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Graña-Behrens, Daniel - POLITICAL HIERARCHY AND POWER IN THE NORTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS

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Graña-Behrens, Daniel - POLITICAL HIERARCHY AND POWER IN THE NORTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS

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You are on page 1/ 25

Ancient Mesoamerica, page 1 of 25, 2018

Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2018

doi:10.1017/S0956536117000207

NEW EVIDENCE FOR POLITICAL HIERARCHY AND

POWER IN THE NORTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS
(A.D. 600–1000)

Daniel Graña-Behrens
Institut für Altamerikanistik und Ethnologie, University of Bonn, 53111 Bonn, Germany, and Frobenius Institut at the
Goethe-Universität Frankfurt, 60323 Frankfurt, Germany

Abstract
This paper presents new evidence for hierarchy and power among the Classic Maya (a.d. 300–1000) from the northern lowlands. It
expands the list of identified emblem glyphs, and, more particularly, focuses on emblems with numerals by questioning their meaning and
function in terms of political organization. Furthermore, the paper centers on syntax, especially on the practice of structuring personal
names and titles in order to isolate titles and emblem glyphs, as well as to rank individuals and further advance our understanding of
ancient Maya political organization. Finally, a dynastic sequence of rulers and noblemen from the Chan or Kan kingdom (most probably
Jaina) is proposed, as well as divergent monumental traditions within the northern region and a re-evaluation of interpolity relationships.

INTRODUCTION the expression k’uhul, “divine,” along with one or several others
for ajaw, “ruler, lord” (Houston and Stuart 1996:295; Jackson and
The northern Maya lowlands are comprised of the Yucatan
Stuart 2001:217, 225; Prager 2013:27–28; Ringle 1988:11; Stuart
Peninsula, including the three modern Mexican states of
1995:233–240). The group of variable signs, often called the
Campeche, Yucatan, and Quintana Roo. Within this larger region,
“main sign,” refers to the “emblem” and is the feature identifying
distinguished from the central and southern lowlands by architec-
a polity or kingdom, as has been long known for the central and
ture, ceramics, inscriptions, and settlement patterns, lie such impor-
southern lowlands (Barthel 1968:120; Berlin 1958:111; Kelley
tant sites like Calakmul (Campeche), Chichen Itza (Yucatan), Coba
1976:213–219; Mathews 1991:23–25). The combined expressions
(Quintana Roo), Ek’ Balam (Yucatan), and Uxmal (Yucatan),
k’uhul and ajaw, plus a “main sign,” constitute what has been
among many others. The reason for assigning Calakmul to the
termed the full form of an emblem glyph. The complete emblem
northern Maya lowlands is that the kanul, “snake,” dynasty associ-
glyph thus translates as “divine ruler/lord from x,” with the lord
ated with Calakmul in the Late Classic (a.d. 600–800) likely orig-
or ruler, not the place, being referenced as “holy” (Mathews
inates at the site of Dzibanche (Quintana Roo) farther north
1991:25; Stuart 1993:326; Stuart and Houston 1994:7). In the north-
(Grube 2004; Martin 2005; Martin and Velásquez García 2016).
ern lowlands, however, there are fewer sites with an emblem glyph
While some sites like Calakmul, which is assigned here to the north-
either in the full variant or with an abbreviated form. Instead, we
ern lowlands, include inscribed histories and features that link it
find some individuals that are referred to by a variable sign plus
more closely with other regions, those sites farther north have no
the term ajaw. Because of the absence of the k’uhul element,
or few easily readable hieroglyphic texts. The latter are scarcer,
these phrases have often been interpreted not as an emblem
shorter, and, in many instances, still not very well understood due
glyph, but as a “name tag.” Colas (2004:149) identifies in Maya
to varying calligraphy, syntax, and a different form of calendrical
hieroglyphic inscriptions personal names or anthroponymy that
expression. This has made it difficult to know more about the north-
include titles such as ajaw (lord), sajal (a kind of secondary
ern sites, for example with regard to their kings and political orga-
man), itz’aat (wise man) and others which he interprets as epiclesis.
nization in the Classic Period (a.d. 300 to 1000; Dunning and
He separates such personal names/titles from the emblem glyph
Kowalski 1994; Grube 1990, 2000).
whether in the full variant or not (Colas 2004:XXV). Thus, the
One particularity in the northern lowlands, the scarcity of iden-
question arises of why there are apparently less emblem glyphs in
tifiable emblem glyphs that distinguish sites politically (Berlin
the north and these are less often present in the inscriptions com-
1958; Marcus 1976; Mathews 1991), has been under review, espe-
pared to the central and southern lowlands. The frequent lack of
cially over the last 10 years (Graña-Behrens 2006). In emblem
the k’uhul, “sacred,” adjective in many northern emblems has led
glyphs, a compound of invariable signs is structured around one
to the following model about the political organization in regions
or more variable signs (see Mathews 1991:19 for an illustration of
using such abbreviated forms in general:
the elements of an emblem glyph). The invariable signs render

“The lack of full emblem glyphs at important sites such as

E-mail correspondence to: [email protected] Oxpemul and Uxul can only be explained as an expression of

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2 Graña-Behrens

hierarchy between the powerful regional centres and places with Sakpeten (cf. Stuart 2009:319, Figure 13.2), an altar of unknown
only limited and localised power. (…) Toponymic titles may provenance attributed to the Bonampak area (Chiapas) and now
point to a lesser level in the hierarchy of sites in the Maya low- housed in the Art Institute of Chicago (cf. Mayer 1995:Plate 91);
lands. It is likely that these sites with what Houston called ‘prob- and the mural paintings of the famous Río Azul Tomb 1 (cf.
lematic emblem glyphs’ originated as dependencies or even
Adams 1999:81–82). A third difference is the infiltration of words
colonies of more potent centres, which used full emblems”
(Grube 2005:100–101).
of Yucatec origin in the hieroglyphic writing, which has a common
Ch’olan linguistic foundation beginning around a.d. 700
(Lacadena García-Gallo 2000; Wichmann 2006:295, Figure 1).
Although this distinction cannot be dismissed, the problem in the Finally, the calendar system, albeit essentially the same, is peculiar
northern lowlands is that even large sites like Uxmal, Oxkintok, in the northern lowlands, especially emphasizing the tun and
or Chichen Itza lack a full variant emblem glyph, not only those k’atun count, cycles of roughly 20 and 260 years, respectively, as
considered to be of minor political importance like Oxpemul or well as some other particularities like the Yucatec Method or
Uxul, which lay within the political sphere of Calakmul. Thus, it so-called Puuc style dates (Graña-Behrens 2009, 2017; Thompson
must be asked whether the existence or absence of the k’uhul 1937). Cumulatively, these differences may reflect subtle variations
adjective in the inscriptions of the northern lowlands is a legitimate in traditions of self-reference, discourse, and manner of expressing
criterion for not assuming the same political or hierarchical struc- political power, rather than being indicators of totally different polit-
tures between kingdoms or polities as indicated in the central and ical structures. The same can be said for dynastic sequences, which
southern lowlands. It remains unclear if the inscriptions of the are less apparent in the northern inscriptions but are undoubtedly
northern lowlands reflect a different political organization or, of equal importance. In the last decade, several dynasties have now
rather, different political rhetoric. be elaborated for places like Coba (Con Uribe and Esparza Olguín
From these observations arise at least two possibilities for recon- 2016; Graña-Behrens 2012; Gronemeyer 2004; Guenter 2014;
structing the political organization in northern Yucatan. One could Stuart 2010), Etzna (Pallan Gayol 2009), Ek’ Balam (Lacadena
be the existence of a completely different political and hierarchical García-Gallo 2003), Itzimte-Bolonchen (Graña-Behrens 2016), as
organization compared to the center and south. This position has well for sites close to Calakmul, including Oxpemul or Uxul
been proposed, especially for northern sites where stelae, the most (Grube 2005, 2008).
common of all monumental inscriptions in the central and southern More generally, several other difficulties arise in trying to better
lowlands that display the local king, are scarce; or, as in the case of understand the ancient political organization of the northern low-
Chichen Itza, where no paramount king or ruler had been identified lands. First, is the question of how to integrate archaeological, epi-
(Boot 2005; Grube 1994, 2003; Schele and Freidel 1990, among graphic, iconographic, and ethnohistoric data. As ethnohistorical
others). This view, however, has often been combined with the sources from the peninsula of Yucatan are retrospective from
assumption that in some areas of the northern lowlands where Colonial times, their importance for understanding the Classic
there are sites with emblem glyphs, a political organization Period has significantly diminished in more recent scholarship com-
existed that was similar to that known from sites father south. pared to archaeological and epigraphic approaches (cf. Braswell
The second possibility is to assume that a similar, albeit not iden- 2015; Rubenstein 2017; Stanton 2014). Secondly, there is the
tical, political system existed in both the north and south, which is question of how to evaluate the political affairs in the northern
the position elaborated in this paper. This possibility still generates lowlands during the Classic period compared to the much better
many questions including: what were the specific similarities and understood political affairs in the southern and central lowlands.
differences across the lowlands; what did these differences mean This point is not just a matter of research focus (i.e., a comparative
for the structure and function of political systems; and how is polit- scarcity of epigraphic work on northern inscriptions), but also of a
ical organization manifest in both the epigraphic and archaeological history of research that emphasized models that downplayed the
record? time depth of northern Maya culture and its connection with
One similarity has been already pointed out is that we do find southern traditions. For example, for a long time it was supposed
emblem glyphs in the northern lowlands, albeit not with the same that the northern lowlands were populated relatively late by
compelling pattern as in the central and southern lowlands. We people migrating from the south in the Late Classic (ca. a.d.
also already knew about many differences such as the absence of 600), and later from Tula in Central Mexico, a thesis strongly
stelae in some parts of the north. A second difference concerns promoted especially by Charnay in the late nineteenth century and
the display of individuals on public monuments like stelae or furthered by Morley in the early twentieth century. This idea led,
altars. Whereas in the central and southern lowlands these individ- in turn, to other later theories like Thompson’s “Putun invasion”
uals represent in many instances the local king during his life time (Graña-Behrens 2015; Kremer 1994; Morley 1915a, 1915b, 1946;
while performing some important ritual (end of period, bloodletting, Thompson 1970). Archaeology has proven, however, that not
enthronement, or dance), many of the northern inscriptions alleg- only were the northern lowlands inhabited already during the
edly portray the local king after his death and after he had undergone Preclassic (well before a.d. 300), but that there are even sites like
a corresponding ceremony to be considered an important ancestor Dzbilchaltun, Ek’ Balam, or Santa Rosa Xtampak that show a
(Graña-Behrens 2014, 2017). Most commonly a twisted rope or continuous settlement history across many historical periods (cf.
band beneath the individual or surrounding the scene on the monu- Braswell 2015:6–16; Graña-Behrens 2009:vol. I, p. 279). Even in
ment visualizes that the scene refers to an ancestor like on Stela 1 of the Puuc region, which was long thought to have been essentially
Huntichmul (cf. Figure 8a), Stela 4 of Sayil (both Yucatan), or Stela vacant until the Late Classic, Preclassic settlement is now known
12 from Itzimte-Bolonchen (Campeche). While there are many to have been sizeable. Comparable to the southern lowlands,
monuments more from Oxkintok and elsewhere that point out this many early sites and the people who founded them were closely
difference, there are only a few from the central and southern low- identified with water sources (c.f. Tokovinine 2013). One
lands that show this kind of practice, including Altar 1 from example is the Puuc site of Xcoch, where a large Middle and Late

