COMMENTARY

the fourth year and a two-year master’s

NEP 2020 and the Discontinuation degree with the second year exclusively
devoted to research. Thus, the NEP has
of the MPhil Degree revamped the bachelor’s and master’s
degrees by introducing a strong research
component among them. It appears that
Anil S Sutar the NEP has done so in order to introduce
“fast-track” PhD in the universities in

T
The National Education Policy he National Education Policy (NEP) India. The “fast-track” PhD enables un-
2020 provides a framework for 2020 is all set to transform the dergraduate and master’s students to di-
landscape of education in India, rectly join a PhD programme without
reorganising and revamping
including higher education. Spearhead- going through the two-year MPhil de-
higher education in India. Among ed by the idea of internationalisation gree. It can be said that the provisions in
several of its recommendations, and massification of higher education, the NEP have compensated for the ab-
the decision to discontinue the the policy touches upon several critical sence of the MPhil by bringing in the re-
aspects of under-graduation, post-grad- search component at the undergraduate
MPhil programme is a significant
uation, and doctoral programmes. It and master’s levels itself. Thus, the new
one. The article makes an attempt aims for both—a quality higher educa- structure of degrees with a strong re-
to understand the perspective tion and an inclusive higher education. search orientation and the idea of a
behind the move to discontinue The policy aspires to increase the gross “fast-track” PhD have led to the decision
enrolment ratio in higher education from to discontinue the MPhil programme. It
the MPhil programme. The MPhil
26.3% (2018) to 50% by 2035. Expanding can be said that the discontinuation of
programme is discontinued for higher education to reach out to more MPhil is the “collateral damage” unleash-
the more research-oriented and more youths in the country happens ed by the NEP while reorganising the struc-
undergraduate and master’s to be the central idea of the NEP. The ture of degrees in universities in India.
policy is viewed as student-centric and This article is an attempt to reflect
degrees. In a way, the
empowering to the student community upon the MPhil degree and to under-
discontinuation of MPhil is the as it provides them with more exit and stand the reasons for its discontinuation.
collateral damage caused by the entry options and a transferable credit The NEP has not elaborated directly on
new structure of degrees that the system across the universities. Accord- why such a drastic measure to do away
ingly, it proposes sweeping changes in with MPhil was necessitated, but the
NEP has proposed.
the way degrees are conceived and offered overall vision and mission of the policy
in the colleges and universities in the provides enough material to understand
country. One such change that the NEP the reasons for such a decision. Prior to
has proposed is the discontinuation of the NEP 2020, various committees and com-
Master of Philosophy (MPhil) programme. missions, such as the National Knowl-
The MPhil degree has come a long edge Commission (NKC 2009) of the
way in our university system and has Government of India (2009) and the
had its own ups and downs. The MPhil Mungekar Committee of the University
degree, which is often looked at as a Grants Commission (UGC 2008) have
“junior” research degree, has contribut- looked into several issues of research in
ed immensely in building the research universities, including the MPhil and
culture among students. The training in PhD programmes. The issues raised by
research methods and exposure to the these committees and commissions help
vast literature in domain areas that the in understanding the perspective be-
students get during an MPhil programme hind the recommendations of the NEP.
go a long way in producing more quality Similarly, a critical appreciation of the
Doctors of Philosophy (PhDs). way the graduate and doctoral program-
However, the NEP has not taken the mes are structured and organised in the
cognisance of the role of the MPhil in universities abroad, especially the Anglo-
The author thanks the anonymous reviewers nurturing the budding research schol- American universities, sharpens our per-
for their useful comments on the earlier ars. There is no place for MPhil in the spective on the issue of the discontin-
version of this article. new schema of degrees that the NEP has uation of the MPhil programme in India.
Anil S Sutar ([email protected]) teaches at the proposed. The NEP has recommended a Most of the Western universities offer
School of Research Methodology, Tata Institute four-year undergraduate degree with an MPhil as a master’s degree at par with other
of Social Sciences, Mumbai.
exclusive focus on a research project in master’s degrees. In some universities, it
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 23
COMMENTARY

is offered as a second master’s degree. completing their undergraduation. So, and government or private service (Miller
There is enough clarity about the struc- the middle structure of the three-tier 1966). Thus, in Yale University, the MPhil
ture and purpose of the programme. higher education system, that is, the had a clear-cut rationale and purpose,
However, when it comes to universities master’s degree programmes have not and accordingly, it was placed as an
in India, there is a lot of fluidity in gained much significance in the univer- intermediary degree between the bach-
understanding what the MPhil progra- sities of the West. elor of arts and the PhD. Such a rationale
mme actually stands for. There are dif- The situation in India is quite different for an MPhil departs from our under-
ferent approaches to the MPhil in terms where undergraduate programmes are standing of the MPhil where it is looked
of the duration of the programme (one- neglected and the universities mostly as an intermediate degree between a
year, one and a half year, and two-year focus on master’s degrees and doctoral master’s and a PhD. By locating the
MPhil degrees), the structure of the pro- research (NKC 2009). It is the first tier— MPhil after the master’s degrees, univer-
gramme (taught component and disser- the bachelor’s degrees and the third- sities in India have misplaced the ration-
tation, only dissertation, and only papers tier—the PhD degrees around which the ale for having it in the first place.
based on literature review with no com- higher education system has evolved in The MPhil in our universities is gener-
ponent of dissertation), location of the the US and Europe. It is found that the ally looked as a preparatory degree facil-
programme (independent MPhil program- beneficiaries of the master’s degree pro- itating PhD research rather than as a
me, integrated MPhil–PhD programme, grammes in the US and Europe happen new degree aiming at enhancing the
preparatory to PhD programme), utility to be students from other countries. In employability of graduates. This is how
of the programme (pre-requisite to join fact, most of the Anglo-American uni- an MPhil has failed to create a ground
PhD, eligibility for lectureship), and on versities had to struggle hard to revive for itself, and it could not attract more
many more such aspects. and retain the master’s degree pro- students as a second master’s degree.
The NEP had the great opportunity to grammes. It is, as a part of such an effort The recent data shows that the number
resolve these issues and to streamline to make the master’s degrees more via- of students enrolling for MPhil has de-
the MPhil as a robust foundational pro- ble, a new master’s degree, that is, the clined quite significantly in our country.
gramme in research. It is well-estab- MPhil degree was innovated in the West- As per official data, the number of stu-
lished that the MPhil programme en- ern universities. It was conceived basi- dents enrolled for MPhil in the country
riches PhD in several ways—it takes cally as a master’s degree in research was 43,267 in 2016–17, which has come
care of the coursework requirement of and not as an intermediary research de- down to 30,692 in 2018–19 (Nanda
the PhD programme and provides a gree between a post-graduation and a 2019). In the West, MPhil was invented
grounding in research skills and litera- PhD. The basic purpose of an MPhil de- to enhance the employability of under-
ture review, and it also acts as a filtra- gree (also known as a research master’s graduates, whereas in Indian universi-
tion mechanism by allowing non-com- degree) was to enable undergraduate ties, it has ended up as a burden on stu-
mitted students to exit from a research students to learn the basics of conducting dents. Enrolling into a two-year MPhil,
programme after two years. However, research and cultivating professional that too after completing a two-year
the NEP, instead of strengthening the skills, as the then existing master’s degree master’s degree, is nothing short of aca-
MPhil programme, has devoted more on programmes could not offer the same. It demic stagnation where students remain
building a research component at the was expected that this master’s degree in in the master’s degree programme for
undergraduate and master’s degrees research (MPhil) would enhance employ- almost four years (two years of master’s
and linking them directly with PhD. ability of undergraduates for academic + two years of MPhil).
This is akin to the university education and non-academic careers (Dittrich and The practice of combining the MPhil
system in the United States (US) and in et al 2004). So, the undergraduates were with a PhD degree and offering it as an
Europe, which are marked by the promi- given an opportunity to join the MPhil to integrated MPhil–PhD by universities in
nence of undergraduate degrees and the enhance their research and professional India has certain drawbacks. Though
practice of an “integrated PhD” and a skills required for better placements. the idea of an integrated MPhil–PhD ap-
“fast-track” PhD. To a large extent, these This is how the universities, especially pears to be designed on the lines of the
features influenced the NEP’s perspective in the Netherlands and Belgium, have integrated PhD offered in the Western
at revamping higher education in India. conceptualised their MPhil degree. universities, there is a significant differ-
In the mid-1960s, Yale University had ence in the rationale and purpose behind
Imitating the West? introduced MPhil as an alternative to these two programmes. The integrated
Higher education in Western countries is existing master’s degrees. The MPhil PhD degree in European and American
characterised prominently by graduate was strategically positioned as an inter- universities basically aim at combining
schools where students enrol for under- mediary degree that builds a strong courses in professional and generic skills
graduate programmes and most of them mastery of a discipline and also the with a PhD degree. There is a specific
take up jobs after completing gradua- depth required for undertaking a PhD context that gave rise to the integrated
tion. Those students who wish to enrol degree. It aimed to build competencies PhD degree. Several studies have ex-
into a PhD are allowed to join it after required for careers in college teaching pressed concerns about employability,
24 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 COMMENTARY

career paths, and professional skills of by the commonwealth government when those who complete their PhD in accord-
the graduating PhD students in the US it said that the research training first and ance with the norms laid down in “UGC
and Europe. In general, PhD was looked foremost needs to focus on the “scholar,” (Minimum Standards and Procedure for
at as too theoretical and most of the doc- that is, the academic and theoretic com- Award of MPhil–PhD Degree) Regula-
toral graduates lacked professional and ponent of research, but at the same time, tion, 2009” from the National Eligibility
generic employability skills; hence, they it should also look at a scholar as an “em- Test (NET). The UGC has recognised the
were unable to find jobs outside the ployee” and as an “innovator,” thus PhD as minimum eligibility for lecture-
academia (Nerad 2009). Accordingly, highlighting the need for the career de- ship in lieu of NET. This decision raised
different committees and commissions velopment of the doctoral graduates the status of the PhD and also led to the
have called for the need to address the (DISSR 2011). Thus, integrated PhD has debate upon the quality of PhD pro-
employability issue of doctoral gradu- the goal of making PhD degrees more vi- grammes in the country.
ates. The need for career development of brant and relevant in a society. Responding to the concerns about the
doctoral graduates gained importance quality of PhD degrees, the UGC has
in the United Kingdom (UK) after the The Base of a PhD Degree brought in a compulsory entrance ex-
publication of the Paul Roberts’ Nurtur- However, what is understood as an “in- amination and a mandatory pre-PhD
ing Creativity in Young People report in tegrated PhD degree” in India is basical- coursework. It is interesting to note that
2006. The report called for integrating ly combining an MPhil degree with a the UGC did not prescribe an MPhil de-
the transferable skills training into PhD PhD and offering it as an integrated gree as a prerequisite to join a PhD pro-
programmes to prepare doctoral gradu- MPhil–PhD programme with an exit gramme. Some scholars such as Palshikar
ates for academic and non-academic ca- option on completing the MPhil degree. (2010) have raised concerns about such a
reers (Cuthbert and Molla 2015). The The UGC’s Regulation of 2009 makes provision of direct admission to PhD
university systems and consortiums on two provisions for offering an MPhil through entrance examinations. They in
higher education such as the new route degree—as an independent MPhil and turn advocate for an MPhil as a prerequi-
PhD consortium in Europe have started as an integrated MPhil–PhD. The idea site qualification to proceed for PhD re-
to revamp and restructure the PhD to behind the integrated MPhil–PhD is that search. They highlighted the need for
make it more relevant to the industry, to students who first complete the MPhil having an integrated research course
the economy and to the researchers gain competencies in preliminary rese- leading to the PhD degree with an exit
themselves. This is how the integrated arch skills and hence are more compe- option preferably after two years on
PhD has evolved. tent in doing a quality PhD research. It is completing an MPhil. However, the UGC,
There are different ways and patterns understood that the MPhil provides ba- through its regulation of 2009, int-
in which the integration of professional sic grounding in research skills and lite- egrates a one-semester coursework consi-
courses with a PhD was worked out. The rature review. sting of courses on research methodo-
integration in the New Route PhD model Thus, the MPhil component in the in- logy, computer applications, and litera-
consisted of (i) placing the students in an tegrated MPhil–PhD is understood to ture review with a PhD programme. The
enhanced learning environment such as serve the purpose of pre-PhD course- NKC (2009) went a step further and pro-
industry under the structured programme work. Whereas the integrated PhD pre- posed a direct entry of undergraduates
of formal training, (ii) taught master’s- pares doctoral students for different ca- into the PhD programme. Since, the un-
level courses to provide advanced train- reers, the focus of integrated MPhil–PhD dergraduate students are allowed to join
ing in theoretical and practical research is confined only to building research skills PhD, it proposed a compulsory pre-PhD
skills, and (iii) courses on generic training of doctoral scholars. Thus, value addition coursework to benefit the young doctor-
for developing professional and person- of the MPhil to the professionalisation of al students. Accordingly, the NKC recom-
al skills. Another mode of integration the PhD is quite negligible. Some scholars mended a strong national-level pre-PhD
combines three types of coursework— have suggested dissolving the MPhil by programme to be anchored by the nation-
(i) subject area and interdisciplinary merging it into the PhD. They feel that al-level research institutes to all the doc-
courses; (ii) research methodology and the MPhil degree dilutes the quality of toral students in the country (NKC 2009).
research ethics courses; and (iii) profes- research by encouraging non-serious Hence, the MPhil degree as preparatory
sional skills courses on leadership, com- students to join the programme who coursework for a PhD degree did not
munication, project management, research easily get the degree after spending two gain much ground.
commercialisation, and entrepreneur- years in universities. They instead pro- The “fast-track PhD” programme that
ship with a PhD degree (Cuthbert and pose a two-year coursework for PhD in allows for those with bachelor’s degrees
Molla 2015). Whatever may be the pat- place of the MPhil (Balkrishnan 2008). to join PhD is offered in universities in
tern of integration, the main focus of the The UGC, based on the recommenda- Anglo-American countries. It builds a
integrated PhD remains on enhancing the tions of the Mungekar Committee, has strong connection between under-grad-
employability of the PhD graduates— considered PhD degree holders as eligi- uation and doctoral programmes. The
both in academic and non-academic sec- ble for teaching positions in college and success of fast-track PhDs depends upon
tors. This has been very succinctly put universities (UGC 2008). It has exempted an excellent undergraduate programme.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 25
COMMENTARY

Thanks to the rise of fast-track PhDs, the go abroad for research degrees (NKC of Education, Flanders and Netherlands, Vol 39,
No 3, pp 299–316, September.
popularity of a master’s degree, espe- 2009). One of the reasons that the NKC Kehm, B M (2007): “Quo Vadis Doctoral Education?
cially a two-year course, is on its decline attributes for this sorry state of affairs is New European Approaches in the Context of
Global Changes,” European Journal of Educa-
now. In fact, in most of the western uni- the lack of properly developed, research- tion, Vol 42, No 3, pp 307–19, September.
versities, a master’s degree is awarded to oriented undergraduate programmes in Miller, J P (1966): “The Master of Philosophy:
those who exit after completing a year or the country. Hence, the NKC emphasises A New Degree Is Born,” Journal of Higher Edu-
cation, Vol 37, No 7, pp 377–81, October.
two of the PhD programme (Kehm the need for developing a well-planned Ministry of Human Resource Development (2020):
2007). The issue of the high attrition rate four-year bachelor’s degree programme “The National Education Policy 2020, Govern-
ment of India,” https://www.education.gov.in/
in PhD programmes is often associated to enable direct entry of undergraduates sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/nep_final_eng-
with the longer duration taken for its into PhD programmes. Following the lish.pdf.
Nanda, K P (2019): “India May Phase Out MPhil
completion. It is understood that by the footsteps of the NKC, the NEP 2020 has Degree, Allow PhD, After Four-year Graduation
time students complete their under- come out with a four-year research-ori- course,” Livemint, 6 November, https://www.
livemint.com/education/news/india-may-
graduation and master’s degrees, they ented bachelor’s degree and a “fast-track” phase-out-m-phil-allow-students-to-pursue-ph-
are left with less energy and enthusiasm PhD. The new framework of degrees d-after-graduation-11572925902854.html.
National Knowledge Commission (2009): “The Nati-
to join a PhD programme and complete it that the NEP has proposed drastically re- onal Knowledge Commission: Report to the Na-
successfully. The long time-to-degree ra- duces the significance of not only MPhil tion 2006–09,” Government of India, https://
www.aicte-india.org/downloads/nkc. pdf.
tio and lower completion rates have but also other master’s programmes.
Nerad, M (2009): “Confronting Common Assump-
brought forth the issue of the efficiency tions: Designing Future: Oriented Doctoral
of doctoral programmes in universities References Education,” Doctoral Education and the Faculty
of the Future, R G Ehrenberg and C V Kuh (eds),
of the US (Cuthbert and Molla 2015). Balakrishnan, P (2008): “Social Science Research in Ithaca: Cornell University Press, pp 80–89.
The idea of a “fast-track PhD” that India: Concerns and Proposals,” Economic & Po- Palshikar, S (2010): “Quality in Higher Education:
litical Weekly, Vol 43, No 5, pp 28–33, 2 February. Complex Issues, Superficial Solutions,” Economic
basically evolved to address high attri- Cuthbert, D and T Molla (2015): “PhD Crises Dis- & Political Weekly, Vol 45, No 5, pp 29–32, 15 May.
tion rate in doctoral programmes is also course: A Critical Approach to the Framing of University Grants Commission (2008): “Minutes of
Problems and Some Australian ‘Solutions,’” Higher the 19th Meeting of the Empowered Committee
gaining importance in India. The NKC Education, Vol 69, No 1, pp 33–53, January. on Basic Scientific Research of UGC,” https://
has expressed concern over the less DISSR (2011): Research Skills for an Innovative Fu- www.ugc.ac.in/oldpdf/bsrpdf/c.pdf.
ture: A Research Workforce Strategy to Cover the — (2009): “UGC (Minimum Standards and Proce-
number of graduates making it to PhD. It Decade to 2020 and Beyond, Department of In- dure for Award of MPhil/PhD Degree), Regu-
is found that not more than 1% of the un- novation, Industry, Science and Research Can- lation, 2009,” Ministry of Human Resource
berra: Commonwealth of Australia. Development, Government of India, https://
dergraduates join the PhD programme. Dittrich, K, F Mark and M Luwel (2004): “The www.ugc.ac.in/oldpdf/regulations/mphilph-
Moreover, the more talented among them Implementation of ‘Bologna,’” European Journal dclarification.pdf.

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26 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

 COMMENTARY

having visited China, Italy, Iran, Republic

COVID-19 to Lockdown of Korea, France, Spain, and Germany
that they shall be quarantined for a min-
(Mis)-management imum period of 14 days.2 However, these
advisories remained unenforceable in the
The Perils of Law and Governance in India absence of any guideline by the MoHFW
and strict adherence to contact tracing,
incapacity of district officials, inadequate
Gaurika Chugh testing, and follow-up measures to miti-
gate the unintended consequences. What

T
The COVID-19 pandemic has he world is hostage to an un- could have been averted as an outbreak,
turned out to be the biggest precedented crisis in terms of the which was initially limited to urban agglo-
COVID-19 pandemic. This outbreak, merations with enhancing capacities of
humanitarian disaster of
which started off from a small city in the district health officials and stern adher-
the century. This crisis has eastern part of Wuhan, China with a ence to guidelines, contact tracing, test-
been effectuated due to the population of over 11 million, has now ing, and building community resilience,
authoritativeness of the state that spread to 216 countries and territories was instead precluded with a series of dra-
around the world affecting more than conian lockdowns that ultimately turned
has used its powers under the
six million population worldwide1 (WHO the crisis into one of the biggest humani-
Disaster Management Act, 2005 2020). The ramifications of this micro- tarian disaster.
and the hitherto Epidemic Disease organism led the World Health Organi-
zation (WHO) to declare it as a “Public Law and Governance Jeopardy
Act, 1897 without paying heed to
Health Emergency of International Con- A strong legal framework with strict
the decentralisation of powers,
cern” on 30 January 2020 that was soon accountability and coordination between
devolution of duties, and building followed up by declaring it a pandem- different agencies acts as a catalyst to
community resilience. ic—due to the escalation of the number prevent a crisis or a hazard from turning
of cases globally—on 11 March 2020. into a disaster. According to Singh (2017),
India witnessed its first COVID-19 posi- “law is the greatest tool to provide safe-
tive case on 30 January 2020, which un- guards against disasters not only at the
wittingly coincided with the WHO declara- level of preparedness and resilience
tion of the outbreak as a public health building of citizens, but also in rescue,
emergency. This virus, which spread from relief and international humanitarian
the droplets released through breathing, assistance.” The need for a robust legal
coughing, talking, and sneezing (WHO framework and community resilience to
2020), was non-native to India and final- save lives and prevent disaster losses has
ly spread in the country through the air been laid down in the global framework
traffic movement of international pas- of Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) that
sengers. As per the estimates of the Air- emerged with the Hyogo framework3
ports Authority of India (AAI), the passen- (2005–15) and was further vitalised
ger air traffic movement in the initial with the Sendai Framework4 (2015–30).
months of the year from January–March India has been exposed to a large
2020, which also remained the peak number of epidemic outbreaks in the
months for the global outbreak of this past, for instance, severe acute respira-
virus, was 6.49 million, 5.41 million, and tory syndrome (2002), H1N1 swine flu
2.57 million, respectively. The metro cities (2009), Middle East respiratory syn-
remained the busiest airports of the coun- drome (2012), Ebola (2013), and Zika virus
try in terms of passenger traffic with New (2015). However, in spite of the growing
Delhi and Mumbai occupying the top posi- Table 1: International Passenger Air Traffic from
tions followed by Kochi, Bengaluru, and January 2020–April 2020
S City International Passengers
Hyderabad between January 2020 and No January February March April
March 2020 (Table 1). The global spread (1) Delhi 17,49,594 15,22,616 7,69,347 19,514
of the virus and the announcement of the (2) Mumbai 12,42,827 10,36,205 4,71,278 7,956
WHO to declare it a pandemic led the (3) Bengaluru 4,39,301 3,25,735 1,24,866 2,981
Gaurika Chugh ([email protected]) Ministry of Health and Family Affairs (4) Kochi 4,51,801 3,56,713 1,57,257 675
teaches political science at St Xavier’s (5) Hyderabad 3,72,329 2,99,000 1,40,442 210
(MoHFW) to issue a travel advisory for in-
College, Jaipur. Source: Airports Authority of India, Traffic News, https://
ternational travellers coming from or www.aai.aero/en/business-opportunities/aai-traffic-news.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 19

COMMENTARY

vulnerability of the country to a rapid the MoHFW which should have been at age, and comorbidities. However, the
proliferation of these epidemics, the ap- the forefront to tackle the fight against website of the MoHFW, which had been
proach of the state, to deal with these the pandemic. uploading the weekly surveillance data
epidemics, remained sterile; ad hoc ar- The health ministry did not even issue on the rise of epidemics till the last week
rangements were made to muster up the guidelines for contact tracing, testing, of February 2020, suddenly failed to up-
human capacities and resources which and safety measures for the medical load any information on the rise of epi-
were bulldozed as soon as the crisis was front-line workers. The response of the demic outbreaks in the country. If the mi-
managed. The absence of a robust legal ministry, to the pandemic, was illogical cro-level data based on risk profiling was
framework to deal with the epidemic/ as it adopted a top-down approach that collected through community monitor-
pandemic ultimately forced the state to came out in the form of a series of advi- ing, then why did the ministry fail to up-
resort to a pre-historic colonial legisla- sories, guidelines, as well as adden- load the data? This data was extremely
tion, the Epidemic Disease Act (EDA) of dums, and clarifications were sought important for contact tracing, risk profil-
1897, as it remained the only legislation to much after as there was a lack of coordi- ing of people based on comorbidities and
deal with the outbreak. The formulation of nation and convergence between the early identification of the infected and
this legislation can be traced back to the centre and the states. For instance, be- isolating them from others to prevent
outbreak of the bubonic plague that hit tween the first phase of the 21 days lock- community transmission.
Bombay in 1896. This act has been sub- down period,6 the home ministry issued
jected to a few amendments since inde- a total number of 22 orders whereas the Humanitarian Disaster
pendence without a vigorous framework health ministry came out with travel The approach adopted by the state to
of preparing or managing the spread of advisories during the lockdown period. tackle the spread of the COVID-19 led to a
an epidemic. The manner in which the MHA respond- tremendous migrant exodus as they were
Moreover, the Disaster Management ed to the pandemic was, as if the country left stranded away from their native vil-
Act (DMA) of 2005, which was enacted in was grappling with a law-and-order situ- lages or homes. The response of the state
the aftermath of the Asian Tsunami 2004, ation; this is explicated in the advisory7 was ill-calibrated, spontaneous, and
also failed to provide a strong DRR frame- to the states which said that strict penal bereft of any coordination between the
work to be prepared, mitigate, and build measures would be taken against those centre and the states. This centralised
back better, in the case of an epidemic. who would violate the lockdown meas- approach to handle the outbreak thus
Even the National Disaster Management ures under Sections 51 to 60 of the DMA, resulted in a spurt of orders from the
Plan (NDMP), 2019 only classifies epi- 2005 and legal action would be under- MHA, which ultimately turned the crisis
demic as a biological disaster and spells taken under Section 188 of the Indian into one of the biggest humanitarian dis-
out its definition as “caused due to expo- Penal Code (IPC). Instead of the health asters witnessed by the country. The mi-
sure to pathogenic microorganisms, toxics, officials, the police officials were mus- grant exodus was mainly due to two rea-
and bioactive substance which causes sub- tered at the forefront for the manage- sons: first, the immediate announce-
stantial loss and damage to life, property, ment of COVID-19. ment of the lockdown had left the mi-
environment, services and livelihood” The Integrated Disease Surveillance grants who were primarily daily wage
(p 46). The NDMP (2019) failed to address Project (IDSP), a flagship programme of earners without any source of livelihood,
what mechanisms or measures should be the MoHFW that was launched in 2004 to and second, the fear psychosis that was
incorporated, or to be dealt with, to com- tackle the outbreak of epidemics at an created by the state machinery had left
bat the spread of an epidemic or pandemic. early stage, ensures community monito- them with no option but to return home.
The NDMA, which should have been at the ring through weekly surveillance data, Due to the loss of immediate livelihood,
forefront of bridging the gap between the and strengthen state-/district-level capa- they were exposed to hunger, starvation,
centre and the states by percolating down city. It remained out of bounds during and dehydration by walking thousands
its guidelines to the State Disaster Man- the COVID-19 outbreak. Immediately af- of miles and yet the plight of the mi-
agement Authority (SDMA) and further ter the lockdown, a writ petition8 was sub- grants was ignored by the central gov-
down to the District Disaster Manage- mitted to the apex court seeking the ernment; instead another diktat9 was is-
ment Authority (DDMA), also failed in its direction of the union of India on the sued by the ministry immediately after
pre-emptive role to manage the crisis. plight of migrants. The union retorted the lockdown, which explicitly said that
The central government responded to with the status report mentioning that the mass exodus of migrants was seen as
the pandemic, with its authoritativeness early initiatives were being taken to in- a violation of the lockdown measures to
which finally plummeted, by imposing a hibit the spread of the COVID-19. Its reply maintain social distance and directed
slay of lockdowns under the garb of the stated that the IDSP was in unison with the respective state governments and
DMA, 2005.5 The Ministry of Home Affairs the centre and the states to ensure com- union territories to take appropriate steps
(MHA) abruptly plunged into coercive munity monitoring of the passengers for arranging temporary shelters, provi-
action and started issuing guidelines, coming from abroad and micro-level risk sion of food, etc. The migrants were in
notifications, orders, and addendums to profiling of passengers has been carried fact charged under Section 188 of the IPC
tackle the outbreak and pushed aside out based on contact and travel history, for violating social-distancing norms.
20 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 COMMENTARY

The inefficacy and indifference of the Figure 1: Unemployment Rate, 2016–20

executive to the predicament faced by 25
the migrants who are considered as the
backbone of our informal economy led 20
to the pouring of the public interest liti-
15
gations (PILs) and petitions in the court
of law. The initial response of the apex 10
court to a petition10 drawing attention to
the plight of the migrants was disposed- 5
off as fake news and which led to the
0
creation of unnecessary panic and, in 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016
turn, said that the measures taken by January 7.22 6.86 5.01 5.93 8.72
the appropriate state governments on the February 7.76 7.2 5.87 5.01 8.46
March 8.75 6.65 6 4.67 8.73
direction of the central government to
April 23.52 7.03 5.57 3.87 8.9
set up temporary shelters have effectu-
May 23.48 7.87 5.14 8.9 9.65
ated in controlling this mass exodus. The
apathy with which the apex court dealt January February March April May Linear (April)
Source: Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy, https://unemploymentinindia.cmie.com/.
with this situation, by terming it merely
as fake news, is perturbing and goes left unattended due to lockdown. As when migrants constitute about 28.3%
against the constitutional principles of per the report by the Stranded Workers of the total workforce in the country
guaranteeing “right to life” as enshrined Action Network (SWAN 2020), (National Sample Survey Office 2010).
in Article 21 of the fundamental rights as even when Shramik trains (special trains)
The irony was that instead of the state
guaranteed by the Constitution. that were run by the Ministry of Railways responding to the difficulties faced by
The immediate concern for the mi- on the orders of the home ministry,12 were the migrants, it proactively responded
grants due to the imposition of this dra- inflicted with astounding incidents of mis- by imposing travel restrictions there by
conian lockdown was the loss of liveli- handling on the pretext as to who would pay closing down the interstate and intrastate
the travel costs.
hood, and due to a dearth of immediate district borders which moreover com-
cash, they were left with no alternative In this issue, the Karnataka High Court pounded the distress faced by them.
but to walk hundreds of miles to reach applauded the significant efforts and As per the census data (2001–11), the
their homes. However, the Supreme Court contribution of the migrant workers in growth rate of the migrants moving across
remained absolutely callous to their im- building up the economy, and in this sit- states for economic reasons witnessed a
mediate call of protecting their livelihood uation of distress when the migrant quantum jump as it soared from 2.4%
and, in turn, remarked that “if migrants workers are left stranded, it is the duty per annum in 2001 to 4.5% per annum
are provided with food, why do they of both the centre and the states to come in 2011, which was mainly due to a surge
need money for meals.” The Court re- together in helping them get back to in the gross domestic product growth
mained even unsympathetic to the killing their native places. The court instructed (Economic Survey 2016–17). The small
of migrants while walking home and Jus- the Karnataka government to take ap- traders and wage labourers, comprising
tice L Nageswara Rao showed indiffer- propriate steps and said that, one-third of the total employed popula-
ence and helplessness to these incidents considering the constitutional rights of the
tion, were the worst hit due to the imp-
by saying that “how can we stop it?” migrant workers, no one should be deprived osition of lockdown, and as per the esti-
While the apex court remained insou- of an opportunity to go back to his own mates of the Centre for Monitoring Indian
ciant to the concern of the migrants, the state only on the pretext of not having the Economy (CMIE), in April, about 71% of
resources to pay … the inability to pay is due
high courts responded to the situation them had lost their livelihood. The lock-
to loss of livelihood.13
with compassion and sensitivity. In a writ down had an overwhelming effect on
petition filed under Article 226 of the The apathy towards the migrants the loss of jobs and this is estimated from
Constitution,11 the Madras High Court witnessed during the lockdown period the unemployment rate that fell to its
reflected on the plight of the migrants raises questions on the part of the central lowest in the past five years at 23.5% dur-
“nothing but a human tragedy” with government as to why it acted so indi- ing April–May 2020 (Figure 1). The total
special reference to the incident where fferently toward their own people who number of employed persons in May 2019
16 migrants were run over by a train in have played a magnanimous role in was 404 million which fell drastically to
Aurangabad. The court also acknowledged shaping 21st-century India through their 303 million, implying that approximate-
that India is a welfare state and it is the toil and hard work. The question remains ly 100 million people lost their jobs due
duty of the centre and states to act in whether this reverse migration was not to the lockdown. Though the easing of
unison and uphold Article 21 of the Con- anticipated by the decision-makers and the lockdown measures in May has led
stitution in protecting the lives and live- explicitly ensues a lack of preparedness to an increase in the labour participation
lihoods of the migrants who have been before imposing the nationwide lockdown rate (LPR) from 35.6% in April 2020 to
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 21
COMMENTARY

38.2% in May 2020, translating into an the disaster losses. The communities which 10 Writ petition (Civil) No 469 of 2020 was filed
on 31 March 2020, Alakh Alok Srivastava v Un-
increase of 21 million jobs from 282 million should have been at the forefront of risk ion of India.
in April to 303 million in May; this has identification and thus building their 11 Mr M L Ravi v Mr R Prathap Kumar, Additional
Public Prosecutor, H C P No 738 of 2020, dated
mainly benefited the wage labourers and resilience, were set aside by the muscle 15 May 2020. The order of the court was made
small traders who were the most affected power of the state. Therefore, to manage by Justice N Kirubakaran.
due to the lockdown (Vyas 2020). Though, a crisis, it is necessary to have a robust 12 This order was issued by the Ministry of
Home Affairs, Order No 40–3/2020–DM–I (A),
the share of the unemployed in the sala- legal framework that is built on prepar- 1 May 2020.
ried class fell drastically from 86 million edness, building community resilience, 13 Writ petition, 6435/2020, 12 May 2020.
14 This growth rate was recorded on 12 June 2020.
in 2019 to 68.3 million in May 2020. better response mechanisms, and streng-
thening through decentralisation of pow- References
Conclusions ers and cooperation between the centre Economic Survey 2016–17 (2017): “India on the
With the growth rate of positive cases and the states. Move and Churning: New Evidence,” Ministry
of Finance, Department of Economic Affairs,
now ascending at 5.14%,14 it clearly indi- Economic Division, Government of India.
cates that the authoritativeness of the Notes Ministry of Law and Justice (2005): “The Disaster
state by imposing strict restrictions on 1 This data figured on 31 May 2020, https://www. Management Act, 2005,” No 53 of 2005.
who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-corona- National Sample Survey Office (2010): “Migration in
its citizens has not translated into nar- virus-2019?gclid=CjwKCAjwlZf3BRABEiwA8 India, 2007–08,” Ministry of Statistics and Pro-
rowing down the COVID-19 casualties Q0qq5dTFmWYGJqnxTEbDgaVUHbWtMe7s6o- gramme Implementation, Government of India.
QB_G09ZtxIsORc2RWCX2ShoCzGIQAvD_BwE. NDMP (2019): National Disaster Management Au-
graph. Instead, it has construed in a dou- thority, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government
2 https://www.mohfw.gov.in/pdf/Consolidat-
ble whammy, that is, accelerating the edTraveladvisoryUpdated11032020.pdf.
of India, National Disaster Management Plan.
Singh, Amita (2017): Disaster Law: Emerging
loss of livelihood and hardships for the 3 The Hyogo Framework for Action 2005–15: Thresholds, New Delhi: Routledge.
most vulnerable sections of the society Building the Resilience of Nations and Commu-
SWAN (2020): “To Leave or Not to Leave Lock-
nities to Disasters was adopted at the World down, Migrant Workers and their Journeys
and the spread of disease. The Indian Conference on Disaster Reduction (2005) that Home,” Stranded Workers Action Network.
Public Health Association (IPHA), the was held from 18 to 22 January 2005 in Kobe, The Epidemic Disease Act (1897): Act No 3 of 1897.
Hyogo, Japan.
Indian Association of Preventive and 4 The Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Re-
Third UN World Conference (2015): “Sendai Fra-
mework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–30,”
Social Medicine (IAPSM), and the Indian duction 2015–30 was adopted at the Third UN 18 March, Sendai, Japan.
Association of Epidemiologists have World Conference (2005) which was held in Times of India (2020): “Coronavirus: Community
Sendai, Japan, on 18 March 2015. Transmission of COVID-19 Certainly on, Say
pointed out that the “draconian lock- 5 Section 6(2)(i) of the Disaster Management Experts,” viewed on 1 June 2020, https://
down” has not helped in warding off the Act, 2005. timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/experts-
6 The first phase of lockdown started from 25 community-transmission-of-covid-19-certain-
COVID-19 casualties graph and has in- lyon/articleshow/76126777.cms.
March 2020 and ended on 14 April 2020.
stead led to a humanitarian crisis; this 7 This advisory was issued by the Ministry of Vyas, Mahesh (2020): “21 Million Jobs Added in
has been witnessed mainly on account Home Affairs on 2 April 2020. Dated Order May,” Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy,
1 June, https://www.cmie.com/kommon/bin/
of relying overwhelmingly on the ad- No 40–3/2020–DM–I (A).
sr.php?kall=warticle&dt=2020-0602%20
8 This writ petition was filed on 31 March 2020, 11:43:41&msec=800.
ministrative bureaucrats and not engag- No 468/2020 in Supreme Court, Alakh Alok World Conference on Disaster Reduction (2005):
ing with epidemiologists, social scien- Srivastava v Union of India. “Hyogo Framework for Action 2005–15: Building
tists, or public health and preventive 9 Order No 40–3/2020–DM–1 (A) was issued by the Resilience of Nations and Communities to
the Ministry of Home Affairs on 29 March Disasters,” 18–22 January, Kobe, Hyogo, Japan.
medicine experts (Times of India 2020). 2020, https://www.mha.gov.in/sites/default/ WHO (2020): “Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19),”
The state merely treated the public files/PR_MHAOrderrestrictingmove- World Health Organization, https://www.who.
ment_29032020.pdf. int/health-topics/coronavirus#tab=tab_1.
health emergency as a law-and-order co-
nundrum and this was seen through the
striking of stringent diktats by the home EPW E-books
ministry and relying heavily on the use
of muscle power by imposing the EDA, Select EPW books are now available as e-books in Kindle and iBook (Apple) formats.
1897 and Section 188 of IPC that came The titles are
down heavily on citizens on the pretext 1. Village Society (ED. SURINDER JODHKA)
of protecting them. (http://www.amazon.com/dp/B00CS62AAW ;
The crisis in the form of a pandemic https://itunes.apple.com/us/book/village-society/id640486715?mt=11)
turned into a humanitarian disaster
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mainly due to the lack of preparedness,
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https://itunes.apple.com/us/book/environment-technology-development/
and the absence of a strong legal frame-
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defiance of the global disaster risk red- (http://www.amazon.com/dp/B00CS622GY ;
uction framework that had laid stress on a https://itunes.apple.com/us/book/windows-of-opportunity/id640490173?mt=11)
robust legal framework, preparedness, Please visit the respective sites for prices of the e-books. More titles will be added gradually.
and community resilience to pre-empt
22 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
COMMENTARY

preserved and projectable on film? How

Managing India’s Pasts many will the public, researchers, and
film-makers have access to in their mate-
What Is at Stake in the Archives of rial or digital form? How will they be
the Films Division of India? organised in the archives? And what about
ancillary materials like paper records of
production, distribution, and circulation
of these films, without which these stories
Ritika Kaushik remain incomplete?
The embedded concern behind the

