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 [ 329 ]

XV.

NOTES ON THE DISTRIBUTION, HISTORY, GRAMMAR, AND

IMPORT OF THE IRISH OGHAM INSCRIPTIONS.

BY JOHN MACNEILL.

Read APRIL 20 ; Ordered for Publication APRIL 28 ; Published JULY 24, 1909.

CONTENTS.

I. Geographical Distribution, VI. Examples Classified and Discussed:-

A. Relations of Ogham and MS.
II. Nori-Christian Character, . . 331
Orthography and Word-for-
III. Orthography 334 mation, .... 344
B. Declensions 354
IV. Accidence, .... 31'2
C. Exceptional Casesand Forms, 361
V. Syntax, 344 D. Customary Terms aud Formulae, 365

NOTE.- Ogham words are printed in clarendon type, thus: mucoi. The accompanying numbers
are those in Macalister's collection. " J " with year refers to the annual volumes of the Journal of
the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. "Holder" denotes his Altkeltischer Sprachschatz
(where words cited are in dictionary order). " L. Arm." = Book of Armagh, Hogan's Glossary.
" Onomaslicon " Goedelicnm, by Rev. E. Hogan, S..T., about to be published by the Royal Irish
Academy. In many instances, I have not found it possible to insert referencesto Irish texts and
MSS.

THE publication of Mr. R. A. Stewart Macalister's Studiesin Irish

(vol. i, 1897, vol. ii, 1902, vol. iii, 1907), containing his own and previous
readings of about five-sixths of the Ogham inscriptions known to exist in
Ireland, has rendered it not only possible but imperative that systematic
study should be brought to bear upon this material. A considerablenumber
of Irish inscriptions not as yet dealt with by Macalister, but subjected to
revision by the late Rev. Edmond Barry, M.R.I.A.,and Sir John Rhys, will
be found in the volumes of the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland for the last twenty years. The recordsof Ogham inscriptions in
Great Britain appear to be scattered in a number of publications, and the
time at my disposal has not been sufficient to trace them up. The following
paperis an initial effort to analyseand interpret the availablefacts.

I.- GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION.

Ogham,inscriptionshave beenfound only in Ireland, the Isle of Man,

Scotland,Wales, and the south-west of England. More than five-sixths of
E. I. A. PEOC.,VOL. XXVII., SECT.C. [49]
330 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
theknown
inscriptions
have
been
found
in [reland.
Thetotalnumber
of
knowninscriptions
appears
to be about360.
Of the Irish inscriptions,numberingabout
foundin the countiesof Kerry, Cork,andWaterford.
Kerry hasabout120,or one-thirdof the total.
60arecongregated
in thesmall
andmountainous
baronyof
western
extremity
of Ireland,
andmorethan20in theadjoining
barony
c
North Dunkerron.
Cork countyhas about NO.of whirl, morethan :
barony of East Muskerry.
Waterford
countyhasabout40,andof thesethree-fourths
arein t
baronyof Decies-without-Drimi.
Thusmorethanone-thirdof the knownIrish oghams
havebeenfound
in four baronies.
A smallnumberare foundin OssoryandEastMeath. Throughoutthe
rest of Ireland,instances
are only sporadic.Noneare knownin the
counties
of Donegal,
Down,Galway,Sligo,Longford,
Westmeath,
and
Queen's County.
Scotlandhas 1 in the island <>f(ii-ha in the SouthernHebrides,and
15 in Pictland,the north-eastern
region,includingOrkneyand Shetland;
none in the West Highlands,the Northern Hebrides,Argyll, or the
Lowlands.
The Isle of Man has 6.
Wales has about 26, of which 13 are in Pembrokeshire,12 in the
remainder of South Wales, only 1 in North Wales.
In Devon and Cornwall there are 5 ; in Hampshire 1, on the site of the
Eoinan town of Calleva,now Silchester; in the rest of England none.1
None have been found on the Continent, but at Biere in Saxony there
are stone tablets bearing unintelligible syllables traced in Oghmneharueteis
possiblythe work of somewanderingGael who knew just a little of the
craft.

All the inscriptions that have been decipheredand interpreted belong to

the samelanguage-an early form of Irish-except a few in North-eastern
Scotland, which are said to be in the Pictish language.
The distribution of the inscriptions clearly correspondsto the region of
Gaelic,or, as it was then called, Scottic, influence in the period that followed
the withdrawal of the Roman legions from Britain. The frequency of
oghamsin SouthMunster and Pembrokeshire,
and their rare yet very wide

1 The British figures are those given by Rhys, J, 1902, p. 1.

 -Notes on Irish OghamInscriptions. 331
distribution outsideof theseareas,manifestlyindicatean arrestedcustomor
cult. This was not the customof Oghamwriting, which may have been
widespreadamongthe paganIrish, but the customof Oghaminscriptions
on stone monuments commemorative of the dead.

Two hypothesesmay be regarded. Either the epigraphiccult was

widespreadin its early period,and died out rapidly exceptin the districts
in whichoghamsare now numerous;or the cult originatedin thesedistricts
and becamegeneralin them,but had not time to becomegeneralelsewhere
beforethe causescameinto operationwhichbroughtaboutits abandonment.
The latter hypothesisis the more satisfactory. If we supposea widespread
customat an early stage,we must expectto find the earlylinguistic forms
characterizingthe scatteredinscriptions,and the late forms chiefly in the
areasof frequency,i.e. of persistence.This is not the case. Both early and
late forms are found promiscuouslythroughout the whole Irish region.
I cannot speak for the I'.ritish oghams,the recordsof which are scatteredin
a great variety of publications covering half a century.

II.-NON-CHRISTIAN CHARACTER

The arresting causes,it can hardly be doubted, were the spread of

Christianity and the concomitant spread of Latin learning and the Latin
alphabet. The use of Latin letters is not in itself sufficient to explain the
discontinuance of Ogham epigraphy. The Ogham inscriptions were not
replaced,at all eventsin Ireland, by literal inscriptions. The Oghamin-
scriptionsseemto commemorate menof the world. Theliteral inscriptionsof
ancient Ireland commemoratechiefly ecclesiastics. There are few inscriptions
in Roman or Irish-IJoman characters in memory of kings, princes, nobles,
warriors, or poets, Literal inscriptions did not take the place of the
numerousoghamsof Corcaguiny,Muskerry, and the Desi. The ancient
cult was abandoned, not altered.
Thebulk of the Oghaminscriptionsmayperhapsbe ascribedto the fifth
and sixth centuries; and 1 think the cult must have chiefly flourishedin the
fifth century. The latest word-formsand inflexionsareasold asthe oldest
in MS.Irish, and the wordswhich,accordingto the Oghamorthography,are
the direct equivalent of Old-Irish forms are comparativelyfew in number.
The characteristic Christian nomenclature and vocabulary of ancient Ireland
are absent from all but half a dozen at the most of the known inscriptions.
The wordqrimitir, 0. I. cruimther,borrowedthroughCymric from the Latin
presbyter,
occursonce. Rhys,by readingan oghambackwards,
hasfoundthe
Latin word Sangti(Sancti),but the final vowel,which should be i, is u in
[49*]
 332 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
Macalister's
reading,
andtheaccompanying
names
donot admitof identifi-
cation. The nameColmanor Columbanus,
which is undoubtedlyChristian
in origin,occurstwice; but both Columband Colmanwerevery frequent
nameseven before the time of St. Columba. The namesMariani and Sagittari,
whichoccur,areLatin words,but it is by no meanscertain that they are
not alsoCelticwords. Thesearethe onlytracesof Christianitythat I have
beenableto find in nearly300 inscriptions.No knownOghaminscription
" contains anything expressiveof Christian religious sentiment. It seems
thereforeprobablethat Oghamepigraphy,while it lasted,remainedin pauan
hands. Two only of the known oghamscontain namesbelonging to the
^^ historicalrecord. Oneof theseis the Breastaghogham(47),commemorating
Kolaiug (gen. lulenge) son of Coirpre son of Aiimln^-ml. As this ogham
stands in Tirawley (Tir Amolngado),Eolaing was presumablygrandson<>!'
the king from whomthat territory wasnamed,Amolngaidkinu "I Connacht,
who died between440 and 450. His son Coirpre, accordingto the genealogies
(151.107/315), was ancestorof St. Tlgvrnan.1 In the pedigreesof saints
(BB 217/3"'-!')St. Tigdriuinis descended
I'mmanotherCoirpre,sonof another
Amolngaid, of the same generation us king Amolngaid, and related to him.
If we add two gmnal ions, the death of Knlaing should luive occurred early
in the sixth century at latest. The late Ogham form maq occurs twice on
this monument.
No. 44 commemorates " the name of Colman Ailither."2 In the saints'

pedigrees in the Leabhar Breac,Colman Oilither is son of Grilline son of

Diarmait son of Fergus Cerrbeoil; and a note is added: " From him is named
Eoss Oilithir," i.e. Eosscarbery, Co. Cork. The death of Diarmait occurred
either in 565 or 572 (he was king of Ireland). His grandson'sdeath should
have occurred within the first half of the seventh century. But I cannot
find elsewhereGrilline namedamongthe sons of Diarmait, who wasa very
famous ruler ; nor is it clear why St. Colman Ailither of Eoss should have a
monument in Corcaguiny. Possibly there was more than one " pilgrim
Colman." I find two saints called Colman Iinrama, where the epithet has a
similar meaning to Ailither ; but 1 do not know their dates. The forms in this
ogham are also of the latest.
ThoughI should hesitate to placethe date of any known oghamearlier
thanthefifth century,manyinscriptions
containformswhich maybequite
a centuryolder. Therecan be no doubtthat the recorded
formsof early
MS.namesreachbackto thebeginningof the seventhcentury,the time of
1Whose
reliquary,
MiasTigernain,
longpreserved
in Tirawley,hasbecome
the property
of a
family named Knox.
" AnmColombagan
(orColombaagn)
Aliltir, with a deletingscoredrawnthroughthelast1.
 MACNEILL-Noteson Irish OghamInscriptions.
St. Adamnan's documents. It must have taken at least two centuries for
names like *RU&vlcas,*Luyuvlcds to change through -vicas, -veca, Ritavec,
Luguvec,*Rcthvecli,*Lugvech(cf. Mcnuch= Menvech > *Minavlcas,Inehagoill
literal inscription),into the Rethach,Liujach,of the early genealogies.The
occurrence of the earlier beside the later Ogham forms proves that the
earlier were preserved by tradition in the schoolsof Ogham writing.
The successivetransformationsin every stage(exceptthe stage of the long
unaccented vowel)can be abundantlyexemplifiedfrom the existing material.
It was not only that Christianity, with its Latin culture, had no use
for the cumbrous Ogham alphabet, or merely shunneda cult which was
of paganorigin, was preservedby pagan experts,and was probablyaccom-
paniedby paganobservances.Thereis evidenceof early Christianhostility
to the native learning. An ancient grammarian1asks, " Why is Irish
called a worldly language?" and again," Why is he who reads Irish said
to he unruly (/»//"//)in the sight of God?" Theseare clearly traditional dicta
of the Irish Christians. The tradition must be older than MS. Irish, of
which the oldest specimens are devoutly Christian. It must be older
than the seventh century, when Christian hymns were composedin Irish.
It must therefore have reference to a pagan culture, and in particular to
the reading of Irish in the Ogham characters. It is to be observed that
not a scrap, so far as we know, of the traditional knowledge of Ogham
forms, or of knowledge of the Ogham orthography, or of the early lan-
guage of the Ogham period, was preserved by MS. writers. They knew
the symbols of the Ogham alphabet, and beyond these apparently nothing.
There is a definite and complete breach between the Ogham and the MS.
tradition. The Ogham tradition, I contend, was pagan to the last, and the
MS. tradition was Christian from the first.

Macalister notes that, where the eponyms of tuatha, introduced by the

term mucoi,originally existed in Kerry Oghams,in one half of the instances
these eponyms have been effaced,while the remainder of the inscription is
left untouched. He rightly concludes that mere accident affords no satis-
factoryexplanationof these facts. A drawingby Petrie, reproducedin the
Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (1891, p. 620),
represents No. 25 of Macalister's collection. The eponym and part of the
introductory term mucoi have been removedfrom the stone; and it is
quite evidentfrom the drawing that they were removed by violent con-
cussion,which detachedtwo large sharply angular segmentsfrom the top
of a pillar about 5 feet high. The differencebetweenthe fracturing and

«BB315a3.
334 Proceedings
of theEoijal Irish
the naturalweathering
of the stoneis evident. Macalisterascribessuch
occurrences to local tribal hostilities. It seems to me that local enmities
wouldnot have so carefullyconfinedtheir expression
to a demonstration
againsta remoteancestor. I suggesta different solution.
Thereis reasonto believethat the eponymous ancestorsof ancientIrish
tnathabelonged
to paganmythology.Conmac,
for instance,
ancestorof the
Conmaicne, wassonof the god Manannan. Gian,ancestorof the Cianachta,
wasfather of the godLugh. It will not be doubtedthat ancestorsof this
kind, as long as paganismlasted, were objects of worship to those who
claimedto be their descendants.I suggestthat the violent defacementof
eponymswas merelyan Irish form of idol-breaking. In No. 32 (on which
see also Macalister, vol. ii, p. 8) there is an apparent example of the contrary
process,the engraving of an eponym by itself, which doesnot belong to the
legendof the monument: [a]nme Dovinia, "the name of Duibne," eponymous
ancestressof Corcu Duibne. Keferring to certain remarks of Macalister upon
this monument, I may observe that the occurrence of female names in
genealogiesof this kind is no more a proof of matriarchy or polyandry among
the Irish than is the occurrence of names like Demetrius, Athenion, or
Musaeus among the Greeks.

III.-ORTHOGRAPHY.

The orthography of the Ogham inscriptions represents a definite and

consistent system.
The Ogham alphabet is basedon the Latin alphabet. The samevowels
are usedin both. Nevertheless,the Ogham alphabet is not a mere cipher
of the Latin alphabet. It exhibits original and independent treatment. The
consonantsF, P, X, appear to have been rejected from the original code as
unnecessary. Two new consonants, V and NG, were added. The entire
order of the alphabetwas changed. The vowels were segregated,and
apparentlysubclassified.Theseare not featuresof a merecipheralphabet.
It doesnot appearthat the inventorsof Oghamwriting knewanythingof
Latin writing beyondthe symbols. Unlike the early British inscriptionsin
Romancharacters,the Oghaminscriptionsdo not showany importation of
Latin inflexions,or of Latin words like films, hie meet,etc. Except a few
obscureinscriptionsin the 1'ictishregion of Scotland,all the Ogham
inscriptions,sofar astheycanbe deciphered
and interpreted,appearto contain
onlyformsandtermsbelonging
to theGaelicbranchof the Celticlanguage-
group.
The Latin alphabet which was the basisof the Oghamalphabet was
that of theearlyclassicalperiod. Thereare no ascertained
Oghamequivalents
 - Notes on Irish Oghant.ln^<:ri/>/fons.

for thesymbolsimportedinln l.a,dnusageto expressGreeks.......Is,01

Greekletters not represented
in the Latin alphabetproper.
The origin of the Oghamalphabetmust lie placedlater than tin- Human
conquest of Gaul. Prior to that. enii<|iiest. Mir Greek alphahet was in use
among the western Cells <>f die enntiiieut.
Tlie identity <>!'must ol' the symhuls used in Ogham writ in- was
accurately preserved in Irish MS. I radii inn and has been ennlirmed by
modern stud}'.
It is, however,well ascertaineddial the diinl letter of die alphabetwas
V at the perilid of the Oghaminscriptions.nnl K, as in laler MS.11aditinn.
The change hi value arose I'mm die change <i|' inilial V to F. This eh
did not take place in the hody of a word.
The Vita Cohunbaeof Adamnan, wriiien pmliahlv aboul \.n. 700,
regularly has V instead of V as initial letter. I'.nl Adamnan tells ns that
he drew from documents as \\ell as I'rum oral sources. In one.instance he
writes /'//"<///</
( /7/y/'"1') insteadof die eonlempoiaryform /<"/;«//«".
In MS.tradition the sixth symbol of the Ogham alphabet is H, and the
fourteenth symbol is ST. It can be shown from the Ogham tract in the
Book of Ballymote that ST is merely a late substitute for Z. No
authenticated instance of either the sixth or the fourteenth symbol has
been found in any ancient ogham. With the example of the change of
traditional value in the case of V before ns, it would be rash to assume that
either H or Z had a place in the original code. The absenceof the two
symbols in recorded usage points rather to two obsolete consonantswhich
may have made room for H and Z in the later tradition.
Three symbols are found which havegiven rise to much discussion. They
are different in type from the normal Ogham symbols; and the difference
suggests that they may have been relatively late additions to the original
series. These are the saltire X, the broad arrow /fs and the double
chevron x. For the present I omit consideration of the broad arrow,
which I have not noted as occurring in any Irish inscription.
The symbol X is usually engraved athwart the arris. It cannot be
regarded as an exceptional symbol. It occurs much more frequently than
the well-established NG. In Macalister's collection there are four instances
(73, 87, 110, 180) in which X almost necessarilyrepresents a vowel. The
identification of this vowel as E may be accepted.
In the remaining instances noted, twelve or more (excluding one doubtful
case,113), the thwartwise X is almost certainly a consonant. Ehys assigns
to this symbol the value P. Macalister, however, has clearly shown that
Toicaxi 88, besideToicaci 89, and Toicac91, demandsthe value C. Moreover,
336 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
thesymbol
occurs
at leastseven
timesin theparticlexoi,xi, ofunascertained
meaning
; andit is unlikely
to thelastdegree
thatanyparticle
withinitialP
existedin earlyIrish. Hencethe thwartwiseX, usedasa consonant,
may
safely be regarded as a duplicate form of 0.
Macalister hasoneexample (83)of X engravedto theright of the arris.
On thegroundthat thedifference in positionindicatesa difference
in value,
heassigns herethevalueP, Erpenn. I cannotfind anywherethe element
Erp- in Irish nomenclature,
but of Ere- the instances
areinnumerable ; and
therefore I do not hesitate to substitute C for P in this reading also.
Of the doublechevronx, Macalisterhas four instances,38, 60,ISO,206.
In No. 60,E is practically certain. In 38 and 180, E is hardly duubtful.
The fourth instance remains unidentified, but E is nowise improbable. The
safecourseis to follow ascertainedfact rather than uncertified theory. The
value E for >< must hold the grounduntil displaced. In 180,Macalister
reads K,1 because,he supposes," Correis an impossible genitive." But Corre
is the late Oghamequivalentof MS.Cuirre,genitive of Coir, a feminine noun
usedas a masculinename. Anhm macCuirre, BB 882/3l2; Fain in* nnn:
mate Aenyusa, da mac lais .i. C'orr, ix /»'</ ,SY/ C'/'inr ./. Jft'i
male Cuirre 104j3'46; Cuirrc, gen., 104/324,8, 12; nom. Con; gen. Corr/n;
175j3'27,35.
Hence >< may perhapsbe regardedas an effort to differentiate between
the valuesE and C of the symbol X. Its instances appear to belong to late
inscriptions.
The question arises,Why were duplicate symbols used for E and C ?
With regardto E, I can only suggest that there may have been an effort to
distinguishthe two soundsof this vowel(openandclose?)whichundoubtedly
existedin the earliestMS.period,parting later on into e andi<t. Perhaps
X = C wasborrowed
fromthe Christian
symbol
J^ = ChrisUis.Indeed,
X, ><, = E, in like mannermay representH in the semi-symbolicIHS =
IH SOYS.

Thus the use of an Ogham symbol for V in Ireland has not been
established.The absenceof P from early Gaelic phonesisis no modern
discovery. The ancientgrammartract in the Bookof Ballymote(326al3)
says:-" Thereis (or, there was)no P in Irish," ni bi J' isin </i«:<?/'/</.
(J\7bi in
this book sometimesstands for ni loi= was not.)
Apart altogether
fromthe ageof the formsin use,the orthographical
system
of the Oghaminscriptions
andthe orthographical
systemof early
manuscriptIrish are as distinct and separateas if they belonged
to two
1 Macalister'sK is a provisionalsymbolfor somesoundakin to C.
 Notes on Irish 0</Ji«mInscriptions. 337

unrelatedlanguages. In their eharaelei-isi

ie features each " md
entirely uninfluenced by the other. The. two systems represent two
quite independent attempts to express the sounds of the Irish language.
This is an historical fact of the greatest importance for the study of .
Irish literature and civilization. The following ore NIC chief distinguishing
featuresof the two orthographies:-
OGHAM lursii. Ms. II.TSII.

1. There are special symbols I'm- There are no specie mis I'm
the sounds V and N( 1. V and NO.

2. The values of consonant sym- Consonant symbols vary in \alue

bolsarenot variedby their position. accordingasthey are initial 01other-
wse.

o. A stop-consonant (mute) nnd Aspirates and stop-consonanlsare

the correspondingaspirate are repre- ill's!iii'_;m's|ieilin writing.
sented by the same symbol.
4. Doubling of consonantsis fre- Doubled consonantsaie usedonly
quent, but has no phonetic signifi- to express distinct phonetic values.
cance.

5. The strong and weak values of The strong values of the liquids
the liquids L, N, R, are not distin- are expressed
by doubling the .sym-
guished. bols.
6. There is no distinction of long A sign of quantity is placed over
and short vowels. long vowels.
7. Palatalizationof consonants
is Palatalizationis expressedregu-
neverexpressed. larly in the caseof final consonants,
otherwise casually.
The orthographical system of early MS. Irish is undoubtedly, so far as
Ireland is concerned,of later origin than the system of the Oghaminscriptions.
The origin of Ogham writing was not in historical memory. The invention
of the art was ascribed to the eponymousgod Ogme(Ogma), whosename is
identicalwith that of Ogmios,describedby Lucian in the secondcentury as
the god of eloquence among the continental Celts. The oldest Irish
traditions (e.g.in Tain Bo Cuailnge)ascribethe use of Oghamwriting to
remotepagan times. There is no historical evidence that MS. writing was
usedby the Irish beforethey adopted Christianity. Unlike the Ogham
system,the MS. system shows familiarity with the devices introduced into
Latin writing for the expressionof the Greeksymbols,0, $, \, tli, ph, ch;
also with /, h, k, p, x, y, z.
B.I.A, PROC,,
VOL.XXVII.,SECT.C. [50]
338 Proceedings
of the Royal 7m// Academy,
But the most strikin<>and peculiarfeatureul' I h< IV.und
in the Oghamsystem,is the regular variation in consonantvalues
accordingas the symbolsarc initial or not initial. In tin- initial position
the consonantsnormallypreservethe .samevaluesas in Latin or in the
Oghamsystem. When they passfrom the initial position,these valuesare
consistently changed :
1. To expressthe tennis, the .symbolis doubled,mace,rr/tji, hilt.
2. To expressthe media,the tennis is used,our,opair, fota; sometimes
llie doiililrd media, tilth(= Latin //t>li//x),I'n/'/'li/i/'i,unlil.
?>.To expressthe aspirate tennis, // is added, /mr/*//, m//i, »"//.
4. To expressthe aspiratemedia,the simplemediais used,Jul, mj.jiil.
(Ms. usagehere coincideswith Oghamusage,which makes no distinction
between stops and aspirates of any class.)
Whence did this apparently conventional treatment of the consonants
originate? With regard to pli, th, '"//, Iliey were evidently borrowed from
the Latin devices for the representation of Greek sounds. The other con-
ventions are not of Latin origin. They can only have arisen in one way,
like the vowel values in modern English, through changesin pronunciation.
Thesechangesin pronunciation did not occur in Ireland. Original c in
Ireland becameclt, not g, in internal position. The Celtic adjectiveending
acosbecomes-nch in the earliest ,MSS. l«ut in Welsh, this ending hasbecome
-'"''.'/, -"//- that is to say, the Brythonic consonanthas undergone precisely
the change which correspondsto the conventional value of the symbol in
early Irish MSS. It is true that in early Welsh MSS.the change in
pronunciation is not noted, and the symbol c is retained,just as in modern
Knglish we still write "ace" as Shakespearewrote it, but we pronounce it
"
" (".« ; Shakespeare pronounced it " ass."
Christianity and Christian learningwereintroducedinto Ireland mainly
by Britons, and an intimate intercourse between the Christians of Ireland
and Britain was kept up for severalcenturies. But the written langnao-e
which the British missionaries introduced into Ireland was Latin, not
Cymric. It cannot be maintained that the early Christian writers of Ireland
useddistinct valuesfor their consonantsaccordingas they wrote in Latin,
their staple literary language,or in Irish, which they graduallyintroduced
into MS.usage. Hencethe orthographicalconventionsof early Irish MSS.
reflect the early Irish pronunciationof Latin. This pronunciationof Latin
they adoptedfrom their British teachers. Latin during the Romanrule
becamea secondlanguage to the Britons, and its pronunciation, being
domesticated, followedthe changes in pronunciationof the native language.
 MACNEILL-Notes on Irish OyhamInscriptions. 339

In fine, the consonant-systemin early Irish MSS.was based on a modified

British pronunciation of Latin.
This pronunciation never exerted the slightest influence on Ogham
orthography. Thus there were two separate streams of literary culture in
early Ireland, and as one of thesewas Christian, the other was pagan. Only
the clearest and broadest social demarcation could have kept these two
streams from intermingling to some appreciable extent. I hold, therefore1,
that the custom of Ogham epigraphy was a pagan custom while it lasted.
There is one name which occurs five times in Irish Oghaminscriptions,
and twice in British Latin inscriptions, and, by good fortune, the consonant-
framework of this name is such as to illustrate with minuteness the chief

distinctive features between the Irish Oghamvalues and the British Latin
values of the symbols, or rather the distinct devices employed by the Irish
Oghamist and the British Latinist to expressthe sameconsonantsounds.

OGHAM.

16. Maqi-Decceda maqi Glasiconas.

36. Maqqi-Decedda maqi Catuvi . .
51. Maqi-Ddecceda maqi Marin.
94. Maqi-Deceda maqi . . .
135. Maqi-Decceddas avi Turanias.

LATIN.

li Maccodecheti

(Buckland Moiiachomni, Devon).

Hie infit Maccudec[c\eti
(Penrhos Lligwy, Anglesea).

The name common to these seven inscriptions is found also in Irish genea-
logiesin the modernform MacDcii-hcitfL1Thisnamemeans"son of Deiche,"
but clearly (seenos.16, 36, 51) not in the ordinary or natural sense. Deiche \\ as
a mythological personage,from whom were named Loch Dechet,Sliab Dechet,
Glenn Dechet. From him the tuath called Fir Maige Fene was also called
Fir Dechet. The name is a consonant-stem,Dd<-li<' < *Deccns,gen. Da-ln-l,
modern Deichead,ogham Decedas< *Decentos. An early Brythouic form or
derivative may be representedin Decantae,arx Decantorum.

1Ui Maic Beichead,a sub-septof Ui Luchtai, whowere a mainseptof the Ciarraighe(BE 159a).
Mac Tuehedof the septUi Tunui (<"(.no. 1"5, nbove)is nameda little further on.
[50*]
340 ProcecdiiitjK<>fthe R<>u<d
Irish Academy.

Comparing
the OghamandLatin spellingsof the name,it will beseen
that:

1. In theoghams,
theconsonants
arewrittensingleor double,
apparently
at random.

2. The tennisq of maqiis represented

by the doubletennis«" in the
Latin spelling.
3. Theaspiratechis represented by c and cc in the oghams,by cli in the
Bucklandinscription. In the secondLatin inscription,the letters hereseem
to lie doubtful.

4. Themediad in the final syllableof the Oghamform becomes

t in the
Latin spelling.
5. The aspirated following Maqi is representedby d, dd,in the oghams.
The treatment of this consonant in the Latin inscriptions is not altogether
certain. Apparently the name-formMaqa(s)Dechedaswas regardedas
un-Latinlike,and \\ asaltered into the singleword Maccodechetas,vfhieh
presented
the usual ending of an Irish o-stem,and was then declined as a Latin o-stem,
Since <l and / in the latinized form must stand for different values, il can only
represent the aspirate, for t has been shown to represent the stopped media.
The aspirate value would have become familiar in the genitive, dative, and
vocative usage. Possibly, however, the Latinist may have treated the
consonant as initial, as it is in the Irish name. In this position, <1can
denote either the stop or the aspirate.
The consonantsof the British Latin spelling are precisely those of the
Irish early MS.spelling, nom. MaceDcchet,gen. Mnicc Dcclu't. The treatment
of the consonantshere and their treatment in the Oghams exhibit the main
distinctive featuresof the two orthographical systems. The a priori argument
as to the origin of the peculiar consonant-usagein early Irish MSS.is thus
strongly corroborated.
I have regarded Maccudee[c]etiof the Anglesea inscription as a genitive,
though the Latin construction demands a nominative. In fact, hie iacet is
employedeither as a noun or as an extra-syntactical phrase,the equivalent
of arnn or of xoi in the i)gham inscriptions. The same construction occurs
in other inscriptions,e.g.at Llandysilio,Pembrokeshire,
EculcnggifiliLltoyaii
Ini- iacit.

Doublingof consonantsin Oghamspellinghas no phoneticsignificance.

It doesnot denoteaspirationor the absenceof aspiration. It has no con-
nexionwith vowel quantity or with vocalic influence. Many exampleslike
Decedas
couldbe adduced
to provethat the sameconsonant
withoutchange
of valuemay be expressed
either by a single or a doublesymbol. In short,
we havehereto dealwith a merefashionin orthography.
 MACNEILL-Notes
onIrish Ogham
Inscriptions. 341
.Sucha fashioncannot be assumedto be purely capricious. The labour
involvedin carvingthe Oghamsymbol,let us sayfor N, which containsfive
scores,twice,where oncewould have servedthe purpose,renderssuch an
assumptionuntenable. The fashionmust have hada purposein its origin.
The most likely purposewas to make a paradeof learning in the form of
archaism. This motive is prominent in nearly every period of Irish MS.
literature.

If, then, doubleconsonantsin Oghamwriting exhibit the archaistic

motive, which is abundantly evidenced in other features,it must follow that
duplication had a practical purposein a stage of Oghamwriting anterior
to the stageof extant epigraphy. Henceit might be expectedthat dupli-
cation would be found peculiar to certain classesof consonants. I have
madecareful statistics of the occurrencesof duplication in Macalister's
collection,which coversthe entire region of prevalenceof Oghaminscrip-
tions in Ireland-a region included in the countiesof Kerry, Cork, and
Waterford. I find that everyconsonantsymbol in use,except X and ><,
is sometimes duplicated. I have already noted these as probably of late
introduction.

But there is an enormous disproportion in the frequency of duplication

as between one consonant and another. Taking the absolute frequency of
each consonant written singly as 1000, the relative frequency of duplication
for each is as follows :-

T621, I) .375, V 266, B 200, S and Ng 166, C 165, Q 129, L 123,

G115, N91, R76, M39. Average frequency 165, which is not calculated
on the figures just given, but on the absolute totals of single and double
symbols.
In making the calculation,I did not include initial consonants.These
are very rarely doubled, and their duplication cannot be regarded as
customary. Hence to include the ratio of duplication in initial consonants
would havevitiated the comparison. For the samereason,I haveexcluded
final S of inflexional desinences.
The immense difference in ratio, from 39 to 621, cannot possibly be
fortuitous. The originalpurposeof duplicationmust lie at the bottomof the
difference.

Ng may be excluded. It occursin all only 7 times,oncedouble.

The question of mechanicaldifficulty in engravingmay be considered.
The most difficult symbolsto engraveare thoseof the M-series,which are
cut obliquelyon both sidesof the arris. ExcludingNg as too rare,and the
fourthsymbol,
whichdoesnotoccurat all,theremaining
symbols,
M, G,and1\,
are three of the four least often duplicated. But then, as betweenthese
342 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
symbols,
E,requiring
fivescores,
hasa ratioof duplication
twice.
greater
than
M,requiring
onescore.In theothertwoseries,T,requiring
threescores,
is
far morefrequently
doubled
thanD, requiringtwo;V, withthreescores,
is
much more often doubled than B, with only one.
In the B-seriesasa whole,the ratio of duplicationis 108,in the H-series
242,in theM-series86. Thesefiguressuggest
thatduplicationwasoriginally
associated for some reason with the H-series.
Aspiration does not appear to have influenced the general custom.
Althoughthe aspirableconsonants
T andD headthe list, C merelyreaches
the average,G is far belowthe average,
and M is the least frequently
duplicated of all.
Macalister has observedthat duplication is much muiv frequent in Kern,
especiallyin Corcaguiny,than elsewhere. In Corcaguiny,the averageindex
of frequencyof duplicationis 280. The indexesof the symbolsare:-T 1750,
D 1000, Q 679, B 500, C 310, G177, S 125, V 118, E 97, N 83, L 77, M 0, N- 0.
Here it is to be noted that all the aspirable consonantsexcept M precedethe
unaspirableconsonants;secondly,that all the H-series are abovethe average,
and no other consonant except P>,which, however, occurs in all only six
times, in duplicate twice. Corcaguiuy \vns tin- chief centre of the Ogham
epigraphic cult; and its usage is perhaps of more weight than that of other
places.
On the whole, the evidence points to (1) either a phonetic origin of
duplication or (2) an origin connected with the writing of the H-series.
Whatever view may be taken, it seemsclear that the practice was older than
the extant oghams,and servesin them no practical purpose.1

IV.-ACCIDENCE.

The accidenceof Ogham Irish is almost wholly confined to the declension

of nouns, and mainly to nouns in the genitive singular. There are a few
examplesof the nominative singular and of the genitive plural. A number
of forms have beendescribedby Macalisterand othersas dative singular.
They always occur in the title name of the inscription. The dative in this
position would seem more appropriate to dedications than to memorials of
the dead,and the earliestMS.usagewould, I think, require a preposition
before the dative usedin this way.
1I think that probablymany early inscriptionson woodenstaveswere preservedin the
professionalschoolsof Oghamwriting, especiallyin Corcaguiny. It would have attracted notice
that, in theseolder inscriptions,certain consonants were often phoneticallyduplicated.Such
spellingswouldhaveceased to express their originalvalues,hut wouldhaveappealed to the Irish
loveof archaism
; andonthis motive,I suggest,
theywereemployed
in theextantinscriptions,
the
usagebeingextended,but not sofrequently, to the other consonants.
 -Notes on Irixh 0</h<nnInscriptions. 343

The declensions are rlivirly and consistently observed in MM genitive

formation. The following I regard as beyond ilmihi .--
1. Genitive in -i from masculine e-slems. In late forms, -i disappears,
and since palatalization is not expressedin Oghamorthography,the form
appearsto the eye to lie uninflected. Largely on this appearanceRhys hns
groundeda theory of agglutinativesyntax,duo,ho suggests,
to the influence
of a non-Aryan language. He is led l<>this view also by the occurrence of
the olderforms in -i sideby side with forms without -i. Macalisteradopts
the agglutination theory. It appears,howevei, unnecessaryand untenable.
Theapparentabsenceof inllexioii is due to the limitations of the spelling,
and may be pa.iullded in early MS.Irish by such forms as fir, mil, nil, mis,
where the Duality of the final consonant is not defined by the orthography.
The mixture of earlier and later forms applies to all the declensions,and is of
great frequency in Ogham usage.
2. Genitive in -i from masculine /«-stems, persisting throughout the
Ogham period and in 0. I.
.':>.Genitive in -ias from «"-stems.
4. Genitive in -ias from feminine tY^stems.
.").Genitive in -ias from (feminine ?) i-stems.
-ias, from whatsoever stem, becomes -ia and lastly -e, which is the MS.
ending. Sometimes-eas,-ea are used,perhapsthrough inaccurate archaistic
restoration from -e.

6. Genitive in -as from consonant-stems. The ending becomes later -a,

and finally falls off, leaving desinencein the stem-consonant(broad) as in 0.1.
7. Genitives in -os from i-stems.
8. Genitives in -os from w-stems.

-os, from whatsoever stem, becomes later -o, which persists into O. I., and
then gradually changesto -a.
Besides these,there are some three examplesof genitives in -ais, which
I cannot equate in MS. Irish or elsewhere. I think they may arise from
faulty inscription, or may be pseudo-archaisms. The names in which they
occur have not been identified by MS.equivalents.
I have noted no other likely instance of confusion in forms. The usage,
where it may be archaic, exhibits an accurate tradition.
The Ogham vowels are preserved or changed in the MS. orthography,
and frequently in the later Ogham orthography, according to definite
and constant laws. The regularity of these phenomenaproves the accuracy
and systematiccharacterof Oghamorthography.1Sometimesthe changed
1E.g. finding Dovatuoi equatedwith MS.nom. Dubthach,I concludedthat an early MS.form
Dubthochought to exist. I found this form twice instanced in Hogan's Glossaryto the Book of
Armagh.
 l' Hie Ro//tii Ir/xli .\c

vowelis foundin conjunction

with an earlyinflexional
I'min. AVhmthis
occurs,the older inflexionaldesinencemay have beenarchaistically
restored.

V.-SYNTAX.

The syntax is of the most limited and simplestkind, owing to the

limited formula1employed. The title-name may b<-either nominative or
genitive,usually genitive,and may have a noun in appositionor an
attributive adjective: all the words which follow arc genitives. X«>verb,
article, preposition,or conjunctionlias anywherebeenidentified. Only one
particle is found, the obscurexoi or xi. In a numberof late oghams,the
title-name (genitive) is precededby the noun anm= O. I. ainm, 'name.'
The formulasare: "[name of] A [son of F>][son o!' (']," or "[name of] A
of the kindred (mucoi)of B," or "[name of] A, descendant(avi) of I'.,"
or some mixture of these. The syntactical order is thai nf \is. Irish.
Macalister and Rhys sometimes think it necessaryto assume an inversion
of this order-in my opinion without sullic.ient grounds in any instance
that I have noted.

VI.-EXAMPLES CLASSIFIED AND DISCUSSED.

In the following examplesthe pressureof time has prevented me from

giving referencesfor Oghamforms in a number of instances. In most, if not
all, instances,
the referenceis givenelsewherein this paper,and probablyall
Oghamwordsquotedwithout referencewill be found indexedby Macalister.
In thecaseof MS.equivalentsI haveoftenfoundit impracticableto give useful
references,the materialdrawnupon being largely transcriptsof genealogies
in my own possession. In comparing Oghamwith MS.forms there has been
a gooddealof repetitionin the differentsections. I have thought it better
to let this stand than to multiply cross-references.

A.-BELATIONS OF OGHAMAND MS. ORTHOGRAPHY

AND WORD-FORMATION.

I.-CONSONANTS.

1. Initialv becomes
MS./. Vorgos 91= Fon/o.VlatiamiJ, 1902,p.81
=nom.Flaithem.Hence in thelateraccounts
of theOghamalphabet, the
third letter is called /.
2. Initialv wasstill occasionally
writtenin theseventh
century,being
perhapstranscribed
fromMSS. ofthesixth.Adamnan hasVirqno
( Virgne
?),
of whichL. Arm. hasgen.Fergni. QuiesVinniani AU 578.
 MACNKILL-Notes
on Irish Or/Jium
Inter/piions. 345
3. Oghamq in all positions becomesMS.<;,/"//.
4. Theother initial consonantsare thoseof MS.Irish of all periods.
5. Of final consonants,s only is noted; it disappearsbefore the latest
Oghamformsappear,but may bewritten artificially, as in Gosochtas 223,and
perhapsin the genitives in -ais.
0. Whereplural genitivesare notedaspossible,final n is absent.
7. Between
vowels,earlyCelticv is still foundin oghams,
but disappears
in MSS.Luguvveccall2 = -£w^ac/(,.1Rittavvecas69 = Rethneli. Cattuvvirr 69,
Cattvvirr 112 ==Cathur-usL. Arm., Caitlic.rin genealogies
(= gen. written
CatlifirTSB 218/3337).
8. When Oghamintervocalicv persistsin MS.forms,it is almostcertainly
an alternative writing for aspirateb. DovatuciJ, 1895,p. 27, 123= nom.
D-uWiocli,L. Arm. later Dubthack. Luguvve3 (nom.)= Lngbc. Valuvi 242
= Fiiilbi. Cf. GaulishLatobios,Vindobios,OghamDitibeas,Dolatibi,Eracobi.
This v may belong to the later notation only.
9. *avias,gen. avi = O. I. auc, gen. nui, Mid. I. ua, Mod.I. 6 (UK),gen.
ui, i.

\ 0. Iva-, as an element in personalnames(Gaulish ivo-, Irish eo,' yew,'

late Latin ivm, French if; see Holder s.v. eburos, Irish ibar, iuJJirn; which
seems to have a different origin or history; cf. Ivomagus,Ivorix), becomes
Evo- in Evolenggi, iu-, io-, cu-, eo-" lulenge 47 = *Ivalengias = MS.Eolainge
nom. Eolainy, Ivageni, J, 1908, p. 54 = Ioyi-ii-i<ni<x,Adamnan, Eitycn AU,
Eogan, Eoijhan; Ivacattos = Ei>rlnnh>((> hEochadha,anglicized Haughey,
Hoey, etc.).
11. biva- = beo, bivi- = bi: Bivaidonas, nom. *Bivaidus = Bcoaid, Beoid.
Bodibcve= Ogham Bocib . . . read Boddib[ivi ?] in bilingual (Latin and
Ogham)inscr. Llanwinio, Carmarthenshire
= nom.Buaidbeo;Biviti 80,nom.
*Bivitias = Bitlie-us, Bitte-us, Biethr,-ns, L. Arm.; Luguduc2 maqi Maqi-Bi 184,
late Ogham for *Bivi = bi gen. of bed.
12. Oghamv after d (aspirate)becomes MS.b (aspirate)in MedvviJ, 1898,
p. 230,nom.Meclb(masc.)L. Arm. Sodoubtlessafter I, n, r.
13. Oghamq becomes MS.c and ch. qv is oncefound,ftvecea216. q is
regularlysubjectto palatalizationby e and i, henceprobablyhad the sounds
kv andkw, but the groupqr appearsto resist palatalization. Luguqritt 27
= 0. I. Luccretli,Mid. I. Luccra(i)d; qrimitir 56 = cruimthir; ftritti 27= nom.
Cruth,L. Arm. Cf. Crmthni-Pretani, crann = Welshpren, cruimh= Welsh
pryf, 0. Welshprem.

1 Liigach gen. seventeentimes BB 216-223. Cf. MacLugach,of the Fiana, Der Lugaoh,Dar
Lugach,a femalemime. 2 Read lugndec P
K. I. A. PKOO.,
VOL.XXVII., SECT.C. [51]

. , ; r ^
346 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
14. Other consonants
arepreserved
in MS.Irish. Thereis frequent
interchange
in theuseof th andd (aspirate),
amiof<-A
and<j(aspirate);
d and
g tend to replaceth and rk in unaccented syllables,
especially
with
palatalization,
but thereseemsto be no regularity. Lossof a separating
vowel reduceshomorganicconsonants to a simple sound non-aspirate.
Luguqrit = Luccreth, where cc = c.
15.AlthoughtheOghamconsonants,
q andearlyvexcepted,
areidentical
with thoseof later Irish, the identity only becomesapparentin modernIrish
orthography(from fourteenthcentury down), and is concealed
in the
conventional orthographyof Old and Middle Irish. Errors in equating
namesmay arise,andhavearisen,from not observingthe graphicdistinctions
of the two systems.
16. No ascertainedinstance has been found in oghams (1) of the preser-
vation of Celtic intervocalics, (2) of the persistenceof Celtic nasalsbefore
mutes.

17. Ogham s (not initial) arises from an earlier group: cosa- = coxa,
-gus = -gust.
18. Celtic nt, nc,appearas d, g, asin modernIrish. This soundprobably
resultedimmediatelyfrom the sinking of the nasal. For examplessee§'20.
19. The tennis is expressedin »>gh;uiispelling by the tennis, in early MS.
spelling by the doubledtenuis.
maqi = maicc, modern mic.
mucoi= moccu. But Adamnan has usually mn/'n.
Broci = bnvicc, mod. bruic.
Glasiconas = *Glascon, nom. *Glnixin<-c.
20. The media is expressedin Ogham spelling by the media, in early MS-
spelling by the tenuis, sometimes,especially after r, by the doubled media.
Decedas(from *decentos) = Dechet.
S[e]dani45, Sedan[i],J, 1895, p. 133 (from *Sentanii) = Setni, Adamnan,
L. Arm., and AU 560, Setnai AU 562, nom. SeineL. Arm., modern Seadna.
Corbbri,with helping vowel Coribiri = Coirpri L. Arm., modern Cairlrc.
Tegann,late Ogham for *Tegagni = TccdnL. Arm.
Deglann= Decldn,modern Ifeagldn, Diagldn.
Liag = liac, liace,modern Hag.
Togittac 29 late o-stem gen., rightly equated by Macalister with MS.
Toicthech,Clonmacnoisinscr. Toidhey; toceth,later tocad= ' luck, fortune,' etc.
21. As there is no distinction in Ogham spelling between the mutes and
the correspondingaspirates,so there is uo distinction betweenthe strong
valuesof the liquids, represented
in MS.spellingby II, nn, rr, and the weak
values, representedby I, n, r.
 -Notes on Irish OghamInscriptions. 347
y\

*qcnno$
= cenn,modernccann,appearsto be represented
by qen-; cen-,in
fteniloci 25, fteniloc[a]gni 43 = Ccllaig, Cellachdin,cf. loch, .i. dub, or luach-te
' white-hot.' Cunacena
90 = Gonchenn.Q,enuvin[dagni],
Cloonmorris,County
Leitrim, = Quenvendani,Latin inscription at Parcau,Whitland, Carmarthen-
shire = Ccnnfinddn,Ocninddn,Cenonddn.
Allato 69, Alatto 106, Alotto 115, cf. allaid or allud.
Grilagni maqi Scilagni 166, namesequatedby Barry with Grelldn, Scelldn.
Dalagni maqi Dali 190 = of Dalian son of Dall.
Valamni 197 = Fallamain.
Cir 235 = cirr, iiom. cerr.
Catabar 243 for *Catubarri, Cathbarr.
Vedabari 237 = *Fiadbarr, or for *Vedubarri = *Fidbarr.
22. Moinena78 = Moinenn,gen. This instance stands apart. In words
of more than one syllable, when any liquid (/, n, r) is followed by a slioi1
syllable ending in / or n, the latter consonants acquire their strong value,
and are written //, nn. Thus Connll, Doin-nall,I'nirrll, as against TimUm!,
Bresal,Gndthal; the genitives Ei-fim, Am mi, Mm/iui/i. 7(W////V////,MSagainst
Alban, Mumen, toimten, etc. In like manner, when no written vowel
intervenes, cornn, dornn, carnn, fernn, etc. The strong value is also heard in
words like carn.dn,fearnog,bearla, mdnla, where custom does not expressit
in writing. (The strong values are produced in modern pronunciation by
spreading the portion of the tongue which makes contact, so that the area of
contact is increased.) In the Book of Armagh, the distinction in spelling is
not consistently noted : Ailil, twice, and Ailcllo, eight times, Airnen, Arddae
Huimnon, Ath Eirnn, Gairel and Gairellus, Cairnn and earn, Calrigi and
Callrigi, Conall five times, gen. Conail, Conil, Goolen-orumand Guelen-orttm
(= Crich Clnialami), Crimthann and Crirnthan, Cuilinn, Cuillenn, Daal, gen.
Daill, DomnachPirnn, campusDomnon(= Domnann),ferenn,fernn,Foirtchernn,
Foirtchernnus, and Foirtchernns, Imbliuch Hornon, Latharnn, Lathron, Latrain,
Lethlanu, Mac Cuitt and Mace Guil, Mac Guil, Macuil, Monduirn, nom. Nicd
and Ned, gen. Neil, Nehill, and thirteen times N6ill, Bonal, sescen, gen.
sescinn,dat. sescunn,
Sinmn,gen.Sinone. Someof the MS.sourcesof this book
maybelongto a timewhentheorthographicexpression of the differentvalues
of theliquidswasstill indefinite,or whenthesecondary
strengtheningwasnot
yet developed.
23. The fact that r is not strengthened in the like position may be
due to the difference in formation of strong r, which is simply a strongly
trilled form of the consonant,as I have noted it in the Aran (Galway) pro-
nunciationof carraifj,fairrge, etc., or initial r not precededby an aspirating
word.
[51*]
348 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.

II.-VOWELS.

1. In theinitialsyllable,
a longvowelis representedby thesamevowel
in earlyMS.Irish. A shortvowelregularlyremains unchanged in MS.Irish,
or is regularly
changed, according
to the classof vowelwhich,in the early
Oghamformation, follows the succeedingconsonant.
2. In theothersyllables,
all vowelsthat survivein MS.Irish follow the
rulesof permanence or changewhich governshortvowelsin the initial
syllable.
3. In lateOghamforms,the regularvowelchangesaresometimesnoted,
sometimes not. Evenin early forms,the changesare not unfrequently
notedin unstressedsyllables. Henceit wouldappearthat the changeswere
in process
of takingplaceduring the Oghamperiod,but the possibilityof
archaistic restorations based on traditional study makes the evidencesome-
what doubtful.
4. Two values must be assumed fore and two for 6, viz., e which remains e
throughoutall later periods,and e which becomesin in late Old Irish; 6
whichremainso throughoutall later periods,and 6 whichbecomesua in late
Old Irish. As a rule, e and o which arise from compensatory lengthening
are permanent,e and 6 which do no),so arise become"/</and ua.
5. in, = e and ua,= o are not noted in Adamnan, but have begun to appear
in L. Arm., where,however, they are less frequent than e and 6. There is no
instance of them in the Ogham inscriptions. Maqi-Iari = (Ui) Male Icir,
not Eir, therefore lar has two syllables = *Iverps, eponym of the Iverni =
lar macDedad in genealogyof the Erainn, Clanda Dedad.1
6. Instances of e and 6 :

Cedattoq95 (Macalister has Cedattoqa,but quotes Graves and Barry for

readings without the final a) late Ogham for *Cedattoqi = Cctadacli nom.
AU 849. Cf. Feradach,Dimadacli, ]\liiir<-d«cli,ada, Meyer, "Contributions."
Here d = Celtic nt, whether ced- = ' first' or ' hundred.'

S[e]dani45, Sedan[i]J, 1895,p. 133, = Setni,Adamnan,L. Arm., nom. Seine,

later Setiia, modern Seadna = *Sentanios.
Veqoanai 199 = Fiachna.
Vecrec 117, Veqreq 189, = Fiachracli.
fterai 78, 79 = Ciara eponymof Ciarraige.
Drogno58 = Drona (Ui D. = ' Idrone ' barony).
Gossucttias 41 = Guasaclita.

1Thetwoformsla,; £>"-,pointtoexistence
sideby sideof Iver-and/<";"-.Cf. 'lovtpvia,
and
'lepj-os
7roTa,uo's
in Ptolemy.Asin reduplicated
verb-forms,
i of ler- woulddisappear. In modern
Irisb, suchpronunciations
asSiiivaeandSuinc(SxJbhne)
havecoexisted
for threeor four centuries.
In theArandialect
(Galway)
bothpronunciations
arecommonly
heard
incuimhne,
etc.
 MACNEILL-Noteson Irish OghamInscriptions. 349
7. Short vowelsin the initial syllable and all vowelsin other syllables
that survivein MS.Irish are regularlychangedor unchangedaccordingto the
qualityof the nextfollowingvowelin the earlyOgham form. Thechanges
aresometimes alreadynotedin Ogham spelling;butlateOghamsoccasionally
preservethe older vowel.
Before a or o, u becomes o.
i becomes c.

Beforeu, a becomes
au,later u (not always).
o becomes u.

e becomes i.
Before i or e, o becomes u.
e becomesi (not always).
8. Before a or o, u becomes o.
mucoi = moccu.

cunas= con: Cuna57, Voenacunas21, Gamicunas42 = Gaimchon,Cliucunas

167, Netacunas206, Cunamaqqi
19 = Conmaicin Coninaicnc,6 Conmliacdin,
Cunacena90 = Conchenn,Cunamagli 125 = Conmdil, nom. Conmdl not Conmacl,
Cunaggusos139, 182 --=Oonyossv,Cunanetas225 = Connath, Connad, nom.
Conda = *C'onnc.

Ulccagni 151 = Olcun.

Turanias135 = Tornn (Ui Torna, a primary sept of the Ciarraige,Mainistir
0 dTorna = Abbeydorney, Kerry).
Trenalugos191, MS.Logo,Loga gen. of Lug, Findloga, Aidloga, etc.
Vergoso 192, late Ogham for Viragusos. In MSS.-gusosis represented
sometimesby -gosso,sometimesby -yusso,later -glmsa.
*Curcas= Core,gen. Cuirc = Curci J, 1902, p. 28.
*Dovatucas= Diibthocli L. Arm., gen. DovatuciJ, 1895, p. 27, 123.
CattubuttasJ, 1908, p. 203 = CatKbotli,L. Arm.
^} Before a or o, i becomese.
Ivacattos 50 = Eochado.

Dovvinias 13 = Duibnc, and so with all endings in -ias. Lugguve3, nom.

for earlier *Lugubias.
Bittawecas 69, Rittavvecc 100 = Rethach.
Giragni 138 = Cferdn.
Grilagni 166 = Gh-dldn.
Scilagni 166 = Scelldnor Sedan.
*viras =fer. Thegenitiveoccursin Viri ftorb 2-43= Fir Chorbb,
Cattuvvirr
69, Cattvvirr 112. The changehas already taken place in Vergoso192.
-rigas - Vecrec117,Veqreq189, Fecliureg,Adamnan,Fcchrech
ib., later
Fiachracli
350 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
-vicas
(Ordo-viccs,
Lemo-vices,
Irishfich)=Rittavveccas
69,Rittavvecc
100,
Denaveea
220,but Catuvviq
... 36,Ercavicca
62,Calunovica
214.
10.Thediphthongsai,oi,in thisposition
becomedc,6e.1Hencein the
Oghamperiod,
it is probablethatthevalues wereai,61.Thisisalsothe
customary
notation in 0. I, andthemodern
duplicates
caorthann,
cdrthann,
forWifaoilteach,
fdiltebearthesame evidence.
Sowehavethenon-diph-
thongal
spellings
NetaVroqi239,Collabota
212,2
beside
Vraicci
(Vroicci
?),J,
1898,
p.230,andNettaVrocic[T],
J, 1903,
p.76,Coillabbotas
79(=NatFroM.
Coelboth).
I hesitateto believe
that the simpleo herestandsfor the
diphthongal
soundoi. Muchlessis it crediblethatNiottVrecc93 is a
merevariantof 239,asMacalister
thinks. It is morereasonable
to regard
o as a dialect variant of 61.
Coimagni22, 140 = Coemdn,mod. Caomhdn.
Mailagni 17, 155 = Mdcldn, mod. Maoldn.
*Mailanom.(gen.MaileInbiri38,Mail'Aguro
163,)= M<«l,mod.niaol.
*vroicas,nom. = frocch mod.,fraoch,
coila = coel, mod. cctol.
Laidann
(?)2, perhaps
Baidann
(thefirst letterwasreadbytouch,being
out of sight) for *Baidagni= Baetdn,mod.Baoddn.
11. Before u, a becomes av, later u.
Mail'Aguro 163 = Mad Augro, Mud Uijni.
magu 213, nom.or dat. of *magus= 'iiuunj,i/in;/.
Calunovica 214, cf. Culann, Cu Chulainn."'
But this change
is usualonlywhena liquid or an aspiratemediainter-
venes. Thus catu- = cath, and so in the compoundsDonm-kml,etc.
12. Before u, o becomes u.
Vuroddran 72, Vuruddrann (Macalister i, p. 15), = *vor-udra-gni Fxrn-
dran AU.

13. Before u, e becomes i.

niotta 71, niott 93 = */ii:(/>)i'itas,
Latin nepotis= niotli-L. Arm.
Meddugeni176 = nom. Midycn or Mid-gnu-.
Veducuri 175 = Fidchuire (Ciarraige and other genealogies).
14, The consonant v exercises the vocalic influence of u: avi = aui,
Dovatuci= DuWiaig, Dovalesci= Duibleisc,
15. Before i or e, o becomes u.
Dovvinias 13, Dovinia 31, 32 = Duibne.

1 But ai, o'i are also found. 2 But nom. Colldub(= *Collub) BR 124o21.
3 Caluni seemsa likely readingfor the doubtful Cavunoge, C 8.1
- -U sb -O i, Cag-C a-ade,
U
J, 1902,p. 243, 1906,p. 177
 MACNEILL-Notes on Irish OghamInscriptions. 351

Broci 55 = B-micc, mod. brnic.

*Vorgis, gen. Vorgos 91 = Fuiry, gen. FOI-;I».
Corrbi 19, 57, 79 = Cuirto.
But Corrbri47, Coribiri LS:>= Coirpri,mod.Cairbre. We must suppose
the influence of i not to have attacked ilie, vowel of Corb- here until tin-
period of vocalic changeshad passed.
16. Before i or^e becomes/.
velitas 70 = filed (v/'/H-,nom. ////;.
The change is already noted in Vortigurn 236, Vorrtigurn 148, from
*tegern-, = Fot'tcJicrnnL. Arm., and in [Cjannitigirn ? 95 = G'aintiyern?
But e remains unchanged in Decceddas135, etc., "-""Dechct, and in
Ercias 135 etc. ==Erce. The change is perhaps chiefly operative before
liquids and aspirate mediae.

III.-J UNCTION-VOWELS.

1. These usually disappear in MS.Irish.

"2.Omitting doubtful instances, junction-vowels in compound names
occur in the following numbers in Macalister's collection (i, ii, iii): a 57,
u '22, i l:-'., o 9, e 2.
.'!. a appears as normal junction-vowel (1) for o-stems,(2) for feminine
ff-stems, (3) for consonant-stems.
(1) o-stems. Adjectives-Voenacunas (f6<">i),Coimagni (roan), Mailagni
(mad), Coillabbotas (coel), Giragni (nor], Ulccagni (olc), Dovalesci (nom.
Duiblese), Dalagni (dull), Denaveca (<l('n, //inn), Anavlamattias (anlal),
Ttrenalugos (Ire//}. Masc. or neuter substantives-Corbagni (corbb),Viragni
(f'.'r), Moddagni (nuntif), Artagni (Art), Talagni (i<'tl\
('2) a -stems : Ercavicca, Ercagni (ef. Maqi Ercias), Rittavvecas (cf. Maqi
Riteas), Cosaloti (coss= coxa).
(3) consonant-stems: the only instances noted are compoundsof cuna-
aud neta-. In both casesan o-stem is possible. Many Irish names in
Con- may contain the adjectival cuno-, ' high' rather than cun-, ' hound.'
Cunacena,-magli, -gusos twice, -netas. Netacari, -cagi or -cagni, -cunas.
4. u is the junction-vowel for it-stems: Luguqrit twice, -we, -tti, -vveca,
-ni thrice, -due, -deccas, -deca, Cattubuttas, Catuviq . . . , -vvirr, Meddugeni,
Veducuri, Litubiri (cf. gen. Litos).
5. In Cunuri, Conunett,u may lie a late representation of a neutral vowel,
or may show forward influence. In Valuvi, there may be a it-stem,
cf. Suvallos 15, or a neutral vowel influenced by v. The somewhat worn
inscription at Cloonmorris, Co. Leitrim, appearsto read Qenuvin . . . (for
352 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
*Q,ennavindagni
?= Qnenvcndani,
Hiibuer, Inscv. Britt., = ClicunnianL. Arm.)
with similar influence of v.
6. i is thejunction-vowelfor i-stems,but may possiblyextend to other
stems as in Gaulish names (Holder, ii, 2, 1. 6). The instances of all kinds
noted are- Assicona,Battigni, Cassitas,Cunigni, Ditibeas, Dolatibi? Drutiquli,
Gamicunas(= GaimcJion,cf. gaimred], Glasiconas,Lodimani, Muibiti, Nisigni,
fteniloci, fteniloc[a?]gni,' Vlatiami.
7. o as junction- vowel seemsusually due to influence of v or b (aspirate),
Calunovica, Casoni,Denoval, Eracobi, Ivodacca, Lagobbe? Veqoanai, Meddo?geni,
Vendogni.
8. e occurs in Erxenn, . . . eneggni, perhaps from ?'o-stems,giving
*-iagni, -egni. These are the only instances noted corresponding to the
very frequent MS. ending -&n.

IV. - COMPENSATORY LENGTHENING.

1. The Ogham inscriptions prove clearly the important fact that at

least two distinct epochs of compensatorylengthening occurred before the
MS.period.
2. The changeof nt into d, and of nc into g, hasalready taken place before
the period of the Ogham inscriptions.
3. The disappearanceof g before a liquid, with concomitant lengthening
of the preceding vowel, took place within the Ogham period. Early Ogham
-agni becomeslate Ogham -an, -aim.2
4. I have been unable to find any instanceof d + liquid in oghams,but the
lengthening in catlmir from cathedra,and the resultant vowel d from ad- in
composition beforeliquids, seemto show that the changebelongs to the same
period as the loss of g before a liquid. In the two instances of Dalo,J, 1895,
p. 133, the critical syllable has been suppliedby Barry.
5. When g disappears before a liquid, the preceding vowel, whethei
accentedor not, is long in MS.Irish.
Instances of -agni = -an are abundant.
Cunamagli = nom. Conmdl.
Netta Sagru = Nazar-us,Nazar-ius., L. Arm. (z = is), gen. Natsnir,
Nastair,Nazairin manygenealogies.I havenot foundthe nom.except
in the latinized form. If the reading of the oghamis certain, the MS.

1Gen.Cennlocain
BB 122a25,
nom. Cenlaean
123041,doubtless
= Cellachdn,
Qeniloci
= Cellaig, nom. Cellaeh.
2 Thefrequencyof -ann= -agni= din seems
to indicatethat thedoubledconsonant
hashere
phoneticvalue. If so, it can only be a tentative late device.
 -Notes on Irish Ogh<i»/Inscriptions. 353
equivalent should bo ATn/mr in all cases,for the element Nfrt,, J\rn/!/
(= Netas) becomesan indeclinable proclitic in most names. Sagru ,i|i|»
to be gen. pi., but the stemis uncertain. The word may be identifiedwith
the adjectival prefix ««/"-,the root of .wY/^/^/, (,||<>sensebeing 'exceeding,
excelling,' which still belongsboth to the prefix and the verb. Sar-fhcar, 'a
manof surpassing
merit,power,etc.' Sharuiylisin arm,'that (undertaking)got
the better of me,I failed to accomplishit.' Bhiodar a' s<i>'ni///<'i///
ar n i-liMle,
' they were outdoing eachother ' (in vilification, etc.). Netta Sagru,' champion
of the mighty ones.' Of. I)i* ('nsx/h//* --=' les dieux superieurs,' ace. to
D'Arbois de Jubaiuville.

6. Drogno = Drona.
7. Nisigni, Battigni, Gattigni, Cunigni.
Correspondingto Battigni there are Baithene,Adamnan, and Baitldn. For
Gattigni, I have only noted (lnilliin, (,'mnthin. I think that -in, as rare in
enrly MS. names as it is frequent later, must have come from -ignas, the
palatal syllable ///- determining the quality of 11after loss of the termination,
even in the nominative, for -in is palatal in all its cases. So Mid. I. -an is
frequently found in genitive without palatalization.
8. -egni, only oncenoted . . . eneggnimay be the origin of -en. Does it
represent -ia-gni formed on io-stems ? How account for Erxenn?
9. Of the consonant-groupstreated of by Strachan(" CompensatoryLength-
ening in Irish") which give rise to compensatorylengthening, gl, gn, gr survive
into the Oghamperiod. The disappearanceof g from thesegroupscannothave
happenedlongbefore the MS.period. No other groupof the kind hasbeen
traced as surviving in Ogham Irish.
10. In celi, the consonantis already absorbed. Strachan quotes Stokesas
separating
cde,' servus,'from c6lc,'comrade.' TheformerStokescompares
with
Latin cacula,'soldier's servant'; cele,'comrade,' and Welsh cilyd, 'comrade,'
mi°"htcome,saysStrachan,from a form *ceglios. I aminclinedto think that
the two sensesof die here treated are merely secondary,and that the primary
meaningis 'vassal,'if we may usea medievalterm to expressthe relationof
an Irish rent-paying subject to his chief. To the chief (flaitli) he was
' servus' (serf, not slave); to his fellow-tenants he was ' comrade.' It has, I
think, been suggestedthat celemay contain(in reduplication?)the root of
Latin cliens.
11. tal, which is found in Ogham Maqi Tal[i] and Talagni, is one of the
instances discussed by Strachan. Talagni is against the derivation from
*to-aglo-.
12. Strachan (p. 25), finding acn,acr, ad result in en, er, el, but agn,agr,
agl,in an,ar, al,suggests
that c persisted
longerthang; andthat thechanged
E.I.A. PEOC.,VOL.XXVII., SECT.0, [52]
354 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
vowelbelongedto the later phenomenon. The Oghamevidenceis quite
decisiveagainstthis view; not that, exceptpossiblycell, anyvery likely
easeof e from a beforec + liquid has beennoted,but that ////,///",.'// clearly
survived to the very verge of MS.Irish.

V.-PALATALIZATION.

1. Palatalizationseemsfairly regularin consonants

which do not fall into
groupsin MS.Irish. But mucoiSogini198,mocuS»</in,Adamnan,is repre-
sentedby the race-name Sogain,uom.pi., in genealogies.Ivageni becomes
logen-in Adamnan,gen.Eogin,with nom.Eoyan,L. Arm., Eti<icn,AU, E«</«n
in Mid. I. Possiblya closeexaminationwould reveal resistanceto palatal
influence in other consonants.

2. Consonant
groups,whetherexistent in Ogham,or formedin MS.Irish
by syncope,appearfor the most part, as shownby Mid. I. spelling, to
resist palatalization.
Luguvecca112 (through transitional *Luywcli, of. J[<nui'li ""=Mcnrfc/t,
Inchagoill literal inscr.) = Lugacli gen. Luguni 115 = LIUJHH. CunanetasI'J'i
= Connad, Connath. Rittavvecas 69 = Rcthach. Vecrec 117, Veqreq 189
= Fiachracli. Turanias135 = Torna. lulenge 47 (*Ivl-) = £n/<tiit</i'.
3. But palatalization takes place in Dovvinias13, etc., = Dinl/nc, Dovalesci
129 = nom. Duiblesc,Valuvi 242 = Faill>i, Corrbri 47, Coribri 183 = Coirpri.
The helping vowel expressedin Coribiri (from corb-) shows the palatal
influencealready penetrating this group. (Macalister finds a helping vowel
in Eracias, which he considers a variant of Ercias 32. This, if correct, would
indicate how the group re repelled palatal influence, the first consonant
retainingits quality, and afterwardscontrollingthe second. But thehelping
vowel is doubtful. The baseErac- is found: Eracobi maqi Eraqetai 165. The
group re requiresno helping vowel, at least in modern pronunciation.)
4. Thefrequentretentionof final-i in association
with late forms-e.g.
MaqiLiagmaqiErca 23-may indicatealate useof -i asa mere palatalglide
or sign of palatalization of the consonant. I think this must be its use
in the Inchagoill literal inscription, Lie Lugimcdon macci Me/inch. A
whisperedvowel is distinctly audible after a final palatalizedconsonant,
and becomesquite syllabic when the whole word is whispered.
B.-DECLENSIONS.

1. Ogham
inscriptionsconsistchieflyof nounsin the genitivecase. The
declensions
to whichthesenounsbelongare,on the whole,clearlyand
consistentlydefined. An orderlymetamorphosis from the earliestto the latest
and to the MS,formsis traceable. That the olderformsare often traditional
 MACNEILL-Noteson Irish OghamInscriptions.
rather than contemporary,is indicated by concomitantlate forms and by
the inequalities in the internal vocalization of words.

o-stems.

2. o-stems have genitive in -i, which disappears in late forms. Since

Oghamorthographyignorespalatal and other glides,and thus doesnot note
palatalization of consonants,late forms which have lost final -i appear as if
uninftected. This appearancehasled Ehys, whom Macalister follows, to think
that inflection is absent, whereasit is only the orthographical notation which
is defective. Even the MS.device for expressingpalatalization is not always
adequate in Old and Middle Irish. Thus the genitive f/nis and the
dative mis are spelled alike. For the MS.form ainrn, with the palatal
glide expressed,the oghams have anm. There is one earlier instance of
[a]nmein no. 32, as read by Macalisterin vol. ii, p. 8. Necessarily,after
the final e disappeared,the precedingconsonantsmust already have acquired
their palatalized sounds,so that anm is the Ogham spelling of ain in. This
being established,the assumption of non-inflected o-stemsfalls to the ground.
The occurrenceof forms with -i and forms without -i in the sameinscription
offers no difficulty when it is seen that other stems also appear side by
side in various stagesof genitive inflexion. We may perhaps assumethree
stagesof -i-an early long -i, a transitional short -i, and a late form in which
-i has disappeared,
leavingits trace in palatalizationwhichis not expressed.
The transitional form seemsto be indicated in the spelling mucoeJ, 1895,
p. 351, where short i loses its definite quality through the influence of the
preceding o.
3. Genitives in -i from o-stems are too numerous to cite. The obsolescent
-i of o-stemsmust be distinguishedfrom the persistent-i of io-stems,which
is preservedin the latest Oghamsas in early MS.Irish.
4. In the followinginstances,
the wordsmarkedwith (*) are o-stemsfrom
which final -i has disappeared. Numerous examplesof maq, mac,= maqi, and
muco = mucoi, are here omitted.
27. Luguqritt* maqi ftritti.
32. Ere* maqi Maqi-Ercias.
44. Anm Colombagan* alitir*.
56. ftrimitir* Ronann*maq* Comogann*.
69. Cattuvvirr* maqi Bittavvecas mucoi Allato.
72. Anm Vuroddrann* maqi Doligen.
73. Anm Tegann* mac* Deglann*.
82. Corbagn*maqi mucoi C
91. Maqi-tal* maqi Vorgos maqi mucoi Toicac*.
[52*]
356 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrishAcademy.
111. Anm Crunan*maq* Luqin*.
112. Cattvvirr* maqi Luguvveca.
144. Conann* maqi S
148 lla maqi Vorrtigurn*.
169. Branan* maqi Oqoli.
178. Carttacc*mmaqiMoccaggi.
218. Sir* maqi mucoi Rottais.
235. Cir* maqi muc
Ms.equivalents
: 27Luguqritt
=nom.Lucerdli.:52Ere=Er
Ire. Maqi-Ercias
= Mace
ErccErcac
Urea.44Colombagan
= nom.
Colmdn,
alitir ==nom.alither,'pilgrim.' 56ftrimitir ==nom.cruimther,
'presbyter,
priest.'Ronann
nom.Eotuiti.
Comogann
= C(nni/a,i.
09Cattuvvirr.
112
Cattvvirr= Cathurus,
L. Arm. Ca-ithcr,
oftenGaicher,
in manygenealogies,
Hence
probably
Catkaii;
with shortultimate,
laterCathapir,with long
Rittavvecas =
ultimate,
byattraction
tothecommon
nouns
similarlywritten.^
Rcthacli
(gen.)
inCiarraige
genealogy,
whence
mRctJitn-li
now //"//Re^thach
=
Iveragh
barony
in Kerry.Allato
=Alta(lateMS.
gen.
for*Alt<>)
in Ciarraighe
andAltraigegenealogies.
72 Vuroddrann= Fwntdrdn.Doligenn
should
probably
readColigenn
= Colgcn,
later Un/</<in,
gen.of Colcu,
Col;//'.
Tegann==Tecan,L. Arm. Deglann= Declan,mod.Diagldn.82 Corbagn =
Corlan. 91 Maqi-Tal
=inace-Tdil..
Vorgos
= Foryt>,
gen.ofFulr;/-- *Vorgis.
Toicac
appearsin 89 asToicaci,
in 88 asToicaxi.112Luguvveca(s) = gen.
Lufjachin MacLugach,
a heroof the Fiana. 144Conann = Conun. 148
Vorrtigurn= Fortcliern.178Carttacc
= CaHJiacJi,
mod.Cdrtliwh.1
5. Lategenitives
of o-stems
cannot
be distinguished
in Oghamspelling
fromlategenitivesof consonant-stems.
Theycanbeidentifiedonlythrough
their equivalentsin MS.spellingor in earlier Oghamforms.
io-stems.

6. Genitivesof io-stemsalwaysend in -i (= -ii) in Oghamspelling,and

also in early MS.spelling. In later MS. usage the final vowel becomes
neutral,and is often expressed
by -c, or after most consonant-groups
by -a.
Genitives cannot be distinguished in form from early genitives of o-stems.
Their distinctiondependson the identificationof the word or of its endingin
other words.
avi = 0.1. aui, later id, i. O.I. nom. aue, later ua, 6 =*avias.
Doveti 13, cf. Ccnel DoWm, nom. DoWiu = *Dobetias ?
S[e]dani45, Sedan[iavvi Der]camasoci;
J, 1895,p. 133 = SetniAdamnan,

1Add : Maqi Cairatini avi Ineqaglas*, J, 1898, p. 57 = "of MaceCairthin aue Enechglais,"
i.e., of the sept Ui Knecbglais (seeBook of Rights, index).
 MACNEILL-Noteson Irish OghamInscriptions. 357
L. Arm., Setnai AU 562, nom. Setna, mod. Seadna = *Sedanias,from older
Celtic *Sentanios.
Corrbri 47,Coribiri 183 (with helping vowel inserted,proving palatali-
zation) = Coirpri, nom. Coirprc, later Cairbrc.
Conuri 60 (cf. Conunett
= Cunanetas,
u either neutralor through forward
influence of u in Cun- transformed into o) = Conairi, nom. Conaire.
Lugtmi 115, 153 = Lityne-m Adamn., later Lugna, Litylma.
Cari 136 = Cnirc BB 122a28.

Veducuri 175 (Harry) = Fiilflmiri, nom. FidcJvuirc, Ciarraige and other

pedigrees.
Valuvi 242 = Fdilbi, nom. Faille, FdUllx.
Melagi,J, 1896,p. 28,nom.Melagia[s]224,= Mdge.
7. Genitivesin-oi are mucoipassim= MS.mocctiindeclinable,Vedllioggoi
54-*md-Hi=fcdl- in Fa/i/mi/It, Fi'illimilli, ;ind tin- feminine name Fcddiit
(superlative ?)L. Ann.
8. Genitives in -ai: Carricai (j.muco fterai 7S and mocoi Qerai 79 = inaccu
(for moccu)Ciara in Mid. I. MSB.,
containingthe eponymof Ciarraige(nom.
wrongly restored as Ciar in genealogies), Ccrriyc L. Arm., Eraqetai 165,
Mogai 170, Veqoanai 199 = uom. Fmchna,Senai 222, detai J, 1895,p. 102.
9. Genitives in -ais occur in two inscriptions: Gebbaismaqi Tanais10)
Bir maqi mucoi Rottais 21S. 1 cannot refer these to any known declension.
The twofold occurrencein 10 may indicate artificial treatment. None of the
names can be identified, except that Rottais 218 being eponymic may be
referred to Eothraige.
Genitives in -ias.

10. Genitives in -ias are chiefly found in feminine nouns, although such
nouns may becomethe names of males, as in the case of the name-element
Mdel followed by a genitive, and in Gossucttias,Anavlamattias,which I take to
be feminine abstract nouns used as male appellatives.
11. -ias becomestransitionally -ia, late Ogham and MS. -e. Sometimes
-eas,-ea are found, possibly through imperfect archaistic restoration.
12. Genitives in -ias belong (1) to feminine ^-sterns, (2) to feminine
za-stems,(3) to feminine ? i-stems.
13. Feminine «-stems (Gaulish gen. -es," legionis secundes Italices ").
Ercias 32,197, Erccia 31, Erca 23. The last ends an inscription, and may
possibly have been Erce,otherwise -a represents the broadening of -e by a
preceding group of consonants,which, as MS. usage shows, has resisted
palatalization. TheMS.genitiveis Erccin Adamnan and Erce,Ercae,Erca,
in AU. The MS.nom. is Ere = OghamErca in Erca-vicca. In Cormac's and
O'Davoren's glossaries,ereis explained= nem, ' heaven,'but it is frequent as a
358 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
female name in legendary material. I have found no nom. Eire, Ire,
corresponding
to *Ercis,the nom.suppliedby Ehys and Macalister,doubtless
on the assumptionthat -ias must arise from -is. There is also a masculine
nom.Ere, gen.Eire, Ire, just as thereis a masculineMedb,Sadb,etc.
Gossucttias41, Gosocteas
108, Gosoctas223. Gosoctas,
I think, represents
a contemporaryGosoclita,
with the final s archaistically supplied,arising
from Gosochte like Urea from Ercc. L. Arm. has GosncJit,
G«x<i<-t-nx,
<i«*r<r]i[f]-t's-
The Martyrology of Tallaght has G-ua^n'hlas the name of the same person,
bishop of Granard. It is the abstract noun ipmxuclit, 'periculum,' which
Windisch gives as masculine.
Maile Inbiri 38, Mail'Aguro 163, early Ms.J/«V/,gen. Muilc, later Mi't'l,
indeclinable as a pretonic name-element. 1 suppose elision, not loss of
ending, in Mail Aguro = Mid. I. Mael-Ugra.
[i]nagen[e] 76 (-a- wrongly restored, since O. I. has irujcn, not rnycii, nom.
inigena =Jilia in bilingual Ogham and Latin inscription of Eglwys Cyninmm,
Caermarthenshire, Avitoria jilin Cunigni = inigena Ctmigni Avittoriges) =
iin/Iii. iiii/lii'im, gen. -ine, 'daughter.'
Riteas 89, Ritte 78, Rite 183, nom. *Rita, wlience Rittavveccas.
Corrx 180 (Corre) = cuirre gen. of corr, 'heron, stork,' cf. an L'lnn'r
Chosliiath, name of a hero of the Fiana.
Maqi Recta (Rhys) J, 1902, p. 16. Macalister (105) has Maqi Retta.
Maqi Beggea? (Ehys) J, 1902, p. 13. Macalister (132) has Maqi Esi.
14. Feminine iff-stems.