Preclassic community developed above a sacred cave (Dunning the ajaw (“ruler, king,” by extension also “nobleman”) expression;
et al. 2014; Smyth et al. 2017). Thus, except for some sites like and the k’uhul prefix. The latter is occasionally missing for still
Chichen Itza, which appears to have been founded quite late in unknown or poorly understood reasons. Due to their standardized
the Classic, most northern sites exhibit considerably greater time syntax, full and partial emblem glyphs are relatively easy to distin-
depth, having been founded sometime in the Classic or, in many guish in the inscriptions of the central and southern lowlands. In the
cases, in the Preclassic. case of the northern lowlands, however, this is often difficult. First,
Besides theories from Charnay, Morley, Thompson, and others there are fewer well-preserved inscriptions that allow isolating
that had a deep impact on understanding the political organization nominal phrases of individuals. Second, those inscriptions are
and history of the northern lowlands, others proposed an inverse more difficult to understand because of calligraphy and syntax.
movement, e.g., that particular groups of people migrated from And third, there are fewer full emblem glyphs. Instead, some indi-
the north into parts of the central lowlands in the latter Late and/ viduals carry a title of the type partial form. Hence, compared to
or Terminal Classic (a.d. 800–900). One of these theories is the the central and southern lowlands, with up to 80 emblem glyphs,
so-called “Itza’” migration supposedly from Chichen Itza to the only approximately 20 had been detected and analyzed in the
Peten region (Boot 2005; Schele et al. 1997). Another proposes north as recently as 10 years ago (Graña-Behrens 2006). Despite
that the style of a newly discovered stela at the site of Kajtuun in these limitations, additional northern emblem glyphs can be recog-
the Río Bec region (which is still part of the northern lowlands, nized by taking into account those that appear on inscriptions of
as defined here) may be the result of influences from unknown unknown provenance that can be related calligraphically and/or sty-
people who migrated from farther north and who brought not only listically to the northern lowlands. From these findings, a more
a new style with them, but also provoked a “political, social, and lin- complex picture arises for the northern lowlands (Figure 1 and
guistic transformation,” which is arguably reflected in a different Table 1).
settlement pattern that highlights the importance of kings as com- Sites with a firmly recognized emblem glyph are marked on
pared to sites farther south (Nondedeo and Lacadena Garcia-Gallo Figure 1 with a triangle, while those with a tentatively identified
2004:197). Alternatively, the stela may simply reflect long-term emblem glyph are indicated by a dot. The emblem glyph of
connections between the cultural traditions of the north and south. Calakmul, Etzna, or Ek’ Balam are essentially indisputable, while
In short, the real picture of what happened in the northern lowlands others, such as those of Itzimte-Bolonchen, Ichmul de Morley,
during the Classic period, especially in the Late Classic (a.d. 700/ and Jaina, are less secure. For the almost 50 emblem glyphs identi-
800–1000), in terms of political organization and hierarchy, still fied here that presumably refer to a northern lowland site, roughly
remains poorly understood. half do not record or do not show in the existing examples a
This paper contributes to expanding this picture through an anal- k’uhul prefix and are thus of the partial form type. Among them
ysis of the inscriptions of the Late and Terminal Classic (a.d. 700/ are such important sites like Uxmal, Oxkintok, or Kabah. This is
800–1000). Proceeding from the assumption that northern political important because full emblem glyphs (according to the conven-
organization was subtly and not radically different from that in the tions of the southern and central lowlands) would be expected for
south, I first identify further examples of both full-form and abbre- these sites. It should be noted, however, that roughly half of the
viated emblem glyphs by analyzing how emblem glyphs appear more than 100 Late Classic emblem glyphs in the central and south-
syntactically in the inscriptions. Next, I explore the meaning and ern Maya lowlands are not attested in their full form. What does this
political implication of emblem glyphs that include a numeral, say about political organization and hierarchy between both hemi-
something that has not been noticed and discussed previously. I spheres? Why does the k’uhul prefix seem less significant at impor-
then analyze inscriptions on certain vessels from the northwest to tant sites in the northern lowlands?
see whether a hierarchy can be deduced from the titles of different Besides these observations, special attention is warranted for the
individuals who are said to be the owner or the user of the object. Chan or Kan emblem glyph, assigned to the site of the island of
Among such titles are king or nobleman (ajaw), “first of the Jaina. Additionally, I analyze a presumed partial emblem glyph
earth” (bakab), and a kind of administrator (sajal) that can be com- with T709 as its main sign that appears in several contexts within
pared to what is known about the political organization in the north the northern, central, and southern lowlands. Finally, in the northern
from the Late Postclassic and early Colonial period (a.d. lowlands several emblem glyphs make reference to a number, pre-
1400–1600). Last, I propose for the first time a sequence of kings sented here for the first time, which may have implications for
and noblemen of the Chan or Kan site (most probably Jaina). understanding the organization of these sites or historical concep-
Thus, in general, this paper suggests that the political organization tions that perdured over time.
and hierarchy in the northern lowlands differ from the central and
southern lowlands less as a whole and more by subtle forms of pre-
The Chan or Kan Emblem Glyph
senting individuals and titles.
The emblem glyph with chan or kan as its main sign has long been
recognized and associated with the archaeological site on the island
EMBLEM GLYPHS IN THE NORTHERN LOWLANDS
of Jaina in the Gulf of Mexico (Figures 2a–2e; García Campillo
In Maya inscriptions, an emblem glyph is regularly part of the 1995:vol. I, pp. 213–214, 1998). As remarked elsewhere,
nominal phrase of an individual and references a polity or however, the appearance of this emblem glyph at sites like Santa
dynasty. In the central and southern lowlands, emblems most com- Rosa Xtampak, Xcalumkin, and Sabana Piletas (Campeche), as
monly follow the personal name of the individual or king and can be well as on monuments of unknown provenance and on several
complemented by references like bakab or kalomte, two not very jades recovered from the Cenote of Sacrifice of Chichen Itza,
well understood titles worn usually by kings (see below). An make the suggested affiliation with Jaina problematic
emblem glyph joins or clusters usually three parts: an “emblem” (Graña-Behrens 2006:110; Grube and Pallan 2011). Only recently
referring either to a toponym, a mythical name, or something else; has the Chan or Kan emblem glyph been recognized on a stone

Figure 1. The northern lowlands, with major archaeological sites with presumed emblem glyphs. Map by the author.

fragment directly from Jaina (based on an unpublished drawing logogram whose decipherment is still debated, joined by T168
from Nikolai Grube). Taking these observations together, it /ajaw/. The k’uhul prefix is lacking in all instances except one.
remains hazardous to associate this emblem glyph firmly with any Occasionally T679 /i/ is prefixed to this title. Because of this, the
of the aforementioned sites, though the new fragment further under- reading ib (“bean”) has been tentatively suggested for T709
scores the likely affiliation with Jaina. There is a strikingly similar (Tokovinine 2014). One example with i-prefix follows the name
case from the central lowlands, where the Pa’ Chan emblem phrase of an individual that is presumed to be a ruler of
glyph, although usually associated with Yaxchilan (Chiapas), Itzimte-Bolonchen, as a text documented on a stone lintel from that
appears during the Classic period in inscriptions at Uaxactun, El site reports (Graña-Behrens 2016:177–178; Figure 3a). Another exam-
Zotz’, and Naranjo (all Peten) without a direct political relationship ples with an i-prefix appears after the expression juun ixiim, the name
attested either in the form of a visit of a Yaxchilan king to one of of the Maize God, on a plate from Calakmul (Figure 3b). Furthermore,
these sites, the capture of a king, or a war between these sites a similar title, but with the nal (“place”) attribute instead of ajaw, is
(Helmke 2012:100–107). Hence, only further evidence may help written on an earflare found in the tomb of Yuknoom Yich’aak
to clarify the significance of appearance of the same Chan or Kan K’ahk’, ruler of Calakmul (Figure 3c; Tokovinine 2014:11, 14).
emblem glyph at sites on the mainland not far away from Jaina Without the i-prefix, the compound T168:709 can be found on one
(see also Reconstructing the Chan or Kan Dynasty, below). Last of the jades recovered from the Cenote of Sacrifice at Chichen Itza
but not least, it should be mentioned that, in the southern lowlands, (Proskouriakoff 1974:108, number d, 206, Figure 12, number 17). It
the emblem glyph of Chincultic (Chiapas) also expresses chan, is associated with an individual known from other inscriptions
although at the moment it seems unlikely that this supposes the exis- whose name suggests that he is the same person carrying the Chan
tence of a political network between the aforementioned sites. or Kan emblem glyph (Figure 3d). Finally, a vessel from a location
now named as Oxmuul, within the greater Mérida (Yucatan) metropol-
itan area and excavated from a funeral context containing several indi-
The T709 Title or Emblem Glyph
viduals under a house platform, refers to a nobleman who is most
There are several inscriptions from the northern lowlands that may probably not a king, but carries the T709 ajaw title, as well
refer to a partial emblem glyph. The main sign is T709, a possible (Figure 3e; Socorro et al. 2014:191, Figure 11.11).

Table 1. Emblem glyphs in the northern Maya lowlands.

Site Emblem Glyph 1 Emblem Glyph 2 Reference and Remarks Reading

Acankeh, Yucatan Vase (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:114; Kelley 1982:8) akankej ajaw

Becan, Campeche Becan, Stela 3; new evidence aj-? ajaw / ?-ajaw

Calakmul, Campeche La Corona, Element 3 (cf. Marcus 1976:51; Martin and k’uhul kan ajaw
Velásquez 2016:23, Figure 1; Stuart and Houston
1994:28)

Champerico, Champerico, Stela 1 (cf. Grube 2005:94) ?-li

Campeche

Chichen Itza, Tenoned Disc (cf. Boot 2005:300; Grube hitza’ ajaw, k’uhul aj
Chichen Itza,
2003:362; Pallan Gayol 2009:530) chel?
Yucatan

Coba, Quintana Roo Etzna, Stela 19 (cf. Grube 2003:360; Pallan Gayol aja(w) koba’
2009:471; Voss and Eberl 1999:126)

Dzibilchaltun, Vessel (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:108–109; Maldonado k’uhul chiy kaan ti

Yucatan Cárdenas et al. 2002:95) joo’ ajaw

Dzehkabtun, Dzehkabtun, Altar 1 (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:115; Grube k’uhul tun ajaw
Campeche 2010:31)

Dzibanché Dzibanché, Hieroglyphic Stairway (cf. Grube 2004:118; k’uhul kan ajaw
Martin 2005:5)

Dzibilnocac, Dzibilnocac, Stela 1 (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:119) ukol ajaw

Campeche

Dzilam González, Dzilam González, Stela 1 (cf. Grube 2003:362; tzab? ajaw
Yucatan Graña-Behrens 2006:110; Pallan Gayol 2009:437)

Ek’ Balam, Yucatan Ek’ Balam, Serpent Balustrade (cf. Graña-Behrens k’uhul tal lo ajaw
2006:109–110; Voss and Eberl 1999:125)

El Palmar, Campeche El Palmar, Hieroglyphic Stairway (cf. Tsukamoto and wak piit? ajaw
Esparza 2015:52, Figure 14c)

Etzna, Campeche Etzna, Hieroglyphic Stairway (cf. Pallan Gayol k’uhul-?

