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193 views20 pagesRichard J. Clifford, The Roots of Apocalypticism in Near Eastern Myth
Article in the Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism (ed. John J. Collins; New York: Continuum, 1998).
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© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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WI
The Roots of Apocalypticism
in Near Eastern Myth
Richard J. Clifford, S.J.
Weston Jesuit School of Theology,
Arocarric LITERATURE AS SUCH IS NOT FOUND IN THE
period covered by this article (the third to mid-first millentiia in the
ancient Near East) but chiefly in the period from the third century B.C.E. to
the second century C.E., and, in some Christian circles, down to the Middle
Ages. The ancient roots of apocalyptic literature, however, can be traced to far
earlier literature of the ancient Near East (back to the late third millennium).
Its early history is not merely of antiquarian interest, but illuminates the pur-
pose and rhetoric of mature apocalyptic works. These latter works fall within
a venerable tradition of theological and philosophical reflection on divine and
human governance, a kind of ancient “political theory.” Read apart from their
literary history, works such as the books of Daniel and Revelation, 1 Enoch,
4 Ezra, and 2 Baruch can appear to modern readers as bizarre in imagery and
confusing in logic.
The first modern scholar to have seriously attempted to trace the roots of
apocalyptic literature in ancient texts was Hermann Gunkel (1862-1932),
whose Schipfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit: Eine religionsgeschichtliche
Untersuchung iiber Gen 1 and Ap Joh 12 appeared in 1895. He belonged to the
history-of-religions school, or religionsgeschichtliche Schule, which champi-
3 4 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
oned autonomous historical-critical scholarship and insisted that the Bible be
seen against its environment. Gunkel argued that Genesis 1 and Revelation
12 consisted of “basically the same material, which [in Revelation] surfaces a
second time, but in a different form. In the ancient instance itis the myth of
Urzeit, which travels from Babylon to the Bible, in the new a prediction con-
cerning the Endeeit”(p. 398).
His book demonstrated that Genesis 1 and Revelation 12 were not free
compositions of their authors but adaptations of traditions from outside, ulti-
mately from Babylon. He concluded that the combat myth entered Israelite
literature in the monarchic period, rather than in the patriarchal era or the
Babylonian Exile, the periods of borrowing suggested by earlier scholars. It is
a mark of Gunkel’ genius that with the little material available to him he did
not simply list motifs and themes but concentrated his attention on the one
Gateung (the combat myth) that included so much else: the Urzeit (“primal
time”) Endzeit (“end-time”) equation, creation and new creation, the monster
symbolizing evil, and divine kingship. Gunkel’ pioneering work recains its
usefulness despite its obvious deficiencies: he had access to only a fraction of
the Akkadian texts now available and knew nothing of the combat myth in
the Canaanite texts from Ugarit (first discovered in 1929); he had a romant
cist tendency to overstress origins as explanation and undervalue reception
and particular usage.
Later scholars have been able to make use of the Ugaritic texts, which are
closely related to early Biblical Hebrew and are composed in the same poetic
tradition, as well as the enormous amount of Sumerian and Akkadian litera
ture unearthed and published since Gunkel. I is now possible to chart the
history of relevant genres, motifs, and themes in a variety of works over many
centuries. In particular, scholars can describe the interaction of Canaanite and
early Israelite traditions and sketch the inner-biblical development that led to
fully developed apocalyptic works such as Daniel and Revelation. A number
of points are still under discussion. These include the way in which traditions
from Mesopotamia came into Canaan as well as the date and extent of their
influence and the inner-biblical sources of apocalyptic literature.
This article is selective, examining in the carly literature only those genres,
motifs or recurrent elements, and ideas that were important in the later mature
apocalyptic works. Among the genres, the most important by far is the com-
bat myth, for it provided not only imagery but also a conceprual framework
for explaining divine rule over the world. Other genres are the vaticinia ex
cventu (“prophecies after the fact") found in some Akkadian texts, and the
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH 5
dream vision (though the relevance of the specifically Akkadian form of this
last genre is disputed). Among the recurrent elements are the divine assembly
under the high god responding to a major threat, cosmic enemies portrayed as
monsters, various heavenly beings, divine decrees or secret knowledge, and a
sage-mediator of heaveily knowledge. Among the topics are explorations of
the nature of evil and new creation or restoration of the original order.
(> MESOPOTAMIA.
History and Religion
‘The course of Mesopotamian history shows two impulses, one toward local
-rule exemplified in the city-states, and the other, more sporadic; toward large
and complex political systems aimed at dominating large areas. The first
period for which there is a record is the Early Dynastic (2900-2350 B.c.x,), a
period when families ruled various cities. The Akkadian and Ur IIT dynasties
at the end of the third millennium represent a shift from city-state to nation-
state. The Akkadian system, in contrast to the earlier Sumerian system, fea-
tured a centralized state around king and court. Though Sumerian and
Akkadian- languages and populations were distinct, the culture itself was a
‘common Mesopotamian one.
In the second millennium, Mesopotamia became divided into two geo-
~ political regions, Babylonia and Assyria. From the cighteenth century B.C.E.
to the end of the millennium, Babylon and Assyria were the two great nation-
states, Babylon and Assyria were international in ambition and contacts, and
their fortunes unfolded in an international context. Northern Syria came into
the picture as its coastal cities—Ugarit, Byblos, Tyre—rose to prominence.
Northwest Mesopotamia became a meeting point of Mesopotamian and
Levantine culture. The essentially cooperative international atmosphere was
‘ended, however, by population movements in the last two centuries of the sec-
ond millennium. The dominant empires of the first millennium were the
‘Neo-Assyrian empire (935~612 B.C.E.) and its successor, the Persian empire
(539-333 B.c.z.), both complex and vast in extent.
‘The chief gods in che pantheon were Anu (Sumerian An), “skys” the god
of heaven and head of the older generation of gods, whose consort was Antu;
Ellil (Sumerian Enlil), son of Anu, father of Ninurta, “king of all populated
land,” head of the younger generation of Sumerian and Akkadian gods whose
consort was Ninlil or Ninhursag and whose cult center was Nippur; and Ea 6 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
(Sumerian Enki), god of water, wisdom, and incantations, whose consort was
Ninmah or Damikina and whose cule center was Bridu, With the rise of the
‘Amorites and of the city-state Babylon, the warrior-god Marduk became
important, taking over titles of other gods. In Old Assyrian religion Asshur
was the national god, to whom the king regularly reported his activities, espe-
cially war. After the middle of che fourteenth century B.C.E, the Assyrian pan-
theon became babylonized. In the Assyrian version of Enuma elish, Asshur
took the place of Marduk.
The assembly of the gods was an important part of the organization of
the divine world and the major decision-making body; all the gods were sub-
ject to its decrees. The members were of two groups, the ify “great gods” and
“the seven gods of the fates (fimaru).” The divine triad of Anu, Enlil, and Ea
‘was preeminent, with Anu presiding over the assembly. In a democratic give-
and-take, the member gods made decrees affecting matters in heaven and
earth and responded to various crises. Indeed, the divine assembly can be
viewed as a reflection of “democratic” practices that once prevailed in Sumer-
ian city-states. The Akkadian term is pubru ilani, “assembly of the gods.” The
institution is also attested in Canaan: Ugaritic pbr (bn) ?/m, Phoenician mpbre
2l, and biblical “ede (Ps 82:1) and séd (Jer. 23:18, 225 Job 15:8; Ps. 89:8). In
‘Mesopotamia, the members are specifically identified and act as individuals,
bue in Canaan the assembly as a whole or its head, El, acts rather than individ
tual members (Mullen 1980).