Dovvinias 13, Dovinia 31, 32 = MS. [Corcu] Duibnc, nom. Dui'bne (their
ancestress,dau. of Conaire macMoyaLama) = *Dobinia.
Ditibeas 154, cf. masc. name-ending -bios in Latobios, Mace Laithbi,
Vindobios,Ailbe, Failbe, Lugbe,Airtbe, etc.
15. Feminine ? i-stems :

Anavlamattias 196 = Anfolmithc L. Arm., nom. AnblomaidTSB 148a2l "

written Awl<»ii/</</
BB 123j349, Anb/mnn/li BB 150/343, Ann«liur<ll
BB 79/35. (anavla-= anbal,and *matis= maitli.} The nameis that of a
man.

lulenge47 = *Iva-lengias= EulaingeBB 144|325

nom.Eolaing= *Iva-lengis.
Cf. Diinlaing, gen.Dunlinge,L. Arm. Thenameoccurswith latinized geii.
Evolenggiin a British inscr.
16. Unascertained stems:

Ainia25,Ddumileas
89, ttecia200,ttvecea216,Odarrea
237,Mongedias
238,
Seagracolinea 240.
 MACNKILL-Notes on Irish OghamInscriptions. 359

Consonant-stems.

17. Consonant-stems
form the genitive in -as,transitionally -a. In late
forms the ending disappears,leaving broad consonant final as in MS.Irish-
Late forms are thus liable to be confused with late o-stem genitives.
O See
Macalisteri, 15 on Vuruddrann,etc.; " regardedby Khys as due to foreign
influence (; Northern Plots,' pp. 307-318)."
18. Examplesin -as,-a, are numerous. Only identified namesare here
cited.

Compoundsof -cunas,MS.con, nom. CM,may perhapsnot always be

distinguishedfrom nameswhich in MSS. have the nom.ending-iuc,gen.-con,
e.g.Milii(cc, gen.Mttcon.Bruinniucc,gen.Bronncon. All suchare heregiven
together. Glasiconas16,17 (i indicates *Glaissiucc),Voenacunas
21, Gamicunas
42 = Gaimchon, Assicona 203, Netacunas 206, Lobacona 240, Lobaccona 212.
Of-rigas, earlier Celtic rlyos,nom. rlr, MS./"/// (with broad g), nom.ri,
the only instances are -torigas 33, Votecorigas (with latinized equivalent
Voteporigis) in bilingual inscription of Llanfallteg, and Vecrec, Veqreq,
quoted below.
Of -vicas, earlier Celtic -vicos, nom. -vi.i-., in Ordovices, Lemwix, some
instances show shortening and change of quality in the unaccented
vowel. Gravicas ? 8, Catuvviq . . . 36, Ercavicca 62, Luguvvecca 112,
Rittavvecas 69, Calunovica 214, Denaveca 220.
The element which appears in the genitives Xi-m«idon (Adamnan),
J.iii/itft<-</i>i/
i liidiagoill stone), Luyedon,Linjinlnn. Ginadon AU, is exemplified
by Dovvaidonas
127, Bivaidona120, Ercaidana174, LugaddonJ, 1907,p. 62.
Moinena 28 = Mmm"////.
Decedda 3G, Ddecceda "il, Deceda 04, Decceddas l:i"> = Deduf.
velitas 70 = Jilc<t.
Cattubuttas J, 1908,p. 203 = Cathbotb,L. Arm.
Coillabotas 79 = Coelboth.
Cunanetas225 = Connath, Gondnath, C<>ini<«l
in many pedigrees. The
nom.is givenasConda(= *Conne)BB 145j3l20.
Segamonas 208,225,231= Segamon.Only found in the compositename
Neta(s)Segamonas,
MS.nom.,Nia Segamon.'1 Segomo,
dat. Scgomoni,wasthe
nameor bynameof a Celtic god,equatedby the Komanswith Mars (Holder,
s. v. Segomo).
Lugudeccas
208,Lugudeca18G,226 = LH<//1ech,
Lugdacli,nom.Luyuid.
Instances of neta(s) and niota(s), as name-elements are separately
discussed.

1Note the vowelof the secondsyllablepreserved,as in brithemon,etc.

360 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
19. Late forms ending in the stem-consonant.
Olacon = Olclnm, noiu. Oli'lm-.
Vecrec117,Veqreq189= *VeqarIgas = Fcc.hurey,
Aclaiuiuui(wherechu
probablystandsfor an aspirateq rather than a distinct syllable,cf. the
LowlandScotchsymbolquit,in Farquhar=Fearchar, etc.),FcrJn-ci/,
Fechrech,
Fiechracli,later Fiachrach. Mid. I. nom. Fiachm.
Rittavvecc 100 = Rittavvecas 69 = Ectlirn-l.
Conunett 60 = Cunanetas 225.
Colabot78, 183, Collabota 212.1
Luguduc184 (read Lugudec?= Lugudeccas 208).
Liag in Maqi-Liag23, Maq-Leog(Liag) 124,is possiblygen.pi. Ms. //>«",
/it/i'i', modern Hay, nom. lie, lia.
20. Unusual stem-endingsare indicated in Tabirass61, Tobira 198,
Cobranoras 71, Noarra 116, Axeras 196, Cunavas 126, Egsamvva 205,
ftenga 84. Someof these in -a may represent -ai, like muco= mucoi, 76, 78.
Genitives in -os.

21. Genitives in -os changein transitional forms to -o, which persists in

late Oghamand early MS.forms, but already in O. I. -o begins to changeto
-a, which remains in Middle and Modern Irish.
22. Genitives in -os arise (1) from ('-stems,(2) from-((-stems.
23. From i-stems:

Suvallos 15, cf. s-ulbir, sutJtain, etc.

Ducoiraros15, cf. cobir,cobair,' help.' I imagine this name may belong to
a class in which the possessive du was an element, and which were imitated
in Christian nomenclature by names like l>i' Lin«\ L. Arm., later Dalim.
The Christian namesin Mn, Mo, have their modelsin the pre-Christian
pedigrees, e.g. Corcu mu Drucul = Ddl me* J>rn«iJ,Mcswmnin, Mo Chu and
Me* Chu, Mechar(= my horseman).
Ivacattos 50 = Mid. I. JSocJiada,nom. Hurl/aid.
Ammllongat[o] 47 = Amolngado, later Am«lij<«l<i, mod. Amlialiilifnllm,
nom. Amolngid, Amalnyid, L. Arm.
Allato 69, Alatto 106,Alotto 115= Alto, (gen.)in Ciarraigeand Altraige
genealogiesBE 155,159. Cf. allaid, ' wild,' ConAlta gen. of CiiAllaid AU.
Or it maybe gen.of *allatus= allud,' fame,'etc. As eponynioftheAltraige,
the gen.is given as (Brendanus
mocu)Alti by Adamnan,but this may be a
latinization.

Dego193= Lego,L. Arm., nom.Daig.

1Nom.Colldub
BB124o21,
copyist's
errorfor Collub,
asCathdub,
Coeldub
occurfor Cathub,
Coelttb.
2For me= mu, wo seenote to § 26, infra.
 MAcNuiLL
- Noteson /r/\h (h/JimnTnsc.ri[>t!<n/x. \\(\\
Vorgos91 ==Forgo,F«rg«,iioui. Fuirg L Arm. = *Vorgis. Mjn.-alister
(followingIJhys) treats Mils gen. as standingI'nr Fergus= Viragusos
by
agglutinative syntax.
Labriatt[os'j, J, 189o, p. 133 = Mid. 1. Labrada,nmn. Labraid.
24. From u- stems :
Brusccos 35, Brusco 129, nom. Brusc-us L. Ann.
Cunagusos139, 183 = Congussa,
nom. C<mgn*.
Vergoso192 = Viragusos= Fergnxso,FergossoL Ann., nom. /'
Litos 214,of. Litubiri 200,Liliig,-,!,*, Litugena,Litumarus,Litovir Holder.
Ttrenalugos191,Tre[n]a[lu]ggo,J,1903,p. V6,= nom. Trianln;/, Lug,gen.
Logo,Log/i.
In 53, 133,212, MacalisterreadsLoga,Luga. In 53, 133,the inscri)
is injured; in 212-a endsthe line. Henceit may be possibleto read-o in
each instance. I have no other exampleof gen. in -os rr.'piv-rnli'd l>y-a
in an ogham.
'25. Instead of -o, appears-u in Trenu (Treno ?) 160 = MS.Treiiv, Trena;
Bigu 212 ; Trenagusumaqi Maqi Treni, ogham in (..'ilgerran (Pembrokeshire)
bilingual inscription= Latin TrenegussifiliMnciitr<ni liic iacit.
'2(j. Unidentified stems :

Reddos 26, cf. Doinnach Mor M«l<// Reto L. Arm.

Sagarettos 29, Uvanos 50.
Drogno 58 = M*. Dro/n/.
Galeotos 86, Voddonos 100, Biraco 170.
Mail' Aguro 173 = MS.Mad Ugra.
Medalo1220, Bran[i]ttos, Navvallo, J, ISO'),p. 133.
CunacanosJ, 1898, p. 402.

C. - EXCEPTIONAL CASES AND FORMS.

1. Luguvve mocco Maqi Meq ....... 3.

It is hardly doubtful that Luguvve hereis nominative = 0. I. Lwfbc. The
genitive throughout the 0. I. period ends in -i. The early form of the nom.
would be *Lugubias,cf. Gaulish Latobios,Vintfolios.
2. Laidann (Baidann ?) maqi Macorbo 2.
Macorbois what Barry reads, and Macalister figures. Macalister expands
the final symbol into i, though he cites the MS.parallels Mac Corb,Mug Corb.
We may dismissMug Corb= Magus*Carbon,gen. Mayors)C., as a totally
distinct name. Mac Corboccurs as eponym of the tuath Dal Maic Corb,one

1 mucoi Medalo, ef. Dal Mo D«la, Ddl Mo Dula, Onomasticon. Duln points to nom. *Dahts,
gen.*Da1os,
asin MeDalo.
K. I. A. PEOC.,
VOL.XXVII.,SECT.
C. [53]
362 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Acn<kini/.
of the aithechtuatha. It appears to mean ' lad of charioK' an .M^nvaleut of
C'orbmac,Conixn: Macorbo= Maq(i) *CorbonshowsUnit in la.l.<>oghams,as
in MS.Irish, two consonantsof like valuecoalesced
to form one. It seems
safeto regardCorboasa late Ogham.yen.pi.
3. SuvallosmaqqiDucovaros15.
Du heremaybe the genitiveof the pronountu, O. T. <lnrJmbir,Mhy
succour,' gen. <!>/r/iobro.
4. Tria maqa Mailagni \, K
Curcitti

I take Curcitti = nom. Cuirctht L Arm. to stand syntactically apart:

' Of the three sons of MdelanT"Of Ouircthe.' The only alternative I.<
taking tria maqaasplural genitives,would be to supposea num.Tria, which
is certainlylessprobable. Here then the genitive plural endsin -a(n),noi
at § 2, in -o(n).
5. [a]nmeMacalister ii, p. 8, anm,occurring in a number of oghams,
iisually in association with late forms, is, of course, nominative = ainm,
' name.'

6. Qrimitir Rronann maq ComogannHO.

All the words, being o-sternsand late, may be either nom. or gen., but in
nom. Qrimiter = presbyterwould be more likely.
7. Cunacena90. The name forms the entire inscription. Therecan be little
doubt that it is a nominative (o-stem). The gen. occurs at Trallong, Breck-
nockshire :

Ogham: Cunacenniviilvveto,with Latin Cunocenni

filius Cii/tan/ti lii<-iacit.
8. Gosocteas mosac max Ini, 108.
Macalister saysthat, reading thus, mosac"is in false concord." However,
thereis no difficulty in regardingit, like max=maqi,asa late o-stemgenitive.
It is apparently an epithet.
9. Lagobbe muco Tucacac 100.
Only an attempted decipherment.
10. Vicula maq Comgini 123.1
The first and second words are probably nominatives. Macalister's
translation, ' of Fiacal son of Coemgen,'cannot stand. Vicula = Ficcol or
Fichol. Vicula= Ficcol or Fichol. Feccoloccursapparentlyas a genitive in
L. Arm. fol. 3 ba,pervenicnmtad Ferti VirorumFcec(= Ferta Fer Feic),
qnam,id, falmlaeferunt,fodorunt[sic]viri id estserviFeccol
Ferclicrtui,
qui
fuerat unusenovimmagis,prophetisBregg(Hogan,Documentade S. Patricio
ex L. Arm., p. 32), but the senseseemsto demandservi Fiic.

1This is a readingof theGighaogham,theonlyknownoghamin westernScotland.

 MAcNi-iLL-Notes on Irish OghamInscriptions. 363
11. Maq Leog 124
Maqi Liag maqi Erca 23.
As Macalistersuggests,it seemsdesirableto regardthe vowel notchesin
124 as misplaced,and to readMaq Liag, wheremaq may be either nom. or
gen. Both oghamsare of the latest, as the spellingsmaqand Erca show.
Erca = *Erce = Ercias, e becoming a through the influence of the broad
consonant group re. However, 23 is worn, and may have containedErce or
Erci, perhapsonly Ere. But that Erca = Ercias is not impossibleeven in the
Ogham period seems proved by Gosochtas223, infra. Liag may be gen. pi.
Maq Liag would be an appropriate name for an ogham-writer = ' lad of
pillar-stones.' It is to be noted that in 23 we have not maqi Maqi-Erca,
so that the senseis probably, ' of Mac Liag (also called) Mac Erca.' Of.
Mac Erca, the customary designationof the high king Muirchertach,
accountedfor by the statement that Ere was his actual mother.
12. Cronun mac Bait 171.
The first and secondwords may be either nom. or gen.
13. Dommo macu Veduceri 175.
Barry readsVeducuri = Fiilclmiri, which seemsmore likely. Apparently
the first and second words are dat. sg. Barry cites Dinninn (nom. ?) fmm
LL.

14. Vedacn [maqa] Tobira mucci Sogini 19S.

The illegibility of the secondword, of which only the last vowel notch is
seen,leavesthe caseof Vedacu doubtful. Like Macalister, we might regard
the name as nominative = Fiadcliu, ' staghound' or ' wildhound' ' wolf.'

Or it may be dative of *Fedachor *Ftdach, *Fi«d<«-lt.

15. Vait[e]lia 201.
The vowels following v are indicated by six equidistant notches, with the
possible readings ai, oe,uu, eo, ia. Of thesethe most probable by far are ai
and oe (cf. Voenacunas). Maealister's equation Fiadul is out of the question.
The word as read may be nom. of io-stem, or gen. of a feminine a-stem,
m-stem, or i-stem = (\)Faitlile, (2) Faitliel, (3) F/////I/I; (±)Fuithil> all unknown
names to me.

16. Dolatibi gais gob .... Lugudeccasmaqi mocoiNeta Segamonas 208.

There is here another possible instance of do, du, prefixed to a naiur.
For Latibi, cf. Filio Laitliphi L. Arm., = MaceLaitlibi, and Latoliias a byname
of the Gaulish Mars.

17. Maim magu Nogati mocoi Macorbo 213.

The first and second words may be nom. or dat., more probably nom.
Manu as nom. of ^-stem = Mrnni.1 magu =///"/'//, >»n</, 'servant, slave.'
!BB 21S0333.

[58*]
364 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
The commemoration
of a personin servitudeseemsunlikely, but is not
inconsistent
withthesuggestion
thatthe names
in Ogham
inscriptions
may
have beenoften those of druids and their disciples. Macorbohas already
been discussed.

18. Cunalegeamaqi C salar cell Ave (Jvecea216.

SinceAve is clearlygenitive,it can onlybe gen.sing,of a fern.*aviaor
gen.pi. of avias. Thelatter seemsmorelikely, andI translate:' of C.son
of C. liegeman of (the sept) Aui Q,.'
19. Gosoctasmucoi Macorbo 228. The last four vowels are " worn." This
is the third instance of Macorbo.

20. Melagia 224.

Properlyequatedby Macalisterwith Mclgc,a name occurringin the list
of legendaryhigh kings,andin TochmarcEmire. It is a masc.io-stemnom.,
gen. Melagi J, 1895, p. 28.
21. Vortigurn 236.
May be nom. or gen. Ms. Fortchmm.
22. Catabar moco Viri ftorb 243.

Catabarmay be nom. or gen. = Cathbarr. It is safe In regard ftorb = Corb

as late gen. pi. Fcr Corboccursin several genealogies.
23. D[al]o maqa muco[ij maqi Eracias maqi Li, Barry, J, 1895, p. 133.
Maqa can hardly be other than nom. sg. The name preceding it is
uncertain.
24. Tasigagni maqi mocoi Macora, ib.
The declension of Macorais quite uncertain. It may be comparedwith
Macorbo and with insolas maccu-Chor L. Arm.
25. Xoi, xi.
The word xoi, xi, is recorded in the following oghams:
Maqi lari xi maqqi muccoi Dovvinias 13.
Netta Laminaccaxoi maqqi mucoiDov[inias] 20.
laqini xoi maqi mocoi 49.
Corbagni x[oi] maqi mocoi Toriani 149.
Broinienas xoi neta Ttrenalugos 191.
Corbbixoi maqiLabriatt[os]J, 1895,p. 133.
Lobb[i] xoi maqqimoccoiIrei ib., 1896,p. 127.
The 1st and2ndinstancesare from Co.Kerry, the 3rd and4th from
Co.Cork,the5th fromCo.Water-ford,
the6thand7thfromCo.Kilkenny.
Thisdistribution
indicates
awordin general
use.Unfortunately
novariant
ofthesymbol
x in thiswordoccurs,
butpoiisaltogether
outof thequestion
asa frequentearlyIrish vocable. In all instancesthe positionis the same:
xoi or xi follows
immediately
the title-name,
whichis genitive. Theword
 MAcNmLL-Notes on Irish OghamInscriptions. 365
seemsto be adverbial, and the most suitable sense,to my .mind, is ' here ' or
' thus.' If this be the meaning,it would help to explain the introduction of
" hie iacit" into phrases with genitive construction in several British Latin
inscriptions which contain names of the Oghamperiod nomenclature. I
can suggestno etymologicalresemblanceexcept to the particle cc in the
frequent poetical locutions,,for Iritli chc,in domun cc,etc.
26. Luguni locid maqi Alotto, 115.
Macalister,with the impressionthat locid denotessomethinglike ' tomb,'
says that an inverted locution is here " manifest." It seemssafer to look for
a term in apposition to Luguni, as in Lugutti velitas 70, or for au adjectival
epithet, as possiblyin Gosocteas mosac108. The early MS.equivalent of locid
would be lit (o, ita) ch (cc) i d (f), and if this be an ostem genitive, i would
becomee in the nom. = *locidas. It appearsto me that the equivalent occurs
in Liicit mad (nom.) L. Arm. The variants for Lm-i't. are Laid, Loyith,
pointing to an early MS.Lochcf, Locldt, in which o has not yet become rt.
Hence Luclict may be regarded as the normal 0. I. spelling. This corre-
spondsto an Ogham form *locidas,gen. *locidi, late locid, in which c = cJt,and
d = 0. ]. t = early Celtic nt. The words, "Lvfct mad <///i et JRunal,"with
which the name is introduced by Muirchn, indicate Ronal as the personal
name, and Lv.ni nn/cl, ' the tonsured L.,' as a secondaryappellation. Lucet
M;iel was one of the two chief drnids of Loiguire, king of Ireland.

D.-CUSTOMAKY TERMS AND FORMULAE.

1. The most frequent term is maqi, normally with the literal meaning
' son; usedin apposition to the proper name which precedes.
2. But in a considerable number of instances maqi forms part of a proper
name, as in the MS.nomenclature,e.g.Mac Bethad,Mac Biagla, forenames,not
patronymics. In Oghamsthis use is distinguishable in two ways: (1) maqi is
the first word in the inscription; (2) maqi is precededby maqi or avi or
mucoi.

3. Names so formed do not indicate the actual filial relation. Maqi

Ttal(i) maqi Vorgos(91) doesnot mean 'son of Tal son of Fuirg' in the
sensethat Tal is the father of the personcommemorated.That person's
nameis Maqi-Tal,MacTail of the genealogies,
MaceTail, Mtidnlmsof L. Arm.
This name is explainedin LB 89 : ocusis aire is MaceTail ar thai in tsacir
do ffoMil-' It (he)is Mace Tail by reasonof taking up or plying the (tdl)
adze of the craftsman.'

4. Maqi Liag may be explained on analogouslines, as meaning one

devotedto the craft of great stones. The Oghammonumentsbearwitness
that the stone-cutter's craft was not established in Ireland in their time.
366 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
Henceit is likely that MacLiarj denoted
primarilya persondevotedor
affiliatedto the craft of inscribingoghamson the rude undressed
pillar-
stones of the country.
5. A somewhat differentshadeof meaningmay be tracedin namesin
which maqi,mace,is followedby the nameof a tree. Maqi Cairatini=
MaceCairtMn, L. Arm., 'son of rowantree.' So Mace. I and MaceIb«ir,
'son of yew,' MaceCuill, L. Arm,, 'son of hazel,' MaceDregin,ib., 'son
of blackthorn,' MaceGuilinn, 'son of holly,' .!/""" Dara, 'son of oak.'
Even in the Norman period the Irish changed M«c Pianiix, ' son of Piers
(de Bermingham),' into Mac Fcorais, ' son of spindle-tree,'which is still
the Irish equivalentof the surnameBermingham. Here againa traditional
explanationis forthcoming. Keating, following older writers, says: ('«// /''
dia do Mhac Cuill-' Coll, hazel,was a god to Mac Cuill,' son of hazel.
In fact, these names arosefrom tree-worship,of which traces are still
extant throughout Ireland.
6. A third class of namesis that in which maqi, mace,is followed by the
name of a person,male or female. Here also worship nr dedication seemsto
be indicated. The frequent Maqi Ercias, MaceEm (Enr«-, Em<), refers to
a female Ere, a name which occurs in the BB list of legendary women.
Possibly the meaning is ' son of heaven,' ere .i. ncm. Other names ap-
parently of this classare Maqi Decedas= M«fr Ikr/n-f, Maqi lari (< Iveri >)=
Macelair (lar son of Dedu, eponymous ancestor of the Erainn = Clanda
Dedad), Maqi Q,ettia(s), Maqi Ainia(s), Maqi Retta (Recta, Khys),1 Maqi
Nalggeri ?,Maqi Riteas,5Maqi Ddumileas,3Maqi Treni, Maqi ftorini.
7. Inigena = MS.ingcn, ' daughter' appearsin the late gen. (i)nagen(e) 76,
where a seems to arise from a mistaken archaism.1

8. The generalusageof mucoi,MS.moccu,hasbeenshownby me in Erin,

vol. iii, p. 42. It is followedby the genitiveof the nameof the eponymous
ancestorof the tuath to which the personcommemorated belongs. By
prefixing ddl or corcu to this genitive, or by adding to the eponym the
suffix -rigc, -nc, or -acht, the name of the tuath is formed; but sometimes
the plural of the eponym serves as a name for the tuath. In MS.Irish,
moccu becomes indeclinable, and the data seem insufficient to establish the
usageof aspirationin the initial of the followingname.
9. The precisesenseof mucoihasnot beenfixed. Macalisterregards
mucoi as denoting an individual, and translates it by ' tribesman' or

1 MacSechtoBB 85a9, 10. 2 MaceritheBB 131a41, iiir/eii Mnic Jintli 224j3V>9.

3 Cf. maw Maic DemleBB 122al3, FMarr Indsi Doimle 215/344.
4 Mar.aHster's
readingof ingene194 must be rejected,as tin- consonant
ng cannotstan.lt'.,r
n ^ g.
 MACNEILL-Notes on Irish 0;/hnm Inscriptions. 367

'descendant.' Rhys treats it as a collective noun, meaning'kindred.'

The latter meaning, understood as -posterity, oll'spring,' appears|,u suit
best the various uses of the tei'iu. In oghams,mucoi is most often preceded
by maqi, once by inagene 76, 1ml in a good proportion of instances no such
word precedes. In Macalister's sense,mucoi not preceded by maqi must
denote ' tlie descendant,'i.e. the chief descendantof the eponymous
ancestor. Then maqi nnicoi would imply that this mucoi was regarded as
patriarch of the kindred, who wen- called his sonsand daughters. There
is an exact, perhaps loo exact, p.-inille] to this in the modern use of
UaNeill, Ua Briain, etc. When the surnamealone designatesan individual,
that individual is the chief. But mac Ui Neill, mac Ui Bhriain, etc., may
be used of any male member of the family. It seemsas simple to under-
stand " A mucoi 1> " to mean " A of the posterity of B," and " A maqi mucoi

B " to mean " A son (i.e. member) of the posterity of B," the formula' being
equivalent in value. Jn .MS.usage, ///ncr'/rhas not been found preceded
by mace or i/i;/i n , and since it is found applied to ecclesiasticsand to
contemporary members of the same kindred,1 it can have no meaning
of 'chief.'2

10. Moccu is not confined to the usage after personal names. The
following are some instances of general usage:-
Mntenusgente mocuMoie Adamnan.
Mailodranus gente mocuBin ib.
Lwjbeusgente mocuMin' ib. (twice).
Crntli de generelinn!ir L. Arm., beside TrcnanusmocuRunl'tr Adamnan.
Venit Patricius ad insolas Maccu Chor L. Arm.
Sedens loco hi nDrnim morni Eclmcli L. Arm.

Druim moccu Blai, place-name, Onomasticon.

Cluain moccu Nois = Clonmacnois.

Inis moccuCliuinn = Inchiquin island.

macraid .i. maccu raith LB 94.

Coica I'm moccu Luigdecli, coica lin moccuNi'niomjin. 'Fifty was the
number of moccuL., etc.' (Expulsion of Dessi, Eriu, iii, p. 138.) Followed by
coicalaechdo maccaibOengusa,' fifty warriors of the sonsof Oengus.'
Theseinstances seemto prove that moccu(=gens,genus,macrad,maccaib)
is a collective term, and that following a personalname it is to be understood
as a partitive genitive.

1 See instance of moccuCein, Eriu, I.e.

2 In Eriu I.e., not yet understandingthe consonant-system
in oghams,I supposedthat Ogham
mucoi must produceMS.mtichu (better moclut),and hencesuggestedwrongly that moccuarosefrom
a pretoniccontractionof the locution maq(as)mucoi.
368 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
11.aviin oghams
liasusually
beentranslated
'grandson.'
Tquestion
it
it everhasthis meaning
in them,andsuggest
thai it means
'a remote
descendant,'
andisused
astherecognized
termforindicating
thesept,
cend,
aieme,a subdivisionof thetuath. In thegenealogies,
theprimarysepts,
i.e.thefirstandprincipalsubdivisions
of thetuath,notnnfrequently
have
feminine eponyms,e.g.Ui Brirjte,Ui Em*. In sub-septs,
arisingfrom
divisionofprimarysepts,
theancestors
appear
to liealwaysmal
Therelativefrequency
of feminine
names
afteraviisnotable.HmceI
think thatavidenotes
remotedescent,probablyfroma myUmlu-imlancestor.
12.Theinstancesof avinotedin whichthenamefollowingisascertaiuaM.-
are as follows:-

Cunamaqqiavi Corbbi 19.

a Curciti avi Vodduv angac ? 40.
Tlvanos avi Ivacattos 50.

Maqi-Nalggeri maqi Tabirrassavi ftettias 61.

Isari avi Ggatteci 110.
Colomagni avi Ducagni 129.
Maqi-Decceddasavi Turanias 135.
Artagni avi Ditibeas ? 154.
Anavlamattiasmucoi Maqi-Euri- avi Axeras 196.
Cunalegea3maqi C . . . salar celi Ave ftvecea 210.
Ebrasi maqi Elti avi Ogatas? 228.
ftrit . . . maqi Lobacona avi Seagracolinea 240.
Cunalegiavi Cunacanos J, 1898, p. 402.
Navvallo avvi Genittac[ci] J, 1895,p. 133.
Sedan[i avvi Derjcamasoci ib.
Maqi Cairatini avi IneqaglasJ, 1898, p. 57.
13. Barry has already identified Avvi Genittac with the Leinster sept
Ui Gentig, and Avvi [Der]camasociwith the Leinster sept Ui Dercmossaig.4
Both oghamsbelong to Leinster. Avi Ineqaglas(i) is found in an ogham of
southern Meath, which was Leinster territory until the beginning of the sixth
century. The name is that of the Leinster sept Ui Enechglais. Avi Turanias,
in a Kerry ogham,contains the name of the Ciarraige sept Ui Torna. If I
am right in regarding Ave Qveceaas gen. pi., it suggestsanother sept. The

1 Feminineeponymsareno proofof matriarchy. They may be ascribedto a mixture of religious

and genealogicalnotions. The Atheniansare not regardedas having followedmatriarchy, though
their eponymis the nameof a goddess.
2 More likely Maqi lari as in 13.
3 ReadCunalegi asin the third following inscr.f
4 Dearcmossac/tmac Cathair Mair BB 131/318.
 MACNEILL-Notes
onIrish OghamInscriptions. 369
somewhat exceptional formula in No. 196 may be translated 'of Anblomaith
of the tuath of Macelair [and]of the sept[thereof]_A_ui
Acher.' In early
MS. usagemie, ua, is frequently used to denote the sept. S. Cormac
Ua Liathain the voyagerwas a contemporaryof S. ColumbCille in the sixth
century. He is surnamed,not from his grandfather,but from a remote
ancestor,EochuLiathdn,eponymous ancestorof the MunsterseptUi Liathain,
who,if he ever lived, must havelived in thethird or fourth century. Hence
I amof opinion that whenwe find avi in oghamswe shouldexpectto find it
followed,not by the nameof a grandfather,but by the eponymof an ancient
sept.1
14. Cell 0. I. cell, num. relc = *celias, has two clear instances: Alatto celi
Battigni 106, and . . . celi Ave ftvecea l'16. Macalister translates 'devotee'
following such names as Cele !><",Cele Crist., Cele IVl.-iir, in Christian
nomenclature. I>ut this is a secondarysense, f'<'"//." meansa 'truant, vassal,
follower, or retainer under a chief, Jl«il/i.' <'<:/<and Jl«ttl< are correlative
terms.

15. Niotas and netas I take t<>lie two distincl words,niotas= nephew,and
uetas= champion. The nominativesandeventuallyall the casesfall together
in MS.,spelling. The two meanings,maec sethitr, 'sister's sun.' and li-ri\f<"/",
' champion,' are given in Cormae's(llossai\ I'm-nia, niae.
16. Niotta, niott, appears to present, a late Ogham vnealization of
*neut«a < *'nfpftt»x = Latin ix-jioti*. The MS.num. ..Imulil he *niv. = *neus
< *ncnts. Muccnw, L'/ithnin, are 1'ciind in AT 70^, 7(i», and in them the imm.
seems to be transferred i'mm the stem newt- to llie stem i

17. A similar exchangeoi' stemsis foundin the -en. "//( regnoCoirpri

Xinlli /IT," "Jiliox A'lutli Friiir/t," L. Arm. O. 1. ninf/i can hardlybe derived
from netas. CW/y</-< *\in Fe?'cannotmean' C. nephewof men,' andagainst
Xinlli Fru'n'li stands the ngham Netta Vroicc(i) maqi muccoi Tre[n]a[lu] ggo
J, 1903, p. 76. Hence I think that the confusion of stems, which is complete
in Mid. L, had already begun in 0. 1.
18. niot- occurs in :

Dumeli maqi Glasiconasniotta Cobranoras7 1.Niott Vreccmaqi Covatagni93.

In 71, the senseof ' nephew ' (perhaps 'descendant in the female line')
seems apt. It is not quite so clear in 93, but may denote some kind of
religious affiliation.
Macalister'sequationof Niott Vreccwith Netta Vroiccis not sustainedby
any known instance of vocalic interchange in the Ogham period. " The

1Rhys readsAv[i] Vlatiami as thb coTiiuieni-eiueiit

of un inscription, J, 19u3,p, 81. I think
Anm or Anme may have been the first word.
K.I.A. PKOCJ.,
VOL.XXVII..SECT.(J. [54]
 370 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

stoneis partlyconcealed
by earth,"andpossiblyec is eitherwronglyreador
wrongly inscribed for oi.
19. netas has the regular MS.equivalent in Oissenetis
mocu Ndh Curb
Adamnan. The eponynicorresponds to Dal Niad Corb of the genealogies,
the dynastichouseof the kingdomof Leinster. Here Neth,Niad, retainsits
accent, and consequentlyits long vowel.
20. In Cunanetas= Connath, Ct>nnad,the accent is lost, and the atonic netas
becomesnath, nad. As a separate element prefixed to a genitive, netas
sometimesremains accented,e.g. Nia Per, Nia Ndir, Nia Seyamon,Nin Corb,
but more often becomesproclitic, taking the atonic form nath, nad, oftener
with further weakening wit, =""nl (cf. the modern Mleachlainn "" Mael
iSechnaill,Mo-riain ==Miriam
o = Mael Uiain, "Muiuny" = Mael Ruanada,
beside Maoilre = Mael Muire).
21. Genealogiesafford the following instancesof m///t, nut: .\'«/ Fr«i<-/i
(Frtiich, Fraich) = Netta Vroicci, Nuf >sv/n/, N«t Kar, ATa*f.<tr,N<t*ir, N</-.,i,
(in L. Arm. Nazarus and Nazarius) = Netta Sagru, Nathi = Nath /? (i gen.
of co, 'yew'), Nail Brccli, Naithkach gen.?, Nat Saii/li'/m, Nut Jln/ilb, Nat
Sluaif/ (Slnaija, tiluayda). Nad Xlnai<i.i. niu, ^(nni//) \\\\ 168/325gives the
traditional interpretation.
22. Nat (nath,nad) is indeclinable, so that Niolk Fr/'ir/i L. Arm., may be
an attempted archaism.1 But the various forms of Nat Sar have the genitive
-air in pedigrees,where analogousinflexions are often wrongly introduced.
23. From the stem net, we should expect the noin. (*nets) *>i.Cs,
giving 0.1.
*ne ; but I find only nia, niae, -nio. However,Nf*/i/<i</!/f<
1U5222}S1o3
can
liardly be a mere slip of the copyist.2
24. The stem appears to occur in Nctun,the name of the Aquitanian
"Mars," and in " Netoni deo" of an inscr. at Trujillo (Holder), Ned' = *netios.
In compositionit occursin the OghamnamesNetacunas,
Netacari,Netacagi
(or -cagni).

1 In other texts I only find Nat (Nad) Fraich, indeclinable.

- Sincewriting theaboveI havefoundnom.Nac,gen.NiothandXnil Btiigb(= Nut Buidb),in
the Desi genealogy, BB HO^'SS,y83ll, 14, all threeapparentlyreferring lo the sameperson.
Here as in Nioth Fer, Nioth Fruich L. Arm., gen. niuik seems to have been trunsfeired Iroin nom.
*n /;/_
 r 123

VI.

AN IEISH HISTOBICAL TEACT DATED A.D. 721.

BY JOHN MACNEILL, B.A.
ReadAPRIL11. Ordered
for Publication
APRIL13. Published
JULY15,1910.
CONTENTS.

1. Introductory, . . . . 123 6. Comparison

of Z withA andB, . 141
2. Textualextractswith translation, 125 7. Thedoctrineof A, . . . . 142
3. The Middle-Irish redactorof Z, . 137 8. Z the foundationof later Irish chrono-
4. Thedateandoriginalof Z, . . 139 logies, 144
5. The chronological basis of Z, . 140

ABBREVIATIONS.

A = the Irish synchronistic tract headed " A " in Todd Lecture Series (Royal Irish
' Academy), vol. iii., p. 278.
B = the Irish synchronistic tract headed " B," ib. p. 286.
Z = the Irish synchronistic tract quoted in this paper from
BB = the Book of Ballymote (R.I.A. facsimile), and
Lecan = the Book of Lecan, MS.in Royal Irish Academy.

1. INTRODUCTORY.

THEIrish Synchronisms
representthe earliestessaysto constructthe history
of Ireland before St. Patrick. The origin of the Synchronismshas been well
explained by the late Dr. Bartholomew MacCarthy in one of his Todd
Lectures.1 They were written in imitation of St. Jerome'sLatin version of the
Chronicon of Eusebius. Dr. MacCarthy brings forward evidence to show
that one of the synchronistic tracts printed by him, the tract which he
designates by " A," " may date from the end of the sixth century." In a
later work, he writes of this tract that it " was composed towards the end
of the sixth century."2 The text dealt with in the present paper
represents an original composedearly in the eighth century. Two sections
of it are quoted by Dr. MacCarthy. The remainder may have escaped
his notice by reason of the peculiar form in which the document has
been preserved.
I have called this document Z. It does not appear to exist anywhere as
a whole. Separatedportions of it are embodied in the versions of the Lebor

1 R. I. A., Todd Lecture Series, vol. iii., pp. 244, 245.

2 Annals of Ulster, MacCarthy'sIntroduction, vol. iv., p. eix.
E.I.A. PKOC.,VOL.XXVIII., SECT.C. [19]
1-,'4 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
Gabdlaand Flaithiusaffirenn containedin the Bookof Ballymoteandthe
Bookof Lecan. Theseportionswhenbroughttogetherare seento form a
continuous
andhomogeneous
text. Socomplete
is thecontinuity
thatin one
place in theBookofBallymote
theopening sentence
of theexcerpthasfor
its subjectapronoun
havingreference
to a personal
name of whichthelast
previous
mentionis foundfourpagesback.
Owingto the lossof severalleavesin eachMS.,the text of X is not
complete
eitherin BBor in Lecan;but fortunately
all thatis missing
in one
appears
to be supplied
in the other. Twoof the sections,V. andVI., are
contained in both MSS.
Thepresent
paperdealschieflywith the earlierportionof the text. In
thesections
quoted
andtranslated,I haveomittedlonglistsof orientalkings
in whichno referenceto Ireland occurs. I haveindicatedsuchomissionsin
the customary way.
Thelater sectionsof the text embodyan accountof Irish matterswhich
are within the periodof contemporary
recordsor bordercloselythereon.
Of thesesections,I have quotedonly thoseparts which establishthe date
of compilation.Theremaining partsdemand separate studyandfall outside
of the scope
of thispaper. Toedit thetext in its entiretywill bea necessary
part of the work of producinga completeeditionof the early versionsof
the " Book of Invasions"-a work of such importance to the study of Irish
andBritish origins that onewonderswhy it has beenhitherto neglected.
Theoriginal of Z waswritten in the year 721. So far as I am aware,
no other document containing the general framework of Irish legendary
history existsof earlier datethan the eleventhcentury. Z is thus a text of
the highestcritical value as showinghow the historical legendgrew and
developedin succeedingcenturies. A large developmentwill be seen to
havetaken placein the legendof the Sonsof Mil, i.e. in the origin-legendof
the Gaelicpeople. Accordingto Gilla Coemain,writing in the eleventh
century,the GaelsconqueredIreland about1545B.C. According to Z, this
conquesttook placeno earlier than 331 B.C.'
Z, in fact, supplies a solvent by means of which we are enabled to
eliminate a large elementof medievalelaborationand invention, and to
obtain a nearer and clearer view of the genuine outlines of Irish primitive
tradition.

For someBritish archaeologistsit appearsto be almost a settled doctrine

that the GaelicCeltsreachedGreatBritain and Ireland in the beginningof

1See Zimmer, Nennins Vindicatus,p. 186. The relations of A and Z to the Irish sources
of Nennius may deserve investigation.
 An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 125

the BronzeAge,that is to say, perhapsa thousandyears beforeany Celts

are known to have reached the coasts of Gaul and Spain. This theory has
long seemedto me to be chiefly sustainedby the scaffoldingthat surrounds
it. I do not know how far it may have beensuggestedby the claims to
remote antiquity put forward on behalf of the Gaelic people in Ireland by
their medieval historians. At all events,it is not irrelevant to point out that
the writer of Z, the oldest known document which assigns a period to the
Gaelic conquest of Ireland, is content to claim for that event a date no more
remote than the time of Alexander the Great. To my mind, it has neither
been proved nor shown probable that any Celtic peoplehad settled in Britain
or Ireland before the Celts were already far advanced in the use of iron.
While I attach no precise importance to Z's date for the Gaelic immigration-
the method by which that date was determined will be shown in further
analysis-I consider it reasonableto think that the migrations to Ireland
came in natural sequencefrom the occupation of the Atlantic seaboardby
the Celts, and may not have begun earlier than the fifth century B.C.

2. TEXTUAL EXTRACTS WITH TRANSLATION.

I. (BB 21 j3 28).
I cind .ccc. bl. iar ndilind ro gab At the end of 300 years after the
Parrtholon EH'MH,no dwo amar aderam Flood, Partholon took possessionof Ire-
bos treabhsad a sil .l.bl. ar .u.c. eonda- land, or else, as we shall further relate,
sealgadarC'owcheindgo na terno neach his race dwelt [here] 550 years until
di[a] claind ana beathaight/icha bl. the Bogheads
slewthem,sothat not one
iarsin gan duine beo a nErz'ww. of their posterity escaped alive. For
thirty years thereafter, there was no
one alive in Ireland.

[Then followsan accountof certainprediluviauimmigrantsto Ireland-

Capa,Laighne,and Sluasad,andagainCessairandher company.]

II. (BB 23 a 29).1

Ocus
nir gabhneachdochloindAdham And nooneof the raceof Adambefore
re ndili Ermre acht sain. Ba fas tra the Flood took possessionof Ireland but
Eriu fria re .ccc. bla. conas-torracht these. Now Ireland was vacant for the

Parrtholon. no da bl. ar mile 7 is fir space of 300 years until Partholou

eissein. doig is .lx. bl. ba slan do reachedit; or rather 1002 years, and

11 give this section in its order, but regard it as forming uo part of the original tract. Its
objectis to amendthe earlier reckoning.For MacCarthy's translationand emendations,
see
ToddLect. iii., p. 262.
[19*]
126 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
Abrahamin tan ro gabh Parrtholon that is true. For Abrahamhad com-
Eriu7 dabl.xl.a7ix. c.o Abraham
co pleted
60yearswhenPartholon
occupied
dilind suas .i. Ix. aissiAbraham frisin Ireland, and there are 942 years from
.Ix. sin cowadh.c.u I. c. sin frisna .ix.c. Abraham backwards to the Flood, i.e.
wwadh
mile7 dabl. fairsincowad
follus the sixty of Abraham's
agein addition
assinconadhda blia. ar mile o dilind to the formersixty, which makes[102?]
co tiachtaiu Parrtholon a nEmzw. Ocht besides the 900, making 1002 years, so
mbla. .1. 7 se .c. 7 da mili o tosach that it is evident therefromthat from
domainco taiuig Parrtholona nEnww. the Flood to the arrival of Partholonin
ui. c. bl. 7 da mili achtdi \AiadaJm
da Irelandis 1002years. 2658yearsfrom
easbaigh
o Adamco hAbraham. the beginningof the world till Partho-
lon came to Ireland. 2600 years all
but two from Adam to Abraham.

III. (BB 26 a 7).

In n-aes thanaisdi dwo o dilind co The secondage of the world then from
hAbrahamis da bl. xl. 7 ix. c. blia^ana the Flood to Abraham,942 yearsis the
fad sidhein 7 i cind .Ix. bl. iarsin ro length thereof,and 60 years thereafter
gabh Purrtholoti Erwm .1. ar .u.c. o Partholon took possessionof Ireland.
thiae^ain Parr^oZcm a nErmw co tam- 550 from Partholon's arrival in Ireland

leacht a rrmindtire. [Here follows a to the deathof his peopleby plague2....

synchroniclist of easternrulers without In sexagesimo anno aetatis Abraham
reference to Ireland, down to 26 a 25.] Partholon occupiedIreland For
in lx.° anno etaitis Abraham ro ghabh 550 years the race of Partholon was in
farrtholon Erwzw. [Synchronic list con- Ireland It was the time of 16
tinued to 26 a 34] .1. ar u.c. bl. do bhi kings of the kings of the world that
sil farrtholon a nErwm [26 a 37] Partholon's race spent in Ireland
Keimheas.xui. righ do righaib in dom- Belocus[reigned] five timesfive years,
ain do chaith sil f&ntholon a nEn'wn. or thirty-three yearsand twelve years
[26 a 44] Pelocusadho' fo .u. thereof in co-sovereigntywith Partho-
no tri bl. tricad 7 xii. bl. dib a comh- lon's race, i.e. till the destruction, of
fhlaithws re sil fantholon .i. co tamh- Partholon's people by plague3; and
leachtmuindteirifeacrtholon 7 a tri deg during thirteen years thereof Ireland
dibh 7 Eire fas ingeanPhelocis.uiii. was empty. The daughter of Belocus
mbl. conadhda bl. xx. sin bheos7 Eiri [reigned]eight years,so that that is 22
fas. Athosa 7 Saimiraimmis a dha (21) years so far iii which Ireland was
hainni na hingenesin. Poilipoirisxxx. empty. Atossa andSemiramisare the
bl.7 ix. mbl.dhoarighein doma[i]nin twonames of that daughter. Balepares
tan tanig Neimeadh a nEn'wnna .ix. [reigned]30 years,andwas9 yearsin
mbl. 7 in bl. ar .xx. isiat sin in tricha the kingship of the world when Nemed
; J Reada. u. (mistaken for a. ii.}.
3 " The secondage... plague" is evidentlyinterpolated. Seesec.i.
3" Till . . . plague" interpolated.
 iLL-An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 127

bl. ro bai Eiri ig fas.1 0 ro indsimar cameto Ireland. The9 yearsandthe

tra do Cheassair
7 do Yurrtholongu leir 21 makethe 30 yearsfor which Ireland
7 dia comaimsearaibh
o Adhamco dih'wre was empty. Sincewe havetold now of
7 o dilmw cohAbraham7 o Abrahamco Cessairand of Partholon thoroughly,
Neimheadhgo fhis comaimsearreachta and of their synchronizingsfrom Adam
gach righ do ghabh in doinun frisin re to the Flood and from the Flood to
sin. 7 is fearr duind indisindo Neimh- Abraham,and fromAbrahamto Nemed,
ead7 donarighaibh renare. explaining the synchronismof every
king who ruled the world during that
time, it is better for us to tell of Nemed
and of the kings in his time.

IV. (BB 27 |3 20).

Da fhicheat bl. 7 se .c. o gein Abra- 640 years from Abraham's birth to
ham co tiachtain Heimid.li in nEr»m .i. Nemed's arrival in Ireland, i.e. the 60
in Ix. ro chaith Abraham co tiachtain that Abraham lived until Partholon's

Parrtholon in nErinn 7 in .1.ar. u.c. aibh coming to Ireland, and the 550 that
ro bai sil farrtholon in EivVm7 in .xxx. Partholon's race lived in Ireland, and
ro bai Erin ig fas conad iadsin na da the 30 in which Ireland was empty-
,xx. 7 na .ui. c. bl. o Abraham co Nei- these make the 640 years from Abraham
meadh. Da bl. immorro 7 ,lx. 7 u.c. 7 to Nemed. 1562 from the Flood to
mile o dilind co tiacht Neimeadh a Nemed's arrival in Ireland.3 230 years
nErmw. Tricha bl. 7 ii.c. tra o thainig from when Nemed cameto Ireland till
Neimeadh a nEn'wn gu toghail tuir the destruction of Conaing's tower.
Conning. Poilipoiris ro bai in airdrige Kulepareswas in the sovereignty of the
in doma[i]n in tan tainig Neimidh asiu world when Nemedcamefrom Scythia
Sceithia a nEn'»« xxx. bl. aireiinheas to Ireland. 30 years was his reign, and
7 ix. bl. do ir-righe reimh Neimeadh2 he was 9 years king beforeNemed. . . .
(/J 40) Secht mbb'orfwatra o Seven years from the destruction of
thamleachta muindtiri ParrtfAofow gu Partholon's people by plague to the
toghail Trae2 0s 45) Et Tonus destruction of Troy. . . . And Thonos
Concolern6 Conaeler .xx. bl. Ise sin Concolerus, 20 years. He is the last
tiuglaith Asardha. Sarrdanapallasa Assyriansovereign. Sardanapalus
was
ainm gregdha do shnimh chuigile do his Greek name. He took to spinning
chuaidh cowdhearrnaidh cailleach de with a distaff, so that he became an old
conroloiscfein i teinidh. cccc.7 Ixx. wife and burnedhimself in a fire. 470
bl. o thainig Neimidh in nEri'wn co years from when Nemed cameto Ireland
forbha ftaithiusa Assardha7 iiii. rig dheg till the end of the Assyrian sovereignty,
fria sil Neimidh. Mili 7 cc. 7 n. xx. and 14 kings during [the time of]

1Theincorrect
insertion
ofig before
fasisinteresting
asanindication
thatthemodern
a'fas= agfas X
datesbackasfar as thefourteenthcentury. The mistakeis repeated
in IV, 6, socannotbefortuitous.
2Lists of Assyriankings are here given.
3This sectionso far is given by MacCartby, p. 263.
128 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
fot flaitluMsana nAssarda
7 se1righ Nemed'srace. 1240[yearswas] the
tricad ro bhadarfrisin re sin ut dixit durationof the empireof the Assyrians,
poeta. and36[or 38] kingstherewereduring
that time, ut dixit poeta:
Da xx.il da .c. gan chair Two score,two hundred,without fault,
ruili ni bregdo \)\iadnaib a thousand,it is no lie, of years
fad a flaithis bhabrigh bhalc' the length of their sovereigntythat
re re na n-ocht righ trichad wasa solid strength
Madho. c. bl«'«<fo,[i]n
Nin nair in the time of the thirty-eight kings.
ro ghabhsatriagail sograid2 If it be [reckoned]from the first year of
mili gidhmo meadh3 namma' nobleNinus
da .c. 7 xl. that they heldtherule of high degree,
a thousand only, though it be the
greatest number(?),
two hundred and forty.
lar flaithnwAssarrdha ig Cichloiscibh After the empire of the Assyrians,
ro bai .i. c. bl. doibh7 ui. righandadibh the Amazonshad it i.e. 100years for
risin re sin Marsebia7 Lapita Ensiopa them andsix queensof them during that
liorithia Antiobla Pentisilia dwo. Innis- time, Marsebia and Lapitha, Ensiopa,
tear cheanaisin stair Dariat Pentisilia liorithia, Antiobla, Penthesilea. It is
do bhezYA
illeith na Troiandaig catugli- told, however,in the history of Dares
adh fria Gregaibb go ndorcair la Pirr that Penthesileawas on the side of the
me. Aichir Masse Tutaineis ro bhi in Trojans warring against the Greeks, till
n-aimsir toghla Troi is a comaimsir she was slain by Pyrrhus son of Achilles.
frisna hAssarrdaibh ro bbai. Pentisilia If it was Tautamus that lived in the

ag na Cichloiscthibh ria no4ro tliogbladh time of the Sack of Troy, he was con-
in Trai. Flait7«M«Meadh ba he in temporary with the Assyrians. Pen-
t-ardflaithiusa ndiaidh na nAsradha.i. thesilea [reigned] amongthe Amazons
ochtrigharobhadardibh nae5mbliadhna beforeTroy wassacked.Thesovereignty
.1.7 cc. fad a flaithiusaut dicitur. of the Medeswas the supremesove-
reignty after the Assyrians,7
i.e. eight
kings there were of them. 259 [?]
yearswas the duration of their realm, ut
dicitur:

mbliadna,.1.da. cet1 Two hundredand fifty-nine years,

re riagladh6ni himirbreg accordingto rules,it is ro falsehood,
fodflathaMeadhbrighcomblaidh' thelengthof the reignof theMedes,
re re ocht righ do righaibh. a power with fame,
during the time of eight kings.
1 "
noocht" writtenover" se." 2 Headrograid. " Readmed,met.
4 Readresiu'( 5 "
no.u." writtenover"nae." 6 £eatfre (_ fr^ rjaglap
7 Meaning
that theAmazon kingdomis notreckonedaaa " world-kingdom."
 MACNEILL-An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 129

Arbait in .c. righ dibh ocht. mbl. xx. Arbaces, the first king of them, 28
do. Suffonus xxx. b. do. Is ina re ro years for him. Sosarmus,30 years for
bhai tiughfhlaith Asarrdha .i. Sardana- him. In his time lived the last ruler
pallus7 Madidus. xxx. bl. is ware rug of the Assyrians, i.e. Sardanapalus.
Salmnasarcetbroid .x. treibi. Cardicias Mamycus, 30 years. In his time Sal-
.xiii. bl. 7 Deachus.iiii. b. 1. do. Isin- manassar
carriedoff the first captivity of
dala bl. xxx. a righe cath Leithead the Ten Tribes. Cardaces,13 years,
Lachtmaidhe i nDail Riada indorchair and Deioces,54 years for him. In the
Starnd mac Neimidh re Conaind m«c 32nd year of his reign, the battle of
Faebair i cind .uiii. mbl. iarsin toghail Lethet Lachtmaige in Dal Riada, in
tuir Conaind7 dicur cloindi NeirtuWA a which Starnnsonof Nemedwasslain by
hEn'wn.c. bl. 7 xl. do fhlaithius Meadh Conann (or Conaing) son of Faebar.
tarthadar sil NeinuWAceit/M'i .c. bl. 7 Eight years later, the destruction of
Ixx. ro chaithseaddo flaithius Asardha Conann's tower and the expulsion of
7 se dec n6 xiii. righ ar Asardhaibh 7 se Nemed'srace from Ireland. 140 years
rigna na Cichloisce7 u. righ do righaibh of the empire of the Medes,the race of
na Meadh ro chaitheasdair cona shil in Nemed lasted. 470 years they spent of
Erwn isiad sin tra in xxx. 7 na dha .c. the Assyrianempire; and [the time of]
ro badar sil Neimhidh in Ermn. Deochus sixteen or thirteen kings over the
uero u. bl. no a .iiii. 1. i righi 7 Eiriu Assyrians, six queens of the Amazons,
fas. Fraortes .xx. iiii. bliadnaCir atreas and five kings of the kings of the
uiii ised a re ro bai Nabhgodon ira Medes,he [Nemed] and his race passed
mBhabiloin 7 Astiagheis uiii. mbl. xx in Ireland. Those are the 230 years
go-ro-n-aitArigh Cir mac Dair mac a that Nemed's race was in Ireland.
ingenefein. Is na re ro loisc Nabhgodon Deioces was 55 or 54 years reigning,
fa dho Icrusalem. Ise sin thra fhlaithius Ireland being empty; Phraortis 24 years;
Meadh .xu. b. 7 xxx. d. 7 Eri fas in Cyaxares 8 - it was [for] his time
fhlaithius dar eis Meadh ag na Gallag- that Nabuchodonosorwas in Babylon;
daibh ro bai 7 ni hairimhtear am«^ard- and Astyages 28 years until his own
flilaithius iiir sen .i. Nabgodon. a xiii. daughter's son, Cyrus son of Darius,
7 a mac .i. Ebelimordach.xuii. mb. 7 a deposedhim. It was in his time that
ua Negusar .xl. 7 a iarmua Labasairdech Nabuchodonosortwice burnedJerusalem.
.ix. missa7 a induaBallasdairxuiii. bl. That then is the empire of the Medes,
Cnig righ sin do Ghalladagaibh7 c. bl. 45(?) years,Ireland beingempty. After
7 na .u.bl. deg7 na ceit^ri xx. ro bhadar the Medes,the sovereigntywas held by
Meadhai righi 7 Eiri fas 7 na .u. bl. 7 the Chaldeans, andthat is not accounted
in c. ro bhadar na Galladagdhaisiad sin at all as a supremeempire ; i.e. Nabucho-
na .c. bl. ro bai Eri fas o thoghail tuir donosor13, and his sonEvilmerodach 17
CWenaindco loingis Fear mBholg.1 years, and his grandson Neriglissor 40
and his greatgrandson Laborosoarchod
9 months, and his great-great-grandson
Balthassar 18 years. That makes five
The numeralsin this sectionmust be wrongly transcribedin severalplaces.
130 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
kings of the Chaldeansand 100 years;
andthe 95 yearsthat the Medesreigned,
Ireland being empty, and the 105 years
that the Chaldeansreigned, make up the
[two] hundredyearsthat Ireland was
emptyfrom the destructionof Conann's
tower to the voyageof the Pir Bolg.

V. (BB 31 /3 38.)
Et da .c. bl. dobhi Eri fas o thoghail And 200 years was Ireland empty
thuir C'owaind cu tangadarPir Bholg. from the destructionof Conann'stower
Comaimseardhacht righ in domainandso till the Pir Bolg came. Thefollowing is
fria righaibhPearmBholg.i. a ndeircadb the synchronizingof the kings of the
fhlaitrmwana nGallagdhatra tangadar world with the kings of the Pir Bolg.
Fir Bolg a nEn'wn.i. a tiughlaithsidhe At the end of the sovereigntyof the
7 is do tarfas dornngan righidh ig Chaldeansthe Fir Bolg arrivedin Ire-
sgribeand 7 issedro scribhmanetechel land. He [BalthassarJ3 wastheir last
7 faires.i. umir7 tomhus7 fogbail7 is prince,andto him was showna hand
fair ro tboghail Cir mac Dair \m without an arm writing, and what it
mBaibiloin7 ro marb Ballastair 7 ise wrotewasmanethekelphares,i.e. number
Cir ro leg in mbroid do Erwsoltfmiar andmeasureanddivision; andover him
mbeith doi .Ixx. bl. a ndaire Plaithms Cyrus son of Darius captured Babylon,
~Perstra a ncliaidh na nUallagdha .i da and he slew Balthassar. And it was
rigb dec ro gabastair dhibb. trica 7 da Cyrus who let go the captives (lit. cap-
.c. \>\iadw. doibb .i. sil Elaimb m««c tivity) to Jerusalemwhen they had been
Sbeimhm««cNae Laimida ba sloindidb 70 years in bondage. The Persian em-
doibh gu P«rsusmacloib 7 Persimmorro pire then after the Chaldeans,i.e. twelve
osin amacb. Cir mac Dair a ceidrigb kings of them reigned. Their time was
siden tricba bh'ao'an do gunorchair la 230 years, i.e. the race of Elam son of
Scitbeagdbaibb. gu tri .c. mile uime 7 Shem son of Noah. Elamites was
issesin rug m.l. mile1 do broid lerttsalem their description until Persus son of
a Babhiloin 7 u.1 castair oir 7 mileJ Jove, and Persi thenceforward. Cyrus
castar n-airgid a lin. Cambaseismac son of Darius, their first king, reigned
Cir iarsin .uii. mbl. co ros marbsata 30 yearstill he was slain by Scythians,
dhruitbe fein 7 Eochaza"
macEire i rigbe with 300,000 of his followers. And it
nEmm in tan sin 7 isiad sin na uii. washe that brought the 50,000of the
mhiliadna,
xxx. ro badar Pir Bolg a captivesof Jerusalemout of Babylon,
nEriwn .i. ocbt mbh'arfwa2
flaithiwsa. and 5,000vesselsof gold, and many
Cir meic Dair gosin seacbtmadbbl. thousandvesselsof silver, such was
1 Read as in Lecan. 2 Eead 6 chet bliadain.
3 The omissionof the nameshowsthat the compilerof theLeahharGahhklahad a continuoustext
of Z whichhebrokeupinto sections.Balthassar
is the last king namedin the precedingsection.
Four pagesof BB intervene. The Lecan scribenotedthe omissionandre-insertedthe name.
 MACNEILL-An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 131

flatiusa CampesismeicCir 7 ina ocht- their number. Cambyses sonof Cyrus

madh bl. tangadar t.d.d. a nErwn 7 thereafter,7 years,until his own druids
daradsatcath MoigeTMfeadhdFheraibh slewhim, Eochaidsonof Ere beingking
Bolg 7 ro marbad and EochazWmac of Ireland at that time. And those are
Eire. the 37 yearsthat the Fir Bolg were in
Ireland,i.e. from the first year of the
reign of Cyrus son of Darius till the
seventh year of the reign of Cambyses
son of Cyrus. And in his eighth year
the Tuatha De" Danann arrived in Ire-
land and fought the battle of Mag Tu red
with the Fir Bolg, and in it Eochaid son
of Ere was slain.

Lee. 23 a, /8. Comaimsirad

rig in doniMwinsofri rigaib Fer mBolcg. a ndmdh
flatha na Call, u (?) tancatar Fir Bolcg a nEnww. Ballastar a tiugflaith side is do
doarfasin dorn cewrigidh icon sg[ri]bind 7 isedro scrib manetethel 7 phares.i.
nuniir 7 tomus7 fod a lin is fair ro toglustarCyir me.Dair Babiloin 7 ro marbastar
Bull. Ise Cyr ro leicestair in mbrait do larusalem iar mbcith doib .Ixx. b. i ndoiri
Flaithius Perstra a ndiaidhnaMedh xii ri dibhi HaiMusxxx. bl. 7 cc.doib. Sil dawo
Elaim me. Sem me. Noi iat 7 Elamite dogairdis dib co Pcmus me nloib. fers ohsoin
amach. Ba se in cetri dib Cyr me. Dair .xxx. bl. do. co iovchair la Scithecdaib co tri
cetaib mile uimi. Ise thucc in 1. mile do brait Icrusalem o Baibilow .i. u. »« lestar

n-oir 7 ilmile lestar n-argait. Campasesme. Cyr iar sin .uiii. bl. co ro marbsat a
druidi fein 7 Eoch<n'<2
me.Eircc hirrigi .H. intan sin. Is iat sin nauii. mbl. xxx»l. ro
batar Fir Bolcg inH. O.c. bl. fl. Cir me. Dair cusin uiiad.bl. tancatar Tuath. D.D.
inherwm 7 doratsat cath Muighi Tured do Feraib Bolcg 7 ro marbsat 'Eochaid
mace Eircc.

VI. (BB 36 a 12.)

Comaimseaidachtrigh in domain re The following is the synchronizing of
.t. d. d. and seo sis. P^rsa ro bhadar i the kings of the world with the Tuatha
righe in tan tangadart. d. d. a nEnwn Da Danann. The Persianswere ruling
isin })liadain deidenaigh flaithz'wsaCam- when the T. D. D. cameinto Ireland ; in
paseisme. Cir me.Dair tangadarno na the last year of the reign of Cambyses
ochtmadhblia<fo«'w
tangadar. [Here fol- son of Cyrus son of Darius they came,
lows a list of the Persian kings, with or in his eighth year they came. . . .
the length of their reigns, without And Darius the Great,sonof Arsames,
referenceto Ireland.] (36 a 29) Et 6 years. He is the last ruler of the
Dairius mor me. Arsabi .ui. bl. ISe Persians, and it was he who fought
tiughlaithna Pm 7 ise thug tri catha three battles with Alexanderson of
do Alaxandir me. Pilip 7 ro thuit sium Philip, andhe fell by Alexanderin the
la hAlaxandair isin chath fo dheoidh. final battle. It was Alexander that
ISe Alaxandair ro thaffaind Fwand drove Pharaoh Nectanebis from the
B.I.A.PROC.,
VOL.XXVm.,SECT.
C. [20]
18-3 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
Nechtinebhusa righi Eigipte is do kingsbip of Egypt-it was to bim
sidhenro bo cliamainMilidh .i. Goladh [PharaohJ tbat Mil was son-in-law,
a ainm. Tainig sein a hEigipt o ro whose[proper] namewasGoladh. The
haithrighadhForand.i. Milidh 7 a bhean latter came away from Egypt when
.i. Scota ingean Foraind 7 tainig co Pharaohwasdethroned,i.e. Mil, andhis
Heaspain
7ro chosain
Easpainar eigin. wife, i.e. Scotadaughterof Pharaoh,
ISe Forand Neachteinibus .in. uad.righ and cameto Spain and conqueredSpain
.xlat. no .xxx. iar Forand Cingciris ro by force. Pharaoh Nectanebiswas the
baidheadhimMuir Ruaidh. iiii. b. deg 7 45th or 35th king after PharaohCing-
ix. c. fat a flaitln'wsa na Forand o ciris, who was drowned in the Red Sea;
Fhorand Cingcms co Foranw Neach- 914 years was the duration of the
tenibus. Ro raindeadbtra flaitbm* Alax- empire of the Pharaohs from Pharaoh
anwdaira tri randaibb.xxx. dia eis 7 Cingciristo PharaohNectanebis. Alex-
ro dhearrscnaigbceathrar dib uile. ander's empire was divided into 33
Potolameusme. Lairgbi i nEighibht 7 portionsafter bim, and four menof [the
imMaigidondaibb Pilip noa me.a nAssia rulers of] these excelled them all:
Bhig Antigon im mBabiloin Brutus Ptolemy sonof Lagus in Egypt and in
Siliucus nicroin Potolameus a ndiaidb Macedonia, Philip or his son in Asia
Alaxandair .xl. b. A ndeireadb fhlaith- Minor, Antigonus in Babylon, Brutus
iusa Alaxandair tangadar me. Mileadb a SeleucusNicanor (?). Ptolemy, in suc-
nEriwd ,i. bl. iar marbfl^ Dair do 7 i cessionto Alexander, 40 years. At the
tosacha innsaigbe7 a rigbi tainig Milidb close of Alexander's reign the sons of
doc^MOT nEaspaine.u. bl. dAlaxandair i Mil came to Ireland; i.e. a year after
rigbi in tan tangadarme. Mil«<#a nEr«'ww he slew Darius, and in the beginning of
7 doradadb cath Tailltean andorcj-fldar his invasion and of his kingship, Mil
t. d. d. cona rignaibb. Coig \>\iadn& cameto Spain. Alexander had reigned
dErimhon i rigbi in tan adbath Alax- 5 years when the sons of Mil came to
andair im mBaibiloin 7 isiat sin na dba Ireland, and the battle of Tailtiu was
.c. bl. ro badar .t. d. d. a nEn'wn. On bl. fought, in which fell the T.D.D. with
deigbenaighflaithmsaCampeses me.Cir their queens. Erimon had reigned 5
co forbba fhlaitbiusa Dair aenbliadain yearswhenAlexanderdied in Babylon.
CampasesTairpeis .u. bla. xxxaj. Serseis And these are the 200 years the T.D.D.
xx. \A\3idan. Artarsersesxl. bHadan. were in Ireland,from the last year of
Xerxses.da mis. Sodogenos .uii. misa. the reign of Cambysessonof Cyrusto
Et Dairius xix. b. Asferus.xl. Artar- the endof the reign of Darius:J Cam-
serses Ocbi.tricha. AriusOchi.iiii. bl. byses,1 year: [Dariusson of Hys]-
Dairiusmor .ui. bl. ISiad sin na da taspes,35 yeors; Xerses,20 years;
.c. b. achttri bl. nan-easbaig
ro badar Artaxerxes,
40years;Xerxes,2months;
t. d. d. a nEnwn. Gaidbil a nEnww7 Sogdianus,7 months; and Darius, 19
Gra'ci n-airdrigiin doman. years;Assuerus,
40; Artaxerxes
Ochus,
30; DariusOchus,4 years; Dariusthe
Great, 6 years. Those are the 200
1Theirthreekingsandtheir threequeens,"Lecan,
 EILL-An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. lM3

years all but three that the T.D.D. were

in Ireland. The Goidil in Ireland and
the Greeksin the high-kingshipof the
world.

Lee. 26 a, /?. Comaimsiradhrigh in domain fri Tuaith. D.D. annsosis. Perssa

robatarin airdrighi in domainintan tancatarTuathaD.D. inH. isin bl. dedenaigh
flathaCampases me. Cir me. Dair tancatar. [List hereas in BB.] DamnsMagnus
me. Arsabei.ui. bli. ise tiugfl- na fers isethucc na tri cathado Alax". me. Philip 7
ro marbAlax-. esseomh isin cath deigdenach. Ise Alax~.ro thafaindForannarrighi
Eigipfeis do ro bo cliamainGalom.i. Mil«Za ainm 7 tanic side a hEigipt 7 a ben
Scotta \ngenNectanibw* co Hespain 7 ro chossainar hin. Et ise Forann Nectenibus
in xlu, ri iar Forunn Cincris ro baidhedhimMuir Ruaidh .xiiii. bl. 7 ix. ,c. fott a
Qathn o Forunn Cincris co Forunn Nechte«bus. Rorannad fls. Alax". i trib rannaib
xxxat. dia eis ro derscaidhiiii ur dib uili .i. Potolom^Ms
me. Lairce in Eigipt.
Ardiachius Pilippus imMaicidhondaib. Antighonus i mBabiloin. Bruttus Siliuccus
isin Aissia Bhic. Potolom^MS indiaidh Alax. xl. bl. Indoircdh flatha Alax tancatar
me. MiL?<tf
inh~. .i. da bl. iar marbad Dair do 7 hitossach a indsaighthi 7 a rige tanic
MihWdoc/*MM
nEspanc. Cuicbl. do Alax". arrigi in tan tancatarme.Mil«e?inh-. 7
doradad cath Tailltin hi torcrrttar Tuath D. D. immo trib rigaib 7 irnmoa teora
rignaib. Coic bl. do Herimon irrigi in tan adbath Alax". i mBabiloin conid iat sin
in .cc. b. robatar t. d. d. inh-. On bli. deidhenaigh fl. Campasesme. Cir co forba
flatha Assar 7 Dair Aenbl~. Campases. Tarpess xxxui .bl. Serses.xx. b. Artarserm
.xl. b. Xerx«s .u. mis. Soghodianus .iiii. mis. Dairius .xix. b. Asferus ,lx. b.
Artarserses Occus .xxx. Airius .iiii. b. Duirius Magnus .ui, b. Isiat sin in .cc. bl.
achtna .iii. bl. robatar.t. d. d. inn". Gaidil in lr. 7 Gm'c in airdrigi in domain7 ar
na huilib gabalaibrogab Eirin o thossachco dmdh. Finit.

VII. (BB44a49.)
A cind x. mbl«a<faniar mbas Alax- "At the end of 10 years after the
andair me. Pilip atbath Erimon. Ag death of Alexander son of Philip, Eri-
toiseachaibAlaxandair ro bai in t-ard- mon died. Alexander's generals held
flaithius andsein.1 the supremerule at that time."

VIII. (Lecan 27 0.)

Cs. cade tairthud2 fir me. Mil", ni. Question, what is the true origin
Cenel fil i sleib Armenia .i. Hibm a of the Sons of Mil ? It is not difficult.
sloindiud Boi ri amra occo .i. Milidh A race there is in the mountain of

me.Bile me.Nema. Bui sidehicosnum Armenia,Hiberi they arenamed. They

ftaithiusa,fria brathair athar fri Eefelair had a famous king, Mil son of Bile son
me. Nema 7 doluidh \Mclit .iiii. mbarc of Nem. He was contesting the sove-
ior longas7 ,ii. lano?»na
deccechbaircce reignty with his father'sbrother,Eefel-
1The remainderof the synchronismfalls within a lacunaof severalmissingpagesof BB, andthe
continuation is taken from the Book of Lecan. It will be noted that there is no break in
the sequence. 2Prof. K. Meyer suppliestuirthed .i. adbar.
[20*]
134 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
7 amws
forcrni&ech
cenmnai.Dathuisech air sonofNem,andhe wentintoexile
amraocco.i. Ucc7 Occe
Lotarior muir with the manningof four barks,and
Chaisp
amach
forin oicianimechtrach
7 twelvemarriedcouplesto eachbark,
dolotar timchull na hAissia sairdes co and a soldier over and above without
hinis Dep/^phane.iii. mis doib ittnti wife. Twofamouschiefstheyhad,Ucc
iii. mis aile for fairrce co riac/tlatarco andOcce. They went upon the Caspian
Eigipt fo deoigHi cind uii. mbl. l.atar Sea,out on the outer ocean,and came
ccc.ar mile iar c. gabailEr. dofhar- roundAsiasoutheastward
to theisland
thalon. Hi cind immorroxiiii. mbl. ar of Taprobana. Theywerethreemonths
dcccc iar mbadhudh Foraind a Muir. R. there and three months more on the sea,
rosiaclit[at]arEigipt. PharoNectan- till at lengththeyreachedEgypt,at the
abusbari Eigiptein tansin 7 isesin in endof 1357yearsafter thefirst taking
u. eadh ri. xl. iar Fo?-andCincrissro of Ireland by Partholon,at the end too
baidhedh
imMuirRuaid. [Herefollows of 914yearsafter Pharaoh's
drowning
a list of the Pharaohs.] in the Red Sea they reachedEgypt.
Pharaoh Nectanebis was then king of
Egypt, and he is the 45th king after
PharoahCincris, who was drownedin
the Red Sea. .

IX. (Lecan 27 j3, 28 a.)

NechtanebisPharaohxuiii. b. ise ba Nectanebis Pharaoh, 18 years. It is
ri ftigipte ar cind Miled me. Bile cona he that was king of Egypt on the arrival
longais7 fuair failte occafri re .uiii. there of [lit, in front of] Mil sonof Bile,
mbl. 7 dobej'ra ingin .i. S[c]ota do. with his fleet [or party of exiles] ; and
Et ba si sin aimsir laidh Alaxand<M> [Mil] was hospitablykept by him for
Mor me.Pil. isind Aissia7 ro thairbw" eight years, and [Pharaoh] gives his
in Eigipt fo reir 7 ro indarb Pharo daughterScotato him. And that was
Nectanebus a hEigzj^ inn Ethiop 7 ro the time whenAlexanderthe Great,son
dichuir Artarsersesar tus. fecht aile in of Philip, went into Asia, and brought
Eigipt Cumdaithirianim cai[t]hir rig Egypt to submission and banished
in Eigipt la hAlaxan<?<MVAlexandria a Pharaoh Nectanebisfrom Egypt into
hainm. Et discailterflaithius dilis ind Ethiopia, and he first dethronedArta-
Eigipt annsin. 7 gabaitGreigfortamlus xerxes at another time in Egypt.
innte 7 is hie Gw[aib] Alaxan<Zo'« ro Afterwards, a city of kings in Egypt is
bui Aaitkiuso sinamach.Conidannsin builtbyAlexander,Alexandria
its name.
tainicMih'<Z
ahEigiptdochuma cheneoil And the nativesovereigntyof Egypt
fein. Finit. is thenbrokenup,andthe Greeks take
headship there, and the Greeks of
Alexandria held the sovereignty thence-
forward. So it was then that Mil came

from Egypt to his own kindred.1 Finit.

Perhaps
the Iberi of Spainaretakenhereto beakinto theIberi of theCaucasus.
 MAC-NKILL-An Irish Historical Tract datedA.D. 721. 135

X. (Lecan34 a 1.)
Comaimsirad
rig Herindfri rigaibin Thisis the synchronism
of thekings
domainmoir annso. Herimontra in of Irelandwith the kings of the great
oenbl.
ro gabrigi 7Alaxanndair
airdrigi world. In thesame
yearHerimon3
took
in domain7 ro marbDairiusMor me. the kingshipandAlexander thehigh-
Arsabi. i cinn .u. mbl. iar sin bas kingship of the world, having slain
Alas.7 r[o] gabsat
athoisigin domun DariustheGreat, sonofArsames.
At the
daeisxl. b. Deichmbl.iar mbasAlax. endoffiveyearsthereafter,
Alexander's
atbathHerimon.uiii. b.iar sinMuimne death; andhis generals
took [the sove-
7 Luigne7 Laigne.x. b. iar sin do reigntyof] the worldafterhim for 40
Hiriel me.Herimoin. Isindarabli. dec years. Ten years after Alexander's
flatha Eitliireoil me. Hireoil .f. me. death,Herimondied. Eightyearsafter
Herimoinatbathin toisech dedenachdi that, MuimneandLuigneandLaigne.
muintirAlax.i. Potolomwsrnc.Large. Ten yearsafter that [were spentin
Xuiii. b. tra ro bui Eithirel hi comfl.7 kingship]by Hiriel souof Herimon.In
Philodelphus.xxxuiii. b. 7 is chuice thetwelfthyearof thereignof Eithirel
tucadh in septuaginta
ro chettindtaein sonof Hirel Faith sonof Herimon,died
chanoin a hebrai ngreiccIxxx hebraide the last generalof Alexander's people*
lin a scriptore.1Fichi b. ro bui Philo- Ptolemysonof Lagos. Eithirelwas18
delphus hi coinrige7 Conmael me.\_sic~] yearsin co-sovereignty
withPhiladelphus
xxx. b. do Chonmael post hirrighi 7 [whoreigned]38years,andto himwere
euergites .xuii. b. i com&aithms friss broughtthe seventywhofirst translated
Conmael postxiii. b. Philopator.xuii.2 theCanonical Scriptures
fromHebrewto
b. in coicedhri do Greccaib hi com- Greek. Seventy(?) Hebrews(?) wasthe
ftaithiusfri Conmael7 a .u. hi comfl.fri number of its writers. Twenty years
TigmimwsIse Philopator tra ro mar- was Philadelphusin co-kingshipwith
bastar.Ixx. mile do ludaigib ind aimsir Conmaelson of . . . .; 30 years for
Tigernmais. Finit. Conmaelafterwards in kingship, and
Euergetes 17 years in co-sovereignty
with him. Conmaelafterwards, 13 years.
Philopator, 13 years,the fifth king of the
Greeks, in co-sovereignty with Tigern-
mas. It was Philopator who slew 70,000
of the Jews in the time of Tigernmas.
Finit.