2009:487–494)

Halakal, Yucatan Halakal, Lintel (cf. Boot 2005:312; Graña-Behrens tal-lo ajaw
2006:113; Voss and Eberl 1999:126–127)

Continued

Table 1. Continued

Site Emblem Glyph 1 Emblem Glyph 2 Reference and Remarks Reading

Huntichmul, Yucatan Huntichmul, Stela 1 (cf. Ringle et al. 2009:3, 7, Figures 2 ajaw k’an tok
and 5); new evidence

Ichmul de Morley, Ichmul de Morley, Panel 2 (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:110) k’uhul? mutul? ajaw
Yucatan

Ikil, Yucatan ?-ajaw, ma-tal-lo

Ikil, Lintel 2 (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:113; Grube
2003:363) ajaw?

Itzimte Bolonchen, Itzimte Bolonchen, Lintel 1, Stela 3 (cf. Graña-Behrens ib?-ajaw, ?-ke ajaw
Campeche 2016:180); new evidence

Jaina, Campeche Chichen Itza, Jade from the Cenote of Sacrifice (cf. García k’uhul chan / kan
Campillo 1995:vol. I, pp. 213–214, 1998; Graña-Behrens ajaw
2006:110)

Kabah, Yucatan Kabah, Lintel, structure 1A1; new evidence wuk-o?-? ajaw

Kayal, Campeche Kayal, Stone (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:116) k’uhul? ba? ajaw

Los Alacranes, Los Alacranes, Stela 1 (cf. Grube 2005:91) b’uuk’ ajaw
Campeche

Naachtun, Campeche Oxpemul, Stela 2 (cf. Grube 2005:99; Pallan Gayol sutz? ajaw
2009:463–468)

Oxpemul, Campeche Oxpemul, Stela 18 (Grube 2005:96) ?-ajaw

Oxkintok, Stone, Vessel (cf. García Campillo 1995:vol. I, t’ab? wuk pet? / sak
Oxkintok, Yucatan
p. 210; Graña-Behrens 2006:117) te nal

Santa Rosa Xtamapk, Santa Rosa Xtampak, Stela 2 (cf. Graña-Behrens chan? / kan? ajaw
Campeche 2006:119) (may also be the one from Jaina)

Uxul, Campeche Uxul, Stela 14 (cf. Grube 2005:94; Grube and Esparza naahkuum? ajaw
Olguín 2017; Martin et al. 2015)

Uxmal, Yucatan Uxmal, Capstone 2 (cf. García Campillo 1995:vol. I, k’ahk’ nal ajaw
p. 193; Graña-Behrens 2006:114; Stuart and Houston
1994:23)
Tzum, Campeche Tzum, Stela 3; new evidence ?-ki ajaw

Xchan, Campeche Xchan, Column 1; new evidence k’uhul-? ajaw

Table 1. Continued

Site Emblem Glyph 1 Emblem Glyph 2 Reference and Remarks Reading

Xculoc, Campeche Xculoc, Lintel (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:114–115) k’uhul sutz’? ajaw

Unknown Ichmul de Morley, Panel 2 (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:110, k’uhul bah ajaw
119)

Unknown Chichen Itza, Stela 1 (cf. Pallan Gayol 2009:396–397) ?-ajaw

Unknown Ek’ Balam, Mural of the 96 Glyphs (cf. Graña-Behrens k’uhul-? ajaw
2006:116; Lacadena García-Gallo 2003:151, Figures 18d
and 18e)

Unknown Vessel K4732 (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:119; Tokovinine k’uhul ibil ajaw
2014:14)

Unknown Stela of unknown provenance (cf. Graña-Behrens aj-?-ajaw / ?-ajaw,

2006:116, 119) ?-ajaw

Unknown Panel of unknown provenance (cf. Mayer 1995:Plate 97); aj-ba?-yu? ajaw /
new evidence ba?-yu? ajaw

Unknown Uxmal, Hieroglyphic Stairway (cf. Graham 1992:vol. 4, ak’? ajaw

p. 117); new evidence

Unknown Ek’ Balam, Bone, Tomb 1 (cf. Lacadena García-Gallo k’uhul?-? ajaw
2003:80, Figure 29); new evidence or emblem glyph of
Ek’ Balam

Unknown Bone from Jaina (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:119) ?-ajaw?

Unknown Coba, Stela 1 (cf. Graham & von Euw 1997:vol. 8, p. 24); ek’-?-joo’ ajaw
new evidence

Unknown Coba, Stela 4 (cf. Graham & von Euw 1997:vol. 8, p. 31); tok’? tun? ajaw
new evidence

Unknown Coba, Stela 1 (cf. Graham & von Euw 1997:vol. 8, p. 24); k’ahk’-sutz’? ajaw
new evidence

Unknown Vessel K4340 (cf. García Campillo 1998:59, Figure 3a; k’ahk’-? ajaw
Graña-Behrens 2006:111, Figure 4b; Tokovinine
2012:124, Figure 67)

Unknown Coba, Stela 20 (cf. Graham & von Euw 1997:vol. 8, p. 60); aj-? ajaw / ?-ajaw
new evidence

Unknown Oxmul in Mérida, Vessel from tomb (cf. Socorro Medina ib? ajaw
et al. 2014:191, Figure 11.11)

Figure 2. (a) Chichen Itza, jade from the Cenote of Sacrifice. Drawing by the author after Proskouriakoff 1974:118, Figures 49b, 12,
15–16. (b) Jade pendant, probably from Uaymil. Drawing by the author after Proskouriakoff 1974:207, Figure 13. (c) Chichen Itza,
jade from the Cenote of Sacrifice. Drawing by the author after Proskouriakoff 1974:206, Figure 14. (d) Jadeite amulet, probably
from Jaina. Drawing by the author after Spinden 1975:144, Figure 196. (e) Pillar or wall panel of unknown provenance hosted in the
Museum of Hecelchakan, Campeche. Drawing by the author.

In the southern lowlands, the title appears without the i-prefix as provenance (Figure 3g; K791, Kerr 2017.). A very similar title,
part of a nominal phrase on Yaxchilan Stela 1 (Figure 3f). modified by an additional prefix instead of i, can be found on one
Complemented by the prefix k’uhul, the same title is part of a crea- of the murals from Bonampak (Chiapas) referring to one of the
ture, the so-called way (spirit companion), on a vessel of unknown painted individuals (Figure 3h). At Jolja cave (Chiapas), there is a

Figure 3. (a) T709-title on Lintel 1 from Itzimte Bolonchen (Graña-Behrens 2016:177, Figure 123). (b) T709-title on a vessel from
Calakmul. Drawing by the author after Tokovinine 2014:11, Figure 3. (c) T709-title on an earflare from the tomb of the ruler
Yuknoom Yich’aak K’ahk’ of Calakmul. Drawing by the author after Tokovinine 2014:14, Figure 7a. (d) T709-title on a jade recovered
from the Cenote of Sacrifice of Chichen Itza. Drawing by the author, taken from Proskouriakoff 1974:108, number d, 206, Figure 12,
number 17. (e) T709-title on a vessel from a tomb located within the city of Merida. Drawing by the author after a photo from Socorro
Medina et al. 2014:191, Figure 11.11. (f) Sculpture title on Yaxchilan Stela 1. Drawing by the author after Tokovinine 2014:Figure 8a. (g)
T709-title on a vessel of unknown provenance (K791). Drawing by the author, taken from Tokovinine 2014:11, Figure 4a. (h)
T709-title from a wall painting from Bonampak in Chiapas. Drawing by the author in Graña-Behrens 2016:181, Figure 129. (i)
T709-title from a wall painting from Jolja cave in Chiapas. Drawing by the author.

painted variant with the word lakam (“banner”) preceding T709 and (cf. Tokovinine 2014:45, 60, Figures 26g and 35h). Thus, the ques-
followed by the nal (“place”) expression and ajaw (Figure 3i). tion is not only why there are more examples from the northern low-
Several questions emerge from these observations but cannot yet lands, but also if the numeral reference may have a further political
be answered. If the title represents an emblem glyph, why does it or hierarchical meaning in terms of internal or external organization
appear at different sites in the northern, central, and southern low- of a polity in the north. For instance, the well-known emblem glyph
lands, and why with people of different rank or function, such as of Dzibilchaltun consists of several parts: Chiy Chan Ti Joo’
an artist, nobleman, and a ruler? Since the title with the i-prefix (“raised in the sky [at] five [place]”; Figures 4a–4b; Maldonado
follows the name of a local ruler, shall we consider it the local et al. 2002:10). Of interest here is the second part, Ti Joo’ or Ti
emblem glyph from Itzimte-Bolonchen? What would this mean in Ho’: Tihó is reported by indigenous Maya in the early sixteenth
terms of political relationships to other sites where this i-type century as the ancient name of the place where Mérida was
emblem glyph also appears (e.g., Chichen Itza)? Further, suppose founded by the Spaniards. In an inscription recorded on a vessel
the i-prefix represents just the initial sound (e.g., appears only fac- excavated from a midden near the northern access to Sacbe 2 at
ultative and not obligatory), what would this mean politically, since Dzibilchaltun, the first part ajaw chiy kaan is separated from Ti
the T709:168 title without i-prefix also appears on the newly exca- Joo’ (blocks F, G, and J) by a distance number and a k’in day-count
vated vessel from the Mérida urban zone, as well as at Yaxchilan or period (blocks H and I; Figure 4c; Góngora 2015:55, Figure 16).
even Bonampak in the southern lowlands? Moreover, why do super- This raises the question why presumably constitutive parts of an
naturals (way) or deities ( jun ixiim) carry this title but not compara- emblem glyph were separated — Ti Joo’ could possibly have
ble emblem glyphs? If the title is not an emblem glyph, why was it been a larger political-administrative unity to which Chiy Kaan
structured as such by clustering the signs in this form, and why does (i.e., the site of Dzibilchaltun proper) pertained politically or
it appear precisely in a syntactical position where an emblem glyph through dynastic relations. This would help explain why in early
can be expected? Colonial times the indigenous Maya referred to an archaeological
site now underlying central Mérida as Tihó instead of to
Dzibilchaltun, a site some 20 kilometers away that continued
Numbered Emblem Glyphs
to be inhabited and where the Spaniards erected an open chapel
There are several emblem glyphs, or emblem glyph equivalent ref- to indoctrinate the local people.
erences, in the inscriptions of the northern lowlands that include a A related case is Akankej, an archaeological site in a modern
numeral expressed most commonly by the bar and dot system or community southeast of Merida, that preserves its original name
sometimes by the corresponding word, which are completely com- as indicated in its Classic period inscriptions (Grube 2003:359;
piled here for the first time (Table 2, cf. Table 1 for drawings). In Kelley 1982:8). A wall painting first documented by Seler (1911:
comparison, there are fewer instances from the central or southern 404, Figure 8) not only references the toponym Akankej, but men-
lowlands that show this particularity. These are the emblem tions in sequence someone who carries the title joo’ ajawal (“five
glyphs from Ixtutz with the numeral five, as well as the so-called rulership”), an observation that already led to the suggestion that
aberrant forms from Caracol and Río Azul with the numeral three. Akankej may have been part of the larger political-administrative
Besides such emblem glyphs, there are toponyms that refer to a unit called Ti Joo’ (Figure 5a; Góngora 2015:90). Another
number, such as Wak Kab Nal to six or Joo’ Noh Witz to five emblem glyph referencing the number five appears on Coba Stela

Table 2. Emblem glyphs in the northern Maya lowlands with reference to a numeral.