T
The lack of clarity and he Films Division of India (FD) question of preservation extends beyond
transparency in the impending along with the National Film proper storage, maintenance, and digiti-
Archive of India (NFAI) together sation. The fact is that the story of India
restructuring of organisations
hold the collections of films, documents, as imagined by Beveridge is filtered by
like the Films Division of and ephemera that constitute valuable the processes of archiving and preserva-
India and the National Film historical resources and offer invaluable tion as well as the notion of what makes
Archive of India, under the insight into the country’s varied pasts. an archival record worth preserving.
The recent order (Indian Express 2022) Archives are instruments of power, and the
umbrella of the National Film
that announced the merger of these stories they tell are directly inflected by it.
Development Corporation of institutions, along with the Children’s As John Brittas pointed out in his letter
India, disenfranchises the real Film Society and the Directorate of Film to the union minister, how can NFDC—a
stakeholders of India’s film Festivals under the umbrella of the body “registered under the Companies
National Film Development Corporation Act,” which is meant to generate profit—
heritage—the Indian public.
of India (NFDC), is alarming on many undertake the work of non-profit bodies
fronts and raises a pertinent question: Who like FD (Sabrang India 2021). The order
are the stakeholders of the country’s film has led to speculations that this instance
heritage and how should it be managed? is a “precursor for future privatisation
of our film archives and government
India’s Story properties” (Scroll 2021a). Thus, the im-
“India’s story is there on film,” claimed plication of the agendas of a profit-making
James Beveridge, film-maker and found- body like the NFDC on these archives
er of the National Film Board of Canada compels us to ask—Who gets to deter-
(NFB), referring to the vast film archive mine historical value?
of FD. If one could “screen the entire
output of Films Division since 1948,” ‘Synergy’ for What?
he said, “one would incidentally be a The main reason behind the merger is
witness to a historical account of the one of revenue—the institutions are op-
whole evolution of contemporary India erating at a loss; hence, they need an in-
since independence” (Mohan 1969: 5–6).1 tervention that makes, them “efficient”
Beveridge’s words are not an exaggeration. and leads to better “synergy.”2 But history
FD’s archive contains more than 8,000 tells us that efforts for better coordination
newsreels, animation films, and docu- and efficiency are bureaucracy-speak for
mentary films on art and culture, devel- streamlining control for the benefits of
opment and planning, citizenship and those in power. For example, we have
reform as well as children’s, defence, and seen its chilling effects during the Emer-
experimental films. While we might gency (1975–77) in the new forms of
wonder what story or stories of India we control exercised over film production
would encounter, the more urgent ques- and distribution. According to historian
tion is, will it be possible to see them on B D Garga (2007: 186), “fear stalked FD’s
Ritika Kaushik ([email protected]) film at all? corridors.” FD’s film-makers had to toe the
is a writer, researcher, educator, and The impending merger puts into ques- line as film-making was monitored closely
film-maker and is currently finishing her PhD tion the continued preservation of these by higher level authorities beyond the film
in Cinema and Media Studies at the University materials and our access to them. How institution” (Garga 2007: 186). The cen-
of Chicago.
many of these materials will remain tralisation of power and direct pressures
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 13
COMMENTARY

from the Ministry of Information and and resistance (Kaushik 2017). But it was development of film practice at FD as
Broadcasting dictated the way institutions in the context of this dysfunction that then subversive practices have always been
operated during the time and led to an Union Minister of Information and Broad- part of FD’s enterprise. Instead, initiatives
“overdrive in activism on part of the bu- casting Indira Gandhi made efforts at free- like the FD Zone exemplify how non-
reaucrats, and even personal interfer- ing FD from routine bureaucratic control, state stakeholders in FD’s archive like the
ence from minister-in-charge,” with the which led to the appointment of chief pro- independent film-making community
effect of them turning into “plenipotenti- ducer Jehangir Shapoorji Bhownagary could form collaborations that enliven
aries” (Bhowmik 2009: 205) (Kaushik 2017). Under Bhownagary, FD our film culture and promote a more
We continue to see these efforts of saw a flourish of experimental film-making thoughtful engagement with the past.
centralised control with the reframing during 1965–67. Film-makers like S Sukh-
of India’s cultural history and artefacts dev, Pramod Pati, S N S Sastry, and K S Chari Film History and Archives
as well as the systematic attack on its experimented formally with films, worked The management of this institution’s
educational institutions. One does not creatively with given mandates, and bore archives needs an understanding of film
need a fertile imagination to see that such voices dissonant to the Indian state. The history that considers the multiplicities
efforts serve the agendas of the current regimes of permissibility made it possible within these archives. An archive’s organi-
government and its insistence upon reco- for individual directors to experiment sational markers, classifications, statistics,
nfiguring and obscuring India’s histories with the film medium, thereby gaining arcs, and periodisation are all inflected
to suit itself and its Hindutva agenda. more credibility for government-spon- by the processes of archive-making, the
Thus, any action in the garb of greater sored films. FD has been part of a complex ideologies of those that govern its making,
efficacy and coordination without proper ecology of film-making in the country and the politics of preservation surround-
transparency are suspect, as they reek of as it also routinely commissioned films to ing them. It would be a mistake to think
top-down intervention and the reduction independent film-makers like Mani Kaul, of FD’s archives as a stable repository
of freedom for these institutions’ activities. Kumar Shahani, Adoor Gopalakrishnan, where the past is stored in a static form.
and G Aravindan, otherwise known for The meanings of archival objects change
Role of Films Division their formally and critically innovative with time and differing contexts, and
FD is a vital organisation that supports the feature films. FD’s dynamism is a result of the way these archives are presented af-
film-making community and public cul- these intertwining individual trajectories fects the way we perceive history. As the
ture in multiple ways, and the fact that alongside the work of what I call un- archivist P K Nair, the founder of NFAI,
these initiatives might get overtaken by bureaucratic-bureaucrats like Bhowna- once said, “the preservation of cinema
profit-making incentives is a threat to these gary or Kundu, who brought a new breath culture is a moral responsibility, a duty
historical functions of the organisation. of life into FD in 2012 and were open to we owe to our future generation” (Devraj
As a unit of the Ministry of Information initiatives by film-makers like the FD 2017: 35). What is at stake with the pres-
and Broadcasting, FD historically had the Zone (Ramnath 2015). ervation of archives like the FD and NFAI is
role to “weld” the people of India together FD Zone was a series of weekly screen- the task of not letting the past get mum-
as a nation (Mohan 1990: 22). This role ings initially organised by four inde- mified as a static artefact but to under-
has transformed over the years and as FD’s pendent documentary film-makers—Avijit stand the past as a dynamic entity that
previous director general V S Kundu said Mukul Kishore, Surabhi Sharma, Pankaj governs our present and future.
to the author in a personal interview, Rishi Kumar, and Madhavi Tangella, This is not to say that these institutions
As head of an institution and as a conduit be- who volunteered to excavate and curate are not already facing their own share of
tween the institution’s needs and those of films from the FD archive along with problems. Their work has been affected
individual Ministries and the government,
one could create a space for creativity to
contemporary documentaries for week- by a scarcity of resources, including
flourish—it was more a matter of allowing it ly screenings in FD’s rerecording theatre necessities like space for their archival
to happen.3 (“RR iii”) in Mumbai (Ghosh 2016). As
As FD has sought to deal with the medium no separate funds were allotted for this
of documentary and short film both in film club, FD Zone was insulated from IIM Jammu
terms of formal experimentation and any kind of interference from higher Project Vacancy
frameworks of government responsibility, authorities. The institution even provid- Announcement
the historical, political, and institutional ed space to screen and discuss fi lms IIM Jammu invites application for the
contexts of its films and individual that had previously faced censorship contractual position of Program Manager
members of its personnel are equally or other problems with the state. The for the Mahatma Gandhi National Fellowship
relevant to its contemporary role in pre- screenings were highly popular and bro- (MGNF) under the Ministry of Skill
Development and Entrepreneurship, GoI.
serving its history. ught state-sponsored documentaries and
The FD has a paradoxical legacy of being short films into dialogue with independ- For applying online, details, application
form, please logon to www.iimj.ac.in.
a culturally useful organisation that has ent film-making.
Last date for submission of online application
been riddled with a dysfunctional infrastru- However, as the above discussion shows, is 30 April 2022.
cture as well as space for experimentation FD Zone was not an aberration in the
14 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 COMMENTARY

holdings. A few years ago, thousands of of India’s educational, cultural, and his- Devraj, Rajesh (ed) (2017): Yesterday’s Films for
Tomorrow, Mumbai: The Film Heritage Foun-
film prints (Rashid 2017) were lying torical institutions. dation, p 35.
around the hallways at FD as the NFAI Garga, B D (2007): From Raj to Swaraj: The Non Fic-
did not have room in their film vaults A Lot at Stake tion Film in India, New Delhi: Penguin.
Ghosh, Sankhayan (2016): “The Importance of FD
to store them. While many of FD’s fi lms The drive for increased capital gains and Zone,” Mint, 25 November, https://www.livem-
have been digitised and made accessible top-down management are antithetical int.com/Leisure/KJwqRkelWZifaAAdrIdcHJ/
through DVDs and YouTube, the preser- to the mission of organisations like the The-importance-of-FD-Zone.html.
Indian Express (2022): “Govt Announces Merger of
vation of film prints remains an urgent FD and NFAI. Smaller organisations like All Film Bodies Under National Film Development
task. The painstaking efforts and resourc- these with more focused missions and Corporation,” 31 March, https://indianexpress.
com/article/india/govt-announces-merger-of-
es required to maintain their holdings structural impediments to managerial film-bodies-under-nfdc-7844945/.
make this task impossible if the mandate hubris act as countervailing forces to Kaushik, R (2017): “‘Sun in the Belly’: Film Practice
is to make profit. This makes us wonder keep the dynamism and critical value of at Films Division of India 1965–1975,” Bio-
Scope: South Asian Screen Studies, Vol 8, No 1,
how this intent of monetising the institu- art and culture alive. At the very least, pp 103–23.
tion will affect the decisions of what gets there should be a separate body, which Mohan, Jag (1969): Two Decades of the Films Divi-
sion, New Delhi: Publications Division, Minis-
restored or digitised and how they are includes archivists, historians, film-mak- try of Information and Broadcasting, Govern-
made accessible. Moreover, FD’s function- ers, and researchers, to undertake the ment of India.
ality has been highly sensitive to the preservation of film heritage with a re- — (1990): Documentary Films and Indian awaken-
ing, New Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry of
changes in top management and agendas sponsibility to the public and without Information and Broadcasting.
of the governing bodies and the merger’s the pressures of monetisation, and which Palkhiwala, Disha (2021): “Film Fraternity Urges
proposed managerial interests of efficien- considers the ethical questions surround- Centre Not to Merge Film Bodies with National
Film Development Corporation,” Hindustan Times,
cy, profit-making, and coordination with ing these materials while functioning with 27 December, https://www.hindustantimes.com/
other institutions’ mandates dilute the full transparency. cities/pune-news/film-fraternity-urges-centre-
not-to-merge-film-bodies-with-national-film-
fundamental tasks set for the institution. Archives are not total records; they development-corporation-101640626371442.html.
are filtered through the lens of those who Ramnath, Nandini (2015): “Meet the Films Division
Lack of Transparency Head Bureaucrat Whom Documentary Makers
bear the power to manage the country’s Actually Love,” Scroll, 18 April, https://scroll.in/
No single governing body or agency like pasts. As the fate of these archives are article/721445/meet-the-films-division-head-bu-
the NFDC should get to decide how these unknown in the eventuality of this merg- reaucrat-whom-documentary-makers-actually-
love.
archives are preserved, who gets access er, we are faced with a great moment of Rashid, Atikh (2017): “Films Division Runs Out of
to them, and how they are used to frame erasure, one where authorities in power Space, Decades of Films Stored in Corridors,”
Indian Express, 24 September, https://indianex-
our cultural heritage without proper con- seek to seize control over who gets to tell press.com/article/india/films-division-runs-out-
sultation with all stakeholders. By trans- India’s history on film and in what way. of-space-decades-of-films-stored-in-corridors-
ferring full control of these institutions By focusing on financial loss, the merger 6022743/.
Sabrang India (2021): “Films Division, NFAI ‘Re-
to the NFDC, the government effectively of these institutions obfuscates the kind positories of a National Treasure,’ Closure is
puts preservation of India’s film heritage of loss we should be worried about—the ‘Means to Erase’: John Brittas,” NewsClick,
16 December, https://www.newsclick.in/films-
in the hands of an organisation that does loss of the public as a stakeholder in its division-NFAI-repositories-national-treasure-
not share the mandate of preservation at cultural history. It is a move that robs us closure-means-erase-john-brittas.
all. The fact that the Ministry of Infor- and our future generations of the access Scroll (2021): “Centre Orders Shutting Down of
Branches of Films Division, Two Other Cinema
mation and Broadcasting has not re- to India’s story in all its dynamic and Units by January-end,” 14 December, https://
vealed details about the ways in which complicated pasts and thus impairs our scroll.in/latest/1012808/centre-orders-shut-
ting-down-of-branches-of-films-division-two-
the merger affects the archives and how ability to understand our present. other-cinema-units-by-january-end.
the work of preservation will get carried Scroll (2021a): “Don’t Merge Film Entities, 900 Ac-
notes tors, Filmmakers Urge Centre,” 22 December,
out is testimony to the government’s in-
1 James Beveridge was a Canadian film-maker https://scroll.in/latest/1013382/shut-down-of-
difference to the mammoth nature of who helped John Grierson found the National films-divisions-nearly-900-actors-filmmakers-
this task. There has been no response Film Board of Canada (NFB). He exerted im- ask-centre-to-halt-merger-of-media-units.
mense influence on the Indian documentary
yet to a recent letter (Palkhiwala 2021) movement as FD was closely modelled on
to the ministry, written by Prateek Vats the NFB.
2 A statement from the Ministry of Information
and Shilpi Gulati and signed by over and Broadcasting (Scroll 2021) says, “The
1,500 signatories, that demands safe- merger of film media units under one corpora-
guarding of these archives against pri- tion will lead to convergence of activities and available at
resources and better coordination, thereby en-
vate interests and transparency in how suring synergy and efficiency in achieving the K K Puri News Distributors
mandate of each media unit.”
these archives will be handled in the 3 Interview with V S Kundu conducted by the
9, Dacres Lane,
merger. It is hard not to see the merger of author on 10 February 2014. Ground Floor,
these institutions with vastly different Suit No 2
References
mandates from the NFDC, a corporate or- Kolkata 700 069
Bhowmik, Someswar (2009): Cinema and Censor-
ganisation that is mandated to run for ship: The Politics of Control in India, New Delhi: West Bengal
profit, as part of the ongoing dismantling Orient Blackswan.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 15

Unravelling the ‘Black Town’ us beyond the orientalist binary of the
West and East, the coloniser and colo-
Hygiene and Hindu Nationalism in nised, this book tells the story of the
complex psyche of the colonised. We get
Late Colonial Calcutta to know how the Hindu Bengali bhad-
raloks formed samajes or associations (a
medieval Hindu practice to maintain their
purity from the encroachment of Muslim
Paulami Guha Biswas rule) to solidify group identities, and in-
fluenced the city administration to con-

I
t is a book on colonial Calcutta. And book reviewS form to the Hindu values (Gupta 2009).
“colonial Calcutta” is a subject on The author traced the origin of the para
which scholarship is unending. One A Hygienic City-Nation: Space, Community, and to the precolonial samaj. Thus, they con-
lands at the thickly stuffed shelves of the Everyday Life in Colonial Calcutta by Nabaparna tinued the legacy of dissociating from
Ghosh, New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 2020;
National Library or the hordes of annals pp xvi + 224, `795.
the Muslims and lower castes. By the
preserved at the Town Hall of Calcutta. end of the book, we can see how Black
The history of colonial Calcutta has towns were created within the “Black
been researched and written by many around caste or religious identities within town.” Bustees or slums, inhabited by mi-
authors from different perspectives, both the paras. The para was not an adminis- grant labourers from rural areas, dotted
in Bengali and English, and also in other trative category. the purified sanitised spaces of the urban
languages. The stories of old Calcutta A cluster of houses along a street where bhadralok and were stigmatised as unpu-
circulate as urban folklore among the res- neighbours lived like an extended family, a rified places, prone to invite diseases, the
idents of the city.1 Memories, histories, club, a sports field, a temple, and a water- same way the British demarcated the in-
reservoir comprised the space of a para. (p 2)
chronicles, legends, myths mingle together digenous localities as “black towns.”
and crowd the pages of the numerous The political activists like the Swarajists The urban history of Calcutta thus took
accounts produced on the eastern Indian made use of this internal urban partition to a full round. The empowered subalterns
city that grew and developed parallelly forge a regional Bengali identity in the high followed the legacy of the colonisers.
with the progress of the British empire. noon of nationalist politics. As a result,
It takes stamina to rummage through popular Bengali nationalism in Calcutta British Hygiene and
this vast plethora of documents, narrow emerged as Hindu nationalism, grounded Bhadralok Purity
down to a specific research subject, and on cultural activities and muscular tour- Chapter 1 is on the politics of cleanliness
reach a precise conclusion. The author naments representing the Hindu faith. and hygiene. It is about how different
of this book has shown that resilience. Calcutta symbolised a city-nation. The values on cleanliness and dirt clashed and
The book looks back into the politics Muslims and non-Bengali population of compromised within the boundaries of a
of localities (paras) in the city of Calcutta. the city were excluded from the scope of it. colonial city. While the city administration
In four neatly arranged chapters, the The majority of scholarships on colo- was imposing Western standards of sani-
author has unfolded the history of the nial Calcutta to this date have critically tary regulations to make the “Black town”
Hindu Bengali middle-class bhadralok examined the division of the White and more legible, the indigenous residents
population of the city who intervened into Black towns, the former connoting the resisted by citing ancient Sanskrit scrip-
the urban construction projects by inter- areas inhabited by the Europeans, the tures. The British were willing to intro-
jecting values of Hindu faith and linking latter the “native” areas or places popu- duce a uniform sewerage system and privy
it to a regional Bengali nationalism. The lated by the locals, although a neat rule that would provide the facilities of
central focus of the book is the urban boundary between these two segments of running water and drainage of dirt. But the
sanitary structure. The Hindu bhadralok the city was never visible fully. There were Hindu upper-caste bhadralok objected to
influenced the city administration and obvious faulters and spaces that dis- the fact that the water that came through
manipulated the sanitary projects on the played hybridity (Chattopadhyay 2005). the lower-caste and Muslim households
line of Hindu practices. Since the middle But there is very little research on the would contaminate their caste purity. They
of the 19th century, the paras of Calcutta complex structure of the areas known as refused to connect their houses to the com-
thus got sharply divided on communal the “Black town.” The diversity of popu- mon sewage pipes. In the pages of Bengali
and caste lines. Hindus and Muslims, lation, the politics of everyday life and periodicals like Svasthya and Svasthya
people belonging to different castes, the rivalries between different communi- Samacar, they declared themselves as
were ghettoed within specific localities. ties have been chronicled by authors, but nagorik (citizen) and actively intervened
Everyday life, religious festivals, cultural have not been theorised by historians. in the sanitary construction of the city.
activities, even secular events revolved The current book fills up this gap. Taking By citing chapters from the ancient smriti
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 27
BOOK REVIEW

and dharma shastras, they demanded new planned spaces within the city where wrestling, bodybuilding and associated
sanitary rules from the administration mainly the Hindu bhadraloks settled. them directly to muscular Hindu nation-
that would uphold their caste purity. These new developments required many alism. The paras emerged as spiritual
poor Muslim and lower-caste population units of a “city-nation,” working at ground
The nagoriks further explained that the
scriptures mandated that all Hindu houses to be evicted from their old residences. level for the division of the nation on
should have a courtyard. They argued that, religious lines.
more than providing ventilation, the court- Paras and a Party
yards held symbolic value. They traced back Chapter 3 details the activism of the Threats to the Bhadralok
the history of the courtyards to sanitary laws
Swarajist Party and traces how local Chapter 4 is a story of replication. The
that existed at the time of the Hindu king
Vikramaditya (380–415 CE). (p 58) politics intervened into the formation of Bengali bhadralok now created margins
the para identity. Senior Congress leaders within the black town, an act for which
As responsible nagoriks of a modern like Motilal Nehru and Chittaranjan Das they once criticised the British. In this
city, they claimed that they deserved seceded from Gandhian ideologies and chapter, we encounter the Swarajists as
this service from the municipal authori- established the Swaraj Party in 1923. In part of the city administration. How did
ties in exchange of tax payment. The Bengal, they sought to construct a distinct they deploy political power? They, as
cartoons of Hindu mythological figures Bengali regional identity. The Swarajists representatives of the Hindu bhadralok,
that appeared in the Bengali magazines departed from the Gandhian ideal of demarcated the bustees or slums as un-
appealed to the nationalist imaginations boycott and worked for increasing the hygienic, as spaces of disease, dirt and
of the Hindu public and helped the representation of Indians at the legisla- infection. The poor sanitary facilities in
formation of a city-nation. tive level. This chapter discusses the role those localities prevented the bhadralok
of the members of the Swaraj Party as from mingling with the bustee dwellers.
Resistance and Religion activists and mobilisers. Representing the Migrant labourers from rural areas, who
Chapter 2 elaborates the foundation and bhadraloks, they encouraged the forma- could not afford better housing ameni-
activities of the Calcutta Improvement tion of para identity on the basis of Hindu ties, fell trapped into the Hindu politics
Trust that triggered a massive land acqui- caste rules. Bhattacharyas were accom- of the Swarajists. The bustees were popu-
sition project for the sake of town plan- modated at Bhat-para, while the potters lated by various ethnic, linguistic and cul-
ning. We encounter the trust in a very or kumars stayed at Kumarpara. tural groups. This diversity posed a threat
different way in another recently pub- fishermen (jeley) lived in Jeley-para and to the homologous nationalist imagina-
lished account of the city. (Bhattacharyya the milk sellers (goyals) lived in the Goyal- tion of the Hindu Bengalis. Organisations
2018). The trust followed diverse tricks para. Other worker paras, the Muchi-para like the Harijan Sevak Sangh launched
(shoemaker neighbourhood), the Dhali-para
to acquire and appropriate lands from suddhi (purification) campaigns among
(guard neighbourhood), the Das-para (dome-
the indigenous population. While it en- stic help neighbourhood), the Kumor-para the bustee dwellers. The purpose of these
croached upon the zones under the tag (sculptor neighbourhood), and the Duley- programmes was to teach the bustee
of “waste lands” in the moist landscape para (palanquin-bearer neighbourhood) population to cater to the values of the
of east Calcutta, it faced a tough resist- formed tightly held skeins surrounding the Hindu Bengali bhadralok. Cow slaughter
Bhat-para. (p 112)
ance in the thickly populated parts of was banned, though the campaigners
the so-called “black town.” The current In the garb of philanthropy, the Hindu faced occasional resistance from the
book has unearthed a range of stories of bhadraloks imposed their religious bustee dwellers. By the end of the chap-
resistance by delving into the colonial values on the local inhabitants. Through ter, we can see how the urban politics of
archive. The Hindu and Muslim residents regular performances of dana (donation), Calcutta became more complicated with
of the city transferred their property to annacoot (mass distribution of rice), and the entry and increasing popularity of
the debutter (land offered to god) and by organising health associations and the Communist Party. The latter surfaced
waqf trusts respectively. When land was medical camps, they campaigned for as a rival of the Swarajists and stressed
donated in the name of god or for chari- their political ideology. The para clubs on class politics, making a sharp shift
table purposes, there was protection now took over the Durga puja festival, from religio-ethnic issues. The commu-
from law. The state could not acquire it. made it exclusive for Hindus, stopped nists upheld the values of the Red Army of
The author has viewed these transfers as performances by Muslim women (they Soviet Russia and sought to mobilise the
acts of resistance to the land acquisition called it obscene) and discontinued the urban poor by promising them better
programmes. The Marwari community, tradition of inviting the British. facilities in exchange for an anti-fascist
the Hindu pundits, even the professors The Swarajists openly endorsed sattwik commitment. The attempts of the
of the Sanskrit College took part in the nationalism, seeing in Hindu religion a com- Swarajists to Hinduise the city spaces
debate to decide whether a piece of land mon purpose that could bring together Indians. turned out to be inadequate in the
The nation, they imagined, was thus wholly
could be demarcated as debutter or not. stormy decade of the 1940s when war
Hindu. (p 124)
The resistance drive received full sup- and famine ravaged almost all parts of
port from the Bengali nationalists. On The Balak Sangha and Tarun Sangha Bengal. In spite of political differences,
the other hand, the trust offered modern (boys’ and youth clubs) encouraged the Swarajists, Hindu Mahasabha, and
28 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 BOOK REVIEW

Muslim League activists joined hands directly quoted from the scriptures and that in her subsequent research work,
with the communists in relief work at which ones were invented as vyavasthas the author would tell them the stories
many places. (instant laws) by the Brahmins in the of the making of the Muslim majority
19th century to cope up with the demands localities of Calcutta like Rajabajar,
Questions That Remain of modernity. The author has done a Metiaburuj, Kolutola, Park Circus, Khidir-
The book has wonderfully linked city- combined discussion of sanitary and pur and so on.
planning with local politics and chroni- architectural regulations of Calcutta. A
cled a microhistory of the nation in mak- more detailed discussion on the politics
Paulami Guha Biswas ([email protected])
ing. Placing the narrative in the back- behind urban architecture could have is a visiting faculty of history at the School of
ground of the wider nationalist politics worked better. A little more elaboration Liberal Studies, Ambedkar University Delhi.
of India, the author has pointed out the on the activities of the communists could
limits of this politics and explained the clarify some of the points: How did the
prehistory of the great communal parti- communists respond to the Hinduisation note
tion. By introducing new terms like of the paras? How did they seek to 1 The Bengali books by Sreepantha are promi-
nent samples of this genre.
“civicization” (which means to transform mobilise the urban population ghettoised
the kinship-like ties between neighbours on caste and religious lines? The author
into community bonds of a nation), she is thorough in her narration of the REFERNCES
has opened up new scopes for looking at Swarajists as activists. Though she has Bhattacharyya, Debjani (2018): Empire and Ecology
nationalist and urban histories. There are, cited their role as administrators, a more in the Bengal Delta: The Making of Calcutta,
Cambridge University Press.
however, a few questions that remain. In nuanced and detailed account of the Chattopadhyay, Swati (2005): Representing Calcut-
Chapter 1, where the author quotes from politics within the Calcutta Corporation ta: Modernity, Nationalism and the Colonial
the periodicals citing ancient sanitary could help the reader to grasp their role Uncanny, London and New York: Routledge.
Gupta, Swarupa (2009): Notions of Nationhood in
rules, it would be better if she could as policymakers. And it is an obvious Bengal: Perspectives on Samaj, c 1867–1905,
explain which one of these rules were expectation on the part of the reader Leiden, Boston: Brill.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 29

 BOOK REVIEW

A Perspective on in particular the market for land, labour,

and credit; and (iii) the political econo-

‘Modern Development Economics’ my of development” (p xi). The degree of

this internal diversity, in fact, increases
as one moves from the first to the third
section. Thus, the five papers in the first
Surajit Mazumdar section on anti-poverty policies are much
closer to each other than the three in

D
evelopment, Distribution, and Mar- Development, Distribution, and Markets edited the last one titled “Political Regimes
kets is a collection of 12 essays, by Kaushik Basu, Maitreesh Ghatak, Kenneth Kletzer, and Economic Development.” Despite
three of which are jointly auth- Sudipto Mundle and Eric Veerhoogen, New Delhi: Oxford this diversity, there is no doubt that the
University Press, 2021; pp vii + 328, `1,495.
ored by two contributors, while the collection has a certain character and
remaining nine are single author papers. flavour to it. Though only a handful of
Accompanying these is an introduction indicated through an appropriate subti- the authors are based in India, Indian-ori-
by the five editors of the volume, four of tle of the book. It is only the footnotes to gin economists make up more than half
whom have not authored any of the 12 some of the essays that confirm what is the number of contributors and a fair
papers. The 19 contributors to the book only hinted at in the introduction by the proportion of the papers have an India fo-
are well-established and distinguished references to the work of Bardhan and cus or angle. However, this is not really
names in the field of development eco- the role it played as an inspiration for a volume on the Indian development ex-
nomics and include two of the joint the contents of the volume. perience, and is not where one should
winners of the 2019 “Nobel Prize” in eco- The essays in the volume are diverse look for its inner coherence.
nomics. The volume is their way of hon- in terms of their specific concerns, and this
ouring a senior member of their tribe, diversity characterises each of the three ‘Modern Development Economics’
namely Pranab Bardhan, whose research, thematic sections they are organised What instead appears to give the collection
in the words of the editors, “spans the under. Though they have slightly different a unity is that all the papers appear to be
entire discipline” of development econo- actual titles, these three sections deal, wedded to a common approach to develop-
mists. Surprisingly, however, that this according to the introduction, with ment economics, which the introduction
is a festschrift finds no explicit mention “(i) the mitigation of poverty; (ii) the na- chooses to identify as “modern develop-
in the introduction and neither is it ture of markets in developing countries, ment economics” in its stage of “maturity.”
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 29
BOOK REVIEW

The claim is that the 12 essays reflect “the the controversial perspective on develop- to the process of not only achieving but
breadth and policy relevance of develop- ment economics that appears in the also assessing the level of success of the
ment economics today” (p xvii). The adjec- introduction or the extent to which they development process.
tive “modern” here is used to distinguish would agree with each other. Each paper Second, “interventions” that simply try
the distinct sub-discipline within econom- can certainly be assessed individually to replace the market, however, do not
ics that emerged in the 20th century from with reference to the specific theme it produce superior results as their effi-
the economics of the classicals like Adam deals with, and even at this level contro- ciency and effectivity are themselves
Smith. Associated originally with names versial claims and assertions can be affected by the same incentives, iniqui-
like “Arthur Lewis, Albert Hirschman, found. However, if one is allowed some ties, power relations, or the influence of
Ragnar Nurkse, Paul Rosenstein-Rodan, degree of simplification, there is a certain formal and informal property rights that
and others” (p viii), this sub-discipline, world view about development that can influence the working of markets and
it is argued, revived the interest in deve- be extracted from the collection of es- prevent them from generating optimal
lopment that had previously been a fea- says, or rather constructed by drawing results. Democracy and decentralisation
ture of economics, in general, but had their individual analyses together. It is a do not necessarily act as an antidote to
faded into the background with the rise moot point whether the contributors these effects. The demand on the state
to prominence of neoclassical economics. consciously subscribe to the totality of this for guaranteeing the requirements of
The process of maturing of development world view. It is even less certain that development is imperfectly or inade-
economics, on the other hand, is seen as this describes Bardhan’s own perspec- quately expressed through the political
being marked by the processes of “formal- tive on development. Yet, it is not with- system. Instead, political democracy tends
isation of the subject and its outreach to out significance that the essays in the to create a tendency towards clientelism,
neighbouring disciplines,” towards which volume, together, do lend themselves to and decentralisation tends to facilitate
the writings of Bardhan made a signifi- an interpretation that they are all ex- corruption and local elite capture of the
cant contribution (p ix). pressions of an underlying understand- benefits of state welfare expenditures.
The meaning of formalisation is spelt ing of the development process whose On the other hand, the logic of an electoral
out as the bringing of “rigour, economic key elements can be set out in the form democracy can even result in such local
theory and econometrics to bear on the of the following four groups of ideas. elites being inappropriately classified as
concerns of development” (pp ix–x). By First, that markets and resource allo- disadvantaged at the national level, as,
implication, this is seen as the only cation through them are critical to the for instance, is supposed to have hap-
source of substantive difference between process of successful development, and pened in India in the process of linking
early development economics and the rational economic policy requires making disadvantage to caste rather than purely
contemporary one represented in Deve- the best use of these possibilities. Develop- economic status.
lopment, Distribution, and Markets. In this ment policy becomes necessary because Third, successful development requires
view, there has been no discontinuity or markets can produce diverse outcomes appropriate designing of state interven-
rupture in the history of modern devel- and in a typical setting of an under- tions that make markets inclusive. This
opment economics akin to the displace- developed economy, the spontaneous includes widespread access to financial
ment of the classical by the neoclassical outcome is not necessarily going to be services and reforms of property rights
as the dominant tradition in economics, development. Development is a process that reduce the inequalities in some
or the reassertion of neoclassicism within that involves not only growth but has a market relationships like those between
the field that was originally a product of distributional element to it also. The fact employer and employee, and facilitate
the Keynesian revolution, namely macro- that one indicator like the rate of growth redistribution mainly through direct cash
economics. Also, implicit in this under- of the gross domestic product (GDP) is transfers bypassing local elites or provi-
standing is a denial of the existence of therefore not adequate, adds complexities sion of a universal basic income. The
parallel alternative traditions within con-
temporary development economics and
an equating of development economics Note to ReadersI
with what happens to be its dominant
tradition. In other words, the possibility Dear Readers,
that the conflicts that exist in the real
We have made some changes to our online access policy.
setting of development, and their histo-
ry over time, could and do reflect in the Starting 2 January 2021, the full text of the content published in the Economic & Political Weekly is
world of ideas about development, is not available to read on the website only for paid subscribers. However, the editorials and “From the
acknowledged in the collection. Editor’s Desk” column in the latest issue each week, and all content on Engage will continue to be
free for all to access.
A Shared Perspective? We hope that you will support the Economic & Political Weekly by purchasing a subscription plan.
It is impossible to figure out the extent to Details can be found here: https://www.epw.in/subscribe.html
which the individual contributors share
30 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 BOOK REVIEW

means for such redistributive transfers can neo-liberal orthodoxy that has ruled industrialisation—as important aspects
be generated by a system of socialising economic policymaking for the last three of the development process are explored.
ownership of some part of the nation’s decades, including in developing coun-
assets—not through state ownership of tries, even as inequality has grown by A Particular Strand
enterprises that means government in- leaps and bounds across countries. It is It can be legitimately argued that it is
volvement in production activities but also a world view which appears to not fair to criticise the book by highlight-
by nationalisation of some fraction of incorporate an understanding that the ing its omissions mentioned above. After
the ownership of privately managed cor- world is flat, and the problem of deve- all, it is ultimately a festschrift and not
porations, creating thereby a professio- lopment no longer confronts severe a comprehensive survey of the field of
nally managed sovereign fund from iniquities and asy mmetries in the global development economics. That it should
which returns will accrue in the form of economic order. be looked at in that way—as a volume
dividends and capital gains. Indeed, the international dimension that reflects a certain broad strand
Fourth, if there is any particular poli- of development is virtually completely of thinking in development economics
tical system this world view leans towards, absent in Development, Distribution, and that is undoubtedly influential but not
even if hesitantly, as the most optimal Markets, both in the theoretical mode or uncontested, rather than as an authori-
for delivering such development maxi- through any systematic discussion of tative reference for knowing the whole
mising state interventions, it is one of how globalisation has interacted with range of the field, the variety that char-
enlightened and benevolent despotism. the process of economic development in acterises its questions, frameworks, and
Here, however, the position is slightly the global South. Neither is there to be methods of analysis—is the sole pur-
ambiguous. While democracy as men- found any review of how the context of pose of pointing towards the gaps in it.
tioned earlier can produce distortions, development has been changed by the Once this is accepted, the essays in the
authoritarianism may not be in all circum- economic history of individual countries volume can be engaged with and be
stances either enlightened or effective. It and the world, over the several decades found to be stimulating explorations in
is when the requirements of sustaining that have elapsed since decolonisation development economics from which even
an “enlightened” regime coincide with and the birth of “modern” development those who might have a different stand-
the requirements of development that a economics. The introduction notes the point could benefit.
successful transformation may result. “rise in prominence of multilateral inter-
national organisations” (p ix), but the Surajit Mazumdar (surajit.mazumdar@
International Perspective? volume does not engage with the contro- googlemail.com) teaches at the Centre for
Given its emphasis on questions of distri- versies that have surrounded the role Economic Studies and Planning, Jawaharlal
Nehru University, Delhi.
bution, this underlying perspective on played by the International Monetary
development found in the book cannot Fund and the World Bank from the
be said to be one which adheres to the time of the debt crisis of the early 1980s, Reference
extreme view of Robert Lucas (2004) for and neither with “structural adjustment” Lucas, Robert (2004): “The Industrial Revolution:
whom such a concern was “seductive” nor the more traditional concerns in Past and Future,” 2003 Annual Report Essay,
1 May, Federal Bank of Minneapolis, https://
but “poisonous.” Nevertheless, it has development economics—with structural www.minneapolisfed.org/article/2004/the-
no fundamental inconsistency with the change, agrarian transformation, and industrial-revolution-past-and-future.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 31

