peasant resist ance t o
indust rialisat ion was largely eliminat ed by t he Enclosure movement , and t he landed upper classes
developed commercial int erest s t hat made t hem pioneers in removing obst acles t o t he growt h
of capit alism.[255] (This point is also made in Hilaire Belloc's The Servile State.)

The French philosopher Volt aire wrot e about capit alism and religious t olerance in his book on
English societ y, Letters on the English (1733), not ing why England at t hat t ime was more
prosperous in comparison t o t he count ry's less religiously t olerant European neighbours. "Take a
view of t he Royal Exchange in London, a place more venerable t han many court s of just ice, where
t he represent at ives of all nat ions meet for t he benefit of mankind. There t he Jew, t he
Mahomet an [Muslim], and t he Christ ian t ransact t oget her, as t hough t hey all professed t he same
religion, and give t he name of infidel t o none but bankrupt s. There t he Presbyt erian confides in
t he Anabapt ist , and t he Churchman depends on t he Quaker's word. If one religion only were
allowed in England, t he Government would very possibly become arbit rary; if t here were but t wo,
t he people would cut one anot her's t hroat s; but as t here are such a mult it ude, t hey all live happy
and in peace."[256]

Brit ain's populat ion grew 280% 1550–1820, while t he rest of West ern Europe grew 50–80%.
Sevent y percent of European urbanisat ion happened in Brit ain 1750–1800. By 1800, only t he
Net herlands was more urbanised t han Brit ain. This was only possible because coal, coke,
import ed cot t on, brick and slat e had replaced wood, charcoal, flax, peat and t hat ch. The lat t er
compet e wit h land grown t o feed people while mined mat erials do not . Yet more land would be
freed when chemical fert ilisers replaced manure and horse's work was mechanised. A workhorse
needs 1.2 t o 2.0 ha (3 t o 5 acres) for fodder while even early st eam engines produced four t imes
more mechanical energy.

In 1700, five-sixt hs of t he coal mined worldwide was in Brit ain, while t he Net herlands had none;
so despit e having Europe's best t ransport , lowest t axes, and most urbanised, well-paid, and
lit erat e populat ion, it failed t o indust rialise. In t he 18t h cent ury, it was t he only European count ry
whose cit ies and populat ion shrank. Wit hout coal, Brit ain would have run out of suit able river sit es
for mills by t he 1830s.[257] Based on science and experiment at ion from t he cont inent , t he st eam
engine was developed specifically for pumping wat er out of mines, many of which in Brit ain had
been mined t o below t he wat er t able. Alt hough ext remely inefficient t hey were economical
because t hey used unsaleable coal.[258] Iron rails were developed t o t ransport coal, which was a
major economic sect or in Brit ain.
Economic hist orian Robert Allen has argued t hat high wages, cheap capit al and very cheap energy
in Brit ain made it t he ideal place for t he indust rial revolut ion t o occur.[259] These fact ors made it
vast ly more profit able t o invest in research and development , and t o put t echnology t o use in
Brit ain t han ot her societ ies.[259] However, t wo 2018 st udies in The Economic History Review
showed t hat wages were not part icularly high in t he Brit ish spinning sect or or t he const ruct ion
sect or, cast ing doubt on Allen's explanat ion.[260][261] A 2022 st udy in t he Journal of Political
Economy by Morgan Kelly, Joel Mokyr, and Cormac O Grada found t hat indust rializat ion happened
in areas wit h low wages and high mechanical skills, whereas lit eracy, banks and proximit y t o coal
had lit t le explanat ory power.[262]

Transfer of knowledge

A Philosopher Lecturing on the Orrery by Joseph Wright of Derby (c. 1766). Informal philosophical societies spread
scientific advances

Knowledge of innovat ion was spread by several means. Workers who were t rained in t he
t echnique might move t o anot her employer or might be poached. A common met hod was for
someone t o make a st udy t our, gat hering informat ion where he could. During t he whole of t he
Indust rial Revolut ion and for t he cent ury before, all European count ries and America engaged in
st udy-t ouring; some nat ions, like Sweden and France, even t rained civil servant s or t echnicians t o
undert ake it as a mat t er of st at e policy. In ot her count ries, not ably Brit ain and America, t his
pract ice was carried out by individual manufact urers eager t o improve t heir own met hods. St udy
t ours were common t hen, as now, as was t he keeping of t ravel diaries. Records made by
indust rialist s and t echnicians of t he period are an incomparable source of informat ion about t heir
met hods.

Anot her means for t he spread of innovat ion was by t he net work of informal philosophical
societ ies, like t he Lunar Societ y of Birmingham, in which members met t o discuss 'nat ural
philosophy' (i.e. science) and oft en it s applicat ion t o manufact uring. The Lunar Societ y flourished
from 1765 t o 1809, and it has been said of t hem, "They were, if you like, t he revolut ionary
commit t ee of t hat most far reaching of all t he eight eent h-cent ury revolut ions, t he Indust rial
Revolut ion".[263] Ot her such societ ies published volumes of proceedings and t ransact ions. For
example, t he London-based Royal Societ y of Art s published an illust rat ed volume of new
invent ions, as well as papers about t hem in it s annual Transactions.

There were publicat ions describing t echnology. Encyclopaedias such as Harris's Lexicon
Technicum (1704) and Abraham Rees's Cyclopaedia (1802–1819) cont ain much of value.
Cyclopaedia cont ains an enormous amount of informat ion about t he science and t echnology of
t he first half of t he Indust rial Revolut ion, very well illust rat ed by fine engravings. Foreign print ed
sources such as t he Descriptions des Arts et Métiers and Diderot 's Encyclopédie explained foreign
met hods wit h fine engraved plat es.

Periodical publicat ions about manufact uring and t echnology began t o appear in t he last decade
of t he 18t h cent ury, and many regularly included not ice of t he lat est pat ent s. Foreign periodicals,
such as t he Annales des Mines, published account s of t ravels made by French engineers who
observed Brit ish met hods on st udy t ours.

Protestant work ethic

Anot her t heory is t hat t he Brit ish advance was due t o t he presence of an ent repreneurial class
which believed in progress, t echnology and hard work.[264] The exist ence of t his class is oft en
linked t o t he Prot est ant work et hic (see Max Weber) and t he part icular st at us of t he Bapt ist s
and t he dissent ing Prot est ant sect s, such as t he Quakers and Presbyt erians t hat had flourished
wit h t he English Civil War. Reinforcement of confidence in t he rule of law, which followed
est ablishment of t he prot ot ype of const it ut ional monarchy in Brit ain in t he Glorious Revolut ion of
1688, and t he emergence of a st able financial market t here based on t he management of t he
nat ional debt by t he Bank of England, cont ribut ed t o t he capacit y for, and int erest in, privat e
financial invest ment in indust rial vent ures.[265]

Dissent ers found t hemselves barred or discouraged from almost all public offices, as well as
educat ion at England's only t wo universit ies at t he t ime (alt hough dissent ers were st ill free t o
st udy at Scot land's four universit ies). When t he rest orat ion of t he monarchy t ook place and
membership in t he official Anglican Church became mandat ory due t o t he Test Act , t hey
t hereupon became act ive in banking, manufact uring and educat ion. The Unit arians, in part icular,
were very involved in educat ion, by running Dissent ing Academies, where, in cont rast t o t he
universit ies of Oxford and Cambridge and schools such as Et on and Harrow, much at t ent ion was
given t o mat hemat ics and t he sciences – areas of scholarship vit al t o t he development of
manufact uring t echnologies.

Hist orians somet imes consider t his social fact or t o be ext remely import ant , along wit h t he
nat ure of t he nat ional economies involved. While members of t hese sect s were excluded from
cert ain circles of t he government , t hey were considered fellow Prot est ant s, t o a limit ed ext ent ,
by many in t he middle class, such as t radit ional financiers or ot her businessmen. Given t his
relat ive t olerance and t he supply of capit al, t he nat ural out let for t he more ent erprising members
of t hese sect s would be t o seek new opport unit ies in t he t echnologies creat ed in t he wake of
t he scient ific revolut ion of t he 17t h cent ury.

Criticisms

The indust rial revolut ion has been crit icised for causing ecological collapse, ment al illness,
pollut ion and det riment al social syst ems.[266][267] It has also been crit icised for valuing profit s
and corporat e growt h over life and wellbeing. Mult iple movement s have arisen which reject
aspect s of t he indust rial revolut ion, such as t he Amish or primit ivist s.[268]

Individualism humanism and harsh conditions

Humanist s and individualist s crit icise t he Indust rial revolut ion for mist reat ing women and children
and t urning men int o work machines t hat lacked aut onomy.[269] Crit ics of t he Indust rial revolut ion
promot ed a more int ervent ionist st at e and formed new organizat ions t o promot e human
right s.[270]

Primitivism
A primitive lifestyle living outside the Industrial Revolution

Primit ivism argues t hat t he Indust rial Revolut ion have creat ed an un-nat ural frame of societ y and
t he world in which humans need t o adapt t o an un-nat ural urban landscape in which humans are
perpet ual cogs wit hout personal aut onomy.[271]

Cert ain primit ivist s argue for a ret urn t o pre-indust rial societ y,[272] while ot hers argue t hat
t echnology such as modern medicine, and agricult ure [273] are all posit ive for humanit y assuming
t hey cont rolled and serve humanit y and have no effect on t he nat ural environment .

Pollution and ecological collapse

A dog forced to eat trash due to pollution, the Industrial Revolution has forced animals into harsh environments most are
unable to survive in, leading to starvation and eventual extinction

The Indust rial Revolut ion has been crit icised for leading t o immense ecological and habit at
dest ruct ion, cert ain st udies st at e t hat over 95% of species have gone ext inct since humanit y
became t he dominant species on eart h. It has also led t o immense decrease in t he biodiversit y
of life on eart h. The Indust rial revolut ion has been st at ed as is inherent ly unsust ainable and will
lead t o event ual collapse of societ y, mass hunger, st arvat ion, and resource scarcit y.[274]
The Anthropocene

The Ant hropocene is a proposed epoch or mass ext inct ion coming from humanit y (Ant hro is t he
Greek root for humanit y). Since t he st art of t he Indust rial revolut ion humanit y has permanent ly
changed t he eart h, such as immense decrease in biodiversit y, and mass ext inct ion caused by t he
Indust rial revolut ion. The effect s include permanent changes t o t he eart h's at mosphere and soil,
forest s, t he mass dest ruct ion of t he Indust rial revolut ion has led t o cat ast rophic impact s on t he
eart h. Most organisms are unable t o adapt leading t o mass ext inct ion wit h t he remaining
undergoing evolut ionary rescue, as a result of t he Indust rial revolut ion.