XL (Lecan 41 a 17.)
Comaimseradhrig in domain 7 gabal '' The synchronismof the kings of the
nErenn ro scribus a tosacAin libair ota world and of the conquestsof Ireland I
flaith Nin me. Peil ro gab rigi in domain have written in the beginning of the

1MeadIxx. hebralin a scriptore. 2 Beadxiii.

3 Here the passagecontainingthe statementabout the battle of Taltiu is contradicted.
136 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
ar tus cusincoicedhri do Gmcaib7 o book,from the reign of Ninus sonof
f&Tftholon
me.Seradworo gabErind Beluswhofirst tookthe kingshipof the
ar tus iar ndilind cusin coicedblia. flatha world to the fifth king of the Greeks,
Tigernmuisme. Foll««#ro gab rigi andfromPartholonsonof Seiralsowho
nEmwi co cenn .c. blia. ut alii aiunt. Is first took Ireland after the Flood to the
ferr dunn dwoco sgribamcomamserad fifth year of the reign of Tigernmasson
nacin tor leith anuso. of Follach who took the kingship of
Ireland till the end of [i.e. throughout]
100yearsut alii aiunt. It is better for
us now that we write the synchronism
on a separatesheet here."
The successionof the " Greek" rulers is then resumed at Philopator (see
end of VIII) and continuedto the time of Julius Caesar. From him the
Eoman " kings of the world " are continuously enumerateddown to the reign of
LeoIII, whois declaredto be contemporarywith Fergal son of MaelDiiin,
king of Ireland.
Then the writer returns to the synchronization of the Eoman emperors
with the kings of Ireland, but on a different plan from the preceding section.
Instead of taking the dynasties reign by reign, he takes them by centuries,
naming the emperors and the Irish kings in each century. The centuries
are reckoned from the accessionof Julius Caesar (i.e. from the battle
of Pharsalia), 48 B.C.,until the mission of St. Patrick is reached. From this
event the reckoning by centuries begins anew. The periods are1:-
1. To the 12th year of Claudius A.D. 52
2. 14th Antoninus Pius, 151
3. 1st Claudius II, 268
4. 18th Constantius II, 354
5. last Theodosius I, 450
TheodosiusI is confused with TheodosiusII, who died in 450. Here a
freshstart is madein the reckoning,leading-
6. To the 1st year of Patrick in Ireland, A.D.432
7. 5th Justinian, 531
8. 20th Heraclius, 629

Last comesa periodof 84 years,calculated

to the dateof writing of
the original tract.

1Theendofthethirdcentury is miscalculated.
Perhaps thewriterunwittingly
substituted
the
firstyearof Claudius,
268,for thefirstof Valerian,253. Theotherandsmallererrorsmaybe
duetovariations
in chronographyor to a misreading
of theRoman numerals.TheA.D.reckoning
doesnotappear
in thetract. A.D.datingappears
notto havedisplaced
theoldermethods
in Ireland
untiltheninthcentury
(Mac
Carthy,
Introduction
toAnnals
of Ulster,
vol.iv.,p.xciv).
 MACNEILL-An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 137

The closing passageis as follows (43 a): -

Ceithri bl. Ixxx. on xx b. fl. Heracli 84 years from the 20th year of the
co foHbafl. Leomain 7 ix.1 r. frisin re sin reign of Heraclius to the end of the
.i. HercolonasConstantin fls. Heracli reign of Leo, and 9 (11) kings during
Constantius
fls. Constantini
lustinianus thattime,viz.[Heraclius,]5
Heracleonas,
Minor Leofus Tiberius lustinianus Minor Constantinus films Heraclii, Constans
it^-uni Pillipiccus Anastasius iilms films Constantini,[Constantinusfilius
Teoth. TVcii2 Leo TMius. Ceithri bl. Constantis,]6
JustinianusMinor,Leontius,
Ixxx. on.x. bl. fl. Domnaillcosintres bl. Tiberius, Justinianus Minor iterum,
Fergail me. Maili Duin 7 x. r. tor EM'MW Philippicus, Anastasius, Theodosius
frisin re sin .i. DomnallConallCellach Tertius, Leo Tertius. 84 years from
Blathmrtc Diarmait SechnusachCenn the 10th year of the reign of Domnall
Failrt^ Loingsec/*Congal Fergal fodesin. to the 3rd6 year of Fergal son of Mael
Oenbl. ar xxxil. ar cccccc3.insin .o. c. bl. Duin, and 10 kings over Ireland in that
fl. luilco fwbofl. LeouisT«-cii. Ceithri time, viz. Domnall, Conall, Cellach,
ri. Ixxx. for Romanchaib frisin re sin. Blathmae, Diarmait, Sechnusach,Cenn
Noi .Ix. immorro for Herind frisin re sin Faelad, Loingsech, Congal, Fergal him-
co fl. Fergail inc. Maili Duin ri Er. 7 self. That is 631 (771 ?) years from the
M«wcharfame. Find4 .r. Laigen 7 Cathail first year of the reign of Julius to the
me. Finnguine .r. Mumun. end of the reign of Leo III. 84 kings
over the Romansduring that time. 69
over Ireland during that time till the
reign of Fergal, son of Mael Duin, king
of Ireland, and of Murchad Maen (?) king
of Leinster, and of Cathal, son of Finn-
guine, king of Munster.

3. THE MIDDLE-IRISH KEDACTOR OF Z.

Here follows immediately a very lengthy poem of Flann Mainistrech,

headed " Do fl«/7;aib in domain rnoir annso," " This is of the Rulers of the
Great World." The opening quatrain is-
Reidig damh a De do nimh " co hemigh a n-iwnissin
uair nach co felgnwwiar Fuin " seancusdegrigin dowAain.1

The poemis a metricallist of " the kings of the world," commencing

like

1 Read xi. 2 Some corruption or omission occurs here. 3 Probably " dcclxxi " misread
as"dcxxxi." 4 Probably "main," the epithet in Flann's poem, misread as " mcin." The

father of Murchad was Bran. 5 Omitted, owing to similarity of the adjacentnames.

6 Probably" 12th," xii, not iii. 7 Flann here borrowsthe openingwordsof a poemby
Dublitir Ua Huathgaile LL HI 0 (BE 1 0) :
Redigdam a De do nim " co heniidni indeithbir
erniud mo chesta is gnim glan " corop espa ollaman.
138 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
Z with thefoundation oftheAssyriandynasty,
andendinglike Z with LeoIII.
In fact,Flaun'slist is takendirectfromthesynchronism,
evento the extent
of namingthe Irish rulerscontemporarywith Leo.
Theconcluding
quatrainsareasfollows(Lecan48/3):-
" On chetblia<&MM
lull ros gab- co cetriagail tres \>liadan
fiadgachsluaghcondaithea ndal- at cuadhAaithenaEoman.
Coflaith fir ro gabTemraig2- do ruacht awnaladamlaid
is Murchadhamaen2co mudh- is Cathail cairn a Caissiul.
Cachflaith failte os gairbri glain- fris raite airdri in domain
o Nin co Leomain na clann3- ros rim int eolas4aenflann.
Flann feidbindrombenbrig breath- fer leigindmin Mainistrech.
ro gletrianagnima gutlr re eachrig do reidiugud. E.
Concoburclannmin na cneadh- Aed Gairbith Diarmait Durgen
Donnchadda Niall cew&nimhsneidh- righ na re sin co ro reidh. E.
" Fromthe first year that Juliustook it [i.e. the worldkingship],
with [his]
first rule, a stress of years(?), in the presenceof every multitude with the
keenness
(?)of their assemblies,
I haverecounted
therulersof theEomans.
" To the reign of the man who took Tara, the chronicling has thus arrived,
and of MurcbadMaen(?) with dignity, andof Cathalthe comelyin Cashel.
" Each ruler of gladnessover clear .... who was called high-king of the
world, from Ninus to Leo of the weapons,Flann alone,the wise man, hath
numbered them.

" Flann, sweetof word,the strengthof judgmentshath sounded6

him, the gentle
lector of Monasterboice,his voice through his work hath made clear the explanation
of eachking's time.
" Conchobor,
of gentle kin, of the wounds[in battle"),Aed, Gairbith, Diarmait
Durgen,Donnchad,two Nialls, without petty sadness,[are] clearly the kings of
that time."6

Of the five concluding stanzasin Flann's poem, the second and third
prove that Flann had a versionof Z beforehim ashe wrote. Thelanguage
of Z is Middle-Irish, without any traces of transcription from an Old-Irish
original. Flaun becameknown traditionally asan authorof synchronisms.
He is one of the earliest writers of Middle-Irish. The spellings of unfamiliar
names in his poem exhibit often the same errors as in Z. All these
facts taken together point to Flann as the redactor of Z.T
1 Read Co flaith Fergaile i Temraig (?) "to the reign of Fergal in Tara." 2 Read Main (?) and
soprobably for me. Find above,since his father was Bran. 3 Read lann (?). 4 Read eolaid.
51 supposebenaim to beused as if the objectwere oloo " a, bell.'" 6 Conchobor Ua Mael-Sechnaill,
king of Meath, 1033-1073; AedUa Conchobuir,k. of Connaoht,1033-1067; Gairbith Ua Cathusaig,
k. of Brega, 1045P-1061; Diarmait (son of Maelnambo),k. of Leinster, 1042-1072; Donnehud
(son of Brian), k. of Munster, 1014-1065; Niall (son of Eoohaid), k. of Ulaid, J 012-1062;
Niall Ua Neill, k. of Ailech, 1036-1061. Flann diedin 1056. The poemmay be datedabout 1050.
7 See note at the end of this paper.
 ILI, - An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 139

4. THE DATE AND ORIGINAL OF Z.

Flann did not modernizeZ from an Old-Iifish original. Had he done so,
he would have madeno greaterchangesthan would have beennecessary to
make the documentintelligible to other Irishmen of learning in his time ;
andconsequentlymany of the Old-Irish forms of the original would have
beenpreserved. Thetract thereforewasoriginally written in Latin. Some
of its Latin phrases are still preserved.
The date at which the original was compiledis very preciselyindicated.
The compilerbelievedhimself to be writing in the ninety-fourthyear from
the accession of Domnall son of Aed, i.e. 721.
This date is confirmedby further criteria which the tract supplies. Its
concludingportion namesthree kings reigning in Ireland. The king of
Ireland was Fergal son of Mael Duin, the king of Leinster was Murchad,
and the king of Munster was Cathal son of Finnguine.1
Fergal reigned from 710 to 722. In the latter year he was defeatedand
slain in the battle of Almain by Murchad king of Leinster.
Murchad reigned from 712 to 727.
Cathal reigned from 712 to 742.
The contemporary Byzantine emperor is named. He is Leo the Isaurian,
whoreignedfrom 718 to 741.
The only years common to the four reigns are 718-722.
There remain two textual difficulties :- (1) The final year, the date of
writing, or a date previous to writing, is twice indicated as the end ( forla)
of the reign of Leo. (2) It is onceindicatedas the third of Fergal. With
regard to the first difficulty, it is to be pointed out that the last year of
Leo, 741, was (a) 112 years- not 84 years- later than the twentieth of
Heraclius ; (5) nineteen years later than the death of Fergal ; (c) fourteen
years later than the death of Murchad ; (d) that, if the end of Leo's reign
were really in the writer's mind, he would probably have named the
succeedingemperor, and would almost certainly have named contemporary
kings of Ireland and of Leinster. Hence there can be no doubt that the
Middle-Irish translator misread his Latin original. The year 721, the
ninety-fourth from Domnall's accession,was the fourth of Leo, and may
have been written mm, and taken to indicate mortem or ultimum. It was
the twelfth year of Fergal, and xii may have been read as iii. The Eoman
numerals are a continual source of misreadings in Irish MSS.,and often

1Nowhere else in the tract are provincial kings named. This indicates that the kings of
Munsterand Leinster arenamedas contemporarywith the writing of the tract. Flann imitates this
method of dating in his poem, naming seven kings.
B.I.A. PKOO.,
VOL.XXVIII.,SECT.0, [21]
 1-10 Proceedingsof the Rot/al Irish Academy.

presentgreat difficultiesto the moderntranscriber. The textual dis-

crepancies,then, cannotbe held to invalidatethe commonperiodof the
four reigns,718-722,astheutmostrangeof datefor the composition
of the
synchronism.
SynchronismZ is thus shownto be an eleventh-centuryversionof one
of the oldest known documentsof early Irish history and historical legend.
The particularsof the chronologyandalso of the reignsappearto have
beentamperedwith in severalplaces,doubtlesswith a view to bringing the
account into closer accord with later teachings. But the achievement of
sucha designwould have involved the reconstructionof almost the entire
tract; and the meddler, having done somemischief, desisted without either
undoing or completingit, and drew up B as a substitutefor Z. (See
concluding note.)

5. THE CHRONOLOGICALBASIS OF Z.

The framing of Z is as follows :-

IRISH EVENT. CONTEMPORARY WORLD-PERIOD.

Coming of Partholon, . . . 300 years after Deluge.

End of Partholon"s race, . . 850
Coming of Kerned, . . . 880
End of Nemed's colony, . . 1110
Comingof Fir Bolg, . . . Beginning of PersianEmpire.
Comingof TuathaDe"Danann, . Usurpationof the Magi.
Comingof the Gaedhil, . . Beginningof Alexander'sEmpire,

The last three pairs of contemporaryevents supply the clue to the

methodof the synchronist. He had beforehim the Eusebianworld-history
with its epochs. He had in his mind the traditional or legendaryepochsof
prehistoric Ireland. These latter had no chronology. No trace of a
native Irish chronologyhas been anywherediscovered. The synchronist
followedthe simpleplanof makingthe Irish periodscoincide
exactlywith
the world-periods.
It will appearthat the Magianconspiracy,
which raisedthe impostor
Smerdisfor a few months to the throne of Cambyses, is a rather minor
event againstwhich to date the invasion of Ireland by the Tuatha De
Danann. In my opinion,the inclusionof this pair of eventsin the scheme
wasanafterthought,
a refinement. ThattheTuathaDe Danannin genuine
Irish tradition, asidefrom the theorizingsof the schools,were no race of
mortals,but a raceimmortaland divine,inhabitingthe CelticOtherworld
andruledoverbyCelticgods;that their conquest
of theFir Bolgor Irish
 M.\cNEiLL-An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 141

aboriginesis but a duplication of their traditional victory over the hostile

god-raceof the Fomori; all this hasbeenlong establishedquite conclusively
by the great antiquary and historian who, within these last few weeks,
has ceased to live among us, except in his achievements and in his
inspiration, D'Arbois de Jubainville.1
Notwithstanding that the Tuatha De Danann were not a race of men,
their story was intimately blended with the story of the Irish Celts. A
place had to be found for them. They could not comelater than the Graedhil,
their worshippers. Theycouldnot comeearlier than theaborigines,for then
they wouldbe separatedfrom the Gaedhil,and would appearto havebeen
worstedby an alienpeople. Theycouldonly comebetween. Thesynchronist
had already planned that the Fir Bolg period should coincide with the
Persianworld-kingdom. He lookeddownthrough the Persian dynastyfor
an appropriate break at which the Tuatha De Danann could be introduced.
The only such break was the temporary usurpation of Smerdis, and it
sufficed.

The artificial character of this arrangement is emphasizedby its effect

on the scheme. It assigns37 years to the Fir Bolg, and 197 to the Tuatha
De Danann-figures worth noting, as we shall afterwards see. Eight reigns
of the Fir Bolg are compressedinto the 37 years. The 197 of the Tuatha
De Danann contain only seven reigns.
This disposition points to a yet older version of Z than Flann's original.
Of the five invasions, there are two which still do not coincide with definite
world-periods. We should have expected to find that coincidence in the
oldest version; and we shall seewhether any traces of it have beenpreserved
elsewhere. Omitting the Tuatha De Danann, there are four great legendary
invasions or settlements of Ireland. In the world-history of the synchronists,
there are also four great world-kingdoms in continuous successiondown to
the RomanEmpire-the Assyrian,the Median,the Persian,and the Greek.
The last two are accounted for in Z as we have it. There should have been
a document,older than Z, in which the coming of Partholon coincided with
the foundation of the Assyrian Empire, and the coming of Nemed with the
foundation of the Empire of the Medes.

6. Z COMPAREDWITH OTHERSYNCHRONISTIC
ACCOUNTS.
Accordingto SynchronismB, Ninus, the founder,as wasbelieved,of the
Assyrian monarchy,beganto reign 21 years before the birth of Abraham.
Keating,relyingon someIrish computation,
not nowin evidence,
teaches
that
Partholon came to Ireland 22 years before the birth of Abraham. The
1For the silenceof Nenniusabout the TuathaD. D., seeNenniusVindicatus,pp. 221, 222.
[21*]
 142 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
differenceis that which frequently arises from a confusionof n yearswith the
nthyear. Dr. MacCarthy,indeed,in his translation,has correctedthe 21 of
B to 22, in accordancewith the Eusebian chronicle. Keating connectshis
date for Partholon's arrival with the doctrine that the event took place 300
years after the Flood, and this is preciselythe unamendedteachingof Z.
There must, then, have been an early synchronism, akin to Z, which laid
down that Partholon came to Ireland in the first year of the Assyrian
world-kingdom.
It only remainsto show that Nemed'scolonywasregardedascontempo-
raneous with the Median dynasty. According to Z (IV), Nemed came to
Ireland 1562yearsafter the Flood. Accordingto B, the Assyrianmonarchy
began300yearsafter the Flood, andlasted1240years. Thus the Median
world-kingdomshouldhavebegun 1540 yearsafter the Flood. This brings
Nemed's arrival within 22 years of the beginning of the Median period.
This difference will be accounted for if we suppose that originally the
Assyrian sovereigntywas taken to have lasted 1240 years,not from its
foundation, but from the birth of Abraham, or what is the same thing,
from the beginningof " the Third Age of the World " ; for Ninus founded
the Assyrian kingdom 21 or 22 years before this epoch.
We have thus sufficient indications of the existence of an ancient
synchronismarrangedon this basis.
1. Comingof Partholon= beginningof Assyrianworld-kingdom.
2. Nemed = Median
3. Fir Bolg = Persian
4. Gaedhil = Greek

Themoststriking feature of this schemeis the late period assignedto

the Gaelic conquest of Ireland. On that point Z does not waver. With
many reiterations,the Gaelic immigration is timed against the world-
sovereigntyof Alexanderthe Great. In this respect,too, Z doesnot stand
alone.
7. THE DOCTRINE OF A.

In the light of our analysis of Z, Dr. MacCarthy'ssynchronismA will

repayinspection. Dr. MacCarthyregardedA asa very ancientdocument,as
oldasthe sixthcentury. If this beso,andI seeno reason
to disputeit,1A,
which is written in Middle-Irish, must also have had a Latin original
O

Indeed,like Z, but still morecopiously,

it preserves
manyphrasesin the
original Latin.

1MacCarthy's
proper
inference
should
bethatA is founded
in partona veryancient
document;
andsoalso
withregard
tohisfinding
that" theAnnals
ofInnisfalien
arethemostancient
bodyof
[Irish] chronicles
wepossess."ToddLect. iii., p. 369.
 -An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 143

In A's computation,Partholon came to Ireland 1002 years after the

Flood, or in 1957 B.C. (this date, we have seen, was introduced as an
emendationinto Z). His peopleremainedin Ireland1000 years,until 957
B.C. Nemedcame to Ireland in 925B.C. We are not told how long his
colony lasted,and there is no mention of the Fir Bolg or the Tuatha
De Danann. In the Book of Invasions, Nemed is the ancestor of the
Fir Bolg, the Irish aborigines. Possibly, then, the author of A identified
the comingof Nemedwith the comingof the Fir Bolg. Possibly,too, he
saw no necessity for fixing the immortal race of the Tuatha De Danann
in his chronological framework. At all events, he says nothing about an
end of Nemed's colony or about any other iuvasion from their time until the
time of the Gaedhil.

A next tells how the sons of Mil came to Ireland, 440 years after Exodus,
i.e. in 1071 B.C.,according to A's reckoning. This statement is an obvious
interpolation, for it makes the Gaelic invasion not only earlier than the
arrival of Nemed, 925 B.C., but even earlier than the end of Partholon's
colony, 957 B.C.; and the text says that when Partholon's colony died out,
Ireland was empty of inhabitants for 32 years.
Having mentioned" the taking of Ireland by the sons of Mil," the
synchronismadds, " from the taking of Ireland to the sackof Troy, 328
years"; and, later on, " from the taking of Ireland to the time of Cimbaeth,
1202 years." When these dates are worked out, they show that, in each
instance," the taking of Ireland" has been substituted for "the passageof
the Red Sea by the Israelites." Hence it follows that the sonsof Mil have
no proper place in A and should be eliminated.
Next among Irish events is the foundation of the Ulidian kingdom of
Emain Macha. This event took place in 307 B.C. Then comesthe ancient
original of the well-known statement in Tigernach: " The tales and histories
of the men of Ireland are not known and are not authentic till the time of
Cimbaeth son of Fintan." The men of Ireland are the Gaedhil. According
to A, then, the history of the Gaedhil begins with the foundation of the
Ulidian kingdom. That beingso,we can understandhow the legendof Mil
could find no place in A except by an inept interpolation.
Then follows a detailed account of the Ulidian dynasty from its
foundation to the death of Conchobor mac Nessa, A.D. 24. No other
dynasty is mentioned during this time. Perhaps the author held that Emain
was the capital of Ireland in those days, and that the Ulidian kings ruled
the island. At all events, he was certainly a partisan and adherent of the
Ulidian tradition, which consistently ignores the legend of Mil and of the
Irish monarchyvestedin his earlierdescendants.
144 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
Thedurationof the Ulidian dynastyis from 307B.C. to A.D.24-331 years.
This at oncesuggests the date of Alexander'sworld-kingdom,331 B.C. We
conjecturethat a shifting of 24 yearshasbeenmade,perhapsby a redactor
whohadthe doctrineof Z beforehim anddesiredto givethe priority to the
sonsof Mil. Therewassomeshifting of dates,certainly,for the foundation
of Emain is first placed in the 18th year of Ptolemy, 24 years after
Alexanderbecameking of the world,andagain" 33 yearsfrom the beginning
of the sovereigntyof the Greeks." When we turn to B, we find our
conjectureamply confirmed; B says : " Alexander,first king of the Greeks,
5 years, and Cimbaeth, son of Fin tan, in his time."
A saysthat Conchobarreigned60 years; but the terminal datesassigned,
from the 15th year of Octavius to the 10th of Tiberius, allow only 50 or 51
years. Here is the samedifferenceas in the foregoing paragraph, 9 years,
indicating an emendationinterpolated and not strictly carried out. A poem
on the Ulidian dynasty(LL 21/3)gives50 B.C.as the date of Conchobor's
accession :
*""%
Cethri chet bliadna brassa ad fet each sui senchassa;
fot a flatha na fer iigaeth 6 Choncoburco Cimbaeth.
Cethri chet coica \Aiadna ad fet each sui saerchialla
cia nos fegaid fri gnim gaeth cor genair Ciist iar Cimbaeth.
"Four hundred lively years each master of antiquity tells,
the length of the wisemen'srule from Conchobor
[up] to Cimbaeth.
Four hundred and fifty years every master of liberal mind tells,
if ye look to a wise work, till Christ was born after Cimbaeth."

Thus there is good evidence of an early doctrine which made the Ulidian
dynasty, from Cimbaeth to Conchobor,exactly fill up the 331 years from
Alexander's conquestof the Persiansto the commencementof the Christian
era. Since A presents a much less developedlegend than Z, I think it must
be earlier in origin, and that in its original form it must have suggestedthe
plan of equating world-periods with Irish periods, which Z preserves in a
modified form. The original of A may therefore well have been drawn up in
the sixth or early seventh century.

8. Z THE FOUNDATION OF LATER CHRONOLOGICALSCHEMES.

Irish historians did not long remain content with the view that the
Gaelic occupationof Ireland was no more ancient than 331 B.C. The dates
assignedgrew gradually more and moreremote. Dr. MacCarthyquotesa
number of them (p. 246): 544, 1066 (?), 1071, 1229, 1569. The Four
Masterswill haveit that the GaedhilreachedIreland as early as 1700 B.C.
As a rule, the later the historian, the earlier his date for this event.
 ILL-.4??, Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 145

Notwithstanding these discrepancies, the later accounts of prehistoric

Ireland find the sourceof their chronology in Z.
Theredactorof the LeabharGabhalain the Book of Leinster assignsa
much earlier period to the Gaelic conquest than Z, but preserves the
Fir Bolg period of 37 yearsand the TuathaDe Danannperiodof 197years,
as in Z.

Synchronism B puts the Gaelic conquest at 1229 B.C.-nine centuries

earlier than in Z-but has a Fir Bolg period of 35 years and a Tuatha De
Danann period of 197 years.
Gilla Coemain'schronological poem (MacCarthy, "Todd Lectures," pages
151-157) requires as early a date as 1545 B.C.-twelve centuries before
Alexander-for the Gaelic conquest,but has a Fir Bolg period of 37 years
and a Tuatha Dd Danann period of 197 years.
Keating (Irish Texts Society,vol. iv., pp. 196, 225) assigns36 years to the
Fir Bolg and 197 to the Tuatha D£ Danann.
Evidently, then, the Cyrus-Cambyses-Alexanderchronology of Z lies at
the root of the school-madehistories of prehistoric Ireland. The Z version of
the legendof Mil and his sonsis thus the oldest version now known. One broad
conclusion follows with certainty, Gilla Coemain'slong list of 136 monarchs
of Ireland before St. Patrick's time is for the most part the product of
medieval invention. The earlier section of the Irish genealogies,constructed
in harmony with that list, must also bein the samedegreeartificial. Probably
the materials in eachcase were collected largely from traditional sources;
but the structure bears the samerelation to genuine Irish tradition as a
modern edifice built out of the stones of Clonmacnois might bear to the
ancient monastery.
NOTES.

I. Partholon.-This is not a Gaelic name. It appearsagain in Flaithiusa

Herenn (BB 43 a 13), where the pedigree of Cruithne, eponymous ancestor
of the Cruithni or Picts, is " Cruithne me. Uige me. Luchta me.
Parrtholon "; in the Irish Nennius (BB 203 a 13) " Cruithne me. Cinge
me. Luchtai in. Parrthalan." In the same tract (206 a 34) the name is
also Parthai, genitive of Partha. Even if we supposethe scribe to have
substituted the more familiar name Partholon for Partha as ancestor of
the Picts, we could not well disconnect the two names. The ending -Ion
may represent -launos or -vellaunos; but if so the long vowel would indicate
that the Irish borrowed the name from Cymric with a Cymric pronunciation.
Such a borrowing would also a-ccountfor the initial P. Can Parth- be a
Pictish equivalent of the Cymric Pret- , Irish Cruth- = "Qret-, Qrit- (Ogham
Qritti, Lugu-qrit), whenceCruithni ? It seemsto recur as eponymof the
146 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy,

Part-rigepeople
who,thoughtheyinhabitedan extreme
western
regionin
Ireland to the westof LochMask, retainedthe letter p in their speechand
were,therefore,
probablynot of Gaelicorigin. Theneighbourhood of Tnani
wasinhabitedby a Pictish race,the Sogain,until the ninth century; and
someof the sameraceweresubjectto therulersof Ui Mainelong afterwards.
I am,therefore,
inclinedto believethat the PartrigewerePicts,that Partlia,
ancestorto the Picts,suppliedtheir eponym,and that the story of Partholun
is a legendof the Picts,symbolizing
perhapstheantiquityof their raceand
its overthrow in Ireland. It will be observed that in '*' (I.) the race of
Partholon is destroyed,not by pestilence,but by a hostile race, the
Conchinn or Hound-heads(perhapsHigh-heads, i.e. the tall folk, for
con-= cuno- may give either meaning). The writer promisesto tell more
about this event. But in the tract as it now exists, the story of the
pestilence
is brieflysubstituted
(II.). Herewehaveadditionalproofof late
tampering.
IV. Nemed.-I have failed to discover any consistent reckoning among
the variousperiodsassignedto the beginningand endof Nemed'scolony.
At least two distinct accounts, based on different chronologies, are here
combined in one; for it is twice stated that Nemed'sarrival was 470 years
beforethe end of the Assyrian Kingdom ; it is twice stated that his colony
lastedfor 230 years;andit is twice implied that it overlappedthe periodof
the Medes,who follow the Assyrians. The Irish quatrains quoted in this
section show interpolation, since they cannot have belongedto the original
of Z.

VIII. Mil.-We have here the oldest known version of the legend of
Mil, and the vast differencebetween this and the later forms of the legend,
whichare typified in Keating'snarrative,showshow the storyof prehistoric
Ireland developedin the early Christian period. Thereis little in the legend
of Mil, early or late, that bears the semblanceof Celtic tradition. In almost
everydetail it showsthe work of the penmanandthe Latinist. Theancient
Irish writers searched their Latin authors for namesthat would suggestan
origin for the Irish.1 The writer of this story hit uponthe nameIberi, not
the Iberi of westernEurope,but the Iberi who dwelt southof the Caucasus,
and with whomthe Eomanscamein contactunderPompeyand againunder
Trajan. The resemblanceof this name to Hiberio and Hibernia was all that
couldbe desired. Later writers substitutedthe Scythi for the Iberi because
ScythiresembledScotti.2 They introducedBreoganfrom Irish tradition as
^he map of " Orbis terrarum secundum Eratosthenemet Strabonem " in Spruner's Atlas
Antiquus(Gothae,MDCCCL.)
showsclearlythe materialon which the story of the migrationsof
the Gaedhil was founded.

2This substitutionalreadyappears
at the end of the eighthcenturyin Nennius.
 KILL- An Irish Historical Tract dated A.D. 721. 147

a new grandfather for Mil, and seizing on a passagein Orosiusthey

connectedBreoganwith Brigautia,andgave " ostitim Scenae " an undefined
location in Irish topography. Mag Breogainwas a plain in eastMinister,
inhabited by the MuscraigeBreogain. Except the Iberi, nearly all the
featuresof the legendin Z are retained but differently placedin the later
versions. The present versionmay have beenalready inventedbeforethe
seventh century, for S. Columbanus of Bobbio, in two of his letters, uses
Hiberi as a name for the Irish.
Comparisonof the spellings of names in the Hieronymo-Eusebian
chronicle(H) with the spellingsin Z,B, andFlann'spoem,Lecan43/3(F) :-
H Z B F
Ariuamithres Armiteres Arinimentes Armamenteres
Mamylus Maiminitua Maimintus Mamitidus
Manchaleus Macholius Masailius Machalius
Ascatades Ascaidias Ascaitias Ascathias
Atossa Athosa Ahosa Athoss
Semiramis Saimiraimmis Asaimiraimis Samiramis

Balepares Poilipoiris Poilipoiris Poliparis1

Sosares Sosaires Sossairses Suspires1
Lampares Lampades Lampaires Lampades
Panyas Proeminias Piamineas Pamianias
Sosarmua Soparrdis Snil'ardus Sophardus
Mithreus Metralis Metaralnius Metralius
Tautamus Tutanes Tutanes Tutanes
Teutaeus Flethius Flaithius Fletius
Eupales Calafares2 Lapales Lampaleis
Laosthenes Lanteis Lauistentes Lustines
Peritiades Perifianis Peridioidis Parathathis
Ophrataeus Offrailus Ofratolus Affratulus
Tuonus Tonus Tomus Tonus
Arbaces Arbait Aarbatus Arpait
Sosarmus Suffonus Sogafanes Susfonius
Mamycus Madidus Maidius Madius
Cardaces Cardicias Cairdisis Ardeichias
Deioces Deochus Diones Teochus
Cyaxares Ciratreas Cirasserses Ciraxerses
1 In eachof thesewordsthesyllablepar is represented
by ap with thestemcrossed
(=per)and
with a overwritten (= ar or )"«), so that it is possibleto readperar.
2 Herexxx.= Iriyinta precedes,
andprobablythe final -ta readas -co,has beenaddedto the
misread
Lapales
= Eupales.Forthemisread
I seealsoMithreus,
Teutaeus,
Ophrataeus
in H.
E.I.A.PKOC.,
VOL.XXVIII.,SECT.C. [22]
148 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

Theselists provethat the materialof H passedthroughoneand the same

hand before it issued in Z, B, and F. Since Z is a Middle-Irish redaction
of an eighth-century document,and since the conclusionof F is taken
direct from Z, there can be no reasonable doubt that Flann of Monaster-
boice, reputed author of synchronisms and inscribed author of F, was also
the Middle-Irish redactor (and part-corruptor) of Z. It is also highly
probable that, having failed by interpolations, omissions, and alterations,
to make Z conformable to the views of his school, Flann set to work
afresh and producedB, using the Eusebian material which he found in Z
as his warp, but weaving into it the Irish names and chronology accepted
by his own school. The origin of some of the misspellings in Z, B, and
F can be traced to misreadingsof archaic Irish writing. In comparing
these lists, due allowance must be made for the freedom or negligence of
transcription after the time of Flann.
I have to thank Professor Kuno Meyer for a number of corrections and
suggestions.
 IV.

EAELY IRISH POPULATION-GROUPS:THEIR NOMENCLATURE,

CLASSIFICATION, AND CHRONOLOGY.

BY JOHN MAC NEILL.

Read JANUARY23, 1911. Published APRIL 28, 1911.

CONTENTS.

I'AQE PAGE
i. Plural Names, ... 59 iv. The Tuath, . . 88
n. CollectiveNames, . . 64 v. The Tricha Get = Thirty Hundreds, 102
in. Sept Names, ... 82

I. PLURAL NAMES.

1. AMONG the continental Celts, eachdistinct population-group bore a plural

name,e.g. Haedui. The singular form denoted an individual member of the
community, e.g. Haeduus. This system of nomenclature, very general in
ancient Europe, might be expected to exist in the oldest Irish traditions. In
Ptolemy's description of Ireland, the sixteen peoplesnamed all bear namesof
this order.

2. Most of the names given by Ptolemy lack identification in the native

Irish tradition. The absenceof these from Irish writings may be accounted
for in more than one way. Someof the names may have been inaccurately
recordedby Ptolemy. Somemay have been corrupted beyond recognition by
his copyists. Some may have designated peoples whose identity became
forgottenthrough conquestand dispersion,
for there is ampleevidencethat
the period between Ptolemy's time (c. A.D.150) and the beginning of con-
temporary records in Ireland was marked by great commotion, involving
widespread
changesin distributionandrelativestatusof the olderelementsof
the population.
3. The Oghaminscriptions,as I have shownin an article on the word
Moccu(Oghammucci)in Eriu, vol.iii., part i., sometimes
recordnamesnot only
E.I.A. PROC., VOL. XXIX., SECT. C.
60 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.

ofpersons
but of peoples.Thepeople-names,
however,
chieflybelongnotto
the classdiscussed
above,but to a subordinateclass,as will be seen. It is
therefore
unnecessary
hereto consider
thequestionof theearliestdateof the
extant Oghams.BetweenPtolemyand the oldest probablemanuscript
recordsin Ireland there is a gap of at least three centuries. The names
Scottiand Atecotti, knownthroughLatin writings of the fourth century,are
probablyof a generalapplication,
not designative
of specialgroups. Orosius
givesonepeople-name not mentioned
byPtolemy, theLuceni,whomhe places
on the southerncoastover againstSpain; they have not beenidentified in
Irish tradition. (Is Luceni a copyist's error for luerni ?)
4. In Christian Ireland, from the fourth century onward,the plural formula
for people-names
exists only asa survival. The Ulidian tales,whichare held
to embodyvery ancienttraditions,assignindeeda prominentpart to peoples
with plural names,the Ulaid, the Lagin,the Galeoin,the Erainn, bvit not a
moreprominentpart than to the Connachta, whosename belongsto quite a
different order. As the phraseteoraConnachtashows,this name,though plural,
is the plural not of a word denoting an individual, but of a collective noun.
Already in the pre-Christian period such collective nounshave for the most part
displaced the older formula, tending to obliterate it largely from traditional
memory,sinceamong the hundreds of collective nameson record only a small
proportion are known to originate from an earlier group bearing a plural
name.

5. Theobsolescence
of the earlier orderof namesis further exemplifiedin
the complete absence,so far as my observationgoes,of any instance of the use
of the singular to denotean individual. The only approachto such usage
in my knowledgeis the occurrenceof a few nameslike CormacGaileng,
Ailill Erann, MugdornDub,etc.,for personswhoin thegenealogical
lore stand
as eponymousancestorsto the Gailing, the Erainn, the Mugdoirn, etc.
6. In the Christian period,the surviving plural names(exceptin genea-
logicalwritings) tend moreand moreto becomedissociated from population-
groups,and to attach themselvesin ordinary usageto geographicalareas,
e.g.Laigin, usuallymeaningthe country Leinster,or the peopleof Leinster,
of whomthe originalLaigin wereonly onesection.
7. Thefollowing
names
fromIrishMS.sources
appear
to belongto what
maybe calledthe first order,i.e. to the Haedui-type1
:-
8. *Arai, dp.Araib. Mid. Ir. Ara Thire,Ara Chliach.

1Thelistsofpeople-names
assembled
inthispaper
areof course
drawn
mainly
fromHogan's
Onomasticon
Goedelicum,
whichmaybeconsulted
with regard
to theteiritoriallocation
andextent
 ILL- Early Irish Population-Groups. 61
9. *Coraind, *Corrind, dp. Corannaib,Correndaib,Windisch, Tain Bo
Cuailngi,index. In the Boynevalley,corresponding
to Ptolemy'sCoriondi.
Cp.CorcuCuirnd,Cuirenrige.
10. Cruithni,gp.-ne,ap.-niu,but in composition
Cruithen-tuath,Cruithen-
chlar. MacFirBisigh,Book of Genealogies, R.I.A. copy,p. 54,quotesa poem
on the aithechtuatha,with the couplet(eight andsevensyllables):
Clann Chathraighea ccriochaibh Cruithent
or chin Cairbre Cinn Gait eruaidh.

The correct reading is probably Cruitheu, t from the familiar Cruithentuath

beingaddedby MacF.or someearlier scribe. The early stem should have
been*Qretiuo-, *Qreteno-,and perhapsthe Greekform Prettano- mayhave
been influenced by Brittani. Cruithni, Cruithue, may represent an early
secondaryformation in -io-, or may be merely a late developmentlike Ernai,
Mugdornai. Such a developmentcould arisefrom ap. Cruithniu, dp. Cruithnib,
which would be commonto both forms, and even a np. *Cruithin could easily
becomeCruithni in transcription.
11. Eli,
/
gp. Ele. / / /
12. Erainn, gp. Erann (not gs.as in Onom. Goed.),ap. Erna (= Ernu),
dp. Ernaib, = lerni, Iverni, " Hiberni." Probably a secondaryformation from
an older *Iveri, whence *Iveriu, Eriu, Iwerddou. In the Ulidian tales, the
Erainn are frequently called Clanda Dedad,and in the genealogiesthey have,
besides Ailill Erann, an eponymousancestorlar maceDedad. The group of
tales centring in CouaireMor are the heroic legend of this race, and Conaire's
father is called Eterscel (also Eterscele) moccu lair. Mace lair is a personal
name,not an ordinary patronymic : hencethe sept-nameUi Maicc lair and the
Oghani Maqi lari. Wiudisch (T.B.C. index) cites larna as a duplicate form
of Erna. We may supposethe double base er, iar, to have arisen from a
coexistingpair ier-, iver-. Cp.lerne,Ptolemy'sTernospotamos,lernis polis,
contemporary with luverna, luerna, Hibernia.
13. Feni,gp. Fene,as Meyerhas shown(Fianaigecht,p. viii), maybe an
ancientpeople-name,
not the nameof a classashasbeensupposed.
14. *Fothairt, gp. Fothart.
15. *Galing, gp. Galeng.
16. Galiuiu, Galeoin,gp. Galian, Galion.
17. Lagiii, gp. Lagen.

of thepeoples
andtheinflexionalandvariantformsof thenames.A smallproportion
of namesare
taken from materialnot found in Dr, Hogan'slexicon. While my lists cannotclaim to becomplete,
it is hopedthat theymayform a basisfor a moreexhaustivecollectionand for the classification
and study of the nomenclature.
62 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
18.Manaigor Monaig,dp. Manachaib,
but derivativeManehaig.Cp.
Manapii.
19.Maugdoirn,
Mugdoirn,gp.-dorn,ap.-dornu.Cp.Ptolemy's
Darini.
20.Sogain,
gp. Sogan.Cp.Sograige (?),CoreuSogain,CorcuSuigin
(Sogain
herebeinggs.of the eponym,as in moceuSogin,Oghammucoi
Sogini).
21.Ulaid,gp.Uloth,ap.Ultu. The earliernp.must havebeenUluti or
Oluti,andonemaysurmisethat Ptolemy's Ouolountioi,
whoselocationwell
corresponds
to that of the UlaidaroundEmain,is a scribalcorruptionof
Oulouti = Uluti, perhapsthroughthe influenceof the Latin voluntas.
22. Vellabori (Ptolemy),Velabri (Orosius)seemsto have left a trace in
the place-name LuachairFellubair(LL 23a 17). This nameoccursin a poem
which aims at accountingfor the distribution of the peoplessaid to be
descendants of Fergus MacEoig. WhereverEudraige,the Ulidian king of
Ireland, won a battle, his grandsonFergus planted a colony of his own race.

Cechroi reraig corruadchathaibcen chridenas

cotgab iar fir roslin Fergus dia fhinichas.

Of these colonies were Ciarraige Luachra (in North Kerry) and Ciarraige
Cuirche (Kerrycurrihy barony, co.Cork), and the victories of Eudraige which
led to them are thus recited :

Fich cath Curchu cath Luachra laechdu Fellubair

secht catha i Cliu intochtmad friu i nGlendamain.

Ptolemy clearly indicates the Vellabori as inhabiting the south-westerncorner

of Ireland, and Orosiusspeaksof the Velabri as looking towards Spain.
In the versecited, we should expect gp. Fellabor = *Vellabron, but the word
may be usedeponymically in gs. like Dedad in Luachair Dedad,another name
for the same district.

23. In the absence

of examplesof the singular,it seemslikely that Aidni,
Luaigni, Luigni, Uaithni belong to this order rather than to the collectives
in -ne.

24. Desi is to be classedapart, being the plural of a commonnoun

dtis "ensemblede vassaux."Aire cUsa,lord of a vassaltenantry. See
D'Arboisde Jubainville,CoursdeLitteratureCeltique,vol. viii, p. 204. In
the story of the migrationof the D£si (ed. Meyer,Eriu, iii, p. 141),the
narratoris at painsto explain(11.215-219)that the derogatory term dtsi
is not applicableproperlyto Dal Fiachach,the dominantpeopleof De'si
Muman:
 iLL-Early Irish Population-Groups. 63
25. Coicatoirgi laisna Deisi. A cuic fichet dib tarthatar raind, a cuic
fichet aile nach tarthatar ocus is dona toirgib [sin] is ainm Deisi. Ar itt e
fil fo deisis ocus dligud ocus bodagasdona flathaib .i. do Dail Fiachach Suigde
ocus ni hainm doib-side Deisi. " The Desi had fifty migrations1(i.e. consisted
of fifty migratory peoples). Twenty-five got a share (of the conqueredland),
another twenty-five got no share, and to these migratory peoplesthe name
De"sibelongs. For it is they who are under (deisis}vassal-tribute2and law
and bodagasto the rulers, i.e. to Dal Fiachach Suigdi, and Desi is not a name
for the latter."

26. The story professesto give a list of the migratory peopleswho assisted
Dal Fiachach in the campaign. The list namesforty-seven peoples,not fifty.
The first three are mentioned twice in immediate succession,and so may have
been counted as six by the compiler of the list, who doubtless aimed at
collecting fifty names and ceasedto extend his list when it seemedto reach
that number. Thesemigratory bodies are describedby a term (loinqes,l.103),
indicating that they were already landless. The accountof the aitheclituatha,
BB 255a,has two lists, of which the first, ending on the line 18, contains
46 names. Most of these correspondto the namesin the Desi story, and
the list was doubtlessextracted from a version of the story. Thesepremisses
fully sustain the interpretation of ddis given by D'Arbois de Jubainville.
27. *Airgeill is given by Hogan on the authority of the index to Stokes's
Tripartite Life. The gp. is Airgiall, but the np. in Mid. Ir. texts, as noted by
me, is only Airgialla. The name seemsto be of comparativelylate formation,
and cannot be classedwith the old order of plural people-names.
27a. Mac Fir Bhisigh (Geneal.,p. 54) quotesa poem on the aitliechtuatha,
which include "Absdanaigh for iarthar Erenn, for Luachair Chairbrighe."
Further it is stated that the Absdanaigh iarthair Erenn are of the Fir Bolg.
See also Onom. Goed. Since Cairbrige is said to be an older name for
Ciarraige Luachra (perhaps for the territory, from a people supposedto
have anciently possessedit), the locality indicated is Luachair in western
Munster.

28. As in Airgialla, soin severalother plural nameswith 0-stem,Middle

Irish usagesubstitutes a strengthenednominative : Araid for *Arai, gp. Arad,
ap. Arada; Jirna, lirnai for Erain; Fotharta, Gailenga,Mugdorna, Mugdornai.
The added syllable is occasionally maintained in gp., e.g. septem genera
Gailinga. Cp.what hasbeensaidaboveon Cruithni,*Cruithin.

1 torche, toirge. For the meaning cp. " Isead cheadosfochand toirchi Chiarraidi . . . coMumain,"
Leoan 253 b ; " Cuis toirche Choreo hOichi o Loch nEchach," ib. 271 a.
- For deisis Rawl. B 602 has chis = rent.
64 Proceedings
of theRoyal[risk Academy.

II. COLLECTIVE NAMES.

29. Already,beforethe earliest documentaryperiod,a new formula has

come into generaluse,that of collectivesingular names. Of such names
there are five varieties :-

(1) Dal followedby genitive eponym,e.g.Dal Caia.

(2) Corcufollowedby genitiveeponym,e.g.CorcuDuibne.
(3) Eponymcompounded with -rige, e.g.Boonrige.
(4) Eponym compoundedwith -ne, e.g. Cuircne.
(5) Eponymcompounded
with -acht,e.g.Cianacht.

Loigis(Mid. I. Laigis, modernI. Laoighis,EnglishLeix), gs. L6igse,may

be a sixth variety.
30. Until the eighthcentury,this class of people-names,
which I would
call the secondorder, though long established,had not becomestereotyped
asin later usage. Theywereto someextent interchangeable.Korku Eeti
(Adamnan)= Dal Eiatai. Corcu Sai (L. Arm.) = Sairige. Dal Musca
= Muscraige. Dal nEogain, Dal Cein = Eoganacht, Cianacht. This inter-
changeablecharacter shows that the different forms were felt to belong to
one order or system of nomenclature,which is also proved by the applicability
to all of the personal name-formula in moccu (Ogham mucoi, maqi mucoi),
which becomesobsoletein the eighth century.
31. The eponym is occasionallyfeminine. From this and other indications,
I have formed the opinion that the eponymousancestor may be a divine or
mythologicalpersonage. Many of the stories in which the genealogistsrelate
the origin of theseearly groups bear a strong mythological character.
32. Dal is explained by Ven. Bede,in reference to the Dalreudini (i.e.
Dal Ee"ti,Dal Eiata), as meaningpars,andthis amongvarioussensesof the
word seems best suited to its usage in people-names: Dal Eeti, Eete's
divisionor sectionof the Erainn. Theeponymmay be often, if not always,
the name of a divine ancestor.

33. Corcu (later Corco, Corca) appears as an indeclinable noun.1 A

possibleconnexionwith coirce is suggestedto me by ProfessorMarstrander :
cp. the useof Sil in later group-names,e.g.Sil Muiredaig.
Thegenealogists, ignoringthe obviousfact that Corcuis a commongeneric
term equivalent to Dal, supply an eponymousancestorCore for several of the
peoples named in this form.

1 But a late dp. coicaib occursin Book of Rights.

 lLi,--Earl// Irish Population-Groups. 65

34. Dal is found before the following eponyms:-

Aengusa Musca Connaig Maic Cuirp Mude
Airde Conrach Maic Neth Mudine Indae

nAisci (Naisci ?) Corb Maigin Mugaide

Araidi Coniiaic Maigne Mugaidithi
Auluim Cualni Maignen Mugith
Oluim Cuinn Maigneim Muigid
Uluim Cuirb Maithe Muine
Baiscinn Cuirc. . Maitti Muindi

Bardeni ^ *0 Mathar Muisge

Bairdine Dairine Math3 Lego Muith
Beccon Dallain2 Math3 Lobha Musca
Birnd Damail Mathra Na Cethre nArad

Buachalla Didil Mathrach Nat Corp

Buain Ditil Matraoh Niad Corb
Buinne Druitlme Metrach Niath Lega
Bundruini Duach Maugnae [Niath Lobha]
Cabail Duibne Mechon Nimde
Cabula Duluim Mochon Nuidne
Cauala Echach Meuda Nuidine

Cairbri Eogain Meandach Nuisce

Coirpri Fiachach Mendad Nuiscidi
Cais Fiatach Mendato uOich

Calathbuig Foichidh Mendet Biatai

Cathula Gabla Mennaid Biata
Cealtru Gailline Medruad Eiada
Ceata Gella Mendraide Ruitne
Cein Idnu Messe Corb Kuntair
Cete Imdae Mas Corb Euntir
Ceide nlochair Mes Corb Sailni

Cethirnn Luigne Messin Corb Seille

Codaid Luigni Mos Corp Tidil
Conchubuir Lniscni Mocoirp Tidilli
Coudad1 Luiscin Mo Dala Tri Conall
Condaid Macon Mo Dola nUlad
Condaith Meacon Mo Dula nlllaim

Confinn Mecon Moga Uoig

Congaile Maic Con Moga Kuith Urcon
Conluain Mic Con Muaigh

1Coanad= OghamCUNANETAS. 2 Dal nDallain (recteDal Dalann = OorcuD.), Onom.

Goed. s.v. Dal Condaith. 3 Probably a scribal error for Niath.
66 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.

35. Corcu is found before the following eponyms:-

Achland Ce6 Druithne Inmend
Achlann Cede Duib8 Inomain
Athchlann Cheiii Duibe Itha
Achrach Cluain Duibne Laege
Acrach Choemne6 Duibindi Laige
Adain Coilgenn Duibne Loegde
Adaim Comne Duichne Laegde
Aengusa Condlaigen Duinn Laigde
hAibligh1 Condluain Duithne Luigde
Ainge Chroissine Dula Luachra
Airtbe Croisin Echlann Luigdech
Airtbind Cuilend Eclirach Luigne
Airtgein Cuirn Ela Ma
Aland2 Chuirnd Ele90 Maigh
Andsae Culla Ethrach Maighe
Aola Dainr Echach Maige Locha
Arad Dal ann Ethach Maigen
Athrach Dalian Eoluim Maigne
Ethrach De Faimnia Maradh
Auloim Deala Fasaigh Mogha
Auniclie2" Dega Ferai Moda
Bairdni Dene Fiachach Moncho
Baiscinn Dine Fiachrach Mu Druad
Bibuir Dimoena Fir Tri9 'Mdruad
Bill Doine Irtri 'Mruad
Bim Dome Foche = Oche Muichet
Bruidhi3 Din Foduib10 Muichi
Caela4 Ditha Fuindche Muinche

Cliaelraigi Dithechfcai Gaola Muinchi

Caullain Condithechtai Iche Nechtae

1 SeehlTiblig. 2= Ddlann? 3 PerhapsGorbraige

(Cor.readas Corcu). 4Perhaps
Corca Ela read as Cor. Caela. 5 Perhaps CorcoOche. 6 Perhaps CorcoEmne cp. Emlnrige.
7 Perhaps C. Adain. a Corcu Duib = Diibrctige, Onom. Goed. 9 Aduin ? 9 Also
written Corcorthri, Corcothri, etc. 10Cp. VODDUV in Macalister, no. 40, ACURCITi aVI
VODDUV ANGAC (=*Vodul>i Angaci,and with the last word cp. Ui Angain, BB 156b 28, a sept
of Ciarraige, U Aingeda, maic Aingeda, 156a 27, 28). The initial A may perhaps not properly
belong to the inscription.
20Auniche,
Fuindche,
Muichi,Muinche,
Muinchiall seemto be scribalvariantsof (Corco)
hUiniehe (doGallaib), Eriu in, p. 139.
9aNot in Onom.Goed. " Ate andsona tuatha tuctha i n-eraicEergusaSeandail.i. CorcoEle 1
CorcoThenead7 Corcamruad Altat" Lecan 450. For the allusion, cp. Book of Rights, p. 88 note,
which shows that the three tuatha must have been in eastern Munster.
 LL-Early Irish Population-Groups. 67
Ochland Rinn Sechlaind3 Thened
Oiche Einne Selcind Tethba
Oche Roeda Sochlencl Timine

Oirce Roide Sogain Tine

Oircthe Raeda Suigin Toilgenn
Oirchen Raeidhe Sodhain Uais
Oircthen Raide Soilcind hUiblig
Olchind1 Raighe Tliede = Dal Cete hUiniche
Reti Roeada Themne Ulad
Riada Ruaid Temrach Ulum4
Righe2 Ruisen Tened
36. -rige has dative singular rigiu. Though I have no instanceestablishing
the gender as neuter, still the ending is to be identified with the neuter noun
rige ' kingship.' Hence it would appear that groups of this order originally
formed petty states each under its king. Historically, someof thesegroups
are large enough to form several petty kingdoms, while others must have
been mere village communities.
37. In these compounds rlgion = rige becomes5-rige. If the eponym
retains a secondsyllable ending in a vowel, -rige sufferssyncope,e.g. Nechtarge
(epon.in moccuNeclitm'), Owirc/e, later by metathesis or analogy, Nechtraige
Osraige. The close correspondencebetween Ilic territory of Osraige (diocese
of Ossory,but anciently also extending much farther westward) and the place
assignedby Ptolemy to the Ousdiai makes it likely that the names also are
closely associated(Osse-nje = *0sdia-rigion '. Shouldwe not expect Uisscrge ?).
When the eponymic element ends in r precededby a consonant, only one r
appearsin writing : Gabraige= *Gabrorlgion(eponym Per Da Gabar), Bibraigc
= CorcuSibuir, Odraigealso Odorrige, This arises from a usage in spelling,
cp. gobann, Qoibniu.
38. In Middle Irish, there is an increasing tendency to substitute -raige
for rige, and the later MSS.show a strong preference for -raide. In the
following list add -ri//i\ -raige, where the hyphen appears:
Ai-? Airb-c Allt- Arb-
Aib- Alt- Aman-7 Art-

1 Olchind,Selcind,Sochlend,
Soilcind,Toilgennappearto be variants of one name. * Perhaps
= Roede. 3 Cp. Echlann, AcMand. 4 = AiiJoim, Eoliiiin.
5 Holder, Altcelt. Sps., gives Icorigium, vicani Segorigiemes, both from the Prussian Rhine
Province,und Carlantoriy\_i]onfrom southernScotland. With the last cp. Corbetrige.
6 " Ar slicht A'ot/iar meicnieicFir Airbeir do Ernaibita Ailride," Leean453. ReadAirbrige ?
7A matinge, Etnenrige,will be found in Onom. Goed. under tuath, and the topographicalrefe-
rencesshowthat theseare identical with Aniiinchaire,Emencliairi. In the latter we have probably
one more form of collective people-name,formed with the word corio-, citire. Cp. banchuire,
Corioiidi, Gaulish Coriosolites, Petrucorii.
B.I.A. PKOC.,VOL. XXIX., SECT.C. [11]
68 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
Grac-
Au- Caen- Coth-
Crec-
Baen- Cae- Grag-
Belt- Cai- Creg- Graic-
Bend- Oailt- Crech- Gran-
Benn- Cairb- Crobert- Grec-
Crot-
Bent- Cair- Greg-
Bendt- Calb- Ouart- Gregi-
Bennt- Cal- Cuilen- Gruth-
Bib- Call- Cuin- Gub-
Biurraidh? Carb- Cuir- Gubt-
Bidb- Cas- Cuiren- Inninn-
Bid- Cath- Culindt- Ladh-
Blad- Cat- Cup- Lagh-
Blath- Catt- Cu- Lam-
Blae- Cecht- Cur- Lath-
Blai- Cel- Curand- Lat-
Blod- Cell- Cuth- Latt-
Blodh- Cerd- Dart- Luad
Boend- Cer- Dub- Lubart-
Boand- Ciar- E-? Lubu[t>
Boind- Clom- Eigin- Lucli-
Bocc- Cloth Em- Lud-
Bodb- fCnam- Emen- Luid-
Bolg- Co-1 Eoch- Luff-
Bonand- Coc- Erc- Lug-
Bond- Coil- Herc- Luig-
Bonn- Coen- Fed- Lus-
Bon- Coin- Forb- Man-
Boon- Coirp- Frad-2 » Mann-
Borb- Coith- Gab-3 Mas-
Brecc- Cond- Gael- Masc-
-i Bresc- Con- Gail- Maugin-
Brocenn- Corb- Gaman- Mughan-
Brod- Corbet- Garb- Med-
Brug- Corc- Geg- Meg-
Bru- Corp- Glas- Men-
Brui- Cort- Glunn- Mend-
Cael- Cosc- Grafimin- Menn-

1 " Aitnirgen Qlmngeala quo CoraicK(= Corcofiaidi?) 7 Orbraidi 7 CorcoAthrucli EJe,Lecan

456.
2 Read Trad- ? '

3 Aengus Fear da Gabar mac Conairi Moir meic Etersceoil a quo Garbraidi, Lecan~4oO.
Fer Gabra macConairi maic Meissi Buachalla diatat Ctabrige, Erin iii., p. 139.
 MA<;NEILL-Early Irish Population-Groups. 69
Molt- Odor- Sai- Sort-
Musc- Od- Saitb- Sorth-
Naind- Orb- Sciath- Suob-
Necht- Osse- Scorb- Tac-1
Nechta- Ossa- Scot- Taec-
Nos- Os- Sed- Tec-
Nois- Pap- Sem- Teoc-
Noth- Pab- Semon- Teoch-
Nud- Part- Snob- Torc-
Nudh- Rafch- Sob- Trat-
Nuidh- Rech- Sub- Trad-
Nut- Ros- Sogh- Tread-
Nuth- Roth- Sord- Treg-
Roith- U-

39. The suffix -ne, ds. -niu, points to a collective ending -inion. In
Middle Irish, when the precedingconsonantresists palatalisation,-ne becomes
-na. In the following list, doubtless,many namesare included which do not
denotepopulation-groups,sincethe suffix has a much wider application.
The instanceswhich are known to be people-namesare indicated by the
mark f.

Mag Aibne Brefne Ath Coirthine Cuairne

Aidne Brebne Coirtene Cuerne

Ailbine Brestine Dv\n Coistinne Mag Cualgerne

Loch Aillinne Loch Bricerne tConaille Ath Cuillne
Loch Aindinne Bruachairne Aes Conchinne tCuircne
Cluain Airdne tBuaigni Mag Conchinne Ros Cuissine
Airene Buichne fConchuburne Traig Culcinne
Cul Aisne Cabcenne Coningne Daimine
Mag Argarni Cluain Caichne tConmaicne Daimne
Belach niBarnini Cascene Creidne fDairine
Bechlarna Cul Caissine tCremtbanna Damhaime

Beltine Mag Cargamni Cremtbinne Es Danainne

IBlaitine Cattene Ard Crimne fDelbna
Blaittine Cerne Crinua Delmne
Blarna Dun Cermna Ard Croinne Delna

Bogaine Mag Cetni ITuathCruadhluindeDeoninne

1 Tacraige,etc., a subdivisionof the Arai. The variants suggestan originnl Toeccrige,Toicc-,

op. MUCOI TOICACI. Tlie peoplewasoneof the four sub-divisionsof the Arai, and the eponym
appearsas Toecain the following (Lecan450):-Ceithri ineic Laider in nrad.i. Dula 7 Tocca7 Nena
~. Artu.

[U*J
70 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
Dergne fGailine Tir Marcoeini Scedni
Dun Detchine Gailinne Metine Sceinni
Detnae Gebtine MuscraigeMitaine Segene
Cul Dreimne Gobnine Midbine j-Semaine
Drebne Goistine Cluain Moescnae Semoni
Drebine Gratine f TuathMochtaine Semuine
Dun Dreimne Greftine ,, Mochthuinne Semne

MagDrithne Gruitini Dun Muairne Cul Siblinne

Duichni Domnach larlainne Ailech Mnirinuc Cul Sibrinne
Sliab Eblinne Ath Inroine Nemeni Dun Sraibtine
Edne Inber Labrainne Glenn Nemthinne ,, Sraiftine
Eilne Loch Labrainne Ochaine Sraiptine
Eilbine fLathairne Oichene Taelcoine
Cul Emm Latharna fOchmaine Taiblene
LochErne fLigmtiine Oicne MagTaidcni
Ernine Locharna Caill Oiclmi Talcainne
Etarbainne fLuaigni Oinmine Talindi
Fertene j-Luguirne1 Ollbine CluainTibrinne
Findine tLuigni fPlaitine fTretherne
BenuFoibne Mag Luidni Eaigne Tuath Uindsinde
Eos Foichne tMairtine Baimhne Mag Uaidni
Foidne Ath CliathMairgeueSaidni f Uaithni
Fuaithniu Ath Liac Margini Saimni
Ard Gabveni Cuan Manainne fSaithni
40. Interchange of formulae :-
Dal Aengusa Musca = Dal Musca = Muscraige
Dal Auluim = Corcu Auloim
Dal Bardeni = Corcu Bairdni
Dal Baiscinn = Corcu Baiscinn

Dal Birnd2 = Corcu Birn = Osraige

Dal Buain = Boonrige
Dal C6in = Corcu Chein = Cianacht
Dal C6te, cp. Corcu Cede
Dal Conchubuir = Conchubuirne3
Dal Conluain = Corcu Condluain

Dal Cormaic = Corcu Cormaic Lagen

Dal Cuinn = Connachta

Dill Cuirb, cp. Corbraige

Dal Cuirc, cp. Cuircne
1 Luguirne, LI^ 134 b, last line, not in Onoin. Goed.
2 " GenelachDail Birn .i. Osairge," Rawl. B 502, 128b 25.
:i See note on moccu Conchubuir below.
 i.L,-Early Irish Population-Groups. 71
Dal Druithne = Corcu Druithne
Ddl Duibne, cp. Corcu Duibne
DAI Echach, cp. Corcu Ecliach
DAI Eogain = Eoganacht
Dal Fiachach = Corcu Fiachach

Dal Luigne = Corcu Luigne

Dal Maigen, cp. Corcu Maigen
Dal Maigne, cp. Corcu Maigne
Dal Maugnaa, cp. Mauginrige
Dal Me Druad = Corcu Mu Druad, Corcumruad
Dal Mo Dula, cp. Corcu Dula
Dal Moga, cp. Corcu Moga
Dal Biatai = Korku Eeti, Corcu Eiada
Dal Ulad, cp. Corcu Ulad
Corcn Bibuir, cp. Bibraige
Corcu Cuirn, cp. Cuirenrige
Corcu Dalann = Dal Dalann

Corcu Duib = Dubrige

Corcu Loegde, also named Dairine
Corcu Och(a)e, cp. Ochaine
Corcu Luachra = Orbraige Droma Imnocht
Corcu Nechtae, cp. Nechtarge, Nechtraige
Corcu Euisen = Tuath Ruisen
Corcu Sai = Sairige
Corcu Thenine = Temenrige
Saithrige, cp. Saithne
Semraige, Semonrige = Semaine, Semoni, Tuath Semon

41. Of collective names in -acht, I have only three certain instances,all

very prominent in history, Cianacht, Connachta, Eoganacht. The plurals
Cianachta,Eoganachtaare also frequent, especiallywhen more than one sub-
division of these groups is in question. Of the singular ConnachtI have no
example; but the phrase teora Connachta shows that here, too, we have a
collective noun. These instances may be added to Bibracte cited by
Thurneysen (Altir. Gram. § 262) in support of his view that the abstract
nouns in -acht were originally collectives. Other possible examples are
Ailech Esrachtae, Ard Canachta,Cluain Cuallachta,
/
Crich Cugennachte.
42. In my paper on the Moceu-fornmla (Erin, vol. in), I brought together
a number of instances to show that this formula, which was used as a kind of
surnameuntil the eighth century, had relation to the people-name, the
eponymin the latter being extracted,so to speak,and its genitivepreceded
by moccubeingusedto form the surnameor gens-name of the individual. I
72 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
alsoshowedthat moccu
in Old Irish was representedby mucoior maqi mucoi
in the Ogham
inscriptions,
andthat the corresponding
people-name,
whereit
couldbe identified,belongedto the classof collectivenameswhich I have
venturedin this paper to designateas the secondorder. With a view to
testingthesedeductions
morefully, I havebroughttogetherall theexamples
of mucoi and moccu which since then I have been able to collect. The result
hasbeento confirm the deductionsof my paperin Eriu. I havefoundno
conflictinginstance. In many cases,the correspondingpeople-name hasnot
yet beendiscovered;but sinceit appearsfairly certainthat theformulaalways
testifies to the existence of an ancient population-group whose name must
haveembodiedthe eponymfoundafter mucoior moccu,I give herethe whole
list of examples.
43. If I am correct in referring moccuMich to Eli, and moccuEchach
(Echdach) to Dal Echach= Fothairt,theseinstances,
togetherwith moccu
Baird,
appearto indicatethat the formulawasalsoapplicablein the caseof people-
names of the first order. The rarity of the instances is a matter of course,
consideringthat but few namesof the first orderwerepreserved,
and that of
thesefew a number,like Erainn, Lagin,comprisedsubdivisionsof the second
order. It is evenprobable,as CorcuSoginbesideSoginsuggests, that the
collective formula could be applied to the older namestreated as eponyms.
44. Eponymsfollowing MUCOI and its variants in Oghaminscripti ons:-
1. AN Ado

69. ALLATO cp. Altraige2

76. BIDANI

1902 p. 5. BRECI cp. Breccraige

162. CALLITTI cp. Cailtrige
183. CORIBIRI cp. Dal Coirprr
126. CUNAVA[LI] cp. Conaille4
229. CUN1A
246. DON.rJ
18. DOVV1NIAS Corcu Duibne"'"

1The numbersarethoseof Macalister'scollection; the yearsandpagesrefer to the Journal of the

Royal Societyof Antiquariesof Ireland.
2 This identification
is hardlydoubtful. Theinscriptionbelongs to thebaronyof Trughanacmy,
Co.Kerry. TheAltraigewerea,subdivision of theCiarraige,
their eponymous ancestors being(gs.)
Alta,a descendant of Ciara,alsonamed
MugTaeth,eponymous ancestor of theCiarraige,according
to
the genealogists. The Altraige inhabitedpart of the landsof CiarraigeLuachraandCorcu Duibne.
3 Dal Coirpri,oneof thefour primarydivisions(cethriprimsloinnte)
of theLagin. Theyseemto
havebeensituatedin EastMunster,of which a largepart had once,it wasbelieved,belonged to
Leinster. Of Dal Coirpriwere the familiesof Ua Riain (Ryan)and TJaDuibidir(Dwyer),noted
EastMunstersurnames.Theinscription,however, belongs to EastMuskerrybarony,Co.Cork.
4 Conaille(cp. Conalneos
fines,L. Arm.)= *Cnnovalinion.TheConailleof Muirthemne maybe
regardedasneighbours of theIsle of Man,wheretheinscriptionis found.
5Thisandthethreefollowing
inscriptions
arefromthebarony
of Corcaguiny
= CorcuDuibne.
 Early Irish Population-Groups. 73
20. DOV ..........
31. DOVINIA
82. DOVINIA
189. GLUNLEGGET
211. IVODACCA
214. LITOS
212. LUGA

247. LUGUNI cp. Dal Luigni1

1899 p. 427. LUGUNI Luigne2
1895 p. 359. MACORA
213. MACORBO op. Dal Mocoirp.3
223. MaCoRBo
196. MAQI EURP
3. MAQI MEQ [o . - .
220. MEDALO cp. Dal Mo Dala.
1898 p. 397. M°iTINI
208. NETA SEGAMONAS5
225. NETA SEGAMONAS

231. NETA [SEGAMJONAS

237. ODARREA cp. Odrige, Odorrige.6
1 The inscription is from Co.Waterford. Dal Luigni wereamongthe Desiallies (Eriu iii., p. 149).
2 Inscription from neighbourhoodof Kells. The Luigne of Meath inhabitedthis neighbourhood,
not the baronyof Lune, which takesits namefrom the Luaigni.
3 "Dal Niacorp" (a daerthuathof Cashel,thereforedistinct from Dal Niiith Corb, of which was
the Leinsterdynasty) Onom.Goed.is probably for Dal Macorp= Maic Corbb.
4 For lari ?

5 The three inscriptions bearing this eponym are found within a small area, the district of
DungarvanandArdmoreon the south coast. The eponymmay betranslated" Segomo'schampion."
Apart from this name, so far as I am aware, no trace of Segomohas been discovered in Irish tradition.
He was known, on the other hand, to the Gauls as a war-god, " Mars Segomo." We should look for
a tuatk bearingsomesuchnameas *Dal Niath Segamon in the district mentioned,but no instanceof
sucha namehasbeenfound. The nameSegomo,however,and the locality are strongly suggestive
of a late settlementof Gaulson the southerncoast. The story of the Desi settlement(Eriu iii., p. 139)
namesamong the Desi allies Corcoh Uiniche do Gallaili, and Dal Maignenn, descendantsof Maigniu Gall.
We can only identify the descendantsof Segomo'sChampionwith the Eoganachta,who claimed
Nia Segamonas their ancestor. In CorcuLoegde,= Dairine, we find another instanceof a tuath
owningtwo distincteponyms. The occupationof Cashelby the Eoganachtacannotwell bedisconnected
from the Desi settlement. (1) The whole territory east of the Suir and within the later Munster
belongedtraditionally to the Osseirge(Osraige),who were akin to the Lagin. (2) Airmuma, " East
Munster," is specificallythe nameof a territory we&tof the Suir, now the barony of Upper Ormond.
OenachAirmuman= Nenagh. (3) The baroniesof KilnemanaghUpper and Lower were held by
Dal Coirpri, one of the cethrl primsloinnteLagen, " the four chief denominationsof the Lagin."
(4) Cashel,accordingto the legend(Keating, Forus Feasa,book i, sec. 3), was first "found" in
the time of Core sonof Luguid, and had not previouslybeena residenceof the kings of Munster.
Oengus,grandsonof Core, was king of Munster in St. Patrick's time, and Corewas said to have
reignedin the time of Niall Noigiallach. The traditional occupationof Cashelthen by the Eoganachta
may be placedabout A.D. 400. (5) As the seatof the Eoganachtdynasty, the placeborea name of
Latin origin, caissel= castellum. For the tradition of its older namesseeKeating, 1. c.
cCp. Coicado maccaibOdra di hUltaib diata Odrige(Eriu iii., p. 138). Thesetake part in the
Desi invasion, and the inscription is from the Desi district.
74 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
79. QEEAI Cerrige,later Ciarraige.1
160. QEITTI cp. Crothraige.
218. EOTTAIS cp. Eothraige, Roithrige.2
198. SOGINIcp. Sogain,CorcuSogain,CorcuSuigin.
88. TOICAXI
89. TOICACI
91. TOICAC
149. TOEIANI
1903 p. 76. TEEnAluGGo
1896 p. 129. TEENAQITI
109. TUCACAC3
107. UDDAMI
242. VALUVI
139. VIEAGNI
243. VIEI QOEB
45. As appliedto contemporaries, the quasi-surnamesin mm-cnbecome
obsoletein the eighthcentury. The latestinstanceI have found is that of
Lucereth moccu Ciara, the author of a poem commencing Cu-cen-mdthair
maifh in cliland, which is found with the Eoganachtgenealogyin the Booksof
BallymoteandLecanandin EawlinsonB 502. From internal evidencethis
poemappearsto have been composedearly in the eighth century. In the
Book of Leinster and later documentsmoi.ni is misunderstoodas an equivalent
of macehui,filius nepotis,
andcommonlyrepresented by inc./<.,m.//., macemi,etc.
Abbreviationsin the followinglist: MD (with datein calendar)= Martyrology
of Donegal; LL, BB (with pageof facsimile)==Book of Leinster, Bookof
Ballymote; Ad = Adamnan'sVita Columbae, Eeeves,index; Onom= Hogan's
OnomasticonGoedelicum; Arm = Hogan's Glossaryto Book of Armagh ; AU
(with year of annal) = Annals of Ulster; SL = Stokes's Lives of the Saints
from Book of Lismore, index.
46. Eponymsfollowing Moccu:-
LL 368 Ultan m. h. Aignich see Eignich below
,, ,, Mo Boe m. h. Aldae4
BB 212 Mo Bhi qui dicitur me. h. Alia
,, 225 Brenaind me. h. Alta5 Altraige

1 The inscription is from Magunihy barony, adjoining Ciarraige Luachra,

2 From a Desi inscription. The Roithrige take part in the Desi invasion.
3Macalister'ssuggested
reading of the inscription,which is defaced. Perhapsit 'was originally
TOICAC as in no. 91.

