A Study of The Tigare Shrine at Pepease, Kwahu - Alexander Adu Opusuo
A Study of The Tigare Shrine at Pepease, Kwahu - Alexander Adu Opusuo
BY
(10507958)
MARCH, 2016.
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DECLARATION
I, Alexander Adu Opusuo hereby declare that except for references and quotations of other
scholars’ works duly cited, this dissertation herein presented is the result of my research work
carried out at the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies of University of Ghana and it
has neither in whole nor part been presented elsewhere. I therefore, accept full responsibility for
the work.
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ABSTRACT
This study examines the Tigare shrine at Pepease, Kwahu. It reviews the background of the study
area taking into consideration the location and history of Pepease-Kwahu. It also reviews some
shrines in Ghana and compares the material with the data gathered from the Tigare shrine at
Pepease-Kwahu. The traditional beliefs of the people of Kwahu and then some customary
practices observed by the people of Pepease-Kwahu are also discussed. Relying heavily on
ethnographic data and literary material from secondary sources, the study documented the Tigare
shrine at Pepease consisting of its history, material legacies, the feasts celebrated at the shrine,
the paraphernalia and significance. By recording the by-laws of the Tigare shrine, the initiation
processes or procedures and the material objects associated with it, the study highlights elements
not recorded in the earlier scholarly works. It has also discussed the significance or functions of
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DEDICATION
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I am grateful to great Jehovah for His goodness. I would also like to express my sincere gratitude
to my supervisor Prof. Benjamin W. Kankpeyeng for his insightful advice from the beginning of
my thesis topic selection and formulation. Also, throughout the fieldwork and the writing of the
thesis.
Special thanks also go to my mother, Madam Elizabeth Opusuo for her assistance and
Finally, I would like to thank the following individuals for their assistance. They are Mr.
Kwadwo Amoa, the priest in charge of Pepease Tigare shrine, Okyeame Anim, the spokesperson
of Kwadwo Amoa, Komfo Badu, a Tigare priest at Abetifi-Kwahu, Eric Boahene Frimpong, a
Sumankwahene of Pepease-Kwahu and all interviewees who spent their time with me.
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TABLE OF CONTENT
Title i
Declaration ii
Abstract iii
Dedication iv
Acknowledgement v
Table of content vi
List of Figures x
List of Plates xi
1.0 Introduction 1
1.1.1 Location 1
1.1.2 History 3
1.3.1 Aim 6
vi
1.3.2 Objectives 7
1.5 Methodology 7
2.0 Introduction 12
vii
2.7.2 The introduction of Christianity at Pepease 20
3.0 Introduction 24
4.0 Introduction 41
4.2 Why Pepease Tigare shrine is not documented by members of the cult 43
CHALLENGES
viii
5.0 Introduction 53
5.2 Conclusion 54
5.4 Challenges 56
REFERENCES 57
APPENDIXES 59
ix
LIST OF FIGURES x
x
LIST OF PLATES xi
xi
LISTS OF TABLES xii
xii
LISTS OF APPENDIXES xiii
xiii
GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Shrines are indispensable in the indigenous religious system and spiritual consultation of
April 20, 2015). Hence, almost every geographical location in Ghana has a shrine.
The etymology and derivative word for shrine in Latin is “scrinium” which means a case for
a book or papers. The Microsoft Student Encarta Dictionary defines a shrine as “A sacred
place of worship associated with a holy person or event” (Pallardy, 2009:990). According to
the Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary, “A shrine is a place regarded as holy because of
its association with a divinity or sacred person” (Hornby, 1948:1097). The Cambridge
Dictionary defines a shrine as “A place for worship that is holy because of its connection with
a holy person or object” (Walter, 1995:1330). Considering the three definitions, it is realised
Prior to the arrival of the Portuguese in the Gold Coast and their subsequent introduction of
Christianity in the 15th century AD, the people of the region of modern Ghana had respect
for African traditional shrines where deities were venerated but now most Ghanaians have
lost respect for these shrines because of Christianity and Islam. However, in spite of all that,
the people of Pepease-Kwahu still venerate and have interest in traditional shrines where they
1.1.1 LOCATION
Pepease is located in the Kwahu East District in the Eastern Region of Ghana. It is 4.8
kilometres from the district capital, Abetifi and 196 kilometres from Accra, the national
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capital. Pepease is surrounded by towns such as Abetifi, Bukuruwa and Afram Plains
Vegetatively, Pepease lies within the semi-deciduous forest zone. The vegetation is dense in
terms of tree coverage with most trees shedding off their leaves in the dry season (Dee,
2013). The forest areas at Pepease have trees of economic value such as Odum (Milicia
However, due to factors such as shifting cultivation, lumbering, and over-grazing, the natural
The soil consists of fine sandy loam and non-gravel sandy clay with appreciable amount of
humus making it possible for the production of cash crops such as cocoa, ‘yam’, plantain and
cassava. Agriculture is the basis of the economy of Pepease. Majority of the people are
farmers. Agricultural activities of the town centre on cash cropping, food cropping and
livestock rearing. Vegetables like tomatoes, pepper and garden eggs are cultivated (Esien,
2010:6).
education in this town is provided by both private and public sectors with the public sector
dominating. (Esien, 2010:23). The only private school in the town is Calvary Basic School.
The public schools in the town were established by missions such as Catholics and
Presbyterians.
1.1.2 HISTORY
The town Pepease was named after the drought resistant “pepea trees” scientifically known as
Margaritaria discoidea (see Plate 2 for the picture). The name Pepease simply means under
the “pepea tree” (Paul Boateng, personal communication, April 17, 2015).
The township of Pepease was founded in AD 1705 by Nana Ampadu Kyere Daduam I,
occupant of two stools, namely the Kyidomhene stool and the Twenedurase stool (Koranteng
1997:23). Nana Ampadu Kyere Daduam I was a son to Akua Dawa. He became chief of both
Pepease and Twenedurase. Later, he had to leave the Twenedurase stool to his nephew Obeng
Nana Ampadu Kyere Daduam who was a hunter by occupation made the site where he
founded Pepease his hunting rest place because it was less humid and wet as compared to
Twenedurase. The area where he founded Pepease has a grass shrub by name ‘nton’ in
abundance. ‘nton’ was used to manufacture mats ‘ntonkete’ which were useful trading
commodity. At the beginning, he was conveying the grass shrub to Twenedurase but later on
he decided to settle at the site where he founded Pepease (Koranteng 1997:24). Ampadu
Kyere Daduam belonged to the Bretuo clan. He and his family first settled under the “Santa
tree” at Pepease close to a brook called Akumasum. Due to that, he and his family were
called “Santase Bretuo” (Abankwa Ababio, personal communication, June 15, 2015). This
indicates that trees played great roles in the history of Pepease. The name of the stool of
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Pepease is Ampadu stool and the divisional wing in Kwahu is Kyidomhene. (Abankwa
Ababio, personal communication, June 15, 2015). The Ampadu stool of Pepease is the
property of the Santase Bretuo clan. After the death of Nana Ampadu Kyere Daduam, a stool
was consecrated for him. After the death of Nana Ampadu Kyere Daduam, Pepease was ruled
by Kwame Ayirepe.
The succession continued until it got to the turn of Nana Owusu Mensah II. His reign saw
modern architectural buildings at Pepease (Paul Boateng, personal communication, April 17,
2015). He introduced compulsory education for all children of school-going age (Koranteng
1997:35). The Presbyterians at that time had established a middle school at Pepease (Eric
Boahene, personal communication, June 10, 2015). His reign was significant because Tigare
was brought during his time. He died in April, 1950. He was succeeded by Nana Ampadu
Kyere II. Nana Ampadu Kyere II became chief of Pepease on April 15, 1950 (Kyei, 2010).
His reign witnessed the building of a three –storey palace structure at Pepease (see Plate 1 for
the picture). His reign witnessed the construction and tarring of the main streets at Pepease
(Paul Boateng, personal communication, April 17, 2015). It was also during his period of
reign that a clinic was built at Pepease. His reign also witnessed the building of a post office,
public places of convenience, a lorry park, a community centre and a market. It was during
his reign that a library complex and a cultural centre were built by Mr. Stephen Brenya. Also,
a rural bank and a senior high school were established in the town during his reign.. Estate
houses were also built in the town. Bore-holes were again constructed through the aid of Rt.
Rev. Daniel Agyei Koranteng, a moderator of the Presbyterian Church of Ghana during his
time. Nana Ampadu Kyere II ruled for sixty-three years and died in October, 2013 (Abankwa
Ababio, personal communication, June 15, 2015). His death has been followed by succession
disputes.
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Plate 1: Pepease Palace
Source: Researcher, 2015
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1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
The Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu has not been adequately documented. Although,
Stephan Miescher and D. A Koranteng have written about the origins and significance of the
shrine in their books Making Men in Ghana and The Story of Pepease respectively, it is not
elaborate. In their books, they both stated that Tigare was brought to Pepease from Yipala.
What is missing in their books included the following. In the first place, Koranteng only
stated one function of Tigare which was his fight against witchcraft. Miescher also stated that
function of Tigare and added two additional ones including ensuring prosperity in business
Finally, the institutional memory of Pepease Tigare is almost lost due to the fact that a lot of
the contemporaries of Kwasi Mawu who witnessed the arrival of the deity from Yipala are
dead (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, April 20, 2015). These people included
Kwadwo Tano, the first spokesperson of the Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu, Okyeame
Kwabena Asante, the spokesperson of Pepease Tigare shrine in the 1960s and Kwaku Marfo
who was once ‘Kwahu Nsumankwahene’, that is the caretaker of royal charms, amulets and
talisman of Kwahumanhene (Eric Boahene, personal communication, June 10, 2015). Even
Kwasi Mawu himself who brought Tigare from Yipala is dead. It must be noted that these
people are the repositories of knowledge about the Tigare shrine at Pepease- Kwahu. It is
quite unfortunate that most of the people who inherited these dead people did not learn the
oral history of the shrine. A lot of those who witnessed the arrival of the deity from Yipala
had it not been their death would have been repositories of information about the shrine.
1.3.1 AIM
The main aim of the research is to document the Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu. This
documentation has become necessary because, it will help people to acquire knowledge about
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the shrine through learning. In order to achieve the aim of the research, several objectives
were set.