PERSPECTIVES

Once Upon a Time Was Karnad his spectacular success, Gandugali falls
foul of his employer and his army chief
Vejira (for letting go of a captured Per-
Authenticity, Peasant Mercenaries, madi). Permadi, on the other hand, turns
and Non-Kshatriya Heroism avenger after his employer humiliates
him and causes the death of his son. Bent
on exacting revenge on the entire family,
Permadi vows to kill them all. Gandugali
Sreeram Gopalkrishnan is forced to join with Permadi to protect
an innocent Jaikeshi (a family member

G
Girish Karnad’s Ondanondu irish Karnad’s Ondanondu Kala- he has grown fond of). This simple tale
Kaladalli (1979), a tale of conflict dalli (Once Upon a Time, Kannada of rivalry in a remote rural village is the
[1979]) (henceforth Ondanondu), setting for a narrative that is brilliantly
in a pastoral village, has not been
arguably the first1 genuinely Indian mar- layered and presented by Karnad in a
sufficiently studied for its richly tial arts fiction film, is an astonishing languidly paced style, interspersed with
layered representation of Indian work that deserves an in-depth study. set-piece martial art combats.
martial arts, historical perspective Karnad is widely celebrated as an iconic Some well-known reviews5 appeared
genius with a formidable repertoire of to highlight the film as Karnad’s homage to
of peasant mercenaries, and
work as a playwright, director, writer, Kurosawa’s samurai films, with compari-
non-Kshatriya heroism. Karnad, actor, and bureaucrat (in an order that sons of body language and the hair knots
whose legendary genius often he would appreciate) and his contribu- of lead actors (Shankar Nag and Toshiro
sought history and myths to tion has been widely cherished (Gundur Mifune). But the hair knots are common
2019). However, Ondanondu may not be among Indians, notably Ramayana epic
embellish narrative approaches,
well known, especially among the non- heroes being described with long hair
brings an auteur’s sensibility to a Kannada film audience. For the record, it in knots and Kesanta (“hair clips”) re-
Kannada film that needs to be won the national award for best film ferred to in the Manusmriti.6 Though
acknowledged as one of the best in Kannada in 1979 and was recognised there is a similarity between Gandugali
as a part of the Kannada new wave and the nameless warrior in Kurosawa’s
films in India rather than just be
films. However, besides a mention in a Yojimbo (1961), the “plot line of the two
known as a “martial arts” film. Doordarshan interview2 and a short review films differs drastically in its details”
in the New York Times (Canby 1982), the (Ramachandra 2017). In Yojimbo, the
film has not been sufficiently researched. samurai warrior’s “amorality is so com-
The absence of a sufficient recognition plete” and his ruthlessness clear when he
of the film could be due to the popularity says, “I get paid for killing and this town
of Karnad’s formidable non-film literary would be better off dead” (Ebert 2005).
output.3 Today, the film is known for In contrast, Gandugali is a nameless,
being a “Kalaripayattu” (“battle practice”) noble warrior without a Kshatriya embel-
film, samurai-like style, and the debut of lishment not usually seen in mainstream
an outstanding talent—Shankar Nag. films in India (Ramachandra 2017).7 He
Ondanondu is a pastoral tale from a is a mercenary due to circumstances and
medieval period located “somewhere.” livelihood and despite having no cultur-
In the beginning of the movie, it is clear al markers stands for something that is
that Gandugali, the main protagonist, is human and noble.
a wanderer and expert in martial arts, Karnad, familiar as he was about coast-
passing through the verdant Mallenadu/ al Karnataka, would have been exposed
Tullunadu region.4 When offered a job by to another similar8 martial arts there
the local Dhani (“master” “chieftain”), known as Garadi (“gym dwelling”). Both
who is fighting a feud with a rival chief Garadi and Kalari may have evolved as
(his brother) in the neighbouring village, two parallel schools of martial arts with
Gandugali is quick to plan a foray into the similar origins. Kalari from Kerala is
enemy territory and return with cattle more well-known, having benefited from
Sreeram Gopalkrishnan (sreeram.gopalkrishnan@ (wealth in the pastoral village) after the coverage it received in Keralolpathi
scmc.edu.in) is with the Symbiosis Centre of outwitting the enemy’s larger force headed (“Kerala’s Origin”) (Menon 1978). From
Media and Communication, Pune.
by the veteran warrior Permadi. Despite a timeline perspective, it is actually the
40 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 PERSPECTIVES

Adi Murai (method of strike), the martial the actor by “shooting in a wide angle searching for him along the river stream.
art style of ancient Tamilakam (ancient where the entire body of action is made When the action starts, it is natural,
Tamil geographic entity) of the early visible” (Bowman 2019). The camera without close-ups, rather like a martial
Sangam Period (350–200 CE), that is older rarely moves and when it does, it follows art brawl, literally clambering all over
than both Garadi and Kalari. There are the performing characters’ actions—ac- the rocks on the banks of the river.
even references to Adi Murai variations centuating speed and power. This is ex-
practised9 by the suppressed Hindu actly the opposite of the typical action Authenticity and Caste
avarna (“those worse than low, outside movie style of fast-paced editing that fol- The authenticity in Ondanondu is an
caste system”) groups of those times lows an “action, impact and reaction” outlier considering that the Indian
(Fernandes 2011). Gandugali, from all format (Lee 2018), often used effectively action films genre is not known for real-
appearances a non-savarna, may have to make practically any “fit-looking” ac- ism, and the concept of heroism tends to
well been a practitioner of Adi Murai. tor into a mega action star. be more surrounded around charisma
The authenticity in Ondanondu (Gupta rather than a display of combat skills
Martial Arts Authenticity 1982) is amazing considering that there is (Smaragda et al 2019). Sudhir Kakkar
Indian martial arts have not enjoyed not much of an “action culture” in Indian (1989) jocularly, in a reference to the
the global popularity of their Chinese films (addressed later in the article). country’s notorious caste system, refers
counterparts, which became famous Karnad makes extensive use of action to the Indian action film to be a Shudra
worldwide in the 1970s with the success of set-pieces in the movie that were clearly (lowest caste), unlike the mythological
Bruce Lee films. This popularity was due ahead of its time. The film even begins film, which is a Brahmin (high caste)
to the “amenability” of Chinese martial with a wide-angle shot of a forest clear- and the historical, a Kshatriya (warrior).
arts to global appropriation and its ability ing. There is no movement on the screen. Perhaps the romance and musical film
to travel well through the “trans-pacific,” Soon there are distant voices heard that (dancing, singing, and romancing) would
borrowing (Klein 2004) from a culture slowly increase in volume and clarity. be considered more appropriate cultur-
base of daily practice. After all, Chinese The viewer knows by now, from the ally for savarna heroes (Lutgendorf 2020)
martial arts were taught as military train- voices, that there is chase in the forest. In fact, authenticity in action is the last
ing from ancient times and promoted Suddenly two men burst into the clear- thing one would expect from a typical
by successive regimes (famously the ing with swords. They are injured and Indian action movie, which is a “masala”
Kuomintang) as an exhibition and contact hobbling, escaping from the men hunt- (spicy) or a “dishoom-dishoom”10 movie—
sport under the term Wushu (“military ing them. They limp past the camera. a multi-course cinematic banquet incor-
art”) (Graff and Higham 2012). The egali- In another set-piece duel between porating drama, romance, comedy, vio-
tarianism of Chinese martial arts through Gandugali and Permadi, the camera is lent action in between song and dance
Wushu-style schools was different from again stationary at a distance, and it is set pieces (Lutgendorf 2006). At its
Kalaripayattu, which was limited to a few the characters who move into the frame. worst, the physicality is expressed through
castes and community groups (Akundi Throughout the long-drawn scene, the “the gritty and gaudy, traditional and
2018), and now mostly popular as a ho- camera remains stationary soaking in the transgressive” like Amitabh Bachchan
listic health treatment and tourist specta- the realism. Slowly the camera tilts up to (movie superstar) attempting Kung Fu
cle in Kerala. To be fair, Kalari may have the sky even as the clash of the swords in a black satin tuxedo and zebra print
also squeezed out of local traditions and and shields reverberate in the back- tie or fight composer M D Shetty’s ap-
public memory after the British banned ground. But when the camera comes pearance in a fight dressed as a slaugh-
it in 1793. down to earth slowly, the sounds of the terhouse attendant (Stadtman 2015).
A remarkable feature of Ondanondu fight is less frequent. The two fighters Similarly, Rajinikanth in his films is able
was the cinematic authenticity. It was are tired—the immovable object and the to dispatch bigger and more muscular
made like a Chinese martial arts film, unstoppable force. antagonists with a simple wave of his
showcasing archival, cinematic, and cor- Even in the gripping urmi (“whip-like hand without being shown as having
poreal forms of authenticity (Barrowman sword”) combat between Gandugali and any special fighting skill in the story.
2014). Real (archival) authenticity is what Vejira, the camera breaks away to re- However, the elitist culture of cosmo-
Leon Hunt (2003) calls as the “performa- veal a soldier in the audience in medium politan mercantilism inherent in the
tive body” with skills that are genuinely shot, watching the exchange of sword Indian film industry did not hesitate to
used in practice. Bruce Lee films fused this blows as if in a tennis match. Most of subsume real-life marginal and low-caste
with cinematic authenticity in which the action in the sequence is captured characters into savarna (higher caste)
the actor’s skill is “presented it as real,” by a high-angle camera framing the identities (Maitreya and Michael 2020). In
while Jackie Chan—through the sheer entire village courtyard—a press box 2021, the launch of a biopic of Mayawati,
strength of actual stunts—provided a top view of a tennis match. The scene, a former chief minister and a Dalit by
“corporeal authenticity” (Wang 2006). of the initial fight between Gandugali caste, was played by an upper-caste
Cinematic authenticity is established and the band of peasant fighters, is actor and promoted through a stereo-
by the focus of the camera on the feat of mostly spent in the group excitably typed image of the actor holding a broom
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 41
PERSPECTIVES

(Mayawati is a graduate and teacher in (katti Saamu), and staff fighting (kara is older than the Nairs who were above
real life!). A study of over 300 bollywood Saamu) in addition to other weapons them in the caste hierarchy.
movies, between 2013 and 2014, showed such as the gada (mace) and pata The earlier Vaddakan songs also re-
that there were just six characters from (gauntlet sword) (Bhaskar 2010). Garadi ferred to Chekavar warriors as Elavars/
the backward castes and the vast majority from Tullunadu was popular in the Villavars. It is interesting how the Villa-
of the artistes were upper-caste Hindus Vijayanagar kingdom, an empire that vars (bowmen in Tamil) were also soldiers
(Rukmini and Uddhav 2015). had a culture of physical fitness13 and in the Chera Tamil kingdom, which ruled
martial training.14 Interestingly, the Vijay- the Mallenadu/Tullunadu area for many
Peasant Warriors/Mercenaries anagar royal family, with origins in Tul- decades (their royal emblem coinciden-
It is in the historical perspective in lunadu, is referred to as Tuluva dynasty tally was the “villu” or “bow” in Tamil).
Ondanondu that Karnad really makes a (King Devaraya II [1425–46 CE] was They were also practitioners of the old-
resounding mark. In the interview (men- famed for his expertise in the martial est martial arts “Adi Murai,” which may
tioned earlier), Karnad confesses that arts15) and was a dominant influence in have even evolved into other forms like
Ondanondu was his story with a “13th- the Deccan till it was defeated at the Garadi and Kalari. Coincidentally, un-
century historical perspective”—an app- Battle of Talikota (a theme of Karnad’s like in Kalarippayattu where the bow is
roach that combines fiction and history, final play Raksasa Thangadi). not used, the fighting in Ondanondu
a typical style of his (Mangaiyarkarasi The culture of combat was intrinsic to happens with bows too with the veteran
2013). In popular perception, there is a the Tuluvas and the Garadi style was Permadi being particularly adept at it.
common belief that martial races were quite popular in the land of the Tullus Garadi was popular with the Billavas and
somehow gifted with a unique inborn with the Saale (or Shaale—school) as the taught in traditional training halls or
capacity to fight, something that other centre of gymnastic exercises (Nandavara “Garadi Mane.” Disciplines included un-
castes did not have. Historical research 2001). It is possible, due to the proximity armed combat (kai varies), staff fighting
has disproved this theory,11 and peasant of Tullunadu/Malenad and north Kerala, (kali varus), and sword fighting (katti
mercenaries, as shown in the film, were the Garadi and Kalari martial arts system varase) among various other weapons
actually an important part of military must have shared and influenced each (Fernandes 2011).
campaigns in the history of the subconti- other (Balakrishnan 1995). The portrayal of the peasant soldiers
nent. From medieval India right up to In fact, the famous Kalaripayattu- in both the warring camps in the movie
the Britishers, conquering armies were themed Vadakkan Pattukal (“North Kerala is also very interesting. They range from
victorious because they had the services ballads”) (Mukherjee 1999: 406) mentions the young and excitable to the middle
of such peasant mercenaries, largely from Tullunadu as a prominent martial arts aged who are careful—perhaps more com-
eastern India and the Deccan plateau centre with tales of the Tullunadu martial fortable tilling land somewhere—wav-
(Kolff 2020). The “Purbias” (migratory arts heroes16 and refers to the place as a ing swords in front of them to avoid death.
paid soldiers from the east) and “Tilan- space of higher Kalari learning.17 In a Their commitment is also expedient. In
gas” (mercenaries from Telangana in the further support of the inflexion between one sequence, faced with the prospect of
Deccan) formed the bulk of the fighting martial arts, peasant mercenaries, and riches offered by Jayakeshi (the earnest
forces of the British East India Company. non-Kshatriya genealogy, there are tales heir held hostage by the Dhani), a bunch of
These soldiers defeated every possible of paid mercenaries in these ballads called peasant soldiers stop fighting and relax
“martial race” combination hollow, lit- Chekavars who fought on behalf of a in a barn hoping to profit by waiting out
erally everyone—the French, Marathas, paymaster/patron in a public combat. the mayhem and violence outside in the
Afghans, Gorkhas, Burmese, Sikhs, and Civil and personal disputes were settled village streets. They are not even trained
even Tipu Sultan. As “quality-fighting by hiring a Chekavar to fight on your in martial arts since it is only Gandugali,
assets” they were traded to the biggest behalf with the victory or death of the Permadi, and Vejira who show expertise
bidders by the zamindars of the Ujjainiya12 combat translating into a win or loss of in Kalari or Garadi combat.
clan who even negotiated their terms of the dispute (Haridas 2000). The attire and cultural markers are
employment (Kolff 2020). Karnad’s portrayal of the non-Kshatriya also interesting. The chieftains, their
The Tilangas from the Deccan were a warrior resonates with some history of families, and Vejira (and Gandugali’s boss)
part of the Vijayanagar kingdom and were martial arts. The Vadakkan Pattukal, which all have sacred ash stripes on the forehead
exposed to martial arts since the empire celebrates Kalari heroes, has two parts— and upper body, denoting probably a
had a tradition of common citizens in the the “Puthooram18 Pattukal” on Thiyya/ Shaivite origin. But Gandugali is free of
frontier outposts being trained in the Ezhava warriors and the “Thacholi Pat- any cultural markers lending further to
“Saamu” martial arts style (Ganni 2019). tukal” about Nair warriors. The Puthooram the case of his mysterious origins. When
The Saamu style emerged from street songs are considered older and placed both Gandugali and Permadi prepare for
fighting arts, with many forms, which higher than the Thacholi songs (which the assault on the Dhani’s fort, we see a
in contemporary times combined into mention firearms and Europeans). The brief shot in silhouette of the latter
“Dommi Saamu.” Saamu includes knife Thiyya/Ezhava community were Shudras praying at an altar while Gandugali
fighting (baku Saamu), sword fighting but their history as martial arts exponents watches without participating.
42 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 PERSPECTIVES

Such forays for cattle, as shown in films is the domain of the Kshatriya, an compassionately and stand up for the
Ondanondu, are a part of history in identity that seems to be in a revival in weak, and still have the ability to take
pastoral societies, and there are “hero- contemporary times (Shepherd 2020). heroic action as in the “heroic imagination”
stones”19 put up in villages to honour Later when asked by his chief for the (Franco et al 2016).
those who defend cattle, and they could reason for letting Permadi go, Gandugali Permadi promises to let him off if
include servants, slaves, common soldiers, says “I had said I will get the cattle … Gandugali joins him in the battle and
or village guards (Vanamamalai 1975). the purpose was the cattle,” surprised at the truce between them has a purpose.
It is clear that Gandugali as a paid bunta why no one understands his profession- On the way to the battle, Permadi tells
(warrior) had experience of real battles alism and disappointed when he is re- Gandugali that he better be alive or he
in the past and does recount the battle minded of master–suppliant expectations. would kill Jaikeshi. When Gandugali asks
of Huligere in which he fought for one He does not have caste, culture, or a tradi- him about his promise, Permadi replies,
Maharaja Rajendran. “I know only to tion to live up to but does have honour and “What is an oath to a wandering dog.”
train fighters,” he confesses proudly show- honesty. He decides to help Permadi only The village as a bubble will continue to
ing the medal given by the maharaja for because he wants to safeguard Jaikeshi, have its amoral life and the status of the
his bravery. the helpless heir to the Dhani’s throne. anonymous protagonist without identity
Historically, there is no evidence of Gandugali is a hero instinctively drawn is to be ridiculed. But in the end when
the above battle except for Huligere (Tiger to protect those who are not able to de- Gandugali dies protecting Jaikeshi and
Pond in Kannada) being part of Gadag fend themselves and lead those who may the Dhani brothers are vanquished, Per-
district, along the Tungabhadra river, in be ignorant (Allison and Goethals 2014), madi stands furiously over Jaikeshi
the erstwhile Vijayanagar empire. The which is really the essence of human ready to kill him only to be stopped by
only record available was that the place dignity irrespective of the profession. Gandugali’s blood-stained corpse. He
was a strategic location in medieval wars Heroism as a concept has been a looks at the dead Gandugali, comes back
in the peninsula and the Cholas and growing body of research work on what to his senses, vestiges of the warrior still
Chalukyas had tried to bring it under defines risky acts that show higher levels there behind his blood-soaked face.
their control (Suresha 2019). Perhaps, of altruism (Feigin et al 2014) and im- Bringing his raised sword to his side
Gandugali was referring to Rajendra Cho- pulsive nature (Franco et al 2016), which slowly, he tells Jaikeshi, “Don’t cry young
la who defeated the Chalukya Jayasimha comes out in the form of Gandugali’s bit- man, it is insulting to cry for a great
II in the battle of Maski. terness and disappointment when he ex- warrior’s death,” and walks away from
pected his efforts to be appreciated by the carnage that both the warriors had
Non-Kshatriya Heroism the villagers. When he realises that his unleashed on the entire village.
From many such indications and the own boss, the Dhani, has been plotting
popular penchant for violent Indian against him, he is saddened and wants to There Was Karnad
Kshatriya heroes (Sampath 2017), we walk out. He says, “If there is no trust, Given the multi-textured content in the
can postulate the non-Kshatriya origins what is the point?” When he is leaving, movie, Ondanondu is more than just a
of Gandugali; perhaps, even a Buddhist he is stopped by Jaikeshi who reminds Kalaripayattu film inspired by Kuro-
(given his pacifist “defence only” incli- him of his promise to teach him to fight. sawa. Beneath the raw tale and languid
nations) origin since Buddhism was a Gandugali then turns in irritation as to style is not only a modern sensibility of
strong presence in the region in the 10th why everyone in the village wants to cinematic authenticity of martial arts
century CE (Banerji 2019), and even the fight all the time—“Why do you want to but also of language, medieval history,
Manjunatha temple at Dharmasthala fight? Do you want to be a Crab like me and a “commoners” heroism. The histo-
and the Mookambika temple in Kolluru fighting for masters who pay? Go home ricity of the story in a liminal setting,
are suspected to be Buddhist deities and live.” Then in disgust he leaves them best described by the title, stands some-
known as Kadarika and Manjushri (Ra- with “you people do whatever you want, where in the imagination between rural
mesha 2009). Gandugali has strong I am leaving.” and urban, epic and medieval India,
righteous notions in a village full of ig- Heroes are also loved because they and myth and history. This is also a
noble instincts. When he leads his small serve fundamental needs (Allison and place the discerning viewer has not seen
band to victory against a larger force, Goethals 2014), make us secure by ensur- but would like to imagine as a space
the captured Permadi wants to be hon- ing that our need for social justice is met that does not have garish costumes,
oured with death. Gandugali sees no (Prilletnensky 2014). When the vengeful histrionics, savarna talk, ostentatiously
point in killing during the course of a Permadi realises that Gandugali has a jewelled armour, and ungainly crowns—
job that needed to be done. He lets Per- soft corner for Jayakeshi, he threatens to themes familiar to the Indian historical–
madi go (calling him respectfully “Bun- kill him. “Why do you want to kill him? mythological genre (Merin 2017).
tara Bunta”—fighter of fighters) and be- He has done nothing wrong,” says Gan- Karnad’s hero Gandugali appears to
rates his men when they insult the fall- dugali, clearly exasperated at everyone be a symbol of an ordinary person who
en fighter—“It is not right to insult a in the village. Without any fanciful pos- stands for what is noble, playing an
fallen warrior.” Such valour in Indian turing, he simply cannot help caring important role in the perennial fight
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 43
PERSPECTIVES

between the exploiter versus the exploit- “Gandugali Kumara Rama” in parts of 2 Girish Karnad mentions this in an interview
with Anil Dharkar available on https://www.
ed, heeding the call to action, proving the erstwhile Vijayanagar empire.20 youtube.com/watch?v=M0vuHsZWBuY, 10 June
that heroes can come from anywhere to In the end, Karnad’s peasant merce- 2019, Doordarshan, Prasar Bharati Central Ar-
chives (India’s Official Broadcast Network).
fight for others (Zimbardo 2007). Gan- nary hero is disgusted with the exploita-
3 The contribution of Girish Karnad is too vast to
dugali is this and more since he comes tion that comes with his profession and mention here.
without a caste or family surname and wants to disappear into a more happier 4 Dakshina Kannada district where Tulu, a
Dravidian language, is spoken; hence, the so-
not even a part of the community of elite wandering anonymity. But he does not called Tuluvas.
warriors like Vejira or Permadi, both of due to his empathy towards the innocent 5 New York Times called Girish Karnad’s Ondanon-
whom have cultural markers to show Jaikeshi. He sets forth to do one thing du Kaladalli (Once Upon a Time) “a 13th-cen-
tury Indian adventure-melodrama with a self-
their status. right in the miserable place, only to die effacing style with samurai influences.”
Anonymity is a defiant statement by in a climax of carnage. Ondanondu is a 6 Ancient legal text dated 2nd century BCE is
known to be a Hindu code, though. It was trans-
Yojimbo—the samurai forsaken by a dying script written by Karnad and considering lated into English in 1776 by William Jones.
culture—when he sees a mulberry field his penchant to base much of his work 7 The typical action hero in films has Kshatriya
and introduces himself as Kuwabatake on history and myth (Mangaiyarkarasi attributes—name, surname, family name, an-
tecedents, upper caste, puranic, and religious
Sanjuro (“30-year-old mulberry field”) 2013), it would be interesting to further symbols. Here, Gandugali is anonymous, name-
when asked his name. But the anonymity study the antecedents of the story in less without social identity, and still is celebrat-
ed as noble. The wrong words were “expected”
of Gandugali is more of an honorific one his work papers. Perhaps precisely be- and use of “stories” and “myths.” Though folk-
like “great warrior” or “manly fighter,” a cause we did not or do not have heroes lore has quite a few heroes who may not be
Kshatriya, the Puranic Myths do favour the
bit like saying “braveheart” or Richard like Gandugali in Indian myths and Kshatriya. Treatment of lower-caste warrior
the “Lionheart.” Moreover, he does not history that Karnad was tempted to heroes like Ekalavya and Karna are examples.
However, Karna enjoys a certain sympathy not
really introduce himself as Gandugali. imagine one in his own image—a hero for the treatment he undergoes as a low born
We know he is that because Sawantri, with integrity. but for being a Kshatriya who lived as a low
caste. On the other hand, Ekalavya has been
another character he is fond of, calls him
consigned to ignominy.
that. It must be mentioned here that notes 8 This would be in order to begin with the design
Kumara Rama, the uncle and inspira- 1 Thacholi Othenan (1964) in Malayalam was of the Saadhaneya Garadi and Kalari.
also based on a martial arts theme but mostly 9 Martial art styles like Para Thallu, Eda Nadan
tion of Vijayanagar founders Hakka and about the legendary characters from the Muchuvadu, Naga Valivu, Chena Chuvadu, and
Bukka Raya, is also referred to fondly as Vadakkan Pattukal (“North Kerala Ballads”). Kurishu Chuvadu practised by the “Avarna”

Review of Urban Affairs

January 29, 2022
Pandemic and the City —Karen Coelho, Vinay Gidwani,
Anant Maringanti, Partha Mukhopadhyay
Recovery as Resilience: Domestic Work and Workers in the Aftermath of COVID-19 —Kinjal Sampat,
Antara Rai Chowdhury, Gautam Bhan
Pandemic Precarity: Life, Livelihood, and Death in the Time of the Pandemic —Aseem Prakash, Hem Borker
Intensifying Urbanities in Karachi: A South Asian City in the Time of COVID-19 —Adam Abdullah, Soha Macktoom,
Nausheen H Anwar, Noman Ahmed
COVID-19 and the State of Exception: Urban Mobility under the Epidemic State —Gaurav Mittal
How Places Matter: Understanding Workers’ Responses to Garment Factory Closures during the
Pandemic in Bengaluru and Srirangapatna —Swathi Shivanand, R Prathibha
COVID-19 and the Women at Work: An Ethnographic Account of Sanjay Colony, Bhatti Mines —Vanshika Singh, Syeda Asia, Shivangi Gupta,
Lakshay Talwar, Aashna Gutgutia, Pushpa
Closure of Schools and Migration of Adolescent Tribal Girls: A Case Study of Surat —Shilajit Sengupta

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44 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

 PERSPECTIVES
castes were associated with styles like animals Bhaskar, B V S (2010): “Ancient Martial Art Form — (2020): “A Superhit Goddess: Jai Santoshi Maa
and birds transforming into human form. Still in Vogue,” Hindu, 15 October, https://www. and Caste Hierarchy in Indian Films (Part One),”
10 The name “dishoom” comes from the loud sound thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp- Manushi, 13 November, https://www.manushi.in/
background “disshh” that often accompanies andhrapradesh/Ancient-martial-art-form-still- culture--faith-traditions/a-superhit-goddess-jai-
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Sikhs, rewarding them with the tag of “martial De Lorenzo, G (1952): “Pietro Della Valle’s Letters culturalforum.in/2020/10/12/how-cinema-
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15 Persian envoy Adbur Razzak described Devaraya India, Creative House International Press. Nandavara, Vamana (2011): Koti Chennaya: Folk-
II as a “greatest warrior in the battlefields” and loristic Study, Mangalore University, Mangalore:
Franco, Zeno, Scott T Allison, Elaine L Kinsella, Hemamshu Prakashana, http://vamana-nanda-
Portuguese writer Fernao Nunes referred to Ari Kohen, Matt Langdon and Philip G Zimbardo
him as “a man who knew how to use both sword vara.blogspot.com/2011/12/contribution-of-tu-
(2016): “Heroism Research: A Review of lunadu-garadis-to.html.
and dagger better than anyone in his kingdom.” Theories, Methods, Challenges, and Trends,”
16 The ballad of “Kannappan Chegavar” mentions, Pillai, Elamkulam K (1970): Studies in Kerala History,
Journal of Humanistic Psychology, Vol 58, No 4,
“I would like to go over Tulunad … fetch the great Kottayam.
pp 382–96.
Guru.” In a song of “Cheriya Aromanni,” a mother Pollock, Sheldon (2003): Literary Cultures in History:
Ganni, Gowtham (2019): “The Forgotten Pinnacle
“Unniyarchi” conveying the message to her son Reconstructions from South Asia, Berkeley:
of Multi Weaponry Military Art (SAAMU)—
as, “oh my son, you had been born when I was to University of California Press.
Emperor Deva Raya ii,” Open News, 5 July,
be enamoured by children ... I invited the Great https://www.openthenews.com/the-forgotten- Prilleltensky, I and I Huygens (2014): “Wellbeing,
Guru of Tulunad and got you educated for three pinnacle-of-multi-weaponry-military-art-saamu- Justice and Social Change,” The Praeger Hand-
years, made you learn the secret knowledge and emperor-deva-raya-ii/. book of Social Justice and Psychology: Well-be-
significance of the Malla Yuddha. However, ing and Professional Issues, V J Chad and
Graff, D A and Robin Higham (2012): A Military L F Harris (eds), Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger,
you learnt the martial art of Tulunad.” History of China, April, Lexington: University
17 Cheriya Aromanni Ballad says, “get educated Vol 2, pp 3–32.
Press of Kentucky.
in martial arts and return wearing the Heroic Ramachandra, P N (2017): “Ondanondu Kaaladalli,
Gupta, Udayan et al (1982): “New Visions in Indian Review,” Upperstall, https://upperstall.com/film/-
Swords.” Cinema: Interviews with Mrinal Sen, Girish
18 Puthooram may have been the Malayalam ondanondu-kaaladalli/.
Karnad and Ketan Mehta,” Cinéaste, Vol 11,
name for Puttur in Karnataka, a prominent Ramesha, T (2019): “Advent of Buddhism in Karna-
No 4, pp 18–24.
Garadi centre. taka,” Research Journal of Social Sciences, Vol 10,
Gundur, N S (2019): “Girish Karnad Stands Tall as No 4, pp 419–25.
19 Chengam Stones are identified as inscriptions an Outcome of His Milieu,” EPW Engage, Vol 54,
for those fallen in skirmishes with cattle-lifters, Rukmini, S and N Udhav (2015): “In Bollywood,
No 51, https://www.epw.in/engage/article/ Storylines Remain Backward on Caste,” Hindu,
marauders, or invading armies with the words girish-karnad-stands-tall-outcome-his-milieu.
“thorn ittuvithu pattan” (fell after winning 28 June, https://www.thehindu.com/news/na-
Gurukkal, R (2014): “Book Review: M G S Naray- tional/in-bollywood-storylines-remain-back-
back the cattle carried off). anan, Perumals of Kerala: Brahmin Oligarchy
20 A Kannada novelist Sugganahalli Rudramurthy ward-on-caste/article7362298.ece.
and Ritual Monarchy—Political and Social Sampath, G (2017): “A Kshatriya Superhero, Baahu-
Shastry’s biographical work Gandugali Kumara Conditions of Kerala Under the Cera Perumals
Rama was made into a film in 2006. The bali Seeks to Unite a Putative Hindu Commu-
of Makotai (c AD 800–AD 1124),” Indian nity Divided by Caste,” Hindu, 25 May, https://
Gandugali Kumara Rama Sene (Army), an Historical Review, Vol 41, No 1, pp 103–05.
organisation based in Ballari, has been in the fore- www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-kshatri-
Haridas, V V (2000): “Dying for a Cause: Caver of ya-superhero/article18549852.ece.
front of the rejuvenation of the Kamalapura Medieval Kerala,” Proceedings of the Indian His-
tank, which is under the Hampi World Heritage Shepherd, Kancha Ilaiah (2020): “The Caste Dimen-
tory Congress, 2000–2001, Vol 61, pp 492–500, sions of Kangana Ranaut’s Onslaught on Bolly-
Management Authority. http://www.jstor.com/stable/44148126. wood,” Wire, 22 September, https://thewire.
Hunt, Leon (2003): Kung Fu Cult Masters: From in/film/kangana-ranaut-kshatriya-bollywood.
REFERENCES Bruce Lee to Crouching Tiger, London: Wall- Smaragda, Spyrou, Bertrand Alexa and Scott Allison
flower Press. (2019): “Cultural Differences in Perception of
Akundi, Sweta (2018): “The ‘Kalari’ Burner,” Hindu, Kakar, Sudhir (1989): Intimate Relations: Exploring Heroes: Greece, India and USA,” Symposium,
30 July, https://www.thehindu.com/life-and-sty- Indian Sexuality, New Delhi: Viking/Penguin University of Richmond, https://scholarship.
le/fitness/the-kalari-burner/article24551272.ece. Books India. richmond.edu/as-student-symposium/2019/
Allison, S T and G R Goethals (2014): “Now He Klein, Christina (2004): “Martial Arts and the Glo- program/5/.
Belongs to the Ages: The Heroic Leadership balization of US and Asian Film Industries,” Stadtman, Todd (2015): Funky Bollywood: The Wild
Dynamic and Deep Narratives of Greatness,” Comparative American Studies: An International World of 1970s Indian Action Cinema, Godalming:
Conceptions of Leadership: Enduring Ideas and Journal, Vol 2, No 3, pp 360–84. FAB Press.
Emerging Insights, G R Goethals, S T Allison, Kolff, Dirk (2020): Peasants Fighting for a Living in Suresha, B (2019): “The Temples of Lakshmeshwara,”
R M Kramer, and D M Messick (eds), New York: Early Modern North India: A Comparative Study International Journal of Academic Research and
Palgrave Macmillan, pp 167–83. of Military Labour: 1500-2000, Amsterdam: Development, Vol 4, No 3, pp 105–09.
Balakrishnan, P (1995): Kalarippayattu: The Ancient Amsterdam University Press. Vanamamalai, N (1975): “Hero Stone Worship in
Martial Art of Kerala, C V Govindakutty Nair, Lee, Nathanial (2018): “How One Trilogy Ruined Ancient South India,” Social Scientist, Vol 3,
Gurukkal: Trivandrum. Action Movies Forever,” Business Insider, 8 May, No 10, pp 40–46.
Banerji, Naseem (2019): Sectarianism in Medieval https://www.businessinsider.in/How-one-tril- Wang, Ban (2006): “Review: Kung Fu Cult Masters:
India: Saiva, Vaishnava, and Syncretistic Temple ogy-ruined-action-movies-forever/articleshow/- From Bruce Lee to Crouching Tiger,” Film
Architecture in Karnataka, Lanham: Maryland. 64085407.cms. Quarterly, Vol 60, No 2, pp 74–75.
Barrowman, Kyle (2014): “Action Aesthetics: Realism Lutgendorf, Philip (2006): “Is There an Indian Way Zimbardo, P (2007): The Lucifer Effect: Understanding
and Martial Arts Cinema, Theoretical Consid- of Film Making?” International Journal of Hindu How Good People Turn Evil, New York: Random
erations, Part 1,” Offscreen, Vol 18, No 10. Studies, Vol 10, pp 227–56. House.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 45

PERSPECTIVES

Understanding Sikh Museums of martyrdom remembering the Sikhs who

gave up their lives in defence of their faith.

in Contemporary India Sikh museums are often found as ad-

juncts of gurdwaras; however, some ex-
ist independently as well. In large muse-
ums, the display can be of a few hundred
Kanika Singh paintings in a building separate from the
gurdwara. In smaller sites, the display

A
Sikh museums are unusual as number of Sikh museums have may constitute just a few canvases or
their display consists of modern been established in India since prints of paintings along a wall. Some
independence. By the term “Sikh recent museums have adopted multimedia
history paintings depicting scenes
museum,” I refer to museums that narrate displays based on history paintings. The
from the Sikh past rather than the history and life of the Sikh gurus, museum display is widely available as
historical artefacts. These their most dedicated followers, and sig- religious prints in bazaars, in social media
paintings are ubiquitous in nificant events depicting the history of as music videos, animation and as peda-
the Sikh community. Sikh museums are gogical material in academic works, chil-
popular visual culture. The key
unusual: they contain few artefacts of dren’s books, and popular tracts. These
questions examined in this article historical value. The display is almost visuals enjoy tremendous popularity in
are: when, why, and by whom are entirely made up of modern history the Sikh community and are a major
Sikh museums created; the paintings,1 which narrate events from the source of popular history for the Sikhs.
Sikh past (Figure 1). Most paintings are oil There are several features that set
significance of the museum’s
on canvas done in a Western realist style. apart the Sikh museum from a traditional
presence in popular culture; the Among the most popularly illustrated museum in both Western as well as the
notion of heritage in these are the stories from the life of the founder South Asian contexts. While designated
museums; and their role in and the first guru, Nanak (1469–1526); a “museum,” there is no drive to collect,
examples of his divinity as a child and his classify or preserve historical remains.
contemporary India. A study of
travels through the Indian subcontinent; Sikh museums rarely have a curator and
Sikh museums is valuable in the baptism ceremony and the creation it is common for artists to be associated
understanding the museum as an of the Khalsa by the 10th and the last with specific museums. These artists are
institution and its influence on guru, Gobind Singh (1666–1708);2 scenes commissioned to create history paint-
depicting community service (sewa) and ings for the museum. The paintings are
the heritage politics of
the community kitchens (langar); battles not unique, rare or antique, nor are they
contemporary India. fought by the Sikhs, particularly against relic objects associated with the gurus.
the Mughals and the Afghans; and scenes The claimed uniqueness is of the narrative
Figure 1: Paintings at Bhai Mati Das Museum, Delhi, 2018

Kanika Singh ([email protected]) is

a director at the Centre for Writing and
Communication, Ashoka University, Sonipat.
Source: Photo taken by the author.