The major office of divine governance was kingship. Kingship over the
gods could be won by a particular god resolving a crisis or defeating a threat to
cosmic order. Human kingship is age-old in Mesopotamia and was the domi-
nant form of government everywhere from the early second millennium for-
ward. The Sumerian King List seeks co demonstrate that the country was
always united under one king, ruling successively in different cites: “When
kingship was lowered from heaven, kingship was (fist) in Eridu,” and so ons
it existed in heaven independently of any earthly king. When kings are men-
tioned in creation myths, they organize the human race so it can carry out its
basic task of providing for the gods. Kings were not ordinarily considered
divine but had to be appointed by the gods. A supernatural aura surrounded
the king, for he was the regent of the gods, represented divine order on earth,
and conversely, represented the people before the gods.
‘A common way of resolving threats to cosmic ordet was force of arms.
The gods were involved in the wars that kings waged on earth; war was both
political and teligious. The new order resulting from the war could be said co
represent the will ofthe god or gods. War was thus a way forthe gods to exer-
cise their rule and oversee the rise and fall of kingdoms.
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH a
Literature and Themes Relevant to Apocalyptic Literature
Genres
‘THE COMBAT MYTH. One of the most long-lived genres in ancient literature
was the so-called combat myth. It lasted as a live genre into the period of full-
blown apocalyptic works and had an enormous influence on them. In fact,
the genre provided ancient poets with a conceptual framework for reflecting
on divine power and human kingship, and on the rise and fall of nations.
Instances of the myth in Mesopotamia are Lugal-e, Anzu, and Enuma elish. In
‘Canaan it is represented by the Baal Cycle. In early biblical poetry it is found.
in Yahweh's victory over Pharaoh at the sea (Exodus 15) or over the sea itself
(several psalms). No ideal form of the combat myth exists, of course, but a
consistent plot line can be abstracted: a force (often depicted as a monster)
threatens cosmic and political order, instilling fear and confusion in the
assembly of the gods; the assembly or its president, unable to find a comman-
der among the older gods, turns to a young god to battle the hostile forces he
successfully defeats the monster, creating the world (including human beings)
or simply restoring the pre-threat order, builds a palace, and receives acclama-
tion of kingship from the other gods. .
There are thee combat myths sufficiently preserved to be analyzed: the
Sumerian Lugal-e of the late third millennium; the Akkadian Anzu, extant in
an Old Babylonian and a Standard (carly-first-millennium) version; and
Enuma elish, dated variously to the eighteenth, fourteenth, or, more com-
monly, the twelfth century. Each influenced its successor.
The best way of analyzing the myths is by attending to their plot rather
than to their ideas, a method somewhat contrary to modern analytical habits.
For us stories are usually regarded as entertainment or as illustration of a
“point” derived from discursive reasoning, but for ancient Near Easterners
narrative was the medium for expressing serious thought. The plots of the
three combat myths will be briefly told with attention to “discourse time,” the
time caken in the telling.
‘Lugal-e tells how the young warrior-king Ninurta (god of thunderstorms
and floods) defeated the mountain-dwelling monster Azag, restored the flow
of the river Tigris, after which he judged the stones that had taken part in the
battle, assigning them their various functions. The story begins with Sharur,
Ninurts weapon, reporting to his master that in the mountains the plants
and stones have made Azag king and that the monster is planning to take over
his domain. Ninurtas first foray against them, made against the advice of
Sharur, is defeated by the dust storm Azag raises. Sharur now brings to Ninurta
strategic advice from Enlil, Ninurta father: send a rainstorm to put down the 8 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
dust. The strategy works; Ninurta defeats Azag. Ninurta then collects the
waters that had been trapped in the mountain ice and roures them to the
‘Tigris. Ninlil, his mother, lonesome for her absent son, pays him a visit. Ninurta
sends her home before exercising judgment over the stones. Each is judged
according to its degree of participation in the battle against him. Ninurta
returns to Nippur to receive the acclamation of his father and the other gods.
Five features of Lugal-e are relevant for other combat myths, including
those found in apocalyptic literature. (1) The relationship of the older god
(Ninurta’s father, Enlil) and the younger god (Ninurta)—a common relation-
ship in combat myth—is perennial in ancient Near Eastern palace life, as
Thorkild Jacobsen points out: “Under the early political forms, which are
here reflected, the king (/ugal) was usually a young man whose task it was to
lead the army in war. The supreme ruler was an older experienced adminiscra-
tot; here Ninurta’ father, Enlil. Thus his military exploits serve to impose and
maintain Enlil’s authority” (Jacobsen 1987, 236 n. 4). The same relationship
holds for Anu and Marduk in Enuma elish, El and Baal in the Ugaritic texts,
the Ancient of Days and the Son of Man in Daniel 7, and the one seated on
the throne and the Lamb in Revelation 4-5. (2) The “evil,” or threat to order,
in this story is that the water necessary to fertilize the fields of Mesopotamia is
trapped in mountain ice. The victory over or defeat of the evil consists in
‘making that water once again available to the inhabicants, thus restoring the
fertility intended by the gods. The nature of the victory casts light on the
meaning of divine kingship in the myth. Kingship (including its permanence)
is proportional to the threat that has been put down. The more profound the
threat, the more profound the victory undoing it. Yer, as Neil Forsyth recog-
izes, not every wartior-god’s victory is a cosmogony (1987, 44-45). Mar-
duk’s victory over Tiamat in Enuma elish surely is cosmogonic, but Ninurtas
victory in Anew is not so wide-ranging, nor is Baal’s victory over Mot in the
Ugaritic tablets. (3) The evil is portrayed as a “natural” force (water trapped in
mountain ice), but here, as in other references to nature, there is an implied
historical reference, for the northern and castern mountains were the home-
lands of historical invaders of the plains, A dichotomous distinction between
myth and history cannot be drawn; the two domains are related. (4) Judg-
ment of enemies (and allies as wel) follows the victory, an action that occurs
also in Enurna elish (VI 11-32) and in the apocalypses in Daniel 7 and 8-12
and Revelation 17-19. (5) The victorious god reestablishes the original order;
Urzeit becomes Endzeit. Rev 21:1 is a succinct expression of the victory:
“Then I saw a new heaven and a new earth; for the first heaven and the first
arth had passed away, and sea was no more.”
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH 9
“The observations just made also apply to the second of our three Meso-
potamian examples of the genre of combat myth, Anzu. It is partially pre-
served in an Old Babylonian version (first half of the second millennium) and
much more completely in an early-first-millennium Standard Babylonian ver-
sion, originally consisting of about 720 lines on three four-column tablets. It
‘was canonical, in “the stream of tradition,” that is, copied by scribes in their
taining and widely distributed. It influenced Enuma elish.
The prologue sings of Ninurta, “the Mighty One,” a title chat recurs
throughout the myth. The world is in a crisis: the beds of the Tigris and
Euphrates have been laid out, but no water flows in them to fertilize the land
of Mesopotamia. At a certain point, the fresh waters of the Apsu are released
to supply the two rivers, a happy turn of the plot somehow caused by the birch
of Anzu (the text is not clear). Anzu is a birdlike creature with a monstrous
head, conceived by earth and born in a mountain fastness, Such a creature
would make an ideal gatekeeper for the gods, thinks Anu, the head of the
older generation of gods, and recommends him to Enlil, head of the younger
generation of gods, Anu’s judgment proves disastrous, however, for Anzu uses
his post to steal from Enlil the Tablet-of-Decrees, which determines the des-
tiny of things, the “software program of the world.” To meet the crisis, the
assembly of the gods meets. Anu promises to any god who can capture back
the tablet a great name and recognition as mighty. Anu turns first to.Adad,
then Gerra, and finally Shara, but all refuse to lead the army. They know that
‘Anzu and not Enlil possesses the Tablet that makes its possessor’s commands
all-powerful.
