Archaeometallurgy: The

Study of Preindustrial Mining

and Metallurgy
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

David Killick1 and Thomas Fenn2

1
School of Anthropology, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85721-0030;
email: [email protected]
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

2
Department of Earth and Environmental Sciences, Geology Division, Katholieke
Universiteit Leuven, Heverlee BE-3001, Belgium; email: [email protected]

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012. 41:559–75 Keywords

First published online as a Review in Advance on technology, innovation, materiality, production, exchange,
July 9, 2012
archaeology
The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at
anthro.annualreviews.org Abstract
This article’s doi: Archaeometallurgy is an interdisciplinary and international field of
10.1146/annurev-anthro-092611-145719
study that examines all aspects of the production, use, and consump-
Copyright  c 2012 by Annual Reviews. tion of metals from ∼8000 BCE to the present, although this review
All rights reserved
is restricted to mining and metallurgy in preindustrial societies. Most
0084-6570/12/1021-0559$20.00 of this literature was not written with an anthropological readership in
mind, but many of its central themes are relevant to some current de-
bates in anthropology. Since the 1970s, archaeometallurgists have been
concerned explicitly with the materiality of metals and also with the
highly variable value of precious metals across time and space. Exacting
criteria have been developed for distinguishing past technology trans-
fers from independent inventions. Archaeometallurgists have also done
important work on the social construction of technology in precapitalist
economies. In short, archaeometallurgy offers much that is of interest
to anthropologists who study the growth and spread of knowledge, and
of systems of value, before the capitalist era.

559
 INTRODUCTION Indian high-technology manufactures (porce-
lain, wootz steel, zinc, and cotton and silk tex-
All readers of this review live in nations that tiles) to western Eurasia until the arrival of sil-
are completely dependent on the mechanical, ver from the Americas. The eastward flow of
electrical, and magnetic properties of metals. African gold was also indirectly responsible for
Metals are required for the frames of tall build- the diffusion of Chinese technologies for mak-
ings and large bridges, for all forms of motor- ing gunpowder, paper, and the magnetic com-
ized transportation, for generating electricity, pass to Western Europe (Landes 1998, Pacey
for conducting electrical current at scales vary- 1990). Portuguese voyages of exploration in the
ing from transcontinental power grids to cell mid-fifteenth century CE were made to gain ac-
phones, for containing pressurized liquids and cess to sub-Saharan sources of gold, and the ex-
gases, for plowing the earth to grow food, and ploitation of gold and silver was the main reason
as catalysts to reduce pollution from internal for Spanish colonization of the New World in
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

combustion engines, to crack crude oil to gaso- the sixteenth century CE. Lastly, the Industrial
line, and to produce fertilizer from nitrogen in Revolution could not have occurred without a
the air. Metals have other uses as well for which string of innovations in European ferrous met-
they are not strictly necessary but have been allurgy. The most important of these were the
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

chosen through social convention or personal blast furnace for the production of cast iron, the
preference. Metals and their alloys are valued substitution of superabundant coal for increas-
for their colors, their reflectivity (or, con- ingly scarce charcoal fuel (Hyde 1977), the pud-
versely, their surface corrosion) in art, archi- dling process for bulk conversion of cast iron
tecture, and jewelry, for coins and other tokens, to wrought iron, and the Bessemer and open-
as vehicles for accumulating wealth, and for hearth processes for the production of bulk steel
the tonality that they impart to many musical from cast iron (Gordon & Malone 1994, Hyde
instruments. 1977, Landes 1998).
Mining and metallurgy have also played ma- The fields of economic history and art
jor roles in world history. Because rich deposits history have large literatures on metals. We
of the scarcer metals (see Table 1) are rare, cannot discuss either here but focus instead on
and rarely coincide in space with the regions work in archaeometallurgy. This is an extraor-
of greatest demand for them (Guilbert & Park dinarily interdisciplinary field of study, in which
1986), the quest for metals has been a ma- archaeologists, historians, numismatists, and
jor driver of exploration, long-distance trade, philologists collaborate with geologists, materi-
colonization, and imperialism. Long-distance als scientists, chemists, physicists, limnologists,
trade in metals began in the Old World before botanists, toxicologists, mining engineers,
2000 BCE with copper and tin (Muhly 1973, blacksmiths, goldsmiths, and conservation
1988; Weeks 2003) and expanded enormously scientists. [For examples of well-integrated,
during the Roman Period, when production long-term interdisciplinary projects, see
of silver from Iberian lead ores is recorded in Hauptmann (2007), Ramage & Craddock
Greenland ice cores as a spike in lead and copper (2000), Schmidt (1997), Shimada et al. (2007).]
concentrations of a magnitude not seen again The topics investigated include the origins and
until the Industrial Revolution (Hong et al. dispersals of metallurgy, the reconstruction
1994, 1996). Islamic trade with sub-Saharan of extinct metallurgical technologies, and the
and East Africa from the late eighth century tracing of metal objects to their geological
CE led to the expanded exploitation of gold sources by chemical and isotopic fingerprint-
deposits, which stimulated state formation in ing. We cannot review the impressive technical
both the Sahel (Austen 2010) and in southern accomplishments in these areas within the
Africa (Huffman 2009, Killick 2009). African space allotted us; interested readers should con-
gold largely paid for the flow of Chinese and sult instead the major syntheses by Craddock