32 april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

 PERSPECTIVES

of Sikh heritage. The display is mallea- Complex) in Anandpur Sahib. The Central contemporary India. I trace the creation of
ble in its circulation and in its form. It is Sikh Museum is the first Sikh museum Sikh museums, the networks of patronage
also widely available for use, reuse and built in India and is located in the Golden which commission them, and examine the
consumption in popular culture. The Temple Complex, a site of tremendous circulation of this display across multi-
audience comes to the museum to see religious and political significance. Virasat- ple spheres. I argue that this visual and
something they are already familiar e-Khalsa is a recently built mega-museum narrative construction of Sikh history is
with, as stories and in their visual forms complex, notable for its spectacular highly influential and that Sikh muse-
too. There is a perceptible overlap of the architecture designed by Moshe Safdie, ums are an important vantage point for
secular and the sacred in the Sikh muse- the well-known architect of holocaust understanding heritage politics in con-
ums. This is evident in the display and museums around the world. Launois temporary India. The idea of history and
visitor behaviour, the location of the (Sat Kaur) (2003) questions the relevance that of heritage, as represented in Sikh
museums (often as part of a sacred of the Virasat-e-Khalsa, especially in museums, are narrow and lacking in
landscape), and its sponsorship by both terms of the resources required for the criticality. On the one hand, it provides
religious and secular authorities. What project as well as the definition of Sikh interesting insights into the dynamics
then is the nature of the museum? If the identity in the museum. Radhika Chopra within the Sikh community. While, on
history paintings are anyway available (2010, 2013, and 2018) analyses the mode the other hand, it displays its relation-
everywhere, why do we then need a and the significance of the commemora- ship with the Indian nation state and the
museum to house them? And why so tion of events of 1984 at the Central Sikh other communities in it. Further, Sikh
many Sikh museums? Museum and the Golden Temple. Singh museums are an important site for ex-
The politics of museums in India has (2015) sees the Virasat-e-Khalsa as rep- amining the nature of the museum as it
only recently been studied and com- resentative of the emergence of the holo- developed in India.
mented upon by scholars. These studies caust museum paradigm in India. Singh
can be broadly divided into two. First, specifically emphasises on the trauma Emergence of Sikh Museums
on government museums, which were suffered by the Sikh community through Both Sikh museums and the history paint-
first planned and built during colonial its history. Mathur and Singh ([2015] ings in them have been commissioned by
rule, and their trajectory in independ- 2017b) and Glover (2014) consider Vira- two distinct authorities: religious bodies
ent India, such as the Indian Museum, sat-e-Khalsa within the larger context of (notably the gurdwara management
Kolkata and the National Museum, New monumental architecture and shrines committees) and the government. The
Delhi (Guha-Thakurta 2004; Singh 2003). recently built in India and view it as a Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Com-
These works examine colonial muse- site of postnational claims by a minority mittee (SGPC) and the Delhi Sikh Gurd-
ums in close relation to the history of community in a Hindu-dominated state. wara Management Committee (DSGMC)
archaeology in India. They especially These works recognise Sikh museums as are influential and rich religious bodies
noted the museums’ role in the devel- important sites of Sikh memory and that regulate Sikh religious affairs and
opment of a specific idea of India’s his- identity in contemporary India. manage the most important gurdwaras
tory. The second strand of scholarship This article expands the field of enquiry in India. Table 1 lists some prominent Sikh
focuses on a new kind of museum that to provide a comprehensive overview museums located in Punjab and Delhi,
has recently emerged in India, built by of the emergence of Sikh museums in the year of their establishment, their
non-state actors. These museums are Table 1: Prominent Sikh Museums in India
often notable for their spectacular ar- Museum Year Sponsor Artists
chitecture and multimedia display, for Central Sikh Museum, 1958 SGPC Kirpal Singh (1923–90), Sobha Singh (1901–86),
example, the Akshardham Cultural Golden Temple, Gurdit Singh (1900–81), Amolak Singh
Amritsar, Punjab (1950–2006), R M Singh (b 1965), Bodhraj
Complex, New Delhi (Brosius 2011). (1934–1992), and Devender Singh (b 1947)
These works have highlighted how the Anglo-Sikh Wars Memorial, 1976 Government Kirpal Singh and Devender Singh
boundaries between shrines and muse- Ferozepur, Punjab of Punjab
ums are indistinguishable in these in- Guru Tegh Bahadur Museum, 1983 Government Jawant Singh (d 1991), Kirpal Singh, and
Anandpur Sahib, Punjab of Punjab Devender Singh
stitutions, and how religious practices
Bhai Mati Das Museum, 2001 DSGMC Bodhraj, Devender Singh, R M Singh,
specific to a particular group are presented Sis Ganj Sahib Gurdwara, Mehar Singh (b 1929), Kirpal Singh, and
as heritage for larger communities. Delhi Amolak Singh
Within this field, very little is known Baba Baghel Singh First in the 1970s; DSGMC Original paintings by Kirpal Singh,
Sikh Heritage Multimedia renovated and Jarnail Singh (b 1956) and G S Sohan Singh
about Sikh museums, their emergence Complex, Bangla Sahib reopened (1914–1999); new multimedia display based
and their modes of representation. The Gurdwara, Delhi in 2014 on history paintings
existing scholarship on Sikh museums Virasat-e-Khalsa, 2011 Government Multimedia display, mixed style
focuses on single institutions. Two Sikh Anandpur Sahib, Punjab of Punjab
museums in Punjab have been studied Interpretation Centre, 2016 Government Multimedia display based on history paintings
Golden Temple, Amritsar, of Punjab
so far: Central Sikh Museum at Amritsar, Punjab
and Virasat-e-Khalsa (Khalsa Heritage Source: Compiled by the author.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 33

PERSPECTIVES

sponsors and the artists commissioned illustrates this well. PSB’s chairman, and spectacular museum form is de-
to work for the museum. Inderjit Singh (1911–98) was an advisor ployed to narrate the story of a religious
One of the most notable patrons of to some SGPC publications on Sikh history. group. While the religious nature of the
history paintings has been the Punjab Satbir Singh (1932–94), a prolific writer on display leads to a merging of the secular
and Sind Bank (PSB). It is important to Sikh history, was a member of the Dharam and the sacred in the museum, it is not
note the bank’s role in the promotion of Parchar Committee (literally, the Com- the only factor. In addition to the sacred
Sikh heritage3 through history paintings. mittee for Propagation of Religion) of the nature of display, we must consider the
The PSB was a private bank founded in SGPC and was a consultant to the PSB for overlapping strands of religious and sec-
1908 and subsequently nationalised by its illustrated calendars. For example, a ular patronage as providing the founda-
the Indian government in 1980.4 Since the popularly available illustrated storybook tion for the convergence of sacred and
1970s, the PSB has regularly published il- on Sikh history published by the SGPC, secular at the site of the Sikh museums.
lustrated calendars on Sikh history. Each Nikkiyan jinda vadda saka: Chhote
year, the bank chooses a theme from Sahibzadiyan di shahidi di sachitra sakhi Sikh Museum in Popular Culture
Sikh history for its annual calendar and (Great Deeds by Young Lives: Illustrated Another factor which makes Sikh muse-
commissioned artists to illustrate those Story of the Martyrdom of the Chhote ums remarkable is that the contents of
themes. The bank continued to commis- Sahibzaade or the Younger Princes). For this the museum are not confined within its
sion paintings for its calendars for a pe- book, Inderjit Singh was the chief advisor, portals. Sikh history paintings are widely
riod of almost three decades. Many im- the “historical background” was provid- reproduced in popular cultural spheres
portant events from Sikh history were ed by Satbir Singh and the illustrations and in different materialities: pocket
represented visually for the first time in were by Devender Singh (SGPC 1976).6 calendars printed by local commercial
PSB’s calendars, and these images went The catalogue (or Album, as it is titled) establishments, official calendars of gov-
on to create a template that continues to of the Central Sikh Museum, published ernment institutions like the PSB, illus-
be followed decades later.5 Incidentally, it by the SGPC gives credits to Inderjit Singh trated storybooks, academic works, and
is PSB’s collection of paintings that forms for “expert advice” and acknowledges films and animation available on the in-
the major part of the collection at the Satbir Singh as the writer (SGPC 1991). ternet. For instance, Devender Singh’s
Bhai Mati Das Museum at Gurdwara Sis These intersecting threads of patronage illustrations for Nikiyan Jindaan Vadda
Ganj Sahib, Delhi. are significant in extending the museum’s Saka also appear in a recently made on-
reach and its sphere of influence to mul- line video narrating the same story, which
Intersecting threads of patronage: While tiple domains outside the portals of the in turn is part of the display at Baba
the SGPC or DSGMC and the Punjab gov- museum. This led to the production of Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia
ernment are distinct authorities, these an authoritative notion of Sikh heritage, Museum in New Delhi (Sahney 2013). The
networks of patronage intersect and over- and the creation of a visual and narra- imagery of the history paintings is also
lap. First, they are united by a common tive template, which is highly influential reproduced in musical and theatrical
interest in highlighting the Sikh past in contemporary India. performances, which are routinely part
through museums and production of Moreover, these intersecting threads of commemorative functions. The Sikhs
popular pedagogical material using his- of patronage have ensured an indistin- participating in these performances re-
tory paintings. Second, irrespective of guishable merging of the secular and the enact historical events, often dressed in
who commissions the museums and the sacred. In the case of the Sikh museums, deep blue robes, emulating the 18th-
paintings, the display is nearly identical. scholars have noted the religious content century Khalsa warriors. Those playing
Except for the Virasat-e-Khalsa (which is of display housed within the portals of enemy soldiers are dressed in green. The
stylistically more diverse), these museums the museum. In her study of the Central costume and make-up replicate the colour
overwhelmingly use history paintings. Sikh Museum, Chopra (2018: 9) notes, scheme and style of the history paintings
Third, it is the same set of artists who “[the museum] … is a space where belief (a discussion of the visual elements
work for the gurdwaras as well as the and historical events are visually woven appears subsequently). Television pro-
government: Kirpal Singh, Devender together …” She argues that this is evi- grammes covering such events use his-
Singh, Bodhraj, Mehar Singh, R M Singh dent from the museum’s narration of sto- tory paintings in tandem with videos
are among the most popular artists. ries of sacred people (that is, the gurus and photographs of the event, establish-
Additionally, government employees and and the martyrs), and the devotion of ing a visual narrative and temporal con-
office-bearers in religious organisations the museum visitors towards the display tinuity between history, history paintings
often work closely with each other on of religious portraits by removing their and the performance.7
pedagogical projects on Sikh heritage shoes and covering their head, as if Through such circulation of history
(such as organising commemorative entering a shrine (Chopra 2018: 9). Simi- paintings, Sikh museums become an in-
events and exhibitions, publishing books larly, Mathur and Singh ([2015] 2017b) extricable part of educational, religious,
and popular literature), and sometimes consider the Virasat-e-Khalsa as a site, commemorative and entertainment net-
individuals hold positions in both the which combines the museum with the works (Appadurai and Breckenridge
sectors. An institution like the PSB shrine (and a theme park). A futuristic 1992).8 Supported by a wide network of
34 april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 PERSPECTIVES

sponsorship, the ubiquitous presence of Figure 2: Banda Bahadur’s Martyrdom—Painting at Bhai Mati Das Museum
Sikh history paintings, when combined
with the authority of the museum, gives
the museum’s narrative a dominance
that is difficult to challenge.
This is well illustrated by an incident,
which played out in the Indian Parlia-
ment, the nation’s highest legislative body.
In 1974, Parliament Secretariat distri-
buted an illustrated calendar on Sikh
history, published by Punjab Markfed,
an agricultural cooperative. The calendar
included paintings of Sikh sacrifices in
the face of Mughal oppression and in the
freedom struggle against the British. Some
of the members of Parliament objected
to the calendar in the House of the Peo-
ple (Lok Sabha). They pointed out that
such a depiction of alleged atrocities by
the Muslims against the Sikhs and the Source: Photo taken by the author.
calendar’s distribution by the govern-
ment body would fan communalism by canvas of Sikh heritage, its invocation The Story of Sikh Past
targeting and maligning a particular and consumption through history paint- In a typical Sikh museum, the narrative
community. The speaker of the house ings. Thus, each of these visual repro- follows a chronological order. It presents
responded to these objections by noting ductions of the Sikh past becomes a site the story of the development of Sikh
that such pictures were circulated widely, that replicates the narrative of the mu- community, beginning with Guru Nanak
were present in museums and were his- seum, retains a connection with it, and in the 15th century, followed by the other
torical reproductions (Lok Sabha Debates maintains the overlap of the sacred and gurus in their order of succession. The
1974: columns 195–206). Zail Singh, the the secular. display includes their portraits, stories
then chief minister of Punjab, stated that This ability of the Sikh museum to of their birth, childhood, and their con-
the calendar was a historical document.9 flow between seemingly distinct domains tribution to the development of the Sikh
G S Tohra, the then president of SGPC, gives rise to a number of questions: How religion. Different aspects of each guru’s
claimed that it was a vivid depiction of do faith, memory, history, visuality, and life and personality are emphasised: self-
historical events.10 This episode well il- materiality interact across these net- less service, kindness, humility and belief
lustrates the paintings’ status as an evi- works? How does the circulation of the in equality, for the early gurus, and the
dence of Sikh history rather than rep- Sikh museums’ display across multiple military prowess of Guru Gobind Singh.
resentations of the Sikh past. spheres shape our understanding of the After the gurus, the narrative usually
Further, history paintings retain their museum as an institution? Is every site takes us into the 18th century. It is shown
sacred value even with this prolific re- and mode of production and consump- as a period of turmoil for the community
production in popular culture. As Inglis tion of the past a museum? Murphy (2015) as it faced repression at the hands of the
(1995: 52, 72) has argued in the case of has proposed that consumption of the Mughals and the Afghans. Some of the
calendar prints of Hindu deities, “[the] past at Sikh museums, gurdwaras, herit- most well-known stories in the Sikh tra-
mechanically reproduced images contin- age trails and through objects constitutes dition—of bravery in face of adversity
ue to participate in the sacrality of the a Sikh museumising imagination. This and martyrdom in defence of faith—re-
‘objects’” and their sacredness is played broad ontological claim fails to recognise fer to this period. A frequently remem-
out in diverse and varied forms. Accord- the particular nature of Sikh museums bered sacrifice is that of the warrior,
ing to Chopra, the consumption of Sikh and its consistent creation and use in Banda Singh Bahadur (1670–1716). After
history paintings at shrines, bazaars and independent India. In the Sikh case, the the death of Guru Gobind Singh, Banda
museums is a clear evidence and perfor- key point remains that the museum form mobilised an army of Sikh soldiers,
mance of belief, and each location be- and nomenclature was adopted as dis- swept through parts of Punjab, severely
comes a site for “visual remembrance” tinct from the shrine and other modes disrupting the Mughal rule in the region.
(Chopra 2018: xiv–xv). While Chopra of performing the past. The creation of According to Sikh tradition, he did this to
makes this observation specifically about Sikh museums is an articulation of a con- avenge the death of the younger sons of
the commemoration of martyrs and of ceptual relationship with the past, the Guru Gobind Singh, who were bricked
traumatic events in Sikh history, this need for which was particularly felt in alive by the Mughals. Banda was eventu-
arguments remain valid for the larger independent India. ally captured and brought to Delhi, the
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 35
PERSPECTIVES

capital of the Mughals, tortured and handsome, noble features, and wears a visitors know of the glorious historical
executed. It is said that he was made to white loincloth representing purity. The legacy of the Sikhs and the sacrifices of
watch the killing of his four-year-old son, executioners are dark-skinned with gro- its martyrs who are all identified as
whose flesh was forcefully fed to him. tesque features and are clothed in black, Khalsa. The history paintings inspire the
Then, Banda’s own flesh was torn from his embodying darkness and cruelty. A younger generations to emulate these
body till he died (Figure 2, p 35). Such gory Muslim cleric is shown dressed in green, a ideal personalities to “become Sikhs,
scenes of violence are commonly depicted colour commonly associated with the Singh and Khalsa, true to their faith.”12
in history paintings in the museums. Muslim community in modern India. In All Sikhs, even those in pre-Khalsa times,
The scenes of martyrdom are inter- other history paintings and performances, are depicted as the Khalsa (with uncut
spersed with portraits of military com- Sikhs (dressed in blue, yellow, the hair covered in a turban, full-flowing
manders who controlled parts of Punjab colours of the Khalsa) are often shown beard) even when there is no historical
in the 18th century. Next, the story moves fighting against enemy soldiers who dress evidence. This is a missed opportunity for
to the rule of Ranjit Singh (1780–1839) in green. developing a critical perspective towards
in Punjab, with the display including the past. When museums around the
portraits of the royal family and court Heritage in Sikh museums: This story world have been compelled to engage
scenes. The paintings emphasise the glory of Sikh heritage is a powerful and highly with issues of representation, diversity
of his court and the secular and tolerant emotional narrative. Standing before the and the need for rethinking the past,
nature of his rule. paintings, one feels the kindness of the one cannot fail to notice the absence of
Beyond this point, the narrative often gurus and the energy of the Khalsa. The such an approach in Sikh museums. The
thins out. Often, we find ourselves di- fearlessness of these Sikhs fills one’s heart focus on the gurus and the martyrs is
rectly in the 20th century, with a few with pride. The sacrifice of the martyrs common to most Sikh museums and there
canvases on the freedom movement and is deeply inspiring. The men and women is little information on contemporary
the Sikhs’ participation in the struggle shown in the museum embody every- events (except in the Central Sikh Museum
against British rule. These include por- thing that is dear to the Sikh faith: self- and the Virasat-e-Khalsa). Some of these
traits of revolutionaries from Punjab, less service, humility, equality, ability to differences in display are because of fac-
especially Bhagat Singh (1907–31) and fight for justice and sacrificing oneself in tors like the space available in the muse-
Udham Singh (1899–1940), who remain the defence of one’s belief. um and the local historical association
iconic names in India. Some museums However, these ideal personalities do of the museum with the site.
also feature Sikh participation in the not appear in their larger context. They However, what explains the omission
Indian armed forces. are shown as exemplars of faith, but of the partition of 1947 and the events of
This visualisation of history is notable without telling us the milieu in which 1984, which had tremendous impact on
for its use of realism and the iconography they worked. The narrative is entirely the Sikh community in most Sikh muse-
and colour scheme. Realistic depiction is personality-centric. The sole motivating ums? Das (1995: 121) points out that “the
an important factor determining the force of history and the life of the people contemporary Sikh community is defined
popularity of these paintings (and of depicted in the museum is faith since no with reference to certain key events of
South Asian popular visual art, in gen- context is provided. All actions of indi- the past which emphasize the building
eral). Some of the artists involved in cre- viduals are thus inspired by the ideals of up of the community on the basis of its
ating Sikh history paintings were inter- faith or are in defence of faith. Such a heroic deeds.” This explains the focus on
viewed as part of this research, and they narrative strips away all context for the the gurus and the martyrs. And, this is
were unanimous in highlighting the value development of the community, including probably why there is very little repre-
of realism in establishing an instant con- the Sikhs’ close links with other groups, sentation of events such as the partition.
nect with the viewers and of its accessi- their interactions with different cultural As Brass (2006: 21) notes, the Sikhs are
bility as a narrative form. As Kapur has traditions, and gives no indication of the unable to “integrate this disaster in a fully
demonstrated, realism significantly in- transformation of the community over satisfying way into Sikh history and hag-
fluences the way images are perceived. It time. Sikh history in the museum then iography.” This, he argues, is because the
“historicizes” the stories and characters, emerges as a long saga of exemplary Sikh victimhood of the partition is humiliating
giving them real faces, locations and behaviour inspired by faith. One gets lit- to acknowledge, and the Sikhs were as
characteristics (Kapur 1993: 97). It simul- tle information on the historical evolu- much the perpetrators of violence in 1947
taneously limits the possibilities of inter- tion of the Sikh tradition with reference as they were at the receiving end of it
preting these in multiple ways, by fixing to caste, gender, language and region.11 (Brass 2006: 21–22).13
the narrative and the form. The choice of Such a narration of the Sikh past pro- An important factor determining the
visual elements and colours in Sikh his- jects the Khalsa as the only Sikh identity, differences in the display is the differing
tory paintings is significant. In Figure 2, while avoiding any mention of the diver- priorities of the Sikh community in dif-
there is a clear contrast between the sity of beliefs and practices within the ferent locations. Sikh politics in Amritsar,
body/facial features of Banda and his Sikh tradition. Indeed, Sikh museums we must bear in mind, differs from Sikh
executioners. Banda is fair-skinned with are built with the purpose of letting politics in Delhi. This is especially evident
36 april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 PERSPECTIVES

in the representation of the events of Punjabi Suba gradually mutated into a events, most notably that of 1984. Com-
1984. The Central Sikh Museum, Amritsar demand for a Sikh homeland, leading up bined with this is a sense of failure of
is perhaps the only Sikh museum in India to the militant movement for a separate the Hindu-majority Indian nation to
that includes the Operation Blue Star and autonomous Sikh state of Khalistan recognise the contribution of the Sikhs.
and Khalistani militants. Portraits of in the 1980s and 1990s. The question of There is an increasing articulation of
Bhindranwale and of the assassins of Sikh identity and their place in the Indian the demand for “national” recognition
Indira Gandhi are displayed prominently nation was a theme common to these for Sikh contributions in the form of
in the SGPC-run Central Sikh Museum, political agitations. The Indian Army’s inclusion in textbooks and through
enjoying the same status as that of the attack on the Golden Temple and the proclamation of national holidays.
18th-century Sikh martyrs. No Sikh anti-Sikh violence in 1984, abetted by In this background, the use of the
museum in Delhi displays content related the ruling government, have left a deep museum form becomes even more crucial.
to Khalistan. In my view, this choice is sense of hurt and betrayal among the The museum is necessary perhaps because
based not on the difference in the secular Sikhs. The injustice towards the Sikhs in it is not enough for the paintings and the
and religious setting of individual Sikh independent India is perceived to be a stories with their claims of Sikh heritage
museums (as argued by Singh [2015: 450]) continuation of the historical oppression to remain in the religious and the popu-
but rather on the politics of different suffered by the community since its lar cultural sphere. The authority of the
stakes for Sikhs in different regions.14 inception, and is expressed in its com- museum is needed to consolidate and
These variations between museums in memorative practices. The 1970s and legitimise the claims of inclusion or chal-
different locations are significant as they 1980s were also a period of religious re- lenges to the nation, and to lend strength
indirectly reveal the tensions within the vivalism following rapid changes in the to contemporary claims made on this nar-
Sikh community and differences in what rural economy of Punjab (see Grewal rative. The museum form is particularly
is perceived to be the community’s his- [{1994} 2009] and Singh [1992] for an effective for such a purpose, as it is rec-
tory. The museums’ narrative, particu- overview of these developments). ognised globally. Moreover, this very
larly of contemporary events, is evidently This is also the time when a number secular authority of the museum con-
not subscribed by all. It also brings into of state museums are being built by the firms and consolidates the sacredness
focus the important political role played governments in the new states created of the narrative. The Sikh museum
by the Sikh museums in independent and reorganised within the boundaries uniquely draws upon the Western model
India and why it is necessary to create of India. Mathur and Singh ([2015] of the secular museum and transforms
and control them. 2017a) note a “wave of museum mak- it for its own use.
ing” (representing official culture) fol- The museum form is also successful
Why Do We Need Sikh Museums? lowing the reorganisation of states in in reaching out to multiple audiences.
The question of why Sikh museums are the different regions of India. Through At one level, the Sikh community seems
needed may be examined in the context independent India, Sikh museums have to be the museums’ primary target, with
of events in independent India. Their been established and variously used by their emphasis on inspiring the younger
creation coincides with some of the most both the state and the Sikh community. generations to emulate their ancestors.
significant developments in contempo- It is noteworthy that the first Sikh mu- At another level, Sikh museums are
rary India. This shaped the Sikh commu- seum (Central Sikh Museum) was used as highly political sites, indicating
nity’s use of its history and the perception founded as early as 1958 and was not a that the museums are regularly used to
of its own place in the Indian nation. In project of the Indian nation state. The communicate with the ruling groups,
independent India, the Sikh community articulation of Sikh heritage has an un- including the political and religious
often sees itself in conflict, both religious even relationship with “Indian” herit- leaders. The more recent multimedia
and political, with the nation state. In age. On the one hand, the Sikhs see Sikh museums (such as the Virasat-e-
the years leading up to the independ- themselves as proud contributors to the Khalsa, Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage
ence of India and the partition in 1947, nation. Guru Tegh Bahadur (1621–75) is Multimedia Complex, and the Golden
there was a deep sense of anxiety within popularly called Hind di Chadar or the Temple Interpretation Centre) also in-
the Sikh community about their position protective cloak over Hindustan.15 The dicate a desire to address a larger audi-
as a minority in a Muslim-dominated claim of Sikh conquest of the Mughal ence consisting of the upwardly mobile
Pakistan, on the one hand, and a Hindu- capital, Delhi, in the 18th century is pro- traveller and consumer, both Indian and
dominated India on the other. The mood jected as the beginning of the struggle foreigner, who has an appetite for expe-
of dejection, resentment and indigna- for independence for India. On the oth- riences combining education, leisure and
tion (Grewal [1994] 2009: 179) at the er hand, Sikh museums and history spiritual satisfaction.
proposals, leading to the division of the paintings articulate a unique Sikh iden- In contemporary India, Sikh museums
country, seemed to continue in the dec- tity that resists perceived attempts of continue to be built, making them a
ades after independence, especially in assimilation into the majority Hindu noteworthy phenomenon. It is signifi-
the agitation for Punjabi Suba in the late population. They also articulate a defi- cant that more and more Sikh museums
1950s and the 1960s. The demand for ance of the Indian state’s version of are being built with the same message. It
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 37
PERSPECTIVES

reveals that the museums’ pedagogical Sikh museums are a rich site of ex- 8 See Appadurai and Breckenridge for interocu-
larity of museum displays in India.
(and political) project, though highly in- amination from a range of perspectives 9 “Punjab Not to Ban ‘Moghul Calendar,’” 1974,
fluential, still remains incomplete and and such an approach would be valua- Hindustan Times, 7 April.
exposed to challenges. There exist dif- ble in re-examining our understanding 10 “Taura Defends Calendar,” 1974, Hindustan
Times, 9 April.
ferences in Sikh practices, beliefs and of museums and heritage in an India 11 This is not to say that the construction of the
understandings of history. context with wider implications for other past in Sikh museums is lacking in historical
basis. It is that such an idea of history lacks a
non-Western societies. The study of Sikh critical perspective and is quite limited. There
What Is a Sikh ‘Museum’? museums with the perspective on mu- is little attention given to diversity of view-
points within the tradition of Sikh history writ-
Existing theories on museums and her- seums and heritage are a useful van- ing and in modern historiography.
itage have focused on Western socie- tage point for examining some of the 12 As proclaimed in the introductory panel in Bhai
ties where musealisation has been var- most significant debates around nation, Mati Das Museum, Gurdwara Sis Ganj Sahib,
Delhi. The original text is in Punjabi. The
iously considered as part of the herit- citizenship, identity and history in con- English translation is mine.
age industry, the exhibitionary com- temporary India. 13 Only the recently built Virasat-e-Khalsa in-
cludes partition as part of the narrative of Sikh
plex, as nostalgia in the face of the loss history. In 2017, the Partition Museum was
of tradition and as a part of visual me- Notes inaugurated in the city of Amritsar, the only
museum on the theme in India. However, it is
dia spectacles. In the Indian context, 1 History painting refers to a genre of painting not a Sikh museum. It would be interesting to
most studies on museums explore the traced to 17th-century Europe, which had sub- examine the representation of the partition in
jects drawn from classical history and mythol- both these museums, especially in light of
institution’s origins under colonialism ogy. Here, I use the term to refer to modern Brass’s arguments.
and its continuation in different post- paintings done in academic style, which illus- 14 This is because of the difference in caste and
trate events from Sikh history. class composition of the Sikh populations in
colonial forms, either as a project of 2 Khalsa is the baptised Sikh identity, created by these two regions. Delhi Sikhs are mostly
the Indian nation state or as an expres- Guru Gobind Singh in 1699. The Khalsa were Khatris, an urban trading group. In Punjab, it is
to wear the five Ks on their person, follow a the Jats (a rural, agrarian caste) who are domi-
sion of identity politics. code of conduct (rahit), and would be called nant in politics and in control of Sikh shrines
A study of Sikh museums must take Singhs. These five Ks are: kara (steel bangle), and institutions (like the SGPC). These differ-
into account, (i) their sheer number and kesh (uncut hair), kangha (comb), kirpan ences are particularly revealed in their respec-
(dagger), and kachha (drawers), and they con- tive political alliances and their stance on con-
the consistency of their emergence over stitute essential markers of Sikh identity today. temporary issues. The demand for a separate
decades; and (ii) their distinctive nature 3 For meanings and uses of heritage, see Lowenthal Sikh homeland (Khalistan) had significant sup-
(1985), Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (2001), Smith port among the Jat Sikhs in Punjab, but little
owing to their display, their ability to (2006), Harrison (2013). “Heritage” is most currency in Delhi. Here, it is worthwhile to ob-
circulate across multiple cultural spheres, commonly understood as elements of the past serve the museums’ approach to the issue of
which are of value in the present (and the caste. Sikh museums invariably mention the
and the overlap of secular and sacred in future); it needs to be preserved; and is impor- gurus’ emphasis on equality and their anti-
their patronage, display and consump- tant in defining a community’s identity and caste stance. Yet, caste discrimination is a
history. PSB’s commissioning of history paint- reality in Sikh society and the so-called lower
tion. It may be useful to see Sikh muse- castes do not subscribe to the Khalsa version of
ings was for the purpose (as expressed in their
ums as a contemporary Indian pheno- publications) of promoting the teachings of the history and faith and are followers of other
Sikh gurus and making the younger generation religious orders (deras) in contemporary
menon and a complex or an assemblage Punjab. This reality does not find any mention
aware of this legacy (Singh 1995).
(drawing upon Macdonald 2013: 6) 4 The founders of the bank were Bhai Vir Singh in Sikh museums.
where seemingly disparate elements of (1872–1957), Sardar Tarlochan Singh (1872–1947) 15 According to Sikh tradition, Tegh Bahadur,
and Sunder Singh Majithia (1872–1941). They the ninth guru, sacrificed his life to protect a
heritage interact in dynamic ways. Mate- were part of Singh Sabha, the influential 19th group of Hindus who were being forced to
riality, visuality, faith, identity, history century religious reform movement in Punjab, convert to Islam by the Mughal emperor,
which emphasised the distinct identity of Sikh- Aurangzeb (1618–1707).
and politics are autonomous element
ism as a separate religion from Hinduism.
influencing Sikh museums and, in turn, 5 The paintings are frequently “copied” by other
getting shaped by them. Each also pro- artists and individual artists may create multi- References
ple copies for use by several clients. This is Appadurai, Arjun and Carol A Breckenridge (1992):
vides a different perspective for study- quite common in the calendar art industry in “Museums Are Good to Think: Heritage on
ing Sikh museums. Some of these are South Asia. View in India,” Museums and Communities: The
highlighted in this article: tracing a 6 As acknowledged in the publishing information Politics of Public Culture, Ivan Karp, Christine
of the book. It narrates the story of the martyr- Mullen Kreamer and Steven D Lavine (eds),
long-term pattern of emergence of Sikh dom of the two younger sons of Guru Gobind Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution
museums; unearthing the intersecting Singh in 1704 at the hands of Mughal officers Press, pp 34–55.
and is one of the most moving stories from the Brass, Paul (2006): “Victims, Heroes or Martyrs?
threads of patronage, of the govern- Sikh tradition. Partition and the Problem of Memorialization
ment, religious and educational organi- 7 For example, the Fateh Diwas (Day of Victory) in Contemporary Sikh History,” Sikh Forma-
celebrations organised by the DSGMC in tions: Religion, Culture, Theory, Vol 2, No 2,
sations and individuals; considering Sikh pp 17–31.
Delhi in 2014 included the performance of a
museums as part of a wider pedagogical, play, Raj Karega Khalsa, viewed on 19 Febru- Brosius, Christiane (2011): “The Cultural Politics of
religious, cultural and political networks ary 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v Transnational Heritage Rituals: Akshardham
=LfzfUJ1X0HU. The celebrations were cov- Cultural Complex in New Delhi,” Ritual, Herit-
where the museum is popular, familiar, ered by PTC news channel in their pro- age and Identity: The Politics of Culture and
easily accessible and present in differ- gramme series Goonjan Sikh Virse Diyaan Performance in a Globalised World, Christiane
(Echoes of Sikh Heritage), which used mod- Brosius and Karin M Polit (eds), New Delhi:
ent forms; and in the background of ern history paintings of Sikh warriors, march- Routledge, pp 97–125.
developments in independent India, which ing and fighting battles together with photo- Chandra, Nandini (2013): The Classic Popular: Amar
graphs and videos of the 2014 celebrations, Chitra Katha 1967–2007, Delhi: Yoda Press.
have shaped the Sikh community’s use viewed on 19 February 2015, https://www. Chopra, Radhika (2018): Amritsar 1984, London:
of its own past. youtube.com/watch?v=yux0Vhdd3Fc. Lexington Books.