1.3.2 OBJECTIVES
Aside from the research questions, it is important for learners to acquire knowledge about the
1.5 METHODOLOGY
In writing this thesis both qualitative and quantitative approaches were employed. The
qualitative approach helped to dive deep into the problem investigated while quantitative
approach was used to quantify the problem investigated by way of generating numerical data.
ethnography were also used. The qualitative approaches used were in-depth interviews, focus
group interview and then direct observation. The quantitative approaches used were printed
This topic was chosen because Mr. Eric Boahene, a regular attendant of Pepease Tigare
shrine suggested that the institutional memory of the Tigare shrine at Pepease was gradually
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being lost due to inadequate documentation of the shrine. It was decided that adequate
The research began when the researcher went to the shrine. It became known that the shrine
is located at Bosomfotia, a suburb at Pepease. Through that, the priest in charge of the shrine
and his spokesperson were seen and spoken to. They were informed about the research on the
shrine. The deity Tigare was housed by the priest in one of his rooms.
The second methodology used was informal interview. With this, a total of one hundred and
seven (107) people were interviewed about the shrine. The ages of the interviewees range
from sixteen to eighty –five. They included priests, assembly members, and elderly people,
those who consult the shrine, teachers, bankers, health workers, students, farmers, catechists,
barbers and drivers. With the qualitative approach employed, a total of twenty-seven (27)
interviewees were interviewed. With the quantitative approach employed, a total of eighty
(80) interviewees were interviewed for the purpose of data collection (see Chapter Three for
the details). The first person to be interviewed was the priest in charge of the shrine. After
that, his spokesperson was interviewed. Also, some inhabitants of Pepease and sub-chiefs of
the town were interviewed. Key among these people were Teacher Boateng who has lived in
the town for forty years, Mr. Jacob Asante who has stayed in the town since 1965 and then
Aside from that, thirty (30) questionnaires were administered to people who are all
inhabitants of Pepease- Kwahu due to high illiteracy rate in the town as well as few literature
available and then few people having interest in the research topic. The answers given by
those who answered the questions were different, the same and similar. The answers to the
questionnaire were verified based on majority views (see Chapter Three (3) for detailed
discussion.
Furthermore, photography was employed to capture the visual images of the palace of Kwahu
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discoidea, Tigare, the priest in charge of the shrine, the main residence of Kwasi Mawu and
then Tigare Agofomma who sing songs and back them with drums at the shrine.
Moreover, direct observation was employed as a research method. Personally, I have gone to
the shrine over twenty times and have witnessed some of the activities done at the shrine.
These include how libation is made at the shrine, how Akwasidae is celebrated there and how
Tigare Agofomma sing their songs and back them with drums (see Plate 6 for the picture).
Finally, ethnography was used as a research method. With this, emic and etic approaches
were used. Emic approach was used to obtain data on the Tigare shrine from the perspective
of those at the shrine especially members of the cult. Etic approach on the other hand was
used to obtain data from the perspective of those who are not members of the Tigare cult (see
This study is very important since it will be the first adequate documentation of the Tigare
shrine at Pepease Kwahu. Although Stephan Miescher and Daniel Agyei Koranteng have
written on the Tigare shrine, they did not elaborate on it. They both stated the origin of the
Secondly, it will add to the limited knowledge people have about the shrine. It is quite
unfortunate that a lot of the inhabitants of the town including some sub-chiefs and educated
people have inadequate knowledge about the shrine. Customarily, these people are supposed
to be repositories of knowledge about the shrine. If they acquire adequate knowledge about
the shrine, when researchers of the shrine consult them, they can give them adequate
information.
Furthermore, this study is significant because it will serve as a reference book for current and
future generation. Thus, it will be an information source book which any researcher can refer
to. This will ease research. It will also inspire people to do further research especially those
who think the information on the Tigare shrine is inadequate. Since information on Pepease
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Tigare shrine through this research would be made available, if a researcher is dissatisfied
Also, this study will help in the preservation of the institutional memory of the Tigare shrine
at Pepease- Kwahu (Weissman 2014). The fact is that a lot of the inhabitants who witnessed
the arrival of the deity from Yipala are dead. These people customarily are the repositories of
knowledge about the Tigare shrine of Pepease-Kwahu. Their death implies loss of
institutional memory of the shrine. The history and activities of the shrine were not
documented by those dead people so they were stored in their memories in the form of oral
history.
Finally, this research is significant because it will help researchers to do comparative study.
Thus, if a researcher wants to compare Tigare to another deity, it will be easy since
Chapter one examines the general introduction to the study taking into consideration the
location and history of the study area, the statement of problem, the aim and objectives of the
The next chapter reviews literature on shrines particularly in Ghana. With this review, some
shrines in Northern Ghana are examined. The study also reviews the ‘Brakune shrine’ and
‘Afirim Di Atuo shrine’ all at Pepease Kwahu. It again reviews the traditional beliefs and
customary practices observed by the people of Kwahu especially Pepease. It also examines
both the pre-Tigarean and post-Tigarean eras at Pepease (see Chapter Two for detailed
discussion).
Chapter three focuses on the methodology of the work which includes how data was collected
and analysed.
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Chapter five which is the final chapter discusses the summary and conclusion of the work. It
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CHAPTER TWO
2.0 INTRODUCTION
Ghanaian shrines are signposts that help in understanding and reading of ethnic, territorial
and social lay on the lands of Ghana. Shrines on African landscape help in shaping and
marking out the limits of villages, communities and ethnic boundaries (Dawson, 2009: vii).
Shrines are containers for the spirit of ancestors and deities who are pacified for reasons such
as blessings, requests for intercession and then divine sanction. These spirits are venerated
with offerings such as hard alcohol, money, food and sacrificial fowls. African shrines may
appear in the form of material objects such as ceramics, pots, shaped stones, constructed
buildings, houses, tombs, gravesides and assemblages of rocks. They can also be natural
features of the landscape such as mountains, ponds and lakes (Dawson, 2009: xii). Every
shrine in Ghana has its priest who takes care of the shrine and worships the god. Shrines can
be seen in every town or village since they play important roles in the lives of Ghanaians.
Ghanaian shrines are associated with items such as bones, bottles of schnapps used in making
libations, sticks, cola nut, knives, kaolin, cudgels, cowries, native juju called “dufa” in Akan
and cloths (Nyarkum Kyei, personal communication, May 21, 2015). There are also certain
This chapter has two sections. Section one discusses four categories of shrines in Ghana.
These are earth shrines, ancestral shrines, chiefly shrines and then a community shrine. The
second section focuses on the traditional beliefs of the people of Kwahu and then some
customary practices observed by the people of Pepease-Kwahu. It also reviews both the pre-
Earth shrine is important to the people living in the northern part of Ghana. An example of
earth shrine is the Nyoo shrine among the Tallensi people of Northern Ghana. Nyoo is a large
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sacred grove which functions as an earth shrine. It is used as a dancing ground during the
Gologo, an agricultural festival from late February to early April each year (Fortes 1987:34).
Nyoo is one of the most important earth shrines currently used by the Tallensi people. It is
under the jurisdiction of the Talis who provide the earth priest of the shrine.The Talis are the
autochthonous Tallensi.
Another type of this shrine is Earth shrine among the Kokomba people. The earth is an
important symbol of fertility of the Kokomba people (Dawson 2009:80). The Kokomba
people do not personify the earth as a deity; rather, they engender the earth as a female
(Manoukian 1951:83) Earth shrines among the Kokomba people are important because they
help people to understand the territory, chieftaincy and clanship of the Kokomba people.
Earth shrines help the Kokomba people to petition the earth for good harvest. Earth shrines
also help the Kokomba people to properly venerate their ancestors (Dawson 2009:81).
Ancestral shrines are shrines for the veneration of dead ancestors. Ancestral shrines are
important to the Kokomba people. In southern Kokomba or Bimotiev territory, small red clay
pots which are covered with calabashes positioned at the centre of a family compound and
then served with the blood of a white fowl and pito (sun-fermented millet beer) which is
poured as libation serve as ancestral shrines. These pots which are used as an ancestral shrine
are placed at the centre of a family compound by an official known as Gbondaan, a spiritual
leader.
Another ancestral shrine is Tonna’b among the Tallensi people of Northern Ghana. Tonna’b
is a form of rock shelter within a piece of woodland. Tonna’b hates evil and it is good at
identifying witches and also has benevolent and curative powers (Allman, Jean and Parker
2005:50). It has curative powers because it helps in curing infertility among barren women.
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These are the most important shrines in the society mostly owned by chiefs. These shrines
include ‘Afirim Di Atuo’ shrine at Pepease-Kwahu and the first Tigare shrine at Abetifi-
Kwahu.
Afirim Di Atuo’was a deity that protected people from gun shots. It is considered as a chiefly
shrine because it was the official deity for Kwahu Kyidomhene before the arrival of Tigare
from Yipala. It was brought to the town during the reign of Nana Dankyi Payin by his son
Yaw Berko. The purpose of the introduction of ‘Afirim Di Atuo’ was to help the inhabitants
of Pepease in times of war. The introduction of the deity came with “Afirim medicine” which
was meant to be used for washing the warriors of Pepease before going to the battlefield
(Koranteng 1997:52). It was believed that if warriors wash in the ‘Afirim medicine’, they
would be protected from gun shots (Nyarkum Kyei, personal communication, May 21, 2015).
At the exclamation of “Afirim ee!”, the gun or the cudgel of the enemy broke into pieces.
Another important chiefly shrine was the first Tigare shrine at Abetifi which was established
on November 18, 1944. It was set up on the left side of the Abetifi -Nkwatia road. It was a
chiefly shrine because it belonged to the then Adontenghene of Kwahu, Ntiri Amposam
(Nyarkum Kyei, personal communication, May 21, 2015). It was brought to Abetifi from
Yipala in Northern Ghana in November, 1944 (Kofi Tsawey, personal communication, June
6, 2015). This shrine protected people from evil spirits, offered prosperity in trade and
farming and cured infertility in barren women (Nyarkum Kyei, personal communication,
Community shrine is a shrine which belongs to all the people living in a particular
geographical location as a group. The “Brakune” or “Kune” shrine at Pepease belonged to all
traditionalists and people who had interest in consulting the shrine. The deity “Brakune” was
brought to Pepease- Kwahu by a man known as Kwasi Afrani from Kete Krakye in the
1930s. His main objective in bringing “Brakune” to Pepease was to prevent crimes, the
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practice of witchcraft, theft and wrong doing at Pepease (Nyarkum Kyei, personal
communication, May 21, 2015). Brakune is believed to possess enough spiritual powers to
protect people against satanic spirits. It also gives success and good fortune to people. The
principal functions of Brakune include protecting people against witchcraft, theft, general
harm and misfortune (Nyarkum Kyei, personal communication, May 21, 2015).