Emblem glyph Number

Site or equivalent cited Source and remarks

Uxmal, Yucatan k’ahk’ nal ajaw 3 Ball Court Markers 1 and 2, Altar 10 (Graham 1992:vol. 4, pp. 115, 119–120). Since the early
Colonial period, the site is referenced as Uxmal, which is a compound of ux or ox “three,”
followed by the classificatory mal “times.”
Dzibilchaltun, Yucatan chiy kaan ti joo’ 5 Stela 19, bone from structure 42 tomb and K4333 (Graña-Behrens 2006:109, Figures 2a–2c);
ajaw vessel from the midden near Sacbe 2 (Góngora 2015:55, Figure 16).
? ek’-? joo’ ajaw 5 Coba, Stela 1 (block W22; Graham and von Euw 1997:vol. 8, p. 24).
? joo’ ajawel 5 Acankeh, palace wall painting (Seler 1911:404, Figure 8).
ba?-witz?
El Palmar, Campeche wak piit? ajaw 6 El Palmar Hieroglyphic Stairway (Tsukamoto and Esparza Olguín 2015:52, Figure 14); unclear if
this is the same emblem glyph as from El Señor del Peten, Quintana Roo.
El Señor del Peten, wak-? ajaw 6 Late Classic vessel (Cortés de Brasdefer 1996:6, Figure 6).
Quintana Roo
Kabah, Yucatan wuk-o?-? ajaw 7 Lintels, structure 1A1 (Graña-Behrens 2009:vol. II, Table 90; Robertson 2016:D20902 and
D20903); Jamb 1, structure 1A1 (Robertson 2016:D20901).
Oxkintok, Yucatan t’ab? wuk pet? 7 Stela 9; ball court sculpture, side B, miscellaneous 30; Hieroglyphic Stairway 2, Step 1; lintel from
Structure 3A11; “Chocholá” style vessel (Graña-Behrens 2006:118, Figures 14a–14f); bone from
Tomb 8 (unpublished).
Kajtun, Campeche bolonil ajaw 9 Stela 1 (Nondédeo and Lacadena García-Gallo 2004:193, Figure 4)
Coba, Quintana Roo bolon chan 9 Stela 11 (Con Uribe and Esparza Olguín 2016:10, Figure 13)
ajaw?

1 referencing an individual other than the protagonist (a ruler of place name: Sak Te Nal (“white tree place;” cf. Figure 6; García
Coba) and can be read as Ek’-? Joo’ (“black ? five;” block W22; Campillo 1995:vol. I, pp. 198–199). Taking into account the
Figure 5b). Here, again, and analogous to what has been outlined former observations concerning Dzibilchaltun and Akankej, this
for Dzibilchaltun and Akankej, the question is if Ek’ is another now suggests that Tab(?) Wuk Pet(?) may refer as well to a
unknown site within the larger unit Ti’ Joo’. larger political-administrative unit, while Sak Te Nal specifically
There are two sites, Kabah and Oxkintok, which reference the references the site of Oxkintok. In the case of Kabah, the signs fol-
number seven. In both cases, however, the compound following lowing the number seven cannot be read yet. Again, however, the
the number is different (Figures 6a and 6b). In Oxkintok, there is whole expression may reference a wider political sphere to which
no full-form emblem glyph, as the ajaw title is always missing. the site of Kabah belonged and whose particular pre-Hispanic
Instead, the compound consists of the number seven attached name is still unrecognized from the inscriptions. The site name
either to a human head or a sign resembling T511, with a suggested Kabah, which appears in native documents as early as during the
reading of wuk pet (“seven circle/[province?]”; García Campillo Colonial period, may itself be a combination of the Maya word
1995:vol. I, p. 210). In some instances, an unusual smaller sign ka for two and ba or bah, with an unknown grammatical and
plus T501 /ba/ is prefixed and suggests a reading of ?-ba wuk lexical meaning.
pet. The unusual sign shows some resemblance to an equally The idea that northern lowland sites with a numbered emblem
small sign on Lintel 1 from Ikil (Yucatan), where it is attached to glyph refer to larger political units could help explain why
T501 /ba/. In the last case, the compound works as a verb with Uxmal, a site that referred to itself by an emblem glyph with a
a suggested reading as t’ab (“to ascend”; Gronemeyer 2016; main sign read k’ahk’ nal (“fire place”) in the Late and Terminal
Stuart 1998:409–417). Thus, in the case of Oxkintok, the com- Classic periods (a.d. 600–1000), was instead called Uxmal in
pound functioning syntactically as an emblem glyph might be deci- early sixteenth century indigenous Maya documents. It suggests
phered and read as T’ab(?) Wuk Pet(?) (perhaps something akin to that, in pre-Hispanic times, Uxmal may have formed part of or
“ascending? seven [circles/province?]”). Neither the expression have had leadership in a larger political unit called Ux Mal
t’ab nor pet can be satisfactorily translated so far. T’ab means “to (“three times” or “thrice built”), while the particular reference for
ascend” in Ch’olan languages (Kaufman and Norman 1984:133) the site itself was K’ahk’ Nal. Moreover, Uxmal was joined to
and “bald” in Yucatec Maya (Barrera Vásquez 1991:830), among two other large sites, Nohpat and Kabah, by sacbeoo’b (stone road-
others. Pet in Yucatec Maya is “circle,” but as a classifier for ways), though other smaller sites occur along the roads as well
fields and gardens (Barrera Vásquez 1991:647–648). More (Dunning 1992).
recently, it has also been proposed as “province” (Tokovinine A stela from the site of Kajtun near Río Bec (Campeche)
2008:266). It is also noteworthy that the supposed pet sign includes an emblem glyph with the numeral nine (Nondedeo and
occurs in additional titles from all over the Maya lowlands that Lacadena García-Gallo 2009:193). Although the full reading is
combine this word with a number, although not with seven still debated, there is no doubt that this is an emblem glyph, albeit
(Table 3). As can be seen in Table 3, the widely used pet-title is without the k’uhul prefix. Another title with the numeral nine,
associated with noblemen and kings and sometimes combined most probably also an emblem glyph, appears on a newly discov-
with ajaw, kab (“earth”), winik (“man”), or chab (of unknown sig- ered fragment from Stela 11 of Coba. Here, a kneeling prisoner at
nificance) and is often joined with one of the numbers from one to the feet of the local ruler wears the title bolon chan ajaw (“nine
10 ( juun to lahun). The title possibly refers to “province” or “par- sky lord,” blocks I3 and I4; Con Uribe and Esparza Olguín 2016:
tition” (Tokovinine 2008:37, 119, 251, 266, 2013:18). The number 10, Figure 13). Although the authors who analyzed the fragment
seven seems to be reserved for Oxkintok. Pet is never combined are not convinced that block I4 represents the head variant of
with the numbers two, three, and 10. In the case of Oxkintok, it T1000 /ajaw/ because of its net-like headdress, it can be shown
is notable that the tab(?) wuk pet(?) title is sometimes paired that T1000 may indeed be just one of many different writing
with a second unique reference that most probably functions as a forms of the word ajaw in the northern lowlands.

Table 3. Evidences of the pet-title throughout the Maya lowlands.

Number Site and Monuments

[juun] pet Arroyo de Piedra, Stela 1; Yaxchilan, Lintel 27 ( pet ajaw); H-Wasil, doorjamb ( pet nib); Tortuguero, Monument 8 (aj peten tii)
ka pet
ox pet
kan pet Chichen Itza, I.S. Lintel; Etzná, Stela 1, Stela 3 ( ya kan pet); Tikal, Temple I, Lintel 1, Stelae 13, 31, and 40; Tonina, Panel; Wolantun,
Stela 1
joo’ pet Itzimte, Stela 4; Seibal, Stelae 10 and 11; Palenque, House C, Panel; Río Azul, K1383, K1446, K2914, and K7524; Dos Hombres [ > Los
Alacranes], Vessel
wak pet Uaymil, Disc; Champerico, Stela 4
wuk pet Oxktintok, Stela 9, Ballcourt Sculpture, Side B, Miscellaneous 30, Lintel from Structure 3A11, Chocholá style vase, Bone from Tomb 8
waxak pet Aguateca, Stela 1; Dzehkabtun (?), Stela (cf. Graña-Behrens 2014)
bolon pet Chichen Itza, Monjas, Lintel 3; Naranjo, Stela 12c; Dzibanche, Lintel
lahun pet
waxakk’al pet Tikal, Stela 31

I.S. = Initial Series

Figure 6. (a) Possible emblem glyph of Kabah from lintels of structure 1A1
(“Manos Rojas”). (b) Emblem glyph of Oxkintok, t’ab? wuk pet?, and
toponym sak te nal. Drawings by the author.

simply conceptually highlight a form of a larger political entity.

Figure 4. (a–b) Emblem glyph of Dzibilchaltun. Drawing by the author At the same time, these numbered emblem glyphs sometimes
after Maldonado Cárdenas et al. 2002:10. (c) Emblem glyph of appear combined with expressions that allude to the proper site or
Dzibilchaltun on a new vessel, from Góngora 2015:55, Figure 16.
kingdom, e.g., what usually is expressed elsewhere by an emblem
glyph in its narrow sense. Thus, as can be deduced from chiy
Finally, it should be mentioned that even the sites of Calakmul chan ti joo’ ajaw, the expression Ti Joo’, “five” may embark an
and Oxpemul in the southernmost part of the northern lowlands area between today Mérida and Dzibilchaltun, while the aforemen-
share a number-based expression (cf. Table 1). The expression ox tioned archaeological site may have been properly called Chiy Chan
te tun or uxte’ tun (“three stones”) is sometimes found on the mon- in pre-Hispanic times. Analogously, the larger area of Oxkintok and
uments of both sites and may refer, although still speculatively, to Kabah was marked by the number seven and combined, albeit
the surrounding or larger geographical area (Martin and differently, with some other signs. Sak Te Nal was the reference
Velásquez García 2016:25; Tokovinine 2013:60). for the kingdom of Oxkintok, while the one for Kabah is still
It has been proposed for the northern lowlands that there are elusive. In the case of Uxmal, these findings make it possible to
titles like an emblem glyph that refer to a number and which most deduce that the proper emblem glyph K’ahk’ Nal Ajaw refers
probably conceptualize a form of political organization beyond only to the kingdom or site today known as Uxmal, while the
what is usually understood as a kingdom. The number may repre- current appellation of Uxmal, “three times” could be interpreted
sent either an internal or external counting system or might as a relict that still highlights a formerly larger political conception.
At the same time, these observations make it clear that there is no
consistent pattern for emblem glyphs with or without numbers in
the northern lowlands. In the case of Dzibilchaltun, the phrase ti
joo ajaw is structured like an emblem glyph (though without the
k’uhul prefix). It is now suggested that this is, instead, a title for a
somehow larger political designation. The name of the site of
Dzibilchaltun itself, Chiy Chan, however, never adds the title
ajaw and thus does not have the standard structure of an emblem
glyph. In the case of Uxmal, the opposite seems to be the case.
While the proper name of the site, K’ahk’ Nal Ajaw, indeed is pat-
terned as an emblem glyph, albeit without k’uhul, the supposed
Colonial name for the larger area, Uxmal, is not. In the case of
Oxkintok, there is even a third form, suggesting that neither the
larger area nor the name of the site or polity resembles an
Figure 5. (a) Wall painting from Acanceh (from Seler 1911:404, Abbildung emblem glyph, as in no case is the word ajaw expressed.
8). (b) Coba Stela 1, block W22. Drawing by the author after own photo- Nonetheless, it remains unclear how emblem glyphs in the most
graphs and Graham 1997:vol. 8, p. 24. northern lowlands may have operated and how many larger or