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— (2010): “Commemorating Hurt: Memorializing Community?” New Insights into Sikh Art, — (1991): Album: Kendri Sikh Ajaibghar [Album:
Operation Blue Star,” Sikh Formations: Reli- Kavita Singh (ed), Mumbai: Marg, pp 134–45. Central Sikh Museum], Amritsar: Shiromani
gion, Culture, Theory, Vol 6, No 2, pp 119–52. Lok Sabha Debates (1974): 10th Session, New Delhi: Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee.
— (2013): “A Museum, a Memorial, and a Martyr,” Lok Sabha Secretariat, Vol 37, April 3. Singh, Kanika (2016): “Representation of Heritage in
Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture, Theory, Lowenthal, David (1985): The Past Is a Foreign Museums of Sikh History: A Case Study of the
Vol 9, No 2, pp 97–114, doi: 10.1080/17448727.2013. Country, Cambridge: Cambridge University Museum at Sis Ganj Gurdwara, Delhi,” PhD
822142. Press. Diss, Ambedkar University Delhi.
Das, Veena (1995): Critical Events: An Anthropolog- Macdonald, Sharon (2013): Memorylands: Heritage — (2019): “Masculinity in Sikh Visual Culture:
ical Perspective on Contemporary India, Delhi: and Identity in Europe Today, London and New Representing the Guru and the Martyr,”
Oxford University Press. York: Routledge. Tasveer Ghar: A Digital Archive of South Asian
Glover, William J (2014): “The Khalsa Heritage Mathur, Saloni and Kavita Singh ([2015] 2017a): Popular Visual Culture, http://www.tasveergh
Complex,” The Oxford Handbook of Sikh Stud- “Introduction,” No Touching, No Spitting, arindia.net/essay/masculine-sikh-guru-mar-
ies, Pashaura Singh and Louis E Fenech (eds), No Praying: The Museum in South Asia, Saloni tyr.html.
New York: Oxford University Press, pp 441–48. Mathur and Kavita Singh (eds), New Delhi: Singh, Kavita (2003): “The Museum Is National,”
Grewal, J S ([1994] 2009): The Sikhs of the Punjab, Routledge, pp 1–18. India International Centre Quarterly, Vol 29,
New Delhi: Cambridge University Press. — ([2015] 2017b): “Reincarnations of the Museum: Nos 3–4, pp 176–96.
Guha-Thakurta, Tapati (2004): Monuments, Objects, The Museum in an Age of Religious Reviva- — (2015): “Ghosts of Future Nations, or the Uses
Histories: Institutions of Art in Colonial and lism,” No Touching, No Spitting, No Praying: of the Holocaust Museum Paradigm in India,”
Postcolonial India, New Delhi: Permanent Black. The Museum in South Asia, Saloni Mathur and The International Handbook of Museum Studies:
Harrison, Rodney (2013): Heritage: Critical Ap- Kavita Singh (eds), New Delhi: Routledge, Museum Transformations, Annie E Coombes
proaches, London, New York: Routledge. pp 203–18. and Ruth B Phillips (eds), Wiley-Blackwell,
Inglis, Stephen R (1995): “Suitable for Framing: McLeod, W H (1991): Popular Sikh Art, Delhi: pp 29–60.
The Work of a Modern Master,” Media and Oxford University Press. Singh, Khushwant (1992): A History of the Sikhs
Transformation of Religion in South Asia, Murphy, Anne (2015): “Sikh Museuming,” Sacred (1839–2004), Vol 2, New Delhi: Oxford Univer-
Lawrence A Babb and Susan S Wadley (eds), Objects in Secular Spaces: Exhibiting Asian Reli- sity Press.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania gions in Museums, Bruce M Sullivan (ed), Lon- Singh, Makhan (ed) (1995): Sikh Heritage in Paint-
Press, pp 51–75. don and New York: Bloomsbury, pp 49–64. ings, Noida: Perfect Press.
Kapur, Anuradha (1993): “Deity to Crusader: The Sahney, Vikramjit Singh (2013): Do Badiyan Keemti Smith, Laurajane (2006): Uses of Heritage, London,
Changing Iconography of Ram,” Hindus and Jinda [Two Very Precious Lives], Saregama New York: Routledge.
Others: The Question of Identity in India Today, Punjabi, viewed on 25 May 2020, https://www. Sreenivas, Deepa (2010): Sculpting a Middle Class:
Gyanendra Pandey (ed), New Delhi: Viking, youtube.com/watch?v=3b3VWVoBqdA. History, Masculinity and the Amar Chitra Katha
Penguin, pp 74–109. SGPC (1976): Nikkiyan jinda vadda saka: Chhote in India, New Delhi: Routledge.
Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara (2001): “Theoriz- Sahibzadiyan di shahidi di sachitra sakhi [Great Uberoi, Patricia (2003): “Dilemmas of Nationhood
ing Heritage,” Ethnomusicology, Vol 39, No 3, Deeds by Young Lives: Illustrated Story of the in Indian Calendar Art,” Beyond Appearances:
pp 367–80. Martyrdom of the Chhote Sahibzaade or the Visual Practices and Ideologies in Modern India,
Launois (Sat Kaur), Anne-Colombe (2003): “The Younger Princes], Amritsar: Shiromani Gurdwara Sumathi Ramaswamy (ed), New Delhi: Sage
Khalsa Heritage Complex: A Museum for a Parbandhak Committee. Publications, pp 191–232.

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Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 39

SPECIAL ARTICLE

The Changing Face of New Towns in India

Aparna Vedula

N
The concept of greenfield new towns is as old as “ ew town,” as a term, represents urban development of
civilisation in the Indian subcontinent. Socio-spatial a sizeable scale, pre-planned at the macro and micro
levels, on a predominantly rural land. The “green-
equity has been at the core of the new town experiment
field” new town typology of planned urban development origi-
during its origin in the Garden City movement. India has nated from the Garden City movement of the late 19th-century
witnessed the new town wave post 1947, with the Britain, which was a response to the post-industrialist frag-
unstated mandate to serve the constitutional “common mented, inequitable, and unlivable cities. The post-World War II
British new town movement adopted from the garden city a
good,” in order to address the ills of the colonial
“double intention” (Osborn and Whittick 1963). It aimed to
inheritance of the divided city. The Indian new town has decongest large cities by relocating masses of working popula-
undergone major changes towards a more exclusive tion, providing them with better living conditions, and to
private enclave. The statutory planning discourse in India rejuvenate impoverished backward agricultural regions with
modern industry. These were public initiatives in Britain and
through the national five-year plans, which have helmed
Europe, but majorly private initiatives, or “planned communities”
socio-economic–political planning, as well as the in the United States (US) (Alonso 1970).
evolutionary curve of this discourse holds reasons for the The “greenfield” was no stranger to the Indian sub-
changing face of new towns in India. continent and had its historical counterparts in the ancient
civilisations of Mohenjo-daro, Pataliputra, and Fatehpur
Sikri. Colonial examples of Chandannagar and Pondicherry
(French), Serampore and Tranquebar (Danish), and Kochi
and Chinsurah (Dutch) preceded the most common British
types—the military cantonment, railway node, and summer
capital. Post 1947, in the postcolonial era, public-initiative
greenfields formed the mainstay of Indian new towns until
the structural reforms era that saw joint ventures, private
new towns, and even special economic zones (SEZs) being
added to the typology.
The worldwide new town wave (in the 1940s to the 1960s),
which spread from Britain, prevailed in India in the 1950s–1970s.
The Indian statutory planning was established in process and
substance in the 1950s–1960s in order to envisage, supervise,
and dictate the growth of cities. The Constitution provided
for economic and social planning in the concurrent domain
for the union and state governments. Rights over land as well as
authority over land development, that is, urban planning and
development, were the domain of the state governments, thus
controlling urban and rural local authorities. Statutory urban
planning evolved in two layers: socio-economic–political
planning, dominated by the union government and socio-spa-
tial planning by the state governments and local authorities.
The union government enacted a land acquisition law and
[Figures 1 to 4 accompanying this paper are available on the designated the national five-year plans (FYPs) as the instru-
EPW website.] ments of centralised socio-economic–political planning and
Aparna Vedula ([email protected]) is the additional chief resource allocation, which materialised through policies and
planner, City and Industrial Development Corporation of Maharashtra, programmes (TCPO 2022). The states promulgated the urban
Navi Mumbai, and a fellow at the Institution of Town Planners, India, planning laws. Socio-spatial planning considered the common
New Delhi.
needs, that is, public utilities and social facilities as “public
46 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

purpose,” for which the state governments and authorities towns. They evolved from its colonial (summer capital, rail-
were entitled to eminent domain. The fountainhead of these way towns, cantonments), postcolonial (refugee, industrial,
powers was the latent promise to serve the constitutional and capital cities), to post 1970s metropolitan decongestion
“common good,” the redistributive justice awaited by the variants (Navi Mumbai and New Kolkata for Mumbai and
deeply divided cities inherited after independence, the vast ma- Kolkata, respectively). In the post-reform era, it evolved into
jority living in abysmal conditions that commonly triggered private cities, “special” townships, and SEZs.
public health crises, and the inequitable intervention by the The steel towns have received scholarly attention with regard
colonial government (Verma 1985; Gooptu 2001). The over- to how they were planned and managed, their contribution to
arching constitutional pledge of “justice: social, economic, the nascent economy, and how they shaped postcolonial
and political” and its resolve to “raise living standards” were nationalism (Sivaramakrishnan 1977; Prakash 1969; Roy 2007).
adopted by the First FYP. Through the Directive Principles of The first-generation private steel town of Jamshedpur has
State Policy (DPSP), the Constitution established “redistribu- been studied as a spatial norm-setter and a viable model for
tive justice as common good,” directing that “the ownership privatised provision of urban public goods and also been
and control of the material resources of the community should critiqued for exclusivity of such provisions (Sinha and Singh
be so distributed as best to sub serve the common good.” It 2011; Sood and Rath 2018). Chandigarh has been analysed for
made the state powers to declare the planning area, assign its influence on urban planning (Kalia 1987, 2006), and Navi
land uses, control built space, and acquire land for public pur- Mumbai for its sociopolitical shaping (Shaw 2004). The post-
poses unchallengeable via the 25th and 44th Amendments. reform (post-1990s) era private cities have received attention
The unilateralism of such power rested upon the latent for their public–private partnerships (PPPs) for land procurement,
promise of making good the inherited urban inequity as well resultant displacement, environmental and socio-economic
as of providing shelter and basic infrastructure equitably as impacts (Parikh 2015; Dutta and Srivastava 2011; Kennedy and
urban public goods. Statutory urban planning was developed Sood 2016). However, the new town, as an instrument to address
in two broad categories of intervention—“passive” and “active.” the burning socio-spatial question of postcolonial Indian cities
The former involves bringing about a city through regulations, and to achieve this socio-spatial equity, has not been studied.
influencing and shaping the physical–social space (brownfield), This paper attempts to address the same.
while the latter refers to acquiring land towards creation, and
shaping and complete control of the space (greenfield). The Colonial Inheritances in Urban Planning
greenfield, with its bulk acquisition of land and aided by The colonial inheritance of an acute urban chasm, that is, in-
eminent domain, held inherently higher potential than the equitable access to shelter and infrastructure was the core
brownfield towards equitable distribution of shelter and burning urban issue against which the constitutional promise
urban public goods. to “raise living standards” was the cornerstone of the statu-
Industrial greenfields formed the mainstay of India’s post- tory planning establishment, and the notion of “common
colonial new towns, apart from the refugee towns (due to parti- good” was the fountainhead of unilateral powers bestowed
tion) and capital cities (of which Chandigarh came to be the flag- upon the state.
bearer of what was expected from these new urban entities). The The greenfield new town held higher potential to bridge this
British new town movement added an egalitarian ring to the chasm or serve the “common good.” However, it has moved far
double intention—physical order and economic revival—of gar- away from this promise in the seven decades of independence.
den cities: social class heterogeneity, that is, to avoid residential This paper posits that the central government, in its sovereign
segregation of the working, salaried, and business classes preva- role, has helmed socio-economic–political planning compo-
lent in the old cities (Heraud 1968). The economic revival goal nent of statutory urban planning via the FYPs for more than six
was adopted by the industrial new towns (nation-building), decades, and the reasons for the Indian new town moving
while Chandigarh, envisioned as the “symbol of a free country away from the postcolonial promise of an equitable city per-
unfettered by the traditions of the past, was built to address haps lay in the evolution of the FYPs. Starting with a few Bri-
the age-old inequities (HC of Chandigarh 2022). These public tish era examples, the paper examines the well-known new
venture cities with public purpose goals have been termed as the town initiatives from the 1940s to 2019 and traces their geneal-
first postcolonial attempt to create a “self-contained and bal- ogy into the socio-economic–political planning discourse of
anced community” as opposed to the fragmented exclusive the FYPs by dividing them into the following groups: (i) Public
colonial habitat of the privileged (Koenigsberger 1952). The ventures—industrial towns and capital cities, where a public
aspirational underpinning of the Indian new town (Chandi- authority drives and controls the economic base as well as city
garh being perhaps the only articulation) was that the ideal development. (ii) Hybrids or joint ventures—these could be of
built-up environment would unfetter the city from old ills and three types. First, a public authority-controlled public initia-
lead “to the creation of an ideal society that would provide tive allowing private sector involvement in limited proportions
all the prerequisites of complete happiness and fulfillment” where the real estate market is exploited for public ends. Sec-
(Sutcliffe qtd in Fitting 2002). ond, a public authority-controlled public initiative allowing
Socio-spatial equity as an antidote to the inherited colonial large-scale and often-flexible involvement of the private sector.
fragmentation was the unstated goal for “planned” new Third, a hybrid-authority with private hegemony initiating
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SPECIAL ARTICLE

and controlling the economic base and city development. by which nationalist ideals of industrial production for public
(iii) Entirely private initiatives with policy support from the capital accumulation could be achieved, and capital cities,
public sector. which could be planned on egalitarian constitutional principles
and provide a better quality of life to its citizens, were to be
Colonial New Towns implemented (Roy 2007; Shaw 2009). Along with the new
The need of the ruler to live physically separate but close “temples of modernity”—the industries and the dams—the
enough to be served by the ruled is mirrored in the typical new towns constituted the postcolonial “renaissance” in their
segregated morphology of the new towns in British India. This aspiration to be model towns and to erase the discriminations,
was seen in the railway towns (nodes in vital circulation system disparities, and prejudices of caste, class, and religion of pre-
for economic control), cantonment towns (nodes in the network independence society through adequate provision of urban
of military control), and hill stations (summer capitals). It amenities (Kalia 2006). This was not a simple equation of
originated with the first war of independence (in 1857) in the expecting ideally ordered physical space to produce ideal social
cantonment towns, where a firing range separated the “military order; this was the aspiration that adequate physical space, if
lines” (soldier camps containing “lines” of tents) from the equitably distributed, would lead to a nation and society that
“civil lines,” and later became the typical “maidan” (Porter 2016). believe in equity. In this context, how did the new towns fare
The civil side consisted of the “native quarters,” the European in this task? How sincerely did they interpret the “professed
quarters, and the native bazaar in a discrete location near the egalitarian sentiments” of the times? (Kalia 2006)
latter (Heitzman 2008; Sivaramakrishnan 1977). In the railway The city plan for Chandigarh (1952) did not clearly profess its
settlements, the rail station, in its grandeur, was flanked by the objectives (D’Souza 1976). Administered as a “union territory,”
“civil lines”—British areas with wide roads and bungalows— the original boundary and plan were protected by a presidential
and the native city, with its narrow streets, alongside but phys- edict, and physically, by a greenbelt that contained existing
ically distinct (Smailes 1969). This morphology is illustrated in village settlements whose expansion/development was re-
a sketch and a photograph of Shimla, the summer capital, stricted. The housing was exclusively for government employees
where the spatial segregation was aided by the hilly contours (13 grades, the lowest being sweeper), deliberately mixed across
(Figures 1 and 2, available on the EPW website). The upper part, income hierarchy, and containing infrastructure and services,
or the ridge, was for the government/elite mansions, while the but public housing was absent. The 1971 Census reported that
church, mall, and shopping plaza below, was for the English- about 25,000 people were residing in a sector designed for
speaking clientele. Further below the bazaar was a dense 15,000. Authorities responded with a low and controlled sale
collection of low-income housing and shops for the native of the available housing plots to garner the maximum revenue.
“service” community (Heitzman 2008). The morphology depicted As a result, villages in the greenbelt expanded in an “unplanned”
the then divided society and highlighted the infeasibility of manner to absorb informal housing, commerce, and industry
equitable distribution of urban resources. (D’Souza 1976). By the mid-1990s, satellite towns emerged
outside the “edict-protected” periphery (Mani Majra, Panchkula,
Postcolonial Public New Towns and Nayagaon), with much lower standards of urban public
With the two transformative and traumatic sociopolitical goods than the planned city. A dual city was manifested in
events of independence and partition, India inherited a huge multiple layers, in the chasm between the social facilities and
backlog of shelter and basic services, high rates of migration to amenities of the edict area and the satellites and between
the cities, and a homeless population of about 10 million edict area and the bloated, unserved village settlements barely
(Koenigsberger 1952). These events saw the framing of the contained by the “planned” restriction via the “laldora” (Laltu
Indian Constitution that articulated the cardinal principles of 1995). The caste-, religion-, and ethnicity-blind, mixed-income
the very establishment of the nation state: equity, common housing allocation among government employees soon reorga-
good, community ownership of material resources, and eco- nised along class lines. Any “lingering hope that urban order
nomic empowerment of the nation/polity through public capital might bring social regeneration in its wake” was put to rest
accumulation in order to “raise living standards” of an entire (Curtis [1986] qtd in Fitting 2002).
polity. Adopted as the socio-economic–political planning para- Similarly, the objectives of the industrial new towns were
digm by the First FYP, in the spatial realm, this meant housing “unclear.” With the focus being on the building of a particular
and urban public goods for all. Among the refugee towns of industry, the settlement itself was treated as an adjunct and
the late 1940s—the original new towns predating the First FYP “neither the physical nor the socio-economic issues of raising
of 1950, for example, Nilokheri and Faridabad in Punjab and a town” were recognised (Sivaramakrishnan 1982). High
Phulia and Habra in West Bengal—shelter with basic infra- normative standards for housing, amenities, and services, drawn
structure was a necessity, but a bias, favouring migrants of from the private company town of Jamshedpur were applied
higher social status was discernible, and the poorest were to the public steel towns envisaged as an entirely new kind of
deprived of even the basic services (Kaur 2005). place inhabited by the “producer patriots” who would directly
The capital cities and industrial townships came up concur- participate in the nation-building process, that is, economy-
rently with the shaping of statutory planning discourse in the building and ideal society-building process (Sivaramakrishnan
early 1950s. The building of new towns was one of the means 1977; Roy 2007). The company worker was the cynosure;
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informal workers, petty traders, hawkers, and even workers of whom no other provision is made either by the state govern-
allied formal industries did not figure in this vision. The public ment or the public sector industrial township authority.” The
sector industrial new town became the model “company” town TCPO’s (1974) conclusive acceptance that “industrial towns will in
built by the model employer and was critiqued as a “walled course of time develop into a normal town” was crystallised in
industrial city” that left the non-project-related population the Fifth FYP’s (1974–78) directive to the new town: “[to] not
largely unserved (Sivaramakrishnan 1977; Prakash 1969). This only serve the industry for which they have been set up but
“planned” fragmentation has been attributed to an innate co- also the surrounding area in all respects.” As a result, Durgapur
lonial residue in the mindset of the makers (Sivaramakrishnan formed an integrated Asansol Durgapur Development Authority
1977; Heitzman 2008). for citywide planning in 1958 and a single NAA for municipal
By 1961, in the earliest steel town of Rourkela, the “company functions in 1962, unlike Rourkela. As public sector initiatives,
town” was unable to accommodate even some of the lower the industrial towns served their core purpose of public capital
grade formal employees who were compelled to find accom- accumulation, and in two decades time, they charted a path
modation among the informal settlements in the fringes towards an equitable city. However, post 1970, and more intensely
(Jagannathan 1987). Like Chandigarh and its satellites, the post 1990, public venture new towns attained more hybrid
chasm existed even between the steel township and other (private–public) characteristics as seen in Navi Mumbai (1970),
allied public sector industry townships. The acute disparity of New Kolkata (1995), and Naya Raipur (2001).
urban public goods led to a “labour aristocracy,” driving fissures
between the formal and informal workers and between the Hybrid and Private New Towns
Oriyas and non-Oriyas, the Hindu upper-caste Oriyas, and the Born to decongest the acutely space and public amenities-
tribal Oriyas (Strumpell 2011; Roy 2007). The fragmentation starved Mumbai of the 1960s, Navi Mumbai (1970) was a public
was even formalised in 1963 by forming two separate Notified venture on compulsorily acquired land where the entire city
Area Authorities (NAAs) for the planned and unplanned areas was developed with a public purpose in mind. It aspired to be a
(Sivaramakrishnan 1977). From the older town of Jamshedpur “city where the common man would like to live” by “putting
to the younger Durgapur, the rise of unplanned cities appears private capital to public use,” that is, exploit the market to
as reliable correlates to the building of the planned cities serve equity (CIDCO 1973). Operating on a city-level, land-based,
(Kennedy and Sood 2016). The wedge between the kutcha and cross-subsidy approach, the judicious auctioning of some of its
pucca areas, the planned and the unplanned, replicated— serviced lands helped to develop mass transport, mass hous-
within two decades of initiation—the coexisting civil lines– ing, public gardens, and affordable amenities and facilities.
native bazaar–native quarters of the colonial new towns. However, since the late 1980s, the design–supervision–delivery
Further, the socio-economic segregation was found to be a process of housing was outsourced, and the resultant price
reliable correlate to the spatial segregation, mirrored in the escalation was passed on to the buyer. Adoption of the “small
divide between the formal and informal worker, locals and is affordable” paradigm made public housing unaffordable
outsiders, and the intense caste and communal divisions (Bhattacharya 1991).
within the informal settlements of all the new towns (for From the mid-1990s, this approach altered. The sale of indi-
example, the Christian paras [neighbourhoods] and Muslim vidual plots with remunerative land use has been increasingly
paras in the peripheral Jamshedpur). overtaken by the sale of bulk land and project-level transactions,
Flawed as it was in achieving an equitable city, the public with land use according to the buyer’s choice—for example, a golf
sector new town introduced the concept of norms/standards course, the Navi Mumbai Special Economic Zone (NMSEZ),
in the provision of urban public goods. Subject to concurrent and the Navi Mumbai International Airport (NMIA)—to enable
scrutiny as public ventures, they witnessed course-correction project sustenance and profit. The average return from the bulk
attempts towards equity. The Second FYP (1956–61), while land is roughly 70% of the former (CIDCO 2014). In the mid-1990s,
promoting “rapid industrialisation” through the public sector, a land-for-land scheme for the project-affected population was
drew attention to the socio-economic inter-relationships with launched, with a moratorium on the sale of land, but this was
the surrounding region. The Planning Commission, in 1958, set lifted soon after, leading to a parallel avenue for land supply
up the Committee on Plan Projects (COPP) that recommended into the market. This undermined the public control on land
more sustainable norms, which were developed by the Town and supply and the, so far, successful cross-subsidy mechanism. Also,
Country Planning Organisation (TCPO 1962, 1974). The informal the reins of development for the very large areas are being
sector retail commerce and industries were acknowledged as passed on to the private sector, for example, the SEZ and air-
necessary supplements to the formal core industries in form- port projects, helmed by joint venture companies with private
ing the economic base of new towns. The housing needs of the hegemony. The older public housing stock was permitted to be
service (non-industrial employed) population were recognised privately redeveloped in 2014, and a private-led redevelopment
to be “as much as one-third of the total population” for whom policy for the informal residential development around origi-
the provision “should be made in the town itself.” Further, nal village settlements (much like Chandigarh) is in the anvil.
with regard to the informal sector workforce, it was recog- The next-generation hybrid towns of New Kolkata on the
nised that “unauthorised development on the periphery cater metropolitan periphery and Naya Raipur, the state capital
to the service personnel working in industrial project town for of Chhattisgarh, offer a larger role to private sector in city
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SPECIAL ARTICLE

development on the land acquired by city authorities under new town. This is reminiscent of the ridge–valley morphology of
the eminent domain. the colonial Shimla. Lavasa’s viability as a lived city is dubious
Unlike postcolonial industrial towns like Navi Mumbai, (Times of India 2018).
the economic base of both New Kolkata and Naya Raipur is in Other prominent private new towns in the 2000s have been
the service sector, that is, information technology (IT), inter- Gujarat Infotech and Finance Tec-City (GIFT City, established
national financial hubs, ecotourism, etc. In Naya Raipur, even the in 2007) and Dholera (2009), a part of the special investment
IT, financial, export, and tourism hubs are joint ventures, region (SIR). GIFT City, envisaged as a “world-class” financial
many as SEZs. New Kolkata is implicated by a Comptroller and services hub, is developed as a joint venture between the
Auditor General of India (CAG) report to have sold land to IT/ state government and the private sector, the latter having
industrial entrepreneurs at subsidised prices, and the IT sector hegemony as an investor, while the former ensures acquisi-
allowed the resale in the market, thus negating the claims of tion and supply of land. All the utilities and services are
market-based, cross-subsidised, city development (Mukherjee controlled by state-of-the-art information and communica-
2011). The bulk of public housing is executed under a PPP tion technology (ICT), making it an expensive city with a
model and implicated by the same CAG report for offering professedly exclusive, foreign-investment-oriented approach;
higher subsidy to those hailing from high-income groups “investments are driven by global capital and therefore
(HIGs) as compared to the low- and medium-income groups locational decisions are taken by comparing the advantages
(LIGs/MIGs). Health and education services are increasingly of cities across the world” (GoG 2007: 5).
out of reach for even the MIGs because such plots are auc- Dholera falls within the Gujarat government-notified SIR,
tioned in the market (Chakraborti 2012). Electricity and water which is a part of the Delhi–Mumbai Industrial Corridor
supply development has been delegated to the private sector. (DMIC) conceived as a mega-infrastructure project that itself is
In Naya Raipur, all trunk infrastructure (except electricity) a mammoth greenfield; a jigsaw of multiple state-level SIRs
are joint venture developments, with water supply and sewer- that can each contain several new towns (GoI 2007). Due to its
age system being already in place. Affordability was never a location in a dedicated “investment region,” Dholera will be
professed goal. The housing policy quotes a study reporting 90% funded by the foreign and domestic private sector and
radical fall in the low-income category in urban population 10% jointly by the state government and few major Japanese
and posits that the “prevalent rigid categorisation of housing companies. It is envisaged as an ICT-controlled enclave of private
based on income holds no good” (NCAER 1996). While one capital accumulation and inherently exclusive in nature.
residential sector out of 30 is developed by the state housing Though appearing far removed from the public subsidy and
board, others await a one-developer-one-sector auction (NRDA competing for domestic and international private funds, these
2008: 40). Private initiatives dominate the development inequitable private greenfields are remarkably alike in terms
scenario of Naya Raipur and New Kolkata, which are public of the public sector’s role of supplying land acquired via eminent
initiatives in a very limited sense, restricted only to the supply domain and in facilitating land acquisition via policy support.
of subsidised and partially serviced land. Infrastructure is They are effectively subsidised by government policies: grant-
now a site for investment and a private good. The cardinal ing immunity from land ceiling laws; providing concessions
development principles of both the hybrid new towns facili- in the duties, taxes and permissible built-up space; providing
tate a divided city. trunk infrastructure; and permitting the acquisition of envi-
The mid-1990s saw the advent of private new towns, and the ronmentally protected areas and public resources like water
mid-2000s of “townships,” a trend that peaked in the 2010s. (for example, Lavasa). The erstwhile urban public goods are
Magarpatta and Lavasa, near Pune in Maharashtra, emerged now private goods. The reason behind the determined public
with policy support from the state government. Magarpatta is sector support to this metamorphosis may lie in the evolution-
a “self-contained” (gated) township with IT and development ary path of the FYPs.
of SEZs forming its economic base and with the entire space
(residences, offices, shops, infrastructure, and amenities) Evolution of Planning Discourse
created and leased by a private corporation to the consumer. No The constitutional mandate of the socio-economic–political justice
space provision for informal sector-led services or housing for informed the objective of the First FYP (1951–56), which recog-
the informal sector service population is manifested in the many nised the divided city, upheld the equitable distribution of re-
informal settlements or vastis, that is, the “unplanned” corre- sources, and provided for the immediate housing need of the
late outside the gate. acutely vulnerable in those times.1 These were partition refugees,
The Maharashtra government created a special regulation in dock labour, plantation labour, and industrial workers. Employ-
1996 for townships in hilly areas, enabling the private Lavasa ment generation was targeted through the establishment of
Corporation to acquire private land and become a special heavy industries in the public sector in order to “raise living
planning authority for Lavasa—a new town planned for 3 lakh standards.” New towns were investments in equity and justice:
residents and 20 lakh annual tourists. The villages in the sur- industrial greenfields for economic justice, the refugee towns for
rounding valleys, carefully excluded from project boundary, social justice, and Chandigarh for a capital lost in partition.
bloated up to accommodate the informal residential and retail The Second FYP (1956–61) placed housing in the wider context
sectors and constituted the unplanned correlate of this private of basic services, urban and regional planning. The germinating
50 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

urban planning discourse embraced the paradigm that industrial beginning of the hybrid new town where the public authority
centers will offer employment and attract population and that developing the city was to exploit the land and real estate
the resultant urban growth should be planned. Low-income market for public ends.
housing, and basic infrastructure and services were seen as a In 1972, honoring the DPSP’s Article 39(b) requiring that “the
social obligation of public authorities. Both plans expressed ownership and control of the material resources of the country
concern about land hoarding and land speculation tendency are so distributed as best to sub serve the common good,” the
of the private sector, and, therefore, new towns emerged as 25th Amendment of the Constitution made any legislation
public ventures marked by compulsory acquisition and public claiming to subserve the common good, non-justiciable and
ownership of land. immune to the fundamental rights like Articles 14 (equality be-
The Third FYP (1961–65) introduced the concept of master fore law) and 19 (fundamental right to property). Therefore, the
planning and the relevance of urban and regional planning. It state governments’ power—to acquire land according to their
urged that planned urban development should follow planned interpretation of common good (for example, “public pur-
economic development and conceived industrial greenfields in pose”) on a master plan or to declare a planning area bound-
backward areas with a surrounding resource-rich region. Assi- ary in order to include and assign land uses on any private
milating the dictum of the directive principle that the “mat- land—became unilateral; these decisions could no longer be
erial resources of the community are so distributed as best to challenged in a court of law.
sub serve the common good,” it established the cardinal prin- The Fifth FYP (1974–79) held the reduction of disparities as
ciples for development of an equitable city. These were ad- “central objectives” and increased thrust on the state govern-
vance acquisition in bulk, public ownership of land, public ments in funding urban projects. Top priority in the allocation
control of land use through a master plan, public investment in of funds to megacities and metropoles slowed down the new
infrastructure, and public right to lease out land to the private town movement. Two epochal legal/constitutional measures
sector (in order to capture of the value increments induced by to serve redistributive justice appeared: First was the Urban
such investment, which otherwise accrues to a speculative Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Act (ULCRA), 1976 to redistribute
private sector). It called for “drastic measures”—public hege- land for equitable urban development. Second was the 44th
mony in planned urban development. Landmark direction Amendment of the Constitution in 1978 adding Article 38(2),
came from the Government of India-appointed Committee on which rendered the fundamental right to own land into a legal
Urban Land Policy (CULP) of 1965 (MMRDA 1995). This was right, in an endeavour to “eliminate inequalities.”
twofold: on the one hand, to prevent the concentration of land-
ownership in a few private hands through public ownership Curtailing Public Sector Control
and control, and on the other, to use the value gains captured The Sixth FYP (1980–85), while professing faith “in the basic
through the public control of land to satisfy social obligations equity of our economic and social system” marked a sharp
such as low-income housing and urban public goods. deviation by questioning the earlier approach in delivering eq-
[Large scale advance acquisition of land] would really be in the inter- uitable cities. The Planning Commission appointed the Task
ests of the society as a whole … perhaps the only way to put an end Force on Housing and Urban Development, whose 1983 report
to speculation in land. These surpluses, where realised by the public heavily criticised the “public-ownership, public-control” model
authorities, should benefit the community in more ways than one. for new cities as well as the ULCRA, 1976 for being “conceptu-
(Menezes [1982] qtd in MMRDA 1995)
ally flawless” but failing to deliver equitable cities in practice
Planned and equitable urban development became the goal (GoI 1983). The plan sounded a clarion call for a curtailment of
for greenfields and brownfields, but these underwent drastic the public sector hegemony so that “public planning … should
change over time. not usurp their (private sector’s) functions.” Most striking was
The Fourth FYP (1969–74) began with a “burning sense of its modification of the redistributive objective of the CULP,
social justice” but weakened the principle of public hegemony 1965, from “prevent concentration of land ownership in a few
by seeking an “expanded” role for it “without diminishing private hands” to “widen the base of land ownership.” This
those of the private sector.” It insisted “plans of development shift delivered a body blow to the equitable city development,
of cities and towns must be self-financing.” The Housing and new town model, and course-correction prospects of the exist-
Urban Development Corporation (HUDCO) was established ing new towns.
“to finance projects of housing and urban development prom- The Seventh FYP (1985–90) called for “radical orientation,”
ising quick turnover … [T]he projects would have to be remu- advocating for “more private initiative and investment in
nerative.” The plan was silent on the CULP dictum to use the urban development,” and affirmed “the delivery of basic public
accumulated surplus for social obligations. The decentralisa- services to everyone is simply not feasible without such an
tion of economic engines into backward areas lost some approach.” The public sector was to focus on making city or
intensity with the thrust shifting to the delineation of metro- regional plans with defined land use zones. Strikingly, the
politan regions around megacities and intra-region dispersal Seventh FYP took away the fountainhead of public sector’s
of economic activities into peripheral new towns. In this ability to make equitable cities; it was to acquire and provide
tenure, Navi Mumbai was conceived as a counter-magnet to serviced land to the private sector “at right places and at
Mumbai within its metropolitan region and heralded the reasonable prices.” It urged the public ownership of land to be
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SPECIAL ARTICLE

non-speculative, short-term, and transferred to private sector, the paltry coverage in urban infrastructure and suggested
implying a restoration of the pre-Third FYP status quo with “demand orientation” instead. The new town in the metropolitan
regard to the unearned income from land. periphery was, once again, upheld. Its tenure saw the incep-
The National Commission on Urbanisation (GoI 1998) tion of Naya Raipur, in the periphery of the metropolis of
appointed by the Planning Commission made a sea change in Raipur, with land acquisition undertaken by the public sector
the policy on new towns; it “unequivocally” recommended and city development by the private sector.
the “abandonment of the policy of locating new industries
in backward areas.” It promoted the augmentation of existing Cities as Sites of Economic Growth
small and medium towns and private greenfield townships The Tenth FYP (2002–07) reversed the paradigm that physical
in their periphery, thereby conceptually introducing the growth of cities should be around a core economic activity/
private greenfield. engine. Now, the physical growth of the city, that is, infra-
The Eighth FYP (1992–97) was striking in its heightened structure and building construction itself was an industry and
enunciation of equity as the objective and the projection of the a site of economic growth. The public sector was to ensure
real estate market as a solution. It stated that “planning is nec- unhindered rezoning of master-planned urban areas following
essary to take care of the poor and the downtrodden to benefit the land procurement convenience of the private sector and
from the natural growth of economic activities.” It urged that also unhindered transformation of agricultural land to urban
the planning and market mechanism should be complementary land at such locations. This was so that “growth can take place
to achieve equity. However, because the market could not do it through increased construction and housing activity.” Two
alone, it was epochal in the establishment of the private sector extremely significant policies, namely on the SEZs and foreign
hegemony in housing and urban development, thereby posi- direct investment (FDI) in real estate and townships, emerged
tioning itself as a polar opposite to the Third FYP. in this tenure (2005–06) because, as per the Tenth FYP, “none
The public sector was to supply cheap and serviced land of the domestic players have the financial strength to invest
and ensure the financial viability of the private sector in pro- in large-scale development.”
viding housing and basic services equitably. Ironically, it iden- The plan also stated that “new townships will help to …
tified supply of land as the cornerstone of urban development develop the cities in an orderly fashion … innovative mea-
but called for the removal of the ULCRA, 1976. It conflated the sures for land assembly … and use of land as a resource to
problem of availability of land for public housing and infr- build up infrastructure will need to be continued.” The states
astructure with the lack of supply of land into urban real estate moved in tandem, introducing modifications in town planning
market, criticised the “absence” of mechanisms to capture un- laws to empower the private sector as a planning authority
earned income (introduced in the Third FYP), and joined the (GoM 2002), designing special/integrated township policies
Seventh FYP in calling for the removal of those very mecha- (GoM 2005; GoG 2008; GoR 2010), and introducing wide emi-
nisms. It paved way for the complete dependence on the local, nent domain-enabling legislations by states (for example, the
national and global real estate markets for city development, SIR Act, 2009 in Gujarat). The tenure of the Tenth FYP saw the
while ushering in “structural reforms” or “globalisation.” advent of the DMIC, a greenfield mega-infrastructure project
Referring to a “time of momentous changes in the world spanning several states, with several SIRs within, each capable
economy,” it accepted the Fiscal Stabilisation and Structural of containing multiple new towns. The DMIC epitomised the
Adjustment Programme (FISSAP)—basically a response to the cardinal principles of the new model industrial town: fund
investment needs of the creditor/“donor” (Kabra 1996)—as an support from the central government, land from state govern-
imperative since “all over the world centralised economies … ments, hegemony of the private sector, and uncertain sharing
are getting integrated under a common philosophy of growth, of profit and development responsibilities. About 65 of the cities
guided by the market forces.” Its increased emphasis on the within the DMIC are proposed to be developed through the
metropolitan periphery development led to the disappearance private sector (GoI 2007; Bhaskar 2011). However with the DMIC,
of the erstwhile new town model. New Kolkata, a hybrid new infrastructure—a vehicle of private investment—was no longer
town with the public authority’s role limited to the supply of in a subordinate role to support life spaces. The city, as a lived
serviced land, was initiated in its tenure. entity, became a subset of mega-infrastructure. This tenure saw
The Ninth Plan (1997–2002) was no different in its intention the advent of many special/integrated townships, SEZs, and
to “usher in a new era of growth with social justice” in which state-level SIRs outside the DMIC, for example, Sriperembudur–
the “participation of public and private sector” was solicited in Orgadam in Tamil Nadu (in 2003) (Idiculla 2016).
the complete delegation of responsibility of provision of basic The Eleventh FYP (2007–12) sealed the fate of provisioning
services and infrastructure to the private sector. The public of urban infrastructure as a public good and the role of public
sector was to ensure unrestricted supply of cheap un-serviced sector in such provisioning by pledging the “dismantling of
urban land. This came from a “bold new approach” recom- public sector monopoly over urban infrastructure and creating
mended by the Expert Group on the Commercialisation of conducive atmosphere for the private sector to invest.” The
Infrastructure Projects in the “India Infrastructure Report: Policy FDI-oriented private townships in this tenure, for example, GIFT
Imperatives for Growth and Welfare” (GoI 1996). It held the City and Dholera in the DMIC epitomised the private hegemony
“supply orientation” of the earlier approach responsible for hybrid; somewhat different from the public hegemony hybrids
52 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