4 See pedigree of Mo Baedan from Fiachra Allae, BB 218 g.

5 See note on ALLA-TO above. Alti postulates a different stem. The pedigree of St. Brendan
has "mace Findloga maicc Ohhon maicc Altai rel aliter mace Findloga m. Olchon m. (fossam. Oabl't
m. Ecni m. Allae . . . do Chiarraige litachra, do Altraige OindBera ocusdo ChorcuSuibni," LL 349 a;
" maceFindioga m. Elchon m. Aeltai do Chiarraigi, Luachra do Alltraige Chaille," LL 371 a.
 MACNEILL--EarlyIrish Population-Groups. 75
Ad. Brendenus mocu Alti Altraige
LL Colman mace Cuansi cp. Corcu Andsae
368 Odran me. li. Araide Dal Araidi
BB 228 Odran me. h. Araide

Ad Comgellus mocu Aridi1

MD Jim. 7 Mo Cholmoccmac ua Arta Artraige
BB 225 Colum me. h. Arte !>

LL 359 Nechtan m. h. in Baird2 Longo-Bardi

MD Apl. 22 Neachtainmac ua Baird »

, Aug. 30 TJsaillemac ua Baird" »

Kriu iv. p. 75 Secbnall mace ui Baird2 »

BB 226 Colman me. li. Bairdine3 Dal Bardeni

LL 367 Colman m. h. Bairddeni j j

,, 356 Mo Cholmoc m. b. Beona

373 Nem m. h. Birn Dal (or Corcu) Birn1
MDJun.14 Nem mac ua Birn »»

Onom, p. 197 Cell macu Birn »

LL 368 Setua Dromma m. h. Blai Blairige

Onom Druim mic ua Blae

Ad Lugbeus mocu Blai

Arm Miliucc maccu Booin Boonrige, Dal Buain
BB 226 Caindeeb me. b. Buacballa Dal Buachalla
LL 367 Cainnecb m. h. Buacballa
368 Oidrine ra. b. Buacballa
Onom, p. 197 Cell maccu Buad;iin
MD Oct. 4 Fionocc maccu Cha cp. Cairige, Caraige
LL 356 Ecca m. b. Cbae j)

BB 227 Mo Laisi me. b. Caidi cp. Catrige

LL 368 Mo Lasse m. h. Gate

)J JJ Mo Beoc m. b. Cati
BB 227 Mo Beoc me. b. Cbaiti
1! It Mo Laisi me. h. Carraigi
LL 368 Mo Lasse in. b. Caisrige
367 Colman me. b. Cbais5 Dal Cais

1 Pedigree from Fiachra Araide, epon. anc. of Dal A. LL 348 d.

2 Nechtanor Nechtain, Ausaille= Auxilius, and Sechnall= Secundinuswere three of the seven
sonsof " Lupait sister of Patrick" by Restitutus of the Longobardi, LL 355a, 372a. "We have
here in moccuBaird a curiousextensionof the formula to a foreign people. In LL 372a, Lnpaisis
called" mathair macehu Eaird." SeeAnscombe,The LongobardicOrigin of St. Sechnall,Eriu iv.,
p. 74.
3 " Colmanmaccu Barrdini, do Dal Barrdaimte a chenel," Onom. Goed. p. 331.
4 Dal Birn wasa synonym for Osseirge,Osraige,who arecalled Sil mBirn, LL 339a 1, from an.
ancestor Loegaire Birn Buadach.
5 ColumEpscopof Tir Da Glashas a pedigreefrom Dal Cais, BB 221f.
B.I.A. PBOC.,VOL.XXIX.,SECT.C, [12]
76 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
Dal Cais
BB 226 Column me. h. Chais
Cianachta
Ad Mater virorum mocu Ceiin
j) Chonrii mocu Cein ))
j) avia To Cummi mocu Cein J'
LL 868 Mo Chuminae in. h. Chein )l
BB 227 Mo Chimia me. h. Chen ))
i) 226 Comgallme.h. Cein J»
LL 327 Comgallm. h. Chein "»
}> » Findlug m. h. Chein ii
BB 227 Fintan inc. h. Chen1 "i
>> 228 Mo Gobboc m. h. Chein ''
LL 368 Mo Gobboc in. h, Chein j?
Ad To Channu mocu Fir Cetea Ril C6te
BB 178 Lucreth macu Ciara Ciarraige
LL 357 Lucill m. h. Chiara ;>
MD Jan. 31 Caindeachmac ui Chil Celrige
BB 227 Bintan me. h. Cind-
LL 290 Dil me. hu Chrecga Creccraige
» 367 Coliuan me. h. Coirtged2
BB 226 Colman me. h. Coirtged2
LL 355 Cilline m. h. Colla cp. Corcu Culla
362 Ultan in. h. Conchob« //-'" D;il Conchobuir

AU t656 ObitusUltain moccuChoncobair ?>

662 Ultan moccu Chonchobair quievit i)
BB 228 Ultan me. h. Conchubair »5
LL 368 Mo Lasse ni. h. Chonna cp. D;il Condad
Arm Ad insolas Maccu Choi- cp. Cuirrige
LL 367 Mo Chua nic. h. Choraig
BB 227 Mo Chua nic. h. Choraig
MD Mar. 16 Abban mac ua Corbmaic4 Da) Cormaic
BB 123 Aban maccua Cormaic »

LL 357 Abbain m. h. Chormaic ;5

» 364 Abban m. h. Chormaic M

MD Dec. 27 Fiacha mac ua Chov.bmaic )»

AU 663 Baetan moccu Cormaicc )J

AU 690 Cronan moccu Chualne Dal Cualui

1 S. Fiutan Find of Druimm Ing, Cianachtpedigree,BB 221a, 232b 48.

2 SeeForgtech,Fortgech,and cp. CorcuOircthe, C. Oircthen.
3 " Ar badoD. C.dosom,"
Onom.
Goed.,
p. 332. In theBookofArmagh,
heiscalledepiscopus
Conchuburnensium,
episcopo
Conchuburneiisi,
indicatingthe alternativeform Conchuburne
= Dal
Conchubuir.

4Pedigree
fromCorniac,
sonof CuCorb,andepon.
MIC.of Dal Corraaic,
oneoftheeetJiri
prl-ni-
J.agen." 2sdib Abaitmacctta
Cormaic,"BB 123b 26. His pedigree,
BB 222e,f.
 Vj i

MACNEILL-Earl//Irish Population-
Groups. 77
MD Feb. 7 Mellan mac ui Cuinn Dal Cuinn'
Sep. 10 Seighinmac ui Chuinn
Oct. 9 Aedhan mac ui Chuind
LL 362 Aedan m. li. Cuind
BB 226 Colman m, h. Cuind
LL 367 Colman m. h. Cuind
BB 227 Mo Chua me. h. Chuind
LL 367 Finding m. h. Chuind
PM Ultan mac hui Cunga
AU 664 Ultan macCaunga
Onom moccuDaimene cp. Daimine
Ad Cainnechus mocu Dalon2 Corcu Dalann
BB 226 Caindech me. h. Dalann il

227 Mo Laisi me. h. Dartada cp. Dartraige

LL 368 Mo Lasse m. h. Dartada
MD May 21 Inis mac ua Dartadha
AU 653 ColmanepscopmoccuDelduib3
LL 367 Colman m. h. Dulduil3
Ad Ercus1 mocu Druidi

LL 362 Nemanm. h. Duib Dubrige, CorcuDuib.

MD Sep. 13 Naomhan mac ua Duibh
Apl. 8 Aedhan mac ua Dhuibhne Corcu Duibne
LL 358 Aedan m. h. Duibni ,,

MD Feb.20 Colgurnac ua Duineachda

AU 602 QuiesFinntainfiliinepotisEchdach5 cp. Dal Echach
Onom 539 Fintan maccu Echtach
JJ M (Fintan) moccu Edagur ,,
'
BB 228 Ultan inc. h. Eignich cp. Eiginrige
MD Apl. 9 AedhacAuac
ua Elich cp.Eli
LL 358 Aedach in. h. Elich ,,
362 Finnic m. h. Fiatach' Dal Fiatach

AU 578 QuiesVinniani episcopime.nepotis ,,

Fiatach

1The numerouspedigreesof the saints of Dal Cuinn (= Ui Neill, Hi Briuin, Airgialla, etc.)
include EspocAed, Aed Coel, Aedan, Aeidgen, Maedog, and at least four Colm&ns. " Sciyii,c
m. Fiachnam. Feradaiym. Nindeadam. Fergusam. Conaillin. Neitt," Lecan93.
2 " Dal nDallain a quoCtiiiideach,"Onom.Goed.s.v. D£dCondaith.
3 SeeTelduib below. 4Apparently a native of the Hebrides.
5 S. Fintan of Cluain Eidnechwas of the Fothairt, whoseepon.anc. in the genealogies
is Eochu
Find Fuath nAirt, so that Dal Echachmay be a synonymof Fothairt.
Fintan Cluaiia Eidneach iiill " mac Qarba'm me. Corcrnin cuirr
me. -fife/iach me. Breasail ain " me. Den me. Condlai coinlain
me. Airt Cirp inc. Cairpii Niad ' inc. Cortn&icmail' co mormiad
(1. 45) me.Aengusamowrniadngart " me.EachncliFinn Fuath le ItArt. BB 231a.
6 Pedigree from " Fiultt Find a quo Dal Fiatach," LL 349 c.
[12*]
 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
Dal Fiatach
BB 226 Findbarr me. h. Fiatach
LL 367 Findbarr me. h. Fiatach »
Corcu Fir Tri
MD Jan. 11 Suibne maccu Ir Tri
BB 226 Colman m. h. Forgtech1
LL 367 Colman in. h. Fortgech1
LL 364 Mo Cholmocm. h. Gualae no
h, Gaili2 Gailine
367 Mo Lua me. h. Gaili
BB 227 Mo Lua me. h. Gaili >.
}l Mo Chuma me. h. Gaili M
LL 368 Mo Chummae m. h. Gaili ,,
n Mo Shen6cm. h. Gairb Garbraige*
MD Oct. 21 Siollan mac ua Ghairbli
LL 364 Me. h. Gairb ahbaid Maigi Bill.
Sillan Magistir ,,
Onom,p. 197 Cell maccuGeridain
LL 856 Me. h. Greccae Greccraige
367 Colman m. h. Guaili3
BB 226 Colman me. h. Guaili3
Lecan 455 Eterscel Mor macu lair5 Eramn
BB 227 Mo Laisi me. h. Imdae Dal Imde
LL 368 Mo Lasse m. h. Imda ,,
AU 638 Do Laissi maccu Imde ,,
BB 227 Mo Chua me. h. Lapae
LL 367 Mo Chua m. h. Loppae
368 Mo Gobboc me. h. Laime cp. Lamraige
BB 227 Mo Gobboc in. h. Laime ,,
AU 637 CronanrnoccuLoegdae CorcuLoegde
LL 367 Mo Chua in. h. Laigde ,,
BB 227 Mo Chua me. h. Laidgi ,,
228 Mo Kioc me. h. Laigdi ,,
LL 368 Mo-Bi6c m. h. Laigde ,,
? Ad ColumbauusmocuLoigse6 Loigis
MD May 16 Colman mac ua Laoighse ,,
LL 360 Colmau m. h. Laigsi ,,
356 Oenu in. h. Laigsi6
367 Oenu in. h. Laigsi »*

1 Goirlgechabove.
2 "Li Gdilinni di Ultaib do," LL 364, last column. This Mo Cholmoc maj' be identified with
Colman moccu Guaili. Perhaps the scribal variants Gual-, Guail-, Gail-, Gail- may be traced to an
earlierspellingGoil- (6i diphthong.).
3 See foregoing note. * Cp. Doiniiac/i maccuQarba, Onom. Goed. 5 See § 12
6Pedigreesof OenuandColmanfrom Lugaid Laigsech,epon.anc. of Loigis, BB 219c.
 MACNEILL-EarlyIrish Population-Groups. 79
SL 275 Enna maccuLaigsi L6igis
LL 368 Mo Shinu me. h. Lugair Luguirne
BB 228 Mo Shinu me. h. Lugair
,, 224 Mo Caemome. h. Lugair
Arm Dubthochme. h. Lugir
AU 789 Comotatioreliquiarum Mo Chuae
moccu Lugedon
Eriuiii, 138 MoccuLuigdech cp. CorcuLuigdech
Arm Muirchu maccuMachtheni cp.Tuath Mochtaine1
MD Jun. 8 Murclm mac ua Maichtene
,, ,, Meadhran mac ua Maichtene
BB 227 Loman me. h. Maigni cp. Dal Maigin, Maigni
LL 367 Lonan m. h. Maigen
,, ,, Mo Chua m. h. Manche
BB 227 Mo Chua me. h. Manchi
,, 226 Fintan me. h. Milbae
LL 367 Fintan m. h. Milbai

Ad Lugbeus mocu Min cp. Menraige

,, Lugneus mocu Min
BB 228 Mo Shinu me. h. Muind
LL 368 Mo Sinu me. h. Mind
AU cxxxiii Moainu Maccumin

SL 335 Lugna maccu Moga Laim

Ad Laisranus mocu Moie
BB 227 Mo Laisi me. h. Naithre
LL 368 Mo Lasse m. h. Naratha

356 Mo Lassi m. h. Nechti Nechtarge, Corcu Nechtae

,, ,, Mo Lasse m. h. Nechtai
BB 227 Mo Laisi me. h. Neachta
MDJan. 19 Mo Laissi maccua Nechte
Onom 540 Moccu Necthin
Eriuiii. 138 Moccu Nemongin
MD Jun. 9 Cruinither mac ua Nesse
Ad Oisseneus mocu Neth Corb Dal Niath Cor
AU cxxxiii. Mo Cuaroc maccu Neth Semon1 Semonrige, Sernaine
,, 584 Abb CluanamoccuNois cp. Noisrige
LL 368 Mo L6ce m. h. Noise
BB 228 Mo Locae me. h. Noise

1" Tuath Mochtainefor Maig Macha" an aithechtuath in poem quoted by MaoFir Bhisigh,
Genealogies,
R.I.A. copy, p. 55. " Mochthuinde" in Onom.Goed.,p. 652.
2 " Semuine»\anDesi diata Mo Chuaroc," Onom. Goed., p. 594.
80 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
BB 223 Colman me. h. Nuadchon
AU 608 QuiesLugdachmoceuOchae1 CorcuOche
AU 677 Daircill mocou Eetai Dal Eiatai
Ad Mailodranus mocu Ein2 cp. Corcu Eiun
ErneneusmocuFir Eoide Corcu Eoide
LL 365 Tua m. h. Eoida
,, 368 Tuam. h. Eoda
,, Mo Gobbocme. h. Euain
BB 228 Mo Gobboc me. h. Euain
Ad. Trenanus mocu Euntir Dal Euntir
,, Colmanusmocu Sailni3 Dal Sailni
,, Nemaidon(gen.)mocuSogin Sogin,CorcuS.
AU 548 Finnio moccu Telduib4
LL 367 Finnian m. h. Thelluib
BB 226 Finna me. h. Tellduib
SL 335 Fidnian maccu Tellaig
MD Feb. 8 Colman mac ui Thealduibh
Dec. 12 Colman mac ui Thelduibh
BB 226 Colman me. h. Tuilduib

Ad Luguid mocuThemne Ternenrige

AU 663 Comgan rnacu Teimne
MD Feb. 27 Comrnan macua Tlieimhue

,, Apl. 8 Luighthighern macuaTrato5 Tratraige

LL 359 Luchtbigern maccu Tratho

47. The collective names do not always appear to contain a personal or

ancestral eponym. In Corcu Fasaig, Corcu Luachra, Coreu Maio;e Loclia,
Corcu Temrach,Corcu Tethba, the determining word is a place-name,so that
these namesare referable to a usagein which corcuis still a common noun in
general use.
48. The eponyms which are found with moccu prove that the eponyms
supplied by the genealogistscannot always be accepted as representing an

1 Mo Lua Ghiana Ferta m. Cartaiijh m. Dait/ri m. Urchoclio HI. Feryusa Fogo. Mo Lna cr. inc.
Daigri m. Ere m. Imdiada m. Laime Fold, m. Cliataire m. l-'oclia HI. iJitl/thuiy Diiiiui. (BB 218 c.)
" Fergus Oichequi et Foffai" was epon. ane. of Corcu Oche, BB 169 b 41.
* Variant mocuCurin,cp. Cuirenrige.
3 " CaimanElo .i. Mao Ui Selli," Onom. Goed. s.v. D&.1Sailne. The eponym does not occur in his
pedigree, BB 223 b, c, LL 352 f.
4SeeDelduibabove. The obit here is that of S. Finnian of Cluain Iraird, whosepedigreeis
given thus :-" Finden CluanaIrairdm. Findlogam.Findtain m. Concruindm. Dairceallam. Seanaigh
m. Diarmada m. Aedha m. Fergusam. Oik\\a Dmbh m. Cealtair m. Uideachair," BB 218 d, e.
SimilarlyLL 348, last column. Aiiill Dub is givenasAilill Telduib by Abp. Healy, Ireland'sAncient
Schools,
p. 194(second
edition). Teldub,Tuldub,cp. " Gcnelach
Sil Eogain. Tail,/m. l'\,el,il,,. . .
m. Faekhon Tulcnotait .i. efan crnnvl boi oca." LL 317 a.
5Luchthigeni
. . . iseJil i TuittmFmdlocha
t Tratraiye,LL 373b ii.
 ILL-Exrlii Irisli Population-Groups. 81
accuratetradition. Thus the genealogiststell us that the Ciarraige are the
descendantsof Ciar, son of Fergus MacEoig, but the Ogham form Mucoi Qerai
(MS.Moccu Ciara) shows that the true eponym should have been Ciara in
Middle Irish. The Artraige are said to descendfrom a male ancestorArt,
while the moccu formula has genitive Arta, Arte. That Core Duibfind, as
ancestor of Corcu Duibne, is a mere fiction of the genealogists would be
sufficiently obviousif we had not the Oghamexamplesof Mucoi Dorinii/* and
the MS.moccuDuilnir. Ldma, son of ConchobormaceNessa,is the genealogical
ancestorof the Lamraige,but the lists of saints have Mo GobbocmoccuLaime.
Laigsech Cennmor is the genealogical bead of the Loigse; Adamnanus
has mocu Loij/se. NeacJitniu. . . a quo N<'«cldrai<Jc,Lecan 453; Nemangnn
macNeachtain do Uaithnib diata Neaclitraldi,i\>.\ but moccu Nechti, Nechtai,
Nechtc,Neachta, and Corcu Ncchtae. Fergus Oicln' ijni. d Fuij/ii, 1>B 169 b,
Feryns Fo</o,Y>\\L'1Sc, $o<'lu<,ik is aix-.ostor of CorcuOche and of S. Mo Lua =
Luguid moccu Ochae,AU 608. If the genealogistshave not lost the genuine
tradition, they must have deliberately substituted masculine for feminine
eponyms.
49. Adamnanus, in mocu Fir Cctea,mocu, Fir Roide, introduces jfer.
(" husband of") before a feminine eponym. Cp. Conall macFhir Cheiti
meicDedameicSin a quo Dal Ceiii In Jf///!i"//>, Lecan 455.
50. Namesin -rige appear sometimes to have the name of an animal for
eponym. It is curious if Mibraige (cp. Corcu Ittbuir) contains the name of
the beaver (cp. Bibracte),for Dr. Scharff tells me that so far no remains of the
beaver are known to have been found in Ireland, though it is known to have
existed in Britain. Other instances are Bocc-, Catt-, Con-. Dart- (with
moccuDardula), Gabr-, Gaman-,Luch-, Mjxlt-, Tore-. We cannot assertthat
the animal, even personified,was regarded as the ancestor,for the adoption of
animal names'(e.g. Conall Cii, Ailill Molt) was not rare. Moreover, as
instanceslike Ciarraige show, the eponym may really have been a fuller form
of the element which is retained in the people-name.
51. Someof the collective namesappear to be basedon the occupationsof
the people. Thus the Semonrige, Tuath Semon,or Semmuine,i.e. people of
rivets, belongedto the coppermining district of the Desi, and the distinctive
element in their name was not thought capableof forming an eponym; hence
moccuNeth Semon= of the race of the Champion of the Eivets. In Berre,
Bearra,another mining district, were the Cerdraige. With this classof names
we may perhaps connect Tuatha Taiden or Fir Taiden, people of mantles,
and Fir Bolg,peopleof leathernbags. That Fir Bolg, commonlyusedasa
name for the older subjugated race or races,was an extension of the genuine
nameof an historical peoplemaylie judged from the instancesof Bolgthuath
82 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.

andBolgraige
in Onom.
Goed.1All thesepeoples
with what seemo be
occupation-names
belongedto theaithecJiiunUin
; andtheir vassal-rentsmay
havebeenpaidin the productsof the industriesindicatedby their names.
Cp.alsoCorbraige,
Corbetrige,
Sciathraige,TuathChathbarr.
III. SEPT-NAMES.

52. A third order,arisingout of the secondor it maybe out of the first,

andno doubtlater in time,consistsof sept-names in whichthegenitive of the
eponym is precededby the word Aui, Ui, "grandsons,descendants,"e.g.
Ui N&ll, Ui Fidgente. Indeed that this class of namebelongsto a later
fashion of nomenclaturethan the collective namesappearsfrom the fact that,
while all the collectivenamesoriginate in a purely traditional period, the
origin of at leasta proportionof the earlynamesin Ui can beassignedto the
beginning of the documentary period.
53. In the genealogies,but not in generalusage,thereis a partial revivalof
sept-names in Ui, probablyin the eleventhcentury,perhapsdueto professional
familiarity with the early nomenclature. In popular usage the only such
instanceat present known to me is Ibh Laoghaire, which seems to be the
surnameUa Laoghaire,dative plural, belonging to a family of the western
Muscraige. It is now the name of a district in the west of co. Cork.
Surnamesin Ua commenceto be used in the tenth century: AU 914-
Ua Maelsechnaill, 918 Ua Cleirig, 946 Ua Canannain. As titles, without the
fore-name, Ua Ciarda 953, Ua Euairc 953, 964, 998. Over 40 other such
surnames are found in this century. The statement adopted by O'Curry
(Ms. Mat., p. 214) that this usagewas establishedby an ordinance of Brian
Boroimhe, apart from the fact that regal decreesof the kind are unknown in
Ireland before the Norman Invasion, is thus shown to be without foundation.
54. As in the caseof the collectivenames,so in the caseof sept-names
in Ui, the eponymis sometimesfeminine. Cp. Ui Bairrche, Ui Brigte,
Ui Duibne(cp. CorcuD.), Ui Ercae,Ui Ferba(besideUi Firb), Ui Ochrae,
Ui Taisce.

55. In my paper on the Irish OghamInscriptions,R.I.A. Proceedings,

vol. xxvii., p. 368,I adoptedBarry'sview that the Oghamavi points to the
sept-ancestor.Of sixteeninstancesthere collected,five appearto be followed
by femininenames;in twoothersthe genderis doubtful. Henceapparently
the proportionof feminineeponymsfor septsnamedin the Ui-formula was
much larger in early times than in the later MS.record.

1Cp.noteby MacFir Bhisighonapoemat p.55,Bookof Genealogies(E.I.A.): Diei ndubhairt

anduainnachff Feraib
SolgGaileoin
na Domhnannaigh"jc.fir sin traiarnaslonnadh gltiietheck.
(fidfiedh
iarnaslonnadh
coitchenn,
asaimn
diles
dona
tri tiiathaibh
remraite
Fir Holy.
 i'iiLL-Early Irish Population-Groups. S3
56. I know no instance of a sept-name derived from a female ancestor
within the documentary period. Hence I think that the feminine sept-
eponyms
hada religious,not a genealogical,
import. Op.Ui Brigteand" Brigit
banfile ingen in Dagda " (BB 34 b 30), Ui Ercae and the forenamesMace Ercae
= Maqi Ercias, Dar Erca, Ercavicas.
57. In the samepaper, p 369, I suggestedthat Anavlamattias mucoi Maqi
Euri [lari ?] am Axeras should be interpreted " Anblomaith of the tuath of
Mace lair and of the sept [thereof] Aui Acher." The sept-namehassincethen
turned up: Ac Ailill Fland Beacc comraices Hi Aicher 7 Mec Carrthaich .i-
rigda [= rig] Desmuman,Lecan 454. " At Ailill Fknn Becc [the pedigrees]of
Hm Aicher 7 the MacCarthaighs, Kings of Desmond, unite." The genitive
Aicher = Axeras seems to indicate an Irish r-stem outside of the nouns

importing the family relation.

58. In Dal Niad Corb, to which most of the Christian kings of Leinster
belonged,the eponyrnsof the principal septsappear in the genealogiesas sons
of Cathair Mor: Ilos Failge (Ui Failge) Daire Barrach (Ui Bairrche), Bresa
Enechglas(Ui Enechglais), Cetach (Ui Cetaig), Fergus Luascan (Ui Luascain)
Criinthannan (Ui Crimthannain), Eochaid Timine (Ui Timine), Fiachu Ba
Aiccid (Ui Baicceda), Dercmossach(Ui Dercmossaig),etc. The instance
of Ui Bairrche, mentioned earlier, warns us that we do not stand here
on any ground of solid strict historical tradition. Least of all need we
expect to find even an approximately true chronology. In Gilla Coemain's
reckoning Cathair Mor should have been king of Ireland from A.D. 123
to 149. But in the Synchronism of 721, his reign requires to be
placed quite a century later. Even this date appears too early, judged by
genealogies.
59. The pedigree of Crimthaniv king of Leinster in St. Patrick's time
(c. 450), is traced thus: 1, Cathair. 2, Fiacchu Baiccid. 3, Bresal Belach.
4, Labraid. 5, Enda Cennselach. 6, Crimthann. Allowing three generations
to a century, the floruit of Cathair should thus be placed quite at the close of
the third century. The Four Masters give 435 as the death-date of Bresal
Belach son of Fiacha Aicidh son of Cathair Mor. AU concurs. The most

that can be said is that the majority of witnesses assign Fiachu, ancestor of
Ui Baicceda,to the fourth century. In his line sept-namesin Ui continue to
be formed for several generations. From Labraid son of Bresal Belach are
named Ui Labrada; from Dunking son of Enda N"ia son of Bresal, Ui
Diinlainge; from Enda Cennselach
sonof Labraid,Ui Cennselaig.Hui Maele
Tuile, from Mael Tuile son of Eonan s. o. Colman s. o. Coirpre s. o. Ailill
s.o. Dunking, supplya late instance. Mael Tuile should have lived in the
latter half of the sixth century. SeeLL 315 c.
R.I.A. PROC.,VOL. XXIX., SECT.C. [13]
84 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
60.Thechiefseptsof the Eoganachta
aretracedto two sonsof
A iUll Flauu Becc;Luguid and Daire Cerba.
Luguid

1 -
1 ~l
Luguid Core(c. A.D.400)
(UiLuigdech] \ (Ui Cathboth)
I
MaceCass MaceBrocc Nat,Froich MaceLiir Trian Coirbre
(UiHaicc (Eoganacht(UiHaicclnir) (Ui Trena] ( Ui Ciiirln-i
Eochu JSrocc) Chaisit) Ltiachrn)
( Ui Hchach) \
Mace Caille
( Ui Maicc
Caille)
Daire

1 " i
Dedu Fiachu F dgenid EochuLitith&n
( Ui Dedad) ( Ui Fitigente) (Ui Lialhiiin]
Corbb Nucal
( Ui Cuirbb]
Muredach
(Ui Miin'tltng)
1 ... j
Setna Brion Loiguire
Ui Setnai \ Ui Loiguiri
1
Daire Coirbre
| ( Ui OahbriAebda)
Indtat

Conall
(Ui Conaill Gabra)

61. TheEoganachtof Cashel,the suzerainline, do not appearto have

takenany sept-namein Ui. Thepedigreeof Oengus(killed in 489,AU) is
given as follows: 1 Ailill Flann Becc, 2 Luguid, 3 Core,4 Nat Froieh,
5 Oengus. According to the genealogical account, Ui-names among the
Eoganachta arise from ancestorstwo generations older than Oeugus, and
continue to arise until an ancestor is reached two generations later than
Oengus. The eponymswouldappearto datefrom aboutthe beginningof
the fifth until the middle of the sixth century. Of courseit is to be borne in
mind that a sept-name in Ui is at least two generations later than its
eponyrn,so that with the Eoganachta, septs continued to be named afresh
under this formula until the end of the sixth century.
62. In Dal Cuinn, the starting-point of all the septs is Cairbre Lifechar.
From Fiachu Sraiftine son of Cairbre descendthe Ui Neill and the Connacht
septsUi Briuin, Ui Fiachrach,Ui Ailello, and Ui Fergusso. From Eochu
Doimlen son of Cairbre descendthe Airgialla and Ui Maine.
63. In the genealogies,
Niall, Brian (Brion),Fiachra,Ailill, and Fergus
are sons of Eochu Mugmedoin. Their period is the close of the fourth
 MAcNuiLL-Early Irish Population-Groups. 85
century and the beginningof the fifth. Loiguire son of Niall was king of
Ireland at St. Patrick'scomingin 432,and diedin 462 (AU). Eogansonof
Niall died in 465 (AU), Conall Cremthainne son of Niall in 480. Nathi son
of Fiachra succeededNiall and precededLoiguire as king of Ireland.
64. The uncertainty of the genealogicaltradition at this period is
exemplified by the following counterstatements (Lecan 454) :-
Sunt qui dicimt Fiachrach [read Fiachra'] Brian Maine tri meic Domnaill
meic Fiachrach Sraiftiai. Sunt qui dicunt tri meic Fiachrach Fir Da Qiall
meic Cairpri Lifeochair A. na tri Cholla .i. Gotta Uas 7 Colin Mnul 7 Colla da
Crich a n-anmand.

65. The Ui Neill do not subdivide into further septs named in this
formula. Under Ui Briiin (BB 89) arise Hui Chanann from Canu son of
Brion; Hui Du[i]b Pumach from Dull Dumacli s. o. Annad s. o. Fothad, s. o.
Conall s. o. Brion ; Hui Baeithin IVum K.-MMthin s. o. Dui Galach s. o. Brion.
Hui Cormaic from Cormacs. o. Fergus Cnoc s. o. Dui (ialadi. The eponyms
in this line belong to the fifth and sixth centuries.
66. Under Ui Fiachrach (BB 107) arise Ui Amalgada (Amolngado) from
Amolngid s. o. Kiachra; Ui Echach Muaide from Eachaid (recte Eochu) s. o-
Nathi s. o. Fiachra; Ui Suanaigwerea subseptof Ui Echach,but I havenot
found their pedigree. Excluding Suanach,the eponymsin this line belong to
the fifth century. I have no account of subseptsnamed in the Ui-formula
under Ui Ailello and Ui Fergusso.
67. Henceit appears,so far as has been investigated,that in the Connacht
and Meath branches of Dal Cuinn, sept-names in Ui arise from eponyms
referable generally to the fifth century.
68. Airgialla (BB 118): Ui Tuirtre from Fiachra Tort s. o. Ere s. o.
Colla Uais s. o. Eochu Doimlen. Hui Echach from Eochu s. o. Feidlimid s. o.
Fiachra s. o. Colla Da Chrich. Hui Bresail from Bresal s. o. Feidlimid aforesaid.
Hui Sinaigfrom Sinach,fifth in descentfrom Feidlimid. Hua Niallain from
Niallan s. o. Fiacc s. o. Feidlimid. Hui Craind from Crond s. o. Feid-
limid. Hui Meith from Muredach Meith s. o. Imchad s. o. Colla Da
Chrich. Hui Fiachrach from Fiachra s. o. Ere s. o. Eochu s. o. Colla
Uais. Hui Segainfrom Segans. o. Tuathals. o. Feidlimid. Hui Maicc
Cairthinn from Mace Cairthinn s. o. Eichen s. o. Fiachra Tort. Hui
Maine from Maine Mor s. o. Eochu Fer Da Griall s. o. Domnall s. o. Imchad
s. o.CollaFocrich (= Da Crich). Ui CormaicMaenmaigefrom Cormacs. o.
Bresals.o. Maine. Hui Duach from Duach (Dui, Daui) s. o. Dalian s. o.
Bresal s. o. Maine.

69.At 513(AU) is recorded

the deathof CairpreDaimArgit, king of the
Airgialla,s.o.Eochus.o.Crimthann
s.o.Fiacs. o.DaigDuirns. o.Eeochaid
[13*]
86 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
s.o.CollaDaCrlch.Collashouldhaveflourished
abouttwocenturies
earlier,i.e.
atthebeginning
ofthefourth
century,
andthisdateaccords
withthetime
usually
assignedfortheconquest
of Mid Ulsterby thethreeCollas.The
eponyms of TJiSinaig
andUi Duachare two generationsfartherthan
Cairpre
DaimArgit fromthe common ancestor,
andshouldbelongto the
latter part of the sixth century.
70.Theseptsof Dal Cuinn,the Eoganachta,
and Dal NiadCorbwere
predominant
throughoutnearlyall IrelandfromSt. Patrick's
timeuntilthe
NormanInvasion. Henceonemaysupposethat their traditions were more
minutelyrecorded in theearlyMS.
periodthanthetraditionsoflessprominent
groups;alsothat,sofar aschronologicalcheckswereavailable, they were
moreoperativein thehistoryofthese
dominant lines. But it is evidentthat,
evenin their case,no anteriorlimit canbeplacedto the useof the Ui-formula
except
to saythatit appears
tomarka laterclassification
thanthecollective
names.

71. The Ui-formula is succeeded

by one in which cenel precedesthe
eponym.This is conspicuous
and of early occurrence
in the caseof the
Ui Neill.

72. Cenel Conaill, C. Cairpri, C. Loiguiri, C. nEogain, C. Fiachach,

C. Maini, C. nEndai, C. nOengussotake their names from sons of
Niall, and their origin therefore from about the middle of the fifth
century.
73. From sons of Eogan, C. Muredaig, C. mBindig, C. Fergusso,
C.nOengusso,C. nDallain,C.Cormaic,C. Feidlimthe,C.nAilello, 0. nEichein,
G. nlllainn, C. nEchach.
74. From sonsof Muredach,C. Feradaig, C. Tigernaig, C. Moain. From
Forggus s. o. Baetan s. o. Muirchertachs. o. Muredach, C. Forgusso.
Muirchertach died about 530 (533 AU, 527 FM, 531 Chron. Scot.), Baetan
in 571 (AU), and a son of "Fergus"1 son of Baetan in 619 (AU). Hence
we may regardthe Cenelformulain the Ui Ne"illline asbasedon fifth, sixth,
and seventh century eponyms.
75. In the Eoganachtline, the symmetrical numbers of 24 sons and 24
daughters are assigned to Oengus s. o. Nat Froich, (BB 172 b).
Eithne Uathach, the woman-chief of the Desi, was mother of three of the
sons,and hence their posterity is called Cenel nEithne (sic 1. 26). From
Cennlansixth in descent from Oengus,is C. Cennlain. CenelFingein from

1 Hennessy, except in one instance, reads the name Forggus, Fergus, Forcus, as Fergus. It is
correctly printed Forggus in the poem at 562, hut incorrectly as Ferggus in the translation, and is
not found in MatCarthy's index. In Fergus= *Virogustus, g is spirant; not BOin Forggus
= *Vorgiistus, earlier *Vergustus.
 ILL-Early Irish Population-Groups. 87

Fingen,of whoseson Maenach,king of Munster,the»deathis recordedat 661

(AU). There,asin the genealogies(BB 175), Fingen's pedigreerepresents
him as fourth in descentfrom Oengus. Cenel Conaill (BB 176) from Conall
eighthin descentfrom Oengus;and Gene"!Caellaide(ib.) from Caellaides. o.
Conall. Cenel Corrnaic (ib.), eponym fourth from Oengus. Cenel nDallain
(177), eponym third from Eochu Liathan. CenelmBuiric (ib.), from a son of
Eochu. Apparently the eponymsin this group range from the fourth to the
eighth century.
76. The Gene"!formula does not seem to have become customary in
Dal Niad Corb. Two instances occur in the genealogy, BB 126 a, Cenel
nAengusa and 0. Croiehni. Of 0. uAengusa we learn only that they belonged
to Hui Maenaig. At 127 a 36, it is stated that Gene"!Cruaicni (= Groichni)
were of the Eoganacht.
77. Centl in turn gives way to a number of terms, cluml,mninli r, .sv7,
xlichf,
teglach,tellach, used contemporaneously.
78. In AU, the earliest contemporary instanceof Gland is 01. Ghathail,
912. At the obit of Cathal, 7-34," a quo Claim Cathail" is of coursea late
gloss. At 617, muinter (Blatini) and sil (Mescain) are probably common
nouns not fixed in the names. The next instances of muinter are M. Gerudain,
1159,M. Eolais,116.9. Sil Dluthaig 683 ; Sil Cathail, 815. Tellach Dunchadha,
1258; T. Echach, 129« (both indexed under Telach = Tulach). Diinchad's
death, 822 AU. Eochu, his brother (BB91, cols. 1, 2).
79. Clann and muinntear are still used to form sept-namesfrom surnames
e.g. Clann Chon Ceauainn,Muintear Mheachair.
80. Although, then, there is considerable overlapping in date, there is a
quite definite order of successionin the formulae, as exemplified in the
following table:-

I. Plural names Lagin (unknown) (unknown)

(origin prehistoric)
II. Collective names Dal Niad Corb Eoganacht Dal Cuinn
(origin prehistoric)
III. Sept-namesin Ui Ui Cennselaig Ui Liathain Ui Neill
(partly of historical
origin)
IV. Cen^l-names Cene"lnAengusa C. nDallain C. Conaill
(from fifth century
mainly)
V. Gland, Muinter, etc. ClannMaelighra C. Charthaigh C. Cholmain
(from sixth century) (Colmant587)
88 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.

IV. THE TUATH.

81. We find the term tuath variously handled by modern translators. In

the Annals of Ulster, Dr. Mac Oarthy regularly gives " territories " as the English
of tuatha. Othersrendertuathby " tribe," a convenientlyvagueword which
coverseverythingfrom an ancientsubnationlike the Ulaid to a comparatively
modernseptlike ClannAodhaBuidhe. It is true that by a familiarfigureof
speech,
tuathisoftenusedof aterritorial area,just asNorfolk,whichoncemeant
the North-folk, came to mean the district they occupied. By a different
transferenceof idea,tuath cameto signify the laity in contradistinctionto
eclatsthe ecclesiastical
bodyor cliar the clergy,and still retainsthat meaning
sideby sidewith the meaningof " the country" in contradistinctionto the
town. In both cases, tuath representsthe ancient native tradition and the
native order existing under the Irish civil law dliged tuaithe, whereas the
Church lived under its own law, and the towns inherited in a modified form the
municipal law of Home.
82. Anciently tuath < *tota, touta (te-uta)appearsto have denoted a civil
community, a peopleunited under one government,a civitas. In Ireland and
Britain such communitiesretained the early form of kingly rule in an almost
patriarchal shape. The petty states of Gaul and Galatia, before their sub-
jugation by Eome,appear to have been for the most part republics, each ruled
by a senate. The Irish tuath, then, must at one time have been a petty
kingdom, but at the beginning of the documentary period a new order has
already widely spread. Powerful families, aristocratic septs,have entered on
a careerof conquest. The scopeof their operations being practically limited
to Ireland,-for the only known exceptionsare the temporary Irish acquisitions
in western Britain and permanent conquestof Scotland by the Dal Riada,-
the consequence
wasthe substitutionof ascendant
dynastiesfor the olderpetty
states throughout the greater part of Ireland. Thus the dynastic septs of
Dal Cuinn,comprisingthe Ui Neill, Ui Briuin, Ui Fiachrach,and Airgialla,
have acquired permanent authority over nearly all the northern half of
the island. In Munster, the Eoganachtsepts,Ui Fidgente,Ui Liathain
Ui Echach,etc.,andin Leinster,the septsof Dal Niad Corb, especiallythe
Ui Cennselaig, haveachievedalike position. All thesefamilies have set up
manynewkingdomsor petty states. Besidethesestates,and in a positionof
inferiority markedby the paymentof tribute and furnishing of armed forces
to them,a considerable numberof small peoplesremained,enjoying internal
freedomunderthe governmentof their owndynasties. This is the condition
of thingsdescribedin the Book of Eights, and it will be noted there that,
exceptin the north-easternprovince,wherethe old orderwas less disturbed,
 L-Early Irish Population-Groups. 89

nearly all the free, i.e., non-tributary, statesare known by the namesof septsor
families, and nearly all the tributary states by collective names or the older
plurals.
83. In Munster,the freestatesareEoganachtChaisil,Ui Liathain,Kaithliu
= Ui Echach Human, Eoganacht Locha Le"in= Ui Coirpri Chruitlmechain,
Ui ChonaillGabra,Ui Coirpri Aebda,EoganachtGlennamnach,1
Dal Cais. The
tributary statesare Desi Muman=Dal Fiachach,Muscraige,Dairine or Corcu
Loegde, Ciarraige, Corcu Baiscinn, Arai, Uaithni, Eli, Corcumruad, Corcu
Duibne, Orbraige, the Sechtmad.
84. In Connacht the free states are: Ui Fiachrach, Ui Briuiii, and their
subdivisions. The tributary statesare: Umall, Grecraige,Conmaicne,Ciarraige,
Luigne, na Corca,Delbna, Ui Maine.
85. It is to the older groups especially that the term tuath is applied in
early usage. Used with the name of a sept, e.g.,Tnath Ua nAengnsa, as the
majority of the instancesin ( himiKislicun(ioedelicumclearly show,tuath denotes
no longer a people,but a territory. In the list of vassal-communities
aithechtuatha (BB 255a Lecan 354), only two instances,Tuath Ua Cathbarr
and Tuath Ua Carra,contain namesof septs,and there are alternative readings
which omit Ua, perhapscorrectly, since Cathbarr seemsto be genitive plural.
In most of the rest, tuath is followed by a collective name, in someby a plural
people-name.
86. In Gaul 44 civitatcsare named by Caesar. Subdivisions of these, or
of certain of them, existed and are called by him pagi. He speaks of
the pagi of the Helvetii, the Morini, and the Arverni. The Helvetii
consisted of four payi, of which Caesar namestwo, the pagus Tigurinus and
the pagus Verligenus. He also usesthe plural Tiijin-ini of the people of the
pagus.

87. The fourfold subdivision of a Celtic people is also exemplified by the

Galati of Asia Minor. Each of the three nations which formed the con-
federaterepublic of the Galati contained four subdivisions which the Greeks
calledTiTpap^lm,and each of these was separatelyadministeredunderits
own chief or tetrarch. Instances occur in Ireland. The Lagin comprise cethri
prim'sloinnte,Dal Mad Corb, Dal MesseCorb,Dal Corbmaic,and Dal Coirbbri,
the four eponymousancestorsbeing sons of Cu Corb.2 The Arai comprise
four divisions na cethri hAraid .i. Tratraidi (recte Toeccraige)7 Artraidi 7
DescertCliach 7 ffui Fidban, Lecan 451a.

1Wrongly printed gleannAmhnacbby O'Donovau. The nom. is Glennamain.

2 Possiblythere wasbut one ancestorcommemorated underall five names. The various divisions
of the Erainn descendfrom three ancestorsall namedCoirbbre; those of the Airgialla from three
ancestors all named Connla (Colla).
90 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
88. The poemCaisil atcondarcane,H. 3. 17,p. 724,hasthis quatrain :-
CeithrePartraigheim Bri Ois,
ceithre Gailinga o cis Ohais,
ceithre Cianaeht cairde cneis,
ceithre Delbna dal chis Cais.

89. A smallersubdivisionamongthe Gaulsis known to us by the Latin

namevicus. Caesar, whocaptureda written censusamongthe spoils of the
Helvetii, saysthat this people,numberingin all 368,000,comprised400 md,
sothat eachvicusaveraged920inhabitants. Thephrasevicani Segorigienses,
foundin an inscriptionof the PrussianEhine-Province,seemsto point to a
vicusnamedSegorigion.The Irish equivalentwouldbe Segr(a)ige, whichmay
be actuallyrepresentedin the late Middle-Irish spellingSedraige,oneof the
vassal-peoples namedin the Book of Ballymote. Nevertheless, it is hardly
likely that the Irish namesin -ri/je and the other collectivenamesof co-
ordinateimport originatedasdesignations of a populationsosmall as that of
the Gaulishvicus. Kather it is fairly obviousthat the continental -rigion, which
must have once meant a peoplegoverned by a king, had degeneratedin usage.
90. We may probably best regard the Irish group bearing a collective
name as corresponding to the so-called pagus among the Gaulish peoples.
There are sufficient indications that the collectively-named groups arose as
subdivisionsof nations bearing plural names. The instancesof the Lagin and
the Arai have already been noticed.
91. The Cruithni in Ireland included Dal Araidi, Conaille, Loigis, and
Sogain. Do Chruithnibh Erenn do Dlu'd Arniillte na seachtLaighsi Laighen 7
seacht Soghain Erenn 7 gach Conuille fil in Erinn (Mac F. Genealogies
unpaged,evidently
/_
a quotation from someearly writer).
92. The Erainn included Muscraige,Corcu Baisciun, C. Duibne, Dal Eiatai,
etc.

93. The Galeoin comprisedthree tuatlia, Tuath Fidga, Tuath Ochmaine,

and Tuath Aithechda.

94. The MugdoirnincludedDubraigeor CorcuDuib, Papraige,Ciarraige,

Sortraige,Artrige, Corcu Inomain,Suobraige."SeachtmaicMu[g]doirnDuib
.i. Dubha quo DubJiraidhioc ImleachCorcoDuibPapa a quo Papraighi la
G'reamthanna Ciaro a quoCiarraidhe Sort a quoSortraigela Crimtlianna a
quibus Espoc Ibair mac Luighne Lasar uinm a mathar duna Deisib Art
macMugdhoirna quo Artrighf, la Ullto Inomon a quo CorcoInomhain la
Laighniu dequibusLochene in sui irero drocaidhSuesdubha quoSuolraidhe
la Mugdornua quibusEspocEthern i nDomnach Mor Maic Laifthi sed cuius
ftlius MugdornDub d'Ulltaib ignoratus(ignoratur)." BB 110a 38.
 .L-Early Irish Population-Groups. 91
95. ThePapraigehere mentionedand the Partraigeare the only known
instancesof peoples in Ireland whose name has P for initial. Note that the
Mngdoirn were of unknown race. The Partraige,too, were regardedas
aborigines. ''Dona ]>«rlrt/igib annso. Partraige in Locha forsata Mag
Thuireadh Cunga 7 Partraige Chmra 7 Pwrtraige Claindc FincJivsich7
Partraige Sleibhc.i. o Cruaith co LochnOirbsen7 PwrtraigeMidhcforsamU
Oil-ill 7 Mcadhbh7 do claind Genainndoib." H. 3.17,p. 724. A poemon the
samepage,alreadyquoted,pretendsthat they were descended from Art son
of Oengus,king of Cashelin the fifth century,but no son of the nameis
assignedto Oengusin the genealogies. " Partraidi Cera,cid re Cloinn Diall/iid
(la Claind Fiachrach?),ni dib doib,adit is do Sen-C/wndachtaib.i. do Chloind
Genainn maicDcala maic Loith. Partraidi in Locha, ait ita Mag Tuircad 7
Cunga,do CloindSreinrjwaic Scngainddoib. Partraidi X'A7</
./. o Crnairh co
Loch nOirpsen, 7 do Cloind Conaill Airisin maicBriain doib. Genclacli
Partraidi annso. RadnaU m. An/n m. Mail Euanada m. Conaill in. Echath in.
Diarmada in Lacha m. DannutiU nn 7V/ Tuatk .i. natri Pcn-lnn/li m. fr-tna otait
Hi Setna .i. taisich Partraidi in. Conaill Oirisin m. Briuin m. Ech&e\\
Muidmedeoin." Lecan 458 a. This genealogy is not authentic. P>rian
(Brion), being a brother of Niall Noigiallach, must have lived about A.D.400.
Kagnall would accordingly have lived about A.D.700; but since he bore a name
adopted from the Norse, this date is out of the question. Accordingly it
is natural to find that the Ui Briuin genealogies,though they mention
Conall Oirisen, do not give the pedigree quoted above and do not include the
fartraige or their chiefs among the Ui Briuin.
96. In the following passagethe tuath is regarded as a chief subdivision of
a peoplewhoseearly name was rememberedin the plural formula : " Attiadso
na tuatha asafail an Gaileoin hi cuigiud Lagoi Tualli-Gabair. Teor«focUa
foraib .i. Tuath Egd.huoci's Tuath OchmainocusTuath Aitlu'fhilfi." " Theseare
the tuatha whereof the Gaileoin in the Fifth of Leinster North of Gabair consist,
TuathFidga and Tuath OchmainandTuath Aithechda." (H. 3. 17,p. 740.)
97. For variants in the foregoing quotation seeDuanaire Finn, Intro-
duction,p. Ivii. That Lagin Tuath-GabairandLagin Des-Gabairconstituted
two of the ancient "Five Fifths of Ireland" is clearly the ancient Ulidian
tradition as told in Cath Puiis na Eig, p. 22. The dividing locality was
perhapsGabairLagen,which seemsto be the valley betweenSliabMairgeand
the Wicklow Mountains, i.e. the southern part of Co. Kildare, Osraige,part
of Lagin Des Gabair, anciently extendedwestwardof the Suir. Airmuma,
Ormond,i.e. East-Minister, lay to the westof the Suir. Ancient Munster,
boundedon the east by the Suir and on the north by the Shannon estuary,
was much too small to have included two of the "Fifths," and the Da
K.I.A. PROO.,
VOL.XXIX.,SECT.C. [14]
92 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.

Chuigeadh
Mumhan
mustbelongto a comparatively
late tradition. Hence
no doubtthe varyingaccountsof the twofold division of Minister. In one
versionthe dividing line runs north and south,in another east and west.
Neitherversioncanbe fitted into the storywhichmakesUisnechin themiddle
of Irelandthe meeting-pointof the fiveFifths. A synonymfor CoicedLagen
Tuath-Gabairis CoicedCoirpri Niath Fer. Coirpreis king of Taraand ninth
Leinster in the Ulster cycle, his brother Find being king of south Leinster.
98. Keating(ForusFeasa,ed.Comyn,p. 214)saysthat tuath is equivalent
to tighcarnas,
andthe proverb" is treisetuathnd tighcrna" showsthat this
interpretationis correct-at leastasregardslater usage. Keating also(il>.,
p. 112)speaksof a tuath assmallerin extentthan a triocha-cend. TheGlens
of Antrim, i.e. the baroniesof Upper Glenarm, Lower Glenarm, and (Jary, are
called seachtdtuatha na nOlinne in nearly modern documents. Each of these
tuatha would occupy a square of about five or six miles. But I find no
indication that the tuath in early usageat all correspondedto the population of
such an area. It was in fact a division of people-not of land-and must have
beenvery variable in extent.
99. That the whole population was regardedas made up of tuntha may be
inferred from the words of " Fiacc's Hymn," " tuathn adortais side,"though
again the samepoem speaksof the Irish as one tuath, "for tuaith Nei'cnn bai
temel." The former phrasemay havereferenceto a particular worship in each
tuath, and that eachof them venerated specialgods is evident from the oath-
formula " tonguna tongatmo thuath," " tongu do dia toingesmo thuath." This
formula also shows that the tuath was the chief population-group with which
the individual felt himself to be associated. Further instances of the use of
the term follow here.

100. CorcoAthrach ainm na tuaithi arafuil Caisilocusiseseoa fad .i. o

Thibraid Foraind ac Mainistir Uachtair Lamand co Duma nDresa don taib
bothuaiddoChnocGrafandocusdosil Aimirgin meicMifed Espainedi. Lecan,
p. 458. " Corcu Athrach is the name of the tuath on which Cashelis, and
this is its extent,from Tipra Foraind at Holy CrossAbbey to Duma Dresa
on the northernsideof CnocGrafann,andit is of the raceof Arnergensou of
Mil of Spain."
101. This is an important passage,confirmingthe tradition that Cashel
wasa comparativelylate seatof the Eoganachta. Not only wasthe name of
thetuathpreviously in possession
remembered, but this tuathis spokenof as
a contemporary people,whoseancestryhasto be accounted for. Apparently
the territory of this ancientpeopleis still represented by the baronyof
Middlethird,of whichthemostnorthernpointis at Holy Cross, andthe most
southernpoint near CnocGrafanu about two miles north of Cahir. All this
 Ni'iiLT,-Earli/ Irish Popnlatinn-
Groups. 93
territory ancientlybelongedto the Osseirgeor Osraige,sincetheir boundsalso
extendedto Duma Dresa and to Grian = Pallasgreen, co. Limerick, and the
story of the De"sisettlement representsthe Osseirgeas having been driven
eastwardacrossthe river Andobor (" Anner"). Theplantation of the De"si
may be regarded as a concomitantof the occupationof Cashel by the
Eoganachta.The Desi weresettledpartly in the baroniesof SlieveArdagh
and Iffa-and-Offa East, thus forming, as it were, a buffer-state between the
Eoganachtof Casheland the dispossessed Osseirge.
102. Three gradesof tuafha can be distinguishedin early documents:
(1) Socrthttatha,not subject to tributes; (2) Fortuatha,retaining internal
autonomybut tributary to an external overking; (3) Aithechtuatha,vassalcom-
munitiespayingrent to localchiefsof freerace. Genealogically,
thefortuatha
wereheld to be outsideof the kindred of the overking and his people,and
therefore subject to them ; the aithechtvatha wereregardedas of unfree race,
descendedfrom the pre-Gaelic inhabitants.
103. The genealogicaldoctrine, however, must be taken as often expressing
political status rather than racial origin. For this fact, which otherwisemight
be inferred from a study of the genealogies,we have the testimony of Gilla in
ChomdedHua Cormaic,a twelfth-century poet (LL 144 a 24) :-

Failet semuid sain mebair " cummaiscitcraebngenel&ig

totinsma daerchland ic dul " i-lloc saerchland re slonnud

Torrchi mogadmod mebla " ocusdibad tigerna

sergna saerchland6tig uatli " laforbairt na n-aithechthuath
Miscribend do gnd eolais " do lucht uilc in aneolais
no lucht ind eolais niferr . gniit ar miiin miscribend.

Six ways there are of specialnote that confound the tree of genealogy:
intrusion of basestocks usurping the place of free stocks by name;
migrationsof serfs,a way of shame;and decayof lords;
withering of the free races,dreadful horror; with overgrowthof the
vassal folks;
miswriting,in the guiseof learning,by the unlearnedof evil intent,
or the learned themselves,no whit better, who falsify the record
for lucre.

104. Thethreediscrepantorigins-two importingfreedescent-assigned to

the Partraigeexhibit one instance,from many that could be cited, of this
processof " confoundingthe tree of genealogy." By " migrations of serfs"
we mayunderstandthat, in time of conquest,unfreepopulationswereenlisted
among
theinvadingforces
andwererewarded
with thepossession
oflandsunder
 94 Proceedingsof the I\o>/alIrish Academy.

freetenure,thusthemselvesrisingto free status. In the very ancientand

asyet unprintecl
storyofhowConaire Mor became kingof Ireland(BB139b),a
greatarmycomesunexpectedly
to Oonaire,wholeadsthemto Taraandis chosen
king. Thereupon(140a 1) gabt(h)airgabail lais dm slogaib"he makesa
settlement of lands for his forces." So Eithne, the woman leader of the De"si,
gathersa forceof everylandlesspeopleknownto her in Ireland (nach loinges
rofitir Eithne h Uathachla Hcirind) for the war of conquest against Ossory,
and twenty-five of thesepeoplesobtain a land settlement (a cuic fichd dib
tarthatar mind) in the conqueredterritory (Eriu iii., p. 138, 140). The right
of migrationwasdeniedto vassalpeoplesby their lords,asis indicatedin the
story of the migration of the Sonsof Umor.
105. The following passage(Lecan,450) indicates a people adscriptiglebae:
Catraidiatafogalfuirri(=fodalfoi-n(}.i. atafogail ar aroile dib [is]inSechtmint
tiroile dib isna Deisib aroile dib i Cnamrosni hear asuidi[u~\sin ac rig Caisil
do gres ised bid. " The Cattraige are subdivided, i.e. some of them are
distributed in the Sechtmad, others of them in the Desi, others of them in
Cnamros. They are not allowed [to depart] thence. With the king of Cashel
always they remain."
106. The Sechtmad, " the Seventh," was a tributary state of east Munster,
possiblybetter known by some other name. Its precise location has not
been determinedby O'Donovan in his edition of the Book of Plights or by
Dr. Hogan in Onom.Goed. In LL 382, col. 6, Arbura is said to be the ancestor
of the Sechtmad,and as heis alsoancestorof the chief sept of Dal Coirpri, whose
. chiefsin later times bore the surnameUa Duibidir, " O'Dwyer," we may fairly
identify the Sechtmad with O'Dwyer's country, the two baronies of Kil-
namanagh,especiallysincethis territory is not otherwise accountedfor in the
Book of Eights. SeeHogan's State of Ireland, Anno 1598, p. 208, footnote,
where a quotation erroneously speaks of " O'Duire, descendedfrom the
O'Briens." Dal Coirpri wasoneof the " four chief stocksof the Lagin," and
its location, like the traditions of the Desi settlement, bears evidence of the
early predominanceof the Lagin and Osseirge in the part of Munster now
called Co. Tipperary. Cnamros is perhaps identical here with Cnamchoill
near Tipperary town. The Cattraige are included among the allies of the
Desi in the war against Ossory.
107. Atait da cheneldegsoc\h]enelac[h\
la Gaedealo
a sedib a Leith Cuind .i.
Dal Cuind Dal Cein Dail nAraide qui et Cruithnig Dal Fiatach qui et
Ulaid Dal Riata Dal Nat Corp qui et Laigin A seaile a Leith Moga .i.
Dal n[E\oyamDal FiachachDal FiatachDal CeideDal mBardineDal Cais.,
Ate sin saerthuathaErend, H. 3. 17,p. 790). " The Irish have twelve kindreds
of noble race. Six of them in Conn's Half, viz. Dal Cuinn, Dal Cein,
 ILL-Early Irish Population-Groups. 95

Dal Araidi who are the Picts, Dal Fiatach who are the Ulaid, Dal Eiatai,
Dal Nat Corp who are the Lagin. Other six in Mug's Half, viz. Dal Eogain,
Dal Fiachach, Dal Fiatach, Dal Cete, Dal Barddeni, Dal Cais. These are the
free tuatha of Ireland."

108. The foregoing statement is of great antiquity. Apart from the

spelling, which lias changedin transcription, the few distinctive forms belong
to the Old Irish period, and areconsistent with even the oldest written usage.
Comparedwith the tenth-century account of the free and tributary states in
the Book of Eights, this is evidently much earlier.
109. Dal Cein = Cianaehta. It may also possibly include Luigne, Gailing,
and Saithne, all claiming descent from Tadg son of Cian. In the Book of
Rights, these states are tributary to Dal Cuinn, i.e. to the Ui Neill and
Ui Briuin, the superior states of Ailech, Meath, and Connacht. In this respect
they are on a level with Umall, Grecraige, Conmaicne,Ciarraige Connacht,
Delbna,Desi Breg, Cuircne. In the early annals,CianaehtaBreg are evidently
a very strong state, often hostile to the kings of Meath and Brega. Cp. AU
534, 776, 816, 849, 850.
110. The inclusion of Dal Nat Corp (Neth Corb, Niath Corb, Niad Corb)
in Conn's Half reflects the traditional claim of Dal Cuinn to the Borama

tribute from Leinster. Dal Niad Corbwas the ruling race over Leinster during
most of the early documentary period. Leth Moga in the passagecited is
synonymouswith Minister alone.
111. Dal Eogain = Eoganachta. Dal Fiachach was the dynastic peopleof
Desi Human. I can find no Dal Fiatach in southern Ireland, and take it to
be a mistake for Dal Fiachach Ele, also called Corcu Echach (i.e. Fechachi
Ele. Thereis frequent confusionbetween the genitives echach,of Eochu, and
[f\echach,of Fechu, Fiachu, in genealogies,etc. The conventional writing of
silent f is not customary before the ninth century. A twofold pedigree of
Dal FiachachEle = CorcuEchachEle (Lecan457) illustrates this confusion:-
(rene/ach Ele Dcscirt nnnso. Duincochaich mac Echach Ele cuius /rater
Cellachm. Dunyailc m. Beieci
TO. Ccrmada m. Conaill No Conall
m. Blcidine m. Nendtacair meic Airt

m. Enna m. Aililla m. Fiacha[cli]

m. Bresail Milairi m. Echach m. Neill Naigiallaich
m. [Maic] Cairthinn m. Feidlimid Rechtmair
112. The most interesting namesin the list of the free tuatha of Ireland
are Dal Cete and Dal Barddeni. Neither is even mentioned in the Book of
Eights. Of the location of Dal Barddeni, we only learn that it was at
96 Proceedings
of the,RoyalIrish Academy.
Dun Cermna,the Old Head of Kinsale,and there is no indication that this
peopleheld any considerable
poweror territory during the documentary
period. Of the habitat of Dal Cete,Dr. Hogan has only been able to find
that it was somewherein Munster, and I am unable to supplement his
information. The latest evidenceof the contemporary existence of Dal Cete
is the name of To Channu mocu Fir Ceteamentioned by St. Adamnan. All
this tends to show that the list of twelve free tuatha is of great antiquity,
probablynot later than the eighth century,possiblyevenearlier.
113. Traditional corroboration of the early celebrity of these two peoples
is affordedby the fact that, in the genealogiesof the Erainn (the race of
GonaireMor BB 139),which occupy10| pagesof the Book of Ballymote,
the first placeis givento the Erainn of Dun Cermna,Dal Barddeni,and
Dal Cete. The pedigreesgive only three or four generationsof the
descendants of " Gatherby whomDun Cermnawasmade." Theaccompanying
legend says:-
En aicmedecdo Dail Bairrdene,.i. Sil AcngusameicEchachmeic Bairrdene
meicRigbaird ditat Martene iarna ndilgiund do Leith Cuind ar ba lethrann
da Dal Cede7 do Dal Bairrdene cosin ar is .x. catharo mebaigre nErnaib for
Ulltu 7 .uiii. catha fri hUlltu for Emu. "Dal Bardeni (i.e. the race of
Aengus son of Eochu s. o. Bairrdene s. o. Eigbard, from whom are the
Martene) consisted of eleven septs after their extermination from (or by)
Conn'sHalf, for until then it was an equal division (sc. of Ireland) between
Dal Cete and Dal Barrddeni, for it is ten battles that the Erainn won over
the Ulaid, and eight battles that the Ulaid won over the Erainn."
114. " Dal Araidi qui et Cruithnig. D&l Fiatach qui d Ulaid." Cp. BB
170 b 15: " . . . na hAirgialla,/Dail nAraigi fri suidc anair, ainm ele doib

Cruthnich.Hulaith fri suideanair. Ind Ulaicliseotra asbertar/Dal

Fiatvch
indsin, do cloind ConRai maic Daire male Deadad a CoicedCon Rai la Mumain,
is as a mbunadin Dal Fiatach so qui ct Ulaith liodie dicuntur. Is dib Aed Ron
ocusFiachna." " TheAirgialla7;Dal Araidi to the eastof these,anothername
for them is Cruthnich. The Ulaid to the east of these. These Ulaid,
Dal Fiatach they are called, of the posterity of Cu Bui son of Daire
son of Dedu from Cii Eiii's Fifth in Munster, thence is their origin, this
Dal Fiatach qui et Ulaith hodie dicuntur. Of them are Aed Eoin and
Fiachna."

115. Theforegoingpassage is from a brief generaldescriptionof the ruling

racesof northernIreland,obviouslywritten by a southernwriter. It probably
datesfrom a time not long subsequentto the reigns of Aed Roin and Fiachna
his son,who were kings of the Ulaid, and whosepedigreeis given under
Dal Fiatach, Aed Eoin fell in battle with the Ui Neill in 735, With him
 -Earl// Irish Population-Groups. 97
was slain Conchad,king of Cuib, i.e. of Ui Echach Cobo,the most prominent
sept of Dal Araidi. In Fragmentsof Irish Annals, an. 732, Conchadis called
"king of the Cruithni." (AU 734,editor'snote.) FiachnaemacAcdhoRocn,
rex Ulad, mortuus est, AU 788.
116. The following "kings of the Cruithni" in AU are found in the
pedigreesof Dal Araidi: Eochaidlarlaithe t665, Cu Cuaran f707, Cathusach
sonof Ailill f748. The genealogist in BB (168 col. 1) makes this Cathusach
father of Cu Cuaran who precededhim. The father of Cii Cuaran must have
beenCathusachson of Mael Diiin and king of the Cruithni f681 (AU).
117. I do not find a genealogyof Dal Fiatach from Cii Kui or from Dedu,
but their descent
/ is traced to Sen, father of Dedu, and thence by the same
line as the Eraiun, Cii Riii's people,up to OengusTuirmechand the line of
Eremon.

118. The passageabove quoted from BB is followed by a comment of a

contradictory character: Itc fir-Ul.aich immorro ,i." Dal nAnu'iff. nln Mud
Itreasail mac Aildla hi Conall Cernach tiri&vH'tl.nr oeus iin Iricl (11innunir i

ngenclaifjiDal Araide. " The true Ulaid, however,are Dal Araidi, of whom
coniesMael Bressail son of Ailill. In Conall Cernach they originate, and in
Iriel G-lunmar,in the genealogyof Dal Araidi."
119. Mael Brcsail mac Ailello Cobo,rex Dal Araide, moritur, AU824. The
text of the passagein BB wasprobably written betweenthe death of Aed Roin,
735, and the death of Fiachna, 789, or not long after the latter event; the
comment during or soon after the reign of Mael Bressail. arisesedar=
*ara-sissetar. The relative form am of airyw-Seems obsolescentin the Milan
glosses(seeThurneysen,Handbu5hr^387,4).
120. The Irish Cruithni of Dal Araidi are called Cruithni for the last time

in AU at 773 (= 774). Half a century or so later, the claim is set up for them
that they are not only Ulaid, descendantsof Conall Cernach,but that they
are " the true Ulaid," as if in protest against the belief that they are Picts.
This claim was extended to all the leading branches of the Pictish race in
Ireland (see § 91). Rather, I think, we can trace the claim as originating
with another branch, the Conaille.
121. The chief section of the Couaille, forming the state of Conaille
Muirthemne under their native kings, occupieda territory closely associated
with the great hero of the Ulaid, " Cii Chulainn Muirthemne." It is not
surprising that they sought to connect their own tradition with the epic
tradition of the Ulaid. Accordingly we find in the genealogies,BB 152, under a
sectionentitled in the margin, " De peritia Conaille~M.urthemne,"
two conflicting
accounts of their descent. Their eponymousancestor Conall Anglonuach is
first describedas a son of Dedu, and from the pedigreeof their king Cinaedon
98 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
thenext pageit appears
that this Deduis the sonof Sen,i.e.the samefrom
whom the Erainn of Munster, Clanda Dedad, trace their descent. But in the
first pedigree
appended
ConallAnglonnach
becomes
sonof Fiaccsonof Russ
sonof Eachtnasonof Senchadof the Ulidian hero-group. At the end of the
pedigreesof their kings(153,col. 1),many of whosenamescanbe identifiedin
the annals, comes the statement: Do chloind Oonaill Grrn/'/c/i uraili dib .i. in
rigraid, " Of the posterity of ConallCernachare someof them,i.e.the royal
line," in contradictionof the pedigreesthat precede. On p. 169there is a
further chapterheaded," Genelach Conailli Murtheimni,"probablytaken from
anothersource. Here the eponymous ancestoris calledOonallCasdamail,and
he is made out to be seventh in descent from Gonall Cernach. Thus, as Gilla

in Ghomdedsays,"the tree of genealogy is confounded." Conall Cernach

supplieda tempting eponymto the Conaille,a Pictish race,and having been
adoptedby them was adoptedby other Pictish kindreds,Dal Araidi, the
Sogain,and the Loigse of Leinster (BB 164 a 2).
122. Wherever the Ulaid are mentioned in vol. i. of the Annals of Ulster,
they are the peopleof the Dal Fiatach dynasty, quite distinct from Dal Araidi
and Conaille, often at war with one or the other. The Ulaid occupied the
seaboardof Co. Down. The Picts of Dal Araidi occupiedthe interior of that
county as well as a large part of Co. Antrim.
123. Ay Conn tra fogailter ( - fodailtcr) clanda Cuinn oct'* it fortuatha
Sil Cuind eachaen no. Ix'n/r ///"«('/«///[read f/fju-lticli']en Gon/i eter nacin ecus
cicirec\\amail ata Lu,gaid[i-e&dLuigne] ocusDealbnaocusGail imlf [read Gfailing]
ocusCianachta. A<j Gathair didiu fogailter saerc\Ji]landaLai/jean ocus it for-
tuatha eoicidCathair can [read each]aen na berar co Gathair nrnail atait seclit
Laissi [read Loigsi] ocusscchtFotharta. Ag Ailill Olomfogailter sacrc[h]!anda
Mumhan: can [read cac/i] aen net berar //ene/ach f/o Ailill, it fortuatha
Sil EachachM^umoamail atait Eirna [read Erainn] ocusGiarraigc. (H. 3. IT,
p. 774.)
" At Conn the [pedigrees
of] ClandaCuinn are divided,and all [in Leth
Cuinn] whosepedigree is not traced to Conn, not excluding even saint and
cleric,axefortwthaof theraceof Conn,for exampletheLaiigne,Delbna,Gailing,
and Cianachta. At Cathair [Mor] are divided the free racesof Leinster; all
who are not traced to Cathair are fortuatha of Cathair's Fifth, as are the seven
Loigsi and the sevenFothairt. At Ailill Olom are divided the free racesof
Munster; all whosepedigreeis not tracedto Ailill are fortuatha of the race
of EochuMumo,asarethe Erainn andthe Ciarraige."
124. The same statementoccurs more briefly in the Book of Lecau,
p. 459 :-
Ay VundGetchathach
v/tacJ<\:idlim-id
Rechtmmrfodailter saerc/an/iaLathi
 MAC-NEILT,-EarlyIrish Population-Groups. 99
Cuind oeusit forthuatha1 Sil Cuind ackt sin nama. Ac Cathair Mor mac
FeidlimidFhir Urylaisfodlas sacrclandaLaigenuili ocusit fortuatha Laigin
ackt sin nama foous. Ay Ailill Oliim macMogaNuadadfodailtcr saerclanda.
na Muman ocusit forthuatha1 ackt siit.
125. In the lists of aichecht,uatha?
by far the largerpart of the namesare
collectivesin Dal, etc. The remainderarein variousforms,e.g.,TuathEaisen
or Euisen, Tuath Fer More, Tuath mac nUmoir. Two, T. Ua Cathbarr and
T. Ua Carra, exhibit the later nomenclatureof septs,but even thesehave
variants omitting Ua.
126. Instances occur of the application of the term tuath to population-
groupswith plural names,not in a vagueand generalway like tuath Hernm
-- the Irish, tuath D£ = God's people, the Israelites, but apparently as a
customaryand appropriated designation of local groups.
127. Bolgthuath : There are two groups so named. Bolgthuath Badbgna
of Sliab Badbgnaor Bodbgna(" Slieve Baune,"co.Eoscommon),and Bolgthuath
Echtge of Sliab Echtge (" SI. Aughty," co. Galway). Cp. Bolgraige, an
aithechtuathin Tfr Conaill. Mac Fir P>hisigh(Genealogies,p. 54) quotesamong
the branchesof the Fir Bolg, besides" Bolgthuath Bagna for airther Connacht"
and " Bolgraighe for criochaibhConaill," " Fir Bolg for Mhagh Nia Benntraighe"
and " Fir Bolg ar Mhagh Luirg." As all thesenamesoccurin what is evidently
a consecutivelist of the aithechtuatha of Connacht,the Magh Nia in question
is the plain also called Mag Tuired Cunga,at Cong,co. Mayo. It is evident
that Fir Bolg (= Bolgthuath, Bolgraige) was the name of a known historical
population existing in various parts of Connacht and in north-western Ulster.
Its location and its vassal status, importing early conquest,as well as the
traditions of its existence in Ireland before the Goedil, show clearly that the
Fir Bolg must not be equated with the historical Belgae. The name was
extended in the Irish history-legend at an early period so as to denote the
whole or main population of Ireland before the Goedil.3
128. Cruitheutuath: This seemsto be a general name for the Picts in
Ireland and in Scotland. But it is also usedas a specialname for the Picts of
Dal Araidi, " Cu Chuardin ri Ulad 7 Cruthentuaithe,"(Onoin.Goed.,p. 312 ; for
Cii Cuarainsee § 116), and for Tuath Chruithnech,a Pictish vassalpeople
" roundCruachain,"the old capitalof the Connachta. Therewasalsoavassal
peopleor rather a scatteredpopulationsonamed" in the countryof the Ulaid
andin Mag Cobo" and " betweenSidanSlebein Chairn and Loch Febal and
between Bernas Tfre Aeda and theBann" (Onom.Goed.650),thesefour places

1 Read fortuatha.
" Lecan350, BB 255,256, MacFir Bisigh, genealogies
(E.I.A. copy)54, etc.
3 Seemy account
of " An Irish HistoricalTractdatedA.D.721," Proceedings
R.I.A., vol. xxviii.
B,I,A.PEOC.,
VOL.XXIX.,SECT.0, [15]
 100 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish
beingmerely
theancient
extremities
ofthelargeterritoryoftheAirgialla.Tuath
Chruithnech
is thusassigned
to a regionequalto modernUlsterexceptthe
countiesof Donegal,Antrim, and Cavan.
129. Tuath Fer nDomnann or Tuath Domnann,a vassalpeoplethroughout
Ui Fiachrach and Ui Amalgada in northern Connacht.
130. TuathFer More or TuathMorcc,a vassalpeoplein Ui Conaill Gabra
(in co. Limerick); " .i. fir nwra batar immonLunch-airnDedadthiar."
(LL 269a.)
131. Tuath Fer Ruisen or Tuath Ruisen (Resen, Raisen), in Cera (bar.
Carra.
co.Mayo)andfromAth Moga(Ballymoe
= BelAthaMoga,
onthe
r. Suck)to the sea. Also Raissinseparately," cath Raissenin Connacht,"
Onom. Goed.s.v. raisse(recteRaissin). Cp. also Sliab Raissenor Rusen
= SlieveRushen,1 bar.Knockninny,co.Fermanagh. Cp.CorcuRuisen.
132. Tuath Sen-Erann,a vassalpeopleat SliabLuachrain westMinister.
'' Sen-Ernamor (readSen-ErainnMoir ?)netMumanar sHchtHeir meicEibir
Find meicMiled Espaine." (Lecan 349.)
133. Theseinstances,with Corcu Ulad, Dal Ulad, Corcu Sogainor Suigin,
Corcu Ele, mucoi Sogini, mocu Sogin,moccuElich, seem to indicate that the
various collective formulae might be applied to ancient peoples named in the
plural formula, perhaps chiefly when these had not subdivided into groups
bearingcollective names.
134. Tuatha Fore ocus Iboth : " Na tri Fothaid A. Fothad Aircteach Fothad

Cairptea-ch
FothadOanand., Tri maicFain-da-in/jnic Nair m&vIr/nora d'Aruib ^

CliachJ Berid Faincheeftmnuter (tri ?)/erwar?/. D' Ibdachaibdi Ulltaib

a mbunad .i. da mac Irel Glunmair Fore ocus Iboth. Dos-fagaib Rechtniij
Eigdergi nAlbain oro (=coro) mvi'/fdar catharemhaibconsealgadar
cricha mam
i nAlbain comdarfasa. Giallsat Fir Alban do Rechtnid Eigderg combari
Erenn ocusAlban. Is de atalt TuathaForeocusfbof/i allai do lodar iiii. /. {^~
/^r/inimib for longeastairis anall for gabail ro gabsatCluchriu ocusni fort ad
yabsdTcrich Maine ocu* erirh Finc/irnrfi Aid/inr yabsat B«ifn/i>ida nimnr/nixa
seanmathar Uaithne ingean Earha<-li m&ir Litchta. Tir cli- <>ta-Sinaind. si«r
ocus Devc,;fo thuaid conadh de anmannaib na inhmt' i/ini/nrfn- n enift/ocus a
ngenelaiche
ar'luidh ind-aran<n;/oCneJa
Eigderg.i. Eli coni/ldr i/nirtevEli laid
araile cu Fergus Foltlebur .i. Uaithne conid dr i/rtirt&i Uaithne ocus robadar na
ceatraimid* do c^aind Uaithne A. Uaitnia ocus Druithnia ocus Oainnia- ocus
Decnia. Tri braifhici.i. Uaithnia ocusDruithnia ocusCainnnia. Sunt qui
dicunt M&cnia .i. athair na mac A. na Fothad mac Oairbri male Corm&ic maic

1 Sonamedin Phillips'CountyAtlas. Dr. Hogangives Eusheland Russelas the anglicized

equivalents.
2 cethri niaid. '
 ILL-Early Irish Population-Groups. 101
Mesi Suacl waic Mesin Fuirc maic Mesin Fuircill maic Cairbri maic Iboth
Alii dicunt tri Fot[h]aid .i. tri maic Feidlimthe maic M&ic-Niat[h] [maic]
Gnathail maic Ere maic Cairliri Niath Fer waic F<'i<!/hn//i<' I<\>l1c<inn. Is dc ata

Zecht Gli\\d Ere/is de ata^ro cedno orabi rig-domna bad mo Ere macFcullnnlc
.i. i loc ro baitc. Hue itsque de Salterio Caisil. "
Aliter eland G[h]onaill G[h]ernaich .i. Eogan ocus Oilill ocus Fen Fer
T/achiga Gaithnia ocus Druithnia [ocus\ Uaithnia .i. Uaithni Thire ocus
Uaithni Cliach <?uod fortasi uerius. (BB l(34b.)
" The Three Fothads, i.e. Fothad the Silvern, Fothad the Chariot-rider,
and Fothad Canaim, three sous of Fainche daughter of Nar son of
(Fer Mora ?) of the Aral of Cliu. Fainche gives birth to three man-
children at one birth. / Of the Ibdaig of the Ulaid was their origin, i.e. Fore
and Iboth were two sons of Irial Glunmar. Rechtaid Eed-arm leaves them in
*"/\
Alba and they won battles and utterly wasted great territories. The Men of
Alba submitted to Rechtaid Red-arm, so that he becameking of Eriu and
Alba. Hence are the Tuatha Fore and Iboth (on the other side ?). They
camewith four times fifty manchildren on a voyage across from that side to
settle on lands. They occupiedCluchri,1 and they no longer dwell there.
They occupied the country of (Ui) Maine and the country of (Ui)
FiachrachAidne. They occupied(Corcu)Baisciunin succession from their
grandmotherUaithne daughter of Eochu son of Luchta./ (They occupied)
another territory westwardfrom the Shannonand northward from (Loch)
Derg. ,Sothat by the namesof the womenare distinguished,their kindreds
andtheir genealogies.For oneof them" went to (JaelaRed-arm,to wit Eli,
and hence the Eli are named. Another went to Fergus Longhair, to wit
Uaithrie, and hence the Uaithni are named. And there were four champions iff
of the family of Uaithne,namely Uaithnia, Druithnia, Cainnia,and Decnia.
Uaithnia, Druithnia, and Cainnia were three brothers. Sunt qui dicunt
Macnia,father of the boys,i.e. of the Fothads,son of Cairbres.o.Cormacs.o.
Mes Suad s. o. Mes Fuirc s. o. Mes Fuircill s. o. Cairbre s. o. Iboth. Alii
dicunt, the ThreeFothads,three sons of Feidlimid s. o. Macnia s. o. Gnathal s. o.
Ere s. o. Cairbre Nia Fer and Fedelm Foltcoem.2
,A^
Hence is [named] Lecht
Glhm[e] Ere. Of him it was sung(?),'there wasno (?) prince of the royal
huegreaterthan Ere, Fedelm'sson.' That is, where_theywere drowned(iss
the Graveof the Glen of Ere). Hue usquede PsalterioCaisil.
~"Aliter the children of Conall Cernach,i. e. Eogan and Ailill and
Fen Fer Tlachtga (or Feufer ' Fian-man' of Tlachtga), (also named)

1 Otherwise
C'luithri,northof LongCliach= Knocklong(eo.Limerick)= DruimDauigaire,
Unom.
Goed.

2 Called Fedelm Noichruthach in Cath Ruis na Rig, p. 54.

[15*]
102 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
Cathnia,
DruithniaandUaithnia,i.e.(the ancestors
of) UaithniThireand
Uaithui of Oliu,quodfortasseuerius(est)."
135.With TuathaFore cp. Insi Ore. Tuatha__Iboth
are doubtless
the
old traditional inhabitants of the Hebrides, Ebudae Insulae. Ibdaig
= *Ebudaci.' Theyaresaidhereto be of the Ulaid. lubdan(= *Ebudagnos)
in the " Deathof Fergus,"Silva Gadelica,is king of an overseacountryof
dwarfs.