Permanent changes in t he dist ribut ion of organisms from human influence will become
ident ifiable in t he geologic record. Researchers have document ed t he movement of many
species int o regions formerly t oo cold for t hem, oft en at rat es fast er t han init ially expect ed.[275]
This has occurred in part as a result of changing climat e, but also in response t o farming and
fishing, and t o t he accident al int roduct ion of non-nat ive species t o new areas t hrough global
t ravel.[276] The ecosyst em of t he ent ire Black Sea may have changed during t he last 2000 years
as a result of nut rient and silica input from eroding deforest ed lands along t he Danube River.[277]

Opposition from Romanticism

During t he Indust rial Revolut ion, an int ellect ual and art ist ic host ilit y t owards t he new
indust rialisat ion developed, associat ed wit h t he Romant ic movement . Romant icism revered t he
t radit ionalism of rural life and recoiled against t he upheavals caused by indust rializat ion,
urbanizat ion and t he wret chedness of t he working classes.[278] It s major exponent s in English
included t he art ist and poet William Blake and poet s William Wordswort h, Samuel Taylor
Coleridge, John Keat s, Lord Byron and Percy Bysshe Shelley. The movement st ressed t he
import ance of "nat ure" in art and language, in cont rast t o "monst rous" machines and fact ories;
t he "Dark sat anic mills" of Blake's poem "And did t hose feet in ancient t ime".[279] Mary Shelley's
Frankenstein reflect ed concerns t hat scient ific progress might be t wo-edged. French
Romant icism likewise was highly crit ical of indust ry.[280]

See also

Aut omat ion

Capit alist mode of product ion

Carboniferous period
 Chinese indust rializat ion

Deindust rializat ion

Digit al Revolut ion

Division of labour

Dual revolut ion

Economic hist ory of t he Unit ed Kingdom

Fourt h Indust rial Revolut ion

Hist ory of capit alism

Hydraulics

Indust rial Age

Indust rial societ y

Informat ion revolut ion

Laissez-faire

Law of t he handicap of a head st art – Dialect ics of progress

Machine Age

Pet roleum Revolut ion

The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism

Science and invent ion in Birmingham

St eam

Text ile manufact ure during t he Brit ish Indust rial Revolut ion, a good descript ion of t he early
indust rial revolut ion

Footnotes

a. A transnational corporation differs from a traditional multinational corporation in that it does not
identify itself with one national home. While traditional multinational corporations are national
companies with foreign subsidiaries, transnational corporations spread out their operations in many
countries sustaining high levels of local responsiveness. An example of a transnational corporation is
the Royal Dutch Shell corporation whose headquarters may be in The Hague (Netherlands) but its
registered office and main executive body are headquartered in London, United Kingdom. Another
 example of a transnational corporation is Nestlé who employ senior executives from many countries
and try to make decisions from a global perspective rather than from one centralized headquarters.
While the VOC established its main administrative center, as the second headquarters, in Batavia
(Dutch East Indies, 1610–1800), the company's global headquarters was in Amsterdam (Dutch
Republic). Also, the company had important operations elsewhere.

References

1. "Industrial History of European Countries" (https://www.erih.net/how-it-started/industrial-history-of-euro

pean-countries) . European Route of Industrial Heritage. Council of Europe. Retrieved 2 June 2021.

2. Landes, David S. (1969). The Unbound Prometheus. Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
ISBN 978-0-521-09418-4.

3. Horn, Jeff; Rosenband, Leonard; Smith, Merritt (2010). Reconceptualizing the Industrial Revolution.
Cambridge MA, London: MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-51562-7.

4. E. Anthony Wrigley, "Reconsidering the Industrial Revolution: England and Wales." Journal of
Interdisciplinary History 49.01 (2018): 9–42.

5. Reisman, George (1998). Capitalism: A complete understanding of the nature and value of human
economic life. Jameson Books. p. 127. ISBN 978-0-915463-73-2.

. Tong, Junie T. (2016). Finance and Society in 21st Century China: Chinese Culture Versus Western
Markets (https://books.google.com/books?id=_UQGDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA151) . CRC Press. p. 151.
ISBN 978-1-317-13522-7.

7. Esposito, John L., ed. (2004). The Islamic World: Past and Present (https://books.google.com/books?id
=KZcohRpc4OsC&pg=PT190) . Vol. 1: Abba - Hist. Oxford University Press. p. 174. ISBN 978-0-19-
516520-3.

. Ray, Indrajit (2011). Bengal Industries and the British Industrial Revolution (1757-1857) (https://books.
google.com/books?id=CHOrAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA7) . Routledge. pp. 7–10. ISBN 978-1-136-82552-1.

9. Landes, David (1999). The Wealth and Poverty of Nations (https://archive.org/details/wealthpovertyofn

00land_0) . W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-31888-3.

10. North, Douglass C.; Thomas, Robert Paul (May 1977). "The First Economic Revolution" (https://www.jsto
r.org/stable/2595144) . The Economic History Review. Wiley on behalf of the Economic History
Society. 30 (2): 229–230. doi:10.2307/2595144 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F2595144) .
JSTOR 2595144 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/2595144) . Retrieved 6 June 2022.

11. Lucas, Robert E., Jr. (2002). Lectures on Economic Growth (https://archive.org/details/lecturesonecono
m00luca) . Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 109–10 (https://archive.org/details/lecturesonec
onom00luca/page/109) . ISBN 978-0-674-01601-9.
12. Feinstein, Charles (September 1998). "Pessimism Perpetuated: Real Wages and the Standard of Living
in Britain during and after the Industrial Revolution". Journal of Economic History. 58 (3): 625–58.
doi:10.1017/s0022050700021100 (https://doi.org/10.1017%2Fs0022050700021100) .
S2CID 54816980 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:54816980) .

13. Szreter & Mooney; Mooney (February 1998). "Urbanization, Mortality, and the Standard of Living
Debate: New Estimates of the Expectation of Life at Birth in Nineteenth-Century British Cities". The
Economic History Review. 51 (1): 104. doi:10.1111/1468-0289.00084 (https://doi.org/10.1111%2F1468
-0289.00084) . hdl:10.1111/1468-0289.00084 (https://hdl.handle.net/10.1111%2F1468-0289.0008
4) .

14. Robert Lucas, Jr. (2003). "The Industrial Revolution" (https://web.archive.org/web/20071127032512/htt

p://minneapolisfed.org/pubs/region/04-05/essay.cfm) . Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis.
Archived from the original (https://www.minneapolisfed.org/pubs/region/04-05/essay.cfm) on 27
November 2007. Retrieved 14 November 2007. "it is fairly clear that up to 1800 or maybe 1750, no
society had experienced sustained growth in per capita income. (Eighteenth century population growth
also averaged one-third of 1 percent, the same as production growth.) That is, up to about two
centuries ago, per capita incomes in all societies were stagnated at around $400 to $800 per year."

15. Lucas, Robert (2003). "The Industrial Revolution Past and Future" (https://web.archive.org/web/200711
27032512/http://minneapolisfed.org/pubs/region/04-05/essay.cfm) . Archived from the original (http
s://www.minneapolisfed.org/pubs/region/04-05/essay.cfm) on 27 November 2007. "[consider] annual
growth rates of 2.4 percent for the first 60 years of the 20th century, of 1 percent for the entire 19th
century, of one-third of 1 percent for the 18th century"

1 . McCloskey, Deidre (2004). "Review of The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Britain (edited by
Roderick Floud and Paul Johnson), Times Higher Education Supplement, 15 January 2004" (http://deird
remccloskey.org/articles/floud.php) .

17. Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848, Weidenfeld & Nicolson Ltd., p. 27 ISBN 0-
349-10484-0

1 . Joseph E Inikori. Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-
521-01079-9 Google Books (https://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN0521010799&id=y7rhKYWhCyIC
&pg=PA102&lpg=PA102)

19. Berg, Maxine; Hudson, Pat (1992). "Rehabilitating the Industrial Revolution" (https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/
soc/economics/research/workingpapers/1989-1994/twerp351.pdf) (PDF). The Economic History
Review. 45 (1): 24–50. doi:10.2307/2598327 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F2598327) . JSTOR 2598327
(https://www.jstor.org/stable/2598327) .

20. Rehabilitating the Industrial Revolution (http://www.julielorenzen.net/berg.html) Archived (https://web.

archive.org/web/20061109022755/http://www.julielorenzen.net/berg.html) 9 November 2006 at the
Wayback Machine by Julie Lorenzen, Central Michigan University. Retrieved November 2006.
21. Gupta, Bishnupriya. "Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting
Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850" (http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/papers/broadberry-gupta.pdf) (PDF).
International Institute of Social History. Department of Economics, University of Warwick. Retrieved
5 December 2016.

22. Taylor, George Rogers (1951). The Transportation Revolution, 1815–1860. ISBN 978-0-87332-101-3.

23. Roe, Joseph Wickham (1916), English and American Tool Builders (https://books.google.com/books?id
=X-EJAAAAIAAJ) , New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, LCCN 16011753 (https://lccn.loc.go
v/16011753) . Reprinted by McGraw-Hill, New York and London, 1926 (LCCN 27-24075 (https://lccn.lo
c.gov/27024075) ); and by Lindsay Publications, Inc., Bradley, Illinois, (ISBN 978-0-917914-73-7).

24. Hunter, Louis C. (1985). A History of Industrial Power in the United States, 1730–1930, Vol. 2: Steam
Power. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. p. 18."There exist everywhere roads suitable for
hauling".Robert Fulton on roads in France

25. Crouzet, François (1996). "France". In Teich, Mikuláš; Porter, Roy (eds.). The industrial revolution in
national context: Europe and the USA. Cambridge University Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-521-40940-7.
LCCN 95025377 (https://lccn.loc.gov/95025377) .

2 . BLANQUI Jérôme-Adolphe, Histoire de l'économie politique en Europe depuis les anciens jusqu'à nos
jours, 1837, ISBN 978-0-543-94762-8

27. Hudson, Pat (1992). The Industrial Revolution. London: Edward Arnold. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-7131-6531-9.

2 . Ogilvie, Sheilagh (2008). "Protoindustrialization". In Durlauf, Steven; Blume, Lawrence (eds.). The New
Palgrave Dictionary of Economics. Vol. 6. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 711–714. ISBN 978-0-230-22642-5.

29. Elvin 1973, pp. 7, 113–199.

30. Broadberry, Stephen N.; Guan, Hanhui; Li, David D. (1 April 2017). "China, Europe and the Great
Divergence: A Study in Historical National Accounting, 980–1850". CEPR Discussion Paper.
SSRN 2957511 (https://ssrn.com/abstract=2957511) .