Then Belet-ili, the mother goddess, asks Ninurta, the son of Enlil, o go
‘out against Anzu. Family honor is at stake, she explains, for Anzu rejected his
father, In contrast to the verbose refusals ofthe three gods, Ninurtas answer is
a quick yes. He loses the first battle when Anzu’s authoritative word turns his
arrows back. Wise Eas advice enables him to succeed: shake feathers loose
from the birdlike Anzu and in the moment when he calls his loose feathers
back to his body, release your feathered arrow so that it will be caught up in
the irresistible stream coward Anzu’s body. Caught up in the flow, Ninurta’s
arrow pierces and kills Anzu. Then Ninurta drenches the mountain open
stretches with water. Wind-bone feathers from Anzu's dead body signal the
gods chat Ninurta is victorious. The gods summon Ninurta home and, declar-
ing that he has avenged his father Enlil, acclaim him with a seties of new
names.
‘Analysis of Anzi in discourse time shows what events the poet chooses to
delay on: 10 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
Prologue Water Assembly: Appointment ‘Basle Celebration
crisisand three gods of Ninurta— and vitory —_grantof
solution refuse to go ‘names
115-83 1.84155 1561127 1.28-111.22
69 ines 7ilines —--79lines ca. 144 lines ca. 48 lines
‘The initial crisis (Anzu’s theft of the Tablet-of-Decrees) is quickly told (69
lines). The poem dwells on the deliberations of the assembly (Anus attempts
to persuade the three gods to recapture the tablet [71 lines) and the commis-
sion of Ninurta (79 lines, the two scenes totaling 150 lines]), Ninurta’s bate
and victory (ca. 144 lines), and the gods granting him new names (ca. 48
lines).
Four features of the combat myth Anzu should be noted as relevant to
later apocalyptic works. (1) The threat from the lack of water in the opening
lines is resolved somehow by Anzu’ birth, but this resolution leads to the
much more dangerous threat from the loss of the Tablet-of Decrees. This curn
breaks up the simple plot and foreshadows the complex two-part structure of
Enuma elish. (2) The evil here is the dissolution of political as well as cosmic
order. The assembly is rendered ineffectual as a political body, for itis unable
from its senior members to muster an army to get back the tablet. It is family
rather than political considerations that send Ninurta into the field. His vie-
tory restores the pulitical office of kings with Anzu out of the way, the assem-
bly is again effective and can acclaim him king: “They assigned to you full
shepherdship of the people. As king they gave (you) your name ‘Guardian of
the throne” (III.129-30). (3) The fundamental issue is kingship. Ninurta
takes the kingship of the other gods; Anu, the head of the older generation,
proved inadequate, as did Enlil and the three gods who refused to fight. They
must yield to Ninurta, who has won the tide Mighty One and restored the
civic and political order destroyed by the loss of the Tablet. Ninurta’s restora-
tion of political order does not seem to be cosmogonic, though one should
keep in mind that political order was part of what the ancients meant by cre-
ation. (4) Relevant to later apocalyptic literature are several recurrent elements:
the monster Anzu as a composite animal (lion-headed eagle, or perhaps bat-
headed, as befits one born in a cave), the active role of the assembly of the gods,
and the god's personified weapon. In Daniel and Revelation, evil can be sym-
bolized by composite animals, and the heavenly assembly plays a similar role
though it is much less prominent. :
“The third Mesopotamian example is Enuma elish (named after its open-
ing line), seven tablets in length, much copied and commented on in antiq-
tity, and recited on the fourth day of the New Year festival.
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH W
The dramatic structure of Enuma elish is more complex than its predeces-
sors, being in five acts.
1, 11-20. The first twenty lines are a theogony, in which a series of
gods are born when the primordial waters Apsu and Tiamat were an undiffer-
entiaced mass and there was no land. The emergence of the gods is also the
emergence of two rival dynasties: Apsu-Tiamat versus Anshar-Anu-Ea-
Marduk (Goldfless 1980, 127-30). The monster Tiamat thus represents both
a natural force (cosmic waters) and a political reality. “Myth” and “history” are
intertwined. Another indication of the historical interest in the entire myth is
the large amount of discourse time devoted to political debate in the divine
assembly.
2. 121-79. In the initial confrontation of the rival dynasties, Ea defeats
‘Apsu and builds his palace to celebrate the victory.
3. 1.79-V1.121. Foreshadowed by the first confrontation, the major
conflict between the son of Ea, Marduk, and the widow of Apsu, Tiamat, is
the theme of the bulk of the work. Tiamat, still angry over the death of her
husband Apsu at the hands of Ea, plots an assault against the rival dynasty.
‘When they learn of her plans, the assembly is frightened and seeks to appoint
a military commander. After two gods refuse to go, Marduk agrees on the
condition that the assembly make his decree supreme. He slays Tiamat in sin-
gle combat and from her body builds the tiniverse and his shrine Esagil
4, VL122-VIL.144. ‘The gods, grateful for Marduk’s victory and obliged
by their oath, give him “Anu-ship.” He in turn promises them that Babylon
will be their new residence and that man, a new creature, will be their servant.
From the blood of the slain Kingu (Tiamat’s general), Marduk forms man. The
gods build Marduk a city and a temple and give him fifty names of honor.
Many of the remarks already made about Lugal-e and Anzu also apply to
Enuma elish. As in these other myths, one god is exalted over gods and
humans, In contrast to the other myths, however, in Enuma elish Marduk
does not reestablish a threatened or disturbed order but forms a world that
never existed before. He creates. The genre of combat myth has been
expanded not only in length and complexity but conceptually as well.
‘What does it mean to create in the ancient Near East? The concept of cre-
ation in the ancient Near East differs from the modern Western view, shaped
as the latter is by evolutionary and scientific concerns (Clifford 1994, chap.
1). Ancient accounts usually imagined creation on the model of human activ-
ity (molding clay, building a house, fighting a battle) or natural processes (life 12 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
forms left by the ebbing Nile flood). What emerged from the process for the
ancients was a populated universe, human society organized for the service of
the gods with a king and culture, and not, as with modern accounts, the phys-
ical world (often only the planet earth in its solar and stellar system). Ancient
accounts were often portrayed as dramas, which is not surprising in that the
process was imagined as personal wills in conflict. This is far from the imper-
sonal interaction of modern scientific accounts. Lastly, the criterion for truth
in ancient accounts is dramatic plausibility in contrast to our need for one
complete explanation.
In Enuma elish, creation of the world is possible because a hostile rival
dynasty has come to an end with the death of Tiamat. A new stage has been
reached with the exaltation of Marduk. As part of this sertlement, Marduk
builds a palace or palace-city where he can be acknowledged by the other gods
as supreme. He forms the human race to work and provide for the gods. Cre-
ation is thus intimately linked to his victory. Later biblical texts link divine
victory exaltation to creation and envision creation as the building of a eemple
or temple-city, for example, Isaiah 65-66 and Revelation 19-22.
VaTIcIMIA Ex EVENTU. Five texts from Mesopotamia, some of them formerly
designated “prophecies” from their alleged resemblance to biblical literature,
are now widely judged to be relevant to apocalyptic literature. They are best
described as prophecies after the fact (vaticinia ex eventu). Sections typically
begin with “a prince shall arise.” No kings are named, presumably so that the
vagueness will give the impression that future events are being predicted.