136. Uaithnia,Druithuia, and Caiimiaappearto be artificial eponymsof

the Uaithni (hencethe baroniesof " Owney" in Tipperary and Limerick),
Dal Druithne in Ui Maine (" westof the Shannonandnorth of Loch Derg"),
and Caenraige(hence" Kenry " barony,co.Limerick). These Irish Ibdaig,
like the Irish Picts, have Conall Cernach assigned to them as ancestor.
Their traditionalhabitat (Kenry, Owney,Aidni, Ui Maine, Corcu Baseliin
seemsto correspondwith the positionof the Auteui or Auteini (= Uaithni ?)
in Ptolemy's account.

V. THE TRICHA GET = THIRTY HUNDREDS.

137. Theterm 'tricha cet' in late usagedenotesa certain measureof territory.

Keating (Forus Feasa,ed. Comyn, p. 112) gives the extent of the provinces of
Ireland in this measureas follows: Meath proper (an Mhidhe fein), 1-');
Breagha, 5; Cuigeadh Gonnacht, including Clare, 30; Cuigeadh Uladh,
extending southward to the Boyne, (35 or) 36; Cuigeadh Laighean, 31;
CuigeadhEochaidh (sic), i.e. eastern Minister, 35 ; Cuigeadh Con Raoi, i.e.
western Munster, 35. Total 185.
138. Keating adds(p. 128) that Ulster at one time contained only 33, the
other three having been cededby Leinster in the time of the Pentarchy (aim-
sear na gCuigeadhach),i.e. in the Ulidian heroic period. There is evidently a
cross-division somewhere; and the total of 185 must be excessive. The Ulster
and Leinster fifths meet at the Boyne, so that these provinces must include
the five tricha-cets of Brega. Mide, too, i.e. central Ireland exclusive of
Brega, is traditionally a province of late origin, and there must be an overlap
in its case also.

139. The wholeaccountsuggests an ancient(perhapstheoretical)division

of Ireland into five provincial kingdoms, each fifth (coiced,cuigeadh)
containing thirty-five tricha-cets.
140. Thethirtieth part of a tricha-cet,saysKeating, is a baile or baile

1 For UHtachua,UiDachaigh,Ui Dutch,in Onom.Goed.,readIbdachu(?),Ibduchaibli,

Ibdaich.
Cp.alsoInis Ibdan(Ibdone,
Sibtond,
Sipont,Ubdain),
on the Shannon
estuary,Onom.Goed.
" (rarbra'ididoFearaibEbotha quoGarbniidi, conacoibnesaib,"
Lecan451.
 ILL-Early Irish Population-Groups. 103
hiataigh. Since tricha cet means" thirty hundreds," the baile must represent
the hundred. This at oncesuggests the Germanic hundred and the Latin
centuria,asdivisionsof the people. The original Komanpopuluscontained
thirty curiae. The principle of organization appears to have been at once
genealogicaland religious,each curiahaving its own rites presidedoverby
a priest called curio. The thirty curiones formed a priestly college of the
whole state. Tracesof a similar unity of the genealogicaland religious
principles are also indicated in ancient Ireland (see § 56). The female
eponyms in Ireland have their analogue too in the Koman curiae, some <>!
which wero said to have derived their names from the Sabine women who

were the mothers of the Koman people.

141. The Koman centuries, forming the comitia centuriata, were a civil
organization on a military basis. This, we shall see,was also the original
characterof the Irish tricha cet. [t denoted not onlv the civil organization
of the people,and the corresponding division of the territory, but also the
armed levy of eachstate.
142. There are many ancient statementsbearing on this point which still
require to be collected. For the present,one passagein Tain Bo Cuailngi will
serveas a locus classicus. It occursat the episodein which Medb takes note
of the smart discipline and warlike efficiency of one section of her allies, the
Galians of Leiuster. Their superiority to her own troops evokesin her mind
only a jealous dismay, and she decidesto order a treacherousmassacreof the
Galians. Her Ulster comrade, Fergus, resolutely opposesthis design, and
threatens to lead the allies against Medb if she persistsin it. This argument
prevails, and Medb contents herself with separating the Galians into small
troops and distributing them throughout the army.
143. "' By the truth of my conscience,'said Fergus, ' no man shall do
death to them but the man who will do deatli to me.'

"' Thou, Fergus, must not say that to me,' said Medb, ' for I am strong
enough in numbers to slay and overwhelm thee with the thirty-hundred
of the Galians around thee. For I have the seven Maines with their seven

thirty-hundreds, and the Sonsof Magu with their thirty hundred, and Ailill
with his thirty-hundred, and I too have a like force. There we are, strong
enoughto slay and overwhelm thee with the thirty-hundred of the Galiaus
around thee.'

"' It is not fitting to tell me so,' said Fergus. ' For I have here the seven
petty kings of the Munstermen with their seven thirty-hundreds. There are
here the thirty hundred of the best fighting men of Ulster. There are here
the bestof the fighting men of Ireland, the thirty-hundredof the Galians. I
am their security, their guarantee,and their safeguard from the day they left
104 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
their ownnativeterritory,and by me theywill standon the daythou
challengest.'"
144. Theallied forcesunderMedb thus consistedof nineteenseparately
organized
bodies,
each
under
a localkingandeach
consisting
of thirtyhundred
men. Thirty hundred,
in fact,wasthetraditionalcomplement
of thearmyof
a petty state.
145. Thetechnicalnameof the wholelevy of 3,000menwaswilt. Where
theAnnalsof Ulster(1222)havethe entry: ro thinolsntGaillErenncethri
cathufichetcoDclgain,cotuinicAcdh0 Neill ocusMacin Uyneditri cathana
n-a/jhaidh,
theD text says: numerati124
eomplcta.
Iclla,qiti faciunt Hibcrnica
numeratione 78 millia armatorum . . . 12 millibar icnnatoram, numeratione
suprascripta.
146. The Irish cath or tricha c6thas its exact counterpart in the leyio,
originallythewholearmyor normalmilitarylevyof theEomanstate. The
Roman tradition was that under Romulus, i.e. in the earliest times, Rome had
but onelegion,andthis legionnumbered
3,000men,i.e.100menfromeachof
the thirty tribes.
147. The Romansdivided their lighting population into two classes,
junioresandseniores.It seems
clear that they originallyregardedthe younger
menasformingthe normalrighting strength of the population,and the older
men asforminga reservewhichmight be called out to meet an emergency.
Jumtitus is an habitual term for the folk of age to servein arms. Precisely
the sameusageis foundin Irish. In the passagecited abovefrom Tain L6
Cuailngi, the word which I have twice translated " righting men " is die =

(juvenci)favenes,
juniores,juventus,andnumerousexamplesof this usagecould
easily be collected.
148. As the Romansgrew into a great military power, they did not
abandonthe ancient constitution of their army, but retained and developedit.
Insteadof expandingtheir armyindefinitelywith the growth of their state,
they couldonly think of formingadditionalbodieson the modelof their primi-
tive armyof 3,000,andthis they continuedto do evenunderthe Caesars.
149. In the Spartan army, we can trace the same tradition. The army
consisted of six fiopai, and the fiopa at one period numbered 500 men, giving
a total of 3,000 men. Each of the three Dorian tribes of Sparta before
Cleomenescontained ten w/3ai,making thirty wj3ai in all. In Athens, in the
ageof Theseus,
eachQparpiacontainedthirty yeVtj.
150. " The phalanx soldiersin the army of Alexander amountedto 18,000
and were divided . . . into six divisions, each named after a Macedonianpro-
vince from which it was to derive its recruits."1 Each province would thus
1 Smith's Smaller Diet, of Antiquities, p. lt>3.
 IU.-Early Irish Population-Groups. 105
correspond
to the Irish tricha ctt and the army of eachprovinceto the Irish
cath of 3,000 men.
151. The century remainedthe theoretical basis of the Irish military
organizationuntil the final overthrow of the Celtic systemat the battle of
Kinsale,ChristmasEve, 1601. In the proclamationissuedin that year by
O'Neill,it is orderedthat " the constableof the hundredshallhaveeighty-four
men on the strength, allowing an abatement of sixteen men, and this abate-
ment shall be expended as follows : the constable of the hundred shall
have the wageof ten men thereof,and the marshalof the territory shall
havethe pay of five men,and the lord's galloglachshall havethe pay of one
man."1

152. The facts here brought together appear to establish that the Irish
tricha cdt, its thirtieth part the baile,and the Irish military organization
embodieda tradition common to many peoples of ancient Europe, and going
back to a time when these peoples formed one community or a group of
neighbouring communities. I trust that this superficial examination maylead
to a more thorough investigation at competent hands into the earliest
traditional form of the civil and military organization among the various
branchesof the Indo-Europeanrace.
153. Keating says that, " according to the ancient record (do reir an
tseanchusa),the baile contained 12 seisreacha, and the xt'ixirueh 120 acres."
The word for " acre," acm, is not of Irish origin, and must have replaced some
older term. Later on, Keating says that " the acre of Irish measureis twice
or thrice greater than the acre of the present foreign measure." "The acre
of the present foreign measure" probably means the Irish " Plantation
acre," which is greater than the statute acre in the ratio 196:121. Ireland is
said to contain 20,819,928 statute acres, equivalent to 12,853,114 Plantation
acres. According to Keating's statement, the 185 tricha-cets should be equal
to 7,992,000acres of (the older) Irish measure. But since his total of 185
is too much by at least 5, probably by more than 5, his total of acresmust
also be reduced. Moreover, by the statement " twice or thrice greater " we
are to suppose,
not that Keatingwasunableor neglectedto give a moreexact
ratio, but that in fact the Irish measure varied according to the nature of
the land. The Irish tradition of land-measurement,still by no meansobsolete,
was based on the quantity of live stock that a given area could support.

1 " D' fhiachaibh ar an ehonsabal ce'id beilhceathraris ceithrejichid ar a gcosaibhagus d' fhol-
mhughadh sefir deng,agusis eceala dteid an folmhughadhsin, cuid deichneubhair ag consabal
an Mid
de, agus add cuigir ag marasgalan tire fein-agus cuid fir ag galloglachtighearna.'" The whole
of this interestingdocumentwill be found in " An Leightheoir Gaedliealach"(GaelicLeaguepubli-
cations),p. 85,printedfrom the facsimilein Gilbert's NationalMSS. of Ireland. TheRoman
also in actual servicesuffereda customaryabatement,and containedonly sixty men.
106 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
Hence no doubt the extent of the tricha ce"t was variable according to
the fertility and populationof the district.
154. Therise of the greatsepts,aboutthe commencement
of the Christian
periodin Ireland,musthavegreatlychangedthe olderpoliticalsubdivision
of the country,sometimes dividing andsometimes combiningthe moreancient
petty states. In someinstancesthe tricha cet appearsto have survivedas
a petty state. In others,it is dividedbetweentwo distinct political organisa-
tions. In others as many as ten tricha cets form the kingdom of a single
sept. Theremaywell havebeeninstancesin which the early territorial state
was split into fragments,though there is a visible tendencydown to the
seventeenthcentury, when the baroniesof the English regimewere marked out,
to adhereto remotelyancientterritorial delimitations. Thefollowingpassage
(Lecan,460),describingtheterritoriespossessed by Dal Cuinn,is instructive:-
155. Olaiid Ghuind andsofoErind .1.Fir Breg ocusFir Midi ocusFir Thulach
ocus CorcoRocadaa n-ingnais a bull do deoradaib am. Is iadso iadside .i.
LuigneocusGailcngaocusna SaidneocusH\a. Aeda Odbaocusna scachtnDcaUnm
ocus letti-tricha cet Cuircnc ocus leih-tricha did Tfullnig Melanin OCHH ir'n-lm
diet Fear mBilc. Gland Ghuind .i. ficlu- I"ill no- Colaman ocus trichu chid1
Fini Gall ocus Airyialls? imorro scadit tricha flu't dec indti3 ocus deich tricha
CV/mu'lEogain ocusdeich tricha Ccn\i\\\ Connill oe.usleith-tricha Ceninil nEnda
ocusleith-tricha G'eriiuil nAeiigusaocusleith-trieha Fer Tulach ocusdeich tricha id
cet Breifni ocusdeich tricha ZTuaMaine acht tri tuatha nama .i. Sodain ocus
Dal nDruithnc ocusMiunter Mail Fhidain. Sil Muireadaiy Muitteathain ocus
Sil Briain meic Uach[ach']Muigmedoin in eachdu itait ocusin da Ch(ii/'j>ri .i.
Cairpri Mor Droma Cliab la cloind Fiachrach meic Echach Muidmedoin ociw
Cairpri 0 Ciarda la Firu Midi. Sil Dathi o clad Ghonachla.
coCodnaichCloindi
Paint. Muinter Murchada conacoibnesaibocusGland Coscrai;/. Fir Umaill
cona ngablanaib.
156. SilFiachachSui\_y~\dimeic Feidlimid Rechtmair .i. Gorcortrila Connid i
Condachtaibdia tribal Diarmaid H\\& Duilne ocusHm. Chuind conafineadmb
.i. uirrig Corcorthri cor dichuirsed eland Taidc meic Cein meic AiliUa, Ulaim.
a Mumin ocus is do Corcortri H\\i Dobailean scus Hni Duindchaichlg ocus
Hui Ailella dia roibi Mac Liay .i. infill. Na Deisi -morro do cloind Fiachach
Sui[g]di .i. deichtricha-cd intib conafochenelaibi n-fi/ninis Semaine.i. leith-
tricha cet ita ar slicht Semuine meic Cechaingmeie Celtair no Semainemeic
Cealtc\h}air meic Uitheochair dia ndeachaidar ccnd Cealtchair diaid marbtha

±\ \ Headchet. Thewriting, whiuhhadbecome

dim,hasbeeninkedin at this placeby.alaterhand.
* Hereendsa page. The leaveshavebeenmisplaced
in binding, andthe continuationis found at
349a1. Theparticulars
ofClannCliuind
in Ononi.
Goed-
areto beamended
accordingly.
3 Read hititi,
 .-Early Irish Population-Groups. 107
BledBrwjnd rfo('<:<//t<'//</ir
//"/"ct tw dun ocusna DeisiBreg cenaiirm r/ndsin.
Fir Bili ocusFir Asail is dodoind Fiin-lm\rli']Sai\_(j\diatat.
157. Fotharta dothodnr co Laigniu do chloind Ecliaeh FinJ Fiinlli nAlrt
meie.Fi'itUiuiiil 7iYr///ninir ./. n« .mi. Fotharta in cmh Imili ///<//.
] "'8." ThefollowingareConn'sracethroughoutIreland: Fir Breg and
Fir Midi (the men of Brega and Meath), and Fir Thulach and Oorcu Eoide,
apart from what they haveof immigrants. The latter are these: Luigni and
Gailing and the Saithni and Ui Aeda of Odha and the sevenDelbnai and the
half tricha cet of Cuircne and the half tricha cet of Tellach Mndumn and the
tricha cet of Fir Bili.1 The raceof Conn,[to resume]:the twenty townlands
(hundreds)of the Colamain,and the tricha cet of Fine Gall, andthe Airgialla
moreover,containing seventeentricha cets, and the ten tricha ce'ts of Cenel
nEogain,and the ten tricha ce'tsof Cenel Conaill, and the half tricha cet of Cenel
nEndai, and the half tricha cet of Cenel nAengusa, and tin- half tricha ce"t
of Fir Tuladi,2 and the ten tricha cets of Breifne, and the ten tricha ce'ts of
Ui Maini, except three tu.illi.i, namely Sogainand Dal Druithne and Muinter
Mail Findain. The race of Mniredach Muillethan and the race of Brian son of
Eochu Muigmedoin wheresoeverthey are, and the Cairlires, namely Cairbre
Mur of Druim Cliab belonging to the Ui Fiachrach maic Echach Muigmedoin
and CairbreUa Ciardabelongingto the Men of Meath. The race of Dathi
from Clad <'miachla to Codnach of Gland Puint. Muinter Murchada with
their kinsfolk, and Gland Choscraig. The Men of Uniall with their
branches.

159. " Therace of Fiachu Suigde sonof Feidlimid Eechtmar,namely: Corcu

Fir Tri at Corann in Connacht, of whom was Diarmaid Ua Duibne, and the
Ui Chuinn with their families, [formerly] petty kings of CorcuFir Tri until the
raceof Tadgsonof Ciansonof Ailill Aulom fromMinister dispossessed
[them]:
and of Corcu Fir Tri are the Ui Dobailen and Ui Duinnchaichig and Ui Ailella,
of whomwasMacLiagthepoet. The Desi,moreover,areof the raceof Fiachu
Suigde;they, with their under-septs,contain ten tricha ce'ts,not reckoning
the Semaine,i.e., a half tricha cet who are descendedfrom Semuine son of
Cechang sonof Celtar or from Semaineson of Celtcharson of Uithechar3
whenthe consequence of slaying Blai Brugaid through jealousyin his fort
went againstCeltchar; and the Desi of Brega are not reckonedtherein
i.e.in the ten tricha cets). Fir Bili and Fir Asail are of the race of Fiachu
Suigde.

1This tricha cetappearsto bethe modernbaronyof Farhill in Westmeath(35,447statuteacres).

" Fartullagh barony in Westmeath contains 37,552 statute acres.
3 A genealogicalfiction, since their traditional eponym was Nia Semon,seeunderntocenS~cth
Remrm.

R.I.A.PEOC.,VOL.XXIX.,SECT.CT [16]
108 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
160. "The Fothairt who went to Leinster are of the race of
Eochn Find Fuath nAirt, i.e. the seven Fothairt in every place where
they are."1
161. Compared
with the accountin Keating,the foregoingcontemplates
a
much smaller extent of the tricha cet. Cenel Conaill, Cenel nEngain, and
Airgialla comprise37 tricha cets. Theseoccupymuch lessthan the modern
Ulster, as they do not comprisethe countiesof Antrim, Down,and Cavan.
TheancientUlster of Keating's account,somewhatlarger than the modern
province, contains only thirty-six tricha ce'ts.
162. We can assignaperiodto the Lecanstatement. It is earlierthan the
Norman occupationof Meath at the close of the twelfth century, and later
than the death of Mac Liag in 1016. It is likely that the tricha cct varied
accordingto the populationat differentperiods,and that Keating's accountis
referable to a time when the country was less populous than in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries.

163. Two modern baronies retain the name tricha, Trough (an Triucha,
Tricha Get Cladaig),37,377 statute acres,in co. Monaghan,and Trughanacmy
(T. an Aicme), 195,282statute acres,in Kerry.
164. Other instances from Onom. Goed. are :-

Tncha Baguine= baroniesBoylaghand Banagh,co.Donegal.

Cairbri = bar. Carbury, co. Sligo.
Trichaee"tCera, apparently somewhatlarger than bar. Carra, co.
Mayo.
Cianachta = ancient kingdom of Cianacht Breg.
Cualiige, perhaps= kingdom of Conaille.
Enna mic Neill = tricha Eiina = two bars, of Eaphoe, co.
Donegal.
Fer nArda = bars, of Corcomroe and Bnrren, co. Clare
= ancient kingdom of Corcu Mu Druad.
Mugdorn, perhaps=bar. Cremorne(CrichM.), co.Monaghan.
na nOilen = bar. Islands, co. Clare.
na Soillse = bar. Lecale, co. Down.
Tricha Eogain= two bars.Inishowen,co.Donegal.
Luigdech = bar. Kilrnacrenan, co.Donegal.
Medonach= bar. Barryroe, or part thereof, co. Cork.

165. O'Donovan'sSupplt. to O'Eeilly's Diet, has : " Ric/: ' rl riff,' rex
rcc/ulorum,
a chief whoseauthority wasrecognizedby seven petty chieftains.

1This is a frequentphrasewith referenceto peoplesscatteredapart in variousterritories.

 -Early Irish Population-Groups. 109
H. 3. 18, p. 14." Ri /'i</ here seems to be an etymological gloss on ruiri
= ro + rl. For " chief " and " chieftains," read " king" and " kings."
166. The tradition that suzerainty over seven petty kings conferred a
specialgradeis elsewhereexemplified. Cp.§14:!,above,where,besidesthe
sonsof Magu who were chiefs of the vassal Fir Domnann, the seven Mainos
of Connacht are subjectto Medb, and in Minister also there are sevenuirri;/.
The earlier and lesser Minister of the Erainn is here implied. In the defeat
of the Irish Picts by Ui Neill at Moin Dairc Lothair (an. ~>(>'2AU),wheii the
Picts lost their territory west ol' the Bann,their king Aed Brecc is spoken of
as leading seven other Pictish kings. In the l!ook of Rights, Ireland is
divided into seven chief kingdoms, whosekings have no suzerain except the
king of Ireland. This division seems to represent an ideal rather lluni an
actuality, for as far as one can judge from otluT evidences, tin1 kings of
Osraige, Tuadmuma, lireil'nr, and Cenel ('miaMI, perhaps also the kings of
larmuma (Eoganacht I/odia I/in) and IJivga, were i|iiile as independent as
the seven dud' kings in the I look ol' .Rights, [n O'Maelconaire'sMunster
Annals (If. I. A. copy;, the kings of Casliel are usually called kings
of Cashel and Desmond,indicating that they were not suzerains of west
and north Munster. From an early period in the ninth century
the Airgialla seem to have admitted the suzerainty of Cenel nEogain:
Airgialla .i. d<.«'i->ii<ill<i
./. Cendl nEogain rocuirsead jo ihnrckis iad o
culli Leithe Cairn amacii (\\\\ 249 b 15, H. 3. 18, page 580, and see
AU 826). Henceperhapsthe absence
of anystatementof tributesdueto the
king of Airgialla in the Book of Eights. Flanii Mainistrech, in his poem
quotedby me (R. I. A. Proceedings,
xxvii, C. 6, p. 138),namessevenchief
kings in his time. Six of these accord with the Book of Rights. For the
seventh he omits Airgialla and substitutesBrega. (Juan O Lothchain,
referringto the allegedcontentsof the " Psalterof Tara," saysthat it tells of
"
sevenchief kings of Ireland," who are " the five kings of the Fifths, the king
of Ireland and her high king (subking)" BB 351b 3 (orr/i/ is a marginal
amendment of airdri). Perhapsthe peculiar designation,in Sechtmad,'the
Seventh,"appliedto oneol' the petty kingdomsof Munster,had its origin in
this way (see§ 1UG)

[10]
no Proecedinys
of theRoyalIrish Academy.

INDEX.

The numbers refer to the sections. Footnotes are indicated by " >/.'

Absdanaig 27 a Cattraige 46, 105

acht 41 Celrige 46
Aiuher, yo/itirc siny. 57 cenel in sept-name*71 etc.
Aidni 23 Cerdraige 51
Airbrige 38 Oerrige= Ciarraige44
Airgialla 27, 28, 62, 64, 68, 69, 114, l'J8, l.V> CianachtiO, 41,46w, 88, 109, rj:1.
Airmuma44n Ciarraige22, 27a, 44«, 40, 48, 83, 84, 94, 123
aithechtuatha 10, 26, 51, 85, 102, 103, 125, 127 cimtatcs in Gaul 86
Altraige 44 n, 46 w eland in M'/il-intiites 77 etc.
Amanchaire 38 « ClaudaDedad 12
*Arai, Araid 8, 28, 38 n, S3, 87 Colamain 155
Artr(a)ige 46, 48, 87, 94 Conaille44n, 91, 120, 121
Atecotti 3 Conchubuirne 40, 46 n
Auteni 136 Conraaicne 84
aui, avi in sept-names
52 Connaehta4, 40, 41
avi in oghams55, 56 *Coramd 9
Avi Axeras57 Corbetrige51
Corbraige 40, 51
bidle (biataig) 140 Corcaib 84
Benntraige 127 corcu 29, 33
Ilibracte 41, 50 Corcu (alphabetic list) 35
Bibraige 37, 40, 50 Andsae 46
Blairige 46 Atbrach 100
bodagas 25 Auloirn 40
Bolgraig-e 51, 127 Bairdni 40
Bolgthuath 51, 127 Baiscinn 40, 83, 92
Boomige 40, 46 Bibuir 37, 40, 50
Brecoraige 44 Birn 40, 46 n
Breifne 155 Cede 40

Srittani 10 Chein 40

Condluain 40

Caenraige 136 Cormaio Lagen 40

Cailtrige 44 Cuirn(d) 9, 40
Cairbrige 27 « Culla 46
Cnirige 46 Dalann 40, 46 n
Canachta41 Druithne 40

Caraige46 Duib 40, 46, 94

Cashel,early history, 44it, 101 Duibne 40, 44«, 46, 48, 83, 92
Cath==3000 men 145 Dula 40
Cathraige 10 Echach 40
 M.\cNEii,L-Earl;/ Irish Population-Groups. Ill
Corcu Eehach Elo 111 Dal Araidi46w, 91, 107, 114, 116, 116,118,
Ele 133 119, 120, 122
Fasaig 47 Auluim 40
Fiachach 40 Baiscinn 40
Fir Tri 46, 156 Bardeni 40, 46 w, 107, 112, 113
Inomain 94 Birn(d) 40, 46 »
Loegde 40, 44 H, 46, 83 Buachalla 46
Luachra 40, 47 Buain 40, 46
Luigdech 4(i Cais 46 «, 83, 107
Luigne 40 Cein 40, 107, 109
Maige Loclin 17 Cete 40, 46, 49, 107, 112, 113
Miiigen 40 Coirpri 44 « (its). 87, 10G
Moga 10 Conchubuir 40, 10n
Mu Druad (Corcummad) 40, 83 Condad 46
N7uchtae 40, 40, 48 Conliiuin 40
Oche 40, 46«, 48 Cormaic 40, 46 n, 87
()iri;the(n) 46 n Cicilni 46
Riada 40 Cuinn 40, 46 H, 04, 70, 107, lo">
Rinn 46 (Juirli 40

Roide 46, l.V. Cuiir 4d

Ruiscn 40 Dfilaim (Dallain) 40, 40 »
Sai 40 Duibne 40

Sogain (Suigin) 20. 43 133 Diuithne 40

Thenme 40 Echach 40, 46 H
Tomracli 47 Eogain 40, 107, 1)1
Thenead Fiachach 24, 25, 26, 40, So, 107, 111, 156
Tethba 47 Fiachach Ele 111
hUiniche 44 » Fiatach 46 n, 107, 111, 114, 115, 117, 122
Ulad40, 133 Imde 46
coi'io 38n Luigni 40, 44 n
Coriondi9 Macorp44n
*Corrind 9 Maigen,Muigin 40, 46
Creccraige46 Maigne,Maigni 40, 40
Crothraige44 Maigneun,44n
Cruithenvhl&r10 Maiignae40
Cruithentuath 10, 128 Me Druad 40
Cruithni 10, 28, 91, 107, 114, 115, llfi, 120, MesseCorb 87
121, 122, 128 Mocoirp44 n
Cuallachta 41 Mo Dala 44
Cugennachte 41 Mo Dula 40
Cuirone
40, 155 Moga40
cuire 38 « Musca 40
Guirenrige9, 40,46w Nat (= Niad)Corp107,110
Cuirrige46 Niacorp? 44n
Niad (Niath) Corb 47, 58, 70, 76, 87
Daimine46 Reti, Riata(i),Riada32,40, 46,92,107
Dairine 40, 44n, 83 Runtir 46
d&l29, 32 Sailni 46n
Dal (alphabetical
list} 34 Ulad40, 133
Aengusa Musca 40 Darin! 19
 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
Dartniige 46 Galing 5, 15, 28, 88, 123, 155
Deda 12, 22 GaliQin, Gale<5in4, 16, 93, <JU
deis,deisi[u]s, 24, 25, 26 Garbraige46 n
Delbna, 84, 88, 123, 155 Gaul, statesof 86, payi, vici
Descert Cliach 87 Gaulish immigration 44 //
Desi24, 25, 26, 44 n, 83, 101, 104, 105, 106, Genealogicaluncertainty (jl
156 (icncalogies,spurious 95, 103
divine ancestry 31 Greccraige 46, 84
Dubrige 40. 46, 94
Eboth 135 ;/
Hibcnti, Hibernia 12
Ebudae Insulae 135

Eiginrige 46
lar, lair, lari 12, 44 n, 46
E'li11,40,83,111,134 larna 12
Eraenchairi 38 u
Ibdaig 134, 135
Eoganacht 40, 44, 44 n, 60, 70, 75, 76, 101, 111
Ibh Laoghaire 53
Chaisilei, 83
Icrni, Terms, lentos 12
Glennamnach 83
-inion 39
Locha Leiu 83
interchangeof collective nmnc.-4H
Raithlenn 83
luverna 12
eponyms, animal 50
*Iccii, Iveriu 12
feminine 31, 48, 49, 54, 55, 56 Ircrni 12
from occupations51
Iwerddon 1-
spurious 48
Erainn4, 5, 12, 28, 46, 92, 113, 117, 123
Eriu 12 Korku Reti 46
Erna = Erainn

Esruehtae 41 Lagin 4, 0, 17, 44/i, 87, 107, 123, 124

Des Gabra 97

feminineeponyms
31, 48, 49, 54, 55, 56 Tuath Gabuir 96, 97
Fe'ni 13 I.amraige 46, 48
Pine Gall 155 land measure, ancient Irish 153
Fir Aeail 156 legion = tath 146
Bili 155, 156 Leth Cuinn included Lcinster 110
Bolg 51 n, 127 Letb Moga = Munster 110
Breg 155 L6igis29, 46n, 48, 91, 121, 123
Domnann 129 loinges 26
Morcc 130 Longobardi 46 w
Ruisen 131 Luachair Fellubair 22
Taiden 51 Luaigni 23, 44 n
Tulach 155 Luceni 3

Umaill 155 Luguirne 46

" Five Fifths of Ireland" 97 Luigne 23, 44 n, 84, 123, 155
fortuatha 102, 123, 124 Lune, barony of 44 n
Fothairt 14, 28, 43, 46n, 123, 157
fourfolddivision
ofpeoples
87,88 Macedonia,
Irishanalogy
with 1-Mi
free states 82, 83, 84 Maio Umoir 125
Manaig 18
Gabraige
37 Manapii18
Gailin(n)e
46« Maugdoirn
= Mugdoirn
Oalati,subdivisions
0/8" Mauginrige
40
 -Early Irish Population-Groups. 113
Menraige46 -rige 29, 36, 37, 38
Moccu30, 42, 43,4o (alphabeticallist) 38
Moceu (alphabetical list) 46 ri/fion 37, 89
Ciara 48 Ro(i)thrige 44»
Dviibne48 Romanand Irish state and army originally
Ech(d)ach 43 similar 140 etc.
Elich, 143,133
Fir Cetea49 Sairige40
Fir Roide49 Saithne,Saidne40, 155
lair 12 Saithrige40
Laime48 Sciathrige51
Nechte 48 Scotti 3
Netli Semon51 Sechtmad83, 105, 106
Ochae 48 Ser/omo44 »
Sogin20, 133 Segorigienses,
vicani, 89
Moclitaine,
Mochthuinde,
-!<;,/ 8eni(m)iiine,
Sem(on)rige
40,It;,/, :.l, 156
Monaig 18 Sen-chonnachta 95
niucoi 30, 42 Sen-Eraitin 132
(alphabetical
/ist) 44 m-ri'iikiniisiiinlera chiefking165,166
Dovinias 48 si!33

Qerai48 in septnames77etc.
Sogini20, 133 Cuinn 123, 124
Mugdoirn 5, 19, 28, 94, 95 mBirn 46 n
mninterin septnames77 etc. slicht in sept-names
77 etc.
Minister,undentextentof, 44 n soerthuatha102, 107, 123, 124
Muscraige40, 83 Sogain20, 43, 44, 46. 91, 121, 155
Sograige 20
-ne 29, (alphabetical
Hat)39 Sortraige94
Nechtarge,Nechtraige37, 40, 46, 4S Sparta,Irish analogywith, 149
Nia Segaraon 44n Suobraige94
No(i)srige 46 surnamesas titles 53
in ua 53

Ocliaine 40

()d(or)rige37, 44 n teglachin sept-names77 etc.

Oghams, eponymx in, 3 tellach in sept-names
77 etc.
Orbraige40, S3 Temenvige40, 46
Orosius 3 tetrarchies in Galalia 87

Osseirge,Osrnige37, 44», 4G», 97, 101, KH Toeccraige87

Oiio/onntioi 21 torclie, toirge 26
Ousdiai 37 Tratraige 46 n, 87
pagi in Gaul 86 tributary states 82, 83, 84
1'apraige94, 95 tricha cet 137etc.
Partraige88, 95 tuath, gradesof 102
P«tfs= Cruithni extent of 98, etc.
Pretano 10 meanings of SI, etc.
Ptolemy1, 2 specialgodso/99
*Qretino-, *Qreleno-t 10 Tuath Aithechda93, 96
CathbarrSl, 85
R- stems 57 Chruitbnecb. 128
Raissin, Resin, Rviisin 131 Domnnnn 129
114 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.
Tuath Egdha(=Fidga) 96 Tuath Ua Cathbavr85
Fer iiDoninann 129 Tuathii Foru 134, 135
For More 125, 130 Iboth 134, 135
FerRuisen 131 Taiden 51
Fidga 93, 96
Mac nUmoir 125 Uaithni 23, 83, 134, W,
Mochtaine,Mochthuinde46 « ui in sept-names,5'2etc".,periodof nS,61
Morcc 125, 130 Ulaid 4, 21, 107, 113, 114, 115, UN, li'i), HM,
Ochmain(e)93, 96 122
Raisen, Resen, Ruisen 40, 125, 131 Umall 84
Semon 40, 51
Sen-Eraim132 rellalmri, J'efahi 11
Ua Cavra85 ricns, the Gaulish89
 Clare Island Survey.

PLACE-NAMES AND FAMILY NAMES.

BY JOHN MAC NE ILL.

HeadJANUARY
27. Published APRIL30, 1913.

THElist of place-names of Clare Island collectedin this paperwill, I trust,

be found to have a scientific value from severaldistinct standpoints. The
OrdnanceSurvey maps do not aim at recordingfully the topographical
namesfor divisions of land less than townlands; there is probably no
principle on which they act in inserting or omitting the namesof smaller
divisions.1 The townland nameshave acquireda sort of legal status, and
therebya definitedegreeof public recognition,andyet in many instancesthe
division of the country into townlands has been a matter of arbitrary choice.
Most of the townlands are, no doubt, divisions marked out and named by
ancient tradition. In a large number, however, new names have been
substituted in recent times for the old names, and even within living
memory new townlands have been created at the will, apparently, of the
landowners. For example, 1 have been unable to trace the name of the
townland of Hazelbrook, in which I was once resident, at Portmarnock, Co.
Dublin, in any record earlier than 1840. Until about that time, the land
now so named waspart of another townland. How satisfactory the topography
by townlands is may be judged from the fact that some of them contain
less than 40 acres and others more than 4,000. In Clare Island, the town-
land of Fawnglass contains 75 acres 2 roods and 14 perches, and the
townland of Bunnamohaun contains 1182 acres 1 rood and 3 perches.
The Ordnance Survey map, on the scale of six inches to the mile, namesno
subdivision of the latter townland, which is about two miles long and one
mile broad and comprisesmore than one-fourth of the island. Bunnamohaun
now contains no human habitation, and consists almost entirely of rough
grazing and waste land. But the name show'sthat part of it was formerly
inhabited, since it means " the low ground of the cabins." It is further
evident that this name has been artificially extended in signification. " The
low ground " must have been the western side of the island, or a portion

1The six-inch mapsof Clare Island containjust onename,not well transliterated,of a smaller
division, " Rooaunbeg." out of the many recorded in this paper; the much larger adjoining
division, UuAin mop, is not namedon the map (Mayo84).
K.I.A. FKOC.,VOL. XXXI. A 3
3 2 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
thereof;
butat present
thetownland
sonamed
happens
to include
thewhole
ridgeof CnocMor,whichis thehighest
partoftheisland.
TheIrishplace-names,
astheyappear
ontheOrdnance
maps,
areoftenso
distortedthat the semblance
of theoriginalsis whollyobscured.Theeffort
to represent
thesounds
of thenames
to aneyeaccustomed
to English
spellingcomesoftenvery wideofits mark. Themajorityof thenames on
the ClareIslandmapsarea recordchieflyof thefailureofanimpossible
task. Manyof themcanconvey noevenproximate notionof thesound
to a
readerof English,andaremorelikelyto misguide
thanto guideareaderof
Irish. It was doubtlessthe difficulty of dealingwith such material that
caused
the Ordnance
Surveyofficerto getconfused
occasionally,
not onlyas
to the formsof names,but alsoasto the placesto which the namesbelonged.
I notethat in atlasesfor generaleducationaluse,place-names in Scotland,
whichare commonlyspokenwith their Gaelicpronunciation, areprintedin
their Gaelicspelling;and if this methodfailsto indicatethe pronunciation
to everybody, it yet secures
historicalaccuracy.Theothermethod,usedin
our Ordnancemaps,fails in both respects.1
The scantiness
of prehistoricandearly historic structuresin ClareIsland
has beennoted in Mr. Westropp'spaper(Part 2). Theplace-names bring
under notice two sites, eachnamed Sidhedn,of which one,in the townland of
Glen, is probably an artificial tumulus, and the other,nearthe lighthouse,
seems rather to be a natural hillock. In both casescertainty could only
follow exploration. The economichistory of the island gathersa few facts
from topography,
and evena fewfactsareof morescientificvaluethanany
numberof fancies.The generalhistory andethnographyof the islandcannot
afford to ignore the rather remarkableevidencecontainedin the list of
surnames.

Professor Wilson, in his paper on " Agriculture and its History," Clare
Island Survey,Part 5, has stated the problem,"How far were the older
Clare islanders true Celts, and how far were they modified in blood and in
economyandcustomby the Norsemen?" A largeproportionof the family
namesbring with thema sufficient historical recordto solvethis problem-
at least to the extent of enabling us to state it afresh on a structural basis of
ascertained facts. Of true Celts, as a distinct race, ancient history and
modernethnologyare alike ignorant. There is no Celtic racial type; and
the only precisemeaningthat can be attachedor ever has beenattached
to the name Celts is that it denotes a people whose language is or was
Celtic. We have evidence that Clare Island once contained a population

1The moreaccuratepreservationof the place-names of Wales, besidesenablingsomedull folk to

think themselves
humorous,has greatly facilitatedthe study of Welshhistory and archaeology.
 ClareIsland Survey-Place-NamesandFamily Names. 3 3
largely,if not mainly, representingracial elementsolder in westernEurope
than the Celts. We havealso evidence,in Clare Island and the adjoining
mainlanddistricts,of almostincessantstreamsof immigration during many
centuries,and these streamscan be traced to many parts,not of Ireland
alone,but of the continentof Europe,not in legendbut in fully authenticated
history. Sofar as I know, thereis no evidenceof any colonyof Norsemen
in or near the island during the period of the Norsemigrations; but the
surnamesbear witnessto the presencein somedegreeof a later-coming
Hebridean element which is largely of Norse descent.
Someof the place-nameswill be seen to reflect bygoneconditionsof
agriculture. Tuar M6r, the name of what remains of the most westerly
village, means" the great bleachgreen." Another place is called na TtMrtlia,
" the bleachgreens." The presentgenerationin ClareIsland has neverseen
a field of growing flax; much lesshasit had any experienceof the spinning of
linen thread or the weaving and bleaching of the linen fabric. Yet these
things were familiar to every generation from the Great Famine back to a
time muchearlier than the first appearanceof the Norsemenon the Irish coast.
The " Parliamentary Gazetteer" of 1845, in the article on Westport, givesthe
following information on the authority of Mr. Inglis, who wrote in 1834 with
referenceto the linen industry :-
" The linen trade in this district, and most probably in other districts, is the
sourceof all the extras which are obtained beyond the absolutenecessariesof
life. The land is let in very small portions ; 7 or 8 acresis about the usual size
of a " take." Potatoesare raised for the family consumption; grain, to pay
the rent; and the flax is destined for clothing and extras. The decline of the
linen trade has producedgreat want of employment; and the condition of
the agriculturists throughout these districts has very much deteriorated
The linen trade was extensively carried on here; and eight years ago as
many as 900 pieces were measured and sold on a market-day. Now the
quantity scarcely averages100 pieces. Taking the whole district, including
Westport, Castlebar, Newportpratt,1 and Ballinrobe, about 500 pieces are
sold weekly; and about 30,000personsare supposedto be more or less
employedin the trade. No trade gives such universal employment as this ;
not fewer than 60personaare employed,from first to last,in preparinga web
of linen."
The word gort, " a cornfield,"is of frequent occurrenceamongthe place-
namesin the more cultivated parts of the island. The "Parliamentary
Gazetteer"saysof Clare Island: " Much grain is shippedfor Westport;
large quantities of sea-manureare landed; and about 340 men and boys
1 Newport, Co. Mayo.
A2
3 4 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
divide their caresbetweenfarming and the fisheries." Theworking male
populationthen wasabout equalto the entire populationat present. From
Westport, in 1835, the export of corn, meal, and flour amounted to
14,624| tons. "Considerableshipmentsof corn were formerly made at
Newport; but they do not now exceed1,000tons a year, most of the trade
havingbeenremovedto Westport." Corn,like linen, has longceasedto be
a staple article of commerce in the district of Clew Bay. The authority
quotedmakesno mentionof the exportof live stock from ClareIsland at the
period 1841-1845. In Mr. Kilgallon's accountof the recent export trade,
quotedin ProfessorWilson's paper,p.45, there is no grain or other tillage
produce, only live stock and wool. Since 1845, the industrial civilization of
the island, and indeed of the mainland for the most part, has been lapsing
from the agricultural and manufacturing to the pastoral stage.
Among other kinds of grain, we need not doubt that wheat was grown in
Clare Island, as elsewherein Ireland, from prehistoric times. The Irish names
for wheat, cruithneaclit and tuircann, cannot be dated as borrowed words. The
word crwithneachtseems to have originally meant " Pictish produce," from
Cruithni, the Irish name of the Picts, who formed a large element in the
prehistoric and early historic population. Therewas formerly a water-mill on
the island. A small group of houses,where the northern road crossesthe
stream in the townland of Maum, is still called an Muileann, " the mill."
The stream is Abhainn an Mhuilinn, " the river of the mill," and it flows
from Loch an Mhuilinn, " Loughavullin," " the lake of the mill." Muileann
appearsto be a loanword from Latin, but is of great antiquity in Irish. A
legend ascribesthe invention of watermills to Cormac macAirt, a pagan king
of Ireland. In A.D. 651, two sons of Blathmac, king of Ireland, went
marauding in Leinster. They were pursued,and forced to hide themselves
in the wheel of a corn-mill. The mill was set in motion, and the two princes
were crushed to death. Verses made on this event are thus translated by
Kuno Meyer:-
0 mill

that hast ground corn of wheat,

This was not a grinding of oats (?)
Thou groundest on CerbalPsgrandsons.
The grain the mill grindeth
Is not oats, but it is red wheat:
Of the branchesof the great tree was
The feed of Mael-odran's mill.1

1Hibernica Minora, ed. by Kuiio Meyer, p. 73. Seealso the Annals of Ulster, A.D. 650(= 661).
The word translated " oats "(?) in the first stanza is set-blind= or, in the Annals, serbaind. It seems
 ClareIslandSurvey-Place-Names
andFamilyNames. 3 5
The minute nomenclature of the coast-line is inherited from a time when
the businessof fishing gave more occupation to the islanders than it doesat
present. During the years 1890 to 1902, I was accustomedto spenda
considerablepart of my summer holidays in the middle island of the Aran
group in Galway Bay, and had thus an excellent opportunity of closely
observingthe mannerof life of the inhabitants, which must somewhatresemble
the formerlife in ClareIsland beforerecenteconomicchangeshad comeinto
operation. That similar changeshave not workedout in Aran is probably
due to the unfitness of the islands for corn-growing on a commercial scale,
and for pastoral existence. The extensivegrowing of corn for export in places
like Clare Island must have operated on habits of life in the samedirection as
the economic division of labour under modern industrial conditions has
affected the working population of manufacturing districts. In highly
developingone form of industry it must have induced a degree of atrophy in
other forms. The collapse of the staple industry, consequenton the repeal
of the Corn Laws, found the rural community unable to restore the varied
industrial activities of their former existence. Pasturage, a still simpler
pursuit, took the place of corn-growing, but was lessproductive, and ultimately
more than three-fourths of the population disappeared.
In Inishmaan, the middle island of Aran, thesechangesdid not take place.
The area of the island is less than two-thirds of the area of Clare Island, and
most of the surface is bare rock. There is no peat, and the islanders have to
buy their fuel from Connemara. In 1841 there were seventy-eight families
in Inishmaan. When I wasvisiting it there were over seventyfamilies. Except
the school-teachersand their households,the whole population of working age
were engagedin a great variety of occupations-fishing, the curing of fish, and
the preparation of fishing-apparatus; even fishing-line, of excellent quality,
was made from thread; there being no safe harbour for sailing-boats, the
only boat used was the curach, manipulated with such skill and easethat the
boat and the rowers seemedto be parts of one active and highly organized
animal; rock-fishingwasalso practised; every suitablepatch of ground was
cultivated, chiefly for potatoes and rye, the chief useof rye being to supply
straw for thatching, and the thatch of the houseswas annually renewed.
Nearly all the clothing worn by men and women was the product of their

to mean " [material for] bitter ale." In fact, Meyer quotesa variant reading,which has not the
negative,and might be rendered: " It was a grinding for bitter ale thou groundeston Cerball's
descendants." In the secondstanza,the ordinary word corca,nowcoirce,is used,meaning"oats."
The mentionof " red wheat" is interesting,as implying that the red and white varieties were both
known. " The great tree " meansthe monarchicalline of Niall of the Nine Hostages.
The two men were sonsof Blathmac,king of Ireland (f 665 or 668), son of Aed Slane,king of
Ireland (f 604), sonof Diarmait, king of Ireland (t 565or 572), sonof Cerball.
3 6 Proceedings
of the HoyalIrish Academy.
own industry; their shoeswere of untannedhide, andwere so suitable for
therockysurface
of theislandthat I wasalwaysgladto substitutea pair of
themfor my boots. The hidesfor makingshoeswereboughtin Galway,and
cost about £1 each. A patch of osiersbelongedto eachhouse,and the
weavingof basketswasa householdoccupation. Thepreparationof kelp was
anotherindustry commonto all; most householders possesseda few sheep,
acow,a mare,or a donkey,and somepigs; the pigs and the surplusoffspring
of the other live stockwereexported.1The great rangeof activities required
for all theseoccupationsmadethe islandersalert and resourcefulbeyondany
experience of mine in other places. During one of my visits a " slip " was
a-building to make better provision for the launching and landing of the
curachs. For this work the CongestedDistricts' Board supplieda foreman,
cement,and tools. The dressing and laying of the stone were done by the
islanders, whom I saw at work with mallet and cold chisel as if they had
never known any occupationbut that of stonecutters. The contrast in economic
history between Inishmaan and Clare Island explains how the one island has
been able to maintain a population hardly, if at all, less than it was when the
population of Ireland was at its maximum; while the other island, nearly four
times as populous in 1841, has at present almost exactly the same number of
families as Inishmaan.

In Inishmaan, as in Clare Island, every outstanding feature of the coast-

line bears a distinctive name; but the maintenance of the fishing industry
keeps thesenames in constant use. I was fortunate enough in Clare Island
to find a guidewho was born beforethe Great Famine,Padraic Mhac Thuathail,
born in Inishturk, but brought up from infancy in Clare Island; hale and
active in mind and body, keenly observant, courteous,and eagerto assist me.
He is one of the best speakersof Irish that I havemet, and a good
speaker of English, too. In both languageshe deliberately choosesthe words
and phrasing to suit his thought, as a poet or a good orator does,instead of
usingthe ossifiedphraseologywhich is customarywith most people. It is
probablethat manyof the placesnamedby him couldnolongerbe namedby
many of the islanders. Indeed I was told by others that only he and one
other mancouldbe found to supplymewith thecorrectplace-names.
Professor Wilson has called attention to the situation of the Clare Island
homesteadswhich, at first observation,seemsto bespeaka degreeof
indifferenceto the fishingindustry, sincethey arenot placedsoasto give the
best access to the sea. The situation of the homesteads in Inishmaan is
somewhat
similar,thoughall the menandgrown-upyouthsareengaged
in
1Thecultivation
and manufacture
of flax, however,
wereonlyremembered
by theoldest
inhabitants.
 ClareIsland Survey-Place-Namesand Family Names. 3 7
fishing,and alsoin the seashorework of kelp-burningand gatheringseaweed
for manure. All the housesare far from the sea. The sitesare,no doubt,
dictatedby a soundtraditional instinct, in whichseveralneedsare expressed.
In these exposedwestern islands every site is not suitable for a house. In
fact,only the moreshelteredsitesare suitable. A springof goodwatermust
be sufficiently near at hand. The house must be so placed that those who
are at homecan look after the cattle and sheep-grazing in the open. In
mountaindistricts on the mainlandthis last considerationappearsoften to
governthe choiceof site, the housesbeing placedat or near the edgeof the
roughgrazing,iu apparentdisregardof convenience in other respects.
At presentthe housesin ClareIsland are dotted hereand theresinglyor
in pairs. Older maps show them grouped in small villages, and village sites
are still easily traced. My guide, Padraic Mhac Thuathail, born in 1841,
remembers many inhabited homesteadsforming hamlets which are now
deserted.

Among someof thosewho had visited Clare Island before me on the work
of this Survey I found the impression that the Irish languagewas almost
unknown to the islanders. Bearing in mind my experienceof other places
of which a similar repute prevailed among visitors, when I met any of the
islandersabout whoseknowledge of Irish there might be a doubt, I spoke to
tnem in Irish only, and I found that the middle-aged and elderly folk in every
part of the island could conversein Irish. The younger adults and the children
have at most a small stock of Irish words and phrases. English is now
consequently the common language of intercourse, and many who can speak
Irish well rarely do so.
The local dialect of Irish is not to be distinguished in any general respect
from the dialect of Partry and Joyce's Country, the nearest districts in which
I had previously made a stay. Its phonetic system is the best preservedof
all the extant Irish dialects known to me, that is to say, is the most fully in
conformity with the orthography of early modern Irish. The main departure,
commonto all the dialects of Connacht and Munster, is the weakening of a
and ea in an initial syllable followed by a long syllable, e.g., broddnfor
braddn ("salmon "), criogdn for creagdn(" a piece of rocky pasture"), The
diphthongationor lengthening of short vowelsin certain positions,which
characterizes the dialects of Munster, the Aran Islands, and Connemara
(thoughwith varying outcomein the various dialects),is not found in the
dialect of southern Mayo, except in the one instance, common to all the
moderndialects,of a lengthenedbeforelongr, asin barr, ard. Both in Partry
and in Clare Island I noted occasionalphonetic tendenciessuggestiveof
northern influence. The very characteristicroundedd, normalin Connacht
3 8 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
and Munster,oftenbecameunroundedor openin unstressedsyllables,e.g.,in
the ending-6g of nouns,-ochaidh
of verbs; and the a of unstressed
-ach,
normallya neutralvowelin Connachtand Munster,e.g.,in suarach, was
sometimesheard with its typical value as in stressedsyllables. I would
ascribe these northern traces to the transplantations of Ulster people to
Connacht in the seventeenth century, in part, perhaps, to the influx of
Hebrideangalloglachs during the three precedingcenturies.1
In the list of family namesparticularsof the recordedor traditionalorigin
of a considerable proportionof the familiesnow settledin Clare Island have
beensupplied. Thenotion existsthat becausethe islandsand coastlandsof
western Ireland are on the outer edge of the Old World, their inhabitants
must in a speciallyhigh degreebe representativeof an aboriginalWest
Europeanstock. The mere inspectionof a map doesnot afford sufficient
foundation for an assumptionof this kind. Even if one is entitled to judge
the matter a priori, there are other considerations that cannot properly be
overlooked. The coastlandsand the adjoining seas,since remote prehistoric
times, have always been the freest highways for the redistribution of the
human race. Mountainous, marshy, or heavily forested inland regions have
always been the least accessible,and, with the exception of wholly barren
deserts,the least tempting lands for newcomers. The predominantly mari-
time distribution of prehistoric megalithic structures in western Europe and
north-western Africa indicates an extensive migration coastwise,and reaching
to Ireland, at a period which at the latest was early in the Bronze Age ; and
must have preceded the Celtic immigrations traced from central Europe, a
region, according to Borlase, almost or wholly devoid of structures of the
kind. Since the Atlantic Oceanwas the limit of early migratory movements
in a western direction, we should rather expect its fringes to exhibit the
maximum of accumulation,with a strong tendency in the conquering and
dominant newcomers to wear down and wear out the older and weaker
elements.

In the ancientfolk-migrationsdisplacementof onepopulationby another

is likely to havebeenof rare occurrence,and perhapsnevertook placeexcept
in caseswhenthe invadedpopulationcould find anotherterritory in which
they might live in freedom. For conquering invaders, the most valued
acquisition, ministering at once to their wealth and easeand self-esteem,must
have beena subjectpopulation. The displacementof the languageof the
1Surnamesfrom the HebridesandArgyle, belongingto families largely of Norseextraction, are
frequentin westernConnacht.The galloglachs
(" gallowglasses")
of Irish historywere mainly
Norse-Hebrideanmercenaries.Rogers(MacRuaidhri),
MacDonnell,and MacSweeney or Sweeny
are galloglach
surnames
common in co, Mayo. MacAlpineand MacAuleyare probablyof like
origin.
March, 1923

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

VOLUME XXX VI, SECTIONC, No. 14

EOIN MACNEILL

SILVA FOCLUTI

DUBLIN

HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO.

LONDON: WILLIAMS & NORGATK

1923

Price One Shillingo

 PROCEEDINGS
OF THE

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

In theyeiu 1902it wasresolvedto numberin consecutive

order the Volumesof the PROCEEDINGS
of theAcademy,and
consequently
attentionis requested
to thefollowingTable:-
CONSKCIITIVK
SKIHF.S. OKKilNAI. NDMKKATION.

VOI.IIMK I. (I8)!I5 1H40)is VI.I.IIMI. I. IH(,HBI-.Hoi., I'ol I .it. A,Autiijq.

,, II. (1810 1844) ,, ,, II.

III. (1815 1817) ,, ,, HI.

IV. (18H 1850) ,, ,, IV.

V. (1850 185!)) ,, V.

VI. (185!) 1857 VI.

VII. (1857 18(51i ,, ,, VII.

,, VIII. iJ8(51 18(54) ,, ,, VIII.

IX. (18(51 18(5(5),, ,, IX.

X. (18(i(i INK!)|
,, XI. (1870 1874),, ,, I.HmlHm-. HoiuiKiB.
XII. (1875 1877) ,, ,, II.

,, XIII. (188!!) ,, ,, III.

XIV. (1884 I8HH) ,, IV.

XV. (1870 187!)i ,, ,, I. ,, L'ol. l.it.A Ai.li.jij.
,, XVI. (187!) 1888) ,, ,, II.

XVII. (1888 1891) ,, ,, I. !lnl H»r. Hoi., I'l.l. l,il. A Anl.ii,q.

XVI11. (1891 189H),, ,, II.

., XIX. (18!)!! 18!Hij ,, III.

XX.(18i)(! I8<t8j ,, IV.

XXI. (1898 -1!)()()) V.

XXII. (11)00 1902) VI.
XXI". (1901) VII.
XXIV. (1!)0'2 1901) :-
SuctionA. Mntbeiiintioul,AHtroiioiuiunl.iiiu]I'liynioulBoienoe.
,, 13. niologioitl, (leologioal.iuitl Cbemicul Koitmcb.
,, ('. Aruliiuolngy, MnguitUic;, mid LiieraHire.
XXV. (1904 5)
XXVI. (190(5-7)
-»)
10)
XXIX. (1910 11)
,, XXX. (1912-18)
,, XXXI. (Glare Island Hurvey, 1911-15.)
XXXII. (1913 15i
XXXIII. (1916-17)
,, XXXIV.(1918-19) j-I" tlu-ee
Sections
asabove
XXXV. (1919-20)
,, XXXVI. (Oui-rentVolume).
 ( 249 )

XIV.

SILVA FOCLUTI.

BY PROFESSOR EOIN MAcNEILL, D.LITT.

[ReadFEBRUAKY
12. PublishedMARCH
23, 1923.]

DR.NEWPORT
WHITE'Sedition of " Libri Sancti Patricii" (Proceedings
of the
Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxv, section C, Nos. 7 and 11-"The Paris MS.
of St. Patrick's Latin Writings ") suggestsa solutionof the many difficulties
that have arisen around the placing of " Silva Focluti " in St. Patrick's
accountof the visionin which he seemedto hear voicescalling him backto
Ireland. The pertinent phrases of the narrative are these(p. 242, cp.
p. 549) :-
Et iterum in Britanniis eram cum parentibus meis .... Et ibi
scilicet uidi in nisu noctis etc. ... et ... putabam . . . audire uocem
ipsorum qui erant iuxta siluam Focluti quae est prope mare occidentale,
et . . . exclamauerunt . . . Rogamus te, sancte puer, ut uenias et adhuc
ambulas inter nos.

According to Dr. White's list of variants, the reading Focluti is not found
in the MSS.cited by him under the reference letters B, C, F, F4, P, and R, so
that apparently it is the reading of the Book of Armagh alone. The
readings of the other MSS.are : uirgulti B, uirgulti uohitique C, the same
with uohitique marked for deletion F4, uirgultique F, uirgulti uelutique P,
uirgulti ueluti R.
These variants at once force us to recognize that St. Patrick could not
havewritten Focluti. In Irish wordsbeginningwith F, F did not replace
the older V until the beginning of the seventh century. Focluti, therefore,
has beensubstitutedin the Book of Armagh (A) for the word originally
written by St. Patrick.
I take it that -que,which is absentin A, B, and li, is no more than a
duplication of the following word quae, for which que would be a normal
spellingin early I rish MSS. It is possibleto regarduirgulti, absentfrom A,
either asan incorporatedglossor emendationor aspart of the original text.
The fact that uirgulti stands without uoluti or ueluti in two MSS.and is
represented in a third by Focluti alone gives ground for supposingthat the
original here had a single word, which a redactor proposed to replace or
explain by the, to him, more intelligible uirgulti, and that uirgulti, interlined
B.I.A. VHOO.,
VOL.XXXVI,SECT,C. [28]
250 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
for this reason,afterwardspassedinto the text of a numberof transcripts,
in some as a substitute for the older reading, in others as an addition to it.
It matters little, however, whether we supposean older reading iuxta siluam
Uirgulti Uoluti or iuxta,Siluam Uoluti. In one case the words Uirgulti
Uoluti, in the other the words Siluam Uoluti, would represent St. Patrick's
way of writing a particular place-name.I proposeto reject ueluti, because
Focluti could hardly have arisen from it, and might well have arisen from
iioluti throughan intermediaryreadinguocluti-the Irish changefrom initial
U (V) to F must have been familiar to every scribe of the seventhand eighth
centuries. Though ueluti is sufficiently inept in the context, its substitution
for an unintelligible uoluti is much more likely than the converseprocess.
We shall then, I think, agree with the Armagh version in regarding
tiiluam Uoluti as the partly latinized name of a particular place. It was
doubtlessknowledge of St. Patrick's later associationwith "Fochloth," near
Killala, where he founded the church of Domnach Mor (Book of Armagh,
lOb, 14b),that causedthis scribe or someauthority followed by him to adopt
the name Focluti, and thus to set others, down to our time, wondering and
seeking to explain how the name of a place on the west coast of Ireland
could have arisen to St. Patrick's mind at a time when, accordingto all that
is known or told of him, he had never been within a hundred miles of that
place. Professor Bury, holding that St. Patrick's narrative above quoted
evidently implies that the place named therein and the placeof the captivity
were in one neighbourhood,hasboldly--his own word is " frankly "-rejected
the traditions of Sliabh Mis and transferred the captivity to a western forest,
which would have joined in one local associationKillala and Croaghpatrick.1
Dr. Newport White, in " St. Patrick, his Writings and Life," pp. 6-11,
puts aside Bury's theory and proposesan alternative explanation, basedon
the view, which is certainly no longer tenable, that St. Patrick wrote Focluti.
All the MSS.
agreein makingthe word or the two wordsfollowingsiluam
endin -ti. My thesisis that the original readingwas siluam Uhiti, possibly
but lessprobablysiluam Uirgulti Uluti-for, if Uluti be accepted,the likeli-
hoodthat uirgulti camein by way of attempted emendationis obviously
increased. I take siluam Uluti to denote the district later known as
an Choill Ultach," Killultagh," meaningthe woodydistrict of the Ulaidh.
This name was formerly given to a district of much wider extent than it
now denotes,
which lay on the easternsideof LoughNeagh,in the southern
part of the county of Antrim.

1 "Life of St. Patrick "

: for the variouspoints at whichthe argumentrecurs,see
the index, s.v. Fochlad,
 -Silva Focluti. 251

* Uluti is in fact the early form of the name Ulaidh; we have the
Old-Irish accusativeplural Ultu < *Ulutus, and genitive plural Uloth n-
<*Uluton. But Ulutiis nominative plural. "Wemight expect St. Patrick
to have written a genitive Ulutorum, or even Ulutum, parallel with the
uox Hiberionacum of the same passage; but the fact that all the variants
end in -ti seemsfairly decisiveevidencethat the word originally written
had the sameending. My view is that St. Patrick, in latinizing an Irish
name, might well have used a nominative plural where a better latinist
would have used a genitive plural. I mention, but do not accept,the
possibility that he might have used Uluti as an adjective in concord with
uirgulti. In the Latin inscriptions of western Britain, from Selkirkshire to
Devonshire, there is abundant evidence that, in the period immediately
following the Roman evacuation of Britain, in the fifth, sixth, and seventh
centuries, the case-inflexions of Latin had quite broken down, and were
no longer correctly used even by the more or lens literate persons who
devised the inscriptions. A collection of such inscriptions is found in the
paper by the late Sir John Rhys in Y Cymmrodor, vol. xviii, where Ehys
has bravely sought to explain, on various grounds, the frequent absence
of concord.

It is quite possible that, besidesthe solecisms of idiom which remain,

St. Patrick's writings abounded in errors of accidence,which later scribes
and redactors would be certain to correct. All the MSS. seem to have left

uncorrected an original ambulas,for the subjunctive ambules,in the passage

quoted. At all events, the actual readings make Uluti more likely by far
than Ulutum or Ulutorum, or an adjectival * Ulutacam,which would represent
the later Ultach.
The actual variants would then have arisen as follows:-The original
iiluti, mistaken for a Latin word and a puzzle to the scribes,becameiioluti,
the Latin word which most closely resembledit. When later on the editing
and emendation of St. Patrick's Latin was undertaken, uirgulti and ueluti
were independently substituted, as yielding a somewhat better sense.
Collation led to uirgulti uoluti and uirgulti ueluti. We can see collation
at work in the uirgulti uolutique and subsequent deletion of uolutique of F4.
Thescribeof the Book of Armagh,or rather someearlier scribein his line of
tradition,recognizedthat a place-namemight be expected,and uoluti became
Docluti, then Focluti. Adamnan, a century earlier, writes both Uirgnousand
Fergnous.
It is remarkable that two other instances of the change of * Uluti to a,
form bearingthe guise of a Latin word are on record. One of theseis the
well-known OvoXuvvrtoi of Ptolemy. It is quite possible that Ptolemy
[28*J
252 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

recordedthe namein the nearestequivalentGreek spellingOuAourot;more

likely, perhaps,that he madeit OwXounoi, for a plural nominativein -I, in
Celtic as in Latin, might leave a Greekwriter in doubt as to whetherthe
stemhad ~io or only -o. It can hardly be doubtedthat the further scribal
development of the nameinto OvoXovvrioirepresentsattraction towardsthe
Latin uoluntas, uoluntarius.
The parallel of the secondinstanceis much closer. In the Book of
Ballymote, 196, are preservedsome fragments of a tract in Latin on Irish
genealogical lore. They contain (col. 2, 1. 24) the phrase in tempore
Uolotorum,meaning" in the time of the Ulaidh," i.e. in the time of the
heroesor of the kingdom of Emain. Here clearly the unfamiliar archaic
Irish Uluti has beenchangedby scribesinto the familiar Latin uoluti.
To sum up the argument: St. Patrick could not have written Foduti ;
Focluti is a later redaction of the original word ; among the extant variants,
Foduti cannot have arisen from uirgulti or uehiti, but has obviously arisen
from uoluti, probably through *uoduti ; as in the BB instance,uoluti is a
Latin substitute for the Irish *uluti; all the variants attest the ending -ti.
In his use of the Irish name, St. Patrick, more Brittanico, like the Cymric
language of all periods, dispensedwith case-inflexion. Silua Uluti would
represent such a name as *Caill Uloth or *Fid Uloth in seventh-century Irish.
In the earliest Irish of the Ogham inscriptions, the genitive plural Ulotli
would appear as Uluta-cp. TRIA MAQAMAILAGNI = trium filiorum M. The
modern name Coill Ultach cannot be traced to any great antiquity, but is
probably older than De Courcy's occupation, which brought the rule and
record of the Ulaidh to an end.

This explanation of silva Focluti gets rid of all the difficulties that have
been found in explaining St. Patrick's dream with reference to a wood or
forest separatedalmost by the breadth of Ireland from the only part of
Ireland in which, before this dream, tradition knew him to have been. The
saint, in his narrative, has the vision vividly before his mind ; and when he
speaks of the mare occidental, he means, if I mistake not, the sea to the west
of Britain, not the sea to the west of Ireland.
The name of his masterand owner in his captivity, accordingto an
unquestionedtradition, was Miliucc inoceuBoom (later maccu Buain). This
name signifies that Miliucc belongedto the sept known later as Dal Buain.
Thelandsof this septweresituateimmediatelyto the eastof Lough Neagh.
Sliabh Mis, " Slemish" (not " Slemmish" to rhymewith " blemish,"but with
the longe), the traditional sceneof the captivity,Dal Buain,and Killultagh,
all comewithin a rangeof twenty miles; and theadAwcofthe voicesrequires
no strainedexplanation. When the Confessioadds,Deogratias,quia post
 MACNKILL-Silva Focluti. 253

annosplurimos praestitit illis Dominus secundiimclamoremillorum, it is quite

likely that illi has reference to the peopleof that very district.
The lands of Dal Buain and Coill Ultach were partly co-extensive. Dal
Buain, according to Hogan'sOnomasticon,"included the parishesof Drumbeg,
Drumbo, Hillsboro', Blaris, Lambeg,Derryaghy, Magheragall, Magheramesk,
Aghalee, Aghagallon, Ballinderry, Glenavy," also Magh Comair ==" Mucka-
more." This indicates an extent along the whole eastern side of Lough
Neagh, and thence south-eastward across the Lagan river, comprising
probably the greatest part of the baronies of Massareene,Upper and Lower,
in County Antrim, and Upper Castlereagh,in County Down. Under Coill
Ultach, Killultagh, Hogari has "County Antrim . . . rectcin Co. Down ; as in
my ' Description of Ireland as it is in 1598,' p. 7 :-Kilulto in County of
Down, a very fast Countrie full of Wood and Boggs,bordereth on Lough
Evaghe (L. Neagh) and Clanbrassell;l the Captaine thereof is Bryan McArt
O'Neill." Hogan forgot that the county of Down, as it was described in
1598, included much of the southern part of the present county of Antrim.
" Killultagh House," about half-way between Glenavy and Lisburn, is in the
very middle of Dal Buain.
Muirchu's Life, basedin part on the Confession,has Fochlothwhere A has
Focluti. If we could be sure that Muirchu wrote Fochloth, we should have
to infer either that Focluti or perhaps Uocluti was the reading in the MS.of
the Confession which he used, or that he himself was the first to substitute
Focluti and Fochlothfor the word in the original. It is, however,quite
possiblethat Muirchu did not write Fochloth,and that the sameredactor who
substituted Focluti in the Confession substituted Fochloth in Muirchu's Life.
In this connexion, it is worth noting that Fochloth, a form by itself not
easyto explain,is identical in its ending with the genitive plural Uloth of
Muirchu's time. If Fochloth is a compound of the word which in Old Irish
is caill " a wood," its genitive in Old Irish shouldbe Fochleth,not Fochloth.
There is near Killala a hamlet now called in Irish Fochoill. In this name the
longvowelof the first syllable may be dueto consciousetymology,fo being
what may be called the grandiloquent form of the preposition fo, and faoi
(fui) the ordinary colloquial form in present-day Counacht usage. In St.
Patrick's time, however, this name, if it existed, should have been written
*Uocallit- or Uocallet-, or, after syncope, *Uochlit- or Uochlet-. All the
variants of the Confessionhave u in the penultimate syllable, -uti, -ulti.2

1 We should probably read "Lough Neaghe,Evaghe(= Uibh Eachach, " Iveagh "),
and Clanbrassell."
2 Regarding Muirchu, and what has been written about his father Cogitosus by Dr.
Newport White and others, it may be well to point out that moccuMuchthenidoesnot
v
254 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
The followingexamplesof the confusionof ease-inflexionsin Latin
inscriptions
of westernBritain andof the immediatelypost-Eomanperiod,
the fifth, sixth, andseventhcenturies,are taken from the paperby Sir John
Ehysformingvol. xviii of " Y Cymmrodor."Rhysendeavours
to construe
most of theseinstances as correct Latin in concord. His explanations vary ;
the phenomenon,
however,
is the samefromSelkirkshireto Devonshire,
and,
in my opinion,admitsonly of oneexplanation,namely,that the loss of case-
inflexions in the vernacular Celtic speechof Britain led to a corresponding
failure to observe the case-inflexions of Latin, which continued to be the
traditional languageof culture in the same regions. So far as I have
observed,no such confusionis found in the Latin of early Irish writings or
inscriptions. The Celtic of Ireland, unlike that of Britain, preservedits
system of case-inflexion.
P. 5. Hie memoriaeet belli insignisimi principes Nudi Dunmogeni hie
iacent in tumulo duo filii Liberalis. (EecteNudus[et] Dunmogenus. JSTudus,
treated as an 0-stein, properly has the stem Nudont.)
P. 12. Culidori iacit et Oruuite mulier secundi. (R. Culidorus, Oruuita,
secunda.)
P. 15. Brohomagli iam ic iacit et uxor eius Caune. (/'. probably Cauna.)
P. IS. Nonnita Erciliui Eicati tris fili Ercilinci.
P. 21. Barrivendi films Vendubari hie iacit.

P. 34. Evali fili Denovi Cuniovende mater eius. (R. Cuniovenda )

P. 41. Cantiori hie iacit Venedotis cive fuit consobrinoMagli magistrati
(five wrong inflexions).
P. 49. Catacus hie iacit filius Tegernacus. (R. Tegernaci. Ehys pro-
posesto regard the word as an adjective.)
P. 50. Evolenggi fili Litogeni hie iacit.
P. 51. [Cojnbelini posuit hanc crucem.
P. 55. . . . nicci filius . . . ic iacit securi in hoc tumulo.

P. 59. Latini ic iacit filius Ma[qui Ia]ri.

P. 61. Andagelli iacit fili Caveti.
P. 61. Hie iacit Cantusus pater Paulinus.
P. 65. Drustagni ic iacit Cunomori filius.
"
mean son of Machthene " but member of a sept claiming Machthene for its eponymous
ancestor. The name of this sept should have been Dal Machtheni or Corcu Machtheni,
but it is not on record. If Cogitosus is based on Machthene, it is not the personal
name of Muirchu's father, but rather a latinization of the surname. It may correspond
to "(Ultan episcopus) Conchoburnensis " = Ultan moccu Oonchobuir of the sept Concho-
buirne or Dal Conchobuir. Muirchu (floruit 693-695) is the latest instance known to me
of the use of the surname-formula in moccu, which seems to have become obsolete about
his time.
 MACNEILL-Silva Focluti. 255

P. 66. Talori Advent! Maquerigi filius.

P. 70. Advecti filing Guani hie iacit.
Quenatauci ic Dinui filius.
Eugniatio fill Vendoni.
Corbalengi iacit Ordous (= Ordouix).
P. 72. Vitaliani emereto.
P. 74. Dervaci filius lusti ic iacit.
P. 76. Dobituci filius Evolengi.
P. 79. Boduoci hie iacit filius Catotigirni pronepusEternali Vedomavi.
P. 82. Fili Cunalipi Cunaci ic iacit.
P. 84. Figulini fili Loculiti hie iacit.
P. 85. Tunccetace uxsor Daari hie iaeit.

[As at pp. 12, 15, 34, the genitive in -e (= -ae} replaces the nominative
in «.]
P. 88. Brocagni hie iacit Nadotti filius.
lovenali fili Eterni hie iacit.
Meli medici fili Martini iacit.
P. 89. Cuuogusihie iacit. [Here again,asat p. 5, there is a changeof
declension. Cunogussusis of the U-declension.]
P. 90. Hie [in] tumulo iacit E . . . stece filia Paternini. [As at p. 85,
R . . . stece is probably genitive.]
P. 92. Senacuspr(e) sb(yter) hie iacit cum multitudinem fratrum.
P. 95. Turpilli ic iacit puueri Triluni Dunocati.
P. 96. Carausius hie iacit in hoc congerieslapidum.

The prevalence of the genitive case-ending in the title-name may be

ascribed to the influence of the Ogham inscriptions. ProfessorMacalister
has found remains of Oghams accompanying a number of the Latin
inscriptions of western Britain, in addition to a few previously recorded.
The examplescited above show, however, that the peculiar misuse of case-
endings is by no meansconfined to title-names, and is not to be explained as
an imitation of the Ogham formulae. Even if hie iacet be taken for an
extra-syntactical element and eliminated from the syntax, it is still evident
that those who used Latin in almost all parts of western maritime Britain
were no longer possessed
of a senseof case-inflexion.

ADDITIONAL
NOTE.-As this paper goes to press,Mr. E. I. Best has drawn
attention to a brief notice by the late Professor Kuno Meyer (Zur Keltischen
Wortkunde, viii, p. 619, Kgl. Preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. Sitzungsber. phil.-
liist. Kl. 1918) on the name Ulaid, with reference to Ptolemy's OvAownot and
to U(o)loti in Muirchu (Trip. 286, 12), and in the passageabove cited from
Book of Ballymote, 1966 23.
 KUIAI, i=FTTTSH ACADEMY
PROCEEDINGS.

SKCTION C.

[ARCHEOLOGY, LINGUISTIC,AND I.ITKRATURE.]

VOL. XXXIII.
No. 1. Some Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Ulster.
FRANCIS JOSEPHBIGG UK. 6d.
,, 2. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part I.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTKOPP, M.A. is.
,, 3. Notes on Irish Money Weights and Foreign Coins current in Ireland.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. is.
,, 4. List of Books and Tracts Printed in Belfast in the Seventeenth Century.
E. R. M'CI.INTOCK Dix. M.
,, 5. Notes on Certain Irish Inscriptions.
R. A. S MACALISTER, I.ITT.D., F.S.A. M.
,, 6. The History and Antiquities of Tnis Cealtra.
R. A. S. MACAI.ISTER, i.rrr.n., F.S.A. 3s.
,, 7. On the Ancient Deeds of the Parish of St. John, Dublin.
REV. JOHN L. ROBINSON, M.A. is.
,, 8. An Early Dublin Almanack. \
E. R. M'Ci.iNiocic Dix.

,, 9- On an Ogham Inscription recently discovered in County Wicklow.

R. A. S. MACAI.I.STKK, i.nr.n., F.S.A.
,, 10. Unpublished Letters of William Penn.
RF.V. R. H. MURRAY, r.riT.n.
,, H. The Cathach of St. Coh.mba.
REV. H. J. LAWI.OK, D.D., I.ITT.D. 5s-
,, 12. On Certain Typical Earthworks and Ring-Walls in County Limerick.
Part II.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. >s
,, 13. On a Runic Inscription at Killaloe Cathedral. \
,, 14. Robert Downing's History of Louth.
,, 15. A Report on some Excavations recently conducted in Co. Galway.
R. A. S. MACAI.ISTER, I.ITT.D., F.S.A.
,, 16. On some Associated Finds of Bronze Celts discovered in Ireland.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A., F.S.A. 6<i.
,, 17. The Foundation of Tin tern Abbey, Co. Wexford.
MOST REV. ]. H. BERNARD, D.D. / j
,, 18. On the Introduction of the Ass as a Beast of Burden into Ireland.
REV. J. P. MAHAFFV, D.D., c.v.o.
,, 19. Additional Researcheson the Black Pig's Dyke. ^
W. F. DE VISMES KANE, M.A.