560 Killick · Fenn

 Table 1 Average crustal abundance (ACA) of metals and dates for evidence of earliest appearance
and regular usage
ACA
Metal (ppm)a Earliest appearance/regular usageb
Copper (native) 55 Late ninth millennium BCE
Lead 13 Late sixth millennium BCE
Copper (smelted) 55 Late sixth millennium BCE
Silver (native/smelted) 0.07 Mid-sixth millennium BCE/early fourth millennium BCE
Gold (native) <0.01 Fifth millennium BCE
Arsenic (as Cu-As alloy) 1.8 Fifth millennium BCE
Antimony (as Cu-Sb alloy) 0.2 Fifth millennium BCE
Tin (as Cu-Sn alloy) 2 Fourth millennium BCE/late third millennium BCE
Zinc (as Cu-Zn alloy) 70 Third millennium BCE/late first millennium BCE
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Iron 50,000 Early second millennium BCE/late second millennium BCE

Aluminum 81,300 Late nineteenth century CE
Titanium 4,400 Late nineteenth century CE
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

Manganese 950 Late nineteenth century CE

Vanadium 135 Late nineteenth century CE
Chromium 100 Late nineteenth century CE

a
Parts per million (Krauskopf & Bird 1995, p. 589).
b
From Craddock (1998), Gale & Stos-Gale (1981), Killick (2001), Thornton (2007).

(1995) and Roberts & Thornton (2013). We making any assumptions about the immedi-
have chosen instead to focus on aspects that are ate social or economic consequences of the
relevant to some current issues in anthropolog- earliest metallurgy. Lewis Henry Morgan and
ical archaeology. These are (a) materiality of V. Gordon Childe both fell into the presentist
metals, (b) origins and dispersals of metallurgy, trap by assuming that the initial discovery
(c) invention and innovation, (d ) choices of metals would have rapidly revolutionized
and values, and (e) human impacts on the production and thereby transformed society.
environment. Friedrich Engels (1972), on the other hand,
Our review is limited to literature in came close to present scholarly opinion when
English, French, and German. There are he wrote in 1884 that metals did not play a
also archaeometallurgical literatures in major role in production until iron became
Russian, Chinese, Polish, Czech, Swedish, widely available (p. 222). The popular belief
Korean, Japanese, Spanish, Italian, and that the invention of metals was a “revolution”
Turkish, but our knowledge of these is limited in prehistory is a legacy of Childe’s views
to summaries in languages that we can read. (especially Childe 1930, 1944) but has long
been discarded by archaeometallurgists. Metals
did eventually transform production in the
THE MATERIALITY OF METALS Old World but were reserved largely for
AND THE USES OF METALS decorative and ritual uses in the Americas
BEFORE METALLURGY until European colonization. In both the
In studying prehistoric technologies, the major Old and New Worlds, however, the desire
trap for the unwary is presentism. We must for metals as exotic materials played a part
try to forget what we know about the uses of in the development of almost all complex
metals in industrial societies and to try to avoid societies.

www.annualreviews.org • Archaeometallurgy 561

 The current consensus on the origins is intimately associated with the copper min-
of metallurgy largely reflects the views of erals malachite and dioptase (both green), azu-
the distinguished metallurgist Cyril Stanley rite (blue), and turquoise and chrysocolla (both
Smith (1903–1992), one of the founders of variable from blue to green). These blue and
archaeometallurgy (Goodway 1992). In a green minerals first appear in the archaeologi-
series of elegant papers, he argued that the cal record of the Near East and Iran from the
origins of metallurgy should be sought in what twelfth to the eleventh millennia BCE and be-
would today be called their materiality (Smith came widely distributed in Iran (Solecki 1969)
1970, 1975, 1981, 1988). In his view, the and in the Levant by the eighth to the sev-
relevant properties of metals at first were color, enth millennia BCE (Bar-Yosef Mayer & Porat
luster, ductility, and tonality. Metals were rare 2008, Schoop 1995, Thornton 2009). The ear-
and novel materials in the contexts of early liest known evidence for the use of native cop-
agricultural societies and, thus, were eminently per in these regions dates to the late ninth mil-
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

suitable for making objects of distinction. lennium BCE at the site of Çayonu in Anatolia,
Through continuous sensual engagement where it was crudely hammered—with periodic
with these materials, Smith suggested, further annealing (reheating) in a fire to prevent stress
processes (notably casting, alloying, and heat cracking—into ornaments (Stech 1999).
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