Figure 7. (a) Cansacbe, Column 1 and (b) Oxkintok Miscellaneous 30. Photographs by the author.

smaller sites may have been involved in each case. Only one thing (still of debated meaning) in the case of kings, aj k’ujuun (“book
seems to be clear from the viewpoint of the known inscriptions from keeper?”), sajal (a secondary king or administrator), or aj tz’ib
the north: none of the aforementioned sites seems to have adopted (“scribe”) in the case of nobleman or lesser noteworthy person,
one of the other titles with numbers. This, at least, seems to among other priesthood titles, always follow personal names. In
signal that the number system may be more of archaic origin then contrast, in northern inscriptions some titles are placed before the
the result of political influences or changes. Thus, it is still hard name of an individual. Among these titles are kalomte, aj
to decide whether the number system of emblem glyphs has a k’ujuun, and sajal, a practice which is in accordance with similarly
wider implication for the political organization or not. This makes alternated position of other titles like ajaw in Colonial indigenous
it even harder to explore further the concept of heterarchy in Maya manuscripts (Lacadena García-Gallo 2000). Moreover, the
complex societies (cf. Crumley 1995) in the northern lowlands, at same practice of placing the ajaw title before the personal name
least during the Late and Terminal Classic periods. can now be documented for the Classic period, too. For example,
If we interpret the combined expressions with a number, not as a a column from Cansacbe (Campeche) records a short text that
fossilized or archaic title, we can postulate broader political or names an individual or ruler who is depicted on the monument
lineage-based entities in operation during the Late or Terminal and who might be the same person associated elsewhere with the
Classic, instead of competing single centers (Dzibilchaltun, Chan or Kan emblem glyph (Figure 7a, blocks A1–A4). Instead
Oxkintok, and Uxmal). No single site may have been dominating of naming the individual first after the usual statement u bah (“the
others within a political entity like Ti Joo’, Wuk Pet, or Uxmal. image of”), however, the columnar inscription begins with the
More speculatively, they could have been loosely knit or shifting title ajaw (“ruler, nobleman”) followed by what appears to be his
seats of power. Whereas the latter seems less likely, as no direct evi- proper name (Figure 7a, blocks A1 and A2). Similarly, the loincloth
dences can be gleaned from the inscriptions of the north, the former of an individual depicted on a monument from Oxkintok records
possibility could explain why, in the western part of the northern first ajaw instead of his name, while a second inscription in
lowlands, the Chan or Kan emblem glyph appears simultaneous front of the individual’s face reports the title kalomte directly after
at different sites like Jaina, Santa Rosa Xtampak, or Xcalumkin, the u bah statement (Figure 7b). A third case is the aforementioned
among others and why emblem glyphs in general are of less impor- vessel from Dzibilchaltun that shows the split emblem glyph Chiy
tance in the monumental records of the north compared to the Kan and Ti Joo’ (cf. Figure 5a). Although part of the inscription
central and southern lowlands. This matches other archaeological is lost, there is no doubt that the personal name of the ruler precedes
and iconographic evidence like the interaction network that even the title ajaw, while the main part of the emblem glyph follows it.
smaller sites like Santa Barbara in northern Yucatan maintained Thus, in this case, the ajaw title is not preceding the name of the
with other regions (western Yucatan, northern Campeche; Stanton ruler, but the main part of the emblem glyph when usually it
et al. 2003:31). should follow. A similar and final example comes from Etzna,
where a prisoner is shown on Stela 18 and accompanied by the
phrase aja(w) koba’, whereas others suggest a reading aj koba’,
PERSONAL NAMES AND TITLES “he of Coba” (Grube 2003:360; Pallan Gayol 2009:88). In the
light of what had been said earlier, however, it is not unlikely that
The inscriptions of the northern lowlands occasionally exhibit a dif- the individual was more than a nobleman of Coba, a site comparable
ferent syntax concerning the position of titles and proper names. In to Etzna roughly at the opposite side of the peninsula, and instead a
the central and southern lowlands, titles like an emblem glyph, local king, as attested to by the emblem glyph (cf. Table 1, see
bakab (most commonly translated as “first of earth”), kalomte Coba). As Stela 18 of Etzna was dedicated at a.d. 672 or

(Yucatan), however, the inscription also starts with u bah (“the

image of”) followed by the personal name Ajaw K’awiil, and
closes with u k’aba (“the name of,” blocks A1–A4; Figure 8b).
In this case, however, no emblem glyph, but the titles kalomte
and ajaw follow (blocks A5 and A6). This variation suggests that
no strict rule exists for what follows after the personal name in
northern inscriptions. Furthermore, the Kabah example clearly
shows how the initial ajaw statement is part of the individual’s per-
sonal name, whereas the Cansacbe inscription indicates that it func-
tions more like a proper title.
Despite the potential for confusion, such findings are nonethe-
less helpful for a reconsideration of well-known inscriptions from
the northern lowlands like Altar 10 from Uxmal (Figure 9;
Graham 1992:vol. 4, p. 115). On the upper band after the u bah
(“the image of”) introduction, is a reference to an individual
named as E?-Witz Ajaw Ch’ok Wi?-tzi? Wak Eb Chaak (blocks
C–I), and then a parental statement including his mother (blocks
J–L) and most probably his father (blocks M–P). The double verti-
cal column inscription on the same monument has a shorter refer-
ence. After the u bah (“the image of”) introductory phrase
follows first the name of the local ruler of Uxmal, K’ahk’ Sip?
Chan Chaak, and a poorly understood ajaw title, before it is said
that he is yitah (“in the company”) of E?-Witz Ajaw and a second
person whose name cannot be fully deciphered (Figure 9, blocks
A1–B5). Of interest here is that the second e?-witz ajaw statement
has been considered until now as a kind of shortened version of
the individual’s anthroponymy (cf. Colas 2004, Microsoft Access
database). In light of the above analysis, however, the first part of
the vertical inscription can be seen as structured or clustered as an
emblem glyph. The same seems to be true for the second person.
Thus, it seems more likely that the two individuals mentioned on
the double vertical column of Altar 10 of Uxmal are mentioned in
association with their particular emblem glyph, rather than by
their proper name. By extension, many ajaw titles that are similarly
structured as emblem glyphs in inscriptions from Chichen Itza (e.g.,
the tenoned disc) and elsewhere should be re-analyzed and either
confirmed as personal names or tentatively identified as emblem
glyphs.

Figure 8. (a) Huntichmul, Stela 1, from Ringle et al. 2009:3, 7, Figure 2; Title Hierarchy
drawing by William Ringle. (b) Kabah, Jamb 2, Structure 1A1 (“Manos
Rojas”). Drawing by the author. When looking at inscriptions on some vessels that appear to have
their origin in the northern lowlands, most of them of the so-called
Chocholá style, a possible hierarchical structure of titles can be
9.12.0.0.0 in the Maya Long Count, it is not unlikely that the deduced (Table 4). A few vessels illustrate a scene with more than
observed throne change registered on Coba Stela 1 some 10 years one person. One of these vessels (K8017, Kerr 2017) may come
later might have to do with the Etzna event (cf. Stuart 2010:2). from the Xcalumkin area (Figure 10). It shows a typical “palace-
In the case of the northern lowlands, the different sequence, like” scene with one presumably higher-ranking person seated on
ajaw first and next the main element of the emblem glyph and a wooden stool, while the second individual is seated on the
not vice versa, has an important implication: we can also look for floor. The longer inscription refers to one or more owners of the
emblem glyphs in phrases initiated by the title ajaw. A case in vessel, to the artist, and to the illustrated persons. The seated indi-
point is Stela 1 from Huntichmul, Yucatan (Figure 8a; Ringle vidual, most probably the higher-ranking one, is called a bakab
et al. 2009). The inscription begins with the statement u bah (after the initial statement u bah, “his image”), a still elusive title,
(“his image”) followed by the personal name and u k’aba’ (“the while the second one to the left is called “they from booj” in
name of”), a reference usually marking the end of the personal plural, presumably a name for the region (left column, blocks B4
name (blocks A2–A4). The inscription continues, however, with and B5; cf. Grube 1994:x, 2003:365). Thus, a certain kind of hier-
ajaw k’an tok (blocks A5 and A6) and a partially destroyed archy is detectable from this vessel scene, in which the bakab is
sequence of further hieroglyphs, most probably additional titles ranked higher than those individuals whose titles or names are not
(blocks A7–A9). As the name phrase ends with u k’aba’, the fol- given, and in which the higher-ranking person is sitting from the
lowing glyphs, ajaw k’an tok, may, thus, represent the emblem viewer’s perspective on the right and the lower ranking individual
glyph of Huntichmul. On Jamb 2 from structure 1A1 of Kabah on the floor on the left side. The same pattern can be found on a