Kings and kingdoms, however, can be identified from the historical details.
Reigns are judged sweepingly as either good or bad. The surveys are very
much like the historical surveys in later works such as Daniel 7, 8, and 11 and
the Apocalypse of Weeks and the Animal Apocalypse in 1 Enoch.
‘Whether all five texts represent a single genre is not certain, but there are
two clear subcategories: prophecies in the third person (Text A, the Dynastic
Prophecy, and the Uruk Prophecy), and prophecies in the first person (the
Shulgi and Marduk Prophecies).
“Text A, from seventh-century Asshus, is organized by the refrain “and a
prince shall arise” (repeated cight times in a fragmentary tablet). The number
of years in each reign is given as well as a characterization of the miajor events
in that reign, historical, meteorological, and agricultural. The events in Text A
took place in the twelfth century five centuries before its composition, so they
all are ex eventu by definition.
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH 13
The Uruk Prophecy, possibly composed in the reign of Amel-Marduk
(biblical Evil-Merodach, 561-560), preserved mainly on the reverse side of
the tablet, narrates the rise of six kings. The fifth king is Nebuchadnezzar II
(604-562). The genuine prediction comes in lines 16-19: “After him (Neb-
uchadnezzar II) his son will arise as king in Uruk and become master of the
world. He will exercise rule and kingship in Uruk and his dynasty will be
established forever. The kings of Uruk will exercise rulership like the gods.”
The past “predictions” are intended to lend credibility to the last statement.
‘The course of history has been determined by the gods: Nebuchadnezzar’ son
is meant to rule forever.
The Dynastic Prophecy, a Late Babylonian text, speaks successively of the
fall of Assyria, the rise and fall of Babylonia and Persia, and the rise of the Hel-
lenistic monarchies. The victory of Alexander the Great over Darius at Issus in
333 B.C.E. is described. After this comes the genuine prophecy, a prediction of
another battle, in which Darius is victorious over Alexander: “Enlil, Shamash,
and [Marduk] will be at the side of his army [and] the overthrow of the army
of the Nanaean (= Thracian, i.e., Alexander) he will [bring about]. He will
carry off his extensive booty and [bring (it)} into his palace. The people who
had (experienced misfortune (will enjey] well-being, The mood of.the land
{will be a happy one].” By its derail, length, and climactic placement of the
final prediction, the text gives the impression that the gods have determined
the victory of Darius over Alexander. The predicted victory, however, never
took place; Darius never defeated Alexander.
In the second subcategory—prediction in the first person (by a god or
kking)—are two texts that were paired in scribal editions, the Shulgi Prophecy
of the late second or early first millennium and the Marduk Prophecy, per-
haps from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar I (1125~1104)..
In the Shulgi Prophecy unfortunately heavily damaged, Shulgi, a Sumer-
ian king of the Third Dynasty of Ur (2112-2004), who was considered a god
and the founder of the city of Nippur, speaks of the kings who will come after
him, His successor will submit to Assyria, and Nippur will be cast down. The
reign of the Babylonian king, however, will be cut short by the command of
Enlil. Another king will arise, restore the shrines, and rebuild Nippur.
In the Marduk Prophecy, Marduk describes his (i.c., his statue's) peregri-
nations, which can be dated to the first millennium: the statue's journey to
Hatti and back to Babylon, to Assyria and back to Babylon, and finally to
Elam and back to Babylon. The god brought prosperity wherever he went,
but his stay in Elam spelled disaster for Babylon. After Marduk returned from
Elam to Babylon, however, “a king of Babylon will arise” (probably Nebu- 4 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
chadnezzar I, 1124-1103) who will make the city prosperous and punish
Elam. The last partis the genuine prophecy, made credible by the post-factum
“prophecies” preceding it. The text is a propaganda piece for Nebuchadnezzar.
The many similarities between the gente of “post-factum prophecy” and
the historical surveys in apocalyptic lierature suggest possible influence of the
older literature on the younger. The most important similarity is that past
events are “predicted” to lend credibility to the last-mentioned event, as in the
‘Uruk Prophecy, the Dynastic Prophecy, and the Marduk Prophecy. Textual
damage prevents us from knowing if the same is true in the other tablets.
Daniel 7, 8, 9, and 11; J Enoch 83-90, 91; and the Sibylline Oracles, likewise
“predict” some events that are already past and some that are still fucure, the
accuracy of the “predictions” making the genuine prediction at the end more
believable, Further, history is seen as a sequence of kingdoms rather than, say,
the dominance of a particular city, shrine, or deity. Even in the Marduk
Prophecy, the emphasis falls on the king of Babylon. Persons are not named,
as they are not named in apocalyptic literature. History is painted with a
broad brush; details are few and conventional; reigns are either good or evil.
‘The apocalyptic predictions in apocalyptic literature come to the speaker
through revelation, The predictions in the Shulgi and Marduk prophecies
come from a deity; perhaps this is true of the other tablets, but their begin-
rings are too poorly preserved to tell. Lastly, the language of omen texts has
stamped the language of the “prophecies,” a fact that should warn us against
distinguishing too sharply between mantic wisdom (the science of divination)
and prophecy/apocalypricistn.
‘There are also important differences becween the prophecies and apoca-
lyptic literature. The most important is that the apocalypticists incorporated
predictions of kingdoms into a new scenario. That scenario was cosmic threat,
combat, and rule of the victorious god; it envisioned the end of the present
world and divine judgment upon it. One text, however, already has a certain
affinity to the scenario: the Uruk Prophecy predicts that after Nebuchadnez-
zar Il, “his son will arise as king in Uruk and become master of the world. He
will exercise rule and kingship in Uruk and his dynasty will be established for-
ever. The kings of Uruk will exercise rulership like the gods [= forever].” In
summary, the prophecies show that the apocalypticists were anthologists, bor-
rowing genres such as the post-factum prediction to demonstrate that the
course of history was under God’s control and that in their day history as they
knew it had come to an end and a new age was about to dawn.
DREAM VISION. A late-seventh-century B.C.E. Akkadian text, “The Vision of
the Nether World,” has been proposed as a source of the dream vision of
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH 15
Daniel 7 (Kvanvig 1988, 389-555; ANET 1969, 109-10). In the relevant
thirty-four lines on the obverse side, a visionary, Kummiya, sees in the night a
vision of the netherworld: fifteen gods in hybrid form (human or animal
heads, hands, and feet) standing before him, and “one man, his body was
black like pitch. His face was similar to that of an Anzu bird. He was wearing
a red robe. In his left hand he was holding up a bow. In his right hand he was
holding a sword.” The seer then sees the warrior Nergal on a throne, who,
enraged, intends ro put him to death because he has dishonored Ereshkigal,
Nergal’s wife. Ishum, Nergal’s counselor, dissuades his master. A description
of an ideal king follows, though the context is unclear: “This [spirit] which
you saw in the netherworld, is that of the exalted shepherd: to whom my
father [ ], the king of the gods, gives full responsibility...” Next comes a
prediction and an admonition, and the section concludes with brief reports in
the first person and in the third person.
‘Though the text bears a general resemblance to Daniel 7, with the night
dream of gods in hybrid form and the wartior-god on a throne pronouncing
judgment, there are major differences. Judgment is given against the visionary
himself, whereas int Daniel it is against the beasts from the sca; the ideal ruler
in the Vision is extremely shadowy, whereas in Daniel he receives an eschato-
logical kingdom, The pattern of relationships inthe two texts is quite different.