31. Nicholas Crafts, "The first industrial revolution: Resolving the slow growth/rapid industrialization
paradox." Journal of the European Economic Association 3.2-3 (2005): 525-534.

32. Christine Rider, ed. Encyclopedia of the Age of the Industrial Revolution 1700–1920, (2007) pp xiii to
xxxv.

33. Phyllis Deane "The Industrial Revolution in Great Britain" in Carlo M. Cipolla ed., The Fontana Economic
History of Europe: The Emergence of industrial societies Vol 4 part 2 (1973) pp 161–174.

34. Bond, Eric; Gingerich, Sheena; Archer-Antonsen, Oliver; Purcell, Liam; Macklem, Elizabeth (17 February
2003). "The Industrial Revolution – Innovations" (http://industrialrevolution.sea.ca/innovations.html) .
Industrialrevolution.sea.ca. Retrieved 30 January 2011.

35. Ayres 1989, p. 17

3 . Landes, David S. (1969). The Unbound Prometheus. Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
p. 218. ISBN 978-0-521-09418-4.

37. Rosen, William (2012). The Most Powerful Idea in the World: A Story of Steam, Industry and Invention.
University of Chicago Press. p. 149. ISBN 978-0-226-72634-2.

3 . Tylecote, R. F. (1992). A History of Metallurgy, Second Edition. London: Maney Publishing, for the
Institute of Materials. ISBN 978-0-901462-88-6.

39. Landes, David S. (1969). The Unbound Prometheus. Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
p. 91. ISBN 978-0-521-09418-4.

40. Hounshell, David A. (1984), From the American System to Mass Production, 1800–1932: The
Development of Manufacturing Technology in the United States, Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins
University Press, ISBN 978-0-8018-2975-8, LCCN 83016269 (https://lccn.loc.gov/83016269) ,
OCLC 1104810110 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1104810110)

41. Hopkins, Eric (2000). Industrialization and Society. London: Routledge. p. 2.

42. Beckert, Sven (2014). Empire of Cotton: A Global History. US: Vintage Books Division Penguin Random
House. ISBN 978-0-375-71396-5.

43. "VOC (1602-1799) | Koninklijke Bibliotheek" (https://web.archive.org/web/20150207085730/http://www.

kb.nl/themas/geschiedenis-en-cultuur/koloniaal-verleden/voc-1602-1799) . Archived from the original
(http://www.kb.nl/themas/geschiedenis-en-cultuur/koloniaal-verleden/voc-1602-1799) on 7 February
2015. Retrieved 5 July 2015. VOC at the National Library of the Netherlands (in Dutch)

44. Ayres, Robert (1989). "Technological Transformations and Long Waves" (https://web.archive.org/web/2
0120301220936/http://www.iiasa.ac.at/Admin/PUB/Documents/RR-89-001.pdf) (PDF): 16–17.
Archived from the original (http://www.iiasa.ac.at/Admin/PUB/Documents/RR-89-001.pdf) (PDF) on 1
March 2012. Retrieved 20 December 2012.

45. McNeil 1990

4 . R. Ray Gehani (1998). "Management of Technology and Operations". p. 63. John Wiley and Sons, 1998

47. Ayres 1989, p. 1

4 . Landes, David S. (1969). The Unbound Prometheus. Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
p. 63. ISBN 978-0-521-09418-4.

49. Ayres 1989, p. 18

50. Lakwete, Angela (2005). Inventing the Cotton Gin: Machine and Myth in Antebellum America (https://bo
oks.google.com/books?id=yJ4_L3QGpRMC&pg=PAPR7) . Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-
0-8018-8272-2.

51. G.E. Mingay (1986). "The Transformation of Britain, 1830–1939". p. 25. Routledge, 1986
52. Hills, Richard L. "Cotchett, Thomas". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford
University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/75296 (https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fref%3Aodnb%2F75296) .
(Subscription or UK public library membership (https://www.oxforddnb.com/help/subscribe#public)
required.)

53. Fairclough, K. R. "Sorocold, George". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford
University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/47971 (https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fref%3Aodnb%2F47971) .
(Subscription or UK public library membership (https://www.oxforddnb.com/help/subscribe#public)
required.)

54. "Ironbridge Gorge" (https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/371) . UNESCO World Heritage Centre. UNESCO.

Retrieved 20 December 2017.

55. Gordon, Robert B (1996). American Iron 1607–1900. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University
Press. p. 156. ISBN 978-0-8018-6816-0.

5 . Adams, Ryan (27 July 2012). "Danny Boyle's intro on Olympics programme" (http://www.awardsdaily.co
m/blog/2012/07/27/danny-boyles-intro-on-olympics-programme/) . Awards Daily. Retrieved
20 December 2017.

57. Temple, Robert; Needham, Joseph (1986). The Genius of China: 3000 years of science, discovery and
invention (https://archive.org/details/geniusofchina3000temp) . New York: Simon and Schuster. pp. 65
(https://archive.org/details/geniusofchina3000temp/page/65) . ISBN 9780671620288. Based on the
works of Joseph Needham

5 . Author Simon Winchester dates the start of the Industrial Revolution to 4 May 1776, the day that John
Wilkinson presented James Watt with his precision-made cylinder. (19 August 2018) Fareed Zakaria (htt
p://edition.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1808/19/fzgps.01.html) . CNN.com

59. Rosenberg, Nathan (1982). Inside the Black Box: Technology and Economics (https://archive.org/detail
s/insideblackboxte00rose/page/85) . Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 85 (http
s://archive.org/details/insideblackboxte00rose/page/85) . ISBN 978-0-521-27367-1.

0. Landes, David. S. (1969). The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development
in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present. Cambridge; New York: Press Syndicate of the University of
Cambridge. ISBN 978-0-521-09418-4.

1. Journal of the Iron and Steel Institute (https://books.google.com/books?id=_tijGo0WWHMC&pg=PAP

A20) . 1879. p. 20.

2. Landes, David S. (1969). The Unbound Prometheus. Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
p. 92. ISBN 978-0-521-09418-4.

3. Ayres 1989, p. 21

4. Rosenberg, Nathan (1982). Inside the Black Box: Technology and Economics (https://archive.org/detail
s/insideblackboxte00rose/page/90) . Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 90 (http
s://archive.org/details/insideblackboxte00rose/page/90) . ISBN 978-0-521-27367-1.
 5. "Steel Production | History of Western Civilization II" (https://courses.lumenlearning.com/suny-hccc-worl
dhistory2/chapter/steel-production/) . courses.lumenlearning.com. Retrieved 1 May 2022.

. "Iron Making | Boundless World History" (https://courses.lumenlearning.com/boundless-worldhistory/ch

apter/iron-making/) . courses.lumenlearning.com. Retrieved 9 January 2020.

7. Landes, David S. (1969). The Unbound Prometheus. Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
p. 104. ISBN 978-0-521-09418-4.

. Allen, G. C. (10 January 2018), "Economic Development before 1860" (https://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781

351251341-4) , The Industrial Development of Birmingham and the Black Country 1860–1927,
Routledge, pp. 13–45, doi:10.1201/9781351251341-4 (https://doi.org/10.1201%2F9781351251341-
4) , ISBN 978-1-351-25134-1, retrieved 4 August 2022

9. L. T. C. Rolt and J. S. Allen, The Steam Engine of Thomas Newcomen (Landmark Publishing, Ashbourne
1997). p. 145.

70. Hunter & Bryant 1991

71. Economics 323–2: Economic History of the United States Since 1865
http://faculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/~jmokyr/Graphs-and-Tables.PDF

72. Clow, Archibald; Clow, Nan L. (June 1952). Chemical Revolution (https://archive.org/details/chemicalrev
oluti0000clow/page/65) . Ayer Co. pp. 65–90 (https://archive.org/details/chemicalrevoluti0000clow/p
age/65) . ISBN 978-0-8369-1909-7.

73. Lion Hirth, State, Cartels and Growth: The German Chemical Industry (2007) p. 20

74. Johann P. Murmann, Knowledge and competitive advantage: the co-evolution of firms, technology, and
national institutions (2003) pp. 53–54

75. Properties of Concrete (http://www.ce.memphis.edu/1101/notes/concrete/concrete_properties_slides.

pdf) Published lecture notes from University of Memphis Department of Civil Engineering. Retrieved
17 October 2007.

7 . Charles Hunt, A history of the introduction of gas lighting (W. King, 1907) online (https://books.google.c
om/books?hl=en&lr=lang_en&id=dAFCAQAAIAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=Gas+lighting&ots=NZZIs6XHH1
&sig=VP23VfUirdFUrysIYU3cM78t7kk) .

77. Patrick Degryse, Glass making in the Greco-Roman world: results of the ARCHGLASS project (Leuven
University Press, 2014).

7 . Hentie Louw, "Window-glass making in Britain c. 1660-c. 1860 and its architectural impact."
Construction History (1991): 47-68 online (https://www.jstor.org/stable/41613689) .

79. Misa, Thomas J. (1995). A Nation of Steel: The Making of Modern America 1965–1925 (https://archive.
org/details/nationofsteelmak00misa) . Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 243
(https://archive.org/details/nationofsteelmak00misa/page/243) . ISBN 978-0-8018-6502-2.
 0. Overton, Mark (1996). Agricultural Revolution in England: The transformation if the agrarian economy
1500–1850 (https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780521568593) . Cambridge University Press.
ISBN 978-0-521-56859-3.

1. Pomeranz, Kenneth (2000), The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World
Economy, Princeton University Press, ISBN 978-0-691-09010-8

2. "The Rotherham Plow" (https://web.archive.org/web/20140814194740/http://www.rotherhamunofficial.

co.uk/history/18th/plough.html) . Rotherham: The Unofficial Website. Archived from the original (htt
p://www.rotherhamunofficial.co.uk/history/18th/plough.html) on 14 August 2014.

3. "The Rotherham Plow" (https://web.archive.org/web/20150924092217/http://www.rotherhamweb.co.u

k/h/plough.htm) . Rotherham.co.uk. Archived from the original (http://www.rotherhamweb.co.uk/h/pl
ough.htm) on 24 September 2015.

4. Clark 2007

5. Atack, Jeremy; Passell, Peter (1994). A New Economic View of American History (https://archive.org/det
ails/neweconomicviewo00atac/page/282) . New York: W.W. Norton and Co. p. 282 (https://archive.or
g/details/neweconomicviewo00atac/page/282) . ISBN 978-0-393-96315-1.

. John U. Nef, Rise of the British coal industry (2v 1932).

7. Coren, Michael J. (31 January 2018). "The speed of Europe's 18th-century sailing ships is revamping
history's view of the Industrial Revolution" (https://qz.com/1193455/the-speed-of-europes-18th-century-
sailing-ships-is-revamping-historians-view-of-the-industrial-revolution/) . Quartz. Retrieved 31 January
2018.