Its hieroglyphic text says that it was used for drinking maize brew
(ul or “atole”) in relation to an individual who carries the title
cholom sajal (Grube 1990:326). Individuals that carry the title
sajal, a secondary title for administrator with an unclear meaning,
are subordinate to individuals with the title bakab, kalomte bakab,
or ajaw, as indicated by their position in palace scenes or the asso-
ciated hieroglyphic texts. Moreover, sajal titles never include the
adjective k’uhul in their title, except for Dzehkabtun Lintel 1
(blocks D and E; Grube 2010:37, Figure 5). On vessel K4378, the
inscription continues to indicate that it was the polish ( yul) of a
person from Sak Te Nal, a title that likely refers to the Oxkintok
kingdom. Thus, I argue that the vessel mentions not one individual
with two titles but two individuals: a lower-ranking sajal, who may
be the user of the cup, and a second individual, who may have been
the king or ajaw of Oxkintok and ultimately to whom the vessel was
most likely dedicated.
These observations suggest that a political hierarchy with at
least three tiers existed in the northern lowlands (or the area
from which the vessels in Table 4 originate) during the Late and
Terminal Classic: administrators (sajal), higher ranking noblemen
(kalomte, kalomte bakab), and a king (ajaw) at the peak. The vases
also suggest that higher-ranking individuals like bakab or ajaw are
not more often mentioned than individuals of supposedly lower
rank like a sajal. These findings go along with other recent analy-
sis of Chocholá style ceramics that suggest that the titles are con-
nected to political organization. Thus, for instance, a count of all
Chocholá style vessels indicates that 54 percent mention secondary
people like a sajal, while only a few vases give the title ajaw and
the bakab title (Werness-Rude 2017:127–132). Additionally, it is
interesting to note that, in some instances, the titles chak ch’ok
or kelem, both related to youth, appear associated with an individ-
ual of supposedly lower rank. In these cases, however, as has been
Figure 9. Uxmal, Altar 10. Photograph by the author. shown more specifically for the southern and central lowlands,
youth may indicate less a specific rank as an important status in
being or becoming an elite young male (Houston 2009). From
vessel excavated in front of the Palace of the Governor in Uxmal, the vessels of northern provenance, nonetheless, a certain kind
labeled Miscellaneous 78 (Graham and Von Euw 1992:vol. 4, of submission can be gleaned. Thus, vessel K2774 (fifth row in
p. 147) or K5110 in the Kerr Maya Vase Database (cf. Kerr Table 4) clearly indicates how son and father are distinguished
2017). Here, again, the same pattern can be detected. The presum- and ranked by their respective title (e.g., ch’ok versus bakab),
ably higher-ranking person is again sitting on a wooden stool, while much as a sajal and an ajaw are by their title. In this sense, the
the apparent lower-ranking one sits on the floor to the viewer’s left. youth titles compares to others like bakab or ajaw. They signal
In this case, however, only one person is clearly marked by the not only an age-status but also a hierarchy. This hierarchy may
initial reference u bah, “his image” (block D1). There seems to be be necessary to differentiate people precisely within the nobility
no title following, only his personal name, which is not completely and the same family or lineage.
decipherable (blocks D2–F1). Therefore, it must remain open if the Archaeological research in the northern lowlands mirrors the
second individual is named in the remaining text on the left side of epigraphic evidence. As has been shown by different scholars,
the scene (blocks A1–C2). In this case, it is more difficult to estab- settlement pattern and architectonical features like building
lish a hierarchy by means of a given title. From this observation we types, internal paved causeways (sacbeo’ob), or monumental art-
may conclude, again, similar to my discussions of emblem glyphs works clearly indicate a ranking system among sites (Dunning
and title sequences above, that no clear pattern exists. Other and Kowalski 1994; Michelet and Becquelin 2001). An
Chocholá style and related vessels lack comparable court or example could be Hunto Chac, a large Puuc site with twin polit-
palace scenes. Instead, we usually find an inscription on the rim ical centers joined by a sacbe and possible lineage barrios cen-
of the vessel, the so-called Primary Standard Sequence (PSS), tered on smaller monumental clusters (Prem and Dunning
which refers to the kind of artistic elaboration of the text on the 2004). At the same time, it has been suggested that sites were
vessel (e.g., painted or incised), to the beverage it contained (e.g., politically related to each other due to the presence of external
maize brew), and to the owner of the vessel (cf. Grube 1990). causeways, as documented in the cases of Uxmal, Kabah,
While many of these inscriptions only refer to a single person, the Nohpat or Coba, and Yaxuna, among others. Among these net-
owner of the vessel, by addressing him by common titles (e.g., works in the Terminal Classic (a.d. 800–1000), sites like
sajal, ch’ok, see below), there are other vessels which may allude Uxmal gained political or military sovereignty (Carmean et al.
to two individuals in the PSS and thus allow us to deduce some hier- 2004:443–445). The same can be said based on political state-
archical order. An example is vase K4378 (Kerr 2017; cf. Table 4). ments or commercial activities for other sites, as well: examples

Table 4. Possible hierarchical structure of titles on vessels from the northern Maya lowlands.

Person 1 Person 2
(lower rank?) (higher rank?) Vessel Remarks

− bakab K4684; Werness-Rude 2010:323, Figure 26

chak ch’ok − K8939; Werness-Rude 2010:336, Figure 66
chak ch’ok − K6551
kalem
chak ch’ok kelem ?-ajaw? K4925
ch’ok bakab K2774 Person 1 could be the son of Person 2
kelem − K6998 (Werness-Rude 2010:337, 348, Figures 68 and 100) Person 1 on the second and third
vessel are said to be a kelem sajal
(personal name) bakab K8017
kelem bakab K6055 Person 1 carries the title chak ch’ok
sajal − Coe 1973:116, Cat. Nos. 56, 64, and 124; Grube and Gaida The individuals mentioned on the
2006:184–186, Abbildung 27 and 27.1; Werness-Rude 2010:329, 351, vessels are said either to be a chak
Figures 43, 110, and 112; vase in Palacio Canton, Merida, number ch’ok, chak ch’ok kelem or only a
MM1987 kelem
sajal bakab K3740, K6055, K7046, K7146, K8740
− bakab bate K4466 chak ch’ok
sajal bakab − Coe 1973:119, Cat. No. 59
sajal kalomte − Dieseldorff 1933:Table 7, Abbildung 10; cf. Boot 2006:2, Figure 1a
sajal kalomte bakab K4477 Person 1 is a kelem
− kalomte bakab K2774, K4542 Person 2 is a ch’ok
− kalomte ajaw? K5110
sajal wuk pet Hales; Boot 2010 Both individuals are said to be a ch’ok
− kalomte … wuk pet K4931 Person 2 is a woman and her name is
ixik si ixik tok’ kab
sajal sak te nal K4378, Merida Palacio Canton Estante 15; Werness-Rude 2010: 324,
Figures 30A and 30B
− kalomte ochk’inaj? K4463 Person 2 is a woman (ixik)
bak sak te nal
dwarf? kalomte ajaw? K5110 Person 1 is said to be an aj-?-so?-le
and person 2 an ajaw
− ajaw K8853 The vessel illustrates as its unique
feature a figure carved in profile and
the statement ajaw separated from it.

include Dzilam Gonzalez and Ichmul de Morley farther north the local emblem glyph and fewer mentioned by their personal
(cf. Covarrubias et al. 2013); as well as Jaina and Xcalumkin or name (e.g., Oxkintok)? Why do northern kings (ajaw) portray
Santa Rosa Xtampak on the western edge of the northern less often the bakab title compared to what is known from the
lowlands. south, while presumably other individuals do carry the title, as
Questions still remain. Why are secondary people more often suggested here? What might be the relation between a possible
recorded on vessels from the northern lowlands than kings? lower ranking bakab compared to a king? Why do some second-
Why are kings often referenced only by a title like ajaw or by ary or administrative persons with the title sajal also use the title

Figure 10. Vessel of unknown provenance, allegedly from the Xcalumkin area. Drawing by the author.

Table 5. Presumed rulers from the Chan or Kan site.

Period Name Image Monument Remarks

∼9.2.0.0.0 (a.d. 475) ?-Jol(om)? Jaina, Fragment (after Grube’s unpublished It is unclear if this individual is a ruler, as the
drawing) title following his name may be either read
as aj chan “he from chan,” k’uhul chan
“holy chan,” or ajaw chan, “lord chan.”
∼9.2.0.0.0 – 9.3.0.0.0 Yax K’ahk’? Dzibanche, Monument 18 (Velásquez García It is unclear if this individual is from
(a.d. 475–495) Jol(om)? 2004:94, Figure 18); El Resbalón, Jaina, the Jol(om) name tentatively
Hieroglyphic Stairway I, III provided being the basis for such an
assumption.
9.11.0.0.0 (a.d. 652) K’inich Jaina, Stela 1 (Graña-Behrens 2009:vol. II, Jaina Stela 1 also mentions a woman,
?-Tok’? Table 84) probably his wife.

∼9.11.0.0.0–9.15.0.0.0 ? Panel (Graña-Behrens 2009:vol. II, Table 85) The inscription refers to an individual
(a.d. 652–731) who carries the aj k’ujun title.

∼9.11.0.0.0– 9.15.0.0.0 U-?-Ki Panel (Mayer 1989:Plate 27) The inscription refers to an entombed
(a.d. 652–731) unknown individual of Jaina.

∼9.13.0.0.0 (a.d. 692) Sak Ok Jaina, Conch (Coe 1973:148, number 84); Unclear if a king, but the conch is said to
Calakmul, Earflare from Structure II, Tomb 4 be from Jaina; the same name appears on
(Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:255, Figure 5) an earflare from the tomb of Yuknoom
Yich’ak K’ahk’ of Calakmul, who reigned
between a.d. 686 and 697. An individual
with the same name is also reported from
and associated with the site of El Palmar,
Campeche.
∼9.13.0.0.0 (a.d. 692) Kanlajun? Calakmul, Earflare from Structure II, Tomb 4 Related to Sak Ok?, as this individual
Jol(om) (Fields and Reents-Budet 2005:255, Figure 5) appears on the second side of the earflare.
The kanlajun in the name phrase may be a
generic title indicating how many Jol(om)
had ruled before.
∼9.13.0.0.0–9.15.0.0.0 Ti K’a? Haab? Conch from Jaina (Covarrubias 1961:233) This ruler is the overlord ( yajaw) of a
(a.d. 692–731) / Chil Juun? person named Chil Juun, who, like the
ruler himself, carries the bakab title.

∼9.13.0.0.0–9.15.0.0.0 ?-Ch’o Jade (Looper and Polyukhovych 2015; His father is Sak Balam? Jol(om); another
(a.d. 692–731) Tojol(om) Spinden 1975:144, Figure 196); K4330 (Kerr reference to a person Tojol(om) comes
2017); Xcalumkin, Jamb 3 (Graham and Von from Santa Rosa Xtampak, Stela 2. The
Euw 1992:vol. 4, p. 165) ruler is somehow related to the aj k’ujun
called Yiban. Another person called
Yiban with the Chan or Kan emblem
glyph appears on a jamb from Xcalumkin.

Table 5. Continued

Period Name Image Monument Remarks

∼9.13.0.0.0–9.15.0.0.0 Sak Balam? Jade (Spinden 1975:144, Figure 196); Jade The individual named K’an Jol(om) on
(a.d. 692–731) Jol(om)? probably from Uaymil (Proskouriakoff the shell from the British Museum (Mayer
1974:207, Figure 13); Jade (Proskouriakoff 1997) might have been an earlier ruler or
1974:118, Figures 12, 15–16, 49b,); Shell the grandfather of Sak Balam? Jol(om)?.
(Mayer 1997:33, Figures 23 and 24)

∼ 9.15.0.0.0--9.18.0.0.0 Sak Jol(om) Cansacbe, Column 1 (Figure 7a; Mayer He is said to be the fifteenth successor.
(A.D. 731–790) 1991:Plates 172–173)

∼9.15.0.0.0–9.18.0.0.0 ?-Hix?
Panel of unknown provenance (cf. Figure 11; The ruler whose name may include hix,
(a.d. 731–790)
Mayer 1984:Plate 76); Chichen Itza, shell “puma” on the panel carries the Chan or
from the Cenote of Sacrifice (Proskouriakoff Kan emblem glyph. The shell from
1974:118, Figures 12, 15–16, 49b) Chichen Itza refers to an individual named
U Kit Hix. It remains unclear if both are
one and the same individual.