of New Kolkata and the flexible hegemony hybrid of Naya physical growth of city “is” economic growth, that is, infrastruc-
Raipur, where the city authority was a public body. ture and construction industry itself is an economic engine. Most
The Twelfth FYP (2012–17) flagged the need for a “ring-fenced” striking was the Eleventh FYP’s pledge towards “dismantling of
city development fund drawn from “innovative sources like public sector monopoly over urban infrastructure and creating
land monetisation,” indicating unsatisfactory resource mobili- conducive atmosphere for the private sector to invest,” which
sation from the private sector. It was truncated in 2014 when conclusively rendered basic infrastructure and services from
the FYPs as a socio-economic–political planning instrument, a public to private goods and left hardly any role for the public
statement of goals, policies and programmes, and a cardinal sector in city development. The Tenth FYP dictated the disman-
component of statutory planning were abandoned. The private tling of “planning” in its call for “flexible plan” and push to
greenfield trend continued with the expansion of Electronic follow the land procurement programme of the private investor.
City in Bengaluru, governed by the Electronics City Industrial The build-up towards the other pole began with the Fourth
Township Authority (ELCITA), a private hegemony hybrid, as FYP’s call for projects/towns to be “remunerative,” making
also Amaravathi, the capital city of Andhra Pradesh following equity dependent on market success. Ironically, in its tenure,
the DMIC template. the spirit of equity or common good was made sacrosanct. The
union/state/local governments’ right to declare the planning
Towards Equitable Cities area, assign land use, and acquire land, became legally unchal-
The colonial era new towns were the nerve centres of an lengeable under the 25th Amendment of the Constitution. Navi
exploitative socio-economic system and were “divided” cities Mumbai attempted to strike a balance between the Third and
by design. The changing face of the new towns in India appear to Fourth FYPs’ dicta by professing to be a city of the common
have traversed a curve and reached a point where the greenfield man while “putting private capital to public use.”
is designed to be a site of investment, inherently inequitable, The Fifth FYP contributed to this build-up by suggesting red-
with its “unplanned correlate” an adjunct outside the gate. The uced dependence on central funds and self-reliance of the
trajectory of this change closely mirrors the changing socio- states. Two momentous changes were brought in during its
economic–political planning doctrine articulated through the tenure to serve redistributive justice, the ULCRA, 1976, and the
FYPs, faithfully incorporated in urban planning law, policy, 44th Amendment of the Constitution; the right to own land
and practice by the state governments. was no longer a fundamental right, and urban land above a
Two prominent doctrinal poles can be identified in the evo- ceiling would vest in the government. The “exclusive company
lutionary curve of the national FYPs. Starting from the nadir of town” character of industrial new towns was reviewed and a
colonial exploitation and acutely divided “city” at the time of course-correction towards equity was initiated via the COPP in
independence, the First and Second FYPs focused on justice 1958, further concretised by the TCPO by 1974.
and raising living standards. They launched the refugee towns The Sixth and Seventh FYPs pledged allegiance to equity but
and capital city of Chandigarh in response to the partition and contributed significantly to the paradigm of private sector
also the industrial new town wave—the “temples of modernity” hegemony. They blamed the “conceptually flawless” ULCRA
with the (public) purpose of public capital accumulation (nation- and the public-ownership–public-venture–public-control model
building). Not professed in the goals of the industrial new for inequitable cities, sounding a clarion call for a curtailment
towns, but clearer in Chandigarh’s dream of a new social order of the public sector hegemony. The Seventh FYP struck a body
through a new spatial order, socio-spatial equity was the pre- blow to the public land ownership model by targeting the
vailing doctrine, which peaked in the Third FYP. The cardinal redistributive objective of the CULP of 1965 as being no longer
principles for equitable cities, a mechanism to address the interested to “prevent concentration of land ownership in a
colonial inheritance of the divided city in new India, were few private hands” only to “widen the base of land ownership.”
established: public monopoly to acquire, own, develop, and The Seventh FYP urged that public ownership be non-speculative,
sell land and to capture value gains otherwise derived by the short-term, and transferred to the private sector for long-term
private sector from public infrastructure development. City- holding, thus implying restoration of the pre-Third-FYP status
for-equity was, thus, the first doctrinal pole established by the quo with regard to private speculation on land. The Report of
Third FYP and the CULP’s (1965) recommendations as the the National Commission on Urbanisation, 1988 urged the
latent public purpose for greenfields between the 1950s and abandonment of the policy of locating new industries in back-
the 1970s. The Third FYP defined the power and responsibility ward areas. Course correction as well as future prospects of
of statutory planning in alignment with this pole. The city the new town model was placed in jeopardy, and the stage
was to be a lived space and its physical growth to be led by was set for private townships.
an economic engine, producing employment. The towns of The Eighth FYP was a theoretical peaking of the private sec-
Bhubaneswar, Rourkela, Bokaro, Bhilai, Durgapur, Chandigarh, tor/market forces’ supremacy doctrine, opening the door for
Gandhinagar, and others were conceptually aligned with this domestic and foreign investment and involvement and control
pole of “folk planning.” in city development. The plan advocated a complementary
The opposite pole is constituted of the Tenth and Eleventh role for the public and private sectors but relegated the public
FYPs’ doctrine of private sector hegemony in achieving sector to a subordinate position—to supply cheap and serviced
socio-economic and socio-spatial justice as well as the idea that land—so as to ensure the financial viability of the private
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 53
SPECIAL ARTICLE

sector. It also called for the abolishment of the ULCRA, 1976. It government, land from the state governments, hegemony of
took a polar opposite theoretical position to the Third FYP and the private sector, and uncertain sharing of profits. This tenure
demolished the hegemony of the public sector but with the saw the advent of many private townships, SEZs, and hybrids
continued use of its eminent domain empowerment. Its increased like Sriperembudur–Orgadam SIR GIFT City, and Dholera. Here,
emphasis on metropolitan periphery development led to the the planning and development authority itself was a joint venture
disappearance of the erstwhile public new town. During its ten- with private hegemony distinct from the public hegemony
ure, New Kolkata, a hybrid city with predominantly “serviced hybrid of Navi Mumbai or of New Kolkata and the flexible
land provider” role of the public sector, emerged as also prominent hegemony hybrid of Naya Raipur. This was replicated through
private greenfields like the Magarpatta Township and Lavasa. the tenure of two subsequent plans even after the termination
It took about a decade and half for the Eighth FYP’s doctrine of the FYPs, which resulted in ELCITA and Amaravathi. The
to fructify in law and policy (embodied by Tenth and Eleventh template is expected to be carried forward in the multiple new
FYP’s) and steer the postcolonial statutory planning and urban towns along the Maharashtra Samruddhi Mahamarg and the
development discourse conclusively to the polar opposite of Nagpur–Mumbai Expressway, where authorities are in the
the Third FYP. In the interim, the Ninth FYP added to the push process of procuring land through eminent domain.
of commercialisation of basic services and infrastructure and
conceptually bolstered private new towns. Its tenure saw the Conclusions
creation of the hybrid Naya Raipur, where the private sector Thus, the movement of the new town discourse from one pole
was given even higher powers in city development; whole resi- (city-for-equity) to the other (city-for-profit) by design was
dential sectors, economic engines, and trunk infrastructure complete. As the FYP’s changed in their core purpose, so did
were taken up by joint venture entities with private sector heg- the new towns. Also fundamentally altered is the role of statu-
emony, while the public authority only supplied land. tory planning, which retained its unchallengeable powers, us-
ing eminent domain predominantly, while almost ceding city-
Private Sector Hegemony planning and city-making to the private sector. The powers
The tenure of the Tenth FYP saw SEZs and FDIs in townships, continue to draw from the postcolonial promise of equitable
modifications to earlier town planning law, introduction of cities and common good but, ironically, render the post-re-
township policy, eminent domain-enabling legislation by states, forms cities for profit, inherently exclusive and inequitable.
and the promotion of mega-infrastructure projects as green- Perhaps a chasm deeper than the colonial inheritance awaits
field (DMIC). The latter epitomised the cardinal principles of the Indian greenfields, and as we have seen, the more we plan
the new industrial town—funding support from the union such cities, the more we tend to divide.

Note Document, City and Industrial development GoI (1983): “Report of Task Force on Housing and
1 The Twelve Five-Year Plans (FYPs) from 1951 to Corporation of Maharashtra. Urban Development,” submitted to the Plan-
2012 are referenced in the paper. They can be D’Souza, Victor (1976): “Chandigarh: People Pre- ning Commission, Government of India.
found at https://niti.gov.in/planningcommis- vail over Plan,” Economic & Political Weekly, — (1996): “India Infrastructure Report: Policy
sion.gov.in/docs/plans/planrel/fiveyr/wel- Vol 11, No 38, pp 1526–28. Imperatives for Growth and Welfare,” Ministry
come.html. Dutta and Shrivastava (2011): “Lavasa Exposed,” of Finance, Government of India.
Down to Earth, 15 April, viewed on 15 June — (1998): “National Commission on Urbanisation
2016, https://www.downtoearth.org.in/cover- Report,” appointed by the Planning Commission,
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Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 55

 SPECIAL ARTICLE
Figure 1: Typical Morphology of a Colonial Town

Source: Noble (1998).

Figure 2: Shimla—The Church, Mall, and Native Bazaar

Source: “The Mall and Ridge—Simla’, circa 1918–circa 1939,” and “Simla, India, circa 1909,” (Getty Images nd).

Figure 3: Durgapur, Bhilai, and Rourkela—Dual City Syndrome

Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 1

SPECIAL ARTICLE

Figure 4: Informal Settlements Surrounding the Magarpatta Township

2 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

Emerging Pattern and Trend of Migration in Megacities

REIMEINGAM MARCHANG

Vol. 57, Issue No. 15, 09 Apr, 2022

Reimeingam Marchang ([email protected]) teaches at the Institute for Social and

Economic Change, Bengaluru.

Rural-to-urban migration, particularly between states, towards megacities continues to

contribute to their overall growth, although the trajectory of migration is shifting towards
smaller cities. Based on analysing the census figures from 2001 to 2011 and the National
Sample Survey Office data, this paper notes that interstate and combined migration figures
may be rural-to-urban, but that characteristic is changing. Intra-state migration to the
megacities has emerged as an urban-to-urban trend.

Rural-to-urban migration, particularly between states, towards megacities continues to

contribute to their overall growth, although the trajectory of migration is shifting towards
smaller cities. Based on analysing the census figures from 2001 to 2011 and the National
Sample Survey Office data, this paper notes that interstate and combined migration figures
may be rural-to-urban, but that characteristic is changing. Intra-state migration to the
megacities has emerged as an urban-to-urban trend. Delhi is the most preferred megacity
for migration from other states. Employment continues to be the single largest reason for
interstate migration, but it is declining. Whereas reasons other than employment motivate
people for intra-state migration.

Migration is an inevitable phenomenon in a globalised world and improves individuals’

social and economic well-being via better opportunities in a secured
environment (Santhapparaj 1996; Faggian and McCann 2006; Herrmann and Svarin 2009).
Migration has major implications for urbanisation (Rao 1981); changes in land-use pattern
due to industrialisation, settlements, and infrastructure building that eventually generate
employment opportunities and, particularly in Asia, migration has also been linked to urban
growth (Guest 1994). In developing countries, rural-to-urban migration and employment are
closely related (Rhoda 1983).

Migration decisions are stimulated by real income or earnings differential (Harris and
Todaro 1970; Gupta 1987), education (Cote 1997), inadequate land and employment,
widespread poverty (Barbora et al 2008), low agricultural productivity in rural areas (Panda
2010), and natural disasters and environmental degradation (Dasgupta and Dey 2010),
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

among other reasons. The propensity of migration increases with an increase in the
educational qualification of a person (Friedlander and Roshier 1966; Cote 1997).
Educational development and scarce educational infrastructure in rural areas is causing
people to migrate to urban areas. Migration decisions have a positive impact on employment
patterns (Kundu and Saraswati 2012) and increase in migration can exert pressure on
demand for a variety of services, infrastructure, and
resources (O’Lear 1997).

Globally, young people usually migrate to megacities because of the demand for young,
educated workers, and the availability of enhanced opportunities for employment and
education (Guest 1994). In India, migration to cities is common among literate youth
(Sebastian 1989; Usha and Shimray 2010; Remesh 2012; Marchang 2017, 2018a, and
2018b). However, rural-to-urban migration is dominated by illiterate or semi-literate
peasants and labourers (Mukherji 2001).

Migration to megacities is driven by the lack of educational infrastructures, unemployment,

social unrest and political tension at the origin of migration, and better educational and job
opportunities at the destination (Usha and Shimray 2010; Chandra 2010; Kotkin 2011;
Remesh 2012; Marchang 2011, 2017, 2018a, and 2018b). People migrate not only for jobs
and education but also due to a job transfer, marriage and personal reasons (Bhatt
2009; RGCCI 2001 and 2011; Marchang 2017 and 2018a). Migration has become
concentrated in specific areas because new job opportunities are available in selective
sectors and urban centres (Kundu 2007).

It is also true that migration has shifted to smaller cities from megacities—a trend noted in
other developing countries—because of growing industrial progress and the combination of
health, environment and unemployment crises in the bigger cities (Kotkin 2011). Against
this backdrop, this paper analyses the emerging growth patterns of megacities, changing
wage and employment in the selected cities, and the pattern and trend of migration,
preferred city, migration trajectory, and reasons for migration using secondary data from
the Census of India, National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) and other surveys.

Growing Population, Shrinking Megacities

In India, urbanisation is consistently and rapidly growing because of rural-to-urban

migration, natural population growth, classification of rural areas as towns, and change in
employment structure. The census data shows that the decadal growth rate of urban
population remains higher than the growth rate of urban areas resulting in a rapid increase
of urban population density (Table 1), although urban population growth rates have slowed.
The ever-increasing urban density along with a concurrent increase of urban areas and a
high urban population growth indicates that urban population growth is contributed not
merely by the natural population growth but also by migration. This is also borne out by the
fact that during 2001 to 2011, urban population has grown at a much faster rate (32%) than
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

the overall population growth rate (about 18%).

According to Census 2011, an urban agglomeration is a continuous urban spread

constituting a town and its adjoining outgrowths, or two or more physically contiguous
towns

together with or without outgrowths of such towns.1 Adjoining outgrowth is a viable unit
such as a village or a hamlet or an enumeration block made up of such village or hamlet and
identifiable in terms of its boundaries and location. In 2011, there were 474 (384 in 2001)
urban agglomerations and 5,697 towns. Out of these urban agglomerations, only three had a
population of 10 million or more (megacities), namely Greater Mumbai, Kolkata and Delhi

(Table 1).2 Before Census 1991, there was no megacity in India. Greater Mumbai urban
agglomeration and Kolkata urban agglomeration with a population of over 10 million were
designated as the first Indian megacities, and Delhi followed in 2001. In 2011, the
population of the urban agglomerations of these three megacities has increased.

As of 2011, 38% of people in megacities live in Mumbai, taking up 33% of India’s

megacities’ geographical area, 33% of them live in Delhi against 35% megacities area and
29% of them live in Kolkata in about 32% megacities areas (Table 1).

Population growth and growth in the areas of India’s megacities slowed down during
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

2001–11 when compared with 1991–2001. As the extent of classifying urban areas slows
down, it affects the extent of urban agglomeration, resulting in a decline in the population
growth of megacities.

Megacities constituted only 4% of the total urban geographical areas of India in 2001, which
dropped to about 3% in 2011 due to the increase of overall urban areas by 31% during

2001–11 (Table 1), after many rural areas were classified as towns.3 During 2001–11, the
growth of the area under megacities (5%) was slower than the overall growth of urban areas
(31%). This means that areas classified erstwhile as rural were fulfilling the definition of
urban areas but rural areas in the vicinity of megacities that could be included in megacities
were slower to fulfil the criteria of urban areas.

In India, population in megacities has declined due to the growth of population in urban
areas that are not megacities. In 2001, 15% urban population lived in these three megacities
that constituted 4% of the total urban area. In 2011, only 13% of the urban population lived
in megacities, comprising 3% of the total land area. It should be noted that the geographical
area under megacities has increased by 5% (Table 1) or 165 sq km during 2001–11. It shows
a slow growth of urban areas to be incorporated into megacities as also a shift of preference
from megacities towards a smaller urban area. It is also possible that people who were in
megacities have gradually migrated elsewhere due to congestion, environmental pollution
and higher cost of living.

Differences in Rural and Urban Wages

Migration to urban areas occur when the expected real income from non-agricultural jobs
exceeds rural real income derived from agriculture (Harris and Todaro 1970). Similarly,
Gupta (1987) attributed rural-to-urban migration to a higher expected urban actual wage
than the rural actual wage rate.

In India, according to the NSSO (2014), there is a huge difference between the daily
earnings of regular wage/salaried employees of 15–59 years for rural areas (298.96) and
urban areas (449.65). Their wage level has substantially and consistently increased over the
years. Importantly, with an increase of educational level, the daily earning also increases for
them in both rural and urban areas. Irrespective of their educational level, the daily wage
was much higher in urban areas. For instance, the daily wage for regular wage/salaried
employees who have a graduate degree and above was higher by 48% in urban areas
(760.06) against the counterpart rural employees (513.54).

It is also evident from the NSSO (2014) data that in India the share of regular wage/salaried
workers (usual status—principal status or PS + subsidiary status or SS) continues to remain
much lower in rural areas than in urban areas due to the differences in the nature of the
job. However, this aspect of employment showed some improvement. For example, only
about 10% of rural males, 6% of rural females, and 43% each of urban males and urban
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

females were regular wage/salaried employee during 2011–12. The corresponding figures
during 1999–2000 were relatively lower at 9%, 3%, 42%, and 33%, respectively.

Similarly, the majority of the employed (PS+SS) of Class I cities (coinciding with megacities
particularly Greater Mumbai and Delhi) continue to be a regular wage/salaried worker
(Table 2). Almost all employment in Class I cities were non-agricultural, predominantly
service-sector jobs that attracted migrants, particularly from rural areas (Table 3).
Migration to urban centres is mainly due to the expansion of the non-agricultural sectors,
industry and services that assure employment and higher wages (Herrmann and Svarin
2009).
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Migration in Megacities

In India, 0.45 billion (37%) of the 1.21 billion population were migrants in 2011, increased
an increase from around 0.31 billion (31%) of 1.03 billion people in 2001 (Census of India
2011). As expected, rural migration (68%) continues to dominate partly due to abandonment
of rural agricultural work and aspiration of non-farm wage employment in urban areas and
partly because of seasonal migration.

The number of migrants to the three megacities of India has also increased from slightly
over 15 million in 2001 to 22 million in 2011. However, migration to megacities has slightly
slowed down as the proportion of it to total migrants has declined from 4.9% in 2001 to
4.8% in 2011. As such, about 5% of the total migrants in India have migrated to the
megacities.

There are two kinds of migrations to megacities—intra-state and interstate. An interstate

migrant (place of last residence [POLR] as states in India beyond the state of enumeration)
continues to constitute most of the migrants in megacities. However, it has slightly declined
from 67% in 2001 to 54% in 2011 (Table 4). On the contrary, intra-state migration
(POLR within the state of enumeration but outside the place of enumeration) in megacities
has increased during the same period. Interstate migration was very prominent but
declining in Delhi urban agglomeration (hereafter Delhi). Intra-state migration was the
largest phenomenon and increasing in Kolkata urban agglomeration (Kolkata). A majority of
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

the Greater Mumbai urban agglomeration (Mumbai) migrants became intra-state migrants
in 2011. Kolkata and Mumbai also experienced a decline of interstate migration that
signifies lesser influx of migrants from other states.

Migration to megacities from rural areas continues to be mostly interstate migration. It has
increased marginally from about 69% in 2001 to 71% in 2011. Concurrently, intra-state
migration from rural areas has declined in the megacities. It means that rural people do not
confine their migration to their state anymore, but increasingly cross their geographical
state boundary in search of better opportunities in another rural area of a megacity in a
different state. Migration to megacities from urban areas was largely interstate migration in
2001 (72%) that has eventually changed to intra-state migration in 2011 (61%), implying
that in 2011 urban people from other states have not migrated towards megacities as much
as in 2001. It shows migrants in India have gradually migrated towards smaller cities and
urban centres despite the number of migrants in megacities having sharply increased (Table
4).

Female Migrants

More women seem to have migrated to megacities compared to men as the sex ratio of
migrants has improved considerably for intra-state, interstate and combined (intra-state
plus
interstate) migration (Table 5). In part, this is because of the overall improvement in
population sex ratio, wider socio-economic development and partly because of increase of
migration for marriage. The sex ratio was better for intra-state migrants compared to
interstate migrants indicating that female migrants largely remained within their state
geographical boundary. Intra-state migration was dominated by men in 2001; however, in
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

2011, it was dominated by women in the megacities. The latter has contradicted the
assumption of Bhatt (2009) that migration was predominantly a male movement while
females were either residual in the process of migration or dependent followers. Men
continued to outnumber women among interstate migrants suggesting that women may not
prefer migrating to distant places owing to emotional bonds with parents, family and
relatives as well as concerns of safety.

Preferred City of Migrants

A majority of the migrants headed for megacities continued to migrate to Mumbai compared
to Delhi and Kolkata (Table 6). However, Delhi remained a favourable destination for
interstate migration, with interstate migration rates higher than Mumbai and Kolkata. This
is due to Delhi being the national capital of India and the availability of many job and
education opportunities (Marchang 2011 and 2018b).
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

Mumbai recorded the sharpest decline in intra-state migration rates, which did not hold true
for Kolkata and Delhi. This has consequences for the population distribution of megacities
as is made clear by the fact that the largest share of people in megacities continue to live in
Mumbai followed by Delhi and Kolkata (Table 1). Migration increases population pressure
that further raises resource depletion and overconsumption of resources for livelihood and
development (O’Lear 1997), and increases use of non-renewable energy, traffic congestion
and pollution (Durham 1991). It should be pointed out that in 2011, 53% migrated to
Mumbai from Maharashtra, whereas the corresponding figures for Kolkata and Delhi were
6% and 41%, respectively (Table 6). The distribution of population and migrants in
megacities does not correspond to each other, meaning population size does not determine
the rate of mobility. Rather, migration is determined by the type of city, available
opportunities, environmental condition, and security.

Transitions in Migration Trajectory

Importantly, migration to megacities was largely a rural-to-urban phenomena as almost two-

thirds of migrants to megacities originated from rural areas among intra-state, interstate
and combined migrants in 2001 (Table 7). In 2011, migrants originating from rural areas
declined substantially, particularly for intra-state migration. Eventually urban-to-urban
migration became dominant for intra-state migration. Interstate and combined figures for
migration remain a rural-to-urban one, although a decline is noticeable. The pattern of
migration, especially interstate, is affected by the size of the rural-or-urban geographical
area of Indian states and various push factors such as underdevelopment or unemployment
and pull factors such as better job or educational opportunities. A similar pattern and trend
of migration was observed for Mumbai. Delhi’s interstate and combined migration remained
a rural-to-urban phenomena. However, for intra-state migration, most of the migrants
originated from urban areas because urban areas comprise 78% of Delhi’s total
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

geographical area (Census of India 2011).

In Kolkata, migration was predominantly rural-to-urban for the intra-state, interstate and
combined type of migration in 2001. In 2011, urban-to-urban migration phenomenon
dominated intra-state and combined migration. Rural-to-urban migration remained a major
pattern, although declining, for interstate migration. Rural-to-urban migration is bound to
grow rapidly because of the higher wage in urban areas than in rural areas, but this
aspiration of presumed economic mobility does not coincide with the volume of available job
opportunities (Rao 1981).

Rural migration remained seasonal in nature because both agricultural employment and
non-farm activities in nearby construction activities and industries are largely seasonal.
Seasonal migration is an important form of labour mobility with an increasing shift of labour
force from agriculture to the non-agriculture sector (Keshri and Bhagat 2010). Rural people
migrate towards urban areas in search of non-farm means of livelihood driven by inadequate
agricultural incomes and landlessness. Such migrants were likely to be absorbed in informal
jobs owing to lack of educational qualification and employable skills.

During 2001–11, the share of migrants in the overall population increased significantly,
particularly for the combined and intra-state migrants (Table 8). However, the decadal
growth of interstate migrants has plateaued. The increase of migration to megacities is
mainly due to the increase of intra-state migrants. A considerable increase of intra-state
migration shows the impulse of preferring and choosing to migrate within their own state’s
geographical boundary due to the convenience and confidence of language, culture and
social non-discrimination. Moreover, the stagnation of interstate migration could be att-
ributed to the discrimination based on the origin of the state by the local non-migrants at
migration destination. Migrants are migrating towards smaller cities rather than megacities,
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

since the proportion of migrant population has considerably increased as mentioned earlier
from 31% to 37% during the same period, perhaps owing to the notion that opportunities
were also available in smaller urban centres and living costs were affordable in smaller
cities compared to megacities.

Change of Migration Reason

Historically, migration to megacities was for employment, business, and education. In 2001,
employment (33%) was the single largest reason for migration (Table 9). However, in 2011
migration along with family (28%) has become the single largest reason for migration.
During 2001–11, migration to megacities for employment and education has declined,
whereas migration due to business, marriage, moved after birth, moved with household, and
other reason/s have increased. Migration for employment has declined in Delhi, Kolkata,
and Mumbai. Migrating for jobs to these cities has declined and it is likely that megacities
have reached a saturation point. A marginal decline in the share of migrants for business,
education, and other reasons was observed in Kolkata. Similarly, migrants for education,
marriage and those who moved after birth has slightly declined in Mumbai. The shares for
the rest of the reasons have either stagnated or increased in the respective megacities.

The single largest reason for intra-state megacities migration was for the “other” (27%)
reason in 2001. Thereafter, in 2011, migration along with household (28%) formed the
single largest reason for migration to megacities in India (Table 9), signifying a relocation or
transfer of job of household’s main income earner along with dependent family members.
The share of migrants for employment, education, marriage, and “other” have declined;
while for business, migration after birth, and along with family has increased. A similar
trend was observed in Kolkata and Mumbai. Intra-state migration for all reasons, except for
the reason “other,” has increased in Delhi.

Employment remained the single largest reason for interstate megacities migration in Delhi,
Kolkata and Mumbai, but it is declining despite the pull factors of employment
opportunities. Again, migrants are increasingly choosing smaller cities over megacities as
their migration destination for employment.

Conclusions

The population of the three expanding megacities—Delhi, Kolkata and Mumbai—continues

to rise because of rural-to-urban migration. However, this trend is changing as the
trajectory of migration is shifting towards smaller cities. Interstate migrants continue to
constitute a majority of the migrants in megacities but it is declining as a share of overall
migrants in the population as people increasingly prefer smaller cities over crowded
megacities.
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846

Interstate and combined migration figures still suggest a rural-to-urban movement but that
is fast declining. Intra-state migration to the megacities has emerged as an urban-to-urban
trend.

Migration towards megacities affects its overall development and policymakers should
consider steps to generate non-agricultural jobs in rural areas. The stimulants of migration
such as urban–rural wage differential, educational development, and job opportunities
require proper monitoring policy for urban planning. Migration has major implications for
urban housing, employment, well-being and therefore, policies to address these aspects
need to be linked with migration policy.

Notes

1 For details, see the Census of India (2011).

2 Greater Mumbai urban agglomeration includes Mumbai suburban, Mumbai and Thane;
Delhi urban agglomeration includes all the nine districts of Delhi; and Kolkata urban
agglomeration covers Kolkata, Howrah, Hooghly, South 24 Parganas and North 24
Parganas.

3 As much as 68 towns of the Census 2001 were declassified as rural areas in the Census
2011, while 2,701 towns were added as urban areas in the Census 2011. For details, see the
Census of India 2011, A-Series Including Primary Census Abstract Data (Final Population),
Appendix – 1: New towns added in 2011 and towns of 2001 declassified in 2011.

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SPECIAL ARTICLE

Dynamics of Economic Growth in India

An Application of Stojanovic’s Matrix of Growth

Pranav Raj, Siva Reddy Kalluru

P
Using a model based on the Stojanovic’s matrix of roduction activities are a necessary prerequisite for
growth to understand India’s economic progress shows economies to grow. The gross domestic product (GDP) is
an economic indicator which reflects the health of an
that the service sector has been the dominant mover of
economy. Unsurprisingly, numerically large values of GDP are
the economy after the start of the reforms in 1990–91. believed to be the indication of a country doing well on eco-
The growth pattern, according to the matrix of growth, nomic parameters. These production activities can be broadly
can be interpreted as maximising long-run efficiency, decomposed into three principal sectors: the primary sector
which involves agriculture and allied activities, the secondary
and hence, it might be an appropriate investment policy
sector involving much of manufacturing and industries, and
to approximate the output proportions generated using the tertiary sector which principally is composed of services
the matrix of growth. like hotels, transport, communication and others. The process
of economic development leads to changes in the sectoral com-
position of the GDP. As economies grow and the basket of goods
produced in the economy increases, the share of primary
activities start declining with a subsequent rise in the contri-
bution of the secondary and tertiary sectors. However, it cannot
be denied that a minimum threshold level of primary activities
is needed before the economies can turn to the other sectors
(Kaur et al 2009; Bathla 2015). The underlying idea behind
this line of thinking is that the elasticities of the secondary and
tertiary sectors with respect to income and employment oppor-
tunities are much larger than that of the primary sector. Also,
not all countries have witnessed the same pattern of economic
development. Several countries have traversed the development
process depending upon the availability of raw materials,
resources, institutions and various other factors that are specific
to them. India, for example, primarily being an agriculture-
based economy during the 1970s, made a substantial shift to the
tertiary sector and hence in doing so, it missed the process of
industrialisation to a large extent (Macrae 1971).
The sectors of an economy are interlinked through their
interdependencies on the supply of intermediate inputs and
outputs to the other sectors. Previous studies have discussed
two types of linkages, namely consumption linkages and
production (Bhardwaj 1966; Dhawan and Saxena 1992). The
consumption linkages between the sectors are essentially a
Keynesian framework that argues for the creation of effective
demand by the expansion of a complex of industries. Industrial
expansion leads to the generation of incomes and distribution of
The authors would like to thank anonymous referees for their valuable such incomes among the various stakeholders, which further
comments on the earlier version of the paper. leads to an increase in the demand for the output produced by
Pranav Raj ([email protected]) and Siva Reddy Kalluru the industries. For instance, a good harvest in a given year
([email protected]) are doctoral student and research would generate more incomes for the farmers, who, with their
supervisor, respectively, at the Gokhale Institute of Politics and increased income, would buy products that are made by the
Economics, Pune.
industries such as tractors, motorbikes, etc. Similarly, an increase
62 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

in the demand for outputs produced by the secondary sector Figure 1: Sectoral Composition as Percentage of GDP (at 2004–05 Prices)
would lead to the generation of incomes for the industrial 80

workers who would, with their increased income, engage in 67.36

63
buying commercial goods such as electrical appliances and also 56.86

51.88
60
49.61
spend more on the services being performed by the tertiary

41.66
40.91
sector. Thus, the expansion of one sector leads to an increase in 40

29.53
34.63
the output of the other sectors through the creation of effective

22.26

22.38
20.88
20.86

19.7
17.43
demand. Production or technological linkages on the other

13.94

14.62
13.49
20
hand refer to the way outputs are produced in the sectors. A
production activity absorbs inputs from other sectors, and as
0
such, whenever it operates on a positive output level, it stimu- 1950–51
1950-51 1970–71
1970-71 1990–91
1990-91 2000–01
2000-01 2013–14
2013-14 2019–20*
2019-20*
lates the production of the input providing industries. This type Primary Secondary Tertiary
of linkage is termed as “backward linkages” (Bhardwaj 1966). * Denotes at 2011–12 prices.
Source: RBI database, Handbook of Statistics on Indian Economy.
If the sector that provides inputs to the other sectors is able to
reduce the price of its output either through greater efficiency inter-sectoral linkages and their structural adjustments in the
of production or utilisation of scale economies, it leads to the Indian economy and also address the question of efficient
initiation of or increasing the output levels of the industries growth. The rest of the paper is organised as follows. The first
that absorbs its output. Such a type of linkage is termed as part of the paper deals with an overview of trends in sectoral
“forward linkages.” composition of the Indian economy. The next part presents a brief
In this notion of linkage, the sectors with the most powerful review of literature. The later pages deals with the methodology
backward linkages are identified as the “key sectors;” in other and data. And the last part presents the results and discussion
words, they stimulate the expansion or initiation of new firms which then winds up with the conclusions.
much faster, and hence, it is argued that investment policies
of the nation should focus more attention on such key sectors Trends in the Indian Economy
(Ahluwalia and Rangarajan 1989). This stands in full contrast The sectoral composition of India’s GDP can be broadly divided
to the arguments made by Nurkse (1953), who advocates simul- into two phases: pre- and post-reform period. A careful exami-
taneous growth in all the sectors of the economy. The concep- nation of the sectoral composition of GDP reveals that the
tual framework of the linkages seems very logical; however, it share of primary activities has remained particularly very
is extremely difficult to quantify such linkages. The most widely high until the 1970s. In the three decades since independence,
used method to measure such linkages is the input–output matrix more than 50% of the working age population depended directly
suggested by Leontief (1941). The input–output table is used to or indirectly on their livelihood from the primary sector. The
identify the structural relationships of an economy for a sector relied mainly on the use of traditional methods without
particular time period. It also serves as a tool to measure the much mechanisation and hence the efficiency in the agricul-
efficiency of growth of an economy. Though the method has its tural output was very low. Also, the growth rate of the sector
own limitations, which we discuss later in the paper, it still re- remained very volatile owing to its dependence on the amount
mains most widely used. of rainfall received in a given year. As far as the secondary sec-
The analysis of the sectoral interlinkages and their struc- tor is concerned, its contribution to the overall GDP remained
tural adjustments over time becomes important so that the abysmally low in spite of the big push for industrialisation from
key sectors could be identified and fostered to sustain the the Second Five-Year Plan. The sector was heavily regulated
growth momentum. Related to this idea of inter-sectoral linkag- through the use of licensing and permits, with the state assum-
es is the concept of “efficient economic growth.” Efficiency in ing complete overall control over all the large-scale industries
growth refers to the way production activities are undertaken responsible for producing the heavy machines and equipment.
in an economy. The notion of efficiency in growth, however, in Facing a severe balance of payment crisis, India initiated a series
this paper, is not related to allocative efficiency. If the output of economic reforms in the 1990s to revive the economy (Kaur
proportions of an economy are close to that of the von Neumann et al 2009). The economic reforms of the 1990s have led to a
ray model, normatively it is said that the economy is in a state substantial increase in the degree of openness in the economy.
of equilibrium, for these proportions, given the economy’s The share of services sector, which have been increasing
technology, express the most efficient production relationships in monotonically since independence, rose dramatically post
a certain well-defined sense (Steenge 1981). For a developing the reform period. Since then, the service sector has been a
country like India, where socio-economic problems such as significant contributor in the overall growth of the economy.
unemployment, poverty and income disparity are much more As can be seen from Figure 1, there has been a substantial
common, the notion of efficiency in growth becomes important. shift away from the primary activities to the tertiary sector. The
An unbalanced and nuanced economic growth can potentially decline in the share of primary activities has been matched
be really harmful for the economy if it further leads to increas- with a secular increase in the share of services sector, with
ing income inequality. In this paper, through the matrix of the share of secondary sector not increasing by much when
growth given by Stojanovic (1984), we attempt to identify these compared to the 1950s. Though, the sectoral composition of
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 63
SPECIAL ARTICLE