Since the study area is in Kwahu, it is important to discuss the traditional beliefs of the people
of Kwahu.
Since the study area is found in Kwahu, it is appropriate for learners to acquire knowledge
The Kwahu people who are part of the Akans have several traditional beliefs.
To commence with, they believe in the existence of the Supreme Being who they regard as
the creator of all things (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, April 20, 2015). The
people of Kwahu refer to the Supreme Being as “Onyankopon”. The Supreme Being is
regarded as omnipotent which means having the ability or power to do anything. He is also
regarded as the only Supreme Being by the Kwahu people. The Kwahu people believe that
He is the power behind rainfall, lightning and thunder (Koranteng: 1997:11). He is also
regarded as omniscient God. Thus, He is all-knowing and all-seeing God. He decides the
destiny of people and nations across the world. God is also regarded by the Kwahu people as
omnipresent. This means that He is present everywhere. Due to this, nobody can flee from
God. The people of Kwahu believe that the dwelling place of the Supreme Being is heaven.
They believe that the Supreme Being is far away from them therefore, He governs the world
through agents who are mostly deities. This belief in the Supreme Being is inborn in every
individual from the beginning of his existence. This belief is expressed in the popular adage
“Obi nkyere abofra Onyankopon” (Nyarkum Kyei, personal communication, May 21, 2015).
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Secondly, the people of Kwahu believe in the existence of deities who they regard as gods.
The gods are believed to be closer to the Supreme Being. They believe that their powers are
derived from the Supreme Being (Koranteng 1997:10). The deities serve as intermediaries
between the Supreme Being and man (Nyarkum Kyei, personal communication, May 21,
2015). The abodes of these deities include trees which are usually big in size, rivers,
mountains, huge rocks and caves. The deities are worshipped and they communicate with
people through priests and priestesses who act as temple officials (Kwadwo Amoa, personal
Finally, Kwahu people believe in ancestors. Ancestors are people who led useful and
responsible lives as heroes of war, chiefs, family heads and other people who held important
positions in their communities at the time they were alive. Basically, the ancestors of the
Kwahu people are those who led useful and responsible lives. In fact, all the matrilineal clans
in Kwahu including Asona, Agona, Aduana, Ekuona, Oyoko, Bretuo, Asene and Asakyi
believe that their ancestors live close to them and guide them (Koranteng 1997:13). They also
believe that their ancestors protect them and give them prosperity. They even believe that
their ancestors intervene on their behalf when they wrong the deities (Nyarkum Kyei,
personal communication, May 21, 2015). They also believe that their ancestors convey or
carry their prayers to the Supreme Being. Kwahu people believe that their ancestors can
inflict punishment such as diseases and barrenness on them if they get offended (Koranteng
1997:14). Thus, they believe that their ancestors punish those who break customary laws or
fail to fulfill their obligation in society. They believe that death and sicknesses are caused by
ancestors (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, April 20, 2015). It must be noted that
among the Kwahu people drunkards, thieves, vagabonds and those who die childless do not
qualify as ancestors. The person should also be at least forty years before dying (Koranteng
1997:14). It must be noted that those who die younger than the age of forty (40) are not
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considered as ancestors. Aside from the belief system of the people of Kwahu, it is essential
PEPEASE
Customary practices are practices inherited from the past that are accepted and respected by
members of a community. These practices differ from one community to another.. The people
ceremony known as “Bragoro” (Koranteng 1997:99). Girls enter adulthood when they reach
the age of puberty. The observation of the puberty rite for such a girl would enable her to
enter womanhood. At adolescence, a girl normally experiences blood flow from her genitals
which indicates that she has come of age. During that period, since she is supposed to be
unclean, she stays outside the house for five days. She is put in charge of an old woman for
training. The old woman is supposed to be someone whose child has never died. The old
woman would instruct her on cleanliness, neatness, and matters relating to sex. The girl is
made aware that she has attained maturity. On the final day, she is taken to the dung-hill to
taste mashed yam three times. After that she is given a cooked egg to eat without masticating
it. She is then brought home accompanied by folk songs. She is taken from house to house to
greet friends and well-wishers who give her gifts (Koranteng 1997:100). Another important
childbirth. In fact, marriage without children is seen as a curse (Buah 1998:45). The birth of a
child is seen as a joyous occasion which is marked by a special ceremony. This is normally a
week after the child’s birth. A child may be named after the grandparents or a friend of the
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father. It is normally done in the morning. It is a ceremony which brings relatives or close
friends together. Before the ceremony begins, a libation is made in order to thank the creator
of all things and also to invoke the spirits of the ancestors for guarding and protecting the
baby. The baby is placed on the lap of the grand-parent or the person whose name the baby is
about to assume. In the absence of the grand-parent, any elderly parent takes up the duty.
Libation is made to thank the ancestors or gods for the gift which is the child. Water and wine
are placed before those doing the celebration. The person doing it dips his forefinger into
both the wine and the water. He then touches the tongue of the child three times. For instance,
if the child is Kofi Tweneboa, the person performing the ceremony will recite the following
Libation is finally made to ask for protection, guidance, bravery, respect and good health
from the ancestors of the child. After the libation which ends the occasion, those gathered
will sip part of the wine as witnesses. However, the trend has changed as these days prayers
are said to the Almighty God (Koranteng 1997:106). Aside from the naming ceremony
among the people of Pepease, it is essential for learners to acquire knowledge about the era
This topic is discussed because it is essential for learners to know the situation at Pepease
before Tigare was brought to the town. This will help learners to understand the Tigare shrine
The pre-Tigarean era simply means the era prior to the arrival of Tigare at Pepease. This
epoch lasted from AD 1705 to AD 1945. It must be noted that Pepease was founded in AD
1705. This era is characterised by two phases. These are the introduction of some deities in
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the town and then the introduction of Christianity (Koranteng 1997:53). Each of these phases
An Akan legend states that at first the firmament and the earth were very close. A woman
used to pound fufu and hit God continuously with her pestle. God protested several times but
she did not heed the protest. Due to that God moved away far from humanity. This brought
about the separation of the sky, God’s abode from the earth, the abode of humanity. Since the
presence and abode of God were indispensable in the lives of humanity, His absence created
a vacuum. Man’s search for God brought anxiety, apprehension, mistrust, sorcery and
superstition. Man’s ultimate desire in his search for God was to reconcile with Him
(Koranteng 1997:49). In his search, man began to look for a medium in order to reach God
through communication. He also realised the supremacy of God. Man’s search for God was
finally accomplished when he created deities who acted as intermediaries between God and
man (Koranteng 1997:49). The deities of Pepease played a great role in the lives of the
inhabitants of the town as they ease communication between God and man. One of these
deities was “Aberewa”. Aberewa was brought to Pepease by Kwadwo Adane who resided at
Owiaso a suburb at Pepease during the reign of Nana Owusu Mensa I (Nyarkum Kyei,
personal communication, May 21, 2015). The people of Pepease danced with joy when
“Aberewa” was brought to the town. Clients at the shrine were given cola nut to buy for
protection. In fact, at that time, a little bit of cola nut was bought at a price ranging from three
to six pence. In those days if a member of the Aberewa shrine was condemned by the shrine
and he died, he was placed naked in a yard and people danced around the corpse. The dancers
went to the extent of kicking the dead body with their feet in contempt. Most often those
Another deity Brakune was brought from Kete Krakye in the Volta Region to Pepease by
Kwasi Afrani in order to get rid of witchcraft, sorceries and crimes at Pepease. Other deities
19
came after Brakune. Those deities were Fofie and Yentumi under the priesthood of Okomfo
Afamma and Kese Nimpa respectively. Nni-aboro was also brought to the town in order to
protect the clan of Asona and the entire people of Pepease (Koranteng 1997:50).
Finally, Senyakopo was a deity brought to Pepease during the reign of Nana Kwaku Apawu
Dankyi I. The deity was brought to the town by Oheneba Kofi Ofosu and Abankwa.
Senyakopo at that time protected the inhabitants of the town and provided a cure for several
The second phase of the pre-Tigarean era is marked by the introduction of Christianity at
Pepease. The Basel or the Presbyterian Church was the first Christian faith to be established
at Pepease-Kwahu. The Presbyterian Church at Pepease was established during the reign of
Nana Kwaku Adane Gyasare between AD 1875 and AD 1880 (Abankwa Ababio, personal
missionary known as Fritz August Ramseyer. Fritz August Ramseyer and his wife arrived at
Abetifi- Kwahu for missionary activities. Although Ramseyer was performing his missionary
people of Pepease gathered to listen to him anytime he went there but he could not make any
converts during his first three visits to Pepease (Apawu Somuah, personal communication,
May 17, 2015). On his fourth visit, he converted a fetish priest by name Martin Darko who
was later baptized at Abetifi. His later visits caused him to win three additional souls namely
Kwadwo Tano, Kwabena Agyare and Kwame Ampaate who were later baptized at Abetifi
(Boateng Elizabeth, personal communication, April 18, 2015). As the converts increased in
number, a Presbyterian Congregation was established at Pepease. The first catechist of the
church was Mr. Afari from Akropong in Akuapem. Mr. Afari at that time stayed at Kwadwo
Tano’s house. Later on, Fritz August Ramseyer negotiated for a vast land at Pepease so that
the congregation could build her church and a manse on it (Koranteng: 1997:54). This vast
20
land was named Christian Quarters where all Presbyterians were supposed to stay in order to
The relationship between the Presbyterians and the infidels at the time was not cordial. Even
whenever a case was sent to the chief’s palace especially between a Presbyterian and an
infidel, the Presbyterian was fined heavily. In those days, girls and women were forbidden to
fetch water on Wednesday from the main brook in the town called Akumasum. Many women
and girls disobeyed with impunity but when a Presbyterian disobeyed it, she was severely
intervene on their behalf so that they would be treated well (Koranteng 1997: 54).
(Apawu Somuah, personal communication, May 17, 2015). In the course of the building, a
member of the congregation namely Gyesaw met his untimely death after being hit by a
plank which dropped accidentally. (Koranteng 1997: 54). The church continued to grow till
the period of the First World War (1914-1918) when the growth of the church was
interrupted by the transfer of the then catechist in charge of the church, Mr. Samuel Agyei.