. Grübler, Arnulf (1990). The Rise and Fall of Infrastructures: Dynamics of Evolution and Technological
Change in Transport (http://www.iiasa.ac.at/Admin/PUB/Documents/XB-90-704.pdf) (PDF).
Heidelberg and New York: Physica-Verlag.

9. UK Retail Price Index inflation figures are based on data from Clark, Gregory (2017). "The Annual RPI
and Average Earnings for Britain, 1209 to Present (New Series)" (https://measuringworth.com/dataset
s/ukearncpi/) . MeasuringWorth. Retrieved 11 June 2022.

90. Timbs 1860, p. 363

91. The Times newspaper: Bridgewater Collieries (http://archive.timesonline.co.uk/tol/viewArticle.arc?toDate

=1985-12-31&fromDate=1785-01-01&currentPageNumber=1&resultsPerPage=10&sortBy=default&offse
t=0&viewName=&addFilters=&removeFilters=&addCat=&queryKeywords=bridgewater+canal&sectionId=
1040&currPgSmartSet=1&pageId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1913-12-01-08&articleId=ARCHIVE-The_Times-1
913-12-01-08-001&xmlpath=&pubId=17&totalResults=1638&addRefineFilters=&removeRefineFilters=&a
ddRefineCat=&next_Page=false&prev_Page=false&date_dd_From=1&date_mm_From=01&date_yyyy_Fro
m=1785&date_dd_to_range=31&date_mm_to_range=12&date_yyyy_to_range=1985&date_dd_from_preci
se=1&date_mm_from_precise=01&date_yyyy_from_precise=1785&isDateSearch=false&dateSearchType=
range&refineQuerykeywordText=) , London, 1 December 1913, retrieved 19 July 2008
 92. Kindleberger 1993, pp. 192–93

93. "1 January 1894: Opening of the Manchester ship canal" (https://www.theguardian.com/theguardian/fr
om-the-archive-blog/2011/may/17/guardian190-manchester-ship-canal-opens) . The Guardian. 1
January 1894. Retrieved 28 July 2012. "Six years in the making, the world's largest navigation canal
gives the city direct access to the sea"

94. "1823 – First American Macadam Road" (http://www.fhwa.dot.gov/rakeman/1823.htm) (Painting –

Carl Rakeman) US Department of Transportation – Federal Highway Administration (Accessed 10
October 2008)

95. Richard Brown (1991). "Society and Economy in Modern Britain 1700–1850" p. 136. Routledge, 1991

9 . Gerhold, Dorian (August 1996). "Productivity Change in Road Transport before and after Turnpiking,
1690-1840" (https://www.jstor.org/stable/2597761) . The Economic History Review. 49 (3): 511.
JSTOR 2597761 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/2597761) – via JSTOR.

97. Fling, Harry M. (1868). Railroads of the United States, Their History and Statistics. Philadelphia: John.
E. Potter and Co. pp. 12, 13.

9 . Jack Simmons, and Gordon Biddle, eds. The Oxford Companion to British Railway History: From 1603
to the 1990s (2nd ed. 1999).

99. Herbert L. Sussman (2009). "Victorian Technology: Invention, Innovation, and the Rise of the Machine".
p. 2. ABC-CLIO, 2009

100. Rosen, William (2012). The Most Powerful Idea in the World: A Story of Steam, Industry and Invention.
University of Chicago Press. p. 127. ISBN 978-0-226-72634-2.

101. Musson; Robinson (1969). Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution (https://archive.org/deta
ils/sciencetechnolog00aemu) . University of Toronto Press. p. 477 (https://archive.org/details/sciencet
echnolog00aemu/page/477) . ISBN 9780802016379.

102. Encyclopædia Britannica (2008) "Building construction: the reintroduction of modern concrete"

103. Hunt, E.K.; Lautzenheiser, Mark (2014). History of Economic Thought: A Critical Perspective. PHI
Learning. ISBN 978-0-7656-2599-1.

104. Küchenhoff, Helmut (2012). "The Diminution of Physical Stature of the British Male Population in the
18th-Century" (https://ideas.repec.org/a/afc/cliome/v6y2012i1p45-62.html) . Cliometrica. 6 (1): 45–
62. doi:10.1007/s11698-011-0070-7 (https://doi.org/10.1007%2Fs11698-011-0070-7) .
S2CID 154692462 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:154692462) . Retrieved 20 November
2018.

105. Snowdon, Brian (April–June 2005). "Measures of Progress and Other Tall Stories: From Income to
Anthropometrics" (https://www.worldeconomics.com/Journal/Papers/Measures%20of%20Progress%20
and%20Other%20Tall%20Stories.details?ID=209) . World Economics. 6 (2): 87–136. Retrieved
20 November 2018.
10 . Mabel C. Buer, Health, Wealth and Population in the Early Days of the Industrial Revolution, London:
George Routledge & Sons, 1926, p. 30 ISBN 0-415-38218-1

107. Woodward, D. (1981) Wage rates and living standards in pre-industrial England (https://archive.today/2
0130415223308/http://past.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/pdf_extract/91/1/28) Past & Present 1981
91(1):28–46

10 . Crafts, N; Mills, Terence C. (1994). "Trends in Real Wages in Britain, 1750–1913" (https://warwick.ac.uk/
fac/soc/economics/research/workingpapers/1989-1994/twerp371.pdf) (PDF). Explorations in
Economic History. 31 (2): 176. doi:10.1006/exeh.1994.1007 (https://doi.org/10.1006%2Fexeh.1994.1
007) .

109. R.M. Hartwell, The Rising Standard of Living in England, 1800–1850, Economic History Review, 1963, p.
398 ISBN 0-631-18071-0

110. Fogel, Robert W. (2004). The Escape from Hunger and Premature Death, 1700–2100. London:
Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-80878-1.

111. Malthus, Thomas (1798). An Essay on the Principle of Population (http://www.esp.org/books/malthus/

population/malthus.pdf) (PDF). London. Retrieved 12 February 2016.

112. Temple, Robert; Needham, Joseph (1986). The Genius of China: 3000 years of science, discovery and
invention. New York: Simon and Schuster<Based on the works of Joseph Needham>

113. Wells, David A. (1891). Recent Economic Changes and Their Effect on Production and Distribution of
Wealth and Well-Being of Society (https://archive.org/details/recenteconomicc01wellgoog) . New York:
D. Appleton and Co. ISBN 978-0-543-72474-8. "RECENT ECONOMIC CHANGES AND THEIR EFFECT ON
DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH AND WELL BEING OF SOCIETY WELLS."

114. Gregory Clark, "Shelter from the storm: housing and the industrial revolution, 1550–1909." Journal of
Economic History 62#2 (2002): 489–511.

115. Dyos, H. J. (1968). "The Speculative Builders and Developers of Victorian London". Victorian Studies. 11:
641–690. JSTOR 3825462 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/3825462) .

11 . Christopher Powell, The British building industry since 1800: An economic history (Taylor & Francis,
1996).

117. P. Kemp, "Housing landlordism in late nineteenth-century Britain." Environment and Planning A 14.11
(1982): 1437–47.

11 . Dyos, H. J. (1967). "The Slums of Victorian London". Victorian Studies. 11 (1): 5–40. JSTOR 3825891 (h
ttps://www.jstor.org/stable/3825891) .

119. Anthony S. Wohl, The eternal slum: housing and social policy in Victorian London (1977).

120. Martin J. Daunton, House and home in the Victorian city: working-class housing, 1850–1914 (1983).

121. Enid Gauldie, Cruel habitations: a history of working-class housing 1780–1918 (Allen & Unwin, 1974)
122. Theodore S. Hamerow, The birth of a new Europe: State and society in the nineteenth century
(University of North Carolina Press, 1989) pp 148–174.

123. Robert Allan Houston, "The Development of Literacy: Northern England, 1640-1750." Economic History
Review (1982) 35#2: 199-216 online (https://www.jstor.org/stable/2595015) .

124. Hamerow, p 159.

125. Henry Milner, Civic literacy: How informed citizens make democracy work (University Press of New
England, 2002).

12 . Fairchilds, Cissie. “Review: Consumption in Early Modern Europe. A Review Article”. Comparative Studies
in Society and History, Vol. 35, No. 4. (Oct., 1993), pp. 851.

127. "The rise of consumerism" (https://www.bl.uk/georgian-britain/articles/the-rise-of-consumerism) .

British Library. Retrieved 29 June 2021.

12 . "Why the Industrial Revolution Happened Here" (https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b01pz9d6) .

BBC. 11 January 2017.

129. "History Cook: the rise of the chocolate biscuit" (https://www.ft.com/content/5f890020-bba6-11e8-8274

-55b72926558f) . Financial Times. Retrieved 23 August 2021.

130. Mintz, Sidney (2015). The Oxford Companion to Sugar and Sweets. Oxford University Press. p. 157.

131. Guinness World Records 2017 (https://books.google.com/books?id=hxAyDQAAQBAJ&q=cadbury+choc

olate+boxes+1868&pg=PA90) . Guinness World Records. 8 September 2016. p. 90.
ISBN 9781910561348.

132. "A history of the department store" (https://www.bbc.com/culture/bespoke/story/20150326-a-history-of

-the-department-store/index.html) . BBC Culture. Retrieved 15 September 2019.

133. White, Matthew. "The rise of cities in the 18th century" (https://www.bl.uk/georgian-britain/articles/the-ri
se-of-cities-in-the-18th-century) . British Library. Retrieved 3 April 2022.

134. Kotler, Philip; Armstrong, Gary (2010). Principles of Marketing. Pearson Education. p. 278.

135. Turner, E. S. (1975). Boys Will be Boys. Harmondsworth: Penguin. p. 20. ISBN 978-0-14-004116-3.

13 . "Penny dreadfuls: the Victorian equivalent of video games" (https://www.theguardian.com/books/2016/

apr/30/penny-dreadfuls-victorian-equivalent-video-games-kate-summerscale-wicked-boy) . The
Guardian. Retrieved 12 March 2019.

137. "The Sam Weller Bump" (https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/2015/04/14/the-sam-weller-bump/) .

The Paris Review. Retrieved 27 June 2021.

13 . Dames, Nicholas (June 2015). "Was Dickens a Thief?" (https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/

2015/06/was-dickens-a-thief/392072/) . The Atlantic. Retrieved 27 June 2021.

139. Shuttleworth, Peter (25 December 2020). "The mail-order pioneer who started a billion-pound industry"
(https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-55244397) . BBC News. Retrieved 5 August 2021.
140. "Pryce-Jones: Pioneer of the Mail Order Industry" (https://www.bbc.co.uk/legacies/work/wales/w_mid/a
rticle_3.shtml) . BBC. Retrieved 12 March 2019.