treatment) were eventually developed that Why are these materials not recovered from
made metals more suitable for tools and older archaeological sites within the Fertile
weapons. But realization of the functional Crescent? Copper is a geologically scarce
potential of metals did not end sensuous element (Table 1), and there are no significant
engagement with them. Extremely elaborate copper deposits in this region. There are
metallurgical techniques (such as pattern weld- also no obsidian sources within the Fertile
ing in Iron Age Europe, the “Damascus” steel Crescent, and copper minerals first came to
of the Islamic era, and the composite Japanese the Levant and Mesopotamia as riders on the
sword) were later developed to make functional obsidian trade from Anatolia, which began in
weapons that were also objects of beauty and the thirteenth century BCE (Schoop 1995,
advertisements of status (Smith 1981). Thornton 2009).
Smith’s insistence upon the link between Native copper working was independently
materiality and invention greatly influenced the invented by ∼4500 BCE in North America
development of archaeometallurgy in North around the Upper Peninsula of Michigan,
America (e.g., Goodway & Conklin 1987; which is home to the world’s largest deposits
Hosler 1994; Lechtman 1979, 1984; Newbury of native copper (Ehrhardt 2009, Martin
& Notis 2004; Notis 1988; Wertime & Wer- 1999). The earliest copper objects here include
time 1982). It has also been invoked by Amer- heavy-duty tools, such as socketed axes, some
ican scholars to explain the earliest evidence of with edge damage indicating use. Both used
ceramic pyrotechnologies, especially fired clay and apparently unused copper objects were
(Barnett & Hoopes 1995, Vandiver et al. 1989), deposited in graves of the Late Archaic period.
lime and gypsum plasters (Gourdin & Kingery This difference between the initial use of
1975, Kingery et al. 1988), and Egyptian faience copper in the Old and New Worlds is probably
(Vandiver & Kingery 1986). Yet most of this a function of variation in the raw material.
work appears to have been missed by European The Michigan deposits are almost unique in
proponents of materiality in archaeology. providing lumps of native copper large enough
The first metal to appear in the archaeolog- to make a substantial object without joining or
ical record was copper. Although most of the melting together smaller pieces.
copper in ore deposits is locked up in oxides, Gold almost invariably occurs as the native
carbonates, and sulfides, a small fraction is in the metal, yet the earliest known finds of gold—
form of metallic (native) copper. Native copper in the regions north and west of the Black Sea

562 Killick · Fenn

 (Chernykh 1992)—date only to the mid-fifth annealing (reheating) of native copper and the
millennium BCE. Why does gold appear in the appearance of extractive metallurgy (the smelt-
archaeological record so much later than cop- ing of metals from ores)? Did smelting in the
per? Gold is much less abundant than copper in Old World diffuse outward from the Middle
the earth’s crust (Table 1) but may be concen- East, or was it invented multiple times? (It
trated by erosion to form rich placers in streams. was undoubtedly invented independently in the
Most placer gold is in tiny flakes that can be con- New World).
solidated only by melting. The melting point As Table 1 shows, some of the rarer met-
of gold is 1064◦ C, well above the tempera- als were the first to be used, whereas the most
ture of an open fire (Rehder 2000), so forced abundant were, with the sole exception of iron,
air—delivered by lung power through blow- not used until the past two centuries. This para-
pipes or by bellows through tuyères (ceramic dox is easily resolved by considering thermody-
or stone tubes)—and ceramic crucibles would namic constraints. The historical sequence of
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

be essential (Craddock 1995). These technolo- the use of metals correlates quite well with the
gies are also required to smelt and cast cop- free energy of formation of the oxide of each
per, which has a melting point of 1084◦ C, and metal (Charles 1980). Gold and platinum do
thus gold first attains archaeological visibility not form stable oxides and, thus, are usually
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

in western Eurasia at about the same time as found as the native metal. Silver, lead, and cop-
the first smelted copper (Chernykh 1992). It is per bind relatively weakly to oxygen and are
certainly possible that there was earlier use of sometimes found as native metals, though most
gold nuggets, which could be simply hammered of the earth’s store of them is in oxides or sul-
to shape, but these are always much scarcer fides. Iron binds much more strongly to oxygen,
than flake gold, and no evidence of their earlier and titanium and aluminum more strongly still.
use has yet been reported in the Old World. The consistent appearance of a new smelted
The earliest documented use of any metal in metal in the archaeological record thus marks
South America is, however, a necklace contain- a definite advance in human understanding of
ing gold beads hammered from nuggets, dated the material world. More specifically, its ap-
to ∼2000 BCE (Aldenderfer et al. 2008). pearance indexes the attainment of a definite
combination of temperature and partial pres-
sure of oxygen inside a reaction vessel (a cru-
ORIGINS AND DISPERSAL cible or furnace). The smelting of iron does not
OF METALLURGICAL require higher temperatures than those needed
TECHNOLOGIES to smelt copper, but very low partial pressures
The working of native copper by forging and of oxygen are required to reduce iron from its
annealing is best seen as premetallurgical. Met- oxide. This is why more than three millennia
allurgy really begins with smelting, the earliest elapsed between the first known copper smelt-
evidence of which is copper smelting dated to ing and the first known evidence of iron smelt-
∼5000 BCE in both Serbia (Radivojević et al. ing. To take a much longer perspective, more
2010) and Iran (Frame 2009, 2012). Earlier evi- than 300,000 years elapsed between the earliest
dence of smelting will emerge as archaeologists known use of iron minerals for pigment (Dart &
learn how to recognize the ephemeral residues Beaumont 1969, Schmandt-Besserat 1980) and
of the earliest smelting experiments (Bourgarit the mastery of iron smelting.
2007), but there are more interesting questions The gap of at least three millennia between
to investigate than when and where. Why did the initial use of native copper and the first
extractive metallurgy begin with geologically appearance(s) of smelted copper reflects the
scarce metals, rather than with the geologically fact that a package of new technologies was
abundant (Table 1)? Why was there such a long required, not just a single technological innova-
gap between the first crude hammering and tion. Lead sulfides can be reduced to lead metal