As the congregation of the church increased, a second and bigger church building was started
in AD 1949. The stone foundation of the church was laid by Right Reverend G.K Sintim-
Misa, the then moderator of the Synod of the Presbyterian Church of Ghana on January 3,
1971. The building was completed in 1986. As at December, 1991, the population of the
church had increased to one thousand and seven with five hundred and forty seven adults and
four hundred and sixty children. Out of the five hundred and forty-seven adults, three
Another prominent Christian faith which was introduced at Pepease during the pre-Tigarean
era was the Catholic Church or Catholicism. The Catholic Church at Pepease was established
in AD 1935 by Mr. George Anim who was the then vice-president of St. Peter’s Roman
21
Catholic Church at Pepease (Frempong, 2015). He was later joined by his wife and other
people including Ernest Donkor, Amma Tema, Emmanuel Kwasi Kwakye, Catherine
Aboagyewaa and others (Koranteng 1997:58). It must be noted that all these people were
On 11th November, 1941 the Catholic Congregation at Pepease under the leadership of Peter
Kwabena Apiagyei approached Nana Owusu Mensah II, the then Kyidomhene of Kwahu for
a plot of land in order to build their chapel on it. Prior to the building of their chapel, some
members of the congregation offered their houses to be used as places of worship. These
people included Okyeame Adane who offered his house for over three years and then Mr.
George Anim who became president of the Catholic Church at Pepease. The building of the
Catholic Church at Pepease was begun by Rev. Father Bowers in 1951. In 1988, members of
In conclusion, it can be said that during the pre-Tigarean era at Pepease, two Christian
This topic is discussed because it would enable learners to know the situation at Pepease after
The post-Tigarean era at Pepease extends from AD 1945 up to the present time. This era is
Christian faith. One of these churches is the Church of Pentecost. The Church of Pentecost
was established in AD 1958 at Pepease in order to promote the gospel of Jesus Christ. The
church was begun by six members who were baptized by Rev. S.A Addo who was then in
charge of the Pentecost Church at Abetifi. Later on, members of the congregation contributed
22
in aid of a chapel building. They began building their chapel in AD 1965 (Koranteng
1997:60).
Aside from the Pentecost Church, other Christian Churches also came to Pepease. These
Churches were Saviour Church, Christ Apostolic Church, Jehovah’s Witness, True Faith,
Methodist Church and the Lord’s Garden Ministry International. The establishment of these
churches affected the Tigare shrine at Pepease initially. Later on, people went back to the
shrine but their number decreased. I have personally gone to the shrine over twenty times.
23
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3.0 INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this research is to document adequately the Tigare shrine at Pepease- Kwahu.
The research questions asked were to enable the realization of this purpose. This chapter
describes the research approaches and methods employed in undertaking this study. The
research approach enables us to know the procedures and the plans in the research whiles the
methods were used in collecting data and information on the research. The research
approaches used in undertaking the research are qualitative and quantitative approaches. The
methods used in the research are informal interviews, photography, direct observation and
Both qualitative and quantitative data approaches were used for the research.
The research methods employed in the research were informal interviews and then
ethnography.
The research began with the study of the map of Pepease –Kwahu in order to locate the study
area. Through the study of the map of Pepease, the Tigare shrine at Pepease –Kwahu was
located. At the shrine, Kwadwo Amoa, the priest in charge of the shrine was seen and spoken
to. His spokesperson Okyeame Anim was also seen and spoken to. They were both informed
about the research on the shrine. Permission was sought and after it was granted the research
The second research method was informal interview. Several categories of people who are all
inhabitants of Pepease –Kwahu have been sought and interviewed. These people included
24
priests, spokespersons of priests, teachers, students, catechists, drivers, former Assembly
members, clienteles, health workers, farmers, bankers, elderly people and sub-chiefs (see
Tables One and Two). Two languages namely English Language and Twi were used
depending on the wishes of the interviewees. The interviews were conducted at the houses,
offices, school premises and shops of the interviewees. The interviews were unstructured and
the questions were simple. The names of the interviewees were written and the answers they
gave as responses to the questions were noted. The interviewees were told that their answers
would be treated as confidential. The informal interviews were used to seek the views of
people on the research topic. The answers given by interviewees were later verified by
On the issue of ethnography as a method of study both emic and etic approaches were used.
Emic approaches were used to find out the views of members of the Tigare shrine on the
research topic. Emic approach investigates how people think (Kotak 2006). With the emic
approach Kwadwo Amoa, the priest in charge of the Tigare shrine at Pepease, Okyeame
Anim, the spokesperson of Kwadwo Amoa and one regular attendant of the Tigare shrine
Boahene Eric were interviewed based on topics such as why the shrine is not documented by
them, when Tigare was brought to Pepease, the by-laws of Tigare, how Tigare is different
from other deities, how one is initiated into the cult as a member and the feasts celebrated at
the shrine. All the three people were engaged in an interview in a form of conversation at
different times. The language used for the interview was Twi. The answers given to the
questions asked were recorded on tape for transcription and analysis later.
The researcher also used etic approach to investigate the things which happen at the shrine
based on the information gathered. With this investigation both the by-laws of Tigare and the
QUALITATIVE APPROACH:
25
This approach made use of in-depth interviews such as one-on-one interview, focus group
On the issue of the one-on-one interview in order to draw information needed to understand
issues pertaining to the study of the Tigare shrine at Pepease- Kwahu, the following issues
related to the shrine were reviewed. They were why people at the Tigare shrine do not have
interest in shrine documentation, history of the origin of Tigare, how one is initiated into the
cult, the by-laws of Tigare, the paraphernalia in use at the shrine, the feasts celebrated at the
shrine and the significance of the shrine. In all, a total of twenty-seven (27) people were
interviewed. The interviewees who were interviewed on one-on-one basis were priests at
Pepease, former assembly members of the town, elderly people at Pepease especially those
who witnessed the arrival of the deity from Yipala, some inhabitants of the town who saw
Kwasi Mawu before his death and those who consult the shrine. This is represented in Table
One.
PRIESTS
5 18.5
SUB-CHIEFS 4 14.8
26
In addition to the one-on one interview, the focus group interview was also used. The sample
of the focus group interviewees was drawn from some inhabitants of Pepease- Kwahu. In all,
a total of eighteen (18) people were grouped into six (6). Three people were put in each
group. Each group was guided by a moderator in the interview on topics related to the Tigare
shrine at Pepease- Kwahu. The topics for the interview were why people at Pepease Tigare
shrine do not like documenting the shrine, the history of the origin of Pepease Tigare, how
people are initiated into the cult as members, the paraphernalia in use at the shrine and the
feasts celebrated at the shrine. The groups were named A, B, C, D, E and F. The interview
was moderated and it lasted for three hours. During the interview, a member of each group
had the opportunity to express his or her views. The groups were asked questions in the form
of interviews and they answered the questions. Data was recorded using written notes and
stenography.
DIRECT OBSERVATION
Direct observation was also used to collect qualitative data. Direct observation included site
visits and fieldworks. Direct observation was used to collect data on how Tigare Agofomma
sing their songs and back them with drums (see the picture of Tigare Agofomma in Plate 6).
A camera was used to take the picture of Tigare Agofomma. Also, through direct
observation, all the feasts celebrated at the shrine were made known (see Chapter Four for
these feasts). Again, through direct observation, the paraphernalia in use at the shrine were
seen.
In addition to that, the deity Tigare was seen through direct observation. The photograph of
Finally, through direct observation, how one is initiated as a member of the Tigare shrine was
27
QUANTITATIVE APPROACH
The quantitative approaches used in the research were the administration of printed
Printed questionnaires with instructions on how to answer the questions was administered. In
all, a total of thirty (30) questionnaires were administered due to high illiteracy rate in the
town as well as few literature available and then few people having interest in the research
topic. The questions were read and explained to each of the people who answered the
questions and are inhabitants of Pepease-Kwahu. They were given three (3) weeks to provide
answers to the questions. They were supposed to provide their details such as names and
telephone numbers on the papers. A space was created after each question and the answer
was written there. Participants were assured that their answers would be treated as
confidential. They were also asked to indicate the sources of their information (see Appendix
Another quantitative approach used was face to face interview. With this form of interview,
eighty (80) people were randomly sought and interviewed based on the research topic, a
study of the Tigare shrine at Pepease – Kwahu. All the people interviewed disclosed that they
were inhabitants of Pepease. The interview was done for two weeks at different places
including schools, homes, offices and at the Pepease clinic. The interviewees included fifteen
(15) teachers, five (5) bankers, ten (10) health workers, twenty (20) students from different
senior high schools, fifteen (15) farmers, four (4) catechists, five (5) barbers and six (6)
drivers (see Appendix 1 for the questions for the interview. The people interviewed are
represented in Table 2.
28
Table 2: Categories of people in the face to face interview
TEACHERS
15 18.7
BANKERS 5 6.3
STUDENTS 20 25
FARMERS 15 18.7
CATECHISTS 4 5
BARBERS 5 6.3
6
DRIVERS 7.5
The qualitative data analysis was done in order to dive deep into the problem investigated. It
The qualitative data collected for analysis was obtained from one-on -one interview and then
On the issue of the one-on-one interview with the twenty-seven people interviewed, none of
them could tell why members of Pepease Tigare cult do not document the shrine. With
regards to history of the origin of Pepease Tigare, five (5) out of the twenty- seven people
29
interviewed representing 18.5% said that Pepease Tigare was brought from Yipala in
Northern Ghana. The five (5) people consisted of three priests and two sub-chiefs. The
remaining twenty –two (22) people had no idea about the question. On the issue of how one
is initiated into Pepease Tigare cult as a member, six (6) out of the twenty-seven (27) people
interviewed said one is taught the by-laws and also made to know the benefits he would get
after becoming a member. After that the initiation rite is done for the person. The six (6)
people consisted of three (3) priests, two (2) elderly people and then one (1) person who
consults the shrine. The six (6) people represented 22.2%.of the interviewees The remaining
twenty –one interviewees representing 77.8% had no idea about the question. On the issue of
the by-laws of the shrine none of the twenty-seven interviewees could answer the question.