∼ 9.13.0.0.0–9.18.0.0.0 Muyal Chak Vessel (Coe 1973:113, Cat. No. 53); Vessel One vessel refers to an individual called
(692–790 a.d.) Kim? (Krickeberg 1959:276–286, Figures 1–4; cf. Muyal Chak Kim? while a second one is
Werness-Rude 2010:331, Figure 48) named only Muyal. As both individuals
are referenced as “aj chan,” “he of chan /
kan,” which most likely refers to Jaina, it
can be presumed that they are one and the
same. Although high ranking, the
individual in question seems not to be a
king due to the missing ajaw title.

bakab? Are they responsible for offices that have been combined? as is the case for priests and other cargo holders in the northern
How does such a three-tired hierarchy relate to kingdoms like lowlands (Saturno et al. 2017; Zender 2004)?
Oxkintok or Uxmal, which where situated within the sphere of
Chocholá style vases? Last but not least: do these findings some-
what resembles early Colonial period accounts where an adminis- RECONSTRUCTING THE CHAN OR KAN DYNASTY
trator (ah cuch cab) of a town (cah) that is grouped together The dynastic sequence of rulers in the northern lowlands is still frus-
(cuchteel) was designated by a higher ranking official (batab), tratingly poorly known. There have been only a few attempts to elab-
who himself was dependent from the highest ranking person orate such genealogies or lists of kings. Among these are those for
(halach uinik) within a certain kind of non-bounded province Coba (Con Uribe and Esparza Olguín 2016; Graña-Behrens 2012;
dominated or disputed by one or more lineages (cuchcabalob; Gronemeyer 2004; Guenter 2014; Stuart 2010), Etzna (Pallan
Okoshi Harada 1992, 2012)? How does this at least three-tired Gayol 2009), Chichen Itza (Boot 2005), Ek’ Balam (Lacadena
hierarchy differ from what is known from the hierarchy between García-Gallo 2003), Itzimte-Bolonchen (Graña-Behrens 2016),
a king (ajaw) and a secondary administrator (sajal), as amply Oxpemul, and Uxul (Grube 2005, 2008). Here, I attempt to recon-
reported from Yaxchilan or Piedras Negras? How far shall we struct the rulers from the Chan or Kan site, moving beyond earlier
expect to find similar offices reported from the royal courts on attempts and trying to put them in a chronological order (García
inscriptions and vases from the central and southern lowlands, Campillo 1995:vol. I, pp. 156–163, 1998:Table 5).

Figure 11. Hecelchakan, panel. Photograph by the author.

The earliest attested ruler from the Chan or Kan site can be found
on a monument fragment that comes from Jaina (see Table 5). The
local ruler’s name shows a T1040 head form similar to the one that
is read as Jol(om), and carries a shortened version of the Chan or
Kan emblem glyph, but without the qualifiers k’uhul and ajaw.
Tentatively, the ruler might have reigned around 9.2.0.0.0 (a.d.
475). Around the same time, a nobleman called Yax Kahk’?
Jol(om)? was captured between a.d. 450 and 550 by the king of
Dzibanche and mentioned on the hieroglyphic stairway on El
Resbalon (both in Quintana Roo; Velásquez García 2004:94). The
jol(om) part of his name suggests that he may have come from the
Chan or Kan kingdom. There is no direct evidence for another
Chan or Kan ruler until 9.11.0.0.0 (a.d. 652) on Jaina Stela 1,
which mentions a person called K’inich Jol(om) Tok’. There are
also two panels said to be from Jaina that refer to high-ranking indi-
viduals around this time period, in one case to a aj k’uhuun (“book-
keeper”), and in the second case to an entombed person, most
probably a ruler from Jaina. An earflare from Jaina refers to a
person with the probable name of Sak Ok. Another individual
with the same name is mentioned on another earflare which was
found in the tomb of Yuknoom Yich’aak K’ahk’, ruler of
Calakmul who, according to new evidence, reigned between a.d. Figure 12. (a) Xchan, column. (b) Xchan, column ballplayer. Photographs
686 and 697 (Martin and Grube 2000:110; Stuart et al. 2015: by the author.
2–5). There is another person called Sak Ok reported from a hiero-
glyphic stairway and associated with the emblem glyph of El Palmar
(Campeche; Tsukamoto and Esparza Olguín 2015). Although the even earlier inscriptions with calendrical information have been
name is the same, the date from this monument is slightly later, recovered from Jaina (Benavides and Grube 2002).
around 9.14.15.0.0 (a.d. 726). Thus, as the Calakmul ruler A conch shell said to be from Jaina may refer to one of the next
Yuknoom Yich’aak K’ahk’ died not later than a.d. 697, it is less rulers. Although his name phrase, Ti K’a Haab, is tentative, he is
likely that both Sak Ok are the same person. By matching both ear- said to be the yajaw, or overlord of another individual probably
flares, thus, it can be assumed that a relationship may have existed named Chil Juun. Intriguingly, both individuals carry the bakab
between Jaina and Calakmul at the time of Yuknoom Yich’aak title, but only the local ruler additionally is assigned the Chan
K’ahk’. Additionally, the earflare from Tomb 4 in Structure II of or Kan emblem glyph. A jade reported by Spinden (1975:144,
Calakmul mentions another person whose name is Kanlahun Figure 196) and a vessel (K4330, Kerr 2017), both tentatively
Jol(om), the “fourteenth” Jol(om). Although the relationship placed by style around 9.13.0.0.0 and 9.15.0.0.0 (a.d.
between Sak Ok and the Kanlahun Jol(om) on the earflare is 692–731), mention ?-Ch’o Tojol(om)? as the next possible
unclear, it may be that the latter was a predecessor, most likely Chan or Kan ruler. It is possible that another Tojol(om) reported
former’s grandfather or an earlier king. “Fourteenth” may indicate on Santa Rosa Xtampak Stela 2 might be the same person. The
how many predecessors of the name Jol(om) already existed. Spinden jade, however, directly mentions him as father of Sak
Assuming a length of 20 years as average for each reign or ruler Balam? Jol(om)? and the vessel associated the ruler ?-ch’o
on the throne, the origin of the Jol(om) dynasty then may go back Tojol(om) with the aj k’uhun or “bookkeeper” named Yiban
at least 280 years, reaching the third or fourth century a.d., although (cf. Tokovinine 2013). On Jamb 3 (blocks Ap1–Ap4) of

Figure 13. (a) Chico, column. (b) Oxkintok column. Photograph and drawing by the author.

Xcalumkin appears also a person called Yiban ?-Chan, who addi- Xcalumkin, among others based on monuments of unknown
tionally carries the Chan or Kan emblem glyph (cf. Garcia provenance).
Campillo 1998:50–51).
Another Sak Jol(om) ruler appears on Cansacbe Column 1 (cf.
Figure 7a). As he is said to be the fifteenth successor, one might POLITICS AND PARTICULARITIES
speculate that he is from the Chan or Kan site, as well. This Although it is often presumed that stelae are the quintessential
would mean, however, that, between the “fourteenth” Jol(om) and indicators of kingly political power and messages throughout
the fifteenth successor, more than 80 years passed by and included the Maya lowlands, there are areas in the northern lowlands
at least three more reported rulers from the Chan or Kan site that had where stelae are scare or absent. Among these is a zone in
not been included in the title of numbers of succession. Another today’s western Campeche, including Xcalumkin, Xcombec,
Chan or Kan ruler appears on a panel of unknown provenance, Xcochkax, Xcocha, Xculoc, and other sites prominently known
now housed in the Museum of Hecelchakan, Campeche (Mayer for their architectural inscriptions (columns, jambs, lintels, and
1984:Plate 76; Figure 11). The heavily eroded name phrase only capitals), that commonly mention individuals with the title sajal
allows recognition of a possible Hix, or “puma” glyph. A jade (cf. Grube 1994). This regional characteristic led some scholars,
from the cenote of Chichen Itza also refers to a person called U as already outlined, to speculate that the political organization
Kit Hix, who may be the same individual, in association with the among these sites might differ from the rest of the northern low-
Chan or Kan ruler Sak Balam? Jol(om). Finally, two vessels of lands. There are some indications, however, that columns on
unknown provenance refer to an individual named Muyal Chak buildings replaced the erection of stelae at these sites for still
Kim(?). On one vessel the aforementioned nominal reference is fol- unknown reasons. Some of these columns indeed refer to kings
lowed by aj chan (“he from Chan or Kan”), whereas the second and not only to secondary administrative persons such as sajal.
vessel only refers to him as muyal and as aj chan or kan. Since One example is Column 1 from Cansacbe, which, as proposed
both inscriptions only refer to their named individual by his title in this paper, refers to a ruler from the Chan or Kan site, most
of origin and not by using the title ajaw or an emblem glyph, it is probably Jaina (cf. Figure 7a). Another monument that displays
most probable that the individual is not a ruler on both vessels, and mentions a king is a column from Xchan, a site near
but merely a high-ranking person. Xcalumkin (Figure 12a). Although the name phrase and associ-
The present sequence of supposed Chan or Kan rulers reveals ated emblem glyph cannot be easily recognized, it is clear that
that at least the western part of the northern lowlands had dynasties the individual carries a full form emblem glyph with the k’uhul
going back in time before the Late Classic. This is comparable with (“sacred”) adjective or prefix, while the interior of the main
what is known from sites like Uxul or even Calakmul (cf. Grube and element, which would give the name of the kingdom, has been
Delvendahl 2015). The Chan or Kan dynasties seem to have had lost. Another column from the same site shows a ball court
relationships with Calakmul, which was the dominant political scene and the belt of the ball player displays the names of the indi-
sphere in the most southern part of the northern lowlands as viduals involved in the ritual game (Figure 12b). Another column
defined here (cf. Grube et al. 2012). The Chan or Kan dynasty from the nearby site of Chico documents a complex scene and,
may have dominated a larger area since their emblem glyph is despite some destroyed parts, the hieroglyphic text mentions the
attested from several sites on the western edge of the northern low- ending of the k’atun 2 Ajaw (9.16.0.0.0, a.d. 751; Figure 13a).
lands (Cansacbe, Sabana Piletas, Santa Rosa Xtampak, Uaymil, and Another western site that employed numerous columns that

this “column tradition,” but additionally erected numerous

stelae. For example, one sculptured column at Oxkintok displays
a local nobleman or ruler with even his jaguar skirt displaying a
large portion of text (Figure 13b).
The absence of stelae and the abundance of sculptured columns
with iconography and hieroglyphs in one region is, however, only
one peculiarity among others in the northern lowlands. For example,
several sites southeast of Chichen Itza, including Popola and
X’telhu, display their noblemen or kings on panels instead of on
columns or stelae (Magnoni et al. 2014). Another area where stelae
are rare but architectural inscriptions are prominent includes Chichen
Itza and the nearby sites of Yula and Halakal. Here, lintels were the
favored monument type for recording individuals and their histories.
Among these areas with unique monumental or iconographic
traditions, political relationships are also documented. For
example, Panel 5 from Popola shows two individuals, one of
them seated on a throne, the other standing to his right, suggesting
that one is subordinate to the other (Figure 14). Two small inscrip-
tions name these individuals. Although partially eroded and not
easy to decipher, the inscription to the left refers to the individual
on the throne and clarifies that he is an ajaw (“ruler”) of the site
that tentatively may be read as sotz’ (“bat,” blocks A2 and A3). In
contrast, the standing individual to the right seems to be a ch’ok
or young noblemen (block B1). A very similar emblem glyph
with a sotz’ sign appears on one of the lintels from Xculoc, the
western region with few stelae (Graña-Behrens 2006:114–115,
Figure 9). Thus, one wonders, if the lintel of Xculoc may refer to
a ruler of Popola or vice versa. Another sotz’ ajaw reference
appears on a doorjamb from Kabah structure 2C6, but within an
unclear context (Graña-Behrens 2009:vol. II, Table 88). Since the
scene shows the capture of a prisoner by two Kabah noblemen,
among them probably the local ruler himself, one wonders if
Kabah had attacked Popola or Xculoc or had captured one of its
rulers in the Late or Terminal Classic. To this can be added the prob-
able relationship between Jaina and Calakmul, based on the earflare
from the tomb of Yuknoom Yich’aak K’ahk’ in Calakmul. These
new data can be added to earlier findings concerning interpolity
interactions throughout the Maya lowlands among those between
Ikil and Altun Ha in the central lowlands (Graña-Behrens 2006:
113), as well as between Ek’ Balam and Chichen Itza or
Xcalumkin and Uxmal, among others (Grube 2003:359–366).