www.annualreviews.org • Archaeometallurgy 563

 in an open bonfire, but the reduction of copper to the Balkans, but they assert that this must
oxides required all of the following: (a) the use mean that a single region of invention near the
of charcoal instead of wood to produce suffi- center of this zone—probably in Anatolia—
cient reducing agent (carbon monoxide) to strip awaits discovery. Recent debate on the origins
the oxygen from metal oxides (Rehder 2000); of copper metallurgy in China is more interest-
(b) ceramic-tipped blowpipes, or bellows and ing because it is better grounded in data. Until
ceramic tubes (tuyères), to force the charcoal to 1990, the dominant view was that metallurgy
burn faster, yielding higher temperatures; and arose independently in the Central Plain of
(c) ceramic crucibles to contain the chemical China and spread west, north, and south from
reaction and to remelt the smelted copper there. Two recent developments have forced a
(Craddock 1995, 2000/2001; Hauptmann rethinking of this position. The first is a torrent
2007). of new archaeometallurgical data from western
Whether there were single or multiple in- and northern China, which shows that both the
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

ventions of metallurgy in the Old World is types of artifacts and the alloys used in these re-
still actively debated. Childe, working before gions differ markedly from those in the Central
the birth of either radiocarbon dating or ar- Plain (Linduff & Mei 2009, Mei 2009). The sec-
chaeometallurgy, believed that copper metal- ond was the end of the Cold War, which made
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

lurgy was too complex a technology to have it possible for Chinese, Russian, and Western
been invented more than once. He placed its archaeometallurgists to collaborate freely.
origins in the Near East (Childe 1944, 1957). Better communication led to the realization
Colin Renfrew (1967, 1969) argued from the that several very distinctive copper alloy artifact
spatial distribution of early calibrated radiocar- types occur in archaeological sites from Finland
bon ages that there were at least three indepen- to western China (Gansu, Qinghai, Xinjiang)
dent inventions of copper metallurgy: in the at ∼2000 BCE (Chernykh 2009, Mei 2009).
Near East, in the Balkans, and in Iberia. The Lead isotope ratios are not available for these
highly influential unilineal evolutionary se- artifacts, so it is not yet possible to determine
quence for metallurgy developed by Theodore where the metals originated; on typological
Wertime (1964, 1973) and Jim Charles (1980) grounds alone, however, it appears increasingly
did not necessarily require a single origin but likely that copper and gold metallurgy passed
employed geological determinism to argue that across the steppes from Central Asia to China.
the same sequence (native copper → smelted The Central Plain has been recast as a metal-
copper → arsenical copper → tin bronze) lurgical anomaly whose origins cannot yet be
would be found in any region of metallurgical determined (Linduff & Mei 2009, Mei 2009).
innovation. From the 1960s, some scholars be- Metallurgy seems to appear there slightly later
gan to argue that copper metallurgy in China than in surrounding areas, but the techniques,
was developed independently (e.g., Barnard & alloys, and uses of metals were so different
Sato 1975), and this became the standard posi- from those of surrounding regions that an
tion until the late 1990s. independent invention of metallurgy remains
Many new data have surfaced since the a possibility (Linduff & Mei 2009, Mei 2009).
1990s, and the pendulum is swinging again. Scholars have recently been rethinking the
Recent arguments for a single center of inno- origins and spread of iron metallurgy. This is-
vation in Southwest Asia include the extreme sue appeared to have been settled by the major
diffusionism of Amzallag (2009), who sees synthesis edited by Wertime & Muhly (1980),
migrations of metalworkers carrying copper which saw two independent origins of iron met-
metallurgy from present Israel to the rest of the allurgy: in Anatolia and in China. In Anatolia
Old World. Roberts et al. (2009) acknowledge both archaeological and written evidence ( Jean
the “virtually synchronous” (p. 1014) appear- 2001, Souckova-Siegolová 2001) show that iron
ance of copper metallurgy in a region from Iran was available in very limited quantities as early

564 Killick · Fenn

 as 1800 BCE and was in general use by elites, have made claims for independent invention(s)
though not by commoners, during the New of metallurgy in sub-Saharan Africa, based
Hittite Empire (∼1400–1200 BCE). [The iron solely on radiocarbon dates. The exhaustive
dagger found in the tomb of Egyptian Pharaoh review of Alpern (2005) shows that these claims
Tutankhamen (died 1323 BCE) is thought to are all rendered uncertain by (a) doubts about
be a gift from a Hittite ruler (Valloggia 2001)]. the stratigraphic association of the radiocarbon
Except in China, all iron smelting from Hittite samples with metals or metallurgical residues;
times through the early Islamic era was by the (b) the possible use of old wood or old charcoal
bloomery process, which yielded a solid product as fuel, particularly in semiarid areas; and
(the bloom) that was refined and shaped by forg- (c) failure to respect the limitations of the
ing (Craddock 1995). Until recently there was radiocarbon calibration curve, and in particular
no evidence of the bloomery process in China; the “dead zone” between 800 and 400 cal
from the beginning, it appeared, high-carbon BCE. Even the most recent claim—for an iron
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