With regards to the paraphernalia in use at the shrine eight out of the twenty- seven people
interviewed made mention of three paraphernalia namely cola nut, cudgel and then spear. The
eight people consisted of four priests, one sub-chief and then three people who consult the
shrine. They represented 29.6% of the interviewees. The remaining nineteen interviewees
representing 70.4% had no idea about the question. With regards to the feasts celebrated at
the shrine only two out of the twenty-seven people interviewed could mention one feast
namely Akwasidae celebrated at the shrine. The two people represented 7.4%. The remaining
twenty-five people representing 92.6% could not answer the question. On the issue of the
significance of the shrine, ten out of the twenty –seven people interviewed made mention of
two significance namely, fighting against witchcraft and then curing infertility in women.
They represented 37%. The remaining seventeen people representing 63% could not answer
the question.
On the issue of the focus group interview with the total of the eighteen people interviewed
who were divided into six groups none of them could tell why Pepease Tigare shrine is not
documented by members of the cult. On the issue of history of the origin of Pepease Tigare,
four out of the six groups namely groups B, D, E and F said that Tigare was brought to
30
Yipala in Northern Ghana. The four groups represented 66.7%. The rest of the two groups
namely groups A and C representing 33.3% had no idea about the origin of Pepease Tigare. It
must be noted that the letters refer to the names of the six groups chosen for the focus group
interview. On the issue of how one is initiated as a member of the shrine, none of the six
groups could answer it. On the issue of the paraphernalia in use at the shrine, only two groups
namely groups A and D could mention two paraphernalia namely cola nut and sheep skin.
The two groups represented 33.3%. The remaining four groups namely B, C, E and F had no
idea about the paraphernalia in use at the shrine. The four groups represented 66.7%. Finally,
on the issue of the feasts celebrated at the shrine only one group namely group C could
mention one feast that is Akwasidae feast. The one group represented 16.7%. The remaining
five groups namely group A, B, D, E and F could not answer the question.
The quantitative data analysis was used to quantify the problem by way of generating
The quantitative data collected for the analysis was obtained from two sources namely
To commence with, the printed questionnaire was done with thirty (30) questionnaires
administered to people who are inhabitants of Pepease to answer. The questions were based
on the research topic “A study of the Tigare shrine at Pepease –Kwahu”. On the issue of the
total number of Tigare shrines at Pepease, twenty (20) out of the thirty (30) people who
answered the question representing 66.7% said there is only one (1) Tigare shrine at Pepease
–Kwahu. Five (5) out of the thirty (30) people representing 16.7% said there are many Tigare
shrines at Pepease –Kwahu. The remaining five (5) people had no idea about the question.
Again, on the issue of the number of deities that existed before the arrival of Tigare at
Pepease from Yipala, fifteen (15) out of the thirty people who answered the question
31
representing 50% said there were seven (7) deities namely Afirim di Atuo, Brakune,
Aberewa, Fofie, Yentumi, Nni-aboro and then Senyakopo. Five people representing 16.7%
made mention of only two deities namely Aberewa and Brakune. The remaining ten people
had no idea about the question. On the issue of how long Tigare has existed at Pepease, only
one (1) out of the thirty people who answered the question representing 3.3% said that Tigare
has been at Pepease for over sixty (60) years. The remaining twenty- nine people representing
96.7% had no idea about the question. Also, on the issue of the total number of Tigare shrines
in Kwahu, none of the thirty (30) people who answered the question could answer.
Again, on the issue of the number of priests that have served Pepease Tigare, seventeen (17)
out of the thirty (30) people who answered that question representing 56.7% said only two
priests have served Pepease Tigare. With this they mentioned Kwasi Mireku and Kwadwo
Amoa. The remaining thirteen people representing 43.3% had no idea about the question.
Also, on the issue of the number of spokespersons the priest of Pepease Tigare shrine have,
twenty-five (25) out of the thirty people who answered the question representing 83.3% had
no idea about the question. The remaining five (5) people who represented 16.7% said the
Furthermore, on the issue of the number of churches which existed during the pre-Tigarean
era, eighteen (18) out of the thirty (30) people who answered the question representing 60%
said two churches namely Presbyterian and Catholic were established. The remaining twelve
(12) people representing 40% had no idea about the question. With regards to the number of
people who began those churches, the eighteen people wrote two.
On the issue of the number of chiefs that ruled over Pepease during the pre-Tigarean era,
With regards to the number of clienteles that visit the shrine annually, five (5) out of the
thirty people who answered the question representing 16.7% said on the average fifty (50)
32
clienteles visit the shrine annually. The remaining twenty-five (25) people representing
83.3% could not answer the question. Also, none of the thirty people could answer the
question on the total number of people at the shrine. Again, on the issue of the total number
of clienteles at the shrine before Kwasi Mireku died, none of the thirty (30) people could
specify the exact number but ten (10) of them wrote that there were many people at the shrine
during the time of Kwasi Mireku but now the number has reduced. The ten (10) people
represented 33.3%. The remaining twenty (20) people had no idea about the question. The
twenty (20) people who had no idea about the question represented 66.7%.
On the issue of the number of feats celebrated at the shrine, sixteen out of thirty people who
answered the question wrote that two feasts namely Fofie and Akwasidae are celebrated at
the shrine. The sixteen (16) people represented 53.3%. Ten (10) people also wrote that only
one feast namely, Akwasidae is celebrated at the shrine. The ten (10) people represented
33.3%. The remaining four (4) people had no idea about the question. Again, on the issue of
the number of spokespersons that have served the priests of Pepease Tigare, twenty-one (21)
out of the thirty (30) people who answered the question wrote that three people namely
Kwadwo Tano, Okyeame Asante and Okyeame Anim have served as spokespersons for
Tigare priests. The twenty-one people represented 70%. Six (6) people made mention of only
one (1) name that is Okyeame Anim. The six (6) people represented 20%. Three (3) people
had no idea about the question. The three people represented 10%. On the issue of the
number of children the first priest of the shrine had, ten (10) out of the thirty people wrote
that the first priest had numerous children without any specification. The ten (10) people
represented 33.3%. Fifteen (15) of them wrote that the first priest had fifty (50) children. The
fifteen (15) people represented 50%. The remaining five (5) people had no idea about the
question. They represented 16.7%. On the issue of the number of houses built by the first
priest of the Tigare shrine, seventeen (17) out of thirty (30) people wrote that six (6) houses
were built by the first priest of the shrine. The seventeen (17) people represented 56.7%. Ten
33
people wrote that he built nine (9) houses. The ten (10) people represented 33.3%. The
remaining three (3) people who represented 10% had no idea about the question. On the issue
of how long the first priest of the shrine lived, fifteen (15) out of the thirty (30) people who
answered the question wrote that the priest lived for eighty (80) years. The fifteen (15) people
represented 50%. Thirteen (13) people could not answer the question. The thirteen (13)
people represented 43.3%. The remaining two (2) people wrote that the first priest lived for
On the issue of the number of animals used in making sacrifice to Tigare, fourteen (14)
people wrote that only one animal namely ram is used in making sacrifice to Tigare. The
fourteen (14) people represented 46.7%. The remaining sixteen (16) people had no idea about
the question. The sixteen (16) people represented 53.3%. On the issue of the number of
priests who are supposed to serve Pepease Tigare at a time, twenty-five (25) out of the thirty
(30) people who answered the question wrote that only one (1) priest is supposed to serve
Pepease Tigare at a time. The twenty-five (25) people represented 83.3%. The remaining five
(5) people could not answer the question. The five people represented 16.7%. With regards to
the number of times members of the shrine meet weekly, twenty (20) out of the thirty (30)
people who answered the question wrote that it depends on the programme at the shrine. The
twenty (20) people represented 66.7%. The remaining ten (10) people could not answer the
Moreover, another quantitative data collected for analysis was obtained through face to face
interview. With this quantitative approach eighty (80) people who are all inhabitants of
Pepease were randomly sought and interviewed based on the research topic “A study of the
To commence with the analysis, on the issue of the number of Tigare shrines at Pepease –
Kwahu, fifty (50) out of the eighty (80) people randomly interviewed said that there is only
34
one Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu. The fifty (50) people consisted of twelve (12) teachers,
three (3) bankers, six (6) health workers, ten (10) students, ten (10) farmers, three (3)
catechists, two (2) barbers and then four (4) drivers. The fifty (50) people represented 62.5%.
The remaining thirty (30) people could not answer the question. The thirty (30) people
represented 37.5%.
On the issue of the number of deities at Pepease-Kwahu before the arrival of Tigare, forty-
five (45) out of the eighty (80) people interviewed said that there were seven (7) deities at
Pepease –Kwahu before the arrival of Tigare. The forty –five (45) people represented 56.3%.
Thirty (30) out of the eighty (80) people said four (4) deities existed during the pre-Tigarean
era at Pepease. The thirty (30) people represented 37.4%. Five (5) people had no idea about
On the issue of the total number of Tigare shrines in Kwahu, none of the interviewees could
answer it. Again, on the issue of the number of priests that have served Pepease Tigare, fifty-
five (55) out of the eighty interviewees said that two (2) priests have served Pepease Tigare.
The fifty –five people represented 68.8%. Twenty (20) people said four (4) priests have
served Pepease Tigare. They represented 25%. Five (5) people said one (1) priest has served
Pepease Tigare. The five (5) people represented 6.2%. With regards to the number of
spokespersons that have served the priests at the shrine, forty (40) people said that three (3)
spokespersons namely, Kwadwo Tano, Okyeame Asante and then Okyeame Anim have
served the priests at the shrine. The forty (40) people represented 50%.
With regards to the number of churches which existed at Pepease- Kwahu during the pre-
Tigarean era, fifty (50) out of the eighty (80) interviewees said two churches namely
Presbyterian and Catholic churches existed during the pre-Tigarean era. The fifty (50) people
represented 62.5%. The remaining thirty (30) people representing 37.5% could not answer
the question.
35
On the issue of the number of chiefs that ruled over Pepease before Tigare was brought to the
On the issue of the total number of people who were members of the Tigare shrine during the
time of the first priest, forty (40) interviewees said there were one hundred and fifty (150)
people at the shrine. The forty (40) people represented 50%. Twenty (20) people said there
were hundred people as members of the shrine. The twenty (20) people represented 25%. The
remaining twenty (20) people could not answer the question. They also represented 25%. On
the issue of the total number of people at the shrine at the moment, forty-seven (47) out of the
eighty (80) interviewees said there are fifty (50) people at the shrine. They represented
58.8%. Thirty (30) interviewees said that there are sixty (60) people at the shrine. They
represented 37.5%. The remaining three (3) people had no idea about the question. The three
With regards to the number of children the first priest of the shrine had, forty- five (45) out of
the eighty (80) interviewees said that the first priest of the shrine had fifty (50) children. They
represented 56.3%. Twenty- five interviewees said he had forty (40) children. They
represented 31.3%. The remaining ten (10) had no idea about it. The ten (10) people
represented 12.5%.