CONCLUSIONS
Cumulatively, the findings presented in this the paper suggest that
the political organization and hierarchy in the northern lowlands
was less radically different from that of the central and southern low-
lands than has been formerly supposed. Rather, an intermediate
position recognizing more subtle differences has been proposed
above. This is also more consistent with the impression that the
southern, central, and northern lowlands seem to have shared a
common cultural background (same writing and calendar systems,
rituals, and gods), albeit expressed with regional differences. The
analysis underscores that the understanding of political organization
and hierarchy in the northern lowlands still needs to be investigated,
Figure 14. Popola, Panel 5. Drawing by Scott Johnson, from Magnoni et al.
2014:304, Figure 17.12. Drawing of the smaller glyphs by the author, after a
not only archaeologically (cf. Braswell 2015:25–26; Ek 2015:151),
photograph from Magnoni et al. 2014:307, Figure 17.20. but epigraphically and iconographically, as well. Conversely, the
proposed political organization and hierarchy suggested by the epi-
portray individuals in dancing pose is Santa Bárbara, Yucatan, graphic analysis must be tested against archaeological data (e.g., set-
roughly 50 kilometers southwest of Mérida (Stanton et al. tlement patterns, functionality of buildings and plazas, commodity
2003). The large western site of Oxkintok also participated in networks, and ceramic distribution, among others).

The new evidence presented here concerning the schema and is suggested that these numerical expressions represent a subtle
meaning of emblem glyphs and other titles assumed by high- regional form of political discourse, albeit one that we still do not
ranking individuals, the relationship between those individuals, understand well. At present, we can only speculate that the sequence
and the emergence of partial dynastic sequences suggests that of titles with a numeral could stand for multi-site political entities.
there is a rich political history to be gleaned from northern inscrip- By comparing inscriptions on certain kinds of vessels that allude
tions. In the northern lowlands, a similar political schema known to individuals as the owner or the user, a second conclusion can be
from the central and southern lowlands was paired with different drawn concerning the political and hierarchical organization in the
political rhetoric and tradition in communication preferences. At northern region. Especially since some of these vessels refer not
the moment, this makes it difficult to form a conclusive picture of to one but to two individuals, a certain kind of hierarchy can be
the ancient political system in the north and more questions are deduced. Whether this hierarchy is particular to the north, or
raised than answered. Why did the north not simply use the same simply not recorded on central and southern inscriptions, must
political rhetoric as the south? Does this mirror already known dif- remain an open question. From these vessels, a hierarchy with at
ferences, such as using a variant calendrical system (k’atun count in least three tiers can be deduced. Although not a new finding, it sup-
the form of the so-called Yucatec Method, Puuc-style dates); elab- ports the idea that individuals in the rank of a sajal are somehow
orating hieroglyphic text infiltrated by the Yucatec language, which inferior to those carrying the title bakab. Contrary to what has
replaced the Maya lingua franca (probably a form of Ch’ol or been observed for the central and southern lowlands, however, the
Ch’orti language); or more often displaying kings as ancestors on bakab himself is sometimes not represented by the king (ajaw),
public monuments (stelae, altars) instead of as a living person per- but by a different person, and in rare instances, even by a sajal.
forming rituals? Thus, a three-tiered hierarchy may have been of some importance
The advances presented concerning the structure and meaning of during the Late and Terminal Classic periods and may mirror some-
emblem glyphs suggest that this title can be found at more sites than what the hierarchy that is known from Late Postclassic and Early
formerly recognized. Nonetheless, lesser preservation and fewer Colonial reports for northern Yucatan (cf. ah cuch cab, batab,
inscriptions to facilitate comparison of preserved information and halach winik).
hampers the detection of emblem glyphs in the northern region. A third conclusion is based on the preliminary sequence of rulers
Despite this limitation, more than 30 emblem glyphs have now and noblemen from the Chan or Kan site (probably Jaina) associated
been recognized, not counting those still to be investigated on mon- with the name Jolom, “head.” This suggests that the dynasty of the site
uments from different places like Chichen Itza, although some of of Chan or Kan had considerable time depth in western Campeche,
these are only tentatively authenticated. Some emblems show the perhaps as early as a.d. 500. Moreover, it suggests the existence of
attribute of an associated numeral that could be interpreted as refer- varying relations to sites like Calakmul, Xcalumkin, Cansacbe, and
encing a kind of political-administrative organization distinct from, Uaymil, among others. Therefore, we must abandon old notions that
or rarely documented in, the central and southern lowlands. The dynasties in the northern lowlands are not attested to earlier than the
existence of emblem glyph-like title sequences that include a refer- beginning of the Late Classic (around a.d. 700).
ence to a numeral, such as Dzibilchaltun (Chiy Kaan + Ti Joo’) and A final conclusion is that sub-regional differences can be found
Oxkintok (T’ab? Wuk Pet? + Sak Te Nal) may represent a differ- that express forms of political organization. Besides sites with stelae
ence in how political unity was conceived. Because the expression that point to the existence of a dynasty or rulership, based on what is
itself never changes over time and no other title sequence appears known from the central and southern lowlands, other, subtler forms
to be associated with the same numbered part, however, it may of expressions also existed. Examples include doorway columns,
also stand for some kind of static or fossilized title that originated such as in western Campeche, or stone panels, such as around
earlier but continued to be used during the Late and Terminal Xtelhu or Popola in eastern Yucatan. Whereas the Xcalumkin
Classic periods. Thus, in the case of Dzibilchaltun, Ti Joo’ may region favored columns, the Popola region preferred stone panels,
have been the ancient name for the larger administrative or political and Chichen Itza, Yula, and other sites primarily utilized lintels.
unit encompassing Dzibilchaltun and the former site of Tiho (today With the exception of Coba in the east and Etzna in the west, dynas-
Mérida), while Chiy Kaan only referred to the current archaeological tic stelae were primarily erected in the central part of the northern
site of Dzibilchaltun during the Late and Terminal Classic periods. lowlands, extending from the Rio Bec region through the northern
The same could be true for Uxmal and explain why the emblem plains (e.g., Dzibilchaltun and Dzilam González).
glyph of Uxmal known from inscriptions (which reads K’ahk’ In sum, a new and more complex political and hierarchical
Nal) differs from the later appellation Uxmal, which may have picture is emerging from the inscriptions from the northern low-
been the fossilized reference for a larger political unit. The same lands, but one that still needs to be elucidated in more detail.
pattern can even be found farther south, where Calakmul and These findings may also help shed light on the political system of
other sites allude to the numbered expression ox te’ tun. Thus, it the Maya lowlands in general.

RESUMEN
Este artículo presenta nuevas evidencias sobre la jerarquía y el poder de los política. Además el trabajo analiza individuos en base a su título en
mayas del clásico (300--1000 d.C.) en las tierras bajas del norte. El trabajo algunas vasijas del norte para entender mejor la estructura de la jerarquía
amplía la lista de glifos de emblemas identificables y analiza la práctica o socio-política. Finalmente se propone para el reino Chan o Kan (más proba-
sintaxis de estructurar nombres personales y títulos para poder identificar blemente Jaina) por primera vez una secuencia de gobernantes en orden
mejor glifos emblemas. En particular se presentan algunos glifos emblemas cronológico.
con número y se cuestiona su función en relación con la organización

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank Nicholas Dunning (Cincinnatti) and Markus Eberl (Vanderbilt) for critical remarks and clarifying arguments and for turning it into what I believed to be
English. Dedicated to Erik Boot.

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Graña-Behrens, Daniel - POLITICAL HIERARCHY AND POWER IN THE NORTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS

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Graña-Behrens, Daniel - POLITICAL HIERARCHY AND POWER IN THE NORTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS

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Ancient Mesoamerica, page 1 of 25, 2018

Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2018

NEW EVIDENCE FOR POLITICAL HIERARCHY AND

“The lack of full emblem glyphs at important sites such as

Table 1. Emblem glyphs in the northern Maya lowlands.

Site Emblem Glyph 1 Emblem Glyph 2 Reference and Remarks Reading

Becan, Campeche Becan, Stela 3; new evidence aj-? ajaw / ?-ajaw

Champerico, Champerico, Stela 1 (cf. Grube 2005:94) ?-li

Dzibilchaltun, Vessel (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:108–109; Maldonado k’uhul chiy kaan ti

Dzibilnocac, Dzibilnocac, Stela 1 (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:119) ukol ajaw

Etzna, Campeche Etzna, Hieroglyphic Stairway (cf. Pallan Gayol k’uhul-?

Site Emblem Glyph 1 Emblem Glyph 2 Reference and Remarks Reading

Ikil, Yucatan ?-ajaw, ma-tal-lo

Oxpemul, Campeche Oxpemul, Stela 18 (Grube 2005:96) ?-ajaw

Xchan, Campeche Xchan, Column 1; new evidence k’uhul-? ajaw

Site Emblem Glyph 1 Emblem Glyph 2 Reference and Remarks Reading

Unknown Chichen Itza, Stela 1 (cf. Pallan Gayol 2009:396–397) ?-ajaw

Unknown Stela of unknown provenance (cf. Graña-Behrens aj-?-ajaw / ?-ajaw,

Unknown Uxmal, Hieroglyphic Stairway (cf. Graham 1992:vol. 4, ak’? ajaw

Unknown Bone from Jaina (cf. Graña-Behrens 2006:119) ?-ajaw?

Emblem glyph Number

Table 3. Evidences of the pet-title throughout the Maya lowlands.

Number Site and Monuments

I.S. = Initial Series

simply conceptually highlight a form of a larger political entity.

(Yucatan), however, the inscription also starts with u bah (“the

− bakab K4684; Werness-Rude 2010:323, Figure 26

Table 5. Presumed rulers from the Chan or Kan site.

Period Name Image Monument Remarks

Period Name Image Monument Remarks

Figure 11. Hecelchakan, panel. Photograph by the author.

this “column tradition,” but additionally erected numerous

Gronemeyer, Sven Mesoamerican Studies, Publication No. 9. Institute for Mesoamerican

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