Finally, the texts have little in common with regard to aim, In the Vision, the
aim: is wo encourage piety to the god of the netherworld; in Daniel, it is to
encourage Jews to resist the hellenizing policies of the Seleucid kings (J. J.
Collins 1993, 283-86). The “Vision of the Netherworld” is of interest, how-
ever, asa precedent for the tours of heaven and hell that are i
especially Christian, apocalypses. popula ine,
Recurrent Elements
One of the imporcant and persistent recurrent elements in the genre of com-
bat myth is the divine assembly, thrown into confusion yet charged with the
responsibility of resisting the monster's threats. A considerable amount of
discourse time is devoted to its discussions in Anzu and Enuma elish, Dramat-
ically, the magnitude of the threat is expressed through the terror and conster-
nation of the gods as they meet. The decrees of the assembly are powerful and
binding in heaven and on earth; they are prominent in all the combat myths.
Nonetheless, its decrees are not automatically effective against every cosmic
threat, for they can be rendered ineffective by a monster. A warrior-god must
do away with the evil before the decrees are effective. At the end of Lugale
(lines 679 forward), Ninurta receives the homage of the Anunnaki gods and
7 16 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
his father Enlil grants him new status. In Anzu, the victorious Ninurta
receives names of honor and authority from the gods, a harbinger of che fifty
names that Marduk in Enuma elish receives from the gods. In Enuma elish the
assembly's decree plays an extraordinarily important role. Before he sets out,
his destiny is declared supreme: “Your destiny (Zimtu) is unequalled, your
word (has the power of)! . . . From this day forwards your command shall not
be altered. Yours is the power to exalt and abase. . . . We hereby give you sov-
ereignty overall of the whole universe” (IV.4-14). In the final rablts (end of
TV to VID) Marduk constructs the universe and the assembly’ earlier decree
takes effect as they acclaim his fifty names.
“The decree of the assembly that exalts one deity because of his victory
over cosmic enemies is a theme found in a transposed form in apocalyptic lit-
erature, Though heavenly decrees in the combat myth are primarily con
cemed with kingship, they can also be concerned with broader questions of
the divine will and human activity. In the Bible, a vestige of the decision-
making assembly is found in Gen 1:26 (‘Let as make man in out image”) and
11:7 (Let us go down and confuse their language”), in the designation of
heavenly beings as the host or army (the literal meaning of Yirwa stba°61), and
in affirmations that Yahweh is incomparable to other heavenly beings (eg.
Exod. 15:11; Deut. 3:24; 1 Kgs. 8:23; Pss. 86:8; 95:3). Apocalyptic literarure
in particular exploits the heavenly assembly. God is often in the assembly, sur-
rounded by heavenly beings, messengers or angels, and there is wonstant refer-
ence to “destinies,” and decrees (Brown 1958a; 1958v; 1959).
Related to the decree of the assembly is the Tablet-of-Decrees (fuppi
imati), which in Akkadian narratives occurs only in Anzu (where it plays 2
central role), Enuma elish (1.57; 1V.121; V.69, presumably derived from
Anzu), and Evra (IV.44). The tablet was worn around the neck of the god in
charge, and it could be put on and taken off like a garment—for Enlil
removed it to take a bath in Anzu. Neither English “destiny” nor “fare” is a sat~
isfactory translation of mtu, for these English words imply inevitably,
whereas the Akkadian word connotes something decreed but not necessarily
unalterable. “Destinies” were subject to change through magic; they were usu-
ally transmitted from a higher power, from god to king, king to subject, father
to child, In mythology and literature, the highest gods, usually Anu, Enlil,
and Ea, decreed the destinies establishing the narure and pattern of things in
hheaven and on earth. Simasi were regarded as introduced at creation, for
Enuma elish (1.8) describes pre-creation as a period when “no destines had
been decreed.” Other words for similar determination of things and events are
Sumerian me or gikbur (= Akkadian parsu, usurtd). In later apocalypses, the
seer is frequently shown heavenly visions of meteorological and natural phe-
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH 17
nomena and of future events. Such visions should be understood agai
ancient Near Eastern und of “destinies”—thing ees
siden New Exe bsg of Utne ings and ven tha
‘Another relevant recurrent clement of the
tee cr dee fen
bia ice, posly har of ba inspited tenor, Though Tamas pon
Sea, isnot described cleaty in Enum elsh scholars assume that the
diag depicted fighting 2 god on many sa is Tama, the sven-haded
yaa of some seals may have been later identified with Tiamat. The mon-
seers are often interpreted as natural forces: for example, the storm-god’s
attack on the monster in the mountains refleas thundershowers sweep
inzo the mountain ranges Though such a natural reference cannot be denied,
there ae as well historical and political dimensions tothe monsters. Azag and
‘Anau reside inthe northeastern mountains the homeland of the enemies of
the Mesopotamian pain dwellers. Enum eth views Apso, Tam, and
Kings a uuper ofthe iat one ha belong by sight 0 An and
In Mesopotamia, Ugatt, and Israel, Chaoskar fl
1 , |, Chaoskampf appears not only in cosmolog-
ie concen but just as feueny—and this wa fundamen eri fom
the isin politcal context. The pulion and he derucon ofthe ney
d thereby the maintenance of political onder, always constiutcs one of the
‘major dimensions ofthe bare against chaos. The enemies are not other than a
‘manifestation of chaos whick must be driven back. (1984, 104)
‘An important motfis the seer-hero who is brought into
peril ofthe psa eae SaceTTad iniaieag ee EG
task to communicate this wisdom to the human race. The preeminent seer in
apocalyptic literature is Enoch, the hero of the several booklets that make uj
1 Enoch. He is also the hero in other writings and is mentioned in Sirach, Wie
dom of Solomon, and the New Testament. As one raised up co heaven and
given special knowledge, he served as the model for Daniel, John, and Ezra.
Enoch has antecedents in Mesopotamian tradition.
A key biblical tex chat mediated Mesopotamian lore to Levantne iera-
ture and applied it to Enoch was Gen 5:21~24. There Enoch is seventh in a
ten-member genealogy of pre-flood patriarchs. The Priestly writer makes
comments about Enoch that are not made about the other nine patriarchs
instead of describing his deat, the Priestly writer has “he walked with ‘God’
(baetobin); then he was no more because God (2lahin) took him.” The
Hebrew spellings noved above ae significant. The prefaced definite article ha-
in che first occurrence suggest that the correct translation is not “God” but 18 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
“divi ings,” sings who lived with God. The Genesis text
htc! ng oho Ss
ualke the other patachs, Pres, the end of his stay on ext did nor mean
the end of his communion with heavenly beings; he was taken up in
swith God. a
ae Semrien King Lit, schematic histary of prod ing hich
exists in copies ranging from ca. 1500 B.C.E. to 165 BCE, has long aa 7
nized as a source of Genesis 5. The kings inthe iss, like dhe ances
Goneis, are extraordinarily long-lived in some versions of the list, cere ae
ten kings, the last of whom is the flood hero. Some versions have in seventh
place a figure like Enoch, named Enmeduranki or La
in Sippa cy sacred othe sutgod. Enoch’ age of 365 yeas which dies
so dana om dhe oer re ond rs Genesio aural
expend a reflection ofthe lar clndstanotes in o Enmstuan of
ippar. Most important, cwo texts show Enmeduranki in the p c
ae shemash Chen and Adad, In one he is brought into the assem
bly and given special wisdom. ,
ash in Ebabbarra [appointed] Enmeduranki (king of Sippa, the belo
ae Ea]. Shamash and Adad (brought him in} oie
‘Shamash and Adad {honoured him], Shamash and Adad [set ae ae
throne of god, they showed him how to observe oil om water, a myst ore
(Eli and Es, hey gave him she able ofthe gos the ies a sere of =
and [underworld], they put in his hand the cedar-(rod), .
gods.” (VanderKam 1984, 39-40; cf. Kvanvig 1988, 185-86)
Enmeduranki is brought into heaven and there is aught divination, bow
creat frre, Het the poo ofthe bibl Ena, who in
heavenly beings.