On the issue of the number of wives the first priest of the shrine had, forty-two (42) out of the
eighty (80) interviewees said he had five (5) wives. The forty-two people represented 52.5%.
Twenty (20) of the interviewees said he had six (6) wives. They represented 25%. Ten (10)
interviewees said he had four (4) wives. They represented 12.5%. The remaining eight (8)
With regards to the number of priests that are supposed to serve Tigare at a time, sixty (60)
out of the eighty (80) interviewees said only one (1) priest is supposed to serve Pepease
Tigare. The sixty interviewees represented 75%. Ten (10) people said that two (2) priests are
36
supposed to serve Pepease Tigare. They represented 12.5%. The remaining ten people said
three (3) priests are supposed to serve Pepease Tigare at a time. They also represented 12.5%.
With regards to the number of animals which are used to offer sacrifice at the shrine to
Tigare, fifty (50) interviewees said that five (5) animals are used to offer sacrifice to Tigare.
They represented 62.5%. Twenty (20) interviewees said only one (1) animal is used to offer
sacrifice at the shrine. The twenty (20) people represented 25%. Ten (10) people said three
(3) animals are used to offer sacrifice to Tigare at the shrine. The ten (10) people represented
12.5%.
The ethnographic data for analysis was obtained from two sources namely emic and etic
approaches. Emic approach was used to seek the views of those who are members of the
Tigare shrine. In seeking the views of those who are members of Pepease Tigare cult using
emic approach, three people namely Kwadwo Amoa, the priest in charge of the shrine,
Okyeame Anim, his spokesperson and Eric Boahene, a regular attendant at the shrine were
interviewed on topics such as how Pepease Tigare shrine is different from other shrines, how
Tigare is seen by members of the shrine, when Tigare was brought to Pepease-Kwahu, the
by-laws of Tigare, how one is initiated into the cult as a member of the Tigare shrine and then
On the issue of how Pepease Tigare shrine is different from other shrines, Kwadwo Amoa
said unlike other traditional shrines, Pepease Tigare shrine is like church premises where God
is worshipped through Tigare. In fact, on the first visit to the shrine, a Holy Bible was seen.
After Amoa was interrogated he responded by saying that the principles in the Holy Bible are
applied at the shrine. Amoa added by saying that Tigare ensures that everybody lives his life
fully as God intended, therefore, he does not tolerate any evil practices. When Okyeame
Anim was asked how he sees Pepease Tigare shrine, he also said that the shrine is like
37
church premises where God is worshipped through Tigare. He also added that the shrine is a
healing centre. The two interviewees represented 66.7%. Eric Boahene however, could not
differentiate Pepease Tigare shrine from other shrines. He said that they are all the same. He
represented 33.3%.
On the issue of how Tigare is seen by those three interviewees who are members of the
shrine, Kwadwo Amoa said that Tigare is a powerful deity who hates dishonesty or lie
telling. Therefore, if one seeks justice or impartial judgement, the person should consult Nana
Tigare. Okyeame Anim also agrees with Kwadwo Amoa on the same view. He added that
Tigare is a powerful deity with healing powers. He has skills and prowess in fighting against
those who engage in evil practices. Eric Boahene also said Tigare is a just and powerful deity
with healing powers. He further said that Pepease Tigare is a liberator since he sets people
free from sicknesses, infertility and sorcery. He concluded that Nana Tigare does not tolerate
evil practices on the part of humanity. The three interviewees represented 100%.
On the issue of why the Tigare shrine at Pepease is not documented by members of the
shrine, Kwadwo Amoa said that it is a tradition he inherited from his father. Thus, his father
did not document the history and activities of the shrine, therefore, he too did not document
it. Okyeame Anim also agrees with Kwadwo Amoa that the shrine is not documented because
the first priest of the shrine did not document the history and activities of the shrine. He
further added that the shrine is not documented due to illiteracy. Eric Boahene, a regular
attendant at the shrine also said that a lot of people at the shrine are illiterate therefore cannot
document the history and activities of the shrine. The three interviewees represented 100%.
With regards to when Tigare was brought to Pepease-Kwahu, Kwadwo Amoa said it was AD
1945. Okyeame Anim, his spokesperson also said it was in the 1940s. Eric Boahene had no
idea about the question. The two interviewees represented 66.7% whiles Eric Boahene
represented 33.3%.
38
On the issue of the by-laws of Tigare, Kwadwo Amoa said that Tigare hates adultery, curse,
envy, stealing, bribery and bearing false witness against someone. When Okyeame Anim was
asked the same question, he said that Tigare hates stealing, adultery, curse, bribery and then
bearing false witness against someone. Eric Boahene also gave the same answer to the
With regards to how one is initiated into Pepease Tigare shrine as a member, Kwadwo Amoa
said that the by-laws of the shrine are made known and explained to a prospective candidate
who is willing to join the cult. He is also told of the benefits he will get after becoming a
member of the shrine (see Chapter Four for the benefits). The prospective candidate would
decide out of his own volition to either become a member of the shrine or refuse. If he
decides to be a member of the shrine, the necessary rites would be performed for him to
become a member of the shrine (see Chapter Four for these rites). Okyeame Anim also
expressed the same views as Kwadwo Amoa did. Boahene Eric also said that one can only
become a member of Pepease Tigare shrine after showing willingness to go by the by-laws of
the shrine. He added that the benefits one would get after becoming a member of the shrine
are made known to the prospective candidate. Finally, the necessary rites are performed to
initiate the person (see Chapter Four for the details). The three interviewees represented
100%.
Finally, on the issue of the feasts celebrated at the shrine, Kwadwo Amoa said that two feasts
namely Akwasidae and Fofie are celebrated at the shrine. Okyeame Anim also made mention
of Akwasidae and Fofie as the feasts celebrated at the shrine. Eric Boahene also made
mention of the two feasts celebrated at the shrine. The three interviewees represented 100%.
On the issue of the etic approach, looking at the functions or significance of Pepease Tigare
as discussed in chapter four, it can be said that Tigare is the most powerful deity in Kwahu.
39
2005:174). It can also be deduced from the discussion in chapter four (4) that Tigare is a god
of justice who never tolerates any evil act. No wonder he does not tolerate witchcraft,
40
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 INTRODUCTION
After every research conducted, there are findings. This chapter discusses the findings of the
research conducted on the Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu. The findings have been
structured under the following headings. They are history of the origin of Pepease Tigare,
why the shrine is not documented by members of the cult, the by-laws of Tigare, how one is
initiated into the cult of Pepease Tigare, the paraphernalia in use at the shrine, the feasts
celebrated at the shrine, the animals used to offer sacrifice at the shrine and then the
Pepease Tigare is the official deity for Kwahu rear wing stool (Kyidomhene). Tigare was
brought to Pepease from Yipala in Northern Ghana during the reign of Nana Owusu Mensah
II in 1945 (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, May 15, 2015). Nana Owusu Mensah
II sent a delegation to Yipala under the leadership of Kwasi Mireku popularly known as
Kwasi Mawu to bring Tigare to Pepease–Kwahu in order to protect the inhabitants of the
town and also to end the activities of witchcraft at Pepease (Miescher 2005:174).
Kwasi Mireku therefore became the first priest of the shrine (see the picture of Kwasi Mireku
in Plate 4). Kwasi Mireku maintained a reputation as a hardworking man. He died on July 21,
1993 at the age of eighty (80). Prior to his death he was considered as a respectable and
wealthy cocoa farmer with numerous followers in the various towns and villages in Kwahu
(Jacob Asante, personal communication, May 10, 2015). After his death, he was succeeded
by his son Kwadwo Amoa (Miescher 2005:174). Kwadwo Amoa is the current priest of the
41
shrine (see the picture of Kwadwo Amoa in Plate 5). The succession of Kwadwo Amoa was a
breach of tradition since his nephew Kwasi Addae should have succeeded Kwasi Mireku. It
should be borne in mind that the people of Pepease –Kwahu practise matrilineal system of
centres on the priest who promises spiritual protection and material well being. The presence
of Tigare at Pepease attracted clients from many parts of the country (Koranteng 1997:50).
Amma Yeboa, a priestess emphasized on the fear connected with Tigare. She noted that in
the olden days nobody was beyond Tigare’s power. The Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu
grew steadily in popularity as the flow of pilgrims became greatest at each Akwasidae when
lorries were seen on the road to Pepease-Kwahu (Jacob Asante, personal communication,
It must be noted that Kwasi Mireku before becoming the priest for Pepease Tigare was a
sandal maker and the spokesperson for Kwasi Fofie, the first priest in charge of Nkwantanang
Tigare (Miescher 2005:174). The first spokesperson for Kwasi Mireku was Kwadwo Tano.
He served at the shrine for a while and died. After his death he was replaced by Kwabena
Asante who was already working under him prior to his death. Kwabena Asante also died
after serving for a while as the spokesperson for Kwasi Mireku at the shrine. The current
spokesperson for Kwadwo Amoa, the current priest of the shrine is Okyeame Anim
The Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu is symbolised by the horn of a buffalo (see Plate 3 for
the picture of Pepease Tigare). The rationale behind it is that Tigare aids hunters in hunting
The Tigare shrine at Pepease Kwahu has a group of people who entertains those who go to
the shrine with songs. This group of people is called Tigare Agofomma (see the picture of
42
Tigare Agofomma in Plate 6). Tigare Agofomma is a group of people who sing songs and
It is essential that the history of Pepease Tigare shrine is documented by members of the cult.
THE CULT
It is important for the history and activities of every institution to be documented by its
members leading to the gradual loss of the institutional memory of the shrine. Shrine
documentation is also important because it would help people to acquire knowledge about the
shrine. When Kwadwo Amoa, Okyeame Anim and Eric Boahene were interviewed, they said
that the shrine is not documented by its members because of two reasons.
In the first place, the history and activities of the shrine have not been documented by
members of the shrine due to the fact that the first priest of the shrine namely Kwasi Mireku
did not document the history and activities of the shrine. Thus, it is something the current
priest of the shrine inherited from his father so he too has decided not to document it. They
are therefore reluctant to break the tradition of their forefathers (Kwadwo Amoa, personal
communication, April 20, 2015). Since the world is advancing the status quo should be
defied.