VOL. XXXIV.
No. 1. Place-Names and Antiquities of S.E. Cork.
REV. PATRICK POWER. 6d.
,, 2. The Post-Assayingfoundon Dated Piecesof Plate in Trinity College, Dublin.
REV. J. P. MAHAFFV,D.D., c.v.o. 6d.
,, 3. The Ancient Sanctuaries of Knockainey and Clogher, County
Limerick, and their Goddesses.
THOMAS JOHNSON WJLSTKOPP,M.A. IS.
On some Interments at Mooretown, Co. Meath.
R. A. S. MACALTSTER,I.ITT.D., F.S.A., and J. K. D. HOI.LBV, M.B.
The Discrepancies between the Dates of Gift and Hall-mark Dates found on
Pieces of Plate belonging to Trinity College, Dublin.
M. S. DUDLEY WESTROPP. 6d.
Associated Finds of Irish Neolithic Celts.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.T.A., F.S.A. 6d.
The Domnach Airgid.
E. C. R. ARMSTRONG, M.R.I.A., F.S.A., and
REV. H. J. LAWI.OK, D.D., I.ITT.D. is.
,, 8. The Earthworks, Traditions, and the Gods of South-eastern Co. Limerick,
especially from Knocklong to Temair Erann.
THOMAS JOHNSON WESTROPP, M.A. is.
,, 9. Place-Names and Antiquities of S.E. Cork. -Part II.
REV. PATRICK POWER. is.
 ( 4-^-

VOL. XXXIV.- continued.

No.10. Temair
Breg
: A StudyoftheRemains
andTraditions
ofTara. 1Us.
R A. S. MACAL1STER,
LITT.D.,F.S.A. 6d.
11. Notes
onsome
Ogham
Inscriptions,
including
tworecentlydiscovered.
I
R. A. S. MACALISTKR, LITT.D., F.S.A.
VOL. XXXV.
No. 1. TheCharters
oftheCistercian
Abbey
ofDuiske
intheCounty
ofKilkenny.
CONSTANCE
MARYBUTLER
and JOHNHENRYBERNARD,
D.D
2- Onthe Pseudo-Augustinian
Treatise,
" DeMirabihbus
Scripturae,"
writtenin IrelandinB.A.
theyear655.
M. Esi'OSlTO,
3. The"Secrets
of Salerno":an AncientFrenchMam.bcnpt IS.
possession
of theM.
Royal IrishAcademy.
ESPO.SITO, B.A.
,, 4. SomeInvestigationson the Souterrain.
H. C. LAWLOR.
5. Richard
Talbot,
Archbishop
andChancellor
(1418-1449).
MOSTREV.JOHNHKNRYBERNARD,
D.D.,D.C.L. 6d.
6. NotesonSt.Bernard's
LifeofSt.Mulachy,
andhistwoSermons
onthe
Passing of St. Malachy.
REV. H. T- LAWLOR, D.D., i.i i r.n.
,. 7. Some
Ancient
Deeds
oftheParishes
ofSt.Catherine
and<
is

8. SomeVident
DeedsoftheParish
HENRY F. Twiss,
ofSt.Werburgh,
i.s.o., UTT.D.
Dublin,
., 9. TheAncientList of the Coarbsof Patrick.
REV.H. ]. LAWLOR,D.D.,LITT.D.,and
,, 10. The Assembly-place
of 'OenachCairbre and
Monasteranenagh,County Limerick.
11. J)unCrotandthe "Harps of Clfu,"on the Galtees,County IS.
Limerick.
THOMASJOHNSONWESTROPP,
M.A
12- TheLansdowneMapsof the DownSurvey.
THE EARL OF KERRY, D.S.O. IS.

VOL. XXXVI (CURRENT

VOLUME).
No. 1. A Studyof,the
Chronology
ofBronze-Age
Sculpture
in Ireland
M. L'ABBE BREUIL, HON. M.R.I.A., and
LITT.D., F.S.A.
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 ClareIsland Survey-Place-Namesand Family Names. 3 9

conqueredby the languageof the conquerors hassometimescreatedin a later

agethe illusion of a displacementof population. The Anglo-Saxonconquest
of Englandis a casein point. Conversely, popularhistory ignoresthe Norse
occupationof the Hebridesand the Norsedominionthere for more than four
centuries,and takesthe modernHebrideansfor an extremelyCeltic people,
because
in the longrun the Gaeliclanguage
displaced
the Norselanguage
in
that region.1 In like manner, the population of southern Scotland is often
supposedto be Anglo-Saxon,for no better reason than that an Anglian
dialect has,in quite moderntimes, becomeexclusivelythe popular speech.
Anglian colonization,as a matter of historical fact, did not extend beyond
the eastern maritime region. Buchanan, writing in 1589, says that Gaelic
was then " magnaexparte" the languageof Galloway. It wasalso,magna
exparte, the languageof the Scottish Lowland settlers in the north of Antrim
as late as the first half of the eighteenth century.
Displacement, however, took place in other ways after conquest. The
dominant classin a country is often the least prolific. It was otherwise with
the Celts in Ireland. The rapid increaseof the Gaelic nobility canbe seenas
clearly in the annals as in the genealogies,and stands in strong contrast to
the very frequent extinction of the male line in the pedigreesand histories of
the Norsemen and Franco-Norsemen.2 Somehave supposedthat the Irish
surnamesin " 0 " and "Mac" are not ordinarily evidence of descentfrom the
ancestorsin whom they originated; that the subjects of an Irish chief were
accustomedto assumehis surname. I have never found any evidenceof such
a custom, even during the period when the privilege of the " five bloods"
might have made it acceptable. Dubhaltach Mac Fir Bhisigh, the last of our
hereditary genealogists,did not believe that the custom existed. He seems
to have been challenged about it, perhaps by his friend Sir James Ware, and
his answer is emphatic. He is discussingthe question whether racial origin
may be traced by means of physical characteristics, and he says of this
criterion:-

" Thoughit may not be found true in all cases,thereis nothing incon-
sistent with reason in it. And further, it is an argument against the people
who say [ironically] that there is no family in this country which the
genealogists
do not traceup to the sonsof Mil. And notwithstandingthis,
1 The Hebridesremainedcloselyattachedin intercourseandpolitically subjectto Norway until
1263; but the Norseconquestwasnot merely a political conquestlike that of Englandor of partsof
Ireland by the Normans. That there wasa very completeNorse colonizationwith, a prevalenceof
the Norselanguageis proved by the fact that a large proportion of place-namesin the Hebrides,
amountingin someof the islands,it is said,to two-thirds or three-fourths,areof Norseorigin.
2 Seethe Norsepedigreessuppliedby Vigfusson,IcelandicSagas,vols. i and ii, andcomparethe
descentof the Norman dynasty in England, and of the lordship of Leinster and the earldom of
Ulster after Strongbowand De Courcy.
B.I.A.PKOO.,VOL.XXXI. B 3
 3 10 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.

eventhoughit wereso,it wouldbe no wonder;for,if a manwill lookat the

sonsof Mil, and the great familiesthat sprangfrom them in Ireland and in
Scotland,and how few of them exist at this day, he will not wonderthat
peopleinferior to them,who had beena long time under them,shouldnot
exist; for it is the customof the nobles,when their own children and families
multiply, to suppress,Might, and exterminatetheir farmers and followers.
Examine Ireland and the whole world, and there is no end to the numberof
examples
of this kind to befound; so that it would be no wonder that the
numberof genealogieswhich are in Ireland at this day werecarried up to
Mil."1

We have no grounds for questioning this testimony, offered by an ardent

adherent of " the race of Mil," the dominant Gaelic peopleof ancient Ireland,
as to their custom of making room for their own kindred by squeezing out
the plebeian folk. The examples to which he appeals for corroboration are
sufficiently abundant.
The contempt of the dominant Gaelic people for the older conqueredfolk
is frankly expressedin another passage,quoted by the sameauthority " from
an old book."3

" Everyone who is black-haired, who is a tattler, guileful, tale-telling,

noisy, contemptible; every wretched, mean, strolling, unsteady, harsh, and
inhospitable person; every slave, every mean thief, every churl, everyone
who loves not to listen to music and entertainment; the disturbers of every
council and every assembly, and the promoters of discord among people;
theseare the descendants
of the Fir Bolg, of the Gailiuin, of the Liogairne,
and of the Fir Domhnann, in Ireland. But, however, the descendants of the
Fir Bolg are the most numerousof all these."
The customary "suppression" of plebeiansto make room for the patrician
race must have been a gradual process, too petty to obtain notice in the
chronicles. There are, however, examples of suppression in a more con-
spicuous degree. The story of the descendantsof 'Timor,3who were of the
Fir Bolg, tells that in the time of Cu Chulainn they were so oppressedwith
burdens by Cairbre Nia Fear, king of North Leinster, that they migrated in
a bodyacrossthe Shannonand settledon the westernseaboard. The great
conspiracyof the subjectracesthroughoutIreland, a few generationslater,

1O'Curry," MS.Materialsof Irish History," p. 225. The Irish text, given in O'Curry's
Appendix,is from the introduction to the "Book of Genealogies,"of which the original is now in
the possessionof the Rt. Hon. M. F. Cox, M.D., and O'Curry's transcript, the only one, is in the
Royal Irish Academylibrary.
- lb., p. 224.
3 " Bookof Ballymote,"30«28. Thestoryis toldin prose,and alsoin a poemby MacLiag,
who died in 1016.
 ClareIsland Survey- Pluce-Names
and Family Names. 3 11
wascausedby the oppressionthey sufferedfrom the Gaelicascendancy.The
tract on the plebeiancommunities1 says:-" From thesea bondage-rentof
serviceaccruedover the free raceof Ireland. That is to say,the free races
deprivedthem of the landson which they served; and they decayed,andthe
free racesencroacheduponthem and took their land from them,so that the
servilerent thenceforthwasattachedto the freeraces,being fixed upontheir
lands.2 For all the men of Ireland are free except the people we have
enumerated."Amongthoseenumeratedis Tuath Macen-'Umor,plebsjUiorum
'Umoir, already mentioned and hereinafter to be mentioned in connexionwith
ClareIsland and the district of ClewBay. If theseaccountsare legendary,
they come nevertheless from writers who were familiar with the relations
betweenpatricians andplebeiansin their own time. Like things happened
at a less remote period than that of which these stories are told.
O'Donovan,in a note on Ui Maine, "Book of Eights," p. 106, cites a life of
St. Greallan to the effect that " Duach (rcclc Dui) Galach,the third Christian
king of Counacht,permittedthem to dispossess
Ciau,the Firbolg king of the
district, which was then called Mag Sein-cheineoil." The dispossessed people
was named Tuath Seu-cheneoil(" the Tuath of the Ancient Kindred "), and is
one of thosenamed in the list of the plebeian peoples(BB 255 a 24).
Annals of Ulster, A.D.551 (=552). " Bellum Cuilne in quo ceciderunt
Corcu Oche Muman (' of Minister ') orationibus Itae Cluano (' of Saint Ita of
Cluain Credail')." The Corcu Oche (Corc[o] Oige) are named in the list of
plebeian peoples,1.15.
Ib. A.D.751(= 752). " The annihilationof the Brecrigeby CenelCoirpri
in Telach Findin." The Brecrige are named in the list of plebeian peoples,
1.20. CenelCoirpri was a sept of the Ui Neill. " The annihilationof the
Caillrige of Lorg by the Ui Briuin." The Caillrige (Cailraige)are namedin
the list of plebeianpeoples,1. 12. The Ui Briuin, akin to the Ui Neill, were
the dominant sept in eastern Connacht.
Ib. A.D.752 (= 753). " The killing of the Ui Ailella by the Greccraige."
This wasa revolt. TheGreccraigewerea plebeianpeople(TuathCregraighe,
list, 1.26) partly settled under the Ui Ailella (BB 256a 13), whowereakin
to the Ui Briiiiu, and occupiedTir Ailella (= Tirerrill barony,Sligo).
Ib. A.D.776 (=777). "Strages Calraigi la Hu Fiachrach" ("by the

1Ib. 255a: "Of the namesof the reut-payingcommunities

(aithechthuatha)
and of their
distribution throughout Ireland, accordingto the Book of Glenndaloclia."
2 The" Bookof Rights" givesseveralinstances of freepeoples to whoselandsa servilerentwas
attached:the Deisiof Munster,p. 51; theLuighneof Connacht, p. 105; theDelbnaand the Hi
Mainiof Connacht,p. 107. To thelist of tributesto theking of the Ulaidh(p. 168)is appended
the
statement:"Thesearehisfood-rents(biatha)fromhis free peoples (saer-thuatha),notmentioning
his servilecommunities(daer-tkuatha).''
B2
3 12 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
Ui Fiachrach"). The Ui Fiachrach,akin to Ui Briuin and Ui Ailella, were
the dominant sept in northern Connacht. The Calraigehere namedare
probablythe sectionfrom whomGlencalryin North Mayo is named.
Ib. A.D. 811 (=812). "Slaughter of the Calraigeof Lorg by the Ui
Briuin. Slaughterof the CorcoEoidhe of Meath by the Ui MaiccUais."
The Ui Maicc Uais were, like Ui Briuin, Ui Neill, Ui Fiachrach, and Ui
Ailella, a sept of Dal Cuinn, dominant in Connacht, Meath, and most of
Ulster.

Ib. A.D.815 (= 816). " A battle is won over the Ui Fiachrach of Muiresc
by Diarmait [king of Connacht] son of Tomaltach, and Fobren in the country
of the Graicraige[=Grecraige) is burned and plundered, ubiplurimi occisisunt
ignobiles."
This Diarmait died in 833, without having made sufficient provision for
his posterity in the manner described by Dubhaltach. How his grand-
children repaired the omission is told by another genealogist(BB 102 a 30):
" Uatu, son of Dathlaech, [son of Diarmait], with his sons and brethren
[brothers and cousins],headed westward across the Suck ; and the sons of
Uatu slew in treachery at an ale-feast in one house [the chief men of] the
Corco Eoidhe of Fidh Manach all but a few." And "the sons of Uatu took

possessionof the lands of the Corco Koidhe" (100 a 20).' The year 900 may
be taken as approximate date of this event. Corcu Eoidhe was one of the
plebeian peoples,Tuath Fhir Euidi, 1. 24.
That most of these acts of extermination are located in Connacht
probably signifies that the plebeian communities there retained longest the
power of resistance. Feebler elsewhere,they suffered perhaps less violent
forms of " blighting " and " suppression,"on too small a scaleto be recorded
in chronicles. It is sufficiently clear that there was a continued displace-
ment of the inferior population by the dominant Gaelic element during many
centuries.

The process was facilitated by the readiness of, at all events, the less
opulentof the patriciansto take to husbandry. " Five generationsfromking
to spade," said an old proverb. That the transition might be even more
rapid is indicated in the story in the " Fragmentary Annals " told of the
grandsonof a king of Ireland,himself afterwardsking of Ireland, Finnachta

1 Theselands,not dennedin Onomasticon Qoedelicumbeyond that they were west of the Suck,
were in the district of Tuam, for the text cited above says that the race of Diarmaid further
encroached(102a 35) on the lands of Cenel nDuhain (barony of Kilmaine, co. Mayo) and of
Claud Choscraigh(baronyof Clare, co. Galway), and on the landsof the Soghainas far as 'Ath
Gluinchinn(1.41),=Bel 'Atha Gluinchinn," iiallyglunin," wherethe railway betweenAthenry
andTuamcrosses theAbbertriver. Fidh Manach=Coill Fheadha Manach," Killamanagh,"west
of Tuam, near Shrule.
 ClareIslandSurvey-Place-Names
andFamilyNames. 313
(t 695),grandsonof Aed Slane(f 604). "In respectof this world'sgoods,
this sameFinnachtaat the first wasendowedbut poorly: he possessing
but
wife and house,and, saving oneox and a cow, no stock at all."1 The narrator is
a re-furbisherof old chroniclesfor the benefitof thosewho prefera well-told
tale to a dry list of events. Whether his accountof Finnaehta'searly
poverty and life as a husbandmanbe myth or fiction, he makes no wonder of
it as a fortune that might fall to the lot of any king's grandson.
The seeker for an aboriginal race of men in Clare Island is likely to be
disappointed. The island is the habitat of a population not less diverse in
early distribution than the flora and fauna are at present. Nevertheless,as
to the primitive inhabitants, there are some traditions worth noting. The
tribe of the Sons of Umor has already been mentioned. The legend says
that they were a branch of the Fir Bolg. They were driven out of Ireland
into the surrounding islands by the Tuatha De .Danann. In a later age they
were driven back to the mainland of Ireland by the Piets. They then
settled in Meath, but soon, as has been told, fled from oppressionto lands
west of the Shannon.

The tract which gives the territorial distribution of the rent-paying

peoples(BB 255 b 36) is to all appearance an authentic document stating
known facts. It has-

" Tuath Mace nllmoir in Dal Cais [= East Clare] and in Ui Fiachrach
Aidhne [E. and S.E.of Galway Bay] . . . Tuath Chonchobuirniand (Tuath)
Mace nUmoir in Ui Briuin [of Mag Seola,barony of Clare, Co. Galway] and
around Loch Cime [Loch Hacket, on the Tuam side of Headford, Co. Galway]
andin CluainFuiche[Cloonfush(?),W. of Tuam] . . . TuathMacenTJmoirin
Uinall [the baroniesof Burrish-Ooleand Murrisk, Co.Mayo,including Clare
Island]."
The poet MacLiag gives the following placesof abodeof the Sonsof
Umor: Dun Oengusa in Aran, Loch Cime, Loch Cutra (near Gort, Co.
Galway),[Magh] Aghair (betweenEnnis and Tulla, Co. Clare), Muirbech
Mil (supposed
to be the muirbheach
or sandbanks
at Kilmurvy andPortinurvy,
Great Island of Aran) " Dal " with an oenachbeside it (probably Tulach na
Dala,2site of an ancient assembly-placeand a modern fair, 4 miles N. of Tuam:
Onom.Goed.),Binn Bera (otherwiseCeun Bera,Kinvarra, on GalwayBay),
Modlinn (a poeticnamefor CuanModh = ClewBay),iath Aigli (the district
of Aigle, at CruachPhadraic,otherwise CruachanAigli, Mons Egli of L.
Arm.), Laiglinn (unidentified),Diin Conchraidein Inis Meadhoin(now called
Dun Conchubhair in the middle island, Aran, Galway), Tulach Lathraig

1" Silva Gadelica," p. 438. * HenceLally of Tollendall.

3 14 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
(Tillyra, Co. Galway),Kinn Tamain(Tawin,Co. Galway),Crfch Aidne
(=Kilinacduach diocese,Co.(jalway), I3oirenn (Burren barony, Co. Clare).
(BB 30 6 10-20).
It is thus evident that the Eace of Umor was anciently known as an
unfree population, believed not to be Gaelic in origin, inhabiting, among
other westerntracts, the kingdom of Umhall, including Clare Island and
the islands of Clew Bay.
Over them in Umhall ruled a patrician folk known as Fir Umhaill, the
Men of Umhall, otherwise the Ui Briuin of Umhall. These were a sub-sept
of the Ui Briuin of Connacht, descendants of Brion, who lived about A.D.
400, being a brother of Niall of the Nine Hostages. They belonged to the
kindred called Dal Cuinn or Connachta, meaning not the inhabitants in
general of the province of Connacht, Coiced Connacht, the Fifth of the
Connachta,but the dominant genswho ruled the province, and from whom it
was named.1 The oldest known habitat of this folk is defined by the name
Machaire Connacht," the plain of the Connachta,"otherwise known as Mag
Aoi. In it was the seat of their ancient kings, Cruachain Aoi or Raith
Cruachan(" Rathcroghan," Co. Roscommon).
The Connachta or Dal Cuinn afford the most remarkable example of the
expansionof the patrician race. This expansion,in their case,can be traced
continuously from the fourth century until the fourteenth, when Clann Aodha
Buidhe, the descendantsof Aodh Buidhe Ua Neill, king of Tyrone, 1260-1283,
establishedthemselvesover a large part of the feudal territory of the earldom
of Ulster, east of the river Bann. For an ancient list of the possessionsof
Dal Cuinn, before the feudal invasion, see my paper on " Early Irish
Population groups," § 158. At the end of the list are the Men of Umhall.
In the genealogiesof the Ui Briuin (BB 89), the first pedigreegiven is that
of Domhnall Ruadh Ua Maille, dynast of Umhall," killed by Clann Mebric and
other foreigners (feudal settlers) " on Christmas night, 1337. He is twelfth
in descent from Maille, the dynast from whom the surname is derived,and
whose date should be about 400 years earlier. From Maille up to Conall
Oirisen,sonof Brion, there shouldbeaboutsixteengenerations.Thepedigree
hasonly seven,and thereforecannotbe held authenticin detail to any point
earlier than the eighth century. That the Ui Briuin were settled in Umhall
in the eighth century is clear from the mention of " nepotesBriuin Humil" in
the Annals of Ulster, A.D.786. The family of Ua Maille was for many
centuriesat the headof this septin Umhall. They were a sea-goingstock.

1The namesUlaidh and Laighin, in like manner,have a general and a strict meaning. In
the strict sense,as usedhy the genealogists,
they denoteonly the dominantdynasticracesof ancient
Ulster and Leinster.
 Clare Island Survey-Place-Names and Family Names. 3 IS
" No one has heard of a man of Maille's race that was not a mariner."1 The

shapeof their territory extendingaroundClewBay from point to point (the

baroniesof Burrish-Oole and Murrisk), broad at the seaward ends,but a mere
strip of coast at the head of the bay, strongly suggests Clare Island as the
headquartersof their maritime domain, and explains the name " Ua Maille's
Island," usedin the Annals of Ulster (A.D. 1415). About one-fourth of the
populationof the island are descendants
of Maille in the maleline.
The place-namesof the seasidewere for the most part noted down in the
course of a cruise round the island, beginning with the harbour at the east
end and going thence northward, and so round by the west and south and
back to the harbour. In making reference to the Ordnance six-inch maps,
from which the englished forms of the names,so far as they are given, are
here cited, it will be convenient to follow the same direction.
The nameson the map are here given in italics.2
1. Cb&|u\, Clare Island. So usually, not 6ileAn Cb&jiA.
2. An Ceit>,Harbour, lit. " the quay."
3. An U]\Aij, " the strand,"from the Harbournorthward,abouta quarter
mile in length, also named-
4. t^Ait; b|ugT>e,
" [Saint]Brigid'sstrand."
5. t/e&cn&U^AJA- (pronounced U^Ab&)," flagstone
of the strand,"forms
the west side of the Harbour.
6. t,e&c11.6.
mbo," flagstone
of the kine,"a low rocksurrounded
by sand
towards the north end of the strand.

7. An Co]\\\S&nb, " the ruggedbend," a rocky point closeto the Lace

School,once a police barrack, noted " Constab.Bk." on the map.
8. An Coite&p,3"the quarry," on the rockyshorebetweena.nCoyy Sa^to
and Ce&rm TIA.CO|\|IA.
9. Ce&nn VIA-CojipA, Kinnacorra, "headland of the bend," the most
easterly point of the island. Here the divided swell of the Atlantic,
sweeping round by north and south, meets again, and a great boulder-beach,
V-shaped,raised by the waves,forms the limit of the land.
10. An Uui]\tinnbe&g," the little boulder-beach,"
is the southern
limb of
the V.

11. Uvni\limi n& SCOCAII,

"boulder-beachof the pillar-rocks," is the
northern limb of the V. It ends northward in large rocks.
1TopographicalPoem. " The Ui Briuin in their seagoingships" (Book of Eights, p. 106)must
have special reference to the Men of Umhall.
2Departuresfrom the normalConnachtpronunciationof the Irish namesare speciallynotedwhen
they occur.
8Another form of the word is CoipeAL Both are derived from the French carriers. Many
Irish words,oftensaidto beof Englishorigin,showby their pronunciation
that theycameinto Irish
from the Frenchof the early feudal colonists.
3 16 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
12.tocAii Ce&rmn&COJIJIA,
" thelakeletof Ce&nnn&Co]\n&,"
is anatural
dam formed behind the boulder-beach. Note that Ce&nn in this name
remainsuninflected. A somewhatsimilar lake in 1rnj- ffleA-ooin (Aran),
dammedup by a sandy beach,is called toe Cinn JMtufth], where Cirm is
genitive of Ce&nn; CeA-nn5&im' "headland of sand." The presenceor
absence of inflection in such instancesdependson the extent to which the
words forming the nameare felt to be separatelysignificant or to have
coalescedinto a single term.
13. C&-]\]\A.15
ii& bpopc&n, Carricknaportaun,"the rockof the crabs,"a
long reef running northwardsfrom Ce&nnnA COJIJAA., and projectingfrom
200 to 300 yards into the seato north of Alnahaskilla.
14. 5^LA.n n<shA-pg&ille, the angle of land beyondwhich the reef
projects, " the fork of the oxter." AfgAill = " armpit," (axilla, achselgrube).1
The reef is not inaptly comparedto an arm held out from the body of the
island. The name on the Ordnance map, Alnahaskilla, stands obviously for
Aitl IIA. hAf5&ille, "the cliff of the oxter"; but my guide refused to
recognizeit, correcting it repeatedly to the form I have given above.
15.Le&cn& Cjie&cn&ije,Lacknacranny,
" flagstone
of the creathnach,"
a low rock on the shore, west of CAJIJIA.^n& bpojicATi. Cfie&cnAc f., gen.
qie&cn&ije, is a form of dulse (dilisc) found growing on the shells of live
musselsand preferred for eating to the ordinary kind that grows on rock.
16. Uon Uu&c&il, " Tuathal's butt," the ground above t-e&c n&
CfteA.cn6.ije.
17.An tlA.ic[e]te^g, Ooglibcg,
" thelittle cave."
18. Ain-oe&ll, Ardal, " high-cliff."
19. 1Tl&ol,An riA- n-eAn, "bare knoll of the birds," a rock in the sea.
The name on the map is Alnanean, representing Aill n& n-e&n, "cliff of the
birds," but was not recognizedby my guide.
20. Leic &' Sg^nn^it, tT16|i,Leckascannalmore,
apparently= " great stone
of the scandal." Sj^nriAl had doubtless some other meaning, for it is
frequent in early Irish as a personal name,as is also its derivative Sc&nnlAn,
whence
the surnames
6 Sg&nn&it" Scannell,"
and6 Sc&nnlAin" Scanlan."
A large rock on the foreshore. Beside it-
21.Leic $.'SgA-nnMt
Oe^g,"little Leic-a-sgannail."
Notethat in these
names,mop and be&5 have not aspirated initials, though leic is feminine.
Theyare further instancesof a groupof wordsforming a noun independent
of accidence.

22. An Cot,b&," the bedside,"the cliff and promontorywestof l/e&c «,'

Severalcliffs in Imp 1Tled.t)6inare named CoUb&,which is the
1The Old Irish word is oohsal,oxal.
 Clare Island Survey- Place-Names and Family Names. 3 17

ordinary name for the outer side or " stock " of a bed, and means a " bench "
in earlier Irish. The point of the promontory is named-
23. $ob A' CoVbA," beak of the Colbha."
24. UAnAit>etlioclAif, " the shoalsof Nicholas," a row of rocks coveredat
high water, west of 5°t> A>Cofb6. The foreshoreover againstthese is
named -

25. bun A' SS^I-DAUI," the foot of the little waterfall."1 In the little
bay west of An CoUbA.
26. pope lice, Portlea. I have no explanation of lice.
27. poll nA n 5&riin&it>, " pool or hole of the calves." At the north of
the longbeachof po]\u lice. 5A"riA1'0 = 5&"n&, gen. pi. of jAtiiAin, "a
growncalf." In mostparts of Connacht,a short vowelending,asin jAtrmA,
is often closedwith an added y (i).
28. LeAcA' pfiiofthn,Leckaprison, "the flagstone of the prison."
29. Aill ATI^ACAIJ;,Allanaliy," thegiant'scliff."
30.teic A'bAit>," flagstone
of theboat,"closetoAill An^ACAIJ;
onthe
north.

31. An CAlA-6beAg," the little haven,"closeto UACCo]\HA§Ain

on the
south. CAlAt> originally an adjective, " hard, firm." Then " firm land," as
distinguished from soft marshy land on the bank of a stream or lake ; hence
the " callows " of the Shannon. Then " a landing-place," and so finally a
small haven on the sea-coast.

32. UAC(or llAice) Co^jiAjAin, Qoylicorragaun.I have no explanation

of the secondword, which may be a personal name.
33. An LCAC
rhojA," the greatflagstone,"
northof UACCo]\]\A5Ain.
34. llAice 'OAitiAin, "the deep cove," takes the place of the Ordnance
Survey name Ooghanloughan(apparently for llAice An locAin, "the cove of
the lakelet [rock-pool ?]," not recognizedby my guide).
35. 1_eAcVIACpeAcnAije, the secondplaceso named,north of

36. UAI'C nA ITlA|\A (i.e. HAIC itlic TIA tTlAjAA),Ooghmacnamara,

" Mac Namara's cave." The surname Mac ISTamara,originally Mac Con

iAn, a smallcascade. An e^r is formedby a river ; a -pcA^tiAnby a streamor

When riversdecreasein summer,their eAfA become f cAj\T>Aitt.Old Conmc'k,ofErris " : O'Donovan,
Supplementto O'Eeilly's Dictionary. " Killough (otherwisePort St. Arne) . . . in the county of
Down. . . . There is a remarkable well here called St. Scordin',? Well, and highly esteemedfor the
extraordinarylightnessof its water. It gushesout of a high "rocky bank close upon the shore,and
: " EncyclopaediaBritannica," fourth
is observed never to diminish its quantity in the driest season
edition. The saint's name,still spokenof in the locality, seemsto havegrown out of the nameof the
well, probably coliAp A' fgAjvoAiri. SgA^'odg, equivalent to rjApoAn, is the name of a stream
falling from the cliff a little west of the outlet of Owenmore river, on the south side of Clare Island.
The basisof thesewordsis fgAjvo = " squirt, gush, vomit," etc., verb fSAjvoAim.
R.I.A.PKOC.,
VOL.XXXI. C 3
3 18 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
Mara,is foundon the island. According
to my guide,the correctnameof
this cave is-
37. lUic n& iiT^iJfoe&c&i,"cave of the starlings." But the gen.pi.
"oj\uroe&c&iis a moderncolloquialform. We shouldprobablyexpect11MC
n& n'O|\ot)if the namewere an old-establishedone. We found the cave
frequented,not by starlings,but by swallowsand rock-pigeons.
38. C&HJ1&15
HA-"LocAii,
"rock of the pools,"on north sideof the last-
named cave. Possibly,by someconfusion,this name may have originated the
Ooghanloucjlian
of the O.S.map.
39.Leictli tope&n&ill,
" (3BreanailFs
flagstone."
Thesurname
probably
represents
6 Br&mainn,as Loch"Ennell" represents
the oldernametoe
Airmin.

40. SCOCAVI
tilAijAe "pA.t>&,
" the heron's sea-stack." The heron, co\\\\
in Clare Island and the Arari Islands, is called familiarly fMAifie
" long Mary," in Clare Island; Siot>&n pyo&, "long Joanna (Julia),"
,

in Aran. This rock is marked on the O.S.map by the misplaced and very
much mangled name, Carrickarelich
41. thin U^AJA, " fort of the strand or ebb." The O.S. map has
Doontvaneeii,presumably for "Dun U]\Aicrmi ; but my guide would not hear
of this name as correct. He pronounced q\AJA (gen. of CJAAIJ)as
or q\A-xi. In Omeath, Co. Louth, I heard the ancient pronunciation qiA
with spirant 5. In South Connacht and Munster, the pronunciation is q\A,
5 becoming regularly silent after A, 6, u. The place is an island at high
water, and the site of an ancient fort, described by Mr. Westropp, Clare
Island Survey, paper No. 2.
42. t)un Ailte, Doonallia, "cliff fort," an ancient fort1 on a high, almost
isolated, rock. Close to it on the north, three rocks in the sea are shown on
the map. The most westerly of these,nearestthe main island, is-
43. CAHIAAIT;n& 1loiUe&c, " the rock of the oyster-catchers." The
position assignedon the map to " Carrickarelick " shows the loosenessof the
Survey work ; and the form given to the name is well calculated to send the
trustful searcheron a wild-goosechasefor an ancientcemetery(|\eiti5) in
the vicinity of " Long Mary's sea-stack."
44. An UAice "Dub, Ooghduff," the black cave."
45. gob tUc 5&irnx>,
"beak of UAC5^irn>°."the point apparently
indicated by " Sraher " on the map. Closeto it, on the west-
46. UACj&itn'o or llAice $&init>," cave of sand." I write gMnit), as
heard,for g&irnrh, gen. of g&ine&rii, "sand."
47. SHAC&JI, Sraher, "pack-saddle," a rock in the seaat U&c
i SeeMr. Westropp'spaper.
 ClareIsland Survey-Place-NamesandFamily Names. 319
48. Colb"A IIA, Seice, "bedside of the hide," the cliff-face due east of the
lighthouse.
49. An Leiceog,the high rock on the northernpoint of the island A
derivative of leic, le&c, and similar in meaning.
50. An £oi]\e&rm,
"the crew,"a longsunkenrockshown,
but not named,
on the map,closeto land a little eastof the northernpoint of the island. The
jagged peaks of this rock, rising a few feet above the sea,when seen from
the sea at a distance,present a very strong resemblanceto men in a curach
fishing. Hence the name.
51. l/eic n& Co|\j\&,Lecknacurra,
" theflagstone
of the bend." Onemight
infer that the northern point of the island was called &n Conn, " the bend,"
or Co|\n with some defining adjective or genitive; but I did not find such a
name in use.
Here our course turns southwestward. The next name on the six-inch
map,after Lecknacurra,is Cushacappul.This shouldrepresent Coi|-A' C^p^ill,
" the horse's leg "; but my guide would not recognize the name. There is,
however, a hollow in the high ground east of the lighthouse, known to him
as S(Miin HA gC&p&ill, " the pen of the horses."
52. 11&T)Af&c&i,or C&np&ig HA nTDArACAi,a large rock in the seaabout
half a mile north of Leic nA ConnA, perhaps" the wild ones" (t)Af AC," bold,
fierce, restless," O'Eeilly). It is called in English " the Daisy Eock" or
"Deasy's Eock," apparently mere sound-imitations of the Irish name. The
O.S.map calls it CalliayhcromEock. This name properly belongsto-
53. An CAitteAc Cnom, "the stooping hag," the rocky promontory of
Clare Island, jutting out from the lighthouse northwestward. The O.S. map
is again in error in marking Calliaghwomas the name of the cliff on the edge
of which the lighthouse stands, south of the promontory of An CAilleAc
Cjiom. The map has thus two Calliaghcroms,neither of them in the right
place.
54. An CAHHAIJPVOA,Carrickfadda,"the long rock."
The lighthousewas called by my guide An CCACeolinr, "the houseof
guidance" (so,j\e&lc eoltnr, " guidingstar "). The Irish nameis not to be
taken asa fixed propername; but it is an interestingalternativeto the more
usualceAcroUnf, "house of light," usedin closerimitation of the English
term.

55. Aill n& bo, "the cow's cliff," is the name of the cliff marked
Calliaghcromon the O.S.map,at the westsideof the lighthouse.
56. toinn &n lotnA-,Benilra," the eagle'speak,"rising over the seato
the heightof 427feet. 1oln&,in Connachtdialect= lolaf, " eagle."
is usedin Munster and also in Tyrone.
C2
3 20 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Aeademij.
The O.S.maphasShceanas the nameof a rockin the sea. The name
(Si-6eAn)belongsproperly to a hill somedistanceinland (291).
57. An WAIII UIA^AC,Maumreagh. HiAb"Ac"brown, brindled" (fUAb"
"
a stripe "), is pronounced
IMACin Munster; and this form, spelledreaghor
rea,seemsto havebeenhabitually adoptedin the English writing of place-
names. The name on the O.S. map seems to designate a sea-rock. It is
properlythe nameof the adjoiningheighton the island.
58. An Aitl 1leit>," the smooth cliff," at An 1TlAinRiAbAC,probably takes
its name from the absenceof covesand promontories.
59. Uon HASio]\]\A,"butt of the Sio]i)%"at the southernend of An Aill
"Reit>. The Siorr is the hill to the east (286).
GO.Aill HAinbAij\neAc,
Alnamarnagli,
"cliff of the limpets."
61. 5^irel^e^n 11^i">5eA1^^C;6iC,
"green island of the Geraldines,"a
large rock, unnamed on the O.S.map, in the sea opposite the southern end
of Aili tiA nibAi]\vieAc.Thename,in theformG-lassillangaraltacli,
hasbeen
transferred on the map to another rock, 5^-A11'e'^e^n^oji, nearly two miles
farther westward (76).
62. 5^i1'eite&nbeAj, " little greenisland,"unnamed
on the map,a rock
in the sea,S.E.of glAi^eiteAn nA ti^eAjtAtcAc,andcloseto the westernend
of the boundary between Ballytoohy More and Ballytoohy Beg townlands.
63. Aitl CAi^b"." bull'scliff,"southof gL&ifeileAttbeAg.
64. Ton Aitt UAi|tb, " butt of bull's cliff," appears on the map as
Tonaltatarrive,as though for Uon Aitc A' UAijVb," butt of the bull's ravine."
Ale, " ravine," is very frequent in Ulster topography. It is fairly
evident that someonefamiliar with Ulster Irish was engagedin reducing
the place-namesof Clare Island to the form in which they appear on the
O.S.maps. In this name,Aill-UAi]\b becomesan uninflected group-word.
At this point, the western face of the island ceasesto be a sheer lofty
cliff and becomesa steep acclivity, rising to the height of 500 yards. On
the coast-line of this slope, about a mile and a half in length, the O.S.map
has only two names,one of which was not recognizedby my guide. His list
of nameswas taken downby me aswe passedalongin a sailing-boat. I am
thusunableto locatewith precisionthe placesthat the five following names
shouldoccupyon the map,which doesnot give them in any form. They
were noted in the following order :-
65. tlAimin 'Out), " black cove."
66. Aitl A' CAOjicAinn," cliff of the rowantree."
67.UAIIIAII
HA1l6n,otherwise
CA-miiAig
ti&1lon: ca-iii&n,
"stump,block" ;
c&iVm&c,
"a fine field in whichdaisies,sorrel,and sweet grassgrow." ("Old
Cormickof Erris," quotedby O'Donovan,Supplt.); n& |\6n," of the seals."
 GlareIslandSurvey
- Place-NamesandFamilyNames. 3 21
68. SqiA-pA,n& nil AIT, " ledge of the lambs."
G9.l/eic &' C&oncA.mn,
"flagstoneof the rowantree,"
probablythe rock
marked on O.S.map (Mayo 84), close to the foot of the cliff, about an inch
to the left of the place where the boundary between Lecarrow and Bunna-
mohauntownlandsends at the cliff on the N.W., and on the edgeof the
Ordnance sheet.

70. An Aill 111

6\\," the great cliff," the main slopefrom the summit of
&n Cnoc 111
6\\ (1520 ft.) to the water-edge.
Oogliduff,on 0. S. sheet84, at the placewherethe shore-linebeginsto
bend to S.-W., can only stand for AH U&ic "Dub," the black cave." I did not
get the name from my guide. See tUimin "Outo,65.
71. poll A' TDuil," hole or pool of the ( . . . ?)." Amongthe meanings
"
given by O'Eeilly for "out, the following may be pertinent ; a snare, trap,
spring, gin ; fishing with nets." It is, however, to be noted that for x>ol,
O'Reilly gives " a kind of fishing-net ; . . . a snare; link of hair." We may
suspectsomeconfusion here between 10151, with long u, and t>ol with short o,
possibly through an alternative spelling, -out, for the latter word. In the
sense of " a snare for fishing "- combining somewhat the meanings assigned

by O'Eeilly to both words- t>ol is the correct form. In Irish-English,

" dulling for trout " is well known,- the fish as they lie still in a pool are
snared with a noose of horsehair.
72. CALAIS poll &' 'Quit, probably the sea-rock marked on the map
beneaththe nameAltatrujjfaun.
73. Aill cS]\uyAin, "cliff of rivulet," the western part of the great cliff.
SjiuyAn,in Connachtdialect,= f]\ucin. After I, n, f, the aspiratedf (= h)
often becomesc (written then cf or rf). The O. S. version of the name
Altatruffaun, as with Tonaltatarrivc, above,is an error likely to have been
made by one familiar with the topographical nomenclature of Ulster.
74.Aille te^cut), "cliff of ( . . . ?)." The final syllable of le^ctra may
be phonetically representedby liitw, the w being very lightly sounded. &w
nearly represents the Conuacht and Ulster pronunciation of the unstressed
ending-At) in verbsandnouns. In Aille here,I amuncertainwhetherthe
final vowelis a merehelpingvowelbetweenfinal I andinitial I, or represents
the shortened form of the article - Aill A(n) le&cxvo, but a masculine
genitive le&c&t> is most unlikely. I could not get an explanation of the
name,and can only suggestthat it standsfor &ill leAcouto," half-black
cliff," though in that case we should expect the article before &il1. One
thing certain is that the 0. S. from Allahan is quite wrong, being an evident
attempt to solve the difficulty of the nameby inventing a new one, &ill
"broad cliff." Here againit is evidentthat the Surveyofficialknew
3 22 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

Irish enoughto be ableto twist anunfamiliarwordinto onemorefamiliarto

himself.

75. Aitl A' 5iuAtinAniAiri, Allagreenramaun,"cliff of the ( . . . ?)."

No explanationof 5|MArinAiiiAin(not -rriAin)was forthcoming. It may be
the name of a fish or bird, or perhapsa frequentative form of the verbal
noun tjfn&tipugAX), " sunning, basking in the sun," as mjeACAn of mje,
"Washing," fniomACAti of piiorii, " spinning." The writing of m for tii is
further evidenceof acertaindegreeof acquaintance
with the writing of Irish
on the part of the person who collected the namesfor the Ordnance Survey,
since 111has the sound of w or v, retaining, however, the nasal quality in
accentedsyllables.
76. An 5tAipeiteAn flop, "the greatgreenisland," sea-rockat western
endof Aill A' £|Vi&flft&1h/&iti.
Wronglynamedon 0. S.mapGlassillangaraltagh,
for 5LAifeileAii HA ngeApAlcAC, already located (60).
77. AngLAifeiteAnbeAg," thelittle greenisland,"sea-rock
southof An
5tAifeileAfl 111
dp, and named Qlassillanonly on the map.
78. Uon A' UAbAip, " butt of the tower," the sea-front near the old Signal
Tower. UA^A^ is merely the English word in Irish guise.
79. Ton 'OA'bAc, "butt of tubs." "OA^AC means also "a flax-dam"
(O'Donovan,Supplt.). The 0. S. version Tonadoivhymay stand for Uon 11 A
"DA^Aice("oAi'bce),with genitive singular instead of genitive plural.
80. Aill A' bpeAin1116ji,
"great cliff of the pin," overlookingthe little
bay southof the SignalTower. bjieAn, dialect-formof biojiAti, "pin."
81. Aili A' bjieAinbeAg," little cliff of the pin,"furthersouthover the
same bay.
82. T!ALeAcojAi,"the flagstones," promontory southof the samebay.
83.foot) A' 1TlAnAij,Budawanny,a high pinnacle on a narrow
promontory,foot)= membrum virile', A' tilAttAig,"of the monk."
84. CAjipAij; nA mbpoll, Camcknamrol,"rock of the lamentations?"
O'Reilly has buppAt " loud lamentation, a roar of grief," bu^iAlAc
" obstreperous
in grief." CA)\]\A15
VIAmbuppAlwouldpasseasilyinto C.
riA bpoll in ordinary speech; asin Aran Is. mru^a for IThificATJ,
brlrta%for

85. An Ciioni<5,lt,"the stooping cliff," over the inlet south of box) A'

86. HA CAiple Coti]iAcA,"the unsteady horses," rocks on the shore, on

the north sideof the south-western
promontoryof the island.
87. CeAnn A' cSeniit>ile, Kinatevdilla, "head of the beetle," sometimes
translated "Beetle Head" by the islanders. " SeniToile ]-eincile (read
?),a beetlefor beetlingclothes" (O'Donovan,Supplt.).
 ClareIslandSurvey-Place-Names
andFamilyNames. 3 23
88. An Seiiiitnle,"the beetle,"the outerrock-islandof the promontory.
89. An Seiiii-oilebeAg, "the little beetle,"the inner rock-islandof the
promontory.
90. An SlAifeileAti, - the greenisland,"thepeninsular
extremityof the
promontory.
91.beAl SeAinA' Coi^e," the month(i.e. passage)
of Johnof the
cauldron," between the outer and inner Seirrmile.
92.An beAl beAg, " the little passage,"
betweenAH Seini-oile
and 5lAifeileAti.
We now turn eastward along the southern shore of the island.
93.An"Leicbume,Lackwee,
"the yellowflagstone,"
a headland.
94. UAICAHtilAt>Ait>Uifge, "the otter's cave,"westof-
95. CALAIS A' C|\oit>e,"rock of the heart," headland east of AH teic
bunie.
96. UAIC(or UAC)"OAiriAin," deepcove,"eastof CA]\]\AigA' Cj\oif>e.
97. An 11lAolAiiX)nb," the black blunt rock," indicatedon O.S.map by
Ooglimoylanduff.The latter name,not used by my guide,shouldrepresent
UAIC An 11lAolAiii X)uit;>," the cave of the 1llAol<\n "Dub."
98. Leic A" 510^-Aliloi]\, Lackagilmore,
"flagstoneof the big man,"
promontory
onwestsideofUAICAHbAm. giollA, "servant,guide,gilly,"
becomes(like the English " fellow") more genei'al in meaning when an
adjective is added.
99.UAICATIbAm," the boat'sCQVC,"
deepcoveat theendof thetownland
boundary between Bunnamohaun and Strake.
100. tlAice HA inAt>At>," cove of the dogs," on the east side of the
promontory containing poll nA ITlATDAt).
101. poll TIAtT)AX)Ax>, "hole of the dogs," otherwise poll A' tiiA'OAit),
"hole of the dog," a cavern extending from the east side of UAice nA
inAX3Ait>eastward about halfway through the promontory, then upward till
it openson the flat top of the promontory. It is floodedbelow at high water.
My guide explainedthe nameby saying that dogs to be destroyedwere
thrown down the hole, but the O.S. version of the name, Pollaivaddy = poll
A' tii AOAit>,has only one dog in view.
101 A. Ooghganny,as placed on the 0, S. map, seems to be the name of
tlAic'e nA tTlAtiA'o,but is perhaps misplaced. It was not given by my guide.
Synonyms
usedby differentpersonsare not impossible.SeeUACS^ini-d,
46.
102. UACLACTIAC,
markedOoghnahawna
on O.S.map. I do not know
what IACTIACmeans. 100 A. Ooghnahawna= UAIC nA hAbnA, is evidently
"
a genuinename, cove of the river," as one of the main streams of the island
3 24 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

dischargesinto this cove. Thespellingawna,wherethepronunciationwould

be betterconveyed to an Englishreaderby owna,furtherbespeaks
a writer
acquaintedwith Irish spelling.
103. UAICA' "oilifg, Oogliadillis,"cove of the dilisc." The omissionof
the final consonantin the 0. S. name may be accidental; but on the Antrim
coast the edible seaweedis known in English as dullis and dulse.
104. UATC nA ntlAn, " cove of the lambs," west of ATI "Dun.
105. An t)un, Doom,"the fort," a fortified promontory.
106. UAIC ATI "Ouin, " cove of the fort," east of ATI T)un.
106 A. Ooghaniska,
UAIC ATItlifge, "cove of the water," not on my list,
is evidentlya genuinename,asthe cove somarkedon the O.S.mapreceives
a small stream from the land.

106 B. Ooghnagceragh,
UATCHA ^CACNAC,"cove of the sheep,"is not on
my list.
107.An bjieACAll," the mottledrock,"is the nameof a broadrocky
patch between the south road and the sea,beneaththe name Craigmoreon
O.S. map.
108.UonA' bneACAill,otherwise ConA' bj\icill, Tonabrickill,
" butt of
theb]ieAcAll." The secondform,corresponding with the 0. S.version,is
certainto bethe older. Indeed,b-peACAtlmay be a popularetymological
reconstructionof a nameoriginally b|\iceAli. AiTroeAlt points to a final
element -ell not -all.

109.SgATTOoj,
" little waterfall,"at eastsideof Uon A' bfucill. See
25,bun A' SgATTOAin.
110.tlAicebeAg," little cove,"
eastof SgATroog.
111. 11A1'cnA 111
ATI
A (contractedfor UAICitlic tlA 111
ATA
A), Ooghnamara
" Mac Namara's cove." See 36.

112.CATAjiAig
nA 111
AftA (for CATITIAIJ"
itlic HA HIAJIA),
" Macnamara's
rock," a long reef stretching into the sea,southof UAI'CnA HIAIIA.
tiA 1T1A11A
is the popular variant of the surname 1TlAc Con WATt
of Cu-mA|iA."
Ooghlannagli,
printedon 0. S. mapunder Ooghnamara in sucha way asto
leavedoubtfulthe particular covedesignated,
is not on my list. It seemsto
representUAICLACTIAC, placed by my guidemuch farther west,as shown
above (102).
113.tlAiceNed," Ned'scove,"on westsideof CATIJIATJ;
nA 111
ATIA.
114.bun nA hAbAnn,"foot of the river," where the AbAinn frion
dischargesinto the sea. This and the newer form bun nA liAibne were
both usedby my guide.
115. lUic An VAil, "cove of the fence,"at bun nA liAbAnn. The 0. S.
 ClareIsland Survey-Place-NamesandFamily Names. 3 25

maphas Ooghvunanal
( = U&ic bun [or Innn] AH ^Ail), which my guide
would not recognize. The nameseemsgenuine,but may havearisenfrom a
mixture of UAICAH^Ail and bun HAhAb&nn. My guidealsosaidUAIC
bun nA liAliArm.
Oomeennamuckmara (=UAimiri HA 1Thic1T)A|AA, "little caveof the sea-
pigs [i.e. porpoises]")is printed on the 0. S. map right below Ooghvunanal;
it is impossibleto say what place is designated. The name was not
recognizedby my guide. Probably it representsUAIC lilic nA WAJIA,
wrongly understoodand wrongly located on the map.
116. poll A' Cu]\Ai5, Pitacurry, " the hole of the curach or canoe."
My guidewould not recognizethe 0. S. variant, which may be genuineand
now obsolete. PIC = vulva.
117.61-01
ji T>Ap'opc,"betweentwo ports,"theblunt forelandbetween
Poll A' CU^AI5 and POJICHA p]iAifce.
118. po]ic 116-PHAI|-CC,Portnaprasky, "Port of the pottage (or, of the
wild mustard)." This and POJIC HA p]>Aip je were both used by my guide.
PpAifeAc,f., gen. pjiAifge and (of late formation) pjiAip §e, is the generic
nameof a numberof"cruciferous
plantsand otherspopularlyclassedwith
them. Latin, Brassica.
119.C&]\]iAig
A'bjiACAn,"thefriar's rock,"a sea-rock
opposite
theinouth
of POJAC
n& P]\<b.i|'ce. There is a legend connectedwith the name.
120.An Cill bi5 (beAg),Kilbey,"the little church,"an islet on the east
side of pope HA-Pn&ifje.
121.bun A' Jl1111;
"gravelbottom,"the uppersideof the T-shaped
cove
of 11ACC&p&ilt. 5l"11.gen-°f 51"^11;
gravel,sand.
122. 11ACCApAill, Ooyhcappul,"horse's cove."
123. po]\c CSHUJ.-A111,1
"port of stream," a small cove, receiving a tiny
stream, east of 11ACCApAill.
124.An LiAgAin,derivativeof IIA, gen.liAg, "a greatstone,pillar stone,
etc.," east of U&c CApAill.
125. PO^\CA' LIA^AIVI,Portaleighaun,
"port of the great stone."
126. An 5°b 'Outo," the black beak," the rocky promontory east of POJ\C
A' 1/iAgAin.
127. HA 1/eA^CACAi,
"the flagstones,"by metathesisfor leAqiACAi, a
colloquial plural of IOAC. West of POJ\CA' CuAille.
128. POJICA' CuAille, Portacoolia,"port of the stake or post," just west
of the Pier near the Abbey. The name is placed too far west in the O.S.map.
129. PO^\C11A CilleA-6, Portnakilly, "port of the church," rather perhaps
1The absenceof the article may indicatehere,asit oftendoesin place-names,
that a determining
word or words have been dropped after the name.
K.I.A. PKOC.,VOL. XXXI. D 3
 3 26 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
" of the churchyard,"since alt, ancientlydenotinga church,has the usual
modernmeaningof " burial-ground,"the ancientchurchesbeingat bestmere
ruins, but the cemeteriesaround them being still preserved. The small
harbourprotectedby the Pier. CilleA-6,with the endingpronounced-ilw,
is a new and local formation of the genitive, on the analogy coilt, gen.
coitleAt), " a wood."

130.UAimiripeA-oAijt
Hi ftpA'CAin,
" Peadar
(3 Bradain'scove,"Peter
Salmon'sCove. The surname6 Bradain is found on the island, and
"Salmon " is the acceptedEnglish equivalent: bftAtiAn, "a salmon." On the
cast side of the cove-

131. CA]\j\Ai5 A' Cinnn, or rather CAH|\AI$A' cSuinn, " rock of the
beam." Somi, " a beam or post" (not from conn "a wave," which would
havegiven C&mtAig HA Uuimie).
131 A. Oomeengarve = 14Ainiiii 5*TV^' "rough cove," marked here on the
O.S.map, is not on my list.
132. II A "Ooi)\e6cAi,the large sea-rockindicated but not named on the
O.S. map below the name Oomeengarve, also the rock due east of it, named-
133. "OoifieocAi 60.1111111111,
Derraghyemon,"Edmond's TJoifieocAi." Of
this word, which is plural, I have no explanation. Other rocks at this place
are-

134. CAm\6.i5UoniAif e-Avntnnn," the rock of Thomas(son) of Edinond,"

and-

135.CA^HAIJ;
SeAinAOTJA
itloiji, "the rock of John (son)of big Aodh
(Hugh)."
136.An toeAjiriA S&IAC,Barnasallagh,"foul gap." beApnA is also
pronounced
beAjtriAi-6.Notethat theO.S.maphass (restored)wherethe
actual sound (written f) is h.
137.PO]AC
UAijibbea-5,Porttarriffleg,"little bull's-port."
138. POJ\CUAijAbtTloii, Porttarri/, "great bull's-port."
139. CAI^IAIJ riA SeAfjiAije: my guide understood the name to be
connected with fea.j-A.ni. " standing." In my opinion, "peAj-jAAc,
gen.
ije, is a normal Connachtvariant of fei]-]\eAc,gen. fei^yuje, as
is of coir^eAgAirn, and the name may be explained as " rock of
the plough or of the ploughland." Carricknashasky,the O.S. version, is not
authentic,my guideinformedme. If it were,it would stand for CA^IIAIT;
TIASeAfgMge," rock of the dry cow,"and perhapsthe O.S.officerhereagain
substituted a familiar for an unfamiliar word.
140. UAICAn *OoinAi§, explainedto mean"the dummy'scave,"east of
PO-|\C
UAin"b. If -ooniAijrepresents" dummy,"this namemust be of recent
origin.
 ClareIsland Survey- Place-NamesandFamily Names. 3 27
141. 11^1111111
n& C&o-pAcChoice, "little cove of the blind ewe.' For
this, the O.S. map has Oomecnakinkeel, as it were U^iniin &' Cinn C^oil,
" little cove of the narrow head," but my guide rejected this name as quite
incorrect. It seems to have arisen from confusion with-
142. U&ice 'n C^oil, "the cove of the narrow passage,"
which in O.S.
spelling should have been given " OogMnkeel"but appears on the map as
Ooglikeel.
143. tl6.imin 5°FC "*" Tnucl&c, " the cove of Gort na Muclach." G. na M.
is a,stretch of land north of gob &n ll&imin. The name of the cove seems
to be represented on the O.S. map by Oomeengubamonemeen,1 altogether
rejected by my guide, and unintelligible to me.
144. J^t'l1^11' Gurraun, east of gob &n llAitnin. O'Eeilly gives the
meanings"a grove or wood," and "mud."
145. gob *-t1tannin, Gubanoomeen, " beak of the cove," a promontory.
146. An llAice LeAC&n,Ooghlahan,
" the widecove."
14V. U-MCC11& tllAixn, Ooghnamaddy," cove of the sticks," named perhaps
from driftwood.

148. tlAice HASoilleAt), Ooghnasellen (a misreadingfor " Ooghnasdlew"),

"
coveof the fat." Soill, fAill, " the fat of meat." The gen. -poiUe&t),for
foilte, is modernand local. Seeabove,129,underPO]\CTIACitleA-6.
149. UAIC HA *O]nfe, " coveof the bramble." The 0. S. map substitutes
Ooghnadrishoge,
representing either HAIC TIA TDiufeoige,"cove of the
bramble," or U&ic riA. ti"Opi]-e65, "cove of the brambles "; "onifeog being a
derivative and frequent synonym of t)|M]-. West of T)ihi CtocA is-
150.CAfi]\<M5
11
A nibeAlAige,explained
to mean"rock of theways."
151. t)un ClocA, Doon Cloak, "fort of cloaks (?)." An ancient
promontory fort. SeeMr. Westropp's paper.
152. An CAC&OIH,"the chair," rock near T>unClocA.
153. pope Uj\uice&c,Portruckayh. I haveno explanationof qunce&c.
Uuice^c would mean "wrinkled, corrugated," but the two words were
pronouncedslowly for me as written.
154. An CA^jiMg til 6]\," the great rock," extendingeastwardfrom Thin

155. UA' H<splA(for tl&ic Tl.), Ooghnapla,

" Annabella'scove."
1The notesfrom "whichthe nameson the O.S. mapswere taken must havegot into confusion
in this and other instances. I think that the notesmay have contained" Gortiiaimicklaffh" as the
name of the adjacent piece of land, and " Oomeen G." as the name of the cove. But in the
preparation of the map, denominationsof land less than townlands were generally omitted.
" Gortnamucklagh " being thus ignored, when " Oomeen 67." came to be written in full, "6."
would be supposedto refer to the nearest name beginning with that letter among the names
retained, viz. Gubanoomeen.Oomeenyubanoomeen, which suffered again in transcription, would
mean " the cove of the beak of the cove," a most unlikely name.
D2
 3 28 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

156. UACCAiqnonA,Ooghcatherina,
" Catherine'scove."
157. tlAic HACAiUigeTknbe, Ooghnacallydu/,
"cove of the black hag
(cormorant, shag)."
158. An 11A1C
fl16i\," thegreatcove." ThebarenameOoglion the0. S.
map is obviously incorrect.
159. An CtiAige,"the knob,"a high bluff overlookingAn UAIC1T16|1.
160. An XlAice "OAtiiAin, also An UAC "OAniAin, Oogtiganamna(!), " the
deepcove."
161. UAice 'n CUHAIJ, " cove of the curach (canoe),"between the last-
named and An UAice CAol.
162. An UAice CAol, Ooghkecl,
"the narrow cove."
163. UAice'n bAm, OogJianwaud,
"the boat'scove."
164. CeAnn n& hllAice, Kinnaliooey,"headland of the cove."
" 165. 11Aice '11Utnn,Ooghantur,
" coveof the tower(perhaps,
of the bush)."
166. CALAISA' bAinne," rockof themilk."
The 0. S. name is Kinnawoneen,which is a corruption of-
167. CeAnn A' "bAlbAin ("bAmim)," headlandof the bawn," i.e. the
enclosure still called-

168. An bA^An, the "bawn " of the castle. From it projectsthe pier,
An Ceib, at which our circuit of the coast began.

INLAND NAMES.

169.bAile An jleAnnA, Glen," townlandof the valley,"namedfrom the

valley of the stream-
170. AbAinn A' 5^eAririA-;"river of the valley," rising on the eastside of
Cnoc HA top AH, and flowing eastwardtill it enters the sea at the middle of
the strand near the Harbour.

171.bAjitt A' jleAnnA, " top of the valley,"district aboutthe headof

the stream,the most northern part of the townland.
172. Cnoc nA "bpAn, Knocknaveen, "hill of the Fiana," the chief height
(729 ft.) in the easternhalf of the island.
173. C|ieig tiA gColum, "crag of the pigeons," eastern spur of Cnoc HA
toJTiAn,north of the Presbytery, near the point where the boundariesof Glen,
Lecarrow, and Fawnglass townlands meet.
174.An teANgAn," theslope,"on the north bankof the stream,north
of the Presbytery. The final syllable is short.
175.An tongAn (derivative from lo^g " track" or lungA " shin "), the
slope facing east on which the Presbytery stands. Two fields east of the
Presbytery, there is a small tumulus called-
176. SroeAn," fairy knoll"; the fencepassesoverit,
 Clare Island Survey- Place-Names and Family Aames. 3 29

177.An 1V)Ainiin,
" the little mam"hill onnorthsideofb&|A]\A'
178.An O|\ic>5<\n
b&n," the white (grassy) crag-field,"on north sideof
PAH 5Ur (241).
179.Coitt AHACA,"wood of the ford," S.E.of l/o-ngAti,north of the
southern road, due north of Boon Cloak. The " wood " no longer exists.
180. An Cuf\j\Ac 1116)1,"the great moor," the lower part of the valley,
adjoining the strand on the west.
181. HA HtiAince (plural of a feminine noun TCu&n or TluAin, meaning
unknown to me), a long low ridge between the southern road and the cliffs
on the south. The highest point of the ridge is marked 194 ft. on O.S. map.
The slope north of this point is-
1S'<!. UAo"b HA TluAn, "side of the Ruans."
183. Cut nA HUAD,"back of the Ruans," the N.E. slope facing towards
the strand. West of nA HUM nee -

184. 5°1(C 11^tVluclAc, "cornland of the swine-ranges," above 5°t> ^"

UAirnin. West of this -

185. PAI buAileA*, "fence of cowfolds,"at the S.W. corner of Glen

townland.

186.An bocA-p6 t>eAf," the southern road." North of go-penA ttluclAc

andpAl buAite&t),the roadpasses through -
187. An $UAl&c, a stretch of cultivated ground. I have no explanation
of the name. (JuAl, coal, fuel. 5UA-^^>shoulder).
188. Cum\Ac IIA gu^Aige, " moor of the Gualach,"north of 5°1AC~^^

189.PAIJVC
SeAnitnf,"James'sfield,"west of "£Al buAiteA-o,
north of

190.bA]\n A' 5l111*c^rl>

" top of the little cornfield,"
southof beACAn,
(205), north of southern road.
191. tog A' cSeAjtjtAtj;,
"the colt'shollow,"and-
192.tog tiA "bpeileACAn, " hollowof thebutterflies,"
two hollowsonthe
westsideof CnocHAbpAn and beACAn.
193. bocANbAile UiiAit), " roadof Ballytoohy,"thenceto the Abbey.
194.botAH11Ateice, "road of the flagstone,"
an old trackrunningeast
and westthrough the hollowin Lecarrowtownland betweenCnocnA t>J?iAn
and Cnoc A' THAIHA. On its south side are -

195.An Cpei5," the crag,"N.W.of bAjin A' gteAnnA(171),and-

196. S^Aitp teAc A' 'Ooinin,"cleft of the flat rocks of the little oak-
wood," in the west of the valley.
197. CAoLjiAc," narrowplace,"a hollow belowthe cliff on southside of
A Leice.
3 30 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
198. teAnA nAbpott," marshof the holes,"a marshyplacenear
199.teAc A' jteAnnA,"flat rockof the valley,"nearbocA^nAteice,
whichis no doubtnamedfrom it, in the valley north of CnocHAlip ATI.
200.nUm Sjmi,"hill-breastof gravel,"N.W.spur of CnocTIAb^An.
201. UAO!JA' Clime, "side of the hill," the southern slope of Cnoc nA
ftp An, north of the Gualach. In its eastern side-
202. An J?At5A]\b"," the roughfence,"westof whichis-
203. An -pAl 111\,
"the fresh or grassyfence." This and the preceding
name are now given to stretches of land.
204.bA]ifi A' SgomifA," top of the dry-stonefence(sconce),"
the high
ground north of UAob"An Cntnc, rising towards-
205. beACAn," the beacon(?),"the hilltop marked 692 ft., north of the
dividing line betweenGlen and Kill townlands.
206. bAile 11
A CilteA'6,1Kill, " townland of the old church or church-
yard." In its north-east corner-
207.bA]i]\ A' bAile, "headof thetownland."Thehill northof this is-
208.CnocAn peocAin," hill of the storm." Southof bAnn A' bAile,
at the road, is-
209. An PAIJIC1T16]A,
"the great park or grass-field." South of this,
towards the sea,adjoining pone UAinb, is-
210. An PAIJAC
"UiAc'nA,
" the park of rushes."
211. Cneig nA CeAncA-6,2"crag of the (rag?)," a rocky knob between
the southern road and pone UAi-pb. There is another place (308) of the
samename in Ballytoohy Beg townland.
212. An THeAlt THon,Malmore, "the great lump," the south-western
spur of CnocnA b"FiAn. The south-westernslope,abovethe Abbey, is named-
213.An Cnoc b.<sn;"the grassyhill." The adjectivebAn, "white,"
applied to land, denotes the bright green colour of a grassy surface, in
contradistinction to CAlAtii -oeAnj, "red, i.e. tilled, land," and to the dark-
ness of bog or heath.3 Hence An bAn, "the grassy turf," bAin^eAc, "a
grassy flat."
214. An lflAimvnin, " the Abbey." Closeto it-
215. UobA-p"peile IDinne, Toberfelanwrry,"the well of Mary's festival,"
i.e. a holy well, associated with a " station " or pilgrimage on Ladyday.

1The genitivecities*, replacingcilte, is an analogicalformation after wordslike coiVl, gen.

coilleA'6. I use the traditional spelling for the ending, -At, which in Connacht and Ulster is
pronounced somewhat like uw.
2 Like ciileA'6, an analogical
formation,
from ceipc "rag," or perhaps
replacingceAjvod&n,
jioniinatiTecex>|\t>CA,
" smithy."
3 "pAinceArmo, bino. 1lAp ATIf-j\AOig," " greenfields in the midst of the heather" ; Connacht
folksong,
An boicpin
 ClareInland Survey- Place-Names
andFamily Names. 331

According to PAT^IMCtil ACtTuACAil,the name is Uob&n Ceile 1Tltii|\e,

"the well of Mary's spouse,"i.e. of Saint Joseph.
216. SCACAHA Citte, "the pillar-stone of the church," a monolith with
incised cross,now built upright on the fenceof the churchyard.
217. An ttltune "Dub"," the black brake or shrubbery," east of and
adjoining the Abbey.
218.HAb^eAnNAit>e,
" the fetid grounds,"S.E.of the Abbey,adjoining
pone n A Citle.
219. An 5^1M"A "Onto," the black garden," close to the Abbey on the
west.

220. 5°|lc 11A5u&l&nn, "cornland of the shoulder,"S.W. of the Abbey

and adjoining it.
221. CU^JIACA' cSA^Ainc, " the priest's moor," adjoining UAC CApAill,
S.W. of the Abbey.
West of Cnoc HA bpiAn and N.W. of AH THeAll 1116ji,is a hollow
containing three small lakes. Close to the most easterly lake is a spring
or pool called-
222.An poll b^icce, "the drownedor sunk pool, or the pool of
drowning." The boggy ground about it is-
223.teAiiA An pinll bAicce,"marshof p. b." Fromthis is named
-
223A.toe teAnA AH puill bAicce, Lough Leinapollbauty,
" lake of the
marsh, etc.," but this name was not used by my guide. For the northern
lake, his name was-
224. An toe 6 UUAI-O,"the north lake." The O.S.name is Greggan
Lough,whichdoubtlessstandsfor toe A' CneAgAin/'lakeof the rockyfield."
225.toe ffleiNgeAc,
"rusty lake,"on the south,is wronglycalledLough
"
Merrignagh on the O.S. map. There is no n " in the name, but one has
goneastray from the O.S.version of the next name-
226. AbAinn A' "Ooij\in,Dorree[n] River,"river of the little oakwood."
It flows northward from the marshy hollow aforesaid,then eastward through
toe A' lYhnlmn to the seaat pone tice.
227. An teicceAqiAtTiA,Lecarrowtownland," the half-quarterland."
228. UAobnA UulAige, "side of the mount,"the rising ground westof
the three lakes.

229. An llUm, -'the breast of the hill," Cnoc A' ttUmA, "hill of the
Mam," the northernspur of CnocHA bpAn, westof toe A' TTluilinn.
230. b&iie AHYilAiTiA, Maum,townland.
231. teAccoill, " half-wood,woodedhillside,"on the eastslopeof Cnoc
A' TTlAiTiAtowardstoe A' IThnlinn. Bushesin plenty are still there.
 3 32 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

232. poll 6,'b)\AniTOAit>," hole of the brandy," a pool whoseposition

corresponds to that of the secondr of the townlandname " Lecarrow," O.S.
sheet85. TheO.S.namePollabrandyis printed as belongingto the stream
flowing from the pool. The name,it is said,originatedin the use of the
pool as a hiding-place for smuggledbrandy.
233. An ffluileArm, "the mill," where the eastern road crosses the
streamnearMauni townland,near pope t/ice. Site of a watermill.
234. AbMrm 6.' Wtnlimi, "river of the mill," rises near Aill Caojib on
the west side of the island, receivesAb&mn A' "Ooi^in, flows through-
235. Loc A' niuilmn, LoughAvullin, " lake of the mill," in Maum town-
land.

236.An l/eAi'At>,
a bushyhillsidein northof Maumtownland.
" moor of the lake," north and north-west of toe
237. Cu]ijiAc A' IX>CA,
A' 1lluilmn.

238. CAolji&c," narrowplace,"southof Loc A' ttluilinn.

239. An ITlAimin, "the little hill-breast," rising ground on N.W. of
Fawnglasstownland,S.Eof Loc A' flluilirm.
240. An 1/eAHAb^n, "the white marsh,"north of Fawnglasstownland.
241. PAH 5^r> "green slope," Fawnglasstownland.
242. An CjuogAiibAn, " the white (grassy)rocky field," in the north of

243. beAl nA CO^JIA,

"mouth of the bend,"a sharp eminencein pAn
5l<M"> the road running westward through this townland turns S.W. and
thennorthto passbe&l nA COJAJIA.
244. Ce^p HA njo-bd-p, "the goats' division," Capnagowertownland.
245.Uob&]\bpijoe, " Brigid's well," or Uob&ppetle bjMJ-oe,Tober-
fdabride, "well of Brigid's festival," a holy well near Ce&mi HA CO]\]\A.
Devotional exercises are practised at it. The second name indicates Saint
Brigid's feast,February 1, as a day of special resort to the place.
246. An SqiACA, Stroke townland, probably " the streak or stripe,"
being a very long and narrow division.
247.An KuAintoij, Rooauiibey,
"the little Ruaiii,"north of poll A'
The O.S. spelling "Rooaun" supposessome such Irish form as
tiAn, and is misleading, TluAin being a monosyllable. The dative has
replacedthe nominative form in noun and adjective.
248.AbAinn HA tluAnieAcbij;e, "river of the little Hu0.111,"
a small
streamdischargingat poll A' CIIJIAIJ;.So we have norn.sing.KUAIII,gen.
sing. TluAineAc,nom. pi. RuAince, gen. pi. 1luAn, rather heteroelite.
c andUuAinceseemto be late analogicalformations.
 ClareIsland Survey- Place-Names
and Family Names. 3 33
249.HAUUA^CAI,
" the bleachgreens,"
westernpart of An 1luAin big,
eastof An AbAinn 1116^. PI. of ruAtt.
250. An AbAinn 1T16]\,Owenmore, " the big river." " pAtuijeAnn p 1
jrem1 mbun nA hAbAnn,1 n-UAicebun nA hAbAnn: " "it hides itself

(ends)
in bun nAhAbAnn,
in theCoveof bun nAhAbAnn
" (112,113).
251.An "PAL ioccAij\," thelowerfence,"land between
the mouthof the
AbAinnlil6j\ andthe bneACAtton the west. From it is namedUAICAn

252. An tluAin llon, " the great ftuAin," on the N.W. side of An
1T16|\at this place.
253.An Cpeiglilon,Craigmore,
" thegreatcrag,"northofthe
254. Cneig-fliAb, " crag-mountain," the shoulder in the middle of the
land,betweenAnCueiglflo^andAHCnoc1116n
(the mainsummit).
255. Unio-p5IxAicmje, the enclosedfieldson the south slopeof Cjieig-
fli&b. " U]\io]'5, grains, or the refuse of malt," O'Beilly. The topographical
useof the word is not clear, tl&icmje, " of fern or bracken."
256. Ab<Mnn&' T)un^, " fA.tuij;e&rm]'i i |-em1nU^ic An 'Oum: " "the

river of the fort: it hides itself in in UAIC An tDi'nn" (Ooghaniska,O.S.)

Here two different genitives of m'm were heard in one sentence.
257. An CoinneAl gAjib, "the rugged corner," west of the lower part
of Ab^mn A' "OuriA, near the sea.
258. HA pollA 5^rA> "the green holes," the hollow along which the
road passeswestward from AbAmn A' t)unA.
259.An LeingmHicce,"the smoothslope,"a long slopenorth of the
road at this place.1
260.T)A CniogAinf'A'OA," the long crag-fields,"
betweenthe leijijpn
tlicce and Cjieigf-liAb.
261. An UUAHITlo]!, Toormore," the great bleachgreen."
262. AbAinn A' UUAIJI1116in," river of the UUA]A1116)1."
263. LocAn A' PUCA,Louglianaphuca,
"the Plica's lalselet." "The Puca
was seenthere, and might be seenyet."
264.AbAinn A' PUCA," the Puca'sriver," flowing through"LocAnA'
PUCA.
265.biAAJAit)A'bAile, "neckof thetownland.orof theinhabitedland,"
theangleof landbetweentocAn A' PUCAandthecliffsof the south-western

, dative of teipjjeAti. Hicce, passiveparticiple of j\icim, " I run," was explainedas

meaning "smooth." Compare ]\eix>, "smooth," JUA-O, "a riding, a raid," Gaulish rheda,
"chariot." But piece has another meaning- CAAn AICfeo ^vicceAJ A' ngAOic,"this place is
coursedby the wind, i.e. exposedto the wind " : Arran, Galwny.
R.I.A. PEOC.,VOL. XXXI, E 3
3 34 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
promontory. bnA§Ai-o,the lower part of the neck,whereit joins the
shoulders and chest.

266. An bin 11tonic,1"the mottled peak,"the south-westernspur of the

Cnoc 1TI6ji,north of UHAJI1116n.
267.FAIIHAgCAonAc,
" slopeof thesheep,"
western
slope
of anAntomn
tonic,eastof AtoAinnA' PUCA.
268. toun 11A rnbocAn,Buwnamohaun
townland," bottom of the huts."
The townland now consists almost wholly of Cnoc tYI6i\ and its slopes,the
highestpart of the island. It must have beennamedfrom the low ground
on the west and S.W.,no longer containing huts or houses.
269. An UAIA" bAn, " the white (i.e.grassy)land," a general namefor
the south-western district, westward from Cnoc nA ftp An and southward
from An Cnoc 1H6n,to the western and southern coast-line.
270. An Cnoc 1TI6n," the great hill " (summits 1520, 1453, 1315 ft.), not
namedon (). S.map. CneigfliAbandAntomntopicare its foothillson the
southside. Its steepnorthernsideis formedby AnAill iflon andAilt A'

271. An ClocAji, " the stonework," along the sea at the Signal Tower on
the western side of the island. ClocA-p varies in meaning from a row of
stepping-stonesset in a ford to a stone building such as ClocAji TDthlii;, the
extant stone-roofedchurch of Saint Duileach (St. Dolough's), Co. Dublin.
272. An C6q\A "Oonn,"the brown coffer" (CocpA = COJ^\A). N.E. of
Signal Tower.
273. HA Co]\tiAin,near Aiit A' $j\iAnnAiriAin. Perhapsplural of the
plant-name,connAn (so pronouncedin Clare Island = CAnnAn)cAipl,
Cotyledon Umbilicus. ConnAn,"little goblet," is obviously the correct form
of the plant-name,from the resemblanceof the leaf and its stalk to a shallow
drinking-glass with a slender stem. The name has doubtless been changed
to cAnnAn, "heap (of stones),"in other places in allusion to the habitat of
the plant, already signified by the epithet CAipl " of the stone-fort."
274.An bjioclog, " the sultry place(?)." (bnocAl, " sultry heat").
Near Ailte leACA-6(" Allahan"). (Compare the meaningsuggested for
.