Sn poe
csetly pblshed text that hae madi posible to eapprie the s-alea
bi ne ial series! The ext int the apa gendary preload cress
of great wisdom; seven in number, chey taught the human race wis
crak
Kings Sages
1. Alulim U-An
2. Alagar U-An-dugga
3, Ammeluanna Enmedugga
4. Ammegalanna — Enmegalamma
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH
5. EnmeSugalanna Enmebulugga
6. Dumuzi An-Enlilda
7. Enmeduranki Utuabzu
They are followed after the flood by four more sages. The text gives ¢
aphalls a short notice. Usuabzu, the sage of Enmeduranki, has an especi
interesting notice: “Utuabzu, who was taken up into heaven, the pure pur
fishes, the puridu fishes of the sea, the seven of them, the seven Wise, v
arose in the flood, who direct the plans of heaven and earth.” Riekele Bor
the editor, believes that the text strengthens the possibility that Enmedura
as predictor of the future and the seventh ruler in primordial time was
prototype of Enoch. He notes, however, that the myth of Enoch’s journey
heaven comes ultimarely from Enmeduranki’s sage, the seventh pre-flood s
Uruabzu.
Genesis 5:21-24 is the oldest surviving example of the Enoch tradit
in the Bible. From this modest source text a mighty stream was destined
flow. .
Themes
The two themes most relevant for later apocalyptic works are cosmic thn
and new creation, Though the threat is undeniably prominent in the coml
‘myth, the most important thing is the god's defeat of it and consequent ex
tation to the top rank, In Lugal-e the evil is thatthe water destined to irtigg
the Mesopotamian plains is trapped in the ice of the northern and easte
mountains. This is not simply a natural malfunction but the conscious str:
cay of the mountain-dwelling monster Azag, who has been made king by t
‘mountain plants and stones. Azag thwarts the gods’ intent that Mesop
tamian fields be fertile and support human workers to care for and feed thes
‘Azag’s act is against gods and human beings. Azag and his constituency
Plants and stones are not purely mythical, for the northern and eastern mou.
tains were the homeland of the plains dwellers’ historical enemies. The evil
Lugal-e is therefore (in modern terms) both “natural” and “historical,” affec
ing both gods and human beings. By defeating Azag, Ninurta truly restor
the cosmos asa coherent system.
In the first part of the two-part Anzu the evil is the same as in Lugal-
thats, the failure of the mountain waters to reach the plains. How that prol
Jem was solved (at the beginning of the epic) cannot be determined from tt
fragmentary text. The major evil, however, is Anzu’s theft of the Tablet-o 20 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
Decrees from its rightful custodian, Enlil, The divine decision regarding all
rely encoded in the abet isin the power of a monster hostile wo the divine
assembly. The evils that thing will not work right because the abet it in the
wrong hands. By getting the tablet back, Ninurta ensures the survival o
ed.
eal isn ‘nore complex, and so is the evil in its wo sections. In the
firs section (L.1-79), the el isthe rival dynasty represented by Apsu, who is
Killed by Ea. In the second part, the evil i che rival dynasty represented Dy
‘Tiamat. Sheis violent and irrational; the world would never have been created
if she were to rule, Marduk’s victory establishes the legitimate dynasty an
a. :
erenine hee combae myths se the universe 2s theatened once upon a time
by a monster with sufficient power to destroy it or change it forthe ee
‘The divine assembly—that is, the gods as deciding and acting cannot by
itself esolve the problem. The cv snot simply a cot malfunction but i
willed by a particular being. The evil plays itself out on the natural and histor-
‘sl a related to the evil is the god's victory over it. Is the victory merely
a restoration of the pre-threat order, or is it new creation? At the very least,
‘Endzeis becomes Urzeit, for the original order is renewed. This is surely true
for Lugale and Anzu. Enuma elish, however, isa different case. It is true cre~
ation. Marduk makes the world as we know it. he world did not exist prior
to Tiamat, for itis from her body that the cosmos is constructed.
CANAAN
History and Religion
ird millenni i is .d by West Semitic
By the third millennium Syria-Palestine was populate
peoples ‘speak ing an Old Canaanite language. After 1200 B.C.E., ene
Canaanite area was divided ito three areas: Palestine (the area sourh of
Mount Hermon, later conquered by the wibes of lel) che ares ofthe AR
maean city-states, and Phoenicia, the long narrow strip of land along
Mediterranean from Arvad to Mount Carmel in the south. In a Ugaritic text,
“Canaanite” refers to an area distinc from the city 0 of Ugarit, bur in modern
usage “Canaanite” is customary for the whole littoral ; ;
Aaa literary tradition is attested for the Old Canaanite (Phoeni-
cian) culture, Religious and mythological poetic texts excavated at the Late
Bronze (mostly fourteenth cencury 8.C.E.) city of Ugait display vocabulary,
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH 21
especially word pairs, recurrent elements, and techniques found also in
Phoenician inscriptions and in early biblical poetry. The Ugatitic texts pro-
vide a northern sampling of literary and religious traditions shared by Canaan
and Israel,
Canaanite scribes in the employ of royal courts in the major cities knew
‘Mesopotamian literature. Canonical texts have been found at Boghaskoy
(ancient Hattuia) in the Hittite empire, at Ugarit, at Meskene (ancient Emas,
a crossroads of east and west), and even at Megiddo in Palestine (a fragment of
Gilgamesh). These texts were understood by Levantine scribes, for Akkadian
was a diplomatic language in the late second and early first millennia. One
can assume that some scribes employed in Canaanite and Israelite temples
and palaces were trained in the traditional manner—by copying canonical
texts, It is thus not surprising to find Mesopotamian influence on Canaanite
and biblical literature. A good example of a western borrowing of an eastern
literary genre is the ceation-flood story. Attested in the Sumerian Flood Story
Atrabasis, Gilgamesh XI, Berossus, and some versions of the Sumerian King
List, it is echoed in the flood story found at Ugarit, and has strongly influ-
enced the Bible itr Genesis 2-11 (Clifford 1994, 144-46). « .
‘The god lists of Ugarie, like those of Mesopotamia, list many more deities
than the few who play prominent roles in myths, but we arc here chiefly con-
cerned with the executive deities. The most important mythological exts
found at Ugarit (in excavations from 1929 forwatd) ate the story of King
Keret, the story of Aqhat, and the cycle concerning Baal’s combat. They are
written in a cuneiform adaptation of the Canaanite alphaber.
The head of the pantheon is the patriarch El, creator of heaven and earth.