GDP has undergone a phenomenal change, similar changes in Dhawan and Saxena (1992), using the input–output approach,
the employment pattern have not happened. In spite of the has classified the priority sectors into four categories which
decline in the share of primary activities, the proportion of the depend upon the estimated forward and backward linkages.
working age population dependent on the sector has not The study found that the sectors with high backward linkages
declined much. The sector still suffers from low growth, exces- necessarily do not have high forward linkages. It also concluded
sive dependence and low-income traps (Rangarajan 1982). that the attention on priority sectors need not be the sole crite-
Addressing the major challenges and problems faced by the rion for developing countries like India. Hansda (2001), in
farmers engaged in the sector still remains one of the most analysing the complementarity between industrial and services
important concerns for the policymakers. sectors, conducted a detailed input–output analysis using
The economic reforms of 1991 have led to the transition of 1993–94 data and has found strong linkages from services to
the Indian economy from that of heavy state regulation to one industry reflecting the use of service sector inputs in industry.
where the market plays the important role in guiding economic Using input–output tables (1968–69, 1973–74, 1978–79), Sodhi
activities. Elimination of entry and trade barriers have allowed (2010) argued that despite a gradual increase in the share of
greater competition in the market; with foreign firms operat- the service sector as a percentage of GDP, the sector has moder-
ing in the Indian market, Indian firms are operating in the ate linkages with secondary sector and poor linkages with the
much more dynamic global market. In the pre-reform period, primary sector. Saikia (2011), in his study on inter-sectoral
with fixed technology, reduced competition and, hence, higher linkages, pointed out that the traditional agriculture–industry
profit margins and longer product life cycles, firms had no linkages have been deteriorating during both the pre- and
incentive to engage in forward-looking decisions about invest- post-reform periods. Further, agriculture’s linkage with the
ment. Opening up of the economy has led to a sea change in the service sector is very weak from both the production and de-
economic environment for the firms. The quality of invest- mand sides. Tariyal (2017), using input–output table from
ment decisions has improved. The environment is now one of 2007–08, observed that backward linkages of services are in-
technological complexity, short product life cycles and invest- herently stronger than forward linkages. Railway, transport,
ment opportunities all over the world (Shah 2008). However, other transport services, hotels and restaurants, medical, and
enhanced competition between the firms has led to many health have created greater backward linkages, while elec-
projects being unprofitable. Unlike in the past, investment tricity, storage and warehousing, banking, insurance and
decisions are now undertaken on the basis of expected future business services have greater forward linkages.
profitability. The investment-inventory fluctuations emerging Using econometric models and causality analysis for examin-
out of such factors have led to the emergence of conventional ing the linkages between agriculture and industry, Rangarajan
business cycles in India post the reforms of 1991. The rise in (1982) concluded that a 1% growth in agricultural production
the share of the service sector in the overall composition of increased industrial production by 0.5% and thus GDP by 0.7%
GDP has led to enhanced linkages between the sectors, as the during 1961–72. Bhattacharya and Mitra (1989) using the same
service sector has higher income elasticity than the others. techniques found that the linkages between agriculture and
With the emergence of e-commerce firms, the interdependen- industries depend upon the relative growth and employment
cies between the sectors have been increasing and also have generation in both the secondary and tertiary sectors. Singh
become much more complex than ever. The economy has been et al (2003), employing causality tests and econometric models
experiencing major structural changes due to the evolving tech- to find out the inter-sectoral linkages, observed that moderni-
nology and changes in the way businesses are run in the pre- sation of agriculture has led to enhanced dependence of the
sent scenario. As a result, a comprehensive understanding of sector on industries. The dependency of industry on agricul-
the sectoral interlinkages becomes much more important so ture and services is higher than it used to be prior to the
that effective policies can be drawn out. economic reforms of 1991. It further found that the agricultural
sector has greater demand linkages compared to the other
Review of Literature two sectors. Also, the forward production linkages between
Sectoral interlinkages can, in general, be examined in three industry and agriculture have declined whereas backward
ways. The first and most widely used is the input–output matrix production linkages have increased. Kaur et al (2009), using
pioneered by Leontief (1941). The input–output table expresses both input–output approach and econometric exercises applying
the interlinkages among different sectors and also reveals the co-integration and state space models, revealed a strong long-
broad trends in any structural shifts over time. The second run equilibrium among the sectors at the broad level. At the
method relies on the use of statistical causality tests among sub-sectoral level, existence of long-term equilibrium was
various sectors to find out the possible interlinkages. The third found between ‘“trade, hotels, transport and communication”
approach involves econometric models encompassing various and “manufacturing” sectors. Further, the financial sector
sectors in an economy for generating dynamic forecasts activity in the “banking and insurance” sector was found to be
and policy simulations alongside exploring the interlinkages co-integrated with the “manufacturing” and “primary” sectors.
(Singh et al 2003). In the context of the Indian economy, In a comprehensive study of inter-sectoral linkages in
analysts have extensively used all the aforementioned methods. the Indian economy from 1950–51 to 2000–01, Bathla (2003)
A brief summary of literature is presented here. has found no evidence of a relationship between primary and
64 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

secondary sectors. The primary sector was found to have uni- growth is extremely simple and easy to compile. The model
directional causation with specialised services such as trade, studies the growth process itself based on the direct and
hotels, restaurants, communication services, finance, real estate indirect growth rate among sectors. The growth matrix
and professional services. However, under the co-integration makes it possible to determine the relative growth of each
analysis, the study found a strong evidence of the existence sector in comparison to other sectors (Stojanovic 1984). Thus,
of long-run equilibrium relationship among the primary, the model can be used as an alternative tool for economic
secondary and the specialised services sectors. forecasting. This study, to our knowledge, is first of its kind in
The study of inter-sectoral linkages and their structural adjust- that direction for India.
ments over time helps to investigate the notion of efficiency in
the production relationships. There are various methods to Methodology
measure the efficiency of an economy in economic literature. Stojanovic (1977, 1984) assumes that the economy is divided
A frequently used criterion, provided enough data on inter- into n sectors that are interdependent on each other. The ma-
industry relations are available, is to compare the output trix of growth is calculated as follows.
proportions to the proportions of von Neumann ray (Steenge Let us denote by Yit and Yi, t-1 (i = 1, 2,….n) production of the
1981). In his pioneering study on the notions of general equilib- ith sector during the periods t and t-1. The absolute change in
rium, von Neumann laid out the equilibrium conditions for an the production of the ith sector during the period (t-1, t) is:
expanding economy. Based on certain well-defined assumptions,
Δyit= Yit – Yi, t-1 , i =1, 2,….n
it is defined as an abstract, quasi-stationary economy, in which
there is no reason for the proportions of production and prices The indirect growth rate of the ith sector in relation to the
to change, once a state of equilibrium is reached. Using compli- jth is defined as the ratio of the incremental production of ith
mentary slackness conditions and generalisation of Brouwer’s sector to that of production of the jth sector in the period t.
fixed-point theorem, he established the existence of equilibrium ୼ଢ଼౟౪
r୧୨୲ = ଢ଼ౠ౪
, i, j = 1, 2,…….n
in the model of balanced growth and also showed that it is a
unique one. The common equilibrium rate is the highest pos- The outer product of vector of incremental production with
sible uniform rate of growth on the one hand, and the smallest the vector of reciprocal outputs of sectors in the period t
possible rate of interest on the other (Zalai 2004). The unique produces the matrix of growth. All the elements on the main
equilibrium growth rate implies a maximal rate of expansion diagonal are direct growth rates of the sectors and off diagonal
allowed by the input–output coefficients. The output proportions elements express the indirect growth rates.
that correspond to the unique path of steady state growth is

{ {
called von Neumann ray/path. In other words, von Neumann Rt = r11t r12t …… r1nt
output proportions represent optimal production relations for an r21t r22t …… r2nt
economy. If the output proportions of an economy are close rn1t rn2t …… rnnt
enough to the proportions of von Neumann ray, the economy
is said to be in a state of equilibrium or that the economies The ith row of the matrix of growth denotes the growth of
involved are highly efficient (Steenge 1981). production in the ith sector compared to production of other
The input–output model, though most widely used, is sectors. Similarly, the jth column expresses the growth of pro-
fraught with certain assumptions that are very difficult to rec- duction by sectors if compared with the jth sector. The matrix
oncile with this concept of equilibrium. First, it requires a large of indirect growth connects the vector of output of tth period
amount of data on economy’s technology, which may not be with that of t-1th period. In this manner, future output can be
available in developing countries. Second, it assumes a fixed planned or programmed using the matrix of growth. The
input coefficient production function, which ignores the pos- equation linking the vectors of output is given as:
sibility of several ways to produce an output by a firm (Christ ଵ ିଵ
Xt = ቀ െ ቁ š୲ିଵ ;
1955). Third, the compilation of the input–output table as- ୬ିଵ

sumes a high degree of aggregation. And fourth, the model where I denotes the unit matrix, R denotes the matrix of indi-
only focuses attention on overall growth rate (a discussion on rect growth, n denotes the number of sectors and X denotes
sectoral growth rates is virtually absent) (Steenge 1981). Also, the vectors of output in periods t and t-1.
the input–output model itself suffers from dual instability. In this paper, we have computed an average matrix of
If the real system is relatively stable (that is if the output growth for a five-year period and projected the output using
proportions converge to the balanced growth proportions), the matrix for the next five-year period assuming that the ma-
then the price system is relatively unstable (Steenge 1986). trix of growth remains constant for the successive periods.
Econometric exercises and statistical causality tests have The projected output as per the matrix of growth denotes an
been criticised on the grounds that they can estimate only economy of balanced growth case. The output proportions
partial linkages (Saikia 2011). calculated using the matrix of growth can be interpreted as
It is in this regard that the matrix of growth proposed by maximising long-run efficiency. For data purposes, we have
Stojanovic (1984, 1977) serves as an alternate tool to measure considered gross value added (sector-wise) at basic prices,
the efficiency of growth. The model based on the matrix of which are published by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and is
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 65
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Figure 2: Decade-wise Five-year Average Rate of Growth of Sectors in growth of services, when compared to agriculture, has gone
Percentage (Matrix of Growth)
up from 2.16% in 1954–55 to 22% in 2012–17. However, for the
26
same period, the average rate of growth of agriculture when
21
compared to services has gone down from 6% to 2%. This is
16 suggestive of changing dynamics in the inter-sectoral linkages
Percent

11 among the two sectors with the services sector being the dom-
6 inant mover in the economy. The average growth rate of services
when compared with manufacturing has gone up from 12.17%
1
in 1954–55 to 21.88% in 2012–17. On the other hand, the aver-
-4
age growth rate of manufacturing as compared with the services
1950–54 1960–64 1970–74 1980–84 1991–95 2001–05 2012–17
Agri Mining Manu EGW sector has roughly remained the same. Figure 2 reveals that
Services Const THTC FIRE until the reforms of 1991, electricity, gas and water supply
Agri includes agriculture and allied activities, Manu stands for manufacturing sector, EGW
includes electricity, gas and water supply, Const stands for construction, THTC comprises
along with manufacturing have been one of the leading sec-
trade, hotels, transportation and communication services and FIRE comprises of finance, tors of the economy. Post the reform period, sectors such as
real estate and professional services.
Source: Compiled by the authors.
finance, real estate and professional services, trade, hotels,
transportation and communication witnessed tremendous
available on the RBI website under the section, Handbook of growth rates till 2004–05. In fact, the services sector, includ-
Statistics on Indian Economy. ing all the sectors mentioned, have been the key sectors in
India’s economic growth post the economic reforms of 1991.
Results The concept of inter-sectoral growth dynamics is closely
At the outset, we examine the movement of production of sectors associated with the overall growth rate experienced in the
using the matrix of growth. We project the output proportions economy. Assuming all the sectors are interdependent, any
using the system based on the growth matrix from 1950–51 to positive growth in one of the sectors pulls up the other sectors
2018–19. The calculations are presented in the appendix. The as well either via backward or forward linkages. Investigation
main findings are presented in the text. of these inter-sectoral dynamics helps to design an appropriate
The sectoral interdependencies have kept an increasing investment policy to increase the productivity in such sectors
trend since 1950–51. Table 1 shows that the average rate of that relatively lag behind the others.
Table 1: Matrix of Growth for Select Sectors (Five-year Average Rate
Figures 3 to 8 (p 67) displays the output proportions gener-
of Growth) (%) ated using the matrix of growth and indicates an efficient output
Agriculture Manufacturing Services proportions in the strict von Neumann sense. In other words, if
1950–54 we assume an economy on a balanced growth path and also
Agriculture 4 21 6
having full capacity, the output proportions generated by the
Manufacturing 1 5 1
matrix of growth is representative of an efficient growth case.
Services 2 12 3
1960–64
It is obvious as this assumption of full capacity corresponds to
Agriculture 2.4 8.6 2.7 the classical case. Thus, a comparison can be facilitated in
Manufacturing 2.1 7.4 2.4 terms of the actual output proportions and the output propor-
Services 4.8 17.5 5.6 tions generated using the matrix of growth. The efficient
1970–74 economic growth case can be concluded by measuring the
Agriculture -0.4 -1.2 -0.4 proximity of the actual output proportions to the projected
Manufacturing 1.2 3.5 1.1 proportions. Upon comparing the actual output proportions
Services 2.7 7.8 2.5 with the projected proportions, we observe that until 2004–05,
1980–84
the difference between the two output proportions is of a small
Agriculture 4 9 3
magnitude. Beyond 2004–05, we notice a considerable increase
Manufacturing 3 6 2
Services 7 16 5
in the magnitude of difference between the two output pro-
1991–95 portions. Three possible interpretations can be attributed for
Agriculture 3 6 2 the same. First, the economic reforms of 1991 led to a substan-
Manufacturing 5 9 3 tial alteration in the structural composition of the economy
Services 12 22 6 with the tertiary sector emerging as the dominant contributor
2001–05 in the overall GDP. The increased role of tertiary sector has led
Agriculture 18 23 8 to fundamental changes in inter-sectoral linkages among the
Manufacturing 16 20 7
sectors. Second, the great recession of 2008 would have
Services 18 23 8
caused a substantial decline in production activities reflected
2012–17
Agriculture 5 5 2
in the fall in the output level of subsequent years. Third, in
Manufacturing 5 5 1 such a changed economic landscape of the nation, capacity
Services 22 22 6 outpacing demand in the economy has also been one of the
Source: Compiled by the authors. significant contributors. On the basis of these findings, it can
66 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 SPECIAL ARTICLE

Figure 3: Output Proportions Using the Matrix of Growth 1959–60 (` crore) Figure 4: Output Proportions Using the Matrix of Growth for 1969–70 (` crore)
2,30,000 3,00,000

2,50,000
1,80,000
2,00,000
1,30,000 1,50,000
Actual Actual
Projected Projected (1969–70)
(1959–60) 1,00,000
80,000
Difference
Difference 50,000
30,000
0

-20,000 -50,000
Mining

Mining
Agriculture

Manufacturing

EGW

Services

Construction

THTC

FIRE

Agriculture

Services
Manufacturing

EGW

Construction

THTC

FIRE
Source: Compiled by the authors. Source: Compiled by the authors.

Figure 5: Output Proportions Using the Matrix of Growth for 1979–80 (` crore) Figure 6: Output Proportions Using the Matrix of Growth for 1989–90 (` crore)
4,00,000 7,00,000
6,00,000
3,00,000 5,00,000
4,00,000
Projected Actual
2,00,000 3,00,000
Actual (1989–90)
Projected 2,00,000
(1979–80)
Difference
1,00,000 1,00,000
Difference
0
0 -1,00,000
Mining

Mining
Agriculture

Services

Services
Manufacturing

EGW

Construction

THTC

FIRE

Agriculture

Manufacturing

EGW

Construction

THTC

FIRE
Source: Compiled by the authors. Source: Compiled by the authors.

Figure 7: Output Proportions Using the Matrix of Growth for 2011–12 (` crore) Figure 8: Output Proportions Using the Matrix of Growth for 2018–19 (` crore)
50,00,000 4,00,00,000
40,00,000 Actual 3,00,00,000
Projected Actual
30,00,000 (2011–12) Projected
2,00,00,000 (2018–19)
20,00,000 Difference
Difference 1,00,00,000
10,00,000
0
0
-1,00,00,000
-10,00,000
-20,00,000 -2,00,00,000

-30,00,000 -3,00,00,000
Mining

Mining
Agriculture

Services

Services
Manufacturing

EGW

Construction

THTC

FIRE

Agriculture

Manufacturing

EGW

Construction

THTC

FIRE

Source: Compiled by the authors. Source: Compiled by the authors.

be concluded with a little caution that since 2004–05, the voluminous data requirements and knowledge on the techno-
growth rate experienced in the economy has not been an logical relationships in the economy. Hence, for a developing
efficient one. country like India, the model based on the matrix of growth
can be useful in addressing the growth dynamics. Though
Conclusions there are certain theoretical weakness in the model, as such
In this paper, we have attempted to look into the question of assuming constant matrix of growth, etc, nevertheless it may
inter-sectoral dependence and the associated aspect of effi- be a useful approach to studying multisectoral growth, espe-
ciency (productive and not allocative efficiency) on growth cially if the planning horizon is not too far away. The findings
using a model based on matrix of growth, which has not been in this paper are not that different from using other available
used so far for analysing the Indian economy. The Stojanovic models, however, none of the existing methods have explored
model presents a simpler yet effective method for program- the systems based on indirect growth rates even though it
ming in the economy by means of indirect rates of growth and represents an extremely simple yet effective tool to express
systems based on them. Also, the method does not presuppose complex economic trends. We find that, since the 1950s, the
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 67
SPECIAL ARTICLE

sectoral interdependence has increased manifold with the weakened post the reform period. The efficiency in the eco-
service sector being the dominant mover of the economy post the nomic growth, as per the matrix of growth, is found till 2004–05
reforms of 1990–91. There has been tremendous growth recorded and beyond that the output proportions are found to be very
in trade, hotels and transportation and finance, real estate and different from that generated using the matrix of growth. The
professional service, which suggests the changing dynamics of output proportions generated using the matrix of growth can
the linkages among the sectors. Agriculture and allied activities be interpreted as maximising long-run efficiency, and hence, it
continue to remain an important sector, however, the linkages might be an appropriate investment policy to try to approxi-
of the sector with that of manufacturing and services have mate the projected output proportions as closely as possible.

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68 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

 april 9, 2022

Sri Lanka Stumbles into a Solvency Problem

Majoritarianism and excessive centralisation of powers are the primary reasons for the economic turmoil.

I
n the last few months, Sri Lanka has been tottering on the than half a billion dollars now, remittances have dipped from a
verge of insolvency, with its scheduled external debt repay- high of $6.1 billion in 2020 and is now expected to bounce back
ment obligations far exceeding its limited foreign exchange only in 2026. Similarly, the FDI inflows have fallen from the
reserves. All efforts to restructure the country’s external debt peak levels of 1.8% of the GDP in 2018 to 0.5% in 2020 and will
had come to naught after the international credit rating agen- only slowly pick up to 1.2% of the GDP in the next few years.
cies reduced its sovereign rating to junk status. Unfortunately, Surprisingly, despite its sharp descent into an increasingly dire
firmly ensconced in its own echo chamber, the majoritarian scenario, the Sri Lankan government, which had earlier availed of
government had largely ignored the early warning signs and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) assistance on many oc-
stumbled straight into the impending doom. casions, initially hesitated to seek any help from multilateral
The first sign of the emerging crisis was evident more than a agencies, fearing that the harsh conditionalities they impose
year back when the country’s foreign exchange reserves shrunk would only further erode the already shrinking popular support
to a 11-year low in February 2021. Though a currency swap with to the government. Instead, Sri Lanka first sought Chinese help in
the People’s Bank of China helped tide over the immediate restructuring its foreign debt. It also requested an economic pack-
crunch, the problems have only aggravated since then. Sri Lanka’s age from India. However, the reduction of Sri Lanka’s credit rat-
foreign exchange reserves, which peaked at $7.6 billion in 2019, ing to CCC or junk status by the international rating agencies,
have more than halved to $3.1 billion in 2021 and are now set to citing the rising possibility of a sovereign default in a few
further fall to $2.2 billion in 2022. Consequently, the share of months, was a catastrophe. This firmly closed Sri Lanka’s access
imports covered by the forex reserves has steadily fallen from to the international capital markets and jinxed all efforts to roll
five months to 1.5 months and further to one month during the over the maturing international obligations.
period, and any sudden improvement is very unlikely. Strangely, the government’s response to these debilitating de-
The imbalance in the external sector was primarily fuelled by velopments has been perverse and tardy. It first passed a constitu-
a growing current account deficit and a surge in government debt. tional amendment in October 2020, which further centralised
Sri Lanka’s current account deficit, which shrunk from 2.2% of the powers in the office of the President. Then, it cut down on all non-
gross domestic product (GDP) in 2019 to 1.3% in 2020, has suddenly essential imports, which badly hit the economy. Similarly, the fix-
bloated to 3.8% in 2021, and this is now expected to only improve ing of the official exchange rate of the Sri Lankan rupee between
to 2.6% of the GDP in the next few years. Similarly, the ratio of 200 and 203 per dollar and the rules for surrendering foreign ex-
public and publicly guaranteed debt to GDP went up from 94.3% change led to widespread hoarding and caused dollar shortages.
to 114% of the GDP between 2019 and 2021. This is ominous given A fallout was the scarcity of medicines and fuel, which raised the
that around half of the government borrowing is denominated in electricity outage to more than 10 hours each day. And consumer
foreign currencies. And with one-third of the foreign debt falling inflation crossed the 18% mark with food prices soaring by 30%.
due between 2021 and 2023, the country is now hurling towards But it would be unfair to blame Sri Lanka’s current predicament
a disaster. In fact, the external public debt service requirements to the pandemic and external sector constraints. The civil war and
alone will exceed $4.1 billion each year during the period. poorly advised policies had forced the country to seek IMF’s assis-
Unfortunately for Sri Lanka, all these developments followed tance at least four times since the turn of the millennium. And the
soon after its reclassification as an upper-middle-income country current regime aggravated the problems by both radically cutting
by the World Bank in July 2019, making it the second South Asian tax rates to bolster business sentiments and by offering largesse
nation on the list after the Maldives. However, the unexpected worth a billion dollars, including salary hikes to bureaucracy amidst
pandemic has now completely derailed the economy. This was be- the crisis. These measures ensured that while the tax-to-GDP ratio
cause the economic disruption severely dented Sri Lanka’s earn- has dipped from the peak levels of 11.6% in 2019 to around 7.2%,
ings from tourism, remittances, and foreign direct investment now the expenditures remained sticky at around 19% of the GDP.
(FDI)—the three mainstays of its external sector. While the re- The response of the government to the growing economic stabil-
ceipts from tourism fell from around $4.5 billion in 2018 to less ity and the threats to its legitimacy has been to clamp down on
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 7
EDITORIALS

public gatherings and to restrict access to social media. It appointed has now asked all national parties represented in Parliament to
a new central bank governor even as the new finance minister join a new interim government to tackle the national crisis. But
relinquished office just a day after taking charge. The President surely, there are no shortcuts to ensure an immediate recovery.

8 april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

FROM THE EDITOR’S DESK

Political Ecology of Toxic Speech

I
s it not paradoxical to conceive of and confront the growing of them even deny the act of laughter its naturalness and childlike
use of toxic speech in any decent democracy? This question innocence, by making it carceral. It acquires this ethically devas-
unfortunately finds its echo in a political ecology in which tating quality when, on account of its release, it throws up a de-
toxic speech finds its expression in the morphology or the co- grading and derisive meaning that is then invested in a vicari-
nundrum of words that range from being cleanly offensive to ous laughter with the intention to seek someone’s humiliation.
becoming deceptively democratic in their expression. Ideally Unfortunately, certain premium representative institutions are
speaking, decent language provides meaningful bonds between being increasingly used to realise these dark aspirations for in-
people. Thus, the language of equality, justice, fraternity, and flicting moral injuries at the opposition leaders. The right-wing
dignity forms the semantic basis of these bonds. proponents of hate speech are given to deep prejudice, which
The bonds can also be sustained through reason and rational makes it difficult for them to overcome their ability to produce
deliberation on the importance of concepts like equality, justice, toxic speech and civilise their “riotous” tongue.
and freedom. In this regard, it is heartening to note that during The political practice of some prominent leaders from the ruling
the recent controversy surrounding the wearing of the hijab or the dispensation has been replete with implicature that are occasion-
sale of halal meat, some reasonably informed and concerned citi- ally issued by the former who may have only rhetorical interest in
zens articulated the language of justice and freedom, as indicated the universal principle of justice, equality, and freedom. The proof
by some social media reports. These citizens did emphasise the of the commitment to democracy and the Constitution is not in
need for giving people the right to make a choice in eating and rhetorically sloganising these principles, but it is in the sincerity of
selling food. The right to produce and consume food gives people making such ideals as an authentic part of civic and political activ-
the freedom to choose the food they consume, irrespective of their ism. However, some leaders of the right-wing political party seem
caste and religious background. Thus, it is being suggested that it to opt for the first option. This is to escape criticism. The politics of
would be fair to respect the right to sell and consume food. This uttering, if not practically asserting, the commitment to hold on to
democratic principle found its resonance in the assertion of citi- the high moral grounds of such principles becomes necessary for
zens who found arbitrarily imposing restrictions on people’s some leaders to escape social criticism. This, in fact, constitutes a
choice by extralegal means by a social vigilante group as unfair. It calculated attempt at using broader principles for rhetorical con-
is unfair on two counts: first it denies freedom, and second, it sumption, which would not make it necessary for such leaders to
results in the loss of livelihoods to those who earn their wages deploy slur in order to look down upon the opposition. Slur is
from such work. The persons go further and invoke the justice reserved for its use in representative institutions or election rallies.
principle that these people be given compensation for the wages It would not be an exaggeration to say that hate speech has
they have lost due to such extralegal restrictions. The language of become an epidemic because it has become endemic. The logic
justice and freedom should provide the bonds that tie people in a is that the government seeks to deflect people’s attention from
consensual framework that is constituted by frank deliberation. the crises of inflation and unemployment within which the
However, this language has been replaced by the language that is common person is caught. However, the silver lining is that ra-
hostile to these linguistic bonds of decent democracy. tional citizens are bringing the language of justice into the pub-
The public sphere is threatened by some self-styled leaders and lic spere. In fact, the public articulation of such ideas is under-
activists of certain communities whose caustic utterances seek to going an intellectual as well as political intensification. Intensi-
undermine such bonds. Such activists representing right-wing fication of such universal ideas through good common sense is
aspirations seem to toss around awful utterances using their riot- to scale down the normative principle and make it universal at
ous and forked tongue to produce assaulting words. What one is the concrete level. No country can acquire a universal status
forced to witness, here, is that such activists use their hands before outside the conceptual progress—a progress in the intellectual
using their rational minds. They do not seem to be interested in field that is deep and not shallow.
affectively activating their hearts but are charged to use the heavy
“artillery” of offensive words that are replete with violence. Some

Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 9

EDITORIALS

Municipal Corporation of Delhi: From Trifurcation to Unification

Unification overwhelms the trifurcation of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi. Is it healthy for democracy?

A
mong the governance experts, it has been generally How can the reversal of this process be justified in a country that
agreed that smaller administrative units make the gov- celebrates its project of devolution of power achieved through vi-
ernment more accessible to ordinary people. Economists, brant local self-government? Does it need any research to estab-
too, have found that smaller states have performed better. How- lish that people must have found it easy to access the office of the
ever, we are witnessing the opposite being proposed by the MCD nearer to their home? A councillor representing a lesser
Delhi Municipal Corporation (Amendment) Bill, 2022, tabled by number of people or a smaller region must have meant more ac-
the union home minister. Such an exceptional proposal, likely cessibility. So, if the trifurcation failed, it must have been for some
to be an act, demands an explanation. other reason than making the administrative unit smaller.
To recall the history, the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) The diagnosis of the failure of the system is hardly convincing. The
was trifurcated by the Sheela Dixit government in 2012. Although primary reason given for it was financial. The state’s finance com-
dividing the MCD into smaller units was expected to improve gov- mittee suggested allocating funds to these bodies, but the state pro-
ernance, what employees of the organisation and the ordinary peo- vided significantly reduced funds. Consequently, there was not even
ple witnessed was a massive decline in its functioning. In the last 10 enough money to pay the employees. As the Bharatiya Janata Party
years, there has hardly been any achievement that could be cele- had won a majority of the seats in the MCD elections, the AAP-led
brated. The current bill was tabled in Parliament with a powerful Delhi government probably sought to treat them the same way as the
and convincing speech delivered by the home minister. In his elo- central government, which has been termed in Indian politics as
quent defence of the bill, he questioned the justification behind the “stepmotherly treatment.” This, therefore, seems to be more a product
trifurcation and counted the failure of this idea on the grounds of of non-cooperation between the centre and the state or any two ad-
administrative efficiency and financial viability. He argued that one ministrative units. Like the anomalies in the laws being followed in
of the consequences of the trifurcation was the significant adminis- the three MCDs, the financial arrangements could also be managed,
trative anomalies caused by different laws legislated by these mu- provided some cooperation existed between the two major players.
nicipal bodies, which resulted in serious confusion for people resid- Our democracy has entered a difficult competitive phase where
ing in the city. Another remarkable anomaly indicated pertains to visibility and populist posturing have become more important
finances, as one of the corporations had a lot of money and the than actual performance. The parties are always in election mode,
other two were almost strapped for funds. This happened due to and the advertisement budgets of the governments have increased
the differences in the economic activities in these regions. He also manifold. The ruling party at the centre does not want to provide
suggested that the trifurcation was a misuse of public money as it adequate funds to the states ruled by the opposition, and the same
required three different sets of administrative infrastructure. is the case with the states and their local bodies. The increasing
There was hardly any debate on these points in Parliament. The impact of media on parties’ future has increased every party’s ex-
main opposition came from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which penditure on advertisement. The growing non-cooperation be-
claims that its recent victory in Punjab indicates its strong position tween the different levels of government is making the Indian de-
in the forthcoming municipal elections in Delhi. However, the mocracy further dysfunctional. The declining ethical standard of
point that its leader raised was more rhetorical than substantive. the political class in India has become a matter of grave concern.
The AAP leader argued that something called “Kejari Phobia” had A deeper reading of the intention behind the bill provides im-
grabbed the ruling party’s mind. Therefore, this bill aims at delay- petus to this concern. It needs to be noted that the Delhi state
ing the elections. The fear of losing the MCD to the AAP is not so legislature did the trifurcation, but the Indian Parliament did
unfounded. Though the AAP’s argument may or may not have some the unification. What does the law suggest? Some leaders raised
element of truth, it does not seem to be a strong point against the questions regarding the violation of the federal principles and
bill. It is legitimate to initiate a new process after the corporation’s highlighted the increasing tendency to centralise power. Once
term is over. It seems convincing that it saves the trouble of destabi- again, the legal provisions were quoted, and probably they were
lising the elected representatives in the middle of their tenure. correct also. The question involved is not of the legal require-
The bill needs to be questioned on the grounds of the apparent ments but of the democratic intentions. If smaller administrative
strengths of the proposal being presented. Suppose one agrees units are accepted as better for democratic governance, should
that smaller administrative units provide administrative ease to that not be protected? Can there be amicable solutions to such
the people due to accessibility, in that case, there is a need to problems without undoing the devolution of power into smaller
question if there is evidence to prove or falsify this argument. units? These questions are crucial for our democracy today.
8 april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
FROM THE EDITOR’S DESK

From 50 Years Ago groups, because this external similarity hides a But this slab-like image does not fit caste so-
basic difference in values. […] The racialist be- ciety at all. Caste follows from a belief that the
lieves in equality, with racial difference as a natural order of society and the universe is hi-
special exception: all (white) men or all (black) erarchical, and that relations of equality are
men are created equal, and the more this the exception. The only final or religious justifi-
Vol VII, No 15 APRIL 8, 1972
equality is insisted on inside the group, the cation of caste is that it is a realisation of a con-
Caste and Status in an higher it is necessary to raise the barriers which tinuous hierarchy ranging from God, through
Indian City separate groups. Society is, or ought to be, like gods, Brahmins, other castes and untoucha-
a pile of homogeneous slabs lying on top of one bles, to animals and things. […] The point
Mark Holmstrom another: here the metaphor of ‘stratification’ is about castes is not that they are closed but that
It is a mistake to identify caste with apartheid especially appropriate. You could take out one they are ranked, and that each is necessary to
or the colour bar or a type of ‘stratification’ in slab and have a complete, working, all-white or the whole: a caste could not exist in isolation,
which status depends on birth into closed all-black society. This is what apartheid means. though a race could.

Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 9

ALTERNATIVE STANDPOINT

Coding the Indigenous final decision to clear the way for rein-
troducing a separate column on religion
for STs. Naturally, various segments of
Jharkhand’s Sarna Code Bill and people have reacted differently to this
development. Hindutva groups consider
the Possible Fallout this as a “conspiracy” hatched by Christian
missionaries, whereas there is a division
among the rank of Adivasi organisations;
Sujit Kumar if not against the nature of the demand,
then at least against the process and

W
While the religious code will ith the census due in 2021, sev- form in which it is being projected.
undoubtedly create an imagined eral demands are being posed
by various groups for their Common Identity
community by identifying
separate enumeration and enlisting. While One common argument being made by
common traits of spirituality the caste census demanded by backward both the supporters and opponents of this
among the Scheduled Tribes, communities has been an ongoing affair, move is that a headcount under a separate
challenges are bound to appear the inclusion of a separate column on religious category will serve as a rallying
religion for the Scheduled Tribes (STs) point in consolidating the group under a
due to the presence of Adivasis
has gained momentum in the past few common identity. It is believed that the
from other religions as well as years. In a way, this is nothing more common identity of “Adivasi” is frag-
the plurality in Adivasi discourse. than reintroducing a standard practice mented at the moment, as different Adivasi
To overcome this challenge, in the census that existed during the communities subscribe to more localised
colonial times but has been discontinued notions of culture and history. Even
community leaders will require
in post-independence India. though the Adivasi identity has offered a
to create a consensus based on robust sense of belongingness to the com-
grounded realities. Dilemmas of a Headcount munity to resist any predatory move to dis-
The 1921 Census, for the first time, possess them of their resources, it has not
recorded the tribals as the followers of a been able to achieve a pan-India unity
separate religion and recorded it as “tribal among the Adivasi communities. A com-
religion” as against the category of “ani- mon religious code will undoubtedly offer
mism” used in the 1901 and 1911 Censuses a tool to create an imagined community by
(Xaxa 2008: 14). However, the category identifying common traits of spirituality
has since been removed from the census, among the STs. Nevertheless, the proposed
which is largely perceived by Adivasi move raises several pertinent questions.
activists and politicians as a cunning For example, how many tribes return
measure to assimilate the STs within the themselves as “Others” (as a response to
broader fold of Hinduism. Also notewor- the column on religion) in states having
thy is the fact that ever since 1967, there a predominantly tribal population?
have been multiple attempts to politicise Taking a clue from Jharkhand, we can
the issue of religion among the tribes by argue that not more than half of the Adi-
projecting the narrative of unlawful con- vasis have a sense of belongingness to a
version into Christianity. Accordingly, sev- separate religion from the options offered
eral legislations have been passed by the to them. The reason for this is that the
state governments of Orissa (now Odisha), tribals returning themselves as one reli-
Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Arunachal gion or the other engage in tangible trans-
Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, actions with the people from their opted
and Jharkhand in this regard (Xaxa religion, and any symbolic distancing will
2017: 23).1 It is against this background have its ramifications. Yet, another ques-
that we discuss the passing of the Sarna tion arises due to the diversity or plurality
Adivasi Dharam resolution by the Hemant within the Adivasi group. We should not
Soren government in the Jharkhand forget that different Adivasi communities
Sujit Kumar ([email protected]) teaches at assembly on 11 November 2020 (Kukreti are in themselves a complete community
the Department of Political Science, St Joseph’s 2020). The resolution, however, is now as they have their own creation myths
College (Autonomous), Bengaluru.
pending before the union cabinet for a implying the spiritual aspects of their
10 april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 ALTERNATIVE STANDPOINT