275.An "leingeAH
b^n, " thewhite(i.e.grassy)
hillside,"eastof Signal
Tower.

276. tlA tvnu^ne,"the shins,"westernfaceof AHCnoc1Tl6n.

277. Uillinn A' Cnuic,'-elbowof the hill," at the foot of thesteepeastern
rise of An Cnoc 1T1on. Further east-
278.beAl A' SgonnfA, " mouth of the sconce(dry stonewall)," and-
1Dativefornominative
of nounandadjective
; AIItteAtinttpeac.
 Clare Island Survey- Place-Namesand Family Names. 3 35

279.beAl tlAimin"Oubog,1
"mouth of the coveof (. . . ?)."
280. poicm 11A CnAoibe,"shelter or shrubberyof thebranch(leafytree),"
near Aill UA.i]xb. (Dinneen gives yocAn,nom. sing.,yoicne, iiom. pi., "a
"
wood, a forest ; a woody swamp ; " woods, thickets." The word seems to be
an ancient compoundof 1:0and ci]i ; "under-land.")
281. HA 5l1A1^-e;"the shoulders,"the long ridgerising from the hollow
west of Cnoc na. bpAn to the eastern face of ATICnoc 1116)1.
282.beAl gAii AfgAill, "mouthwithoutarmpit,"a hollowunderCnoc
111
6\\ at the headof VIASuAitle.
283. An SA^IATI, "the fork," the upper valley of the Ab~Ainn1116)1,
enclosedby Cnoc THonand HA 5u^Vle.
284.bolj; A' Cnvnc,"belly of the hill," lowerpart of Cnoc1116|\,
facing
S.E.

285. SgAitp A' t7)mii]-, Sgalpatruce,"cleft of the trews," on N.E. side of

286.An cSio)\]i,a,hill nearAilL nA nibAi)ineAc.(For fionn, O'Eeilly

has the meanings" vetches,wild pea, broomrape, orobanche." Dinneen has
"po)t)iA, m., a sharp rock in the sea rising nearly to the water's surface.")
Pronounce like shiur.

287. Uon HASio)\)\A,"butt of the Siorr," foot of the hill seaward.

288.An bAite CUATO, Ballytooliytownland," the northerntownland."
289.bAile CuAi-6
be&g,Ballytooliy
Begtownland.
290. Cnoc A' tocAin, "hill of the lakelet," north of the Sionji. The
lakelet is probably the marshy hollow known to workers on the Clare Island
Survey as " the Lighthouse Marsh."
291. An Si-oeAn," the fairy hill," a noticeablesmooth high knoll, covered
with short green vegetation, north of the marsh. "Air 1 b|'i>it pt>e," said
" "
my guide, " CA ci'nnc ACH Ann]-m - a place where the sidhe are ; they have
a court there." I have not elsewheremet this ancient usage of the plural
px»ein ordinary speech. In most places,nA jToeogA, nA fiA^iAi, etc., are
substituted,]T6e being usedin set phrasessuch as be An cf-roe," banshee,"HA
com cfit>e,"the houndsof the sidhc." Thesidhewere anciently gods," the
peoples used to adore sidhe; " Fiaccs Hymn. On the O.S. map, Shccanis
placed as the name of a sea-rock. See above (174) for another Si-oeAn
whichhasescapeddestructionin the mostcultivatedpart of the island.
292. yoicin CA)iAllAi5, "thicket or shelter of Carallach(?),"south of
lighthouse.
293. SAinn IIA gCApAll, " pen of the horses,"a hollow besidethe light-
house.

1Perhaps
for t>AUeog,theindeclinable
nameofthesaintfromwhomtheheathDabeocia
is named.
E 2
8 36 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
294. AlcAn, a hill S.W.of lighthouse. Ale, " joint," in Ulster topography,
"
a narrow glen or ravine."
295. An Hie ^11 HI on, " the big knob," the lighthouse hill.
296. Ab"Ainn A' "Ouin," river of the fort," the stream that reachesthe sea
at t)un Aille.
A' T)tiin, " moor of the fort," the land west of T)un Aille.
297. CUJINAC
298. PAIJICttuAToni,"Ruaidhri's field," westof the northernroad,almost
due west of UACCO^JIAJAITI.
299. CUJ\J\AC
UAC CoNttAjAin,"moor of U. C.," the land west of UAC
ConnAgAin,
andeastof the road.
300. AbAinn11ACCopjAAgAin, "river of U. C.," the streamflowing into
UAC Coft|iA5Ain.
301. HA ClocA Sjoilce, " the split rocks,"in the hollow roundwhich the
road winds, due west of UAC CojijiAgAin.
"
302. Cjieig A' "Oilif c, crag of the dilisc," a rocky knoll on westside of
road, south of nA ClocA Sgoilce. Perhaps a place for drying dilisc.
303. An SeAn-cuAji, " the old bleachgreen,"knoll at S.W. side of Cu|\nAc
UAC ConnAgAin.
304. An 5°11Cttlop, "the great cornfield." The road from the light-
house southwards forks here, one branch leading S.E. to the Harbour,
the other S.W. to the Abbey. An 5°TAC^lot1 ^s west of the road north of
the fork.

305. SpupAnA' SU111C ttloifi, "stream of AH 5°11C'Hloji," flowing from

Cnoc A' locAin to PO]\CLice. Also called AbAinn po}\c Lice, "river of
P. L."

306. An HlAc AllA, " the echo (lit. the cliff boy)," hill north of An

307. 5°11CAV1GA-oAin,"cornfield of the hill-front," west of An

1116]i
andnorthof theby-roadrunningeastthrought)Aile UuAit>beAg.
308. Cjieig nA CeA-pCAt),"crag of the rag (?)," north of the byroad.
may be a local variant of ceA-|vocAn,genitive of ceA^-ocA,"smithy."
309. Cu]\nAc1TlAi|ie Hi HIAille, " moor of Maire M Mhaille," east of An
tH6^. Further east is-
310. CUHJIAC pone Lice, " moor of POMClice."
311. Leic A' bAile UUATO, "flat rock of the north townland," south of
the place where the lighthouse road crossesthe stream of Gort Mor.
312. CfMo^AnRoijleAn, "rocky field of ( ... ?)," north of An 5°1(C
1116n,east of Cnoc A' locAin. O'Reilly has "|\Ait)leAX), darnel grass,
Lolium perenne,"
313. HA UAninACAi,
" the grassyfields,"the land adjoiningPOJ\CLice.
 ClareIslandSurvey
- Place-NamesandFamilyNames. 3 37

ISLANDS AND DISTRICTSNEAR CLARE ISLAND.

314. AcAitl, Achill. eileAti AclA, island of Achill.
315.AcAitl beAg,Achillbeg.
316. "CoririAn,Co^riAti AclA, the mainland peninsula east of Achill ;
iAn, a reaping-hook."1
A promontory
at Larne,Co.Antrim,is similarly
named (" the Curran ").
317.UrnAll, formerlycalledin English" the Owles,"baronyof Burrish-
oole(=buijijeif tlniAill, burgageof U.)known to pAtiriAic1TIAC
UtiACAil
as tJm6.llHi riUille " U.of 6 Maille."Theterritoryformerly
included
the barony of Murrisk.
318. TnuirteAf5,baronyof Murrisk. The Irish name,gen.mui|\i^e, is
in common use.

319. pAr\Aifce Cill &.' JAobAirt, "parish of Kilgeever" bar. Murrisk,

includes Clare Island.

320. CACAIHpAfijAAic (= PA-OHAIJ)," Patrick's fortress," Caher Island.

321.An bAile beAg,Ballybegisland," the little homestead."
322. 1nir- £eAU, Inishdalla.2
323. 1nif Uui|\c, Inishturk, " wild boar's island." In rapid pronunciation,
the name soundslike 1mf Duirtc.
324.1nif*bo prm', Inishbofin," white cow'sisland."' Properly1rn-p
bo
pnne, but in Mayo a final short vowel is often dropped colloquially.
325. 1nif OA^C', luishark, "Earc's island," for 1nif GAJICA. Old Irish
Ere, geu. Erce,Ercae,Erca, a feminine name, probably of a goddess.
326. HA TDAolAin,"the round-toppedrocks,"AHITlAolAnbeAj, ATI
ITlAolAii 1116]%
between Clare Island and Caher Island.
327.HA biollAi, "the Bills,"sea-rocks
abouteight milesN.W.of Clare
Island.
FAMILY NAMES.

The surnames of Clare Island present the clearest evidence of mixed

streamsof immigration from various parts of Ireland, and ultimately from
various parts of the Continent. The following list of surnameswas given
to me straight off by PAX)JIAIC
1TlAcUuACAil :-
"HA tllAillij, ClAtm UtiACAit,THAcCAbA,Tlluinriciri ploinn, ClAnn
1llic 11^ m^iiA, ClAnti tllic 5|AiAt)Ai5,
in'tAbAiltij, intnnncir\"Ouice,
ij, 111uninci|itlovAij, 111umnci]\1Tlui|MU,ClAnn jiobuin,
1But co|\]\in thenomenclature
of ClareIsland meansa headland,
andin this sense
maybethe
basisof coppan appliedto a peninsula.
2Thereis a tendencyto confusion betweenthe palatal soundsof d andg in Mayo. 1titf
maybe the older form. SeeOnomasticon Qoedelicum
s.v. Inis Dele.
3 "Insula vitulae albae," Bede, Hist. Eccl., iv, 4.
3 38 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
ITItnrmcingAllcobAin, bAi^eA-oAig,CoinneAiiAij,850^1, CUnn 111ic
A'gentium, rndjiAtiAig(Agujt wojiAn "oAobcA)."1
To which wereadded
later:-b^riAi^, tnonboi^mj,
tTlAjUeiU,6 b]iot)Ain,
bu^CMg.
To attemptto tracethe genealogical
origin of all thesefamilieswould
herebe toogreat a labour. I proposeto dealbriefly with instancesin regard
to which the information lies to hand.

11A UlAittij;: bearers

ofthesurname
6 111
AItie. TheordinaryEnglish
versionof this nameis "O'Malley," but in Clare Island and not seldomon
the mainland, the usual version is "Melia" (rhyming with "dahlia").
" Mealy" is probablya variant. " Melia" exemplifiesa very generalcustom
in the anglicizationof Irish names,the substitutionof e for a.2 TheITlAiltij
alone form about one fourth of the population of Clare Island. Their
origin and history are well attested.3
ClAnn UuACAil: the surname of this family is ITlAC TTiiAtAit. One
householder
gavemehis nameas U&t>5111
ACUuACAit. My chief authority
for the local family names and place-names called himself PA^AIC O
CuACAit(as it sounded),but called the whole kindred CtAnn UuACAil.
(Thisvariationof IDACto 1TlAc,
andthenceto 6c, is not rare in Connacht.
A youngmanonceaskedmeto explainwhyhissurname was6 Cui in Irish
andMacHughin the Englishversion. 6 Ctii = ltlAcAot>A,and"Hugh"
is the accepted English equivalent of Aot>. Another young man told me
that his surnamewas 6 CiiAjACAin
in Irish and Durkanin English. O
CUA^CAITI
= 1T1AC
<6tf&|icAin. So bunoc, "an infant," must, I think, be
explained as bunriiAc.) There are four households of ClAnn UuACAil in
Clare Island; and the local belief, I was informed, is that they are a
branch of the UlAilbg, taking their name and descentfrom one UUACAI
6 THAItie. The Annals of Ulster record the death of a UuACAb 11A
tTlAilte in 1316. Under 1413, they record that another UuACAt UA lllAitte
took service in Ulster as a leader of mercenaries. After a year in that
occupation,he set out for home with his followers, who filled sevenships. A
storm arose, and they were carried away to the Scottish coast. Certain of

1" And many of them," a play on the word mordn," many." The variety of formulaehereused
is not arbitrary, but representsestablishedusage. A similar variety is found in early usageas
exemplified in the Genealogiesand Annals.
2AnotherW. Connachtsurname,6 m'LliA, for which a literary form 6 tMAOil'OiA,
of
questionable
authenticity, is adopted,resembles" Melia," but has for its usual English equivalent
"Molloy." "Molloy," in this instumce,is the borrowedEnglish version, longer and more widely
in use,of theMeathsurname6 m&olifiuAi'o. The transference
of Englishequivalents
from one
Irish surnameto anotheroften causesgreat difficulty in the tracing of family origins.
3Maille (probably = Mdilne = Mdl < Maglos "prince" + -inios), from whom his descendants
tookthe surname0 Maille,cannotbe placedearlierthan c. 860,sineethe customof forming
surnameslike UaMailleisnotfoundbeforethebeginning
of the tenth century. His probabledate
was900-950,twelve generationsbeforeDomhnallRuadhUa Maille, t 1337.
 ClareIsland Survey-Place-NamesandFamily Names. 3 39
the MacSuibhnename,hereditary chiefs of mercenaries,
who accompanied
Tuathal, were drowned " along with their people, both woman and man."
Tuathalhimself,his two sons,and their people,with difficulty got to land in
Scotland. Theincidentsare instructive,in view of the movementsof people,
" both womanand man," by sea and land in the fifteenth century. Clann
Tuathail are called in English " Toole." " 0 datur ambiguus" ; and the
western Clann Tuathail of Umhall are like to be mistaken for a branch of
the easternClann Tuathail of Ui Mail (Imaal,co.Wicklow) throughthe now
frequent change from Mac Tuathail to "Toole," which, under favourable
circumstances, becomes " O'Toole."
tTl&cC<sbA,
"MacCabe." Thereis only onefamily of the namein Clare
Island-that of the hotel-keeper. He is, I understand,a native of southern
Ulster. The MacCabasfirst appearin Irish history in the fourteenthcentury
as leadersof galloglachs,i.e. mercenariesof Norse-Hebrideanorigin,under
the Irish princes of Breffny and Oriel. They followed the professionof
condotticrifor two centuriesor more,their chiefs being knownby the titles
of Constable of Oriel, Constable of Breffny, and Constable of the Two
Breffnys,Fermanagh,and Oriel. The tradition of their Norseorigin is still
known in East Breffny (Co. Cavan). Distinctive Hebridean forenames,such
as Alan (Aleinn), Somhairle (SumarlrSi), were formerly frequent in their
families.

tTluirinci|\ £loinn, surname6 plonin, "Flynn." Their origin would be

difficult to determine. There were at least three great families of the name,
one in Ulster, one in Connacht (district of Boyle, co. Eoscommon),and one
in Munster. Three households in Clare Island.

Cl&nn ITIic T1&.tT)&ji&, surname til ACHA 1T1&H&;old and literary form,
Mac Con Mara. A noted Thomond family. Two households in Clare
Island. One of the sea-caves or coves is named from them.
Cl&nn 11110 5lniV0^15> surname 1T)&c 5ll1A<OA15(Mag Eiadaigh ?
Mag Eiada ?), " Grrady." Compare the Ulster (West Scottish ?) name,
Macready, Mecredy. By taking the form " Grady,'' this surnameis likely to
be confusedwith the Munster " O'Gradys," properly O Grdda. On the other
hand, many of the latter family, especially in their ancient home, co. Clare,
have englishedtheir name as Brady, which in turn is the normal English
version of the South Ulster surname Mac Bradaigh.1 The arbitrary process
of inventing English equivalents for Irish names, whether of persons or
places,tends to bring the history and meaning of the names into a welter of

1A note to the Annals of Ulster (an. 434)derivesthis surnamefrom " bradach,thievish " ! It is
from brddach,"spirited." In like manner, brdddnbeathadh,"breath of life," has been misread
and misrendered,braddnbeathadh," salmonof }ife " (copiedin Dinneen'sIrish-English Dictionary).
3 40 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
confusion. The old song ConndaeMhuigheo,dating probably from the
seventeenth
century,mentionsAodh6 Griadaigh,
"a colonel in Cliara,"
Clare Island. There are seven households of the name in the island at
present.
fn'l&b.a.itbj;, surname 6 tn&ol-'F&bA.ill, colloquially O M'labhaill,
whichtakes in English the French-lookingguiseof " Lavelle." The family
of 6 Maol Fhabhaill in the eleventh and twelfth centuries were at the head
of CenelFergusa,a subseptof Cenel Eoghain. They ruled in Inishowen
(co.Donegal),wherea promontorystrongholdgaveto their chief the title of
king of Carraic Brachaidhe (from Mrachide, an ancestor's name)-
" Carrickabraghy." Without direct evidence,I would suggestthat they may
have come to Umhall after the Cromwellian war, and settled there under
the O'Donnellsof Newport,whoweretransplantedthither from Tir Conaill.
Tnuirmci]\ "Ouice,not native and probably not correctly named; in
English "Duffy," the name of the lighthouse-keeper. "Duffy" usually
represents
6 Dubhthaigh.
bjieA.cn
&c,"Walsh." Oneof the mostwidespread
surnames
in Ireland.
Sometimesenglished " Branagh/' It means " British," i.e. " Welsh," and
originated among the numerous Welshmen who formed the main fighting
strength of the "Norman" invasion. ("Wallace "or " Wallis," found in
various parts of Connaeht,has the same signification. In Irish it is Bhailis
or A Bhailis). Onehouseholdin Clare Island.
1Tlumnci|tRot><M5,
surnameO tlo'OAij, "Buddy" or "Beddy." Three
households.

ITItnnncipITluijnu,surname6 ITIuifiiu," Murray." TheIrish nameis

givenasheard.I suppose
the historicalformshouldbe6 Muireadhaigh.
0 Moireadha,from the ancientMairicl,is alsopossible.
Cl&nn jiobum, surname tT)A.c51obuin, " Gibbons." "FitzGibbon" is
another equivalent. Of "Anglo-Norman" origin, " Clann Ghiobuin of Umhall
Ui Mhaille" were settled west of Cruach Phadraic. Another branch has
given its name to " Clongibbons" half-barony, co. Cork.1 One householdin
Clare Island.
b A.ijie&'o&ig,
surname
bMjte&t>,
"Barrett." Oneof thechieffamiliesofthe
" Welshmenof Tirawley," settledin Connaehtunderthe NormanDe Burghs
and FitzGeralds. Two households in Clare Island.
Coinne&nMJ, surname O Coirme&in, "Cannon." ("Cannon" also does
dutyfor another
nameofancient
celebrity,
6 Cananndin
of Tir Conaill.)Two
households in Clare Island.

' §ee " Onomasticqn Gqedelicum," s. vv. Clann Ghiqbuin and Umall,
 ClareIsland Survey-Place-Namesand Family Names. 3 41

SCOJ:A.I,
"Scuffle," also "Schofield." I am ignorant of the origin of this
surname. One household.

CtA.niililic &.'5iriif\it>,surname111
AC &' §irii|\it>,""Winter." The
English versionis nearerthe mark than usual. Macan Gheimhridh(literary
"
form) means sonof the winter." I havenot tracedthe surname.It probably
arisesfrom a by-name,in which caseit would representa subdivisionof some
other name. The full surnamewasperhapsMac Mic an Gheimhridh," son
(i.e.descendant)of the Wintry Lad (one noted for campaigningor sailing
during winter)/' just as the full form of Mag Uidhir " Maguire" was
Mac Meig Uidhir, " son of the Sallow Lad." Three households.
lllojUMUMJ;,surname O 1116]\Ainy" Moran." This surnameseems to have
absorbedanother and distinct name, O Mughroin, the ending -6in being often
displaced by the more familiar -ain. O Moghrain (Annals of Ulster, 1206)
is perhapsa transitional stage. Four households.
b|\^nAij, surname
bf\oin,"Burns." Broin is the gcniii\c of Bran,und
should be precededby O or Mac, I nit, il' my information is correct, stands alone
as the surname. There may have been a local family with Bran for eponym.
At any rate,I know of no link that could connectthe notedLeinster family
of 6 Broin," O'Byrne,"with the Connachtseaboard.Five householders
in
Clare Island.
Tnofiboifine&c, surname. In English, " Gordon." One household. The
key to this curious equation of namesseemsto be supplied by Mac Vurich in
the Book of Clanranald (Cameron,Reliquiae,Oclticae,n.,p. 184), who calls the
leader of the Gordoncontingent under Montrose" Morbhar [= mormhaor]
Gordonmac Marcos Huntli," i.e., Lord Gordon,sonof the Marquessof Huntly.
Some descendant of this house may have come to Ireland as a Jacobite
refugee. Mr. John MacNeill, the musical-instrument maker, of CapelStreet,
Dublin, told me that his family came to Ireland as refugeesafter Culloden.
111&5 tleill, surname," MacGreal." This name, as given in Irish, is the
colloquial form of the surname Mac Neill in Connacht and Ulster dialect.
Before vowels and liquids, Mac becomesMag in Irish, but not in Scottish Gaelic,
the (j being attachedto the following syllable. Thus Irish Mag Aodha
" Magee" containsthe sameelementsas Scottish Mac Aoidh " Mac Kee,
MacKay." In northernIrish, yn becomesgr, so that MagNeill (Magneill)
is pronouncedMa greill in Antrim Irish asin Mayo Irish. Instancesof this
surnamein Connacht are found in the Annals of Ulster, under the years 1346,
1361, 1377. In two of these,Mac Neill, denoting the chief of the name, is
wrongly rendered " son of Niall " in the translation. It is evident from these
instancesthat Mac Neill washereditary chief of galloglachs
or Hebridean
swordsmen.Like the MacCabasand other galloglachchiefs,the MacNeills
K.I.A. PEOC.,
VOL.XXXI. F 3
3 42 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
wereHebrideanandprobably at least half Norsein origin.1 Onehousehold
in Clare Island.
6 b]iot>Ain,surname," Salmon." Broddn is the normal Connacht form of
traddn, "a salmon." One of the coves in Clare Island is named from a
memberof the family. The old form of the surnameappearsto havebeen
6 Bardain, The family belongedto the ConmhaicneEein (in part of
Leitrim and Longford counties). The name occurs twice in the Annals of
Ulster under date 1369 ; but the almost contemporary Book of Ballymote
(161b 3, 162a 10) hasthe modernform ClannBradain,Claim Bradan.
biinc&ij, surname
A bufic&(for De Biirca=DeBurgo)," Burke." Of
Norman origin. One household.
In sum, of 71 families in Clare Island, about 25 belong to the Dal Cuinn
group,whichdominatedthe northernhalf of Ireland from the fourth century
to the thirteenth. The oldest known home of this group was in the north of
Eoscommoncounty. Five families, of which three were originally Welsh, are
descendant from colonists of the "Norman " invasion. At least two families
represent the Norse-Hebridean galloylach element, which flowed freely into
Ireland after the detachment of the Hebrides from Norway in the thirteenth
century. The Gordon family is probably of Scottish origin, and of much later
immigration. Two families bear a Thomond surname. About one-half of
the surnames are thus of ultimately remote regional origin. It is not
unlikely that a large proportion of the remaining half, which have not been
traced, are no less exogenous. This, however, is to be noted, that the tracing
of families through their surnames and genealogicaltraditions and record is
in the main concernedonly with the male line of descent.

i The Noweadoptedthe Lish nameNiall (genitive Jfeill) in the form Njal. The populationsof
Barraand South Uist, the chief habitatsof the MacNeill family, arelargely of Norsedescent.
 [ 265 ]

XVI.

ANCIENT IRISH LAW.

THE LAW OF STATUS OR FRANCHISE.

BY EOIN MACNEILL, D.Lnr.

[Read AIMUL9. Published DECEMBER

17, 1923.]

THE most distinctive feature of ancient Irish law is the law of status. To
the mindsof the Irish jurists this law was the most important part of their
jurisprudence. The chief collection of the oldest written laws was the
compilationcalled Senchus
Mar. It is cited by namein Cormac'sGlossary,
and the writing of the tracts comprised in it, if not their collection under
a single title, can be dated in the seventh century. An introduction to
the collection, written in Old Irish, has been preserved,and in this intro-
duction there is a statement of the contents of SenchusMar (I, 40).1 From
this statement it will be seen that Senchus Mar, when the introduction was
written, beganwith a tract on the law of status. The rest of its contents
are still found in the order stated in the introduction, but the tract on
statusno longer appearsin the extant version,its place at the beginning
of Senchus Mar being now taken by the long and elaborate tract on
atlujaMl (procedure by distraint), of which there is no mention in the old
statement of contents, and which therefore did not probably form part of
SenchusMdr as originally compiled. There can be little doubt that the
tract on status which formed the first section of Senchus Mar was that
which now bears the title of Uraicecht Becc? The opening sections of this
tract were obviously designed as a proem to a coitus juris, and the accom-
panimentof glossand commentaryshowsthat the tract, in the tradition
of the law schools,possessedthe authority of the oldest writings on Irish
law. It will be seen that the law of status, as interpreted by the jurists,
beforethewriting of this tract, at the time of writing, and afterwards,was

1 Citation by the Roman numeral has reference to the published volumes of "Ancient
Laws of Ireland." The translation given in these volumes will be cited as " the official
translation."
2 This, to be cited as UB, is the first tract in vol. v.
It.I.A. PKOC.,VOL.XXXVI,SECT,C. [31]
 266 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.

subjectto great variation in detail. Between the statementof the

grades
of statusin UB andthe statements in later commentaries
thereis
no practicalcorrespondence.This, perhaps,may explain why the tract on
statusdisappeared from the beginningof Senchus
Mar.
The distinctive attribute and the measure of free status was " honourprice,"
called I6fjenech,
rarely eneclann,
in the oldest tracts,always eneclann
in the
later writings. Most of the provisions of the law are such, or are so
dependentupon other provisions,that the element of honourpriceentered
into almost every operation of law. Only one way in which a person's
honourpricecould be determined was known to the jurists, namely, by
assigningthe personto a particular grade to which,in the doctrine of the
law, a particular honourprice had already been assigned. Hence it is to be
understoodthat, however artificial the classification in grades may appear,
and whatever variations it may presentin different documents,this classifica-
tion was no mere matter of juristic theory, but was an actual and important
factor in the everyday practical working of the laws.
One of the most obvious characteristics of ancient Irish law is that it is the
law of a limited and privileged class. It is so in its form and operationand in
the theory of the jurists, its acceptedteachersand custodians. The writer of
UB saysthat Irish jurisprudence is based upon the class called nemeth,and
the various ancient tracts never weary of repeating that the doctrines and
rules of law which they enunciate are derived from the usageof the Feni.
Nerneth,is the Old-Irish form of the older Celtic adjective nemetos,
meaning " holy " or " sacred." In the process of transcription, nemethhas
taken the later form nemcd. The dative plural nemthib and the derivatives
nemthius,nemthcnchns,nemthigud, preserve the older consonant, and the
interesting collection of glosseson the word in O'Mulconry's Glossary,
evidently collectedin part from a version of UB or somecloselysimilar
law tract, shows that the glossators had the form nemeth before them.
It will be seen from UB that the term nemethcomprisesall persons
of free status. The association of free status with " holiness" dates
from heathentimes. Indeed ncmethin the senseof " holy " rarely enters
into the vocabularyof Irish Christianliterature. We can hardly doubt that
freemen were " holy " in the senseof beingqualifiedto participatein public
religiousrites. Caesartells how thosewho refusedobedienceto the judicial
decisionsof the Druids were excluded by them from the sacrifices, and how
this exclusion involved the loss of jus and honos. So (V 174) the Irish
jurists, whoheld their function in unbrokensuccession
to theDruids, declare
that" the noble who doesnot yield judgment or due to manis not entitled to
judgmentor duefrom man," and " is not entitled to honourprice."
 M/vcNEiLL-Ancient Irish Law : Laiv of Status or Franchise. 267

As Meyer,in hisintroductionto " Fianaigecht

" (ToddLectures,ser.xvi),
hasshown,Feni was at one time a distinctive racial designation. So is
Goidii in that section of Irish literature which discriminated between the
traditional race-elementsof the people of Ireland. The two names were
understood to be synonymous:
Fe"ni 6 Fenius as berta brig cen dochtai
Goidii 6 (ioidiul Glass garta Scuitt 6 Scottai.

" Feni from Fenius they were named,without strain of meaning; Goidii
from Goidel Glass they were called, Scots from Scotta." My view is that
Goidii was a byname,which came into useat a relatively late time, and that
it was probably adopted from Cymric as Scotti was adopted from Gallo-
Latin ; further, that both namesoriginally designatedthe Irish raiders who
infested the coasts of Britain and Gaul, Scotti meaning " raiders," and
Goidii " wild men," from old Cymric guid, Welsh ijinjilil, the Irish equivalent
being fed, find, < * redos" wild." Fe"ni,like Goidii, denotedspecificallythe
dominant Celtic race-element. For their doctrines and rules, the jurists
claimed,not their own authority,but the authority of the Feni. Alreadyin
UB, the term Mrc Fenc " the speechof the Feni " denotesthe archaic diction
of Irish law, but in UB and throughout the later juristic writings, the Feni
are no longer a race, they are a class,the class of landed freeholders. These
are the typical and normal freemen who hold the franchise of Irish law. To
their franchise are admitted, in virtue of calling, churchmen, men of secular
learning, men of the arts and crafts that wererecognizedto be " liberal." The
body of ancient law was called Fenechus," the usageof the Feni."
There is evidence of an early legal classification of the Feni in three
grades,ri, airefebe,bdaire-king, noble of worth, noble of kine. This classifica-
tion is found in certain provisions of the law of fosterage, stated in the
Commentary, II 146, 148-150, 192. At II 146, the grades are named
ri, aire, aithcch-khig, noble, client. Aithcch, connected with ath-fen,
" repays,"aitlie," repayment,"is synonymouswith ce/ein this word'sspecial
meaningof a freemanwho enters into a contract with a noble to receive
capital (rath) and render food-provision and services in return. Though a
bdairemight remainuncontractedin this way,it is abundantlyevident that
the cell or aithig were all of the l)6aireclass,and that mostof this classbecame
celi. All the Feni who had sufficient property were of the classof aire or
noble. In fact, the Feni were the nobility. At II 148-150, the same
classificationis givenunderthe terms ri, aire,grad Fe'ne-king, noble,grade
of the Feni. At II 192, the "chattels of maintenance," given by a foster-
father to a fosterson to secure maintenancein old age, are on a threefold
[31*]
268 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
scale: onerate for the sonof a king; anotherfor the son of a ruling noble,
fromaireforgill (" nobleof superiortestimony ") downto aire etir ddairig
(" noblebetween two nobles,"i.e. betweenthe gradeof ruling nobleandthe
gradeof boairc); the third for a son of a non-ruling noble,from bdaireto
fer midboth. At V 286,the ancienttext divides the noblesinto two classes,
airefebeandbdaire,andthe glossat V 290definesairig feteby na grdidflatlia,
" thegradesof rule " (or " of rulers"). At V 382 seqq.,the ancienttext has
three grades,ri, aire febe,bdaire and dcaire together. At V 396, the ancient
text has three grades : king and aire forgill together, every aire from bdaire
to aire forgill, bdaire and dcairetogether. The gloss,V 398, has Airechaib
febe .i. na graid flatlia idle ; is aire fcibe gach aire o boaire gu rig-" nobles
of worth, i.e. all the grades of rulers ; every noble from bdaire to king is a
noble of worth." At V 398-400, the ancient text has three grades: ri, aire
febe, dcaireand bdaire together. At V 402, the ancient text has three grades:
aire forgill, airefebe " from aire etir da airig to ard-airig," bdaire and dcaire
together. At V 412, the ancient text has: king, aire febe= "every noble
from king to aire etir da airig," brfairc and dcaire together. The same
classification is repeated at V 414, 416 (twice), 418, eachtime in the ancient
text. Certain discrepanciescan be noted in it, such as the inclusion of aire
forgill in one classwith the king and elsewhere with the aire febe. These
may be ascribed to variant attempts to adjust an earlier to a later
classification.

With the establishment of Christianity, the men of native learning

abandonedthe designation of Druid, closely associated with heathen belief
and practice, and becameafterwards known asfi'lid. In UB, the Druid, then
probably a mere sorcerer, takes rank with craftsmen. The filid rank equal
in status to the nobles. To this higher status, the clergy also were admitted.
Crith Gablach1may well be historically correct in saying that the existence
of sevenorders in the clergy gave rise to a sevenfold classification of civil
grades. In confirmation,we may note that the early law tractshavealready
adoptedgrdd as a technical name for a grade of civil status. Grdd, from
Latin gradus,in ordinary usage,even to the present day, means" holy orders "
or any grade of holy orders.
Thereis evidencethat, in the first expansionof the civil gradesfrom three
to seven,the seven civil grades comprised all persons entitled to exercise
franchise by voice in court or assembly. This is the classification which CG
recognizes as existingin the tradition of the Feni-a dligiud Ftnechuis," by
right of Feni-law." Thesevengradeswerefer midboth,bdaire,aire desso, aire
ardd,aire tiiise,aire forgill, and king. Thebishopand the masterfill (ollom
1 This tract (vol. v) is cited infra as CG.
 MACNEILL
- Ancient Irish Law : Law of Status or Franchise. 269

filed)are equal in gradeto the king, andremainso in later developmentsof

classification. The fer midbotlt was macebcoathar," son of a living father,"
who had certain rights to franchise,but was not wholly sui juris. The
terminology bears testimony to gradual development. Airo de'sso means
" nobleof a d4is." Deis,accordingto CG, implies the whole authority of a
ruling noble. In a morelimited sense, it meanshis collectivebody of subject
persons. This is probablythe older meaning,exemplifiedin the namesof
certain population groups, Dtfsi Lrcg, Dc'siHitman, in D6isBecc,in De'is
Tfiaiscirt. Deis, i.e. fcrann, " land," given in someglosses,shows the
sametransferenceof senseasis exemplifiedin tuath. Thedistinctionbetween
bdaireand aire de'ssoor aircfcbeis this, tliat, while both werelandowners,the
status qualification of the boaireconsisted mainly in the possessionof cattle,
that of the airc de'sso
or aire febe in the possession
of authority over celt or
nithig,contractualclients,who collectively formedhis deis. Aire de'ssomust
have originatedasa genericnamefor the wholeclassof ruling nobles. The
namesof the higher nobles were obviously adopted with a view to further
differentiation,aire ardd, " high noble" ; aire tuise, " first noble " ; aireforgill,
" noble of superiortestimony." We have actual evidenceof the gradual
establishmentof a recent terminology. Jn UB, the aire ardd is of higher
grade than the aire tuise; in the other tracts, the positions are reversed.
By the time when the laws came to be written, about the middle of the
seventh century, a further stage of classification had been reached. The
ruling nobleswerenowdividedinto sevengrades,exclusiveof the boaireclass.
This is the doctrine of UB, and it became the traditional doctrine of the law
schools,
for the glosses
and commentaries
usethe termsgrddflatha, "order of
government," and grdd sechta," sevenfold order," applying both indifferently
to the gradesof ruling noblescollectively; to all others of freestatusthey
give the collective name grdd Fene,"order of the Feni." In this terminology,
the plural, grdid,grdda,grddaib,is sometimes
used.1
To eke oufcthe number seven,UB introduces a higher grade of king, rl
ruircch,and,aboveaire desso, a gradeof noble,airc e'chta," noble of death-
deeds."CG,though it recognizes threegradesof king, doesnot admit themto
thesevenfoldclassification.It makesup thesevengradesby introducing,below
the king, the tdnaisertg, " secondto a king," " whom the tuath expectsto
succeedthe king." CG alsoadmits,to makeup thenumberseven,the grade

1SeeI 43 gloss-gradflatha . . . grad Feine; I 55 glcss-graid flatha; I Cl com-

mentary- no, sechtngraidh flatha ; I 62 comm.- do grdidaibh Feine . . . do gradhaibh
flatha; I 96, gloss- uasalnemid.i. gradh seachta; I 112 gloss- nemthib.i. grad flatha ;
I 112comm.-na graidhFeni . . . na graidhflatha; I 116comm.-gradFeine. . . gradh
flatha ; and so passim.
270 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
of aire echta,but where it treatsof this noble afterwardsin detail, it assigns
him no distinctive honourprice,and says expresslythat " his retinue and
sick-maintenanceare due as those of an aire de'sso."Generally in the early law
tracts,thereis no distinct gradeof aireeclitaand only onelegalgradeof king.
This is the doctrine of Cain larraitli, vol. ii; of Cain Aicillni, vol. ii; of Cain
Ldnamna, vol. ii ; of CornsTtescna, vol. iii; of Bretha im Fuillcma Gell,vol. v.
On the other hand, instead of aire echta,but below aire dteso,the text of the
last-namedtract has the gradeofairectir ddairig, apparentlythe equivalent
of tlie/<?rfotldai of CGr,a boairewhohas acquiredclients,but notin sufficient
numberto give him the rank of aire de'sso,and who is thus "a noblebetween
two nobles."
It is clear from these variations that, in the time of the ancient tracts, the
classification of the ruling grades was in courseof development and had not
settled down into commonly accepted doctrine. The same is true of the
non-ruling grades. UB makes out seven of these by including three grades
of boys under age, a grade of fer midbolh not wholly sui juris, a grade of
mruigfer " landman," and two grades of boaireor dcaire-terms which in this
tract appear to be synonymous. The three grades of young boys, inol,
flescacJi,
gar-id,are found in no other early text. CG- has eight grades of
loaire. In these,the mruigfer, inferior in UB, is superior to the boaire. The
ferfothlai and the aire coisring of CGrare found in no other early text.
The glosses and commentaries show consistent evidence of a still later
expansionand adjustment of grades. In them, we find distinction of three
grades of fer midbolh, three of ocaire,three of boaire,one of aire ctir da airig,
aire ddsa,aire ardd, aire tuise, three grades of aire forgill, and four grades of
king-the king of one tuath, the king of a great tuath (a group of tttatha), the
king of a fifth or " province," and the king of Ireland. Sucha multiplication
of grades was perhaps a natural result of the exposition of the law in writing
and its development by a class of jurists who were fond of meticulous
distinctions.

Honourprice was the valuation of the freeman's status,not a valuation

for life or for a year, but a valuation of the power and effect of his status at
any given time. When a freeman entered into a contract of aicillne to a
ruling noble, becominghis doerchele, or subject client, he received,in addition
to an amount of capital (rath) which varied according to his grade, his
honourprice in the form of seoitturchluithi, " recoverablechattels." In other
words, he made a sale of his status to his lord (flaith), and transferred to him
his franchise. The lord acquired the power of judgment (riar) over him and
acted on his behalf in court and assembly. The client could separate from
the lord and recoverhis franchiseupon terms prescribedby law. Wrong
 MA.CNEILL,-Ancient
Irish Law : L'iw of Statusor Franchise. 271

doneto a freemanincurredpaymentof the wholeor part of his honourprice,

in addition to material restitution (aithgin). Any mulct in excessof
equivalentrestitution is calleddire, " off-payment." Thecorresponding verb
is di-reii, " paysoff." Hence,in the tracts on status,dire is frequently used
instead of log eneclior eneclann. A man's honourprice was also the measure
of theextent to which he couldbecomesurety,sothat his liability assurety,
in caseof his default or inability to pay,shouldbecomechargeable
on his legal
kin. In litigation, the extent to whichhis oath or testimonywas valid was
in some way measuredby his honourprice.
The principal early texts on the subject of statusare UraiccchtBecc(V)
and Crith GaUach(IV). The development of the subject in UB confirms
the inference, drawn from the presenceof gloss and commentary, that this
text belongs to the series of the oldest written law tracts. These are
characterizedby an easily recognised style and manner of treatment which
mark the transition from the mnemonicoral teaching of the older schools to
the exposition of legal doctrine by jurists accustomed to the writing of
prose. CG, on the other hand, shows a more developedprose style with long
consecutiveparagraphswhich were not written to be memorizedand are only
slightly reminiscent of the mnemonic method of teaching. Meyer datesit in
the eighth century. The genitive aircy (IV 320, 24), and its scribal disguise
in airifj (308, 26; 310,4, 16), which later becomes aircch, may indicate a
date as early as the close of the seventh century-cp. Adamnan's Fechureg,
which is representedin oghams by VECREC and VEQREQ.1 No gloss or com-
mentary accompaniesCGr.
1 give in translation only tracts and detached articles which date from
beforethe Norse invasions,omitting and using only for explanation the glosses
and commentariesof later date, my aim being to exhibit the evidence of the
early documentson the laws and institutions,the socialand economicconditions,
of a definiteperiod. Many modern writers on the subjectof ancient Irish
law have failed to observe that the extant material covers about a millennium
and containsabundantevidenceof change,of growth anddecay,in laws and
institutions.

It is to be borne in mind that, while the same laws were held to be

applicable over the whole of Ireland, each tualli ruled by a petty king
constituteda separatejurisdiction. The civil rights which belongedto a
citizenin his own tuatli did not belongto him in any other. Thefreemenof

1 From stem aireg is formed airegde; it seemsto representare-sag-,correspondingto

the verb ar-saig-III 10 ar said aititiu, read ar-saig aititin, "it amounts to acknow-
ledgment"; infin. airigid usedin the senseof " honorificportion" givento theprincipal
guest at a feast. Aire would thus primarily meanonewho pushesforward, a leader.
272 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
each tuath formed a distinct body politic. In the early law tracts tuath
meansthis bodypolitic,andthe rendering" territory" of the officialtransla-
tion is misleading. From the "Book of Rights" it would appearthat the
numberof petty kingdomsin its time, the tenth century,wasaboutninety.
The official translations bristle with errors. Many of theseerrors amount
to serious misinterpretation, and not a few are still more grave, tending to
concealor pervert fundamentalfeaturesof the laws. I haveendeavoured
by
study and comparison to arrive at a just interpretation of the ancient
terminology. By bringing together tracts and detachedarticles which are
connectedin subject,I havesoughtto presenta clearerview of the laws and
of the social, economic,and political conditions which they illustrate, often
with remarkable fulness and minuteness.

UEAICECHT Bscc.1

V 2.- 1. Wherein is the Jurisprudenceof the Languageof the Feni

found? Answer: In proof and right and nature.
V 6.-2. Proof is founded on rules and maxims and true testimonies.

Eight is founded on verbal contracts and acknowledgment. [The law of]

nature is foundedon remission and joint arrangement.2

1 The title Uraicecht Becc, " Little Grammar," is not as old as the text, since it is not
glossed. It is doubtless based on the passagesof commentary (V 56-70) which deal with
various grades of poets and the kinds of metrical composition held to be proper to them.
This matter was, we may think, of more interest to the men of letters of a later age than
the obsolete legal provisions of the text. It supplemented the similar matter found in
the versions of Aiiraiccecht na n'Eces, " The Grammar of the Poets."
" Is found," agar, H aragar, gloss airegar, read afrecar. " Jurisprudence," brithemnus.
Breth means a judgment or judicial decision not only on a particular casebut also on a
general principle or provision of law. The plural bretha means " rules of law," as in the
titles of various law tracts, Bretha Nemed, Bretha Etged, Bechbretha, etc. Hence brithem,
" brehon," means rather a professional jurist than a judge. In the court (airecht] of the
tuath, decisions were given by the voice of those, nobles, clergy, men of learning, master
craftsmen, who had the right of speech-hence go airecMa, go thiiaithe, " a false decision
by the airecht, by the tuath " ; but the decision was usually proposed by the king, who
presided, or by a brithem who acted as legal adviser to the court. " Proof " : this is the
technical meaning of fir-see text, V 468, 470, "Right" : dliged, in the early usage
means "a right," later "a law." "Nature," aicned: the Irish jurists seem to have
derived from Roman jurisprudence, doubtless through the Church, the idea of a "law of
nature," equated with "the law of nations " and with natural equity. From Biblical
Latin they learned to equategenteswith the heathen nations, hence they say that the
" law of nature," rechtaicnid, obtained in Ireland before Christianity (III 30).
2 "Testimonies," testemnaib: the gloss\inderstandsthis term in its later meaning of
" texts," which could not have been the meaning at a time when texts of Irish law were
innovations. So the glossexplainsthat " proof," as regardsjurisprudence(breithemnus,
brethemnacht), is founded on principles of law and on texts, but that, as regardsactual
decisions(re conairibfuigill), the proof of the thing which he pleadsis establishedby the
man who comes to plead. Altogether, the explanation in the gloss amounts to the
 MA.CNEILL-Ancient Irish Law : Law of Status or Franchise. 273

V 8.-3. Proof and right together are founded on the nemeth.1

V 10,-4. Whateverdecisionis not foundedon any of theseis altogether
void.

5. Whatever decision (or regulation) of, the Church exists is founded

on proof and right of Scripture. The decision of a fill, however, is founded
on rules of law. The decision of a ruler, however,is founded on them all, on
rules of law and maxims and testimonies.2
V 14.-6. There are two [kinds of] nmnili, that exist on earth, the free
ncmctli (socrncmdli)and the subject ncmdh (ddernemeth).The free nemiththa.t>
are, are churchmen, mlers, filid, Ftni; the subject ncmith, however,the folk
of every art or craft besides. The reason why the folk of every art or craft
are [called] subjectnemith is becausethey serve the free nemith; but everyone
also is free who purchaseshis franchise by his art. Hencethere is [a saying],
" the free in the seat of the unfree and the unfree in the seat of the free."

Everyone [may become]free by his wealth; everyone [may become] unfree

by his lips.
V 20.-7. " The free in the seat of the unfree," the man who sells his land,
or his authority, or his body in service. " The unfree in the seat of the free,"
the man who buys land or rights or franchise by his art or by his husbandry
or by his talent that God gives him. Hence there is [a saying], " a man is
better than his birth."3
V 22.-8. The seven grades of the Church: lector, usher, exorcist, sub-
deacon,deacon,priest, bishop.

statement in the text-proof in a suit is based on the existing law and on evidence,
evidencecomprising not only the testimony of witnesses but the tests held to be furnished
by various kinds of ordeal, by oath, duel, fire, etc. "Rules," ru^-adai!i : the precise
meaning of this term has not been defined. Since it is distinct from fusuiyc, " maxims,"
it may mean the ordinary rules of law in mnemonic form, verse or prose. Aititiu,
"acknowledgment," on the part of persons having authority, gavevalidity to contracts
made by those under their authority (III 10, etc.). "Joint arrangement," cocorus:
"nature" here means equity.
' Nemeth,ordinarily meaning" sacred,"is a genericterm for every personhaving the
franchise of the Feni.
2 At the time of this text, fill was usedin its wide senseof a man of Irish learning.
Thefilid had all the functions of the earlier Druids except the care of religion. They were
the custodiansof law. " Prophecy had ruled in the law of nature, in the jurisprudenceof
the islandof Ireland and in her/iZ<d" (III 30). "Therulesof true nature which theHoly
Ghost had spokenthrough the mouthsof the jurists (brithemon)and the juatjilid of the
men of Ireland" (I 16). JRofcadaib,"rules of law " : these, ace. to the commentary,
were in filidecht, which is to be understoodin its later senseof " poetry." CennFaelad
(III 550)composeda work known asDuil Roscad.
3 The only classin the community which was excludedfrom obtaining franchise was
that of dderfuidir (V 520)consistingof personswho had forfeited their lives ("V SCO),but
who had been ransomedand acceptedas tenants under a lord. For others, if they had
 274 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
V 24.-9. The sevengradesof government(governmentin regardof
subjectclientship): airecUsso,
aire tMa, aire tiiise,aire ardd,aireforgill, king,
and overking.1
V 26.-10. Thesevengradesoifilid, however:fochluc,maccfuirmid,doss,
cano, cl'i, dnrutli, olluin.
V 30, V 40, V 42.-11. Seven chattels of dire for an aire ddsso,and pro-
tection for three days, four men's food-provision for him, and four cakes to
each man with their condiment and their seasoning. If it be true caindenn,
sixteen flakes to each cake, or four stalks of true caindenn to each cake; or
honey, or fish, or curds ; or a salted joint with every twenty cakes. In like
measureeven up to king.2
V 42.-12. Ten chattels, now, for an aire echia,and protection for five
days, and thirty cakes.
V 44.-13. Fifteen chattels for an aire tftise,and protection for ten days,
and forty cakesfor him.
14. Twenty chattels for an aire ardd, and protection for fifteen days, and
sixty cakes.
V 46.-15. Thirty chattels for an aireforgill, and a hundred laymen with
him, and a month's protection for him, and eighty cakes.

wealth enough to " buy franchise," free status was possible. In the term duernemeth,
duer means " inferior " relatively, not "unfree" absolutely. In O'Mulconry's Glossary,
much of the details s.v. Nemed seems to be derived from the glosses on this or some
similar text : " Three superior nemid are enumerated here . . . the Church, filid, kings
and rulers . . . Four other nemid are enumerated herein . . . whitesmiths and black-
smiths . . . wrights (saoruib) . . . musicians . . . cattle . . ."-the last becausecertain
cattle, especially milch-cows, were privileged from distraint. A freeman became " unfree
by his lips " when he contracted to become a doerchele under a lord, but this contract
was revocable (II 312, seqq.). Deis^" authority," especially over clients, cell.
The text up to this point forms a brief introduction to Irish jurisprudence in general,
passing by an easy transition, through the term nemeth, to an introduction to what the
jurists deemed the most important and what was in fact the most characteristic part of
Irish law, the law of status.
1 "Overking": the text has ri ruireach, " king of overkings." We should expect
ruiri, and the actual reading has probably arisen from some confusion of gloss with
text.

2'' Chattels," seoit: the standard set, the chattel which is the normal unit of value in
the laws, was a samaisc, a young cow before her first calf. This was reckoned at half the
value of a milch-cow. In reckoning values of five chattels and upwards, every fifth
chattel was of the value of a milch-cow. Seven chattels = three milch-cows. " Protection,"
turthugud, in C.G., snddud ; a more general term isfoessmn, which also means adoption
(of a child) ; the power to protect strangers is meant, any offence against the protected
person becoming an offence against the protector. A better reading may be turthuge,
cp. tuige, imthuge, fortga. "Four men" are this noble's lawful retinue on a visit of
hospitality, and his lawful company on sick maintenance, i.e., when he is maintained at
the expenseof a personwho hascausedhis wounding. Gaindenn,a seasoningvegetable-
garlic, onion, or leek. "Joint," cammchndim, lit. "bent bone," perhaps a " ham."
 MA(;NKILL-Ancient Irish Law: Law of Status or Franchise. 275

V 50.-16. A king of one tuath,sevenhundredlaymenwith him, half of

sevencumalshis dire, and a month's protection for him.
17. An overking,threekingswith him,andprotectionfor threefortnights,
and a hundred and sixty cakesfor him.
V 52.-18. In like measurefor the gradesof the church,as to food-
provisionandprotectionand dire,but penance
is addedfor thesealongwith
dire.L

V 54.-19. [In like measurefor heirsof a churchasare the gradesof the

churches
to whichtheybelong,thoughtheythemselves
be not in holyorders,
if their meansbe otherwise good].2
V 56.-20. Seven
grades
olfilid : anollumis equalin direto a kingof one
tuath, and has a month's protection,and three times eight men are his
number.

V 58.-21. Oneminor chattelis the dire of a fochluc,onedayhis pro-

tection, and food-provision of two men for him.3
V 60.-22. Threechattelsfor a mace
fuirmid, andfood-provisionof three
men, and three days' protection.
V 62.-23. Five chattelsfor a doss,andfood-provision
[of five men?]
for him, and five days' protection.
V. 66.-24. Sevenchattels for a cano,and food-provisionof six men,and
a week's protection.4
25. Ten chattelsfor a cli, andfood-provisionfor eight men,and ten days'
protection.
V 68.-26. Twenty chattels for an dnruth, and food-provision of twelve
men, and fifteen days' protection.
V 70.-27. What is wanting from each man's means is wanting from
his dignity. What is added to his good means is added to his good
dignity.

1 " Penance," pendait, here denotes a mulct payable for offences against ecclesiastics.
" It is questionableif this article belongs to the original text. The early law tracts
contain no other reference to laymen holding the office of " heir" (comorbbe)to the
headshipof a churchor monastery. The meaning is that the " heir " is equal in status
to the principal ecclesiasticin his church. " Means," foluid: a frequent term for the
means, material or other, by which a person sxistains his functions or liabilities.
3 " Minor chattel," setgabla. There appearto have beenthree gradesof chattel, the
lowest being set gabla,the middle or average,setaccobuir,and the highest, clithar set.
Fochluc: the genitive in the text is fochlacain,which may be a scribal error for *fochlocon
-cp. drissiuc, gen. driscon, etc.
4Though the honourpriceof the cano is the same as that of the aire desso,his food-
provision and protection are on higher scales.
276 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
28. Half thedignityofeachmanto hiswife,or to hisdutiful son,or to his
administrator, or to his prior.1
V. 76-29. A hospitalleris equal in gradeto a ruling nobleif he have
besidesthe double of eachgrade'samount of land and husbandry. It is by
reason of the ruler's kindred and house-custom that he excels.2
V 76.-30. He is no hospitallerwho is not hundredful. He repels no
condition (of person). He refusesno company. He reckonsagainst none
howsooftenlie maycome. This is the hospitallerwhois equalin dire to the
king of a tiialh.3
V 78.-31. The superiorhospitaller,this rnan has doublewealth,he has
an ever-stocked cauldron, he has three roads.4
V 78.-32. The classesof worth, now: iiiol and flescachand garid and fer
midboth-it is he whose foot and hand are not restrained-and mruigfer
and second boairc and first ocairc.6

V 80.-33. The dire of an inol, a neeceof wool, or a ball of yarn, or a hen

without secret.6

V 84.-34. A lamb of (the value of) a sack (of corn) for a flescach,and a

1 Gdtu, " dignity," is here said of a measure of free status. Gormacc, "dutiful son,"
a son who does his duty to his parents, especially the duty of maintenance, gaire, in their
old age. Recht&ire, "administrator," ace. to the gloss, "of a king in the tuath."
Sechnabb, "prior," lit. " second abbot."
2 "Hospitaller," briugu. He provided open hospitality, it is not clear within what
limits. To be equal in grade to a ruling noble, it was necessary that he should have
twice the qualifying wealth of the noble's grade. A freeman of the non-ruling class, in
order to rise to the grade of a ruling noble, unless his father and grandfather had been
ruling nobles, was required to have besides twice the number of clients (celi) proper to
the grade of ruling noble. The qualifications in regard to clients, land, and husbandry,
only mentioned generally in the present text, are specified for each grade in the com-
mentary and in C.G., but with differences. "House-custom," bes (taige), was the
food-pro vision to which a ruling noble (flaith) was entitled from his clients. " That he
excels " : forcraid .i. imarcraid; the text probably contained the corresponding verb ;
the meaningmay be "that he (the hospitaller) exceeds"the ruling noble in required
qualifications.
3 " Hundredful," cetach,ace. to the commentary means " having a hundred men after
the manner of slaves"-note that they are not called slaves-"and a hundred of every
(kind of) cattle."
*" Superior hospitaller," briugu leittech. Leittech is glossedby toyaidi, "chosen,
choice."
" Classesof worth," fodlu febe. These collectively are equivalent to the grad Fe'ne,
" order of the Feni," of the glossesand commentariespassim. The list is peculiar to
this text, being doubtlessa particular essayto produce a sevenfoldclassificationof the
non-ruling grades. " Are not restrained," ndd comathar : he is responsible for his own
" liability of foot and hand," tin coisseocusIdime.
"A hen without secret," cercccenrun: the commentary,guessing,says that this
meanseither a hen that is not hatching, or a hen that is not laying.
 -Ancient Irish Laiv: Law of Status or Franchise. 277

sheepfor a garid, a yearling heifer for a,fer midboth,and three cakeshis food-
provision.1
V 86.-35. Three chattels for a second boaire, and from one canonical
hour to the other his protection, and five cakeswith milk for him, or butter.2
V 88.-36. Five chattels for a first boaire,and two days his protection,
andeight cakesfor him with their condiment,and salt for their seasoning.3
V 90.-37. Subject ncmith, now, wrights and blacksmiths and brasiers
andwhitesmithsandphysiciansand jurists and druidsand the folk of every
art and craft besides . . . The franchiseof jurists and wrights increasestill it
reachesfood-provision for twelve men and fifteen chattels for dire.*
V 92.-38. If he be a jurist of the three rules-the rule of the Feui, and
the rule of the filid, and the rule of the white speechof Beatus; if he be a
chief master craftsman, he rises to twenty chattels for dire, and hasa month's
protection.5
1Flescachis still in use (fteasgach),meaning a stripling. The commentary(V 86)
recognizesthree gradesof flescach,their ages being (up to) eight, ten, and twelve years.
The gloss (V 85) equates the garid with the middle grade of these. The commentary
recognizesalso three grades of fer midboth, with age-limits of 14, 20, and 30 years.
For a fuller accountof the/er midboth,see C.G., which does not recognizethe higher
gradefrom 20 to 30. The fer midbothwas a youth or young man under his father's
authority: " this person hasnot power of his own footer hand, his father hasthe power
of them " (gloss, V 80, 7). Inol, flescach, garid, are thus names for children under 12.
Their honourpriceis fictitious (see commentary,V 87), and their function in the text is
to raise the number of non-ruling grades of freemen to seven. The text omits to state in
order the honourprice, protection, and refections of the mruigfer-probably another
token of tentative classification. In C.G. mruigfer, "landman," is the name of the
highest class of non-ruling noble, next to the/er fothlai, who has clients but not in sufficient
number to make him aflaith.
2 "From one canonical hour to the other," <J»tn'ith co 'laill, meaning to the corre-
spondinghour on the following day. From this usage,truth sometimesmeansa day's ,
space, 24 hours, distinct from laithe, hia, which means either the time of daylight or a
full day measured from nightfall to nightfall. The fact that troth was used, instead of a
Latin loanword, to designate the ecclesiastical divisions of the day, indicates that it
signified some similar division in pre-Christian usage, probably a third of the day. For
the use of symbols which appear to indicate a threefold division of the day in the Coligny
Calendar, see the paper on that calendar by Rhys, Proceedings of the British Academy,
vol. iv, p. 78.
3 Here boairereplacesrfcaireof the list above,the terms ("noble of kine," "junior
noble ") being apparently synonymous for the writer of this text. In other texts, glosses,
and commentaries, 6caire denotes a grade inferior to boaire.
4 Suire, " franchise, free status." The second clause seemsto imply that a statement
of the minimum measure of status for these classespreceded. We may observe that the
text acknowledges the existence of druids, but the honours that formerly belonged to
the druids have gone to the Churchmen and the filid.
6 "The rule of the Feni," breth Fe'ne = Fe'nechus,traditional Irish law. Srethfiled,
" the rule of the filid," the doctrinal law of the schools. " The rule of the white speech
of Beatus": Scriptural law and Canon law. "The white speech of Beatus" is Latin.
In the Latin schools, learners began with the Psalms, and the first word of the first
278 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

V 94.-39. Blacksmiths and brasiers and whitesmiths and physicians,

thoughit be a chief masterof them,are entitled only to food-provisionfor
four men,eightchattelsare their dire,and three days' protection.
V 96.-40. What gives dire to a person? Answer : merit and integrity
and purity.1
41. There are three divisions of (the measure of) a person's honour,
eneclannand enechruicce and enectigiiss?
V 96.-42. The good arts are both free and subject, becausethey serve
and are served. Their distraints are free and their judgments are free over
their rightful customsand over their apprentices.3
V 98.-43. The jurist who is competent to give decision for the folk of
arts and crafts in regard of justice, in the estimation and measurementof the
work and the remuneration of every product, and who is competent to
reconcilecustom and award, has sevenchattels for dire, and three days' pro-
tection and food-provision for four men.4
V 100.-44. The jurist of the language of the Feni and the lore of the
filid, ten chattels are his dire, and five clays' protection, and thirty cakes
for him.5

Psalm is " Beatus." The first grade of pupil in a Latin school was coictach, one who had
learned the first 50 psalms (V 102, 18).
'By " merit " is to be understood the possession and worthy use of qualifying
wealth, by "integrity " the potential and actual fulfilment of functions and duties, by
" purity" being guiltless of misdeeds. See 1 54 seqq.
2Ainech, enech,in the legal technical sense of "honour,"is neuter plural, genitive
enech,dative inchaib. The oldest form of the word found is in the ogham Ineqaglasi = Enech.
glais. In the early law tracts log enechis much more frequent than eneclann, which
replaces it in later writings. Ace. to the gloss, there were two divisions of eneclann, full
honourprice and half honourprice ; two of enechruicce,half honourprice and a seventh of
honourprice ; two of enechgriis,^ and 2\ of honourprice. The seventh part of honour-
price is also called airer, II 204,III 538. Thesemeasureshave reference to various
degrees of injury.
3 " Their distraints are free ": ace. to the gloss this means that artists and craftsmen
are exemptfrom distraint for a kinsman'sliability. " Judgments," rinra : " judgment,"
or the power of judgment over subject persons, is the usual meaning ofriar in the early
law tracts. The commentary here replaces riar by breithemnns, which in the text means
" jurisprudence."
4 This is a low grade of jurist, having less honourprice than that of the craftsmen for
whom he adjudicated. "Product" : read haicdefor hoic of the text (oigdi, gloss),any
article of skilled craftsmanship. Fuigell, a judicial decision, must have meant first a
pledgeto submit to adjudication, then submissionto adjudication, lastly adjudication.
FuighettestarSenr. fo-gelsetSen,I 78, 4, " they submitted the caseto Sen." Cofuigled
Conchuburimbi, I 250, "so they submit the caseto C."
6"The language
of the Feni," belreFene;we mayjudgefrom thepresenceof this
phrase that already at the time of writing of this text the languageof the laws was
recognized to be archaic.
 MA.CNEILL-Ancient Irish Lato: Laiv of Status or Franchise. 279

45. The jurist of the three languagesis equal in dire to an aire tuise.1
V 102.-46. The masterof the Letter is equalin franchiseto the king of
one tuath. The secondmaster of the Letter is equal in dire to an airc ardd.
The junior master is equal in franchise to an airc tiiise. The man of a fourth
of mastershipis equal in franchiseto an aire de~sso.
All this comprisesfood-
provision and protection and dire. Students of Latin from that down are
entitled to smaller franchises,for there is no Latin learning without'
franchise.3

V 102, V 104.-47. The accurate wright of oaken houses is equal in

franchise to an a-ireddsso. The diligent wright of ships and barks and hide-
covered hoats and vessels, who is able to make all these, has the same amount
of franchise. The millwright, the sameamount. The master in yew-carving,
the same amount. The franchise of an aire ddsso to each of them.3
V 104.-48. The man who practises together two or three [of the afore-
said crafts is entitled to an honourprice of the value of eight milch-cows, and
to food-provision for eight men.]4
V 104.-49. The man who practises together four (of the crafts aforesaid),
fifteen chattels for his dire, and food-provision for twelve men, and ten days'
protection for him.

1 "Three languages": ace. to the gloss these are Feneclms-the ancient laws,
filidecht-the lore of the filid, and legend-Latin learning.
2 "Master of the Letter," st'ti littre, equated in the gloss with fer legind, a later title
(" man of Latin learning ") for the headmaster of an ecclesiastical school. The " Letter "
is the written law of Scripture. "Second master of the Letter," tdnaise suad littre,
equated in the gloss with siii canoine, " master of Canon law." " Junior master," dcsiii,
equatedin the gloss with for cetlaid, "teacher." "Man of a fourth of mastership,"fer
cethramthan sutihe, equated in the gloss with the staraige, " historian," meaning probably
the student who has learned the " historical" interpretation of Scripture. Below this,
the glossnames,in the ascendingscale,three grades of student, the coictach(who had
learned the first fifty psalms), the foglaintid ("learner "), and the descipul (" disciple").
For a different classification see C.G.
3 "Of ships," long, ace. to the gloss,na lougafada, "naves longae," the Irish word
being taken from the Latin. " Of barks," bdii-cc(r. bdrcc1), equated in the gloss with
na serrcinn, " which are not rowed." " Hide-covered boats," citrach : still used along the
western seaboard, but covered with tarred canvas instead of hide. Lestra, ''vessels " :
the gloss understands domestic vesselsto be meant. It seemslikely, however,that
small boats are intended-cp. V 474, 8, fuhnrim noe no lestair, where the use of a lestar
without the owner'sleaveincurs a penalty of five chattels, equatedin the glosswith two
milch-cows; cp. also the uses of the English word "vessel," and the modern Irish
soighlheach."Millwright," s6ermuilend,craftsman(i.e. builder) of mills. Ownership
or part-ownershipof a watermill was held to be part of the qualificationsof every civil
grade from 6caireupward : seeC.G. and the commentary,V 88 seqq. For partnership
in millraces,see CoibniusUisci, IV 206 seqq. "Yew-carving," ibrdracht: yew was the
favourite wood for decorative woodwork.

4 The lacunain the text is supplied inferentially from the gloss.

280 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
V 106.-50. Chariot-wrightand house-carpenter and cloth-figurer and
relief-carverandshieldmaker,the franchiseof a secondloaire for them. If
he practisetogethertwocraftsof them,the franchise
of afirst loam forhim.
51. Turners and fettermakers and leather-workers and [wool-] combers
and fishermen, the franchise of a for midboth for them.
52. The harp,that is the one craft of music that is entitled to franchise,
solongasit accompanies nobility. Thefranchiseof a first bdaircfor him.1
y 108.-53. Every art, now, that we have said, that is entitled to
franchise,the franchise that he has in the t/tath doesnot fail for want of his
art if he practiseit elsewhere,
be it in a tuatJior in a church. Henceis (the
saying)," the nemithdo not diminish eachother."2
54. Whose art is one, his dire is one. Whose art is many, his dire is
many. It increasesfranchise.3
55. The folk of vocal and instrumental music besides,jockeys and
charioteers and steersmenand followers in feastand retinue (?),and mummers
and jugglers and buffoons and clowns and the lesser crafts besides,it is in
regard of the honour of those who keep them that dire is paid for them.
Otherwise they have no franchise apart.4

1 " So long as it accompanies nobility" : the actual text has cen imtetd la hordain.
The gloss, followed in the official translation, paraphrases this by gen gurab imaille re
hnasal, " though it be not along with a noble." This would require, as a restoration of
the scribally corrupt text, ceni immthe(it) la hordain. I read cein immetheit, and under-
stand the senseto be that a harper had free status so long as he held official rank. Seethe
description of a king's house,with the airecht in session,in C.G., where the harper
occupies a place near the king at the table, while the other musicians are in a corner
apart behind the king's seatalong with jugglers, over againstthe forfeited hostages.
2The meaningis that to maintain the franchiseacquiredby reason of an art or craft,
it is not necessary that the person so enfranchised should practise his art or craft in the
tuath to which he belongs or for its immediate benefit. "If he practise it elsewhere,"
dia congba,lit. " if he practise jointly "-com having its full sense. " The nemith," etc.:
for ni minadigbatof theprintedtext, readni 'mmadigbat,the immof the originalbeing
represented, as usual, by the em of the etymological gloss.
3 The maxim quotedat the end of the precedingarticle seemsto refer properly to this
article. It was probably introducedfirst as a marginal or interlinear accretion,and so
became misplaced.
* The rendering of someof the terms in this article is conjectural. The glossdistin-
guishes between des ciiiil and des airfitid, calling the former crondnaig," singers of
; but desciuil ocnsairfitid may
cronan," the latter feddnaig, "players on a pipe or flute "
be only a comprehensive
phrase
= musicians."Besides" meansother than the harper.
Comailecusdaime. I read[oes]comoilocusddime. Greccoire
: ace.to the gloss,they
make a green creccad on the eyes-some sort of disguise. All who follow this list of
occupationsarewithoutfranchise, but whentheyareengaged in the serviceof a freeman,
injury doneto themincursliability to him. Theoriginaltextprobablyendedhere. The
articles that follow have the appearanceof randomaccretions,
 Ancient Irish Law : Law of Status or Franchise. 281

V 112.-56. A masterover kings is the King of Minister. Twice seven

cumalsare his dire. Two beevesand two baconhogsfor the six score of
his company,and two hundredcakes. A year'sprotectionfor him. A noble
masterbishop,the sameamount; a masterof the great canon(?),the same
amount; such as Immliuch Ibair or Corcaeh Mor of Munster.1
57. Who is not of goodmeansis not of goodmerit.
58. A masterof fili anda masterof wisdomand a masterhospitaller,each
of them is equal in franchiseto the king of one tuath. They havethirty
chattels(of honourprice)anda mouth'sprotection,and eighty cakes,for each
of them.2

V 112.-59. A secondmaster of the Letter and an dnruth filed and a chief

master of handicraft, are equal in franchise to an aire ardd.
V 114.-60. A master of test, blacksmith, or whitesmith, or brasier, who
is raised to franchise by the tuath, each of them is equal in franchise to an
aire ddsso.3

CRITH GABLACH.

IV 298.-61. [Why is Crith Qablaeh so called ? Answer-Because the

man of a tuath (= the citizen) of his good meansin the tuath purchasesthat he
be reckoned in his proper grade in which he is in the tuath. Or becauseof
the number of branchesinto which the gradesof a tuath are subdivided.
Question-How many subdivisions of these? Seven.]*

1 " A master of the great canon (?)" : Atkinson's proposed emendation [mar-] chathrach
for mor canach fits in with the clause that follows. The translation then would be
"master of (the school of) a great city (= episcopal see), such as," etc.
3 " Master of wisdom," ollum gdise, ace. to tire gloss, a master jurist.
3 " Master of test," ollam foccati: gloss, in ti foclaiter conid Mam, "he who is tested
so that he becomesa master." Forfoaul, " test," seeII 242, 244, trifocuil .i. trifromaid.
The etymological gloss fo tacail, II 242, points tofoccal, with cc = k. This article shows
that the franchise of a master craftsman was conferred on him by the tuath. The com-
mentary, pp. 112, 114,speaksof the appointment,uirdned, of the " secondmasterof the
Letter," and of the dnruth, or fili of the second degree, the person who appoints being
the king of a tuath, the king of a morthuath,the king of a Fifth, or the king of Ireland.
It is clear, however, that appointment by the king of one tuath was of no special effect,
giving no increasein status (see114, 14 and 16, 10); which implies that appointmentby
a king took specialeffectonly whenthe king wasoverking of a numberof tuatha. There
were sevenpersonsor placesin a tuath to which notices of a find of lost property were
given (III 273): king, monasticchief (airchinnech),hospitaller, (the king's) brithem,the
chief smith (pr/mgoba),the mill of the tuath, the people of the homesteadand village
where the find was made. It is therefore to be inferred that in each hiath there was a
chief of eachcraft who wasappointedby the tuath, i.e. by public election,and who thus
acquiredstatus on a level with the lowest grade of ruling noble.
4 It seemsunlikely, though not impossible,that the author of this tract beganby
inventing a title for it and offering alternative explanationsfor it, and therefore these
B.I,A. PROC.,VOL.XXXVI,SECT.C. [82]
282 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
62. Whence come the divisions of orders of a hinth ? From a com-
parisonwith the ordersof the Church,for every order that is in the
Church,it is just that its like shouldbe in the tuath,for the sakeof declara-
tion or denial on oath, or of evidence,or of judgment,from each to the
other.1

63. Question: What are the orders of the tenth '. Per midbotli, loaire,
aire cUsa,aire ardd, airc tiiise,aire foryill, and king - if it be by the right of
Feni law ; and if it be not that, the following seven ordersare distinguished :
Airedesa, airc £clita,<i'ir<-
«nh1,airctuisc, aire foryill, tdnniscriy, and king.2
64. What are the subdivisions of boair-ig? Two (grades of) fcr midbotli,
and ocaire, and vassal who precedes vassalsin husbandry, and bJaire of
excellence,and mruigfer, and fer fothlai, and aire coisring.
65. What is the [measureof the] oath in litigation, and the bond, and the
guarantee,and the evidence,and the houourprice, and the food-provision,and
the sick-maintenance,and the protection, and the client-price, and the house-
custom of each of them ? Answer: As the Feni-law declares in verse :

That thou mayest know the orders of the Feni,

by estimate of [their rights in] court they are reckoned.3

opening phrases are here printed in brackets. They may have been added in the time
of the oldest glosses on law tracts, probably towards the end of the ninth century.
Gablach means " brandling," but crith can hardly be connected with cren-, " purchase,"
unless it was parallel in usage with creicc,the noun found as infinitive of cren-. The
antiquity of creiccis attested by the compounds fochraicc, taurchreicc, foxmd in the early
texts. Meyer (Contribb.) says that this word crith is infinitive of crenim, but has no
instance of it in that sense except the title of this tract and O'Davoren's gloss, ".i. ic,"
" that is, payment," which is probably based on the explanation in the tract. On the
strength of this evidence, Meyer gives the meanings "contract, payment" ; but a title
meaning "branching contract" or "branching payment " seems wholly inappropriate
here. A more suitable sense would be found if we could connect crith with the _
"
and explain it to mean a sorting, a classification." The secondexplanationin the text
above,if it does not ignorecrith, which is hardly possible,explains it either through
fodlaiter, "are subdivided," or through I'm, " number."
1 What wasof establishedcustomappearedto be of necessity. In the Irish custom,
asbetween
the oathor evidence
or judgmentof two persons,that of the personof higher
.status prevailed.
- The writer ascribesthe first classificationto the tradition of the Feni. The second,
which he adopts below,is a variation of the classificationof ruling noblesin Uraicecht
Bee,placing the boairegradesin a distinct lower class. An interpolation, which seems
to refer to the next article, prefixesto the secondlist the question: "What if it be not
the bfaire with his eight subdivisions ? "
3Immthoch,"oath in litigation." The prefix imm- denotesthat two partiesare in
question. Naidm,"bond": a person,called macenascaire, was pledgedas surety.
Edith, " guarantee": the guarantee
of a third party whena securedcontract,cundrath,
wasmade. Fiadnaise,"evidence": in someway, not fully explained,a man'sevidence
was valid to the extent of his hononrprice.Biafhad,"food-provision,"for a certain
 MACNEILL-AncientIrish Law: Law of Statusor Franchise. 283

IV 300.-66. Two(gradesof) midbotk

men. (Thefirst is) thefer midboth
whomakes declaratoryoath in litigation involving fines. He makesoath
(in caseof fines)from a needleto aheiferin its first age. That is his honour-
price for his defamation,for violation of his precinct,for his expulsion,for
dishonouringhim. That is the amountto whichhis bondandhis guarantee
and his evidenceandhis hostageextend. His food-provisionis for himself
alone,milk andcurds or corn. He is not entitled to butter. He protectshis
equalin gradeover his owntuath,and (theprotege)is fedby him till he goes
over the border.