(cast) iron was tapped as a liquid from blast forge in the Central African Republic dated to
furnaces, then cast to shape or decarburized to 2000–1800 cal BCE (Zangato & Holl 2010)—is
low-carbon iron for forging. It was therefore undermined by inadequate publication of site
assumed that iron smelting was independently stratigraphy (Clist 2012), failure to publish the
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

invented in China and that cast iron production associated pottery, and failure to cross-check
and use later spread through the Islamic world the radiocarbon dates by luminescence dating.
to Europe (Needham 1956, 1980). A similar controversy is raging in India over
Archaeometallurgical studies in China have iron artifacts in association with radiocarbon
now turned up iron made by the bloomery pro- dates of 1800–1300 cal BCE (Tewari 2003,
cess as early as the ninth or eighth centuries 2010). But nowhere has the search for the
BCE (Guo 2009, Wagner 2008). Whether iron origins of metallurgy been more confused by ra-
metallurgy was initially brought to China or diocarbon dating than in Thailand. Three series
locally invented is ultimately of little conse- of radiocarbon dates from the key site of Ban
quence, given that by the eighth or seventh Chiang have been obtained at different times on
centuries BCE iron metallurgy was totally rein- (a) charcoal from grave fills, (b) carbon in pot-
vented in China. Blast furnace technology is sherds, and (c) human and faunal bone collagen.
still thought to have spread west from China The first two series have been used to argue
during the Islamic era (Al-Hassan & Hill 1986, for direct diffusion of metallurgy to Thailand
Wagner 2008), but good evidence now in- from the Central Asian steppes ∼2000 cal BCE
dicates that it was independently developed (White & Hamilton 2009). The most recent—
in Germany from the bloomery process and most convincing—series on bone collagen
(Gassmann et al. 1995, Yalçın & Hauptmann dates the same graves to 1100–900 BCE. These
1995). The earliest excavated blast furnace in make the diffusion of metallurgy from China
Sweden, used between 1150 and 1350 CE, is much more probable (Higham et al. 2011).
however quite similar to contemporary Chinese
models; the technology may have been brought
to Sweden from the southern Caspian by Viking ARCHAEOMETALLURGY AND
merchants (Magnusson 1985, Wagner 2008). STUDIES OF INVENTION,
The remaining problems in documenting INNOVATION, AND DIFFUSION
origins and dispersals of metallurgy are mostly Since the late 1980s, there has been a
chronological. Renfrew (1967, 1969) used early resurgence of interest within Anglophone
radiocarbon dates to propose an independent archaeology in studies of innovation (O’Brien
invention of metallurgy in Iberia, but the dating 2008; O’Brien & Shennan 2010; Schiffer 1992,
of the evidence is now in question (Roberts 2011; Shennan 2008; van der Leeuw & Tor-
2009). Over the past 40 years, multiple scholars rence 1989). What strikes us in reading this

www.annualreviews.org • Archaeometallurgy 565

 literature is how top-heavy, and how pre- Archaeometallurgists are also adept at dis-
sentist, it is. We do not deny the importance covering inventions that failed to become in-
of theory and modeling in archaeology, but novations. The multiple inventions of brass are
they are of value only to the extent that they a case in point. Although zinc is more abundant
actually enrich our understanding of the past. than either copper or tin (Table 1), brass (the
Yet most applications of current theories of alloy of copper and zinc) did not achieve the
technological innovation to the archaeological status of an innovation in western Eurasia until
record are disappointingly thin. [A notable the first century BCE, some two millennia af-
exception is Roux (2010).] Indeed, many of the ter bronze. This discrepancy is because molten
applications offered are studies of invention, zinc metal readily volatilizes from smelting fur-
innovation, or diffusion in modern times, as naces and is lost to the atmosphere. The inno-
though there were no fundamental differences vation that made brass the standard alloy of the
in innovation processes between industrial and Roman empire from the first century BCE was
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

preindustrial societies. [For innovation and the cementation process, in which zinc oxide
diffusion processes in industrial societies, see was heated with copper metal and charcoal in
Arthur (2009) and Rogers (2003).] a sealed crucible (Craddock & Eckstein 2003).
Anyone interested in testing these models Yet more than 30 artifacts of brass have been
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