His consort is Asherah. There is no sacred triad in Ugarit; Mesopotamian
Enlil and Ea have no real analogues. El presides over the assembly of the gods,
whose members in Ugaritic texts (unlike Mesopotamia) are not precisely iden-
tified nor shown engaged in lively debate. El or the assembly tout ensemble
speak and act. El is portrayed as old and wise, though there are hints that in
olden days he was a feared warrior-god. His decree, approved by the assembly,
is of extraordinary importance. Both Anat and Asherah confess: “Thou art
wise, O El, and thy decree is long life.” The young god Hadad (Baal) is a war-
rior. The assembly decrees, “Our king is Aliyan Baal, our judge above whom.
there is no other.” His weapons are those of the storm—lightning, thunder,
wind, and rains that bring fertility—and his bellicose consort is Anat. Two
divine beings play significant roles as Baal’s enemies: Mot (Death) and Yamm.
(Sea). One of the major interpretative problems of the Baal Cycle is El’s rela-
tion to Baal and to Baal’s enemies Yamm and Mot. Mot is called “son of El,” 22 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
and Yamm in KTU 1.1 is given a name and palace by El. Elsewhere El favors
Baal and grants him permission to build his palace.
Literature and Themes Relevant ro Apocalyptic Literature
Genre of Combat Myth (Baal Gycle)
The six tablets ofthe Baal Cycle (KTU 1.1~6 = ANET 129-42") belong to the
genre of combat myth, which we have singled out as having extraordinary
influence on apocalyptic literature. The similarities of the Baal Cycle to the
Mesopotamian combat myths are striking: (1) the enemy is Sea in KTU 1.1-3
= ANET 129-31, 135-38, recalling Tiamat in Enuma elish; (2) the divine
assembly under its president An or El is threatened and commissions a young,
wwartior-god to battle the foe, though in the Baal Cycle the commission must
be inferred from the goddesses’ quote of the decree that their king is Baal;
(3) events are decided by a bactle that is cosmic in scope; (4) the wattior-god’s
victory is symbolized by a palace and dedication feast for all the gods. Some
scholars have proposed that this combat myth originated among West Semites
on the grounds that the sea phenomenologically is important only in Syria-
Palestine. The theory is unlikely, however, because the word “sea” in Meso-
potamian myths can refer not only o the ocean but to the waters in the
northern mountains, as it does in Anzu. It is now clear that the literary
antecedent of the Marduk~Tiamat conflict in Enuma elish is not the West
Semitic Baal-Yamm story but the native Anzu (Lambert 1986).
‘The Ugaritic combat myth is in the same poetic tradition as early biblical
poetry and thus is much more pertinent to later apocalyptic literature than
the Akkadian works analyzed above. Unfortunately, four of the six tablets of
the Baal Cycle cannot be put in their proper sequence because of broken
beginnings or ends. Hence we cannot be certain of the plots, Here the Akka-
dian works are useful, for they can supply the sequence and plot only dimly
discernible in the Ugaritic texts. In the Baal Cycle only tablets V (ANET
138-39) and VI (ANET 139-41) preserve the ending and the beginning that
demonstrate their sequence. (Normally the last line of a tablet is repeated as
the first line of the succeeding tablet.) Tablets I-III (ANET 129-31, 135-38)
tell of the Baal-Yamm conflict and tablets IV-V (ANET 131-35, 138-41) of
the Baal-Mot conflict. The majority of scholars assume a single cycle, which
first depicts Baal’s war with Yamm and then describes his war with Mot. Ie is
more probable, however, that the two conflicts are not two acts in a single
drama but variants of the same myth. There are good indications that the two
stories are variants: tablets III (ANET 135-38) and IV (ANET 131-35) show
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH 23
an identical sequence of actions (Baal has no palace like the other gods,
embassy is sent to the goddess to ask her to ees wich El for Bals pace,
the goddess prepares for her journey and departs for Els abode, the goddess
praises E's decree, Fl grants permission, the craftsman god is summoned to
build it. Positing two versions of a single myth avoids a dramatically implausi-
ble never-ending seesaw battle berween Baal and his enemies.
Baat-Yaum, Tablets I-III (ANET 129-31, 135~38) are about the Baal
‘Yamm conflict. We do not know the original sequence of the tablets, and so
any summary of the plot must be regarded as tentative. At a certain point
‘Yamm (Sea) is given authority (“a name”) by El, who charges him to drive
Baal “from his royal throne, the resting place, the throne of his domination.”
El commands the craftsman-god Koshar wa-Hasis to build a palace for
‘Yamm. (Throughout the cycle, the palace plays an extremely significant role
as the concretization of kingship.) So commissioned, Baal sends ambassadors
to the assembly presided over by El, ordering them to surrender Baal. The
assembly is terrified at the approach of Yammis messengers, and El immedi-
ately hands Baal over, “Baal is your servant, O Yamm” (“your subject” in poli-
ical language). Baal tries co fight buc is restrained by Anat and Ashtart,
presumably because they regard the assembly's action as legally binding, After
some major gaps in the tablets, Baal eventually has the opporeunity to ateack
his enemy with Koshar wa-Hasis at his side. Koshar fashions two magic
weapons against Yamm, the second of which succeeds in knocking Yamm to
the ground, where-Baal finishes him off. Baal is acclaimed king: “Yamm is
dead! Baal reigns!”
‘The Baal-Yamm story is more fragmentary than the Baal~Mot story; the
plot is uncertain and important matters ae left unexplained, Why docs El
commission Yamm and give him a palace? Why does the assembly hand Baal
over to Yamm, and why is Baal later able to best him in combat? A major
problem in Ugaritic mythology—the unclear relationship of El to Baal,
oe Mot—keeps us from fully comprehending the essential point of
Baat-Mor: The Baal-Death combat myth is told in tablets IV-VI of the Baal
Cycle (ANET 138-42); the extant material is greater and in surer sequence
than is the case with the Baal-Yamm story. Most scholars believe that tablets
IV-V-VI are the proper sequence. Tablet VI (ANET 139-141) immediately
continues tablet V (ANET 138-39), since its first line repeats the last line of
_tablet V, but the proper placement of tablet IV (ANET 131-35) is far from 24 "THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
certain. The story begins with Baal complaining that he has no palace like the
other gods and must live in the home of El. Anat intercedes with Asherah, El’s
wife, to bring the plea to El, reminding him, “Thy decree is wise. ... Thy
decree is: Our king is Puissant Baal, our sovereign second co none; all of us
‘must bear his gift all of us must bear his purse.” Although Baal has been given
authority by the assembly, El’s permission is still needed for his palace, the full
sign of his kingship. El gives his permission, Baal gathers the material and
Koshar wa-Hlasis builds i. At its completion, Baal declares: “My house I have
buile of silver, my palace of gold” (KTU 1,4.vi = ANET 134-35) and invites
all the gods to a dedicacory banquet. He marches triumphantly through
numerous towns in the vicinity of his Mount Zaphon and from his palace
proclaims his kingship in chunder as his enemies fle. In this momene of tri
tumph, Baal instructs his messengers to proclaim his kingship to the under-
world and invites Mot.
IF KTU 1.5 (ANET 138-39) directly continues, as most scholars assume
(though there are difficulties), then Baal’ riumph is suddenly turned upside
down as Mot invites, or rather commands, Baal to come to his underworld
domain, Baal must descend with his whole entourage, and he says to Mot,
“Your servant am I, and that for ever (= no set time).” Eventually messengers
report back to El that ‘we came upon Baal fallen co the earth. Dead is Aliyan
Baal, departed is Prince, Lord of the earth!” (KTU 1.5.vi.8-10 = ANET 139).