141. Hudson, Pat (1992). The Industrial Revolution. New York: Routledge, Chapman, and Hall, Inc. p. 3.
ISBN 978-0-7131-6531-9.

142. "The UK population: past, present and future – Chapter 1 (http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/fertility-analys

is/focus-on-people-and-migration/december-2005/focus-on-people-and-migration---focus-on-people-and
-migration---chapter-1.pdf) " (PDF). Statistics.gov.uk

143. "A portrait of Britain in 2031 (https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/a-portrait-of-britain-i

n-2031-395231.html) ". The Independent. 24 October 2007.

144. BBC – History – Victorian Medicine – From Fluke to Theory (https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/victo

rians/victorian_medicine_01.shtml) . Published: 1 February 2002.

145. "Modernization – Population Change (https://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/387301/moderniza

tion/12022/Population-change) ". Encyclopædia Britannica.

14 . "Human Population: Urbanization (http://www.prb.org/Educators/TeachersGuides/HumanPopulation/Ur

banization.aspx) ". Population Reference Bureau. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/2009102604
0409/http://www.prb.org/Educators/TeachersGuides/HumanPopulation/Urbanization.aspx) 26
October 2009 at the Wayback Machine

147. "Human Population: Population Growth: Question and Answer (http://www.prb.org/Educators/Teachers

Guides/HumanPopulation/PopulationGrowth/QuestionAnswer.aspx) ". Population Reference Bureau.
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20091008122200/http://www.prb.org/Educators/TeachersGuide
s/HumanPopulation/PopulationGrowth/QuestionAnswer.aspx) 8 October 2009 at the Wayback
Machine

14 . Manchester (England, United Kingdom) (https://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/361363/Manc

hester) . Encyclopædia Britannica.

149. Eleanor Amico, ed. Reader's guide to women's studies (1998) pp. 102–04, 306–08.

150. Thomas, Janet (1988). "Women and Capitalism: Oppression or Emancipation? A Review Article".
Comparative Studies in Society and History. 30 (3): 534–549. doi:10.1017/S001041750001536X (http
s://doi.org/10.1017%2FS001041750001536X) . JSTOR 178999 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/17899
9) . S2CID 145599586 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:145599586) .

151. Alice Clark, Working life of women in the seventeenth century (1919).

152. Ivy Pinchbeck, Women Workers in the Industrial Revolution (1930).

153. Louise Tilly and Joan Wallach Scott, Women, work, and family (1987).

154. Smiles, Samuel (1875). Thrift. London: John Murray. pp. 30–40.

155. "United States History – The Struggles of Labor (http://countrystudies.us/united-states/history-82.ht

m) ". Library of Congress Country Studies.
15 . Hobsbawm, Eric J. (1969). Industry and Empire: From 1750 to the Present Day. Vol. 3. Harmondsworth,
England: Penguin. p. 65. ISBN 978-1-56584-561-9.

157. R.M. Hartwell, The Industrial Revolution and Economic Growth, Methuen and Co., 1971, pp. 339–41
ISBN 0-416-19500-8

15 . "Manchester – the first industrial city" (https://web.archive.org/web/20120309184810/http://www.scien

cemuseum.org.uk/on-line/energyhall/page84.asp) . Entry on Sciencemuseum website. Archived from
the original (http://www.sciencemuseum.org.uk/on-line/energyhall/page84.asp) on 9 March 2012.
Retrieved 17 March 2012.

159. "Life in Industrial Towns" (https://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/britain-1700-to-1900/industrial-revolutio

n/life-in-industrial-towns/) . History Learning Site.

1 0. Hoeder, Dirk (2002). Cultures in Contact. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. pp. 331–32.

1 1. Guarneri, Carl (2007). America in the World. Boston: McGraw-Hill. p. 180.

1 2. Dunn, James (1905). From Coal Mine Upwards: or Seventy Years of an Eventful Life. ISBN 978-1-4344-
6870-3.

1 3. Bar, Michael; Leukhina, Oksana (2007). "Demographic Transition and Industrial Revolution: A
Macroeconomic Investigation" (https://web.archive.org/web/20071127160733/http://www.unc.edu/~ok
sana/Paper1.pdf) (PDF). Archived from the original (http://www.unc.edu/~oksana/Paper1.pdf)
(PDF) on 27 November 2007. Retrieved 5 November 2007. "The decrease [in mortality] beginning in the
second half of the 18th century was due mainly to declining adult mortality. Sustained decline of the
mortality rates for the age groups 5–10, 10–15, and 15–25 began in the mid-19th century, while that
for the age group 0–5 began three decades later". Although the survival rates for infants and children
were static over this period, the birth rate & overall life expectancy increased. Thus the population grew,
but the average Briton was about as old in 1850 as in 1750 (see figures 5 & 6, p. 28). Population size
statistics from mortality.org (http://www.mortality.org/) put the mean age at about 26.

1 4. "Child Labour and the Division of Labour in the Early English Cotton Mills (http://www.galbithink.org/chil
d.htm) ". Douglas A. Galbi. Centre for History and Economics, King's College, Cambridge CB2 1ST.

1 5. The Life of the Industrial Worker in Nineteenth-Century England (http://www.victorianweb.org/history/w

orkers1.html) , Laura Del Col, West Virginia University.

1 . "Testimony Gathered by Ashley's Mines Commission" (http://www.victorianweb.org/history/ashley.htm

l) . 2008. Retrieved 22 March 2008.

1 7. "The Life of the Industrial Worker in Nineteenth-Century England" (http://www.victorianweb.org/history/

workers1.html) . 2008. Retrieved 22 March 2008.

1 . "Photographs of Lewis Hine: Documentation of Child Labor (https://www.archives.gov/education/lesson

s/hine-photos/) ". The U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
1 9. Evatt, Herbert (2009). The Tolpuddle Martyrs. Sydney: Sydney University Press. p. 49. ISBN 978-0-586-
03832-1.

170. "General Strike 1842" (https://web.archive.org/web/20070609204531/http://www.chartists.net/General-

Strike-1842) . Archived from the original (http://www.chartists.net/General-Strike-1842) on 9 June
2007. Retrieved 9 June 2007. From chartists.net. Retrieved 13 November 2006.

171. Byrne, Richard (August 2013). "A Nod to Ned Ludd" (https://thebaffler.com/salvos/a-nod-to-ned-
ludd) . The Baffler. 23 (23): 120–128. doi:10.1162/BFLR_a_00183 (https://doi.org/10.1162%2FBFLR_
a_00183) . Retrieved 2 August 2020.

172. "Luddites in Marsden: Trials at York" (https://web.archive.org/web/20120326170835/http://www.marsd

enhistory.co.uk/people/luddites.html) . Archived from the original (http://www.marsdenhistory.co.uk/p
eople/luddites.html#link4) on 26 March 2012. Retrieved 2 August 2020.

173. Kennedy, Paul (1987). The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. New York: Random House. p. 149.

174. Beckert, p. 86.

175. Beckert, Sven (2014). Empire of Cotton: A Global History. Vintage Books Division Penguin Random
House. p. 103.

17 . Ronald Bailey, "The other side of slavery: Black labor, cotton, and textile industrialization in Great Britain
and the United States." Agricultural History 68.2 (1994): 35-50.

177. Fleming, James R.; Knorr, Bethany R. "History of the Clean Air Act" (http://www.ametsoc.org/sloan/cle
anair/) . American Meteorological Society. Retrieved 14 February 2006.

17 . Leslie Tomory, "The Environmental History of the Early British Gas Industry, 1812–1830." Environmental
history 17#1 (2012): 29–54.

179. Joel A. Tarr, "Toxic Legacy: The Environmental Impact of the Manufactured Gas Industry in the United
States." Technology and culture 55#1 (2014): 107–47. online (http://repository.cmu.edu/cgi/viewconten
t.cgi?article=1020&context=history)

1 0. Harold L. Platt, Shock cities: the environmental transformation and reform of Manchester and Chicago
(2005) excerpt (https://www.amazon.com/Shock-Cities-Environmental-Transformation-Manchester/dp/
0226670767/) .

1 1. Brian William Clapp, An environmental history of Britain since the industrial revolution (Routledge,
2014).

1 2. Gellner, Ernest (2008). Nations and Nationalism (https://books.google.com/books?id=XPHpUSUAsF0

C) . Cornell University Press. ISBN 9780801475009.

1 3. Alan S. Milward and S. B. Saul, The Economic Development of Continental Europe 1780-1870 (Harvard
UP, 1973).

1 4. Alan Milward and Samuel Berrick Saul, The Development of the Economies of Continental Europe 1850–
1914 (Harvard UP, 1977).
1 5. "On the Industrial History of the Czech Republic" (https://www.erih.net/how-it-started/industrial-history-
of-european-countries/czech-republic) . European Route of Industrial Heritage. Council of Europe.
Retrieved 2 June 2021.

1 . Carter, F. W. (1973). "The Industrial Development of Prague 1800-1850" (https://www.jstor.org/stable/4

206709) . The Slavonic and East European Review. JSTOR. 51 (123): 243–275. JSTOR 4206709 (http
s://www.jstor.org/stable/4206709) . Retrieved 2 June 2021.

1 7. "On the Industrial History of the Czech Republic" (https://www.erih.net/how-it-started/industrial-history-

of-european-countries/czech-republic) . European Route of Industrial Heritage. Retrieved 2 June 2021.

1 . Martin Moll, "Austria-Hungary" in Christine Rider, ed., Encyclopedia of the Age of the Industrial
Revolution 1700–1920 (2007) pp 24-27.

1 9. "The era of enlightenment" (https://web.archive.org/web/20120316114245/http://www.arts.gla.ac.uk/Sl

avonic/Czech_Hist8.html) . Archived from the original (http://www.arts.gla.ac.uk/Slavonic/Czech_Hist
8.html) on 16 March 2012. Retrieved 11 March 2011.

190. David Good, The Economic Rise of the Habsburg Empire

191. Millward and Saul, The Development of the Economies of Continental Europe 1850-1914 pp 271–331.

192. Chris Evans, Göran Rydén, The Industrial Revolution in Iron; The impact of British Coal Technology in
Nineteenth-Century Europe Published by Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., Farnham 2005, pp. 37–38 ISBN 0-
7546-3390-X.