with data from preindustrial societies can find recorded in western Eurasia before this time,
rich data in the archaeometallurgical literature. some dated as early as the third millennium
Over the past two decades archaeometallur- BCE (Thornton 2007). The makers of these
gists have refined their methods to the point objects were either unaware of their inventions
that they can detect inventions in the most (low-zinc brass looks and behaves much like
ephemeral residues. Intensive chemical, miner- bronze) or unable to reproduce the necessary
alogical, and microstructural laboratory study conditions. Indian metallurgists made brass,
of actual archaeological residues may be com- probably by cementation, from at least the mid-
pared with residues generated by full-scale ex- first millennium BCE but by the twelfth cen-
perimental metallurgical processes, and to the tury CE had developed a different method in
products of laboratory experiments at reduced which metallic copper was directly alloyed with
scale under more rigorously controlled temper- metallic zinc (Craddock et al. 1998). This is
atures and furnace atmospheres (e.g., Bourgarit in marked contrast to the situation in western
2007). Using these methods, archaeometallur- Eurasia, where there are hardly any credible in-
gists can document inventions and innovations stances of the production of metallic zinc before
with a high degree of confidence. the mid-eighteenth century CE (Craddock &
One example of an innovation awaiting ex- Eckstein 2003). What was different in India?
planation is the wind-powered iron-smelting Metallic zinc must be made by distillation, and
furnace of medieval Sri Lanka, the operation it is probably relevant that there was a long prior
of which has been brilliantly elucidated by history in Indian and in Islamic technology of
experimental archaeology ( Juleff 1996, 1998) the distillation of plant oils for use in medicines
and computational fluid dynamics (Tabor et al. and perfumes (Al-Hassan & Hill 1986).
2005). Another notable technical success await- Sub-Saharan Africa has long suffered the
ing full explanation is the reconstruction of the scorn of European observers for its supposed
technology developed at Sardis to separate nat- lack of technological innovation. To cite but
ural gold-silver alloys (electrum) into pure gold two from among many examples (Adas 1989),
and pure silver (Ramage & Craddock 2000). we offer David Hume [“No ingenious manu-
This process made it possible for the Lydian factures among them, no arts, no sciences· · ·”
kings (one of whom was Croesus) to issue the (Hume 1758, p. 125, footnote)] and Georg
first gold and silver coinages in the sixth century Hegel [“. . . . capable of no development or cul-
BCE. ture, and as we see them at this day, such

566 Killick · Fenn

 have they always been” (Hegel 1900 [1840], METALLURGY, WAYS OF
p. 116)]. Such contempt stimulated searches SEEING, AND VALUE
over the past 60 years for technological inno-
vations in prehistoric Africa. Prominent among The statement that technologies are socially
these efforts are multiple claims that iron met- constructed has become axiomatic among
allurgy was independently invented in Africa. historians and sociologists of technology
This has long been the most contentious is- since the early 1990s (e.g., MacKenzie &
sue in later African archaeology (Alpern 2005, Wajcman 1999). The archaeometallurgist
Diop 1968, Trigger 1969) and has flared up Heather Lechtman was an early proponent of
anew with the recent publication of radiocar- this view (Lechtman 1977). She argued that
bon dates of ∼2000–1800 cal BCE for two in different regions of the world distinctively
undoubted iron forges in the Central African different technological trajectories could be
Republic (Zangato & Holl 2010; for critiques recognized, for which she coined the term
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

see Clist 2012, Craddock 2010). Other scholars “technological styles.” The essentially identical
have also claimed that Africans invented a dis- concept of “technological choices” developed
tinct method of making steel (the direct steel independently in France (e.g., Cresswell 1983;
process) and were the first to use preheated Lemonnier 1992, 1993; Roux 1990, 2010) and
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

air blast, a technique of crucial importance in can be traced back to the pioneering insights of
modern iron smelting (Schmidt & Avery 1978, the archaeologist André Leroi-Gourhan (1943,
1983; van der Merwe & Avery 1982; disputed 1964).
by Killick 1996). The essentially reactive nature Archaeometallurgy provides some of the
of these claims has obscured the fact that a truly best examples of precapitalist technological
remarkable variety of iron-smelting technolo- styles. For example, historical documents and
gies have been recorded in Africa within the past ethnoarchaeological field research show that in
150 years (Cline 1937; Herbert 1994; Killick many African societies the smelting of iron was
1991, 1995). A mere handful of these have been understood as exactly equivalent to gestation
studied by archaeometallurgists, but they have and birth. The furnace was a woman, the iron
documented—on paper and in video—designs bloom growing in the furnace was the fetus, and
and processes that are unique to Africa, or its male attendants were simultaneously hus-
rarely noted elsewhere (e.g., David et al. 1989, bands and midwives. In some instances, this
Huysecom & Agustoni 1997, Killick 1991, equivalence was explicit, with furnaces modeled
Schmidt 1997). Clearly there was no lack of in- as women’s bodies or bellows as male genitalia.
vention in African metallurgy. Yet there was— More commonly, it was implied by the behav-
in marked contrast to China and to Western ior of the ironworkers, who were often prohib-
Europe—no major increase in the productivity ited from sexual intercourse for the duration of
of iron smelting over time. It seems likely that the smelt and were frequently isolated in smelt-
low productivity reflected low demand for iron ing camps to ensure compliance (Childs 1991;
in Africa, a consequence of already low popula- Herbert 1994; Schmidt 1997, 2009). In short,
tion densities that were further depressed by the this is a classic example of the symbolic appro-
Islamic and trans-Atlantic slave trades. Para- priation by men of women’s generative powers.
doxically, the trans-Atlantic slave trade stimu- Archaeometallurgists have long been aware
lated commerce along slaving routes in West of spatial and chronological differences in the
Africa and did lead to more productive iron- value of metals and have often sought to link
working industries in some areas. But mod- this to their colors (e.g., Herbert 1984; Hosler
estly greater productivity was achieved through 1994, 2009). The Eurasian obsession with
changes in the social organization of produc- gold and silver began in the Balkans around
tion, rather than through technical innovation 5000 BCE (Chernykh 1992, Renfrew 1986)
(de Barros 2000). and was gradually adopted across the whole