El and Anat engage in mourning rites. Anat finds the body and brings it for
burial to Mount Zaphon (KTU 1.6.i = ANET 139). El is unable to find
among his and Asherah’s children a suitable replacement for Baal, which
‘makes dramatically clear that Baal is irreplaceable (KTU 1.6.i.132-67). After-
‘ward the bereaved Anat encounters Mot, who callously tells her he consumed
Baal “like a lamb in his mouth.” Later, she seizes him in rage, cuts him up and
sows him far and wide (KTU 1.6.i.30-37). After a break of forty lines, El
declares that “Aliyan Baal lives, existent is Prince, Lord of the earth,” for he
sees in a dream the signs of Baal’ return to life: the heavens raining oil and the
wadis running with honey. Els dream shows that Baal is alive; Shapshu, the
Sun-goddess, is asked ro search for him. After a break, Baal appears, defeats
rebellious sons of Asherah and takes the throne. In the seventh year of his
reign, Mot comes to exact vengeance for the humilicion inflicted upon him
by Anat: “Because of you, Baal, I experienced winnowing in the sea. Give me
one of your brothers that I may eat.” After about sixty ines of uncertain text,
Mot comes to Baal on Mount Zaphon and accuses him of giving him his own
brothers to eat (KTU 1.6.vi.14-16). Baal and Mot then fight like animals
‘until both fall in exhaustion. At this point Shapshu intervenes and rebukes
Mot: “How dare you fight with Aliyan Baal... . (Bull El your father) will
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CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH 25,
uproot the base of your dwelling, Surely he will overturn your royal throne.
Surely he will shatter your scepter of judgment” (1.6.vi.24-29). Mot stops out
of fear. Baal remounts his throne and the cycle ends with a banquet of the
gods, Shapshu is lauded as judge, probably for her role in settling the conflict
of kingship.
‘The overall interpretation of the Baal Cycle is made difficult by the
‘uncertain sequence of tablets I-IV (and columns within tablet II), many bro-
kken passages, and our ignorance of its social location. Was the cycle recited in
the temple? Was it used to support the authority of the king? Several interpre-
tations have been proposed: ritual and seasonal, cosmogonic, and rhetorical
and political, Each has some validity yet no single theory does justice to all che
data, Few would deny any reference to the change of seasons. Mot represents
the dry summer season or dry areas, and Baal represents the fertilizing rains of
the Levantine winter. An exclusively seasonal explanation, however, neglects
the obvious political features of the myth. Mot and Baal act more like generals
and politicians than natural forces, and Baal's kingship has to have some refer-
ence to the Ugartic king, who, like Baal, nceded military power in order to
reign. Others see in the cycle a cosmogony or creation account, in which Baal
creates a cosmos after defeating some form of chaos. This interpretation
accounts for the life-death struggle, and the prominence of cosmic order and
the palace, but in the Ugaritic texts only El and Asherah are given the title cre-
ator; the most that Baal accomplishes by his victory over sea and death is to
reconstitute cosmic and political harmony. Historical interpretations see the
myth as reflecting the rise and fall of the gods of different peoples; for exam-
ple, the rise of Baal allegedly at the expense of El reflects the god of a new
dynasty in the history of Ugarit. This interpretation is unsatisfactory, how-
‘ever. Baal does not replace El but is commissioned by him, and the commis-
sion of a young god by a senior god in the face of a cosmic threat is a
characteristic feature of ancient palace life and of the genre of combat myth.
The best approach is to view the cycle according to its genre, the combat
myth, and to reconstruct its plot by analogy with the better-known combat
myths of Mesopotamia. In the typical plot, a monster threatens the cosmic
order; the assembly of the gods meets amid considerable trepidation; finding
no willing warrior among the senior deities, it turns to a young outsider, who
successfully defeats the monster and returns to the assembly to be acclaimed
king, This abstract plotline does not completely resolve several puzzles in the
Baal Cycle (e.g., the relation of El to Baal, Mot, and Yamm), but it allows us
to arrange the tablets in order with some confidence. It also explains the
prominent role of Baal’s palace, the need for El’s permission, the fact that
Yamin and Mot, despite their names, are portrayed not a primordial forces 26 ‘THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
bur as seekers of political power. Baal’s royalty explains the relation of these
mythic texts to the people of Ugarit, for human kingship is a reflection of
divine kingship. These myths must support the authority of the Ugaritic king,
whose proper rule ensures fertility, upholds family and civic order, and sees to
the proper honoring of the gods.
Recurrent Elements
“The assembly of the gods plays a significant role in the Baal-Yamm story.
“The gods sat co ea, / the holy ones to dine. / Baal stood before El. / When the
guia dem {the hostile messengers of Yamml, / ..... / the gods lowered
their heads / upon their knees, / and upon their princely thrones. / Baal rebuked
them. / “Why have you lowered, © Gods, / your heads upon your knees / and
‘on your princely thrones? / I see, © gods, you are terrified / from fear of the
messengers of Yarum, / the emissaries of Judge River. / Life up your heads, ©
gods, [from upon your knees, / from upon your princely thrones!” (KTU
1.2.1.20-28)
Despite Baal’s protests, the assembly surrenders him to Yammis messengers,
and their decision, even though made in fear, is binding,
In biblical passages such as 1 Kgs. 22:19-23; Isaiah 6; and 40:1-8; Psalm
82; and Job 1-2, the assembly plays a major role, and in apocalyptic literature
it sometimes forms the context in which God acts, ¢.g. Daniel 7 and Revela-
tion 4-5, The biblical emphasis on the unicity and absolute power of Yahweh
reduces the members of the assembly to spectators, choristers, of messengers,
but the assembly persists as part of the heavenly scene.
Sea is ey a monster, In KTU 13111 39-1V3, Anat recalls che
allies of Yamm, the enemies of Baal: El's river Rabbim, the dragon, the
crooked serpent, Shilyat with seven heads. In KTU 1.5.1, Lotan is the ally of
‘Mot. Lotan appears in the Bible under the name Leviathan in Ps. 74:13-14;
Job 3:8; 26:12-13; 41:1-34; Isa, 27:1; Rev. 12:3; 17:1-145 1 24
2 Esdras 6:49-52. Mor is not described but may also be a monster. To judge
by their names, Yamm and Mot represent forces hostile to the human race
and terrify the divine assembly, Unfortunately the precise nature of their
threat is unclear. .
‘The dectee is ascribed to El. The assembly is not recorded as issuing
decrees on its own. When the goddesses Anat and Asherah ask El to permit
Baal to build a palace after his victory over Mot and Yamm, they praise his
decree: “Your decree, © El, is wise. Your wisdom is eternal. A life of good for-
CLIFFORD: NEAR EASTERN MYTH 7
tune is your decree. Our king is Aliyan Baal, our judge without a peer” (KTU
1,3.V.30-33; 1.4.1V.41~44). The kingship of Baal needs the decree of El in
order for it to be realized in a palace. In the Bible, Yahweh is acclaimed king
by the denizens of heaven. Psalm 29 is the most explicit: “Give to Yahweh, ©
sons of El, give to Yahweh glory and might... . Yahweh is enthroned on
Flood-dragon, Yahweh reigns as king forever!
‘A recurrent element in apocalyptic literature—the use of animal names
for human beings—has precedents in Ugaritic and in early biblical poetry,
suggesting that it was part of the Canaanite literary repertoire, Animal names
convey fleetness, ferocity, or strength. King Kerer’s dinner guests include “his
bulls” and. “his gazelles” (KTU 1.15.1V.6-8, 17-19), which are to be inter-
preted as “peers” and “barons.” Baal’s allies include “eight boars” (bnzr =
Hebrew fer), parallebvo “seven lads” (KTU 1.5.V.8-9). The Bible has even
more examples: *2bbir (“bull,” “stallion”)