Secondly, the interviewees said that the shrine is not documented due to illiteracy. Thus, a lot
of people at the shrine cannot read and write therefore would not be able to document (Eric
It is essential for every shrine to have by-laws in order to regulate the behaviour of members
of the shrine.
43
4.3 THE BY-LAWS OF PEPEASE TIGARE SHRINE
Contextually, the by-laws of the shrine are meant to control the behaviour and activities of
members who belong to the Tigare cult. Without by-laws members of the shrine would
misconduct themselves or go wayward. The by-laws of Pepease Tigare shrine help members
In addition to that, members of the cult shall not curse or poison any person.
Also, members of the shrine shall not envy the property of other people or their wives.|
Furthermore, members of the cult shall not bear false witness or evidence against other
Finally, members of the cult shall hold the name of Tigare in deep reverence. They shall not
swear by it or curse anybody with it (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, April 20,
2015).
If the first law is contravened by members of the shrine, they are dealt with severely by
Tigare. Most often, those who are guilty publicly confess their sins. Sometimes too those who
are guilty are fined as punishment by the chief of Pepease or the Kyidomhene of Kwahu
Traditional Area and part of the money is given to the priest in charge of the shrine in
It is important for learners to acquire knowledge about how one is initiated as a member of
44
4.4 HOW ONE IS INITIATED INTO THE TIGARE CULT AT PEPEASE KWAHU
To become a member of the Tigare cult at Pepease is the ultimate desire for most
Before one can be initiated as a true member of the cult, the person is taught the by-laws and
also made to know the benefits he would get when he is initiated. The prospective candidate
out of his own volition would decide whether to be a member of the cult or not. Thus, the
initiation of people into the cult is not by compulsion. If the prospective candidate shows
willingness to become a member of the cult, the priest in charge of the shrine would perform
some rites to initiate him and then recite some words (Kwadwo Amoa, personal
communication, April 20, 2015). The exact words recited according to the priest should be
In the first place, the prospective candidate is given a piece of cola nut by the priest in charge
of the shrine (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, April 20, 2015). The priest of the
shrine would recite some words to indicate that the prospective candidate has exercised his
free will in a positive sense by becoming a member of the shrine. Tigare is invoked by the
priest of the shrine to protect and bless the prospective candidate in all his undertakings. The
cola nut is consecrated and the prospective candidate is asked to chew it together with the
priest of the shrine. After that the prospective candidate is white-clayed on the forehead as a
sign of victory. (Eric Boahene, personal communication, May 20, 2015). At the end of each
year, if he derives some benefits from the shrine, he goes to the shrine to express his gratitude
to Tigare by giving some offering in the form of money in order to show appreciation to
Tigare. This is called the initiation ceremony of Tigare (Kwadwo Amoa, personal
45
Aside from the initiation rite for new members of the shrine, the paraphernalia in use at the
Every shrine in Ghana has certain paraphernalia which are in use. Paraphernalia are assorted
objects or items which are in use by the priest in charge of the shrine and people who go to
The following paraphernalia are in use by the priest in charge of the shrine and people who
To commence with, there is a talisman in the gown of the priest. This is worn by the priest of
the shrine. Aside from that, there are also knives, beads, , black powder, cudgels, drums with
sheep’s skin and cola nut (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, May 15, 2015). When
asked the significance of some of the paraphernalia in use at the shrine it was realised that the
cola nut is used to detect witchcraft by the priest of the shrine. The cudgel and the spear are
also used by the priest of the shrine in spiritual warfare and also to arrest a person possessing
Shrines mostly have feasts which they celebrate periodically. It is important for learners to
Shrines have feasts that they celebrate periodically to commemorate certain events.
Members of the Tigare shrine at Pepease –Kwahu have feasts which they celebrate
periodically. These feasts are Akwasidae which is celebrated once in every forty days on
Sunday and then Fofie which is celebrated once in every forty days on Friday. During those
feasts free food and drinks are provided by the priest in charge of the shrine. General dance
46
takes place at the shrine where the feasts are celebrated. A ram is slaughtered and it is used to
prepare a meal at the shrine (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, May 15, 2015). The
Akwasidae feast is celebrated because of the link of the deity with the Kyidomhene stool. The
Aside from the feast celebration, it is important for learners to acquire knowledge about the
Animal sacrifice is the single most important ritual practice performed by several African
traditionalists. The blood of those animals sacrificed is used to feed the spirits of deities and
ancestors.
At the Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu, sacrifice is most often a blood offering. Animals
sacrificed at the shrine are consumed by the priest and participants in the ritual (Okyeame
Anim, personal communication, May 25, 2015). Most often animals are sacrificed during the
celebration of feasts at the shrine. It must be noted that the blood of five animals is used to
feed Pepease Tigare. These animals are rams, fowls, guinea fowls, cats and dogs. These
animals are chosen based on the instruction given by the mother shrine when Kwasi Mireku,
the first priest of Pepease Tigare shrine went for Tigare from Yipala. In other words, those
animals are chosen as sacrificial animals in order to meet the customary demand of the
mother shrine at Yipala (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, May 15, 2015.
For the purpose of adequate documentation, it is also important for learners to acquire
47
Every shrine in Ghana has functions that it performs. The functions of these shrines most
To commence with, the shrine offers general protection against evil spirits especially
witchcraft, evil gods and then poisonous juju (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication,
April 20, 2015). The priest of the shrine generally uses cola nut as a means of detecting
witches and wizards at the shrine. In doing this, the priest of the shrine mixes cola nut with
the bile of a crocodile and then smears it on the body of the victim. The victim is tormented
until confession is made. The victim is finally relieved from pain after confession (Koranteng
1997:50). It is believed that witchcraft exists and exercises pernicious influence on the lives
of people and their homes through supernatural agencies being the general and acceptable
In Addition to the first point, the Tigare shrine at Pepease –Kwahu brings prosperity to
members of the shrine and those who consult the shrine on business and farming. Through
my ethnographic research it has come to the realization that several Kwahumen became
successful in their business after consulting the shrine (Kwadwo Amoa, personal
communication, April 20, 2015). Even the priests in charge of the various Tigare shrines
became affluent through their business. They also became wealthy through the offerings they
had from those who consult the shrine. These priests included Yaw Tawiah of Abetifi, Kwasi
communication, May 25, 2015). The affluence of Kwasi Mireku can be justified by the fact
that he built over twenty houses in the various towns in Kwahu especially at Pepease and
Tease in Afram Plains (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, April 20, 2015). He had
five wives and fifty children. Kwasi Mireku sent all his fifty children to Catholic schools and
had them baptized since he believed in Catholicism (Miescher 2005:177). Kwasi Mawu as a
48
generous person shared his resources. Stephan Miescher recorded that at Tease in Afram
Plains Kwasi Mireku due to his benevolence provided transport with his car, allowed people
to use his generator and opened a store there (Miescher 2005:174). He even took the initiative
to start a bank in Afram Plains but could not establish it (Kwadwo Amoa, personal
communication, April 20, 2015). Kwasi Mireku built houses for each of his five wives
(Okyeame Anim, personal communication, May 25, 2015). He also built houses for himself
and inscribed on them “People inquire about the reputation of somebody’s home but not his
riches”. One of the houses he built became his main residence at Pepease –Kwahu (see the
picture of the house in Plate 7). Kwasi Mireku also became a big cocoa farmer during
Ghana’s postwar cocoa boom era (Miescher 2005:174). As a big cocoa farmer, he acquired a
vast land in Afram Plains and decided to start a cocoa plantation there with the assistance of
his adherents and children. He became successful in his cocoa farm. He had public
recognition when he became the chief cocoa farmer (akuafohene) in Afram Plains in 1973.
He attributed this success partly to Tigare and his diligence (Miescher 2005:177).
Furthermore, Tigare has the power to make an infertile woman pregnant and also helps men
and women to stay healthy (Eric Boahene, personal communication, May 20, 2015). In fact
Tigare can diagnose sicknesses among people and then prescribe medicine or herbs for them
(Miescher, 2005:176). Most people testify that Tigare is a powerful deity (Jacob Asante,
personal communication, May 10, 2015). Although Tigare cures diseases, if a member of the
shrine wishes to be treated by a medical practitioner, he is at liberty to do so. However,
before the person goes for treatment, a prayer is said and a libation made on behalf of the
person (Kwadwo Amoa, personal communication, April 20, 2015). According to Kwadwo
Amoa, over twenty (20) people have sought treatment outside the shrine (Kwadwo Amoa,
personal communication, April 20, 2015).
Finally, Tigare has the ability to identify adulterous people and punish them (Adu Boadi,
personal communication, June 9, 2015). Due to this, one has to be faithful to his or her
partner and then avoid extra-marital sex. It must be noted that adultery is one of the forbidden
by-laws of Tigare.
49
Plate 3: Pepease Tigare
Source: Researcher, 2015
52
CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 INTRODUCTION
Ghanaian shrines are important for the veneration of ancestors and deities, therefore should
information, (Insoll, Kankpeyeng and Maclean 2009), it appears that a lot of shrines in Ghana
have been neglected. Their neglect is based on the fact that they are not adequately
documented for the purpose of learning and research. This research has looked at a number of
shrines in the Ghanaian context and their significance. Shrine documentation would help in
the preservation of the material culture of those possessing the shrines. This research cannot
end without considering certain things which are indispensable. This chapter reviews the
the research.
The purpose of this study is to document adequately the Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu so
that people can acquire knowledge about it. This documentation has become necessary
because the Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu is gradually losing its institutional memory.
The research examines the background of the study area taking into consideration the history
and location of Pepease-Kwahu. It also reviews the statement of problem, the aim, the
objectives, the research questions as well as the methodology, the significance and
Furthermore, the research reviews types of shrines in Ghana. In doing that review some earth
shrines, ancestral shrines, chiefly shrines and community shrines are examined. The
significance of these shrines is also reviewed. It again examines some traditional beliefs of
53
the people of Kwahu as well as the customary practices observed by the people of Pepease-
kwahu. The era before and after the arrival of `Tigare at Pepease-Kwahu is also examined.
Moreover, the research examines the qualitative and quantitative approaches used in
In addition to that the Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu is adequately reviewed taking into
consideration the history of the origin of Pepease Tigare, why the shrine is not documented
by members of the cult, the by- laws of the shrine, how one is initiated as a member of the
cult, the paraphernalia in use at the shrine, the feasts celebrated at the shrine, the animals used
to offer sacrifice to Pepease Tigare and then the functions or significance of Pepease Tigare.