www.annualreviews.org • Archaeometallurgy 567

 continent, except in the Central Plain of China, North America, neither gold nor silver was
where these metals were ignored in favor of ever used before European colonization. As in
tin bronze (Linduff & Mei 2009). Gold and pre-Islamic sub-Saharan Africa, the red color
silver were also highly valued in Egypt, Nubia, of unalloyed copper was particularly valued
and Carthage. But neither gold nor silver was (Ehrhardt 2009, Martin 1999), and gold was
used south of the Sahara (except in Nubia and left in the rivers to prompt the gold rushes of
pre-Axumite/Axumite Eritrea, both of which European colonists.
had trade links to the Mediterranean) until the
Islamic era, when sub-Saharan Africa became
the major source of gold for Eurasia. At this IMPACT OF METALLURGY ON
point, the African elites who emerged to con- THE ENVIRONMENT
trol the gold trade adopted the use of gold as The past two decades have seen an intensive
a marker of distinction (Austen 2010, Huffman search in stratified environmental archives
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

2009, Killick 2009). The absence of gold from (ice caps, lake sediments, and peat bogs) for
earlier archaeological sites cannot plausibly records of past metallurgical production.
be attributed to ignorance because it could be These studies were originally motivated by
panned with little effort from rivers, and Iron the search for continuous quantitative records
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

Age Africans certainly had the technology to of lead pollution (Nriagu 1983). This search
melt and cast it. But, as Herbert (1984) has led to the discovery of Roman-era peaks for
so convincingly demonstrated, they greatly lead and copper concentrations in ice cores
preferred the red color of unalloyed copper, from Greenland (Hong et al. 1994, 1996).
which they reserved largely for ornaments, This is the first known instance of global
using iron for weapons and tools. Why this atmospheric pollution. Subsequent studies on
preference should have applied across almost more local scales have documented the history
all of sub-Saharan Africa remains unexplained. and scale of mining in the Andes (Cooke et al.
Gold was the first metal used in South 2008, 2009), western Europe (Alfonso et al.
America, and elaborate chemical treatments 2001, Baron et al. 2005, Harrison et al. 2010,
were subsequently invented to develop a va- Jouffroy-Bapicot et al. 2007, Martı́nez Cortizas
riety of surface colors on tumbaga (copper- et al. 2002), and China (Lee et al. 2008). Envi-
gold-silver alloy) bodies (Lechtman 1979, 1984, ronmental archives provide the only surviving
1993; Saunders 2002). The symbolic signifi- evidence in some regions for the timing and
cance of these colors in prehistoric contexts scale of past mining and metallurgy, as for ex-
is unknown, but there is an ethnographic link ample in the tin deposits of southwest England
between metallurgy and cosmology in Colom- (Meharg et al. 2011). They also provide the
bia, where Tukanoan color symbolism has some only future means of documenting the scale of
30 named hues between yellow-white (the sun, past production in those metallurgical districts
male potency) and coppery red (the waning that are now being destroyed, without adequate
moon, female generativity). “Ideally, the sun archaeological investigation, by vast open-pit
fertilizes a brilliant new moon, which [then] mines in Africa, southeast Asia, and Latin
passes through a sequence of yellowish, red- America.
dish and copper-colored phases which are com- Related studies have measured levels of
pared to· · ·the process of embryonic develop- toxic metals in water, sediment, and human
ment” (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1981, p. 121, cited skeletons from former mining districts, as
by Lechtman 1993, p. 270). The triad of sil- for example in the Feynan valley of Jordan,
ver, copper, and gold metallurgy later spread whose copper deposits were exploited from the
by sea from Ecuador to Mexico (Hosler 1994, Bronze Age through the Ottoman empire (e.g.,
2009), where metals were used almost exclu- Grattan et al. 2003a,b; Pyatt & Grattan 2001).
sively for ornaments, but no further north. In Pollen recovered from cores in lake sediments

568 Killick · Fenn

 and peat bogs has been used to study changes in trained in other disciplines (geology, chemistry,
vegetation that may reflect the exploitation of materials science, etc.) and have tended to fo-
woodlands for charcoal to fuel metallurgical cus on the technical issues of reconstruction and
furnaces (e.g., Breitenlechner et al. 2010; provenance rather than on using their rich data
Mighall & Chambers 1989, 1993; Pèlachs et al. to engage with central issues in archaeology
2009). The rapid growth in publication of these and anthropology. The second reason is that
interdisciplinary environmental studies docu- archaeometallurgy is now large enough to sup-
ments the slow growth of human impacts on port specialist conference series, with the con-
the environment and highlights the alarmingly sequence that much of this work tends to be
accelerated rate at which we are now depleting presented there or at specialist meetings of ar-
nonrenewable sources of geochemically scarce chaeological scientists. The third reason is that
metals (e.g., Anreiter et al. 2010, Gordon et al. some of the most interesting work has been
2006). done in East Asia, Africa, and Latin America
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

and is too rarely summarized for scholars who

are not specialists in those areas.
CONCLUSION We have had two aims in writing this re-
Over the past 50 years archaeometallurgy has view. The first is to urge more archaeometal-
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

become a well-integrated and highly productive lurgists to contribute to wider issues and de-
interdisciplinary field of study. But archaeomet- bates in archaeology. The second is to make
allurgists have not yet succeeded in convincing more archaeologists and anthropologists aware
most archaeologists of the relevance of their of some relevant accomplishments and findings
work. One consequence of this is that there are of archaeometallurgy, and especially to urge
fewer archaeometallurgists in university faculty those who are interested in studies of materi-
positions in Europe and North America than ality, value, and technological change to look
there were in the late 1990s. We suggest three into the many detailed case studies in this field.
reasons for this decrease. The first is that many As Cyril Smith was fond of saying, metallurgy
of the senior figures in the field today were is a fully human experience.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