life, and distinct language and script Madhya Pradesh and acknowledges their concrete, paving the way for intra-
that provides a unique cultural outlook. partial success in creating a rift among the community conflicts, until they undergo
Equally important is that while a few Adivasis on the ground of religion. The a metamorphosis based on the accepted
tribes have significant numbers with exten- same method is replicated in other tribal- tenets of Sarna religion. Moreover, given
sive geographical coverage, many have dominated areas with varying results the social and political realities, an
very small populations with some even ranging from great success in Gujarat to attempt to conduct an all-party meet for
on the verge of extinction. Hence, the almost negligible impact in Chhattisgarh. amicably arriving at accepted notions of
question arises that whether a move to Deconstructing the ambivalence bet- Sarna/tribal religion also looks difficult.
create a separate religion will not erase ween Adivasi converts and the new soci-
the existing heterogeneity, forcing the eties, in which they are peripheral mem- The Insurgent Adivasi
smaller groups to be engulfed by domi- bers, is important to understand the impli- A sense of resentment is ingrained in the
nant tribes? Needless to say, any attempt cations of a separate religious code for fomenting of the “Adivasi” as a politico-
to create a common religious identity for the community in general. This ambiva- cultural category through a two-way
such a wide range of groups without an lence in Jharkhand has seen the tribals process. While the cultural imagery of
intra-group dialogue will be tantamount look for political opportunities in align- Adivasi draws upon its unique customs
to a cultural genocide. In the article, we ing themselves with the Bharatiya Janata and world view, denying its appropriation
will engage with these questions and try Party (BJP), while the BJP itself looks by dominant cultures, the political imagery
to offer a reasonable solution. upon such members as a tool to establish emerges from a sense of dispossession and
linkages with the Adivasi society (Kumar resistance against it, which is understood
Disturbing the Ambivalence 2018). Noteworthy is that the Hindutva as a search for a new identity (Fernandes
While the tribal people have not been able forces have repeatedly raised alarms 2021: 266–67). However, articulating this
to keep themselves completely outside the against the presence of Christian mis- resentment itself was unimaginable with-
influences of mainstream religions, nei- sionaries and have worked out legislative out the modern consciousness forced upon
ther have they been completely absorbed tools to obstruct the spread of conversions the community. While initially the com-
into them. In fact, a social reality which has but always shun any conversation on the munity remained shy of its integration into
been extensively discussed and validated growing proximity between militant the mainstream, off late it has made sense
is that many tribals, despite returning Hinduism and Adivasi ranks. The move to of its “adverse inclusion” in the system
themselves as Christian or Hindu, still enlist the Adivasis as a separate religion and has seemingly acquired the tools to
follow the Adivasi culture. Virginius Xaxa will squeeze the spaces available to the articulate their own position and will.
(2008: 18–20), taking into account this BJP for intruding into the community. The acquisition of political subjectivity is
social reality, prefers to use the term Besides this, the move will also compel thus driven by a deep sense of resentment
“Hinduisation” rather than “Sanskritisa- the Adivasi members of the BJP to take a giving rise to an “insurgent citizenship.”3
tion” in reference to tribal people, and stand within the community or forfeit their A politically passive community has ulti-
argues that “tribes do not enter into any credibility. Given the fact that the previ- mately acquired the skills to frame its
kind of social, cultural, and ritual depend- ous BJP government in Jharkhand led by own will, not only to contest any attempts
ence within the caste structure of Hindu Raghubar Das had done plenty leading to further marginalise them but also to
society, even after their acculturation to to the “detribalisation of governance,”2 make demands upon the body politic.
the Hindu belief system and practices.” the Adivasi legislators affiliated to the Adivasi politics is replete with accounts
In fact, ambivalence has developed party are liable to suffer politically. of state excesses, forcing a sense of
around the interaction of the tribes with This move will obviously benefit the estrangement among them. Nevertheless,
the mainstream religions. While the Adi- Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), consid- the community has learnt to express its
vasis have symbolically converted to one ered as the authentic political party of anguish by subscribing to modern legal
religion or the other, driven by their quest the Adivasis, which has also managed vocabularies. Despite this change in sce-
to improve their terms of economic and to retain an ambiguous position on the nario, the state uses political violence
political integration, they have con- issues of dispossession (Kumar 2018: 109). backed by a hypothetical connection of the
sciously remained at the periphery of However, the move will also lead to a community with extralegal forces. While
their adopted religions as far as their more serious rift within the community an ethnic aspect of the Maoist struggle
social and cultural life is concerned as the delegitimised Adivasi leaders of has been studied by scholars like Alpa
(Kumar 2019). Of course, Hindutva forces the BJP and their supporters have moved Shah (2018), they have not been able to
have made attempts to seek a greater closer to Hinduism due to their everyday grasp the changes in the community
inclusion of the tribes within its fold. social interaction. It can be argued that behaviour when it comes to channelling
However, this has barely gone beyond a the proposed move has the potential, at the estrangement. Linkages can be com-
militant segregation of the tribes in the least in Jharkhand, to lead to a polarisa- fortably drawn between the Adivasi
name of religion. Amita Baviskar (2005) tion within the Adivasi community as intelligentsia and civil society, wherein
has studied this aspect of the Rashtriya the religious affiliations, which are fluid the latter has played a protracted role in
Swayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS) pedagogy in in nature until now, will become more equipping the Adivasis to express their
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 11
ALTERNATIVE STANDPOINT

discontent in more legal and hence legit- Bhils, Mundas, Oraons, Santhals, and Hos do away with this prejudiced practice
imate terms (Kumar 2018: 109). The rise are numerically strong and can very well and replace it with an inclusive religious
of awareness compounded by the notions assume a dominant role in defining the identity. However, this discussion makes
of insurgent citizenship has provided a tenets of the tribal religion. Thus, the it amply clear that there are major chal-
new meaning to the struggle and resist- question remains as to how will they take lenges in the creation of that religious
ance of the community. Despite this, it the markers of smaller tribes into account identity. While the political challenges
remains true that when the community while identifying the major traits of the seem to be difficult to surpass, the cul-
is not in its agitating form, it remains tribal religion. tural challenges emerging from the
gullible not only economically but also Article 29 of the Constitution states presence of plurality in the Adivasi dis-
culturally. They remain passive agents as that any section of citizens “having a dis- course are no less sensitive. What the
migrant workers, or as converts to other tinct language, script or culture of its own leaders of the community seem to require
religions for the purposes of material shall have the right to conserve the same.” is unprecedented patience and tolerance
transactions, and so on. An opportunity Until now, the dominant perception of to engage in an extensive deliberation to
to enlist themselves as a separate religion Adivasi groups is that of a cultural group, arrive at a consensus, and simultaneously
is destined to infuse in them a sense of the even though the official criteria used use this opportunity in the framing a
“imagined community” creating grounds to enlist a section as ST is completely dif- new political subjectivity by exploring a
for greater solidarity. This new religious ferent. Xaxa (2008: 3) argues that the more grounded picture.
identity anchored in their shared rever- list for STs “was drawn up more on the
ence for nature worship will provide them basis of administrative and political con- Notes
with a sense of shared sentiment and a siderations” by using criteria like “living in 1 Tamil Nadu had passed the anti-conversion act
means of communication despite not inaccessible places, speaking a tribal called Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Forcible
Conversion of Religion Act, 2002, only to be
engaging in day-to-day transactions. dialect, practising animism, and engag- repealed in 2004. Arunachal Pradesh has not
ing in primitive occupations.” Many con- been able to operationalise a similar act since
the detailed rules have not been framed for its
Recognising Pluralism stitutional safeguards, including restric- implementation even after 20 years.
The proposal to impart a new religious tion on outsiders to move and settle 2 This term refers to a gradual process of removal
of Adivasi representatives and their major con-
identity to the STs is limited by another freely in Scheduled Areas, are available to cerns around protective laws from the sphere
fact that the Adivasi as a group is itself the tribal people due to their recognition of governance. See Kumar (2018: 112–13).
3 The term “insurgent citizenship” is used by Alf
constituted by numerous subgroups. As as a cultural minority. Hence, can the Gunvald Nilsen (2018) in the context of the Bhil
mentioned, each group has a holistic community continue to avail these safe- Adivasis of Madhya Pradesh to capture the
appearance as a community with a speci- guards after their recognition as a reli- nature of their lawful activism against the
state excesses. Nilsen argues that civil society
fic notion of spirituality and a distinct gious group? This question is for the legal participation has enabled the Bhil Adivasis to
language, script, and customs. One cannot experts to deliberate on. But it is clear question the unlawful rent-seeking nature of
the forest department bureaucracy and access
deny a superficial resemblance between that any attempt by major tribal groups proper channels to express their grievances
the Adivasi communities as far as cus- to determine the markers of a pan-India and making claim as per law.
toms and rituals are concerned. Neverthe- tribal religion without sufficiently ensur-
less, it is an equally valid claim that the ing the cultural rights available to the References
Adivasi communities, despite remarkable smaller tribal communities will lead to Baviskar, Amita (2005): “Adivasi Encounters with
Hindu Nationalism in MP,” Economic & Political
similarities, have not erased the markers an erasure of their distinct identity. Weekly, Vol 40, No 48, pp 5105–13.
of their distinctions. However, these are Therefore, any such move to arrive at Fernandes, Walter (2021): “Indian Tribals and
Search for an Indigenous Identity,” India’s
not insurmountable factors for the con- the common indicators of religious iden- Tribes: Unfolding Realities, Vinay Kumar Sriv-
struction of a single religious code, which tity for tribes across India should be pre- astava (ed), New Delhi: Sage Publications.
can still be framed around certain para- ceded by a democratic dialogue process Kukreti, Ishan (2020): “Sarna Dharam Code: Of
Adivasi Identity and Eco-nationalism,” Down to
meters, and serve as a rallying point to agreed upon by each one of them. Earth, 10 December, https://www.downtoearth.
unite a rather plural group. The same org.in/news/governance/sarna-dharam-code-
Solving the Puzzle of-adivasi-identity-and-eco-nationalism-74569.
could be said about the Hindus, for whom Kumar, Sujit (2018): “Adivasis and the State Politics
their socio-religious ideology, in the form There is hardly any denying the impor- in Jharkhand,” Studies in Indian Politics, Vol 6,
No 1, pp 103–16.
of Varnashrama, serves as a rallying point tance of a pan-Indian religious identity
— (2019): “Muzzling Artistic Liberty and Protest-
to integrate numerous cultural traditions for the tribal population constructed by ing Anti-conversion Bill in Jharkhand,” Eco-
under the umbrella of one religion. Para- taking into account the real features of nomic & Political Weekly, Vol 54, No 2, pp 16–18.
Nilsen, Alf Gunvald (2018): Adivasis and the State:
doxically, the real problem emerges from the group rather than ascribing to it an Subalternity and Citizenship in India’s Bhil Heart-
this very solution of a religion serving official tag with highly discriminatory land, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
as the harbinger around which cultural markers attaching the image of back- Shah, Alpa (2018): Nightmarch: A Journey into India’s
Naxal Heartlands, Noida: HarperCollins.
unity is created. The creation of unity itself wardness to the community. In fact, the Xaxa, Virginius (2008): State, Society, and Tribes:
can be a result of steamrolling the cultural continued use of the official markers to Issues in Post-Colonial India, Noida: Pearson.
— (2017): “Voiceless in Jharkhand: Freedom of
plurality under the predominant notions identify a tribe is a blot on a liberal polity. Religion Act, 2017,” Economic & Political Weekly,
of religion. Tribal groups like Gonds, Hence, there cannot be a better time to Vol 52, No 40, pp 23–26.

12 april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

DISCUSSION

phasis on soil rejuvenation. The second

Argumentation by part of the paper describes the paradigm
shift needed in water, which includes re-
Misrepresentation juvenation of catchment areas of rivers,
a shift towards participatory approaches
to water management, a focus on green
Mihir Shah, P S Vijayshankar water and protective irrigation, the wide-
spread adoption of water-saving seeds and

I
In this response to Chris J Perry n their critique (Perry and Kumar technologies, while building transdisci-
and M Dinesh Kumar’s critique of 2022) of our co-authored paper “Water plinarity and overcoming hydro-schizo-
and Agricultural Transformation in phrenia in water governance. Thus, unlike
the authors’ co-authored paper,
India: A Symbiotic Relationship—I” what Perry and Kumar attribute to us,
“Water and Agricultural by Mihir Shah, P S Vijayshankar and solving India’s water problem requires all
Transformation in India: A Francesca Harris (EPW, 17 July 2021), these reforms to be put in place, which are
Symbiotic Relationship —I” by Perry and Kumar repeatedly misrepre- described in detail in our paper but com-
sent our core arguments, while also cast- pletely ignored by Perry and Kumar in
Mihir Shah, P S Vijayshankar and
ing them in a partial, distorted, and in- their response.
Francesca Harris (EPW, 17 July complete manner. In doing so, they ridi- A similar example of misattribution
2021), the authors seek to respond cule very powerful solutions to India’s by Perry and Kumar is their statement:
to a distortion of their views as water and agrarian crises without offering The paper narrates a series of problems in
any alternative ways forward. the agriculture sector ... These outcomes are
well as what they claim is a attributed to “continued blind adherence” to
ridiculing of powerful solutions to Correcting the Misrepresentations green revolution technologies. A paradigm
shift is proposed, characterised by a change
India’s water and agrarian crises. In the very first paragraph, Perry and
from a “fine-cereal” (wheat and paddy)-
Kumar state: “the authors argue that the dominated cropping pattern to one in which
crisis in India’s water sector ... can be a mix of less water-intensive crops, includ-
solved through agricultural transforma- ing nutri-cereals, predominate. (Perry and
tion” (Perry and Kumar 2022: 58). This Kumar 2022: 58) (emphasis added)
is a gross oversimplification and mis- Here again, we find several distortions by
statement of the core proposition of our Perry and Kumar of what we actually say
paper, which is in our paper, where we refer to a “contin-
that solving India’s water problem requires a ued blind adherence to the Green Revo-
paradigm shift in agriculture and that the cri- lution approach” (Shah et al 2021: 51).
sis in Indian agriculture cannot be resolved First, they fail to understand that the
without a paradigm shift in water manage- green revolution was not merely a matter
ment and governance. (Shah et al 2021: 43)
of technology but an “approach” with
We therefore highlight the deeply several constituent elements, described
interconnected nature of the twinned in detail in our paper, each of which needs
crises of water and agriculture in India, to undergo transformation. We argue
arguing that neither crises can be resolved that the green revolution approach needs
without a paradigm shift in both the to be replaced by a completely different
sectors. Our paper outlines the constituent paradigm, with multiple constituent ele-
elements of each of the existing para- ments, including: (i) crop diversification
digms of water and agriculture, explains through broadening of the public pro-
why they need to be transformed, and curement portfolio to include crops suited
then describes the nature of the paradigm to the agroecology of diverse regions;
shift required in both areas. The first part (ii) moving away from monoculture to-
of the paper argues that the paradigm wards polycultural biodiversity; (iii) reject-
shift in agriculture requires shifting crop- ing the commodity-centric approach of
Mihir Shah ([email protected]) is ping patterns to include crops suited to the green revolution based on total factor
a distinguished professor, Shiva Nadar each agroecological region, a movement productivity (TFP) and adopting a vision of
University, Greater Noida. P S Vijayshankar from monoculture to poly-cultural crop total system productivity (TSP) instead;
([email protected]) is with Samaj Pragati biodiversity, a decisive move towards (iv) moving towards an agroecological ap-
Sahayog, Dewas, Madhya Pradesh.
agroecological farming, and greater em- proach to farming, as is being advocated
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 69
DISCUSSION

by the Food and Agriculture Organiza- India’s agriculture sector nor minimise the further improved. The arguments Perry
tion (FAO) and adopted the world over; water and soil problems listed. In the absence and Kumar make are typical of the cir-
of large subsidies, they are an unattractive
and (v) rejecting the view of the soil as an cular line of reasoning of those in favour
option for the typical small farmer; the re-
input–output machine, where the soil was duced yields associated with these crops will
of maintaining the status quo in any
seen essentially as a stockpile of minerals undermine India’s food security and require context. This is how, in the context of cli-
and salts, just a base with the physical substantial imports; water savings (except mate change, advocates of fossil fuels
attributes necessary to hold roots and to the extent that sugar cane is abandoned) argue that green alternatives remain un-
moving decisively towards a vision of will be minor. The interventions required to affordable, unavailable, etc, totally ignor-
promote these crops would be immensely
“living soils,” popularised most promi- ing the default setting of massive subsi-
expensive for the central government in
nently by World Food Prize winner terms of subsidies to procurement prices and dies and support structures bolstering
Rattan Lal. Additional muscle to our argu- additional imports to replace lost cereal pro- fossil fuels and the absence of compara-
ment is provided by a recent paper, duction. (Perry and Kumar 2022: 60) ble support for the alternative, which is
which argues that Our responses are detailed here. urgently required given the catastrophe
the potential of soils to store carbon, has hith- we are heading towards on a planetary
erto not received enough attention. Indeed, Pulses and Oilseeds scale. This is exactly the case with water
the earth’s soils contain about 2,500 gigatons First, Perry and Kumar reduce our many and farming in India. For any transition
of carbon, more than three times the amount propositions to just one—nutri-cereals! towards sustainable solutions, we need
of carbon in the atmosphere and four times
But our paper does not only speak about to address the regime of heavily sub-
the amount stored in all vegetation ... Soil or-
ganic carbon content is important for climate the need to include nutri-cereals in sidised fossil fuel-based mainstream agri-
change mitigation, but it is equally important India’s cropping patterns. We place equal culture, which is currently able to easily
for farmers and biodiversity. Increasing soil emphasis on the reinclusion of pulses outcompete any alternative. If the real
carbon has the effect of drawing down carbon and oilseeds, of which India has a rich economic, as well as the ecological, costs
from the atmosphere, while simultaneously
and variegated repository. Given the of green revolution farming were to be
improving soil structure and soil health, soil
fertility and crop yields, water retention and repeated crises of pulse production in factored into the calculation, the agro-
aquifer recharge. A soil must have at least recent years, our proposal for enhancing ecological paradigm would win hands
5% organic matter to be considered healthy. the research and development (R&D), as down in comparison.
(Ravikanth et al 2022) well as procurement support for pulses Further, nowhere in our paper do we
This further underscores the need to requires urgent attention. There is an advocate an abandonment of rice and
move beyond the green revolution para- even greater urgency now to our propos- wheat, or even sugar cane. All we are
digm towards agroecology. al regarding oilseeds, given the latest arguing for is a greater alignment of
In addition to this multipronged para- policy moves to promote palm oil mono- cropping patterns with regional agro-
digm shift in farming, we also build a cultures in India, which could have po- ecology. We are arguing for diversity,
strong case for a paradigm shift in tentially disastrous outcomes, both eco- not for replacing one monoculture with
water, without which the paradigm shift nomic and ecological, and is completely another. Our proposal for aligning crop-
in farming would remain incomplete, if egregious when we are blessed with a ping patterns with regional agroecology
not impossible. Thus, unlike what Perry multitude of oilseeds perfectly suited to includes raising the share of eastern India
and Kumar suggest, we speak of twin the agroecologies of diverse regions. in procurement of water-intensive crops
paradigm shifts, in both water and agri- like rice. Eastern India is naturally suited
culture, both of which are multipronged Aligning Cropping Patterns to paddy cultivation. While West Bengal
and not merely centred on a shift in Second, in our paper, we specifically ex- is one of the leading states in India in
cropping patterns, as claimed by them. amine and rebut the argument that these terms of rice production, not even 10%
We can go on multiplying the many crop replacements will endanger food of its total output is procured by the
other instances of misrepresentation of security, where we acknowledge that government. Ironically, even though this
our arguments by Perry and Kumar but yields of our replacement crops are cur- region has abundant water resources, it
that would become too tiresome for the rently lower than the water-guzzling depends on groundwater-scarce regions
reader. So, we now turn to a careful crops. But, we note that in recent times, for its supply of foodgrains. It has been
examination of the critique they pro- the productivity of nutri-cereals has been correctly pointed out that
vide of those arguments that they selec- going up because of which, despite a Eastern states which are safe in their ground-
tively focus on. sharp reduction in the acreage under water reserves and net importers, also have the
nutri-cereals, their production has not highest yield gaps and therefore the greatest
Response to the Critique declined. In fact, between 2000–01 and unmet potential to increase production.
(Harris et al 2020: 9)
Perry and Kumar summarise their critique 2014–15, the yield of nutri-cereals has
of our paper as follows: gone up significantly by about 3.8% per Raising the share of rice procured from
The solutions proposed by them, nutri-crops,
year. This is a positive sign leading us to eastern India would greatly help to
no doubt have a place in India’s agricultural believe that with greater R&D investments move in this direction, as would tweaking
future, but they will neither revolutionise in nutri-cereals, their productivity can be electricity tariffs there (Sidhu et al 2020).
70 april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 DISCUSSION

Hence, we are all for raising rice pro- diabetes. India has the world’s second and the United States (the second and
duction in regions where it should be highest number of diabetics, first being third largest groundwater-using coun-
naturally grown. And we advocate key China. A major contributor to this syn- tries) put together. As a result, at least
policy reforms that would enable such demic is the displacement of whole foods 60% of India’s districts are either fac-
an outcome. Thus, unlike what Perry and in the average Indian diet by energy-dense ing a problem of overexploitation or
Kumar suggest, the new paradigm we and nutrient-poor, ultra-processed food severe contamination of groundwater
advocate will only enhance food security, products largely based on rice, wheat, (Vijayshankar et al 2011). The single most
not endanger it. and sugar (Basu 2022). According to the important factor leading to the drying up
Underscoring the need for this para- Indian Council of Medical Research, fox- of India’s peninsular rivers is the over-
digm shift, we further point to the rapidly tail millet has 81% more protein than rice. extraction of groundwater in their catch-
deteriorating water situation in Punjab Millets are climate-resilient crops suit- ment areas. There is a clear evidence of
and Haryana, which increasingly poses ed for the drylands of India. They also fluoride, arsenic, mercury and even ura-
a very serious constraint to maintaining provide a higher content of dietary fibre, nium and manganese in groundwater in
the productivity levels of water-intensive vitamins, minerals, protein and antioxi- some areas, reflecting the depths to which
crops like wheat and rice in these states. dants, and a significantly lower glycaemic groundwater extraction is taking place.
An extremely important recent study index. Providing nutri-cereals in school The intensive overuse of chemical in-
concludes that midday meals and anganwadi centres puts under the green revolution has led to
could reduce iron-deficiency anaemia, increasing levels of nitrates and pesticide
given current depletion trends, cropping in-
tensity may decrease by 20% nationwide and while the increased consumption of pulses pollutants in groundwater, which have
by 68% in groundwater-depleted regions. could reduce protein-energy malnutrition serious health implications. The major
Even if surface irrigation delivery is increased (DeFries et al 2018). health issues resulting from the intake
as a supply-side adaptation strategy, cropping of nitrates are methaemoglobinaemia
intensity will decrease, become more vulner- Addressing Degradation and cancer. And, the rapid increase in
able to inter-annual rainfall variability, and
become more spatially uneven. We find that Third, Perry and Kumar completely ignore pesticide use activates the major health
groundwater and canal irrigation are not sub- all the evidence cited in our paper regard- hazards of pesticide intake through food
stitutable and that additional adaptation ing the impact of green revolution farm- and water, including cancers, tumours,
strategies will be necessary to maintain cur- ing on soil quality, water tables and water skin diseases, cellular and DNA damage,
rent levels of production in the face of
quality, each of which demand a move suppression of immune system and other
groundwater depletion. (Jain et al 2021)
away from the current soil depleting, intergenerational effects. A study of farm-
Thus, crop yields of water-intensive water-guzzling and water contaminating workers in Punjab found a significantly
crops are going to start decreasing any- agricultural paradigm towards agroeco- higher frequency of chromosomal aber-
way if groundwater runs out. Hence, it logical farming, as is happening the world rations in peripheral blood lymphocytes
would be fallacious to assume that over. As we argue, soil organic matter of workers exposed to pesticides, com-
output levels of water-intensive crops (SOM) is an indicator of soil health and pared to those not exposed (Ahluwalia
could be sustained indefinitely in heavily should be about 2.5%–3% by weight in and Kaur 2020). Is this not evidence
groundwater-dependent states like Pun- the root zone, while the soils in Punjab, enough (and much more is cited in our
jab and Haryana. Haryana, Rajasthan, Delhi and many paper) for Perry and Kumar to acknowl-
Of course, we also draw comfort from parts of central and southern India now edge that the green revolution has pre-
the fact that food stocks over the last contain less than 0.5% SOM. According cipitated a major crisis of lives and liveli-
decade have greatly exceeded the “buffer to the FAO, generating 3 centimetres of hoods in India?
norm,” which is around 31 million tonnes topsoil takes 1,000 years, and if current
for wheat and rice. Indeed, even after all rates of degradation continue, all of Financial Sustainability
the additional offtake following the the world’s topsoil could be gone within Fourth, one of the most shocking argu-
COVID-19 pandemic, the central pool still 60 years. ments made by Perry and Kumar is that
had 91 million tonnes in stock in July There is growing evidence of a steady the paradigm we are advocating will
2021 (India Data Hub 2021)—yet another decline in water tables and water quality. prove “immensely expensive for the
contextual indicator that this is, indeed, The most important element of the central government” (Perry and Kumar
an opportune moment for moving towards green revolution in India has been the 2022: 60), completely overlooking the
crop diversification in India. galloping extraction of groundwater humongous burden the current model of
Further, Perry and Kumar completely across aquifer types, including in hard agricultural growth places on the na-
ignore our argument that food security is rock regions, with very low rates of tional exchequer due to the alarming
not the same as nutritional security. The groundwater recharge. At 250 billion growth in subsidies on account of ferti-
nutritional content of the crop mix we are cubic metres (BCM), India draws more lisers, irrigation and power supply to agri-
proposing is definitely superior, which groundwater every year than any other culture. The fertiliser subsidy is estimated
becomes critical in the context of India’s country in the world. India’s annual to be around `1.38 lakh crore in 2022–23,
twinned “syndemic” of malnutrition and consumption is more than that of China making it the third year in a row at
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 71
DISCUSSION

around this level, up from an already with other indicators such as those of Harris, F, C Dalin, S Cuevas, Lakshmikantha N R,
Tapan Adhya, Edward J M Joy, Pauline F D
unaffordable `70,000–`80,000 crore for a water quality, which also measure the Scheelbeek, Benjamin Kayatz, Owen Nicholas,
few years before that (Sahu 2022). Surely, impact of crop production on water sys- Bhavani Shankar, Alan D Dangour and Rosemary
Green (2020): “Trading Water: Virtual Water
all alternatives such as agroecological tems. We agree with Perry and Kumar Flows Through Interstate Cereal Trade in India,”
farming advocated in our paper need to be that using TWF would provide an indi- Environmental Research Letters, No 15.
India Data Hub (2021): “India’s Burgeoning Foodgrain
strongly pursued to address this financial cation of the total water savings. How- Stocks,” Macro Musings, 19 July, https://in-
and ecological emergency. ever, since green water use is driven sights.indiadatahub.com/p/indias-burgeoning-
foodgrain-stocks?s=r#:~:text=Foodgrains%20
predominantly by yields, and thus stocks%20with%20the%20Food%20Corpora-
Water-saving strongly correlated with total land use, tion%20of%20India,YoY.%20Source%3A%20
Department%20of%20Food%20and%20Pub-
Finally, our calculations show that through the use of green water could potentially lic%20Distribution.
a degree of crop diversification, it is pos- run into several conceptual problems Jain, M, R Fishman, P Mondal, G L Galford,
sible to save 18%–36% of irrigation water and end up overestimating the human N Bhattarai, S Naeem, U Lall, B Singh and Ruth
S DeFries (2021): “Groundwater Depletion Will
in the 11 major irrigation water-using impact on the environment. In our paper, Reduce Cropping Intensity in India,” Science
states. As we have mentioned in our paper, we illustrate the potential for farmers Advances, Vol 7, No 9.
Perry, C J and M Dinesh Kumar (2022): “Agricultural
since water-intensive crops currently to reduce irrigation water use, without Transformation or Compromising Food Security,”
occupy over 30% of the gross irrigated increasing or decreasing land use. We Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 57, No 2,
pp 58–60.
area in these states, the amount of water believe that we have provided an initial Ravikanth, G, P Srinivas Vasu and Veena Srinivasan
saved annually is considerable. This water indication of potential water savings, (2022): To Address Climate Change, Grow and
Restore Soil, Not Trees,” Mongabay Series:
could be used to provide critical and which can become the basis for further Nature-based Solutions, 10 January, https://in-
supplementary irrigation for millions of work on this question. dia.mongabay.com/2022/01/commentary-to-
address-climate-change-grow-and-restore-soil-
small and marginal farmers, while also not-trees/.
reducing the pressure on rural drinking References Sahu, P (2022): “Fertiliser Subsidy: FY23 Outlay Seen
Ahluwalia, M and A Kaur (2020): “Assessment of at `1.3 Lakh Crore,” Financial Express, 5 Janu-
water sources. ary, https://www.financialexpress.com/econ-
Chromosomal Aberrations among Agricultural
Perry and Kumar question our calcula- Workers Exposed to Pesticides in Punjab, India,” omy/fertiliser-subsidy-fy23-outlay-seen-at-rs-
Journal of Biochemical and Molecular Toxicology, 1-3-lakh-crore/2398471/.
tions by arguing that the “total water
Vol 35, No 2, https://doi.org/10.1002/jbt.22646. Shah, M, P S Vijayshankar and F Harris (2021):
footprint” (TWF) is the “correct measure Basu, S (2022): “By 2030, 98 Million Indians Could “Water and Agricultural Transformation in India:
of the impact of crop production on the Have Diabetes. India Needs Traditional Diets,” A Symbiotic Relationship—I,” Economic &
Times of India, 8 January, https://timesofindia. Political Weekly, Vol 56, No 29, pp 43–55.
hydrological system” (Perry and Kumar indiatimes.com/by-2030-98-million-indians- Sidhu, B S, Milind Kandlikar and Navin Raman-
2022: 59), and not the blue water foot- could-have-diabetes-india-needs-traditional- kutty (2020): “Power Tariffs for Groundwater
diets/articleshow/88763528.cms. Irrigation in India: A Comparative Analysis of
print (BWF) that we have used. We would DeFries, R, Ashwini Chhatre, K F Davis, A Dutta, the Environmental, Equity, and Economic
argue that different water use/footprint J Fanzo, S Ghosh-Jerath, S Myers, N D Rao and Tradeoffs,” World Development, Vol 128.
M R Smith (2018): “Impact of Historical Changes Vijayshankar, P S, H Kulkarni and S Krishnan
indicators have their own advantages and in Coarse Cereals Consumption in India on Micro- (2011): “India’s Groundwater Challenge and
disadvantages, and are more or less suit- nutrient Intake and Anaemia Prevalence,” Food the Way Forward,” Economic & Political Weekly,
and Nutrition Bulletin, Vol 39, No 3, pp 377–92. Vol 46, No 2, pp 37–45.
able, depending on the question sought
to be answered, availability of robust data,
etc. For the purposes of our paper, which
seeks to build illustrative scenarios of
possible water savings under different
Summer Research Fellowship on Public Policy at IEG
crop combinations, using location-specific
data for each state, we would suggest that INSTITUTE OF ECONOMIC GROWTH
BWF is a more appropriate indicator. UNIVERSITY OF DELHI ENCLAVE
There is in fact no such thing as a DELHI-110007
“correct measure.” Green water—which Applications are invited for Summer Research Fellowships at IEG, for a duration
is included in total water use—would of six months (June–November, 2022). Postgraduate students who are currently
still be used by the natural vegetation if enrolled in MA Part 1 or equivalent (4th year) in a five-year integrated program are
agriculture was not there. However, blue encouraged to submit proposals in one of IEG’s nine research themes (see IEG’s
website). The purpose of these fellowships is to encourage students to identify
water use is entirely driven by human
India’s key socio-economic problems, gather evidence, and offer viable policy
intervention, that is, irrigation. Green solutions after critical analysis. The selected applicants will be paid a stipend and
water use carries less opportunity cost, a lump sum amount to cover field surveys. Fellowship details are available at the
as in areas with large green water avail- IEG website on the link given below.
ability there is no need to reduce green Web-link: http://iegindia.org/newsdetail/497
water use, whereas reducing blue water Interested students should send their (i) CV, (ii) research proposal, with a rough
in all contexts can provide economic and budget, and (iii) contact details of one referee to [email protected]
with a copy to [email protected] latest by May 7, 2022.
societal benefits.
Director
In any case, whether we use TWF
Institute of Economic Growth
or BWF, they need to be used together
72 april 9, 2022 vol lViI no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 LETTERS
Issn 0012-9976
Ever since the first issue in 1966,
EPW has been India’s premier journal for Abysmal Wage Rates for decades, this meagre hike in the MGNREGA
comment on current affairs
and research in the social sciences.
MGNREGA in FY 2022–23 wages is nothing less than a much-touted
It succeeded Economic Weekly (1949–1965), “surgical strike” on the poor. In the past
which was launched and shepherded
by Sachin Chaudhuri,
who was also the founder-editor of EPW.
As editor for 35 years (1969–2004)
Krishna Raj
T he wage rates of the Mahatma
Gandhi National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) workers for
few years, unemployment rates have
touched a historical high and have con-
sistently remained a concern. The poor are
gave EPW the reputation it now enjoys. financial year 2022–23 were notified on still recovering from rural distress
Editor 28 March 2022. The notification of the caused by the pandemic that led to job
GOPAL GURU wage rate has been extremely arbitrary, loss for millions across the country. In
SENIOR Assistant editor with only three days remaining for the such a scenario, the MGNREGA has been
INDU K beginning of the next financial year. a lifeline for the rural workers—one that
Assistant editors Such a delay prevents any discussion or provides work and cash—in times of
Nachiket kulkarni
Rohan Dominic Mathews debate regarding the wage rates or their need and distress. It is ironic that while
Sahba Fatima adequacy. This is a continuation of the the country is traversing through a path
editorIAL Assistant government’s assault on MGNREGA work- of economic recovery, rural wages have
Ankit Kawade ers’ rights. The hike ranges from a mea- remained stagnant in the same period.
copy editors gre `4 to utmost `21 for various states And by severe rationing of funds, the
jyoti shetty and union territories. And workers of state is systematically undermining the
Tulika Bhattacharya
three states (Manipur, Mizoram, and employment guarantee programme.
production
suneethi nair
Tripura) will have to be content with no Despite recommendations from gov-
hike at all. The average increase in the ernment-appointed committees to link
CHIEF FINANCE OFFICER
J DENNIS RAJAKUMAR MGNREGA wage rates across the country the MGNREGA wages with state minimum
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4 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 LETTERS
right and equated payment of anything and when the state was preparing for B R Ambedkar who gave dignity and
less to the status of “forced labour.” Deri- elections too. The ground reality is that respect to lakhs of Dalits. Conversely, it
sively low budget allocation, unremu- decennial census figures do not support can be said that if Christians have been
nerative MGNREGA wages, coupled with an increase in Christian population in trying to use their institutions for con-
long delays in wage payments—even India. The census of 2001 showed that versions, then these institutions have
non-payment of wages, in many cases— Christians were only 2.3% of the total been totally inefficient and ineffective
has turned many rural workers away population of India, and the 2011 Census as the number of Christians are declining.
from the employment guarantee pro- figures showed the percentage to be the In a multireligious society, conversion
gramme. The MGNREGA must run as the same. Statistics also show that the fertil- from one religion to another is bound to
demand-driven programme it was en- ity rate of Christians is one of the lowest happen as the Constitution gives every
visaged to be, with the true spirit of em- in the country, and there is no hard evi- citizen the right to profess, practise, and
ployment guarantee to rural citizens. dence that birth control is not practised propagate one’s faith. Data reveals that
Nikhil Dey, Debmalya, Rajendra Narayanan, by them. Female literacy is found to be people from every religion have converted
Chakradhar, Vijay Ram S and others. higher than male literacy, and as a whole, to some other religion. Similarly, inter-
the literacy rate among Christians is one religious marriages are a fact of life.
Religious Conversions of the highest. Christians are employed in Therefore, anti-conversion laws that seek
in India the service sector proportionately more to ban religious conversions and inter-
than any other community. Among the religious marriages go against the spirit

I n India, nationalism has been increas-

ingly tied to religious demography.
However, in recent years, it has been
many outmigrating communities in India,
Christians were found to be one too.
The Hindutva aversion to conversion
of the Constitution.
Every citizen has the right to change
one’s job or occupation, change one’s
observed that hysteria is being created feeds into hate politics and fearmonger- residence, and even change one’s political
that the Hindu population is going down ing. Religious extremists, even as they party as is being witnessed now during
and, by 2050, the Muslims will outnumber make attempts to hide their own fears the election season. It has been proved
the Hindus. Its implication is that in a and negativity, do the greatest harm to many times over that the conversion
“one man, one vote” electoral system, their own religious tradition. Can we learn bogey is an attempt to serve political
the Muslims will capture power and from our subcontinental neighbours or ends and has nothing to do with religion,
Hindus will be reduced to a minority, will we eventually become like them? Hinduism, or Christianity.
thereby facing the threat of being treated Do we have the courage to turn the search While making such false allegations
as second-class citizens. within ourselves instead of finding scape- against Christians, the propagandists
This demographic fear has existed goats among the weaker minorities? conveniently ignore the fact that there
since 1924 when it was articulated by Hindus are a minority in many countries are many conversions taking place in the
Swami Shraddhanand in his book where they live without hindrance, and yet country other than religious conver-
Hindu Sangathan: Saviour of the Dying today, we hear the cries of “Hindu pho- sions to Christianity. For instance, the
Race. The differential growth rate of bia” in these countries. Will a backlash conversion rate of the rupee has gone
religious communities has been a con- be provoked in some of these countries? down drastically during the Bharatiya
tested issue for a long time. Usually, the Once again, will we have the courage and Janata Party regime, the drastic down-
following causative factors are cited: integrity to turn the searchlight within ward conversion of employment, of the
(i) fertility rate and birth control; ourselves or are we too afraid to look environment, of forests, land, water, air,
(ii) female education; (iii) sex ratio; into the dark corners of our own souls? and so on. Can our political parties con-
(iv) consumption rate and the class The propaganda about alleged con- centrate on fighting these conversions
phenomenon; (v) emigration and im- versions has the same colour, that is, it rather than continue their false propa-
migration; and (vi) conversions. is not authentic. The anti-conversion ganda on the alleged religious conver-
Over the past number of years, it has laws infantilise women, Dalits, and trib- sions? With the eventual elections looming
been observed that come elections and als by treating them as children incapa- large on the horizon, the “conversion”
Christmas, the Christian missionaries ble of making their own decisions in the rate from one political party to another
are targeted for converting Hindus to matters of religion. Moreover, these are with allurements, greed, threat, and
Christianity. Christian missionaries are forced to depend on the dominant fraudulent means is clearly visible. Are
often accused of conversions by fraudulent castes, especially while vying for their the people in power concerned about it?
means and enticement. A number of states individual votes. One of the biggest con- Lancy Lobo
in India have promulgated anti-conver- verters in recent history has been Delhi
sion acts, euphemistically called the
“Freedom of Religion Act.” The latest EPW Engage
example is Karnataka that passed the
The following article has been published in the past week in the EPW Engage section (www.epw.in/engage).
anti-conversion bill in the lower house. (1) The Paradox of Messiah States — Anurag Tripathi, Adarsh Badri
This was done around Christmas time
Economic & Political Weekly EPW april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 5
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6 april 9, 2022 vol lVii no 15 EPW Economic & Political Weekly