193. Milward and Saul, Economic Development of Continental Europe 1780-1870 pp 292–96, 437–453.

194. a word from Walloon origin

195. Muriel Neven and Isabelle Devos, 'Breaking stereotypes', in M. Neven and I. Devos (editors), 'Recent work
in Belgian Historical Demography', in Revue belge d'histoire contemporaine, XXXI, 2001, 3–4, pp. 347–
59 FLWI.ugent.be (http://www.flwi.ugent.be/btng-rbhc/pdf/BTNG-RBHC,%2031,%202001,%203-4,%20in
houd.pdf) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20081029174929/http://www.flwi.ugent.be/btng-rb
hc/pdf/BTNG-RBHC%2C%2031%2C%202001%2C%203-4%2C%20inhoud.pdf) 29 October 2008 at the
Wayback Machine

19 . Philippe Raxhon, Le siècle des forges ou la Wallonie dans le creuset belge (1794–1914), in B. Demoulin
and JL Kupper (editors), Histoire de la Wallonie, Privat, Toulouse, 2004, pp. 233–76 [246] ISBN 2-7089-
4779-6

197. "European Route of Industrial Heritage" (https://web.archive.org/web/20130731024244/http://en.erih.n

et/index.php?pageId=114) . En.erih.net. Archived from the original (http://en.erih.net/index.php?pageI
d=114) on 31 July 2013. Retrieved 19 August 2013.

19 . Michel De Coster, Les enjeux des conflits linguistiques, L'Harmattan, Paris, 2007, ISBN 978-2-296-03394-
8, pp. 122–23
199. "Major Mining Sites of Wallonia" (http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1344) . UNESCO WOrld Heritage List.
UNESCO. Retrieved 18 March 2021.

200. Muriel Neven and Isabelle Devos, Breaking stereotypes, art. cit., pp. 315–16

201. Jean Marczewski, " Y a-t-il eu un "take-off" en France ? ", 1961, dans les Cahiers de l'ISEA

202. Haber 1958

203. Allan Mitchell, Great Train Race: Railways and the Franco-German Rivalry, 1815–1914 (2000)

204. Lennart SchÖn, "Proto-industrialisation and factories: Textiles in Sweden in the mid-nineteenth century."
Scandinavian Economic History Review 30.1 (1982): 57-71 online (https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pd
f/10.1080/03585522.1982.10407973) .

205. Bengtsson, Erik; Missiaia, Anna; Olsson, Mats; Svensson, Patrick (2018). "Wealth inequality in Sweden,
1750–1900†" (https://web.archive.org/web/20210420222537/https://ehs.org.uk/dotAsset/76b6b915-a
bba-40c0-b254-b3a6cea6d823.docx) . The Economic History Review. 71 (3): 772–794.
doi:10.1111/ehr.12576 (https://doi.org/10.1111%2Fehr.12576) . ISSN 1468-0289 (https://www.worldc
at.org/issn/1468-0289) . S2CID 154088734 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:154088734) .
Archived from the original (http://www.ehs.org.uk/dotAsset/76b6b915-abba-40c0-b254-b3a6cea6d82
3.docx) on 20 April 2021. Retrieved 9 December 2019.

20 . "History" (https://www.boj.or.jp/en/about/outline/history/index.htm/) . Bank of Japan. Retrieved

5 May 2015.

207. G.C. Allen, Short Economic History of Modern Japan (1972)

20 . Atack, Jeremy; Passell, Peter (1994). A New Economic View of American History (https://archive.org/det
ails/neweconomicviewo00atac/page/469) . New York: W.W. Norton and Co. p. 469 (https://archive.or
g/details/neweconomicviewo00atac/page/469) . ISBN 978-0-393-96315-1.

209. Chandler Jr., Alfred D. (1993). The Visible Hand: The Management Revolution in American Business (htt
ps://archive.org/details/visiblehandmanag00chan) . Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
ISBN 978-0-674-94052-9.

210. Taylor, George Rogers (1969). The Transportation Revolution, 1815–1860. ISBN 978-0-87332-101-3.

211. Bagnall, William R. The Textile Industries of the United States: Including Sketches and Notices of Cotton,
Woolen, Silk, and Linen Manufacturers in the Colonial Period. Vol. I. The Riverside Press, 1893.

212. "Made in Beverly – A History of Beverly Industry", by Daniel J. Hoisington. A publication of the Beverly
Historic District Commission. 1989.

213. Encyclopædia Britannica (1998): Samuel Slater

214. Thomson, Ross (1989). The Path to Mechanized Shoe Production in the United States (https://archive.o
rg/details/pathtomechanized00thom) . Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina
Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-1867-1.
215. Morison, Elting E. (1966). Men, Machines and Modern Times (https://archive.org/details/menmachines
moder00mori) . Cambridge, MA and London: The M.I.T Press.

21 . Klein, Ezra (19 September 2021). "Opinion | The Economic Mistake the Left Is Finally Confronting" (http
s://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/19/opinion/supply-side-progressivism.html) . The New York Times.
ISSN 0362-4331 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/0362-4331) . Retrieved 8 February 2022.

217. Smith, Noah (3 February 2022). "A New Industrialist roundup" (https://noahpinion.substack.com/p/a-ne
w-industrialist-roundup) . Noahpinion. Retrieved 5 February 2022.

21 . "The Next Big Idea in Economic Growth" (https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2016-02-16/the-

next-big-idea-in-economic-growth) . Bloomberg.com. 16 February 2016. Retrieved 5 February 2022.

219. Overton, Mar (1996). Agricultural Revolution in England: The transformation if the agrarian economy
1500–1850 (https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780521568593) . Cambridge University Press.
ISBN 978-0-521-56859-3.

220. Kreis, Steven (11 October 2006). "The Origins of the Industrial Revolution in England" (http://www.histor
yguide.org/intellect/lecture17a.html) . Historyguide.org. Retrieved 30 January 2011.

221. "Scientific Revolution

(https://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_701509067/Scientific_Revolution.html) ". Microsoft Encarta
Online Encyclopedia 2009. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20091028110638/http://encarta.ms
n.com/encyclopedia_701509067/Scientific_Revolution.html) 28 October 2009 at the Wayback
Machine 31 October 2009.

222. Baten, Jörg (2016). A History of the Global Economy. From 1500 to the Present. Cambridge University
Press. pp. 13–16. ISBN 978-1-107-50718-0.

223. Hudson, Pat. The Industrial Revolution, Oxford University Press US. ISBN 0-7131-6531-6

224. Fullerton, Ronald A. (January 1988). "How Modern Is Modern Marketing? Marketing's Evolution and the
Myth of the "Production Era" ". The Journal of Marketing. 52 (1): 108–25. doi:10.2307/1251689 (http
s://doi.org/10.2307%2F1251689) . JSTOR 1251689 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/1251689) .

225. "Technics & Civilization" (https://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/015688254X?p=S00Q&checkSum=udoW

5CVmUdy3Y45ns0wtGk7Wesh6yWx220dcukbd7VE%3D) . Lewis Mumford. Retrieved 8 January 2009.

22 . Deane, Phyllis. The First Industrial Revolution, Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-29609-9 Google
Books (https://books.google.com/books?vid=ISBN0521296099&id=eMBG_soDdNoC&pg=PA131&lpg=P
A131)

227. Eric Schiff, Industrialisation without national patents: the Netherlands, 1869–1912; Switzerland, 1850–
1907, Princeton University Press, 1971.
22 . Michele Boldrin and David K. Levine, Against Intellectual Monopoly (http://www.dklevine.com/general/in
tellectual/againstfinal.htm) , "Chapter 1, final online version January 2, 2008" (http://www.dklevine.co
m/papers/imbookfinal01.pdf) (PDF).  (55 KB), p. 15. Cambridge University Press, 2008. ISBN 978-0-
521-87928-6

229. Mott-Smith, Morton (1964) [Unabridged and revised version of the book first published by D. Appleton-
Century Company in 1934 under the former title: The Story of Energy]. The Concept of Energy Simply
Explained. New York: Dover Publications, Inc. pp. 13–14. ISBN 978-0-486-21071-1.

230. Mokyr, Joel (1990). The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress. New York:
Oxford University Press. pp. 40–44. ISBN 978-0-19-507477-2.

231. Why No Industrial Revolution in Ancient Greece? (http://www.j-bradford-delong.net/movable_type/archiv

es/000891.html) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20110927042849/http://www.j-bradford-delo
ng.net/movable_type/archives/000891.html) 27 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine J.
Bradford DeLong, Professor of Economics, University of California at Berkeley, 20 September 2002.
Retrieved January 2007.

232. The Origins of the Industrial Revolution in England (http://www.historyguide.org/intellect/lecture17a.h

tml) |The History Guide, Steven Kreis, 11 October 2006 – Accessed January 2007

233. Duchesne, Ricardo (2011). The Uniqueness of Western Civilization. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-23276-
1.

234. Vries, Pier (2001). "Are Coal and Colonies Really Crucial?". Journal of World History. 2: 411.

235. Jackson J. Spielvogel (2009). Western Civilization: Since 1500 (https://books.google.com/books?id=fwx

LkRmd-4QC&printsec=frontcover&cd=1#v=onepage) . p. 607.

23 . Bond, Eric; Gingerich, Sheena; Archer-Antonsen, Oliver; Purcell, Liam; Macklem, Elizabeth (17 February
2003). "The Industrial Revolution – Causes" (http://industrialrevolution.sea.ca/causes.html) .
Industrialrevolution.sea.ca. Retrieved 30 January 2011.

237. Temple, Robert (1986). The Genius of China: 3000 years of science, discovery and invention. New York:
Simon and Schuster.Based on the works of Joseph Needham>

23 . Merson, John (1990). The Genius That Was China: East and West in the Making of the Modern World (h
ttps://archive.org/details/geniusthatwaschi0000mers) . Woodstock, NY: The Overlook Press.
ISBN 978-0-87951-397-9.A companion to the PBS Series "The Genius That Was China

239. "Cobb-Douglas in pre-modern Europe1 – Simulating early modern growth" (http://www.iisg.nl/research/j

vz-cobbdouglas.pdf) (PDF).  (254 KB) Jan Luiten van Zanden, International Institute of Social
History/University of Utrecht. May 2005. Retrieved January 2007.

240. Landes, David (1999). The Wealth and Poverty of Nations (https://archive.org/details/wealthpovertyofn
00land_0) . W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-31888-3.
241. Landes, David S. (1969). The Unbound Prometheus. Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
pp. 20–32. ISBN 978-0-521-09418-4.

242. Stark, Rodney (2005). The Victory of Reason: How Christianity Led to Freedom, Capitalism and Western
Success (https://archive.org/details/victoryofreasonh00star) . New York: Random House Trade
Paperbacks. ISBN 978-0-8129-7233-7.