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www.annualreviews.org • Archaeometallurgy 575

 Annual Review of
Anthropology

Contents Volume 41, 2012

Prefatory Chapter
Ancient Mesopotamian Urbanism and Blurred Disciplinary Boundaries
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Robert McC. Adams ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 1

Archaeology
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

The Archaeology of Emotion and Affect

Sarah Tarlow ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 169
The Archaeology of Money
Colin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 235
Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape Archaeology
Matthew H. Johnson ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 269
Paleolithic Archaeology in China
Ofer Bar-Yosef and Youping Wang ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 319
Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research:
The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimatic
and Paleoenvironmental Archive
Daniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 371
Colonialism and Migration in the Ancient Mediterranean
Peter van Dommelen ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 393
Archaeometallurgy: The Study of Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy
David Killick and Thomas Fenn ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 559
Rescue Archaeology: A European View
Jean-Paul Demoule ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 611

Biological Anthropology
Energetics, Locomotion, and Female Reproduction:
Implications for Human Evolution
Cara M. Wall-Scheffler ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣71

vii
 Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of the
Human-Primate Interface
Agustin Fuentes ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 101
Human Evolution and the Chimpanzee Referential Doctrine
Ken Sayers, Mary Ann Raghanti, and C. Owen Lovejoy ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 119
Chimpanzees and the Behavior of Ardipithecus ramidus
Craig B. Stanford ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 139
Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human Prehistory
Richard Potts ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 151
Primate Feeding and Foraging: Integrating Studies
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

of Behavior and Morphology

W. Scott McGraw and David J. Daegling ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 203
Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened,
and Will Happen Next
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

Robert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 495

Maternal Prenatal Nutrition and Health in Grandchildren
and Subsequent Generations
E. Susser, J.B. Kirkbride, B.T. Heijmans, J.K. Kresovich, L.H. Lumey,
and A.D. Stein ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 577

Linguistics and Communicative Practices

Media and Religious Diversity
Patrick Eisenlohr ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣37
Three Waves of Variation Study: The Emergence of Meaning
in the Study of Sociolinguistic Variation
Penelope Eckert ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣87
Documents and Bureaucracy
Matthew S. Hull ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 251
The Semiotics of Collective Memories
Brigittine M. French ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 337
Language and Materiality in Global Capitalism
Shalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 355
Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures
and Contingent Pasts. Archives as Anthropological Surrogates
David Zeitlyn ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 461
Music, Language, and Texts: Sound and Semiotic Ethnography
Paja Faudree ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 519

viii Contents
 International Anthropology and Regional Studies
Contemporary Anthropologies of Indigenous Australia
Tess Lea ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 187
The Politics of Perspectivism
Alcida Rita Ramos ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 481
Anthropologies of Arab-Majority Societies
Lara Deeb and Jessica Winegar ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 537

Sociocultural Anthropology
Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal Relations
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Rebecca Cassidy ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣21

The Politics of the Anthropogenic
Nathan F. Sayre ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣57
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the Image

Elizabeth Edwards ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 221
Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate Change
Heather Lazrus ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 285
Enculturating Cells: The Anthropology, Substance, and Science
of Stem Cells
Aditya Bharadwaj ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 303
Diabetes and Culture
Steve Ferzacca ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 411
Toward an Ecology of Materials
Tim Ingold ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 427
Sport, Modernity, and the Body
Niko Besnier and Susan Brownell ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 443

Theme I: Materiality
Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the Image
Elizabeth Edwards ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 221
The Archaeology of Money
Colin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 235
Documents and Bureaucracy
Matthew S. Hull ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 251
Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape Archaeology
Matthew H. Johnson ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 269

Contents ix
 Language and Materiality in Global Capitalism
Shalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 355
Toward an Ecology of Materials
Tim Ingold ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 427
Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures and Contingent
Pasts. Archives as Anthropological Surrogates
David Zeitlyn ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 461

Theme II: Climate Change

Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal Relations
Rebecca Cassidy ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣21
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012.41:559-575. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

The Politics of the Anthropogenic

Nathan F. Sayre ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣57
Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of the
by Dr. Thomas Fenn on 09/29/12. For personal use only.

Human-Primate Interface
Agustin Fuentes ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 101
Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human Prehistory
Richard Potts ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 151
Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate Change
Heather Lazrus ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 285
Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research:
The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimatic and
Paleoenvironmental Archive
Daniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 371
Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened,
and Will Happen Next
Robert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 495

Indexes

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 32–41 ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 627

Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 32–41 ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ ♣ 631

Errata

An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at

http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

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