Finally, the research reviews the conclusion, recommendations and then challenges of the
study.
5.2 CONCLUSION
This research has helped to adequately document the Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu in
order to meet the demands of learners who want to acquire sufficient knowledge about the
shrine. The research has contributed to knowledge in diverse ways. In the first place, it is
realised through the research that members of the cult do not document the history and
activities of the shrine due to illiteracy and also as a tradition they inherited from their
forefathers. Secondly, Pepease Tigare shrine has by-laws which are meant to regulate the
knowledge about the initiation ceremony of new members at Pepease Tigare shrine.
Moreover, the research has brought to the notice of learners the paraphernalia in use at the
Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu and the significance of some of them. For instance, the
cudgel and spear are used by the priest of the shrine in spiritual warfare. Cola nut is also used
by the priest of the shrine to detect witchcraft. In addition to that the research has made
known the feasts celebrated at the shrine. Through the research, it is realised that Akwasidae
54
and Fofie are the two feasts celebrated at the shrine. Finally, this research has brought to
notice the animals used to offer sacrifice to Pepease Tigare and why those animals are
chosen. The rationale behind this adequate documentation of the shrine is to help in the
preservation of the institutional memory of Pepease Tigare shrine which is gradually being
It is vehemently believed that this adequate documentation of the shrine would be a great
To commence with, I would suggest that the Ghana Museum and Monument Board should
register the Tigare shrine at Pepease-Kwahu as a heritage site. This is because the shrine has
both tangible and intangible cultural heritage properties. The tangible cultural heritage
properties include the deity itself which is represented by the horn of a buffalo, wand, spear,
cola nut and schnapps. The intangible cultural heritage properties are the layers of history that
these tangible cultural heritage properties carry. These layers of history are meaningful and
significant. For instance, the horn of a buffalo is used to symbolise Tigare because hunters
are aided to hunt by Tigare. Also, cola nut is used in detecting witches and wizards
(Koranteng 1997:50). Again, the wand and the spear are used for arresting witches and
wizards. They are also used for spiritual warfare. The shrine has been a centre for tourist
attraction and a great source of revenue to the priest as foreigners including Europeans and
Americans go there each year. Although the priest in charge of the shrine does not charge
these foreigners, they voluntarily give him money. It has also become a centre of learning as
foreigners and indigenous people acquire knowledge from the priest of the shrine.
Finally, I would suggest that the current priest of the shrine should document the day today
activities and history of the shrine. This would help to prevent loss of institutional memory of
the shrine. It must be noted that documentary sources are more durable than oral history.
55
5.4 CHALLENGES
To commence with, getting access to the archives of Kwahu Kyidomhene became a little bit
difficult since there was litigation over the chieftaincy of Pepease township. Due to this, the
archive room was locked. It was overcome when the Nkonwasuafohene was spoken to and he
made the necessary archives accessible to me. The archives obtained were on the history of
Pepease.
Finally, some of the priests did not want to welcome me since they did not know why I was
doing that research. Although, I explained it to them, they refused to understand. For
56
REFERENCES
Allman, Jean & Parker (2005). The History of a West African God. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press
Buah F.K. (1998). History of Ghana Revised and Updated: Relations with the early
Danquah J. B. (1928). Akan Doctrine of God. London: Frank Cass and CO.
Dawson, A.C. (2009). Earth Shrines and Autochthony among the Kokomba of Northern
Ghana. In Dawson A.C. (ed.), Shrines in Africa. Calgary: University of Calgary Press.
Esien, S.(2010) , Population and Housing Census. Abetifi: Ghana Statistical Service.
Fortes, M. (1987). Religion, Morality and the person: Essays on Tallensi Religion.
Insoll, Kankpeyeng & Maclean (2009). The Archaeology of Shrines among the Tallensi of
Northern Ghana: Materiality and Interptretive Relevance. In Dawson A.C. (ed), Shrines in
Africa, p 45-60.
Kopytoff, I. (1987). The International African Frontier: The Making of African Political
International African Institute and University of Ghana. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Miescher S.F. (2005). Making Men in Ghana. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana
University Press.
Opoku A. K. (1998). West African Traditional Religion: FEP International Private Limit.
.Dictionaries
57
Hornby, A.S. (1948). Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Corporation.
University Press.
Internet Sources
Dee, K. (2013) Trip Down Memory Lane: Kwahu People. Retrieved from http://
www.tripdownmemorylane.blogsports.
www.kofdiocese.org/pepease.
www.ghanaculture.gov.gh/index/.php.
(2015). Ministry of Food and Agriculture: Republic of Ghana. Retrieved from mofa.gov.gh.
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APPENDIX 1
GHANA
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15. How many hotels are found at Pepease-Kwahu?
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32. Does Pepease have tarred roads in the town?
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40. How do the people of Pepease express their beliefs in the Supreme Being?
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50. What other economic activities are performed by the people of Pepease-Kwahu?
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57. How many deities were at Pepease before Tigare was brought there?
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59. What was the main religion of Pepease before Tigare was brought there?
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60. On what basis was Tigare allowed to leave the mother shrine to Pepease?
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61. What rituals were done at the place of origin before Tigare was allowed to come to
Pepease?
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69. On what basis is one chosen to serve as a priest for Pepease Tigare?
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73. How many spokespersons does Pepease Tigare priest have?
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74. On what basis is one chosen as the spokesperson for Pepease Tigare?
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77. Will the person pay some amount of money before being initiated?
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90. What animals are used to offer sacrifice at the shrine?
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95. If no why?
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98. State the dates for the establishment of these churches from the first to the last.
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104. What churches were established at Pepease after Tigare was brought to the town?
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107. Are those churches still in existence?
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110. Does someone swear an oath before becoming a member of Pepease Tigare shrine?
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112. Were the members of the churches which existed before Tigare was brought to Pepease
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113. Are members of the churches at Pepease at the moment on good terms with members of
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114. How many chiefs ruled over Pepease before Tigare was brought there?
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115. What are the prohibitions of the Tigare shrine?
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116. What will cause one to cease to be a member of the Tigare shrine at Pepease?
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118. How many people were members of the shrine before the first priest died?
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119. How many people are members of the shrine at the moment?
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120. How many times are the feasts of the shrine celebrated annually?
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122. Mention the names of five people who are beneficiaries of the Tigare shrine?
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124. Did they become members of the shrine after becoming beneficiaries?
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130. Does Tigare punish those who disobey the by-laws at the shrine?
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132. How does the priest of the shrine detect witches and wizards at the shrine?
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134. How many houses were built by the first priest of the shrine?
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137. How many wives did the first priest of the shrine have?
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138. How many children did the first priest of the shrine have?
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139. What was the main occupation of the first priests of the shrine?
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141. Aside from that main occupation did he do any other economic activity?
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145. What were the functions of the first priest of the shrine?
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146. What was the main philosophy of the first priest of the shrine?
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150. How did the people of Pepease-Kwahu regard the first priest of the shrine?
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157. What processes do clienteles go through at the shrine before being attended to?
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165. How did the Christian congregations at Pepease-Kwahu see the first priest of the shrine?
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166. How many chiefs have ruled over Pepease since the arrival of Tigare?
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169. After libation does the priest drink the rest of the liquor?
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170. Aside from the priest can any other person make libation at the shrine?
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171. Are liquors for libation sold solely at the shrine or one can buy it outside the shrine?
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175. What is the relationship between the first priest and the current priest of the shrine?
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177. How many priests are supposed to serve Pepease Tigare at a time?
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178. Why was the site for the location of the shrine chosen?
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182. What do they normally go there to do?
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185. Are indigenous people also charged when they go to the shrine?
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189. Are the names of clienteles written in a special notebook at the shrine?
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190. Is it obligatory for those who consult the shrine to show their appreciation to Tigare if
they succeed?
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191. If yes, what happens to someone who fails to show his appreciation to Tigare?
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194. Does the ritual require the payment of money by the person willing to take the
photograph?
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199. Does the priest of the shrine have a secretary who records events at the shrine?
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200. Does the priest of the shrine pay dues to the mother shrine annually?
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APPENDIX 2
1 Question: Why is Pepease Tigare shrine not documented by members of the shrine?
Members of the shrine shall not envy the properties of other people.
Members of the shrine shall not bear false witness or evidence against other people.
Members of the shrine shall hold the name of Tigare in deep reverence.
Answer: One is initiated as a true member of the Tigare cult after the person is taught the by-
laws and also made to know the benefits he would get when he is initiated. The prospective
candidate out of his own volition would decide whether to be a member of the cult or not.
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Thus, the initiation of people into the cult is not by compulsion. If the prospective candidate
shows willingness to become a member of the cult, the priest in charge of the shrine would
In the first place, the prospective candidate is given a piece of cola nut by the priest in charge
of the shrine. The priest then recites some words to indicate that the prospective candidate has
exercised his free will in a positive sense. Tigare is then invoked by the priest of the shrine to
protect and bless the prospective candidate in all his undertakings. The cola nut is
consecrated and the prospective candidate is asked to chew it together with the priest of the
shrine. After that, the prospective candidate is white-clayed on the forehead as a sign of
victory. At the end of each year, if he derives some benefits from the shrine, he goes to the
shrine to express his gratitude to Tigare by giving some offering in the form of money in
order to show appreciation to Tigare. This is called the initiation ceremony of Tigare.
To commence with, there is a talisman in the gown of the priest. This is worn by the priest of
the shrine. Aside from that, there are also knives, beads, knocking stones, black powder,
Answer: These feasts are Akwasidae which is celebrated once in every forty days on Sunday
and then Fofie which is celebrated once in every forty days on Friday. During those feasts
free food and drinks are provided by the priest in charge of the shrine. General dance takes
place at the shrine where the feasts are celebrated. A ram is slaughtered and it is used to
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prepare a meal at the shrine. The Akwasidae feast is celebrated because of the link of the
Answer: The blood of five animals is used to feed Pepease Tigare. These animals are rams,
fowls, guinea fowls, cats and dogs. These animals are chosen based on the instruction given
by the mother shrine when Kwasi Mireku, the first priest of Pepease Tigare shrine went for
Tigare from Yipala. In other words, those animals are chosen as sacrificial animals in order to
5. Question: What was the situation at Pepease before Tigare was brought there?
Answer: There were some Christian churches and some deities at Pepease.
Answer: New churches have been established but still people come to the shrine.
APPENDIX 3
Answer: Yes.
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7. What feasts are celebrated at the shrine?
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