243. Merson 1990, pp. 34–35

244. How Earth Made Us: Fire by Professor Iain Stewart

245. South Asian History (http://india_resource.tripod.com/colonial.html) Archived (https://web.archive.or

g/web/20070127194629/http://india_resource.tripod.com/colonial.html) 27 January 2007 at the
Wayback Machine – Pages from the history of the Indian subcontinent: British rule and the legacy of
colonisation. Rajni-Palme Dutt India Today (Indian Edition published 1947). Retrieved January 2007.

24 . Jones, Eric (1981). The European Miracle: Environments, Economies and Geopolitics in the History of
Europe and Asia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 119.

247. Mokyr, Joel (6 January 2018). Mokyr, J.: A Culture of Growth: The Origins of the Modern Economy.
(eBook and Hardcover) (http://press.princeton.edu/titles/10835.html) . press.princeton.edu.
ISBN 9780691180960. Retrieved 9 March 2017.

24 . Christian, David (2004). Maps of Time (https://archive.org/details/mapstimeintroduc00chri) . Berkeley:

University of California Press. pp. 390 (https://archive.org/details/mapstimeintroduc00chri/page/n41
3) . ISBN 9780520235007.

249. Stearns, Peter (1998). The Industrial Revolution in World History. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
p. 36.

250. Julian Hoppit, "The Nation, the State, and the First Industrial Revolution," Journal of British Studies
(April 2011) 50#2 pp. 307–31

251. Kiely, Ray (November 2011). "Industrialization and Development: A Comparative Analysis". UGL Press
Limited: 25–26.

252. "Eric Williams’ Economic Interpretation of British Abolitionism - Seventy Years After Capitalism and
Slavery" (International Journal of Business Management and Commerce, Vol. 3 No. 4) August 2018

253. The Royal Navy itself may have contributed to Britain's industrial growth. Among the first complex
industrial manufacturing processes to arise in Britain were those that produced material for British
warships. For instance, the average warship of the period used roughly 1000 pulley fittings. With a fleet
as large as the Royal Navy, and with these fittings needing to be replaced every 4 to 5 years, this
created a great demand which encouraged industrial expansion. The industrial manufacture of rope
can also be seen as a similar factor.
254. Old Naval College (http://www.oldroyalnavalcollege.org/data/files/english-ph-june-06-offical-new-30.p
df) Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20070626185300/http://www.oldroyalnavalcollege.org/dat
a/files/english-ph-june-06-offical-new-30.pdf) 26 June 2007 at the Wayback Machine

255. Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of
the Modern World, pp. 29–30, Boston, Beacon Press, 1966.

25 . Voltaire, François Marie Arouet de. (1909–1914) [1734]. "Letter VI – On the Presbyterians. Letters on
the English" (http://www.bartleby.com/34/2/6.html) . www.bartleby.com. The Harvard Classics.
Retrieved 22 July 2017.

257. E.A. Wrigley, Continuity chance and change.

25 . Hunter, Louis C. (1985). A History of Industrial Power in the United States, 1730–1930, Vol. 2: Steam
Power. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia.

259. Crafts, Nicholas (1 April 2011). "Explaining the first Industrial Revolution: two views" (http://wrap.warwic
k.ac.uk/44710/1/WRAP_Carfts_10.2010_craftsindustrial.pdf) (PDF). European Review of Economic
History. 15 (1): 153–68. doi:10.1017/S1361491610000201 (https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS13614916100
00201) . ISSN 1361-4916 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/1361-4916) .

2 0. Humphries, Jane; Schneider, Benjamin (23 May 2018). "Spinning the industrial revolution" (https://web.a
rchive.org/web/20210419172959/https://www.economics.ox.ac.uk/materials/papers/14544/spinning-t
he-industrial-revolution-for-discussion-paper-series-final.pdf) (PDF). The Economic History Review. 72:
126–155. doi:10.1111/ehr.12693 (https://doi.org/10.1111%2Fehr.12693) . ISSN 0013-0117 (https://w
ww.worldcat.org/issn/0013-0117) . S2CID 152650710 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:1526
50710) . Archived from the original (http://www.economics.ox.ac.uk/materials/papers/14544/spinning
-the-industrial-revolution-for-discussion-paper-series-final.pdf) (PDF) on 19 April 2021. Retrieved
9 December 2019.

2 1. Stephenson, Judy Z. (13 May 2017). " 'Real' wages? Contractors, workers, and pay in London building
trades, 1650–1800". The Economic History Review. 71 (1): 106–32. doi:10.1111/ehr.12491 (https://doi.
org/10.1111%2Fehr.12491) . ISSN 0013-0117 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/0013-0117) .
S2CID 157908061 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:157908061) .

2 2. Kelly, Morgan; Mokyr, Joel; Grada, Cormac O (2022). "The Mechanics of the Industrial Revolution" (http
s://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/720890) . Journal of Political Economy.
doi:10.1086/720890 (https://doi.org/10.1086%2F720890) . ISSN 0022-3808 (https://www.worldcat.or
g/issn/0022-3808) . S2CID 248787980 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:248787980) .

2 3. "The Lunar Society" (https://web.archive.org/web/20080207075746/http://jquarter.members.beeb.net/

morelunar.htm) . Archived from the original on 7 February 2008. Retrieved 7 February 2008. at
Moreabout, the website of the Birmingham Jewellery Quarter guide, Bob Miles.
2 4. Foster, Charles (2004). Capital and Innovation: How Britain Became the First Industrial Nation.
Northwich: Arley Hall Press. ISBN 978-0-9518382-4-2. Argues that capital accumulation and wealth
concentration in an entrepreneurial culture following the commercial revolution made the industrial
revolution possible, for example.

2 5. Robert Green, ed., The Weber Thesis Controversy (D.C. Heath, 1973)

2 . Jelinski, L. W.; Graedel, T. E.; Laudise, R. A.; McCall, D. W.; Patel, C. K. (1 February 1992). "Industrial
ecology: concepts and approaches" (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC48326) .
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 89 (3): 793–797. Bibcode:1992PNAS...89..793J (htt
ps://ui.adsabs.harvard.edu/abs/1992PNAS...89..793J) . doi:10.1073/pnas.89.3.793 (https://doi.org/1
0.1073%2Fpnas.89.3.793) . PMC 48326 (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC48326) .
PMID 11607253 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/11607253) .

2 7. Albert, Michael J. (29 April 2020). "The Dangers of Decoupling: Earth System Crisis and the 'Fourth
Industrial Revolution' " (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1758-5899.12791) . Global
Policy. 11 (2): 245–254. doi:10.1111/1758-5899.12791 (https://doi.org/10.1111%2F1758-5899.1279
1) . S2CID 218777050 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:218777050) – via Wiley Online
Library.

2 . Thompson, E. P. (1967). "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism" (http://www.jstor.org/stable/6

49749) . Past & Present. 38 (38): 56–97. doi:10.1093/past/38.1.56 (https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fpas
t%2F38.1.56) . JSTOR 649749 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/649749) – via JSTOR.

2 9. Robert B. Bain "Children and the industrial revolution: Changes in policy." OAH Magazine of History 15.1
(2000): 48-56.

270. Micheline Ishay, "What are human rights? Six historical controversies." Journal of Human Rights 3.3
(2004): 359-371 online (https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/1475483042000224897) .

271. "Chamsy el-Ojeili & Dylan Taylor (2020) "The Future in the Past": Anarcho-primitivism and the Critique of
Civilization Today, Rethinking Marxism, 32:2, 168-186, DOI: 10.1080/08935696.2020.1727256" (http://w
ww.fraw.org.uk/data/ap/el-Ojeili_taylor_2020.pdf) (PDF).

272. Smith, Mick (2002). "The State of Nature: The Political Philosophy of Primitivism and the Culture of
Contamination" (https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/30301899.pdf) (PDF). Environmental Values. 11 (4):
407–425. doi:10.3197/096327102129341154 (https://doi.org/10.3197%2F096327102129341154) .
JSTOR 30301899 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/30301899) .

273. Smith, Mick (14 May 2007). "Wild-life: anarchy, ecology, and ethics" (https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/fu
ll/10.1080/09644010701251714) . Environmental Politics. 16 (3): 470–487.
doi:10.1080/09644010701251714 (https://doi.org/10.1080%2F09644010701251714) .
S2CID 144572405 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:144572405) – via
www.tandfonline.com.
274. Mawle, Angela (1 July 2010). "Climate change, human health, and unsustainable development" (https://
doi.org/10.1057%2Fjphp.2010.12) . Journal of Public Health Policy. 31 (2): 272–277.
doi:10.1057/jphp.2010.12 (https://doi.org/10.1057%2Fjphp.2010.12) . PMID 20535108 (https://pubm
ed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/20535108) .

275. Harvey, Fiona; Correspondent, Environment (18 August 2011). "Climate change driving species out of
habitats much faster than expected" (https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2011/aug/18/climate
-change-species-habitats) . The Guardian. Retrieved 8 November 2015.

27 . Waters, C.N.; et al. (8 January 2016). "The Anthropocene is functionally and stratigraphically distinct
from the Holocene". Science. 351 (6269): aad2622. doi:10.1126/science.aad2622 (https://doi.org/10.11
26%2Fscience.aad2622) . PMID 26744408 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26744408) .
S2CID 206642594 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:206642594) .

277. Nuwer, Rachel (14 September 2012). "From Ancient Deforestation, a Delta Is Born" (http://green.blogs.n
ytimes.com/2012/09/14/from-ancient-deforestation-a-delta-is-born/) . The New York Times. Retrieved
14 June 2018.

27 . Michael Löwy and Robert Sayre, eds., Romanticism against the Tide of Modernity (Duke University
Press, 2001).

279. ICONS – a portrait of England. Icon: Jerusalem (hymn) Feature: And did those feet? (http://www.icons.
org.uk/theicons/collection/jerusalem/features/and-did-those-feet) Archived (https://web.archive.org/
web/20091212021243/http://www.icons.org.uk/theicons/collection/jerusalem/features/and-did-those-
feet) 12 December 2009 at the Wayback Machine Accessed 28 June 2021

2 0. AJ George, The development of French romanticism: the impact of the industrial revolution on literature
(1955)

Further reading
Ashton, Thomas S. (1948). "The Industrial Revolution (1760–1830)" (https://web.archive.org/web/201
70312195459/http://www.dli.ernet.in/handle/2015/237785) . Oxford University Press. Archived from
the original (http://www.dli.ernet.in/handle/2015/237785) on 12 March 2017.

Artzrouni, Marc (1990). "Mathematical Investigations of the Escape from the Malthusian Trap" (htt
p://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-epub-3427-7) . Mathematical Population Studies. 2 (4): 269–87.
doi:10.1080/08898489009525313 (https://doi.org/10.1080%2F08898489009525313) . PMID 12283330
(https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/12283330) .

Berlanstein, Lenard R., ed. (1992). The Industrial Revolution and work in nineteenth-century Europe.
London and New York: Routledge.

Bernstein, Peter L. (1998). Against the Gods: The Remarkable Story of Risk (Reprint ed.). New York: John
Wiley & Sons. pp. 135–193. ISBN 978-0471295631.
Chambliss, William J. (editor), Problems of Industrial Society, Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley
Publishing Co, 1973. ISBN 978-0-201-00958-3

Chernow, Ron (2004). Alexander Hamilton. New York: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0143034759. online (htt
ps://archive.org/details/alexanderhamilto00cher)

Cipolla, Carlo M. The Fontana Economic History of Europe, vol. 3: The Industrial Revolution (1973)

Cipolla, Carlo M. The Fontana Economic History of Europe: The Emergence of industrial societies vol 4
part 1 (1973) covers France, Germany, Britain, Habsburg Empire (Austria), Italy, and Low Countries.
online (https://archive.org/details/emergenceofindus0000unse_ r5a1)

Cipolla, Carlo M. The Fontana Economic History of Europe: The Emergence of industrial societies (1973)
vol 4 part 2 covers topics online (https://archive.org/details/emergenceofindus0000unse)

Clapham, J.H. (1930) An Economic History of Modern Britain: The Early Railway Age, 1820–1850 (2nd ed.
1930) online (https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.210352)

Clapham, J.H. The Economic Development of France and Germany: 1815–1914 (1921) online (https://arc
hive.org/details/cu31924013709641) , a famous classic, filled with details.

Clark, Gregory (2007). A Farewell to Alms: A Brief Economic History of the World (https://archive.org/deta
ils/farewelltoalmsbr00clar) . Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-12135-2.

Crafts, Nicholas. "The first industrial revolution: Resolving the slow growth/rapid industrialization
paradox." Journal of the European Economic Association 3.2-3 (2005): 525–534. online (https://www.ban
caditalia.it/pubblicazioni/altri-atti-seminari/2005/CRAFTS_ 22_ 03_ 2005.pdf)

Craig, John (1953). The Mint: A History of the London Mint from A.D. 287 to 1948. Cambridge, England:
Cambridge University Press. pp. 239–316. ASIN B0000CIHG7 (https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0000CI
HG7) .

Daunton, M.J. (1995). "Progress and Poverty: An Economic and Social History of Britain, 1700–1850".
Oxford University Press.

Davies, Glyn (1997) [1994]. A History of Money: From Ancient Times to the Present Day (Reprint ed.).
Cardiff: University of Wales Press. pp. 283–353, 464–485. ISBN 978-0708313510.

Dunham, Arthur Louis (1955). "The Industrial Revolution in France, 1815–1848". New York: Exposition
Press.

Gatrell, Peter (2004). "Farm to factory: a reinterpretation of the Soviet industrial revolution". The
Economic History Review. 57 (4): 794. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0289.2004.00295_ 21.x (https://doi.org/10.111
1%2Fj.1468-0289.2004.00295_ 21.x) .

Green, Constance Mclaughlin. (1939) Holyoke Massachusetts A Case History Of The Industrial Revolution
In America online (https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.59808)

Griffin, Emma (2010). Short History of the British Industrial Revolution. Palgrave.
Greenspan, Alan; Wooldridge, Adrian (2018). Capitalism in America: A History. New York: Penguin Press.
pp. 29–59. ISBN 978-0735222441.

Haber, Ludwig Fritz (1958). The Chemical Industry During the Nineteenth Century: A Study of the
Economic Aspect of Applied Chemistry in Europe and North America.

Haber, Ludwig Fritz (1971). The Chemical Industry: 1900–1930: International Growth and Technological
Change.

Hunter, Louis C.; Bryant, Lynwood (1991). A History of Industrial Power in the United States, 1730–1930,
Vol. 3: The Transmission of Power (https://archive.org/details/historyofindustr00hunt) . Cambridge,
Massachusetts: MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-08198-6.

Jacob, Margaret C. (1997). "Scientific Culture and the Making of the Industrial West". Oxford: Oxford
University Press.

Kindleberger, Charles Poor (1993). A Financial History of Western Europe (https://books.google.com/bo

oks?id=PFgIE7_ eYwwC) . Oxford University Press US. ISBN 978-0-19-507738-4.

Kisch, Herbert (1989). "From Domestic Manufacture to Industrial Revolution The Case of the
Rhineland Textile Districts". Oxford University Press.

Kornblith, Gary. The Industrial Revolution in America (1997)

Kynaston, David (2017). Till Time's Last Sand: A History of the Bank of England, 1694–2013. New York:
Bloomsbury. pp. 50–142. ISBN 978-1408868560.

Landes, David S. (1969). The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in
Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (https://archive.org/details/unboundprometheu0000land_
m6c4) . Cambridge; New York: Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge. ISBN 978-0-521-
09418-4.

Maddison, Angus (2003). "The World Economy: Historical Statistics". Paris: Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

Mantoux, Paul (1961) [1928]. The Industrial Revolution in the Eighteenth Century (First English
translation 1928 ed.).

Martin, Frederick (1876). The History of Lloyd's and of Marine Insurance in Great Britain. London:
Macmillan and Company. pp. 161–374. ISBN 978-0341781240.

McGraw, Thomas K. (2012). The Founders of Finance: How Hamilton, Gallatin, and Other Immigrants
Forged a New Economy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0674066922.

McNeil, Ian, ed. (1990). An Encyclopedia of the History of Technology (https://archive.org/details/isbn_ 9

780415147927) . London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-14792-7.

Milward, Alan S. and S.B. Saul. The Development of the Economies of Continental Europe: 1850–1914
(1977)
 Milward, Alan S. and S.B. Saul. The Economic Development of Continental Europe 1780–1870 (1973)

Mokyr, Joel (1999). "The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective". {{cite web}}:
Missing or empty |url= (help)

Olson, James S. Encyclopedia of the Industrial Revolution in America (2001)

Pollard, Sidney (1981). "Peaceful Conquest: The Industrialization of Europe, 1760–1970". Oxford
University Press.

Rappleye, Charles (2010). Robert Morris: Financier of the American Revolution (https://archive.org/detail
s/robertm_ rap_ 2010_ 00_ 1148/page/1) . New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1416570912.

Rider, Christine, ed. Encyclopedia of the Age of the Industrial Revolution, 1700–1920 (2 vol. 2007)

Roe, Joseph Wickham (1916). English and American Tool Builders (https://archive.org/details/englishan
dameri01roegoog) . New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. LCCN 16011753 (https://lccn.loc.
gov/16011753) .. Reprinted by McGraw-Hill, New York and London, 1926 (LCCN 27-24075 (https://lcc
n.loc.gov/27024075) ); and by Lindsay Publications, Inc., Bradley, Illinois, (ISBN 978-0-917914-73-7).

Smelser, Neil J. Social Change in the Industrial Revolution: An Application of Theory to the British Cotton
Industry (U of Chicago Press, 1959).

Staley, David J. ed. Encyclopedia of the History of Invention and Technology (3 vol 2011), 2000pp

Stearns, Peter N. (1998). "The Industrial Revolution in World History". Westview Press.

Smil, Vaclav (1994). "Energy in World History". Westview Press.

Snooks, G.D. (2000). "Was the Industrial Revolution Necessary?". London: Routledge.

Szostak, Rick (1991). "The Role of Transportation in the Industrial Revolution: A Comparison of
England and France". Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.

Timbs, John (1860). Stories of Inventors and Discoverers in Science and the Useful Arts: A Book for Old
and Young (https://archive.org/details/storiesinventor01timbgoog) . Harper & Brothers.

Toynbee, Arnold (1884). Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the Eighteenth Century in England (http
s://web.archive.org/web/20160303182004/http://socserv2.socsci.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/toy
nbee/indrev) . ISBN 978-1-4191-2952-0. Archived from the original (http://socserv2.socsci.mcmaste
r.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/toynbee/indrev) on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 12 February 2016.

Uglow, Jenny (2002). "The Lunar Men: The Friends who made the Future 1730–1810". London: Faber
and Faber.

Usher, Abbott Payson (1920). "An Introduction to the Industrial History of England" (https://archive.or
g/details/anintroductiont00ushegoog) . University of Michigan Press.
Zmolek, Michael Andrew. Rethinking the industrial revolution: five centuries of transition from agrarian to
industrial capitalism in England (2013)

Historiography
 Cannadine, David. "The Present and the Past in the English Industrial Revolution 1880-1980". Past &
Present, no. 103, (1984), pp. 131–172. online (http://www.jstor.org/stable/650727)

Hawke, Gary. "Reinterpretations of the Industrial Revolution" in Patrick O'Brien and Roland Quinault,
eds. The Industrial Revolution and British Society (1993) pp. 54–78

McCloskey, Deirdre (2004). "Review of The Cambridge Economic History of Britain (edited by Roderick
Floud and Paul Johnson)" (http://deirdremccloskey.org/articles/floud.php) . Times Higher Education
Supplement. 15 (January). Retrieved 12 February 2016.

More, Charles (2000). "Understanding the Industrial Revolution". London: Routledge.

Wrigley, E. Anthony. "Reconsidering the Industrial Revolution: England and Wales." Journal of
Interdisciplinary History 49.01 (2018): 9–42.

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Industrial revolution.

Wikiquote has quotations related to Industrial Revolution.

Wikiversity quiz on this Industrial Revolution article

Indust rial Revolut ion (ht t ps://curlie.org/Societ y/Hist ory/By_ Time_ Period/Eight eent h_ Cent ur
y/Indust rial_ Revolut ion/) at Curlie

Int ernet Modern Hist ory Sourcebook: Indust rial Revolut ion (ht t p://www.fordham.edu/halsall/m
od/modsbook14.ht ml)

BBC Hist ory Home Page: Indust rial Revolut ion (ht t ps://www.bbc.co.uk/hist ory/scot t ishhist ory/
enlight enment /feat ures_ enlight enment _ indust ry.sht ml)

Nat ional Museum of Science and Indust ry websit e: machines and personalit ies (ht t p://www.ma
kingt hemodernworld.org.uk/)

Fact ory Workers in t he Indust rial Revolut ion (ht t p://www.galbit hink.org/fw.ht m)
The Indust rial Revolut ion (ht t p://www.hist ory.com/t opics/indust rial-revolut ion) –
Art icles, Video, Pict ures, and Fact s

"The Day t he World Took Off" Six-part video series from t he Universit y of Cambridge t racing
t he quest ion "Why did t he Indust rial Revolut ion begin when and where it did." (ht t p://www.dspa
ce.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270)
Retrieved from
"https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?
title=Industrial_Revolution&oldid=1107268998"

Last edited 10 days ago by Qwertyxp2000