67. Why is this man called a for midboth? Becausethey comeout of

boyhood(?)by right of fosterage,and he doesnot reach(the ownershipof) a
fertach (of land).1
68. Is a particular age determined for the fer midbotk who swearsto fines?
The age of fourteen years is determined. The reason why he does not
maintain statement or evidenceis becauselie is only capable of evidence on
every trivial matter before (the age of) seventeenyears, (and) that he has not
taken a possession(of the land of his kin) or an inheritance before that, unless
a manof the Feni be joint husbandman
with him. This is the personwho
swears to the fines of farm law.2

number of retinue in guesting. Othrus, " sick-maintenance," for himself and one or more
to attend him during his cure of wounds. The man who wounded him was liable.
Snadtid, "protection," the right of protecting strangers in the tuath ; called tmthitgud in
Uraicecht Bee. Taurchreiec, " client-price": when a freeman contracted to become a
doerchele,or client without franchise under a lord, the lord paid him his honourprice,
besides supplying him with stock. Bestaige, " house-custom ": the food-tribute rendered
by a client to his lord.
1 Both, a booth, a cabin, a house of low degree. Fer midboth seems to mean
"a between-house man,""a man of mid-cottages." From what follows, it is evident
that the person so named was a minor, and from the foregoing, that he was under
fosterage. Perhapshe was"between dwellings" in the senseof belongingboth to his
father's and to his foster-father's house. His right to a voice in legal matters may have
arisen from a custom of showing special favour to foster-children.
- Proof by oath and proof by evidence were distinct processes. A man was not
necessarily a witness of the facts about which he made oath. He declared his belief in a
certain statement, and his declaration carried weight in proportion to his status. A
personof superior status had (for-tuing, " he overswears,"/ortocA, " superioroath ") the
powerof setting asideby his oath the oath of an inferior in status. This did not imply a
right to swearfalsely. On the contrary, " the lord who swearswhat he doesnot sustain"
loses his rights over his clients (V 358, 7) ; and it may be inferred that no greater
impunity belongedto personsof lower grade. Proof by oath may be regardedas a form
of ordeal. It is mentioned (V 468, 470) along with three forms of ordeal which Saint
Patrick is said to have confirmed. Proof by oath or ordeal is called fir (ib.).
Apparently the text implies that a minor betweenthe agesof fourteen and seventeen
could hold land in some kind of partnership, and exercise in some small degree the
distinctive powers of franchise.
Mruigrecht, " farm-law," seemsto be a name for the laws governingthe relations of
small agricultural communitieswhich grew out of joint families. To this branch of law
[32*]
 284 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy,
69. The secondfer midboth,who preservesstatement,he is of better
thrift. His statement is collected for him in three words till the third
day. He preservesit without increaseor diminution. He makes
oath after some other man who takes precedence of him in swearing,
and he swears (to the extent of) a heifer in the third stage or its value.
This is his honourprice for his defamation, for violation of his precinct, for
his expulsion,for dishonouringhim. To this his bond,his guarantee,his
evidence, his hostage,extend. Food-provision for himself alone, milk and
curds or corn. He is not entitled to butter. He protects a man of his own
gradeoverhis tuath,havingthen a right to doublefood-provision.1
70. Sick-maintenance does not exist to-day, in this time, but only the
paymentof his worthy meansto everyoneaccordingto his dignity, including
physician'shire andlinen and food-provisionand the price of the disfigure-
ment, injury, or defect; but there is a commonduefor every orderof the
orders of the tuath in the law of sick-maintenance.2

belongsBretha Comaithchesa(IV 68), the law of bee-keeping(IV 162),the law of partner-

ship in watercourses
(IV 20G),and a very old, thoughunglossed,tract on commonpasturage
which has been printed as commentary (IV 100). " The fines of farm-law " were payable
by one member to another of such communities in respect of trespasses, neglects, etc.
1 Innsce, statement, has reference to a statement made in court, probably on oath. The
statement of a youth was tested, apparently, by being reduced to some sort of formula-
tion " in three words " or sentences. Three days later, he was required to repeat it. If
he could do so "without increase or diminution," he was classed as a fer midboth who
preserves statement.
The stages or grades of value in cattle begin with the dartaid, a weaned heifer calf,
valued at two screpalls of silver or three sacksof corn. The dairt, or yearling heifer,
valued at three screpalls. The colpthach,a two-year-old heifer, valuedat eight screpalls.
The samaisc, or young cow that has not yet calved (sam-sesc,"dry in the summer,"
the normal seasonof calving being the spring, so that the samaisc yielded no milk in its
third summer), valued at twelve screpalls. The milch-cow was held to be double the
value of the samaisc. The set, or '"' chattel," when the word is used as a measure of value,
denotes the value of a samaisc. This was the normal unit, and the dairt was the usual
fraction in reckoning.
"Defamation," air: the word can hardly be limited to its later senseof a literary
satire. D/gui/i, " violation of precinct," literally meansabsenceof slayingor of
wounding. Each landed householder had a "precinct " of land about his house, called
his maigen. It varied in extent according to his status. A late tract on the subject
(IV 226)appearsto be a somewhattentative essaybasedon older statements. Slaying,
wounding, or quarrelling on the maigen was an offence against the owner's status. This
ground is morefully named maigendigona,and hence briefly diguin. Further, diguiii
came to imply " special immunity from trespass " : fer digona= grass preserved for hay
or winter pasture. Essdin, "expulsion," probably from a guesthouseor place of
commonresort. Sdrugud," dishonouring," lit. " overpowering," chiefly with regard to
the right to protect strangers, etc.
2Thisis oneof the manypassages
that indicatechanges
in the law knownto early
writers. We are to infer that, in an earlier time, the person who inflicted a wound on his
fellow-citizen washimself obliged by law to make direct provision for the careand cure
 -Ancient Irish Law : Law of Statusor Franchise. 285

IV 302.-71. An oath is swornby bodyand soul,and a hostageis given

(lit, goes) on behalf of the man who shedsthe blood, for fulfilment of the law
(lit. in the law) of sick-maintenanceto the value of (lit. in) a cow. (The
wounder)conveys(the woundedman) over gory sod into a high sanctuary
with protection that protects againstsudden wave of throng. He gives
additionalpledgeafterwardsagainsta bed that a physicianforbids,(and) to
provide a physician until final cure, in fore-health, in after-health. It is
fulfilment (of the due) of the carriers(lit. number)of the bed,to protectthem
as far as the station of the tuath.1

72. "Whatarethe properprovisionsduefrom everyonefor whichahostage

is given to obey the physician's decision? Full attendance secured upon
guarantors, unless one obtain his care from the offender-and by force it is
exacted. It is along with full dire and honourprice that the claim is sued,
even though suit be made through a tonguelessperson. (The woundedman)
goesand his mother with him upon support. He is entitled to cream in place
of new milk on the third, fifth, ninth, and tenth days, (and) on Sunday.2
73. Is a special age determined for the fer midboth who preservesstate-
ment? Yes,from fourteen years to twenty, to the fringe of beard. Even
though he were to attain the condition of boairc before he is beard-encircled,
his oath only pays as the oath of a.fer midboth. Even though he be without

of the patient, but that, at the time of writing, instead of direct provision, payment of
the expenseswasrequired. For "sick-maintenance," insteadof oihrus (lit. "sickness"
or " woundedcondition") as above,the older term seemsto have been/ofoc/i,with verb

fo-loing. See Heptad 60, V 313, where the commentary says that the wounder may
choose either to bring the wounded man and his attendants to his own house or to pay for
their support, etc.
1 This paragraphseemsto embodythe mnemonicprovisionsof oral law. The assailant
puts himself on the safe side of the law by immediately swearing to provide for the cure
of the wounded, giving a hostage as security for initial expenses,and escorting the
woundedto a specialplaceof safety with sufficient guard to prevent a further attack by
a crowd of his own party. The high sanctuary(ardnemed)and the station of the tuath
(form tuaithe) point to a public infirmary. Final cure (derosc]implies a legal period,
varying accordingto the nature of the wound. This period included the time of recovery
(arsldine," fore-health "), and the time of full convalescence
(iarsldine, " after-health ").
If anything went wrong with the wound in the meantime, the pledgemust be fulfilled.
Upon this, see also III, 535.
- This differs from the commentary above mentioned,in indicating that the choice
betweenpaymentand direct supportbelongsto the woundedperson. "By force''
(ar ecin) doesnot meanby physicalforce,but is the contrary of ar dis, "by consent"-it
meansthat direct support can be exacted by processof law against the will of the
offender. If the latter refuses consent at first, the claim comprises honourprice and
dire, i.e. corpdire," bodyprice," as well as maintenance(othrus,foloch). A very old poem,
with glosses,on thesethree payments,is found at III. "A tonguelessperson" (etnged)
means a person without franchise, and so normally incapableof suing. The time is
divided into periods of ten days, probably an old Celtic division, the third part of a
month.
286 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
takingan inheritance(of land),too,until old age,his oath still doesnot go
beyond&fer midboth.His purchase asclientis five chattels.A wetherwith
its accompanimentis hishouse-custom. That is thecustomof a single-kin
a man whocultivatesneitherpossession
nor laud for himself. Theaccompani-
ment of the wether: twelve cakes,butter, nem beoil,a bunch of leeks with
heads,a drinking-vesselof milk three palms(high),cream and newmilk and
draumce, or buttermilk.
74. No oneis entitled to invite to his houseaslongasheis a minor, until
he is capableof husbandryapart andof taking property; &fcr midboth(is not
soentitled)aslong ashe is single-kin,unlesshe be boundto it by (his) lord,
so as he sustain no custom beyonda wether with its accompaniment.
V 304.-75. If the means of his house increase so that he is of the means
of a boaire,or something higher, the ordering of his client-purchase increases
for him accordingly. He likewise increaseshis render until his house-custom
therein is accordingto his dignity, unless some other lord make a further
contractwith him. A half-sharein a cornfield (is due)from him on thethird
day after notice. (He owes)to (his) lord a third of his donn and of his inebriety
and of his sloth and of his payment.1
76. 'Ocaire,his position asaire is higher. Why is lie called ocaire," young
noble"? For the juniority of his noble grade. [Nay, but becausehe is
younger (than airig in general) when he begins husbandry].
77. What is his property ? He has sevenwisemeans: sevencows with
their bull; seven pigs with a brood sow ; seven sheep; a horse both for
working and for riding. He has land of thrice seven curnals. That is a "cow's
land" in the tradition of the Feni, it sustains seven cows for a year; that is
(when it is let for grazing), seven cows are put into it, (and the grazier)
leavesone of the sevencowsat the year's end for the rent of the land.'

1 To the rule that a minor could not entertain guests, there is the exception that he
could entertain his lord, having bound himself thereto, provided that he is subject to no
more than his proper house-custom. If he makes a contract of clieiitship with a second
lord, he must give notice to his first lord and forfeit the produce of a piece of cornland.
He owes his (first ?)lord certain reliefs, when the lord incurs certain liabilities. 'Era-ice,
'"'payment," probably refers to liability for homicide or violence. Lesca, "sloth,"may
have reference to remissness in suit of court, hostings, etc. Donn appears to mean theft
or similar wrong committed by one guest against another and involving the host in
liability.
2 This is one of the rare statementsthat help towardsan understandingof the ancient
Irish notion and mannerof valuing land. Accordingto this passage,21 cumah of land
had an annual letting value of one cow. This must be ordinary pasture land, not
mountain grazing. The cumal of land measured six forrachs in breadth and twelve
forrachs in length (V 276, y z). The for rack was twelve times the fertach of 12 feet:
144 feet. This gives an area of about 34J English acres for the tir cumaile or cumal of
land. It is, however, wholly incredible that twenty-one times this area, or about
 L-Ancient Irish Law: Law of Statusor Franchise. 287

78. He hasa fourth (shareof) a plough; an ox, a plough-share, a goad,a

halter; so that he is competentto be a partner; a sharein a kiln, in a mill,
in a barn ; a cooking pot.1
79. The size of his house: it is larger than a houseof reiitcharge. For
the size of the latter is seventeen feet. It is of wickerwork to the lintel.
From this to the roof-tree,a dit betweeneverytwo weavings(?). Twodoorways
in it. A door for one of them, a hurdle for the other, and this (the hurdle)

721 acres,supportedonly about seven cows,a cow to 100 acres. When the writer says,
" That is a cow's land," supporting sevencowsand rented annually for one cow, hemust
mean a single cumal. The cumal as a measure of value was equal to three cows.
Accordingto the text FodlaTire(properlyDi Thir Chumaile
IV 278z), the purchase
value of a cumal of the best arable land was 24 milch-cows,of medium arable land
20 milch-cows,of inferior arable land 16 milch-cows. Of grazing land, the purchase
value,according to quality,is givenat twelveor eightdry cows. This doesnot comprise
woodlandor mountainland(IV 278,8, 9). Theseare basicvalues,augmented, as the
text says,by the proximity of woodland,a silver-mine,a mill-site, a byroad,a main
road, the sea, a stream, mountaingrazing,river fishing,a cattle-pond,a road for
catcle; eachof theseconveniences madeanaddition,varyingfroma heiferto a cumal,to
the capital value.
Thelowvalueattached
to land,in comparison
\vithcattle,confirms
the evidence
of
Eretha Cumaithcliesa,GoibniunVisci, etc., that the seventhand eighth centuries were a
time of very great agricultural development,when much of the fertile land began to be
partitioned amongholdersand fencedoff for the first time. Except men of learning, arts,
or crafts, every freeman in C.G., including the higher nobility, from the rank of fer
midbothupward,is owneror part-owner
of a ploughanda water-mill.Therewasplentyof
goodland awaiting divisionand enclosure.The valuesquoted aboverefer only to
enclosedlaud. Thedefinite measuresof length and breadth,everywherein evidence,
pointto systematic
layingout andfencing. Themethodwasof ancientCeltictradition.
Thelandwasenclosedin rectangularstrips, the lengthbeingtwice the breadth. The
longsideof theareais calledtaeb," side,"theshortsideiscalledairchenn,
" fore-end."
FromtheCelticoriginalof this term, *areqennos,
wasderivedthe Gaulisharepennis,
and
thencetheFrencharpent.According to Coluiuella,
arepenniswasthenamegivenby the
Gaulsto asemijugenimof 150feet(in lengthandbreadth).A laterwriter(seeHolder,
Altcelt.Sprachschatz,
s.v.)saysthatthearepennis measured CXXby CX[X]feet,and
thattwoarepennesmadea(Roman) jugermn (240x 120feet). Thenameitself,however,
isasufficient
indication
thatthe arepennis,like thejugerum, wasbased
ona rectangular
plan,in whichthesidewastwicethelengthof the" fore-end."TheIrishforrach
of
144feetcorresponds
closely
tothelateral150feetofthearepennis,
whichmayhavebeen
madeto conform laterorlocallyto the Romanjugerum.According to anotherwriter
(Holder,s.v.)the arepennis
contained 12perticae.The Irishlongitudinal
forrachcon-
tained
I2fertaig.Fertach
isthusaloanwordfromtheLatinpertica
(>English
perch).
The
firstfer midboth
inC.G."doesnot reach[i.e.ownasmuchas]zfertach."
1Theocairehadthusonly one-fourthof the extentof tilled landthatoneplough
normally ploughed
in theseason.Toeachploughtherewerefouroxen,butthesewere
probably
yoked
twoatatime. Already
intheBronze
AgetheLigurians
ploughed
with
twooxen(De"chelette,
Manuel
II, fig.1). Smalllandholders
tilled,ground
theirgrain,
and storedit, in partnership.Commus,
genitivecoimmse,
in the text, mustmean
"partnership."
It is thenouncorresponding
to theverbcun-midiur
in thesense
of
11to equal."
 288 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
without(projecting)
wattles,withoutprotuberances
(?).A barefenceof boards
around it. An oaken plank between every two beds.1
IV 306.-80. An dcaire'shouseis larger. Its size is nineteenfeet. Its
outhouseis thirteen feet, so that his house-custommay be divided (?) in two.
Eight cowsare his loan-capital. That is ten chattels. It is the doubleof the
loan-capitalof the previousgrade; for it is from land that these(?)gradesdo
vassal-service; of land, too, the value of his ten chattels (is given) to this man
to retain him as vassal. That land, too, is as means for him against it
(i.e. against the service due from him).2
81. A dartaicl of Shrovetide with its complement is his house-custom.
A pig's belly (i.e. a belly of bacon) therewith is the baconthat he pays with the
cow, or a bacon of one inch, fairly cut, and three sacksof malt and a half-sack
of wheat. For as double of the loan-capital of the lower gradesis the loan-
capital of the higher grade, double of the render, too, is his house-custom.3
82. He protects his equal in grade, for no grade protects one of higher
grade. He is entitled to food-provision for two persons,of milk and curds or
corn. He is not entitled to butter. A nogginof twelve inchesof draumce
instead of new milk for each of the two, and a full-sized cake, or two cakes of
woman's baking. He is two (i.e. another accompanies him) on sick-
maintenance. Butter, in this case,on the third, fifth, ninth, and tenth day,
and on Sunday.4
83. Threechattels arehis honourprice,but they are chattels of kine. He
is entitled to the dtrc of a hostage.
Wherefore are these chattels paid him ? Answer-For his defamation, for
his expulsion, for violation of his precinct, for his dishonouring,for the burning

1Ginin the early usageof the Laws denotesa chargefor a particular purposeimposed
on land, etc. Inch'ts probably meant an "introduced charge," i.e. a charge in support
of some external object. A foot-note, IV 305, says that a teg inchis was a house for an
aged man who gave up his land in return for maintenance. The size of a house is usually
indicated as above by a single dimension, so that the house was either square or circular
in plan. If deithemeantroof-tree or ridge-pole,the house wassquare. Dit itir eachdiiti
is translated (IV 305) " A dripping-board between every two weavings," which seems
conjectural.
2 The writer indicatesthat this is an exceptionalcase,in which land is given, instead
of cattle, as the loan-capital by which vassal-serviceis purchased. Taurchreiccmeans
both the purchasingof vassal-service(aicillne)and the capital given for that purpose. The
verb is *ko-aiirchren,said of the lord, " he purchases(a duerchele)by a loan of capital."
3A dartaid at Shrovetidewouldprobably be a heifer about nine months old. " With
the cow" must meanwith this animal. Bes taige, "house-custom," is the annual food-
paymentmadeto the lord as a return on his capital. Somdin,"profit," is also used to
denote the return on capital.
* Draumce, dative sing, draumcu, is translated "drawmcTie-milk," IV 303, and
"sour milk," IV 307; ar lemlachtis translated "upon new milk," but the changeof
for, "upon," to ar is much later than this text, and "sour milk upon new milk " is
most unlikely.
 Ancient Irish Law : Law of Status or Franchise. 289

of his house,for robbingit, for (taking) theft out of it, for (taking) theft into
it, for forcing his wife, his daughter. But it is a rule of law in the tradition
of the Feni,half of the dire (i.e.of the honourprice)of every grade of the
tuatli for his wife and his son and his daughter, unless it be a dorimunc or a
son who is a defaulter from his filial duty-for thesea fourth. His honour-
price is (the measureof valueto which) he makesoath and which goesupon
his bond and his guarantee and his hostageand his evidence. And the two
chattels that are wanting for him, it is becausethe establishmentof his house
is not complete,and that he cannot becomeguaranteefor themlike every
boaire,owing to the smallnessof his means.1
IV 308.-84. A "vassal excelling vassals in husbandry ": his cattle are
in sums of ten : that is, he has ten cows,ten pigs, ten sheep; a fourth part in
a plough, to wit, an ox and a ploughshare and a goad and a halter. He has
a houseof twenty feet, with an outhouse of fourteen feet. Four chattels are
his dire for his defamation, for his expulsion, for violation of his precinct, for
violation of his honour. He makes oath to that extent. He is bond, surety,
hostage,suitor, witness to that extent. Ten cows are his capital from a lord.
The choiceof his yearling stock and a bacon of two fingers, fairly cut, and
four sacks of malt, and a ... measure of salt, is the custom of his house.
Proper furniture, both irons and vessels.2
85. This is the " baptismal vassal," if he be in his innocence,free from
theft, from plunder, from slaying a man except on a day of battle, or someone
who sues him for his head; being in rightful wedlock and faultless on fast
days and Sundaysand in Lents.3
1The last clause indicates that five chattels was held to be the normal minimum of
honourprice for a freeman. Five chattels was the ordinary dire for offences against
property, and a person who could not give security to that extent wasbelow the normal
free status. The ucaire was a sort of freeman cadet. What is said above of his son and
daughter showsthat the term ucaire (lit. "young noble") is not indicative of youth.
Dormuine was the name of one of several kinds of concubine.
2 " A vassalexcelling," etc. The text here hasaithechar a threba; a deichdeichde,etc-
Deichdebelongs to the following clause. Read aithechara-threbaaithechaib. Aithech
meansprimarily a person from whom aithe, repayment,is due. The repayment in
questionis the return on capital advancedby a lord, and aithechmeansa personbound
to make suchrepayment. Ar.treba, lit. " fore-cultivates." Cp. ar.bi, "excels."
"The choice of his yearling stock," lit. "the choice of a generation." As the
classificationis between that of the ucaire,who pays "a Shrovetide heifer" in hoiise-
custom,and the buairefebsa, who paysa two-year-oldsteer, the "generation " must mean
the calves born in the year before payment.
3 " Baptismal vassal," aithechbaitside. The name,in the form aithechbaitse,appears
again in Miadlechta, IV 352, to denote one of the low gradeswithout franchiseand unfit
for military service. Taking the two passagestogether, we may infer that the term was
one of current usage rather than a legal technicality, aud the notion was of a man
who had " preservedhis baptismalinnocence,"which to one writer meant that he wasa
good peaceful agriculturist, to the other that he was not good in any other sense.
290 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.

86. Whatdeprivesthis manof the statusof boaire? It is that perhaps

four or five men maybe in joint heirship to a boaire,sothat eachof them
cannot easily be a boaire.
He is entitledto the food-provisionfor two menof milk andcurdsor corn,
butter on Sundays,a serccolof condimentwith this, duilesc,onions,salt. He
is entitled to have two persons on sick-maintenance, (and) to butter on
alternate days.1
87. A " boaireof excellence,"why is he so called? Becausehis nobility
and his honourpriceare derived from kine. He has twice sevencuinals of
land; a houseof twenty-sevenfeet, with an outhouseof fifteen feet; a share
in a mill, so that he grinds for his family and his companies of guests; a
kiln, a barn, a sheep-fold,a calf-fold, a pigsty. Theseare the sevenroof-treesin
respect of which every brfaireis paid dire. He has twelve cows,a half-share
in a plough, a horse for working and a steed for riding. Twelve cows are his
capital from a lord. A steer with its accompanimentis his house-customas
summer-provisionand winter-provision. Five chattels for his dire as regards
whatever is an offenceto him for his honourprice.2
IV 310.-88. What makes five chattels the honourprice of the boaire^
Answer: His functions: a chattel for his bond, a chattel for his guarantee,
a chattel for his evidence,a chattel for his hostage,a chattel for his composing
(disputes) and for his judgment in farm-law. He makes oath (up to) five
chattels, they (five chattels) go upon his bond and his guarantee and his
hostageand his evidence. His food-provision is for three persons. He is
entitled to have three personson sick-maintenance; to butter on the second,
third, fifth, ninth, and tenth day, (and) on Sunday. Fresh or salted onions
for condiment. What is wanting to the qualifications of the boaire is
wanting to his dire.3

J"A serccol of condiment." The official translation of serccol tarsain is "salted

venison." A vesselor measurenamedol is of frequent mention. Sercc-may represent
sergg, " shrunken." Duilesc is still the name of a seaweed which is dried and eaten as a
kind of condiment.
! " A horsefor working and a steedfor riding "-cappallfognoma ocusechimmrimme:
the meaning may be " a saddle-horse for ordinary use and a racehorse for racing," since
it is doubtful whetherhorseswere generally usedfor work. Dire in the secondpassage
meanshonourprice. In the first, it probably meanstrebdire,specialamends due for
injury done to a house.
3 The statement that the Moire's five chattels of honourprice are basedon his five
legal functions, whencomparedwith the other grades,is Keento be merely mnemonic.
"Salted onions," cainnenn saillte. Cainnenn, rendered sometimes by "onions,"
sometimesby "leeks," meanssomevegetablepreservedby salting (cf. §11n). Fir- as
in the modern jioruisge, " fresh water."
Mruigrecht, " farm-law." See§68 n.
 -Ancient Irish Law : Law of Status or Franchise. 291

89. A " landinan " (mrtdcjfcr}, why is he so called ? From the number of his
lands. Land of three times sevencumalshe has. He is the bdaire of adjudica-
tion,theboaireof aenus,vfith
all theapparatusof liis housein their properplaces:
acauldronwith its spitsandsupports;a vat in whicha boiling [of ale] maybe
stirred(?); a cauldron for ordinary use[and its] utensils, including irons and
trays and mugs,with its . . .; a washing-trough and a bath, tubs,candlesticks,
knives for cutting rushes,ropes, an adze,an auger, a saw, a pair of shears,a
trestle(?),an axe; the tools for usein every season,
every implementthereof
unborrowed; a grindstone,mallets,a billhook, a hatchet,spearsfor killing
cattle; a fire always alive, a candle on the candlestick without fail; full
ownership of a plough with all its outfit.1
90. Thefollowingare the functionsof the boaireof adjudication[aforesaid]:
There be two casksin his housealways, a cask of milk and a cask of ale. A
man of three snouts (lie is) : the snout of a rooting hog that smooths the
wrinkles of the face in every season; the snout of a baconpig on a hook ; the
snout of a plough that pierces (?the ground); so that he may be ready to
receive king or bishop or doctor or judge from the road, and for the visits of
every company; a man of three sacks(that he has) always in his house for
eachquarter of the year: a sackof malt, a sack of sea-ashagainst the cutting
up of joints of his cattle, a sack of charcoal for irons. Seven houseshe has,
a kiln, a barn, a mill-his share therein so that he grinds in it for others, a
dwelling of twenty-seven feet, an outhouse of seventeenfeet, a pigsty, a calf-
fold, a sheep-fold. Twenty cows, two bulls, six oxen, twenty pigs, twenty
sheep,four hundred hogs,two brood sows,a saddle-horse,an enamelledbridle.
Sixteen sacks(of seed)in the ground. He has a bronze cauldron in which a
hog fits. He owns a park in which there are always sheepwithout (need to)
change ground.
IV 312.-He and his wife have (each)four costumes. His wife is daughter
of his equalin gradein lawful matrimony. He is goodin oath,in bond,in
guarantee, in evidence,in hostage,in loan, in loan at interest, free from theft,
from plunder,from homicide. Two cumalsare his capital from a lord. A
cow with its accompanimentis his house-custom, both winter-food and
summer-food. Threepersonsare his companyin the tuatli. 'He is entitled
to butter with condimentalways. He protectshis equal in grade. He is
entitled to salted meat 011the third, fifth, ninth, and tenth days, and on
Sunday. He makesoath in litigation (up to) six chattels,he is bond,surety,

1 Genusmay possiblymean "comfort" or "good cheer." The details in this instance

indicate that the writer has in view a typical prosperoushusbandman.Fidchrann,
rendered " trestle " above,probably meansa strong wooden frame to hold large timber
for sawing, etc.
292 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

witness,hostage,and suitor to that amount. This is his full honourprice,

but there are five chattels for going over his enclosurewithout leave. There
is no penalty for opening it from without. Five chattels for opening his
housewithout leave, a cow for gazing into it, a dairt for (taking) a handful
(of thatch) from it, a dartuid for two, a col/>thachfor an armful, a samaiscfor
a half-truss, a cow for a truss, and restitution of the thatch. Five chattels
for passingthrough his houseor through his fold, for breaking his door;
a dartaid for (removing) a rod below, a dairt for a rod above,a samaiscfor a
wattle below,a colpthachfor a wattle above,a dairt for a front doorpostof the
house,a dartaid for a rear doorpost of the house. Ilalf honourprice of each
grade of a tuatli for stealing what is not his out of his garth, a seventh for
stealing (bringing stolen property) into it. A short cast (of a spear) on each
side is the lawful measureof his garth. Half the dire of a steading for trespass
(therein). Penalty is and is not incurred towards him for breakage on the
floor of the house: no penalty for eachprecious thing, penalty for eachthing
that is not precious; no penalty for gold and silver and bronze,penalty for
every trough and all furniture that is proper on the floor; a dairt for a rear
post of the couch,a dartaid,for [a front] postof the couch ... of fir (?) and oak;
with restitution of each of them, both precious and not precious; a dairt for
every piece of woodwork as far as the wall.1
IV 314.-To break a couch is exempt and not exempt from penalty. What
is lower in order is exempt, what is higher in order is not exempt. The
fordn (?) of his kitchen has the same measure(of penalties) as the parts of
the couch that are subject to dire. There is new straw (?) for the strewing
of it.2 What is subject to dire in regard of a bed : If it be a wisp (taken)
from a pillow, its dire is a good cushion. If it be a wisp from any part
below this, its dire is a good skin rug. 1f it be a wisp from the feet, its dire,
is paid in good shoes. If it be a wisp from the wall, new rushes for the

1 "Penalty . . . for breakage." Breakage in the house, incurring penalties, must be

by outsiders. If these were not present by the owner's leave, their acts would have a
different complexion. The writer, then, has guests in view-a festive party, in effect,
and damage resulting from indeliberate acts. This explains why liability is incurred for
breaking things that are in their proper place on the floor, and not for breaking valuables
which ought not to be on the floor, the responsibility in the latter case resting on the
owner.

" Of fir and oak." There must be a lacuna precedingthe correspondingpassagein

the text.

Airide may mean somethinglike an alcove. The lower parts, being ordinarily in
the way of breakage, are exempt; the upper parts, being less in the way, would not be
broken except by needless and excessive violence, and their breakage thus incurred
liability. Dire = penalty above restitution. We may conjecture that the for an of the
kitchen wasa resting-placefor the menialsof the guestingparty. To supply fresh litter
is part of the penalty for the damage.
 i.L-Ancient Irish Law: Law of Status or Franchise. 293

strewingof it. If it be throwing upsidedown, a chattel therefor,and resti-

tution.1 (There is) exempt and unexempt in the caseof a bed. It is exempt
to sit and lie down in it, and even if breakagebe done it-in this case,up to
a height level with the head; whatever is higher than the head is not
exempt. The dire of the two posts is one chattel. If it be in the winter
quarter, a half is added.2
91. Grinding without leave in the mill of a "landman," five chattels and
forfeiture of the meal that is ground without permission,and honourprice if
his guests have to fast. If there be damage,honourprice of eachman whose
property it is, and restitution with (forfeiture of) the forepledgeof grinding.3
]f it be a kiln that is damaged, (in using it) without leave,a cow with a
dairt is the dire for it, and restitution. Injury to anything in it is exempt,
except corn that is threshed on the floor and its own sets of implements.4
92. The dire of his barn, five chattels, and restitution (of damagedone
to the building) with whatever is damagedin it. The dire of his pigsty, five
chattels in swine, and restitution. The dire of his hatchet, a colpthacli; half
thereof for his billhook, before the time of fencing; in that time it is a
colpthach.
IV 316.-93. Per fothlai, " a man of withdrawal," why is he so called ? This
man takes precedenceof (the other) Idairig, becausehe withdraws somewhat
from the positionof boaircin order to lend capital to clients. The surplusof
his cattle, of his cows, his swine, his sheep, that his own land cannot bear and
that he cannot sell for land, that he himself doesnot need,he givesin capital
to acquireclients. What are the returns from this man'schattels? Returns
of seed from them: the value of each cow's manure in seed of corn for food;
for a vassal is not entitled to malt till he be a lord.5

1 "The feet " may mean what is called in English the foot of the bed. "The wall"
may meanthe upstanding portion forming a back to the bed; it was probably padded
with rushes after the manner of thatching.
2 Here again, it is taken as a matter of course that the guests, having feasted, may
damageanything that rightly comesin their way. If they go out of their wayto damage
things which are in a reasonablysafe position, liability is incurred. The bed, having
only two posts, must have beenattachedat one side to the wall. In winter, the damage
caused greater discomfort and was harder to make good.
3 Tairyell or tairgillne, "forepledge" (see Bretliu Conuiithchesa). When husbandry
was carried on by neighbours in common, even to the extent of having fences between
two holdings, they gave this kind of pledgesto eachother in advanceas security against
damage which one might suffer from the act or neglect of the other.
4 The principle of proper place again operates here. Except its own implements and
the corn, other articles are out of place in the kiln.
5 This grade is betweenthe vassal (uilhech) and the lord (Jltiith') of Irish law. He
hasbegunto acquireclients by lending his surplus capital, he himself remaining client
to another,
294 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

94. Question-When doesa vassal becomea lord from the grade of

Idaire 1 ..... When he has double (of the qualifications) of an aire desso,
then he is the aire dessowho is called a "boaire excelling boairig"-he
acquiresdistinction overthem if he obtainsbyadvancingcapitalthe [number
of] clients of any aire desso,
differing from him, however,(in having) double
of (the qualificationsof) an aire desso.Eight chattels is the price of his
honour.1
When, then, he doubles the wealth of a boaire, then he is an
aire desso;for, thoughhe increasehonourpriceto that extent, it doesnot
changethe name of (his) grade for him. He makes oath (up to) eight
chattels, he is bond, surety, hostage, suitor, and witness, to that extent.
Four cumals are his capital from a lord. A cow with its accompanimentis
his house-customevery secondyear, a two-year-old steer in the alternate
year. Twenty-seven
feetis his house,seventeen
his outhouse.Fouris the
number of his guest-company. Butter with condiment for him always. He
is entitled to four personson sick-maintenance,lighting for four, salt meat on
the third, fifth, ninth, and tenth days, and on Sunday. It is of this grade
that the law of the Feni proclaims: " True lords are entitled to excess over
the obediencethat they reckon. A lord who is not valid obtains half the
equivalentof the wealth that he amasses.Unless ten chattels give him
status, five chattels suecovenantstill there be perfect fulness of equivalents,
for a half perishesfrom inevitable default (?)."2
95. Aire coisring, "a noble of constraint," why is he so called? Because
he constrains tuatli and king and synod on behalf of his kindred, to whom he
does not owe fulfilment over simple contracts, but they accept him for chief
and he makes speech for them. This is the " noble of a kin." He gives a
pledgefor his kin to king and synod and craftsmen,to compelthem to
obedience.3

1Immediately following the question is the phrase, Inihil is frith fnithce, for which
O'Curry's translation is, "Upon going into a true green," explained in a foot-note as
referring to a precinct of four fields surrounding the house, but the words do not bear
this rendering, and, as they stand, are to me unintelligible. The scribe may have
substituted for some phrase obscureto him the known phrase frith faithche, meaning
"lost property found on private land" (seeV. 320, 328).
2 The clauseomitted, Ni ar mrugfer riam, is translatedby O'Curry, "It is not among
' brughaidh'-menhe is counted"- an untenablerendering. The text appears defective.
"Lighting for four," fursuiuhith cethrair ; there is no correspondingprovision for the
other grades. O'Curry's rendering is, " Foodfor four is required." The quotation, one
of many not found in any publishedancient tract, is not clear in meaningto me.
3 I do not pretendto understandthe technical force of the foregoing passage,beyond
that the noble in question is the legal head and spokesmanof a joint family. The
"constraint" whichis the basisof his designation
is probablythat whichis expressed
in
the last sentence.
 L-Ancient Irish Law: Law of Status or Franchise. 295

96. What is the amountof the pledgehe gives? A pledge(to the value
of) five chattels of whatever he has, of silver or bronze or yew.1
IV 318.-97. What is the fulfilment of his pledge? A cow for every
night that (the pledge) is outstanding (?) on behalf of those on whose behalf
it is given,up to the tenth night, is the (fuiHem)price of engagement of the
pledge,and (thereis) in addition the compensation (for loss)of its function,
and his honourprieeaccordingto his dignity, if it be his properpledgethat
he hasgiven; and if he give excessof pledge,his honourprieeand his pledge
sound with its price of engagementare to be repaid in like manner.2
98. Question-When is his pledge forfeited? At the end of a month.
What is its fulfilment accordingly ? A cow for every night that it is out-
standing and that it has been neglected (i.e. that the condition for which it
is security has been left unfulfilled) on behalf of a person who has neither
given a pledge (on his own behalf) nor submitted to adjudication in its
regard,aswe have said. Five chattels,then, up to the tenth night, three
times, in that case-this is the fulfilment of his pledge. This, then, is the
engagement-price
of his chattels,if he give themin a protectingcover.3
99. Nine chattels are his honourpriee; he is bond, surety, witness, suitor,
hostageto that extent. Five cumalsare his capitalfrom a lord. A cowwith
its accompanimentand a two-year-old steer with its garnishings in winter,
alongwith summer-food,
is the customof his house. A houseof thirty feet
with an outhouse of nineteen feet. Five personsare his guest-company. He
is entitled to butter, a serccolof condiment,salt meat on the third, fifth,
ninth, and tenth day, and on Sunday.
100. The honourpriee of every grade of these is complete, unless their
meansfail, that is, provided they fall not in the sevenrespects in which the
honour of everyone falls. What are these? Answer-His defamation, to
bring an accusationagainst him without (giving) a pledgefor his honour,
falsewitness,(to give)a falsecharacter,evasionof bond,defaultof suretyship,
to forfeit his hostagein a matter for which the hostagehas beengiven,
defilement of his honour.

1 See " Brelltu hit Fitillemu Cell." In this form of security, a person incurring some
liability was secured by getting someoneof higher rank to deposit a pledge on his
behalf. The pledge was usually an article of special value. Besides recovering the
pledge,the debtor had to makea paymentcalledfuillem for the benefitof it. If the
pledgebecame forfeit by default,heavyliability wasincurred.
2 " Brethti im Fitillemu GM" states the kinds of pledge proper to be given by
persons of various grades of status.
3 "Five chattels" = the value of three cows. In the next sentence, "chattels" is to
be taken in the ordinary sense,with referenceto the articles, of whatever kind or value,
that are given in pledge.
S/dn, "fulfilment," here seemsto meanthe total liability incurred by the debtor or
defendant towards the person who gives a pledge on his behalf.
290 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
y 320. 101. Question--What washesawayfrom one'shonourtheseseven
things? Answer-Any filth that stains a person'shonour,there be three
that washit away,soapand water and towel. This,first, is the soap,con-
fessionof the misdeedbeforemen and promisenot to return theretoagain.
Thewater,next,paymentfor whateverperishes
throughhismisdeeds.The
towel,penance
for the misdeed,
by thejudgmentof books.
102. These are the classesof Ida-iriy. Each grade that is nobler precedes
another.

103. After this begin the gradesof lords. Thebasisof rule, that is, rule
from (lordshipof) tCdeisto a king.
104. How many are thesubdivisionsof these? Seven. What are they?
Airc desso,aire tclita, o.ircardd, aire tuise,aire forgill, secondto king, and
king.
Whatgivesthemstatus? Their deis,their rights, eachof them,both
small and great.
105. Question-What is the deisof a lord ? Thegoodright of protecting
arts. There are four kinds of dJis for lords : the ancient protection of the
tuath is his function in the tuath, including the function of commander or
secondcommander,whichever function of them it be; his clients of vassalage,
his free clients, his old retainers; the punishment of every defective vassalage;
the retention of cottiership and f^l^dir-ship that he brings on his land, for
wealthis greaterthan worthies. If there be servicefrom themto lordsuntil
the ninth nine (year), they are cottiers or fuidirs. They are old retainers
thereafter.1
106. The aire desso,why is he so called ? Becauseit is in regard of his
deisthat his dire (honourprice)is paid. Not so the brfaire,it is for his cattle
that dire is paid to him.2
IV 322.-107. What is the property of an aire desso
? He hasten clients, five
clientsof vassalage
and five freeclients. His five clients of vassalage,
he is
entitled to a definite food-provision from each of them. A cow with its
accompaniment,
and a two-year-oldsteer,and three yearling heifers,every
winter, as well as his summer-food, he is entitled to from his five clients of

1Deis here means the rule of a lord in the widest sense. Usually it means the body
of personssubject to his rule. It is not easyto make out what particular four kinds of
deis are intended. They are probably (1) military authority in the tuath, (2) cKerehe/i,
here called cell yiallnai, "clients of vassalage,"(3) soercheli," f ree clients," (4) unfree
tenants, including senchkthi, " old retainers," who were bound to the land, and Ivihaig,
" cottiers," and fuidre, who were not so bound. After three generations of service,
however, or eighty-one years, the bot.huchand ihefuuUr becamesenchlethi.
- In other words, the status of an dire dessoor any noble of higher grade is based on
the number of his clients ; the status of a b6tiire or any noble of lower grade is based on
his wealth in kine.
 MACNEILL-Ancient Irish Law : Law of Status or Franchise. 297

vassalage.Ten marriedcouplesare his due (the companythai he may

lawfullybringwith him) onvisitation(of hisclients)fromNewYear'sDay to
Shrovetide ; he beingsonof a nobleandgrandson of a noble,andhavinghis
house in proper state, as to furniture and entertainment and rectitude. A
houseof twenty-sevenfeet, with a proper outhouse. Eight bedswith their
furnishing in it, drinking vessels,cauldrons,with the full supplyof a noble's
houseof work-vessels,including a vat. He protectsthe rights of his clients
in regard of liabilities,justice, statute-law,and treaty-law, (lie has)a bed
for his foster-son,his foster-brother,for man,for wife, for son,for daughter.
He.is well groundedin the 1,-iwof I lie f;miiiy ;iml of the tuath and of iordship
and of the church and of government and of treaties.1
Six cumals are his capital from a lord." Two cows witli their accom-
paniment are his house-custom in winter, with his summer-food(besides).
A suitablesaddle-horse
with a silver bridle. He hasfour horseswith green
bridles and a preciousbrooch of an ounce. A lawful wife, his equal in birth,
suitable to him, with equal outfit. Ten chattels are bis honourprice. He
makes oath, is bond, surety, hostage, suitor, witness, to that amount. Seven
personsare his retinue in the tuath. He is entitled to butter always, with
salted condiment. This is the mticfcit/ic lord. lie is entitled to six
personson sick-maintenance. Protection for six persons. He is entitled to
butter and salt meat on the second,third, fifth, ninth, and tenth day, and on
Sunday.
108. What gives ten chattels as the dire (= honourprice) of this man?
Five chattels in regard of his own housein the first place, and five in regard
of the five housesthat are in vassalageto him, provided that he do not waste
or diminish his nobility in regard of its means,small and great, lest he be
cast out of his rule.
IV 324.-109. The aire fahta, why is he so called ? Becausehe is a leader
of five who is left to do feats of arms in [a neighbouringterritory under]
treaty-law for the spaceof a month,to avengean offenceagainstthe honour
of the tuath, one of whosemen has been lately slain. If they do not (avenge
this) within a month,they comeupon treaty-law, sothat their bedsdo not
follow him from without. If they kill men within treaty-law, the samefive,
the aire e'chtamust pay on their behalf, provided that land or bronze of a

1This is a most important passage,showing that when it waswritten, though expert

knowledgeof the law belongedto the jurists, the ordinary knowledgeand practice of it
belongedalso to freemen. It also statesthe main divisions of the law.
" From this it appearsthat a lord whohad clients couldhimself beclient to a superior
lord. His " retinue in the tuath " is probably the number of persons who accompanied
him to the assembly,as distinguished from his companywhen he visited his clients.
R.I.A.PROC.,
VOL.XXXVI,SECT.
C. [33]
298 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

cauldronbe not paid for it, but vessels

to thevalueof a cow. He bringsthem
out then to be till the expiration of treaty-law, (taking them) on
the numberof his protectionand (that) of his friends, lli.s retinue and his
sick-maintenanceare due as (those) of an aire desso.1
110.The aire ardd, " high noble,"why is he so called? Becausehe is
higher than the aire.desso,
and it is he who precedeshim. He has twenty
clients, ten clients of vassalageand ten free clients. His ten clients of
vassalage, two cowswith their accompaniment he is entitled to from them,
and three two-year-oldsteers,and five yearling heifers, every winter, with
their summer-food.He represents(?)his clients in contractand treaty-law.
Eachgradethat is lowerthan he,they (can)be in clientship to him. Fifteen
chattelsare his honourprice; he makesoath,is bond,surety,hostage,suitor,
and witness to that amount.

111. What gives fifteen chattels of honourprice for this man ? Five
chattels for him first, for the wealth of his own house; one chattel for each
housefrom which he is entitled to a definite food-provision. Sevenpersons
are his retinue in his tuath, five men in private. Protection of seven. He is
entitled to salt meat and butter on the second,third, fifth [ninth and] tenth
day,and on Sunday. Sevencumalsarehis capitalfrom a lord. Three cows
with their accompaniment are his house-custom. Twenty married couples
are his propercompanyon visitation from New Year'sDay till Shrovetide.
IV 326.-112. The aire tuise,"leading noble,"why is he so called? Because
he is leader of his kindred and precedes an aire ardd. He has twenty-seven
clients, fifteen clients of vassalageand twelve free clients. His clients of
vassalage,he is entitled to four cows with their accompaniment from them,
and five two-year-old steers, and six yearlings, every winter, with their
summer food. Eight cumalsare his capital from a king. Four cows with
their accompanimentare his house-custom. Eight persons are his retinue
in the tuath, six in private. He is entitled to butter with condiment at all
times. Eight personson sick-maintenance,
protection over eight. He is
entitled to butter with condiment (during sick-maintenance),and ale or milk
as his substitute for sick-maintenance
on the second,third, fifth [ninth],
and tenth day, and on Sunday.2
1It is evidentthat the personabovedescribeddiffersfrom anaire desso
only in function,
not in status. No distinctivequalifications
for statusareascribedto him. Apparently
he wasa sort of sheriff entrusted with the duty of punishing homicidecommitted on a
memberof his tuath by a personor personsin a neighbouringtuath undertreaty-law
(cairdde),but theexactnatureof hisoperations
is not easilyunderstood,
notwithstanding
the simple diction in which they are stated.
2It maybeobservedthat the numberof animalsin the returnfor capitalin this case,
asin the caseof the (liredesso
andaire ardd,is the sameasthe numberof vassalclients,
though the animals are of different ages and values. If an aire tuise becomes a vassal
 MACNEILL-AncientIrish Law: Law of Status or Franchise. 299

Twentychattelsare his honourprice;he makesoath,is bond,surety,

hostage,suitor,and witnessto that extent. He is ableto pay,if he be sued,
without surety or borrowing. He has thirty married coupleson visitation
fromNewYear'sdayto Shrovetide,
for the numberon visitationis according
to the number of (those who pay) food-tribute.1
Twenty-nine feet (is the measurement of) his house,nineteen his out-
house. Eight beds in his house,with their full furnishing for the houseof
an airc titisc,including six couches(Irot/u'/ii'/ii/},these having their proper
furnishing,both cushionsand rugs. Propersets of furniture in the house,
woodwork(?) of every size,and irons for every use and bronzevessels,
including a cauldronwhich holdsa beef and a baconhog. He lias clients
for his company,holding free capital from a king.
Twelve horse-bridles, one of gold, the others of silver. He has not to
beg(?) for pet animals,deer-hound,fighting-men,lap-dogsfor his wife. He
has the implementsfor every work, with a ploughand its full lawful equip-
ment. Two work-horses on the road. A wife in the legitimate right of
marriage, his equal in kindred. So that he is full help in the tuath for
pleadings (?), affirmations, pledge,and hostagein treaty-law across the border
on behalf of his kindred and in the house of (his) lord (the king). He
sustainsright by warrant of his father and his grandfather, lie canlevy
his full claim by his (own) power. He makes oath over a grade that is lower
than he, and their affirmations support him (? are subordinate to him).-
IV 328.-113. The aire foryill, "noble of superior affirmation," why is
he so called ? Because it is he who makes affirmation above the grades that
we have stated, on any occasion in which they happen to be opposed in
statement, for his worth is nobler than the others. This man has forty
clients, twenty clients of vassalage,and twenty free clients. His twenty of
vassalage,
he is entitled from them to five cowswith their accompaniment,
and six two-year-old steersand nine yearlings every winter, with their
summer-food. Fifteen chattels are his honourprice; he makes oath, is

client, his lord must be a king. Here is additional proof that the intermediate grade of
uire J-onjlll is of later origin than the grade of aire h'dse.
1There are two married couplesas againsteach vassalclient. So too, in the caseof
the aire ardd and the aire tlesso.Apparently thesenobleswere entitled to quarter them-
selves between New Year's Day and Lent on their vassalclients, and to exercisethe
sameprivilege for a definite number of their friends.
2 This last sentenceis probably an early gloss on the next following words, (lire for-
gill. Fusernniita nuillig: ndi/li;/, "oaths," is nominative plural, and an infixed pronoun,
3rd sing, masc.,is concealedin fa-. The noun corresponding to foserunat is fussuir,
a thing substratum
; it is the termfor (1) the furniture of a house,320z, and (2) the
minorprovision
thataccompanied
a steer,etc.,in food-render
(CainAicillni,passim).
[33*]
300 Proceedings
of the RoyalIrish Academy.
bond, surety, hostage,suitor, and witnessto that extent. He pays them
without security or borrowing,if onesues. Nine cumalsare his capital from
a great lord. Five cowswith their accompaniment are his house-custom.
Nine personsare his retinue in his tuath, sevenin private. Butter with
condiment, and salt meat, and ale or milk are his substitute for sick-main-
tenance on the second,third, fifth, ninth and tenth day, and on Sunday.
Thirty feet (is the measureof) his house,twenty feet his outhouse. The
furniture of his house,his great cattle, his horse-bridles, his apparatus (of
husbandry)for every season,Ids wife's degree(are all) in propriety of
right.
114. The "second of a king," why is he so called? Becausethe whole
tuath looks forward to him for the kingship without dispute. He has five
retainers (senchlethc)
over and above (the number of clients proper to) an aire
forgill. Ten persons are his retinue in the tuath, eight in private, ten on
sick-maintenance,with the same right (of food-provision, relatively, as the
aforementioned grades); with amplitude of great cattle, with full number
of horses,with apparatus for every season,with a worthy wife. Ten cumals
are his capital from a lord, six cows his house-custom. Thirty chattels are
his honourprice; he makes oath, is bond, surety, hostage, suitor, witness to
that extent. He pays them (i.e. is able to pay to that extent) without
security or borrowing, if one sue.1
IV 330.-115. The king, rt, why is he so called? Because he exerts
(riges) the power of correction over the members of his tuath. Question-
How manyclassesof kings are there? Three classes. What are they? A
king of peaks, a king of troops, a king of the stock of every head.
116. A king of peaks,first, why is he so called? This is a king of a
tuath, who has the seven grades of the Feui with their subclassesin client-
ship,for theseare the peaksof rule that we havestated. Sevencumalsare
his honourprice,a cumalfor every chief gradethat is underhis power. He
makesoath,is bond,surety,hostage,suitor,witnessto that extent. He pays
this (amount) without security, without borrowing, if one sue. Twelve men
are his retinue in the tuath, nine in private. Ten persons on sick-main-
tenance,uponhis dueprovisionof food. Twelvecumalsare his capitalfrom
a lord, six cows his house-custom.
IV 330.-117. A king of troops, why is he so called ? Becausehe is a
vice-king of two troops or of three troops. Sevenhundredin each troop.
This is the king of three tuatha or of four tuatha. Eight cumalsare his

1Thewant of definite statementasto qualifications in wealth,etc.,maybe dueto

this gradenot beingof tradition. It is foundin no otherlist of grades.
 MACNEILL-Ancient
Irish Law: Law of Statusor Franchise. 301
honourprice,for he takesa numberof hostages,two or three or four, as(the
the tradition of the Feni) says in verse:
Theking of the mead-round,of drinking, of governance,
Whom drinking confoundethnot in his law,
Is entitled to a annul over seven
For the dire of his function.

Twenty-four men are his retinue in his tiialh, twelve men in private.
Fifteen cumalsare his capital from a lord, eight cows his house-custom.A
king of troopshas no sick-maintenance.Eight cumalstake the placeof his
sick-maintenance.Eight cumalsare his honourprice; he makes oath, is
bond,surety,hostage,suitor, witness,to that extent. He pays this amount
without security or borrowing, if one sue.1
118. A king of the stock of every head, now, why is he so called?
Becauseib is underthe powerof his correctionthat every head is whomits
lord doesnot constrain; for every head that is stronger takes precedence
of that which is less strong. This is the king of overkings. There are
twice sevencumalsin his honourprice,becausekings and tuatha are under
his power and correction. He makes oath (up to) twice sevencumals;
he is bond,surety, hostage,suitor, witness to that extent. Thirty are his
retinue in his tuath, seven hundred elsewhere for correction among others.
A king of overkings, a king-poet, and a hospitaller are without sick-
maintenance among the grades of a tuath.
Half the sick-maintenance
of (a man of) eachgradeis due to his lawful
son,to his wife . . . for what is a fourth in regard of every unlawful person
is a half in regard of every lawful person. A woman-guard,her sick-
maintenance (is measured) by the honour (i.e. grade) of son or husband.
Administrators, envoys,are maintained at half the sick-maintenanceof their
lords. They act so that by the goodnessof their action they are maintained
according to the provision made for them by their lord.2
IV 332.-Every craft that makes manufactured articles of ruler or church
is maintained on half-maintenance accordingto the dignity of each onewhose
manufactured articles he makes. The maintenance of each grade in the
churchis accordingto the correspondinggradein the tuath. Every mother
along with her son on sick-maintenance,if she be alive.3
1Aurri, " vice-king," either becausehe leadsthe troops of his subject kings on their
behalf or on behalf of a superior king. In later usage,wri(yh), " urriagh " of Anglo-
Irish, means a sub-king.
2 The last clause seemsto mean that the right of these persons to maintenanceis
based not on their own wealth or rank, but on the function they discharge as deputies
for their lord and on the provision which he makesfor them.
3 The digression,in which the statementof the rights of a particular gradeto sick-
maintenanceleadsto a more general statement on the subject of sick-mamtonance, is
of a kind typical in the early law-tracts. Like the form of question and answerin which
this tract is cast, such digressions are reminiscent of the school.
302 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

119. Question-Which is higher in dignity, king or tuath? The king is

higher. What dignifies him (above the tuath)? Becauseit is the tuath that
raises the king to honour, not the king that raises the tuath.
What are the sustaining meansof a king toward the tuath that raises him
to honour ? Making oath on their behalf to (another) king at the bounds of
the border; he makesdenialon oath for (lit. from) -them; he makessuperior
oath over them (to the extent of) sevencumals;he goesinto joint adjudication,
into joint evidence,with (another) king on behalf of his tvath. It is their
right that he be a faithful judge to them. It is their right (that he give)
pledge on their behalf. It is their right (that he give) sick-maintenanceas
he is maintained. It is their right that he do not pledge them to hold
an assembly(in which) he does not assemblethe whole tuath but only the
co-nobles.1

120.Thereare threerequisitionsthat areproperfor a king (to levy) on his

tuatha,an assembly,and a conventionfor enforcingauthority, and a hosting
to the border. Thejoint holding(?)of an assembly, however,belongsto the
tuath. What a king pledgesfor an assemblyis his (to decide),providedthat
the pledge he gives be a proper one.2

1 "Sustaining means," foluid: this word, a plural masculine, signifies the means,
assets,functions,etc., by which a persondischargeshis duties or liabilities.
This is an interesting passage,in which the king appears less as ruler than as agent of
the tuath. The king is higher than the tuath, but only because he is raised by the
tuath above themselves. He transacts their legal business with other tuatha, for each
tuath formed a separate and complete jurisdiction. The kings thus provided the nexus
by which these distinct states were bound into a single nation and by which the national
law, common in theory, was made common in fact. The king's function as judge is
said to be a service to the tuath to which they are entitled from him. The last sentence
is rendered by O'Curry : '' They are entitled that he doesnot pledge them for a fair, that
lie assemble not the whole territory, but the neighbours (or co-occupants)." The tuath,
however, means the body of freemen under a king. Comaitheis taken by O'Curry to be a
miswritiug of comaithig, and this word, which means " co-vassals," that is, clients who
practised agriculture to someextent in common, came afterwards to mean " neighbours,"
from which it has also developed the sense "strangers," and hence an adjectival
form, which maybe written cofuivch and cinhnch, "wild," etc. But O'Curry's rendering
would require tuinmella not tammell, " assembles." I do not understand what is
meantby " pledgingan assemblyon the tuath," unlessit be that the king is not to give
a pledgeto causehis tuath to attend an assemblyoutsideof their own territory. I takethe
cominaithe, " co-nobles," to mean the soercheU of the kings, called in the annals his
socii. Thesewere as a rule the principal noblesof the tuath, who by law were obliged to
becomefree clients to the king if he so required. They were thus bound to attend his
court, and no doubt to accompanyhim whenhe attendedan external assembly. I under-
stand the text to mean that the other freemen of the iitnth were not so bound.
- The secondand third of the foregoingsentencesappearto have referenceto a joint
assembly
of severaltuatha. Suchan assembly would be convenedby a superiorking.
To ensureattendance,
the superiorking wouldbeginby requiringa pledge,something
speciallyprecious,from eachof the subordinatekings.
 -Ancient Irish Law : Law of Status or Franchise. 30$

121.Question
-How manythingsis it proper
for a kingtobindby pledge
onhis tuatha? Three. Whatare they? Pledgefor hostings, pledgefor
government, pledge for treaty, for all these are benefits to a luath.
122.Question-IIow many hostingsare properfor a king to bind by
pledgeon his tuathn? Three. What are they? A hostingwithin the
borderinwardlyto keepguardon (or against)an (external)hostingacross
it;
a hostingto theboundsof theborderto watchoverproofandright, that he
mayhavebattle or treaty; a hostingoverthe borderagainsta tuatli that
evades him.1

IV 334.-123.Thereare,then,four kindsof government to whicha king

bindshistuathaby pledge.Whatarethey? Thegovernment ofthe common
Irish law (Fenechais)
in thefirst place. It is the tuathathat adoptit, it is
the king whocompacts it. The threeotherkinds of government, it is the
king who enforcesthem: governmentafter their defeat in battle, that he
may unite his tuatha thereaftersothat they maynot destroyeachother; and
governmentafter a pestilence;and a king's government[over other kings],
suchasthe governmentof the king of Cashelin Minister. For there are
threegovernments[of a king] to which it is proper for a king to bind his
tuatha by pledge: government for the expulsion of a stranger-kindred
[i.e. againstthe Saxons],andgovernmentfor the raisingof produce(?),and a
law of religion that kindles, such as the Law of Adamnan.2
124.Theseare the sustainingmeansof a true ruler over his tuatha,andhe
cannotviolate themby falsity or violenceor overmight. Let him be sound,
distinguishing[fairly], and upright, betweenweakand strong.
125.Thereare alsothree other thingsthat they requireof a king: let him
bea man of all sides,full of right; let him bea maninquiring afterknowledge;
let him be steady and patient.
126. Thereare four stoopings(?)that give the dire (i.e.honourprice)of a
vassal to a king. What are they ? His stoopings over the three hafts of a
vassal,the haft of a mallet, the haft of an axe, the haft of a spade,for while
he is upon them, he is a vassal; his stooping (to be) alone,for it is not proper
for a king to go alone. That is the day when a woman by herself can
prevail in oath fathering her son on a king, the day when there is none to
attest for him but (himself) alone.

1 "Evades him," i.e. refuses to come to terms with the king about a claim or
matter in dispute.
~Governmentbelongedto the king specially,when the peoplewere disorganizedby
defeat or pestilence,and in the case of a superior king over subordinate kings.
'' A stranger-kindred," echtarcheitel. I think usurping intruders 011the kingship are
intended, but if the gloss'' againstSaxons" is ancient,it is a reminiscenceof theinvasion
by the Angles in 685.
304 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Academy.
127.There is a month when a king doesnot go accompaniedbut by
three (lit. doesnot go but four). What are the four ? King and judge and
two in servitorship. What month doeshe go in this wise? The monthof
sowing.
128. To be wounded in the back, too, in fleeing from combat gives him a
vassal'sdire,unlessit be that he hasgonethroughthem(his enemies)[and so
receivesa woundin the back],for it is in such a casethat dire for a king's
back is paid as for his front.
129.Thereis, too,a weeklyorder in the duty of a king, to wit : Sunday
for drinking ale, for he is no rightful ruler who doesnot provide ale for every
Sunday;Mondayfor judgment,for the adjustmentof hiatha; Tuesdayfor
playingchess;Wednesdayfor watchingdeer-hounds
at the chase;Thursday
for the society of his wife; Friday for horseracing; Saturday for judging
cases.1

IV 336.-130. Thereare three fastingswhich do not aggrieve(?)a king :

(first), if a king be at a cauldron that has leaked ; fasting when there
has been default (in providing) a joint of his supply (?), but so that evil men
are not sent to slay him ; fasting when there has been refusal (of hospitality),
for (in that case)he is entitled to more than (he losesby) the offence,since he
is entitled to his honourprice.
131. Question-Who is proper and right to make a king's food ? A man
of action of three captures. What are these? A man who makes a capture
in single combatby piercing the (other) man through his shield ; a man who
takes a man alive, capturing him in combat; a man who kills a stag with one
stroke, finishing him ; a man who takes a prisoner without aid (?); a man who
captures a champion in front of an army so that he falls from one thrust.2
132. There are, too, three exactions for which they do not sue a king:
exaction from an (external) tuatli that avoidshim when he invadesit: exaction
when there is an external king with him in his own tuatli, if he reach not his
man ; exaction of dry cattle in waste land that have comein over the border.
He makes restitution to everyoneto whom the cattle belong in the two last
exactions, but he does not make restitution in the first, unless it be an
unrightful invasion.3

1 Apparently the king on Monday sits as judge in matters of state, on Saturday in

ordinary litigation. Where the plural, tuatha, appears,the writer has a superiorking in
view. The programme is, no doubt, artificial, and servesto set forth a statement of a
king's ordinary occupations-hospitality, presiding in his court, outdoor sports, and
domestic life.
2 Possibly an original three has been expanded to five by a later writer.
3 Here, as in many other passages,
invasion of a neighbouringterritory is regardedas
n lawful form of levying a claim. In the first instance, the claim being evaded,the
 iLL-Ancient Irish Law : Law of Status or Franchise. 305

133.What is the dueof a king who is alwaysin residenceat the headof

his tnath? Sevenscorefeetof perfectfeetare the measureof his stockadeon
every side. Seven feet are the thickness of its earthwork, and twelve feet its
depth. It is thenthat he is a king,whenrampartsof vassalage
surround
him. What is the rampart of vassalage ? Twelvefeet are the breadthof its
openingand its depth and its measuretowardsthe stockade.Thirty feet are
its measureoutwardly.1
Thereare clergyfor makingtheprayersof his house.A waggonof charcoal,
a waggonof rushes,for every man if he have recited (the said prayers).
The ruler of a staff' is not entitled to have his stockademade, but only his
house. His house(measures)thirty-sevenfeet. Thereare seventeen
bedsin
a royal house.2
IV 338.-134. How is a king's housearranged?
The king's guardson the south. Question-What guardsare properfor
a king to have? A man whom he has freed from the dungeon,from the
gallows,from captivity, a man whomhe has freedfrom service,from servile
cottiership, from servile tenancy. He doesnot keepa man whom he has
savedfrom single combat,lest he betray him, lest he slay him, in maliceor
for favour.

135. What numberof guardsis properfor a Ising to have? Four,namely,

a froutman and a henchman and two sidesmen,these are their,names. It is
thesethat are properto be in the south side of a king's house,to accompany
him from houseinto field, from field into house.
A man of pledgefor vassalsnext to theseinward. What is this man's
dignity ? A man who has land of sevencumals,who presidesover his (the

whole tnath is held liable. The second instance is somewhat similar : the claim is made
by an external king and supportedby the king of the tnath ; if the defendantcannot be
reached,the levy is madeon the tuath at large, sincethe due cannotrightly be withheld ;
but the local king (whether he can make the defendantpay or not) is bound to repay
what he exacts from others. In the third instance, milch-cattle are excluded, because
their milk repays the trespass; and the caseis confinedto wasteland, becausethe law
has distinct provisions for trespass on good land.
1The "rampart of vassalage."drechtgiallnai, seemsto denotean outer earthwork of
which the external slope measures30 feet, the internal 12 feet, the flat top 12 feet,
diametrically, the width of the opening between its top and that of the inner earth-
work or stockadebeing also 12 feet.
- The " ruler of a staff,",/?<i//7(
bacJiail,meansa king who has abdicatedand goneon
pilgrimage, carrying afterwards a pilgrim's staff as the emblem of his turning to a
religious life. Since he ceasedto be a man of war, his houseis unfortified. Ritchie
(IV cc-ccvii), in the courseof a laboureddiscourse intended to discredit the way of life
of "a Celtic prince of the period," says that the measurementgiven abovefor the house
of a pilgrim ex-king applies to " the house of the head king." The text gives no measure-
ments for the house of a reigning king of any grade.
What follows is a description of a king's housewhen his court is sitting in it.
306 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy,
king's) chattels,including (those of) lord and baseman and of the law of
the Feni.1

Next to him inward, envoys. Next to these,guest-companies.Poets

next to these,harpersnext. Flute-players,horn-players,jugglers, in the
south-east.

On the other side,in the north, a man at arms, a man of action, to guard
the door, each of them having his spearin front of him alwaysagainst
confusionof the banquet-house [by attack from without]. Next to these
inwai'd,the free clients of the lord (i.e. of the king). Theseare the folk
whoare companyto a king. Hostagesnext to these. Thejudge (the king's
assessor)next to these. His (the king's) wife next to him. The king next.
Forfeited hostagesin fetters in the north-east.2
136. The king of a tuath ( has a retinue) of twelve men (when he goes to
the court of a superiorking) to (protect) the interests of the tuath; whom
the tuatli itself sustains as regards their expenses(?). Twelve men, too, are
the retinue of a bishop for the interests of church and tuath in which he
himself goes(on visitation). For a tuath cannot bearthe retinuesof king
and bishopif they be alwaysbattening on it. The retinueof a masteralso
is twelve men.3

137. Which is higher in dignity, a king or a bishop ? A bishop is higher,

since a king rises to salute him becauseof religion. A bishop, too, raises
his knee to salute a king.4

1 The meaning of the last phrase is not clear. A»doin, "a lowly person," is ren-
dered " rtmfom-church" by O'Curry, who confuses the word with andoil. For corns
Fene, "law of the Feni," we should perhaps read cornsfine, "law of the joint
family."
2 The entrance is in the western end. The company is ranged in two rows face to
face on the southern and northern sides. The king sits in the eastern end, no doubt
facing the door. His wife sits on his right. Next to her, his judge. The unforfeited
hostages have a place of honour on the king's right. The other occupants of the right
or north side are the king's free clients, who are the nobles of the tuath and the
principal members of the uirecJit or court. On the opposite side are harpers, poets,
guests, and envoys. The inward corner on the king's right is occupied by forfeited
hostages who are fettered ; the corner on his left by musicians and jugglers. Near the
entrance are the king's bodyguard on the left, the guards of his house on the right.
3 The " master" (sui) is the head of a Latin school. His later title is fer legind.
4The gesture of "raising the knee" is perhaps what is called genuflexion, the knee
being raised not absolutely but relatively as regards the body.
The meeting of a king's airecht in his house had a twofold character, social as well
as judicial. It is likely that the court, after the manner described already, sat on two
sides of a long table, and that business was followed by festivity. The poem quoted
below represents the king presiding over the ale-feast, but goes on immediately to
describe the kind of adjudication expected of him. The business of the court was
mainly concerned with matters of land-law, such as are treated of in Bretha Comaith-
chetsa
(IV) and in Din Techtuyud(IV). The translation is uncertain in someplaces.
 MACNEILL-AncientIrish Law : Law of Statusor Franchise. 307
[At the end of Crith Gablachthere is -added,apparentlyas an after-
thought, a poemwhich is probablysomewhatearlier in date than the prose,
since it is quoted from Fenechus,i.e. from the law as it was held to havecome
downin ancienttradition. Thepoemis introducedby thewordsDligthir brithcm
la rig rodbobrithemcadesin,amal arincanFenechus." A (professional)judge
should be with a king (in court), even though he himself be a judge, as
Fenechusteaches"-meaning, not that a king might be a judge, for the
judicial office belongedto every king, but that a king, even if he were
himself an expert jurist, ought to havea professionalassessor
in his court.
The poem is in archaic metre, without rhyme or exact measureof syllables,
in short verses,eachof which, asa rule, containstwo fully stressedwords,
the last stressedword of each verse making alliteration with the first
stressed word of the following verse. The type is found in lines 6-9:
messtire \ tomusforra/j \ forbertadire \ ////hlcmcsraid. From this type, however,
there are numerousdepartures. (('Curry's transcript, from which the text in IV
is printed, endedwith verse30. The remaining seventy-threeversesare taken
here from the copy printed by Meyer in " Zeitschrift fur Celtische Philologie,"
XII, 365. This copy would have escaped my notice had not E, I. Best
reminded me of it. The abrupt ending may indicate that even here the
poem is incomplete.
The date of composition is earlier than Crith Gallach, and cannot be
placed later than towards the end of the seventh century. As my references
show, the poem is in the main a kind of metrical list of the contents of
JBrethaComaithchesa,of which in several places (11.28-30, 75, 85-87, 91-95)
it reproduces the actual wording. It adds,however, a number of titles, as
we may regardthem, of a kindred kind not referable"to the extant text of
BC, but possibly related to another version of that text, since someof them
(e.g. 11.70-74) are in close verbal relation to passagesof Old Irish now
embodied in the Commentary to BC. The orthography exhibits the mixture
of earlier, later, and spurious spellings usually found in late transcripts of
piecesof very early Irish. A few of the oldest spellings have been allowed
to remain. In 1.7,forray, read *forreg; cp. airetj, in the text of CG, IV, 320,
1. 24; already in Adamnan is found FiechrccJibeside the earlier Fccliureg.
In 1.71 an, tan, infinitives of ay-, fo-ag-; Pedersen,Vergl. Gram., §§634, 652,
has only din, tain; Meyer,Contribb.,only din, but fragmentscited in the
commentaryaforesaid,IV, 98 and 146, confirm an.1 In 1. 99, fogeltath.

1 Cp. IVJ56x: A tu annud acluidh dligeus cacTicomnilhcachdi<t raile, " there is one
stay which every co-tenant is entitled to from the other": read At/da an r.dd uccluid,
etc., " there is a driving which is not (subjectto) suit, to which eachjoint husbandmanis
entitled from the other." The right discussedis to drive cattle acrossa neighbour'sland.
 308 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

I have not essayedthe difficult task of restoring the oldest spellings

throughout,
but haveleft unchanged
someformsthat arefoundin late Old
Irish, e.g.comaithig,fiachaib,airech. Where a restoredspelling seemedto
requirejustification,I havegiventhe MS.readingin a foot-note. Corrections
of minor significancewill he recognizedfrom comparisonwith Meyer'stext.
The general senseof the poemis that a king, in his judicial capacity,
oughtto be familiar with the detailsof the law of joint husbandry(comaith-
chius). The old name for the body of law on this subject is mrugrecht
(lines 10, 88) --see IV, 124, where the scopeof this body of law is
described.*

The poemconfirmsmy view that the law-tractswith accompaniment of

glossandcommentaryreceivedin the law schoolsas" canonical," so to speak,
may be ascribed to the seventh century.]
IV 340.-138.

ma be ri rofesser If them be a king, know

rechtflatho/fqjholth the ruleof princetewawls-peeple.
.I iariniyldjmescba^d^-
(J1 According
todignity,
howillmake
merry
Xslog/sabaid . their throng of magnates
5 cuirmmthigej
cuimnnesc^
e with theintoxication
of a festivehouse.
mess tire (Know) appraisement of land,
tomus forrag measurementofforrachs,
forberta diri increments of dire,
dithle mesraid wastings of forest-fruit,
10 mormuin mrugrechta the great wealth of farm-law,
mrogad coicrich marking of common bounds,
cor cualne planting of Stakes,
corus rinde regulation of points,
rann etir comorbbe sharing among joint heirs,
15 comaithig do garmmaimm naming joint husbandmen,
Gaill chomlaind Gauls of combat,
caithigti istoda defenders of treasure (?),
i*-» anagraitto rig when they suejrom (?) a king
raith commairge surety of protection.
1 Mad berig MS. -Jlatha futhoth MS. 3mbiadj&&. The usual expression in the Law
for "according to status or dignity " is fo mind, I 40, 13, etc. The meaning is that, at
the king's feast, the guests were seated according to precedence, as described at the
conclusion of Crith Gablach, where the house in which the nirecJit sat is also called
cmrmmtheg. 4 I take sabuid(salaideT)to be an adj. formed from sab. 5 cidrmmtigi
cuir mescaMS. 6 This is the subject of the tract Fodlu Tire, IV 276. For measurement
byforrachs see ib. y, z, and III 335. U-12=IV30. I3 = IV112. U-15= IV68. l7 caithigti,
nom. pi. of *cathigthith1. istoda r. autsadol 1SR. a n-uggrut 6 riyl

* For ar nach am, "that he may not plough it," read there ar nach air (< ad-reg-),
"that he may not trespass on it by drach (tethering cattle) "; and for ar nucJiiiitreaba,
" that he may not inhabit it," read ar nachattmba, " that he may not trespasson it by
atirnb (housing cattle)." The list of trespasses indicated is orgun inrogo, "destruction
of boundary"; beimmfedo, "cutting of wood"; autbe, "breaching of fences "; drach,
(ittrab, cailhche aile, "damage (to cattle) by (dangerous) stakes"; tarsce, ruriuth. See
poem, 11.27, 31, 72, 81, 83.
 MAG-NEILL-Ancient
Irish Law: Law of Statusor Franchise. 309
20 [A] cjioruscof^sser_£" [Its]_regulation
thatthoumayest
setaib selb[aib] with chattels, with lands,
slan cechcomaithchius every community of husbandryis secure
curthar gellaib that is settled with pledges
gelltar sniachfcaib that are pledged for fines
25 miach molauga of sacks,greater, less,
log cliri the paymentof dire "
dire n-aurboi the dire of breaching(fences),
6 dartaid co dairt from <lin'ta!il to iliii'i,
dochumm colpdaige as far as to a culjitftuc/i,
30 co coic seotu cingit up to five chattels they mount.
Cia auusom fidbeimme Which is hardest (among cases)of wood-
cutting
fiachib bdeth in liabilities of the unwise ?
nfrugid caille The_faruie_rof the forest,
coll eidnech the ivy-clad hazel;
35 esnill bes dithernam a risk that shall be hard to escape,
dire fidnemith nair the dire of the noble sacredgrove ;
111bie fidnemeth the sacred grove shall not have
fiachiiib secbt u-airech the dues of the seven nobles,
ar it teora bui for it is three cows
40 iuabuiibeinimjinir)bis that are (allowed]for its stem-cutting.
biit alaili There are others

secht/setaiblos/a£ of sevenchattels^jierbs^
laumur ar dochonnail) There is conceded (?) for uufree persons
dilse caille the irrecoverable things of the forest,
45 cairi fulocht benair a cauldron's cooking that is cut,
bos chnao fuisce the handful of nuts garricdyway
frisna laim hi saith sui -

23= IV 78. The particular kind of pledge referred to is named tairgillne, tuirt/iile,
with a corresponding verb to-airgellu, IV 128, 9. The technical names of varieties of
gell, " pledge."areusuallyformedwith -yil/ne, -yille, insteadof gell,e.g. Idngitttte,lethyillne,
ingillne, coingillne. Tairpillne was the kind of pledge given in advanceby one joint
husbandman (i-ntmtithecJi)to another as security against prospective damage by trespass
of cattle, etc -5For molauga read man laugu. The tines stated at IV 78 are of three sacks,
one sack and half a sack (of corn). 27-30=IV 152, aurbe . . . dartaid . . . clairt . . . coic
feoit. The successivestages, supplying measuresof value in the Laws, of the
growth of a cow are Ueg(1 to 6 months ?), ilnrtaid (6 to 12 months?), dairt (12 to 18
months ?), colpthach(18 to 2i months ?), samaisc(bearing the first calf), bu (after
calving). The set or standard "chattel" of the Laws was the samaisc. "Five
chattels" equal in value three milch-cows. -" comaithcesMS. The prefixing of corn-
causes a secondary syncope in this word < aithechus(Meyer, Contribb.) < aithech
< aithe < * ate-rioii. Cp. aitltechnib,iti/fiechile. So ace. pi. comaithchiu. 34What
follows on the subject of trees is in relation to IV 146 seqq. 33esnill, later eilinn, < ess
and indell, I 242, S, a heslinn co inn ill, "from an insecure place to a place of security."
Cp. comindelltuaithe,II12, a description of the properplace of custody (fonts) for chattels seized
in athgaltal-glossed
: " That it be not the border,i.e. that it be indellwithin the tuath,the
middle of the tuath, that there be not thieves or purchasers." 3afulneimid MS. 3SThe dire for
cutting the stem of any one of the "seven nobles," oak, hazel, etc., was one cow,
IV 146. The sacred grove was an exception, V 474. 4nam teora bii ina bun beim bis MS.
43dochundaibMS.,meaning persons not sui juris, I am not sure what to make of laumur, but
propose
to readlaumair,lit. " it is dared."45'46
Amongthe thingsthat canbefreelyappropriated
are/uZac/it cecha caille and cnuas cechfedo, V 482. Fuisce< fo-scuicli-(foscugud,by analogy
with cumscugud,etc.). Perhapswe should read fuisctlh'. Tairsce< to-air-scuich-.
310 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

slan/pmjde
dithgus dithlai
50 dire ndaro The Hire of the oak,
dire a gabal mar the dire of its greab boughs,
mess ocus beobethu fruit and living life,
. a bunbeimm beimm bairr its stem-cutting, cutting of top,
in oinchumba chulinn the one hewing of the holly,
59 colluth cuill destruction of the hazel,
combach n-ablae smashing of the apple-tree ;
annsom de ri^ardneniith most difficult of the cases of dire
dirib secht n-airech of the seven nobles of the high sacred
grove
asabbi bo for which a cow is (due),
GObunbeimm bithe the stem-cutting of the birch,
baegul fernna the danger of the alder,
fube sailech the assailing of the willow,
sluind airriu aithgin declare for them restitution ;
anog sciath to incomplete restitution (?)the hawthorn
65sceo
draigenjdringitf
4 andtheblackthorn
risej
co fedo forb^lll a_ with the ... of the wood
forbul ratho ... of fern,
raithiud aine bogmyrtle, furze (?), rushes,
acht a ndilse do flaithib but they becomethe property of lords.
70 fothla tothla Fothln, tothlit,
|/an|taiMaircsiu driving in, driving out, looking on,
iirachjattrab^ $~) tying,housing,
follscudjfoillpchta burning,leaving
tracks,
iadad/auiiimm closing,
overleaping,
75 enjeercc
corr Hawk, hen,heron,
^ma if they be pets,
oiss eisrechta tame fawns,
[caithche]conicaithchebech damageof hounds,damageof bees,
bill i trenaib tire they are in thirds of land
80 to n-accmoingtairgillne to whichanticipatorypledgeapplies.
taurranatairsce Drivingsacross(?),trespassing,
taulbernatar rout front-breachingacrossa road,
ruriuth tar ilselba rushingover many holdings,
samail trachta likewise strands.

51gabail MS. 52beobethu, " living life," meaning sustenance for animals, IV 88 z. " a bun

beinbellimbarr MS.SeeIV 148,23,etc. 54in aencumma

culinn MS. Headperhapsinann
citmbe culinn, "alike is the hewing of holly." 56n-abla MS. 57A poetical inversion for
annsomde dirib sechtn-aircch n-ardnemith. 59Bead assambl bd. SeeV 146. 60bunbcimneMS.
81 boegal MS. 62fuba MS 65draigin dringid MS. 6SHeadrait aitend? SeeV 148, 1.
'"-"The list of "man-trespasses"
at IV 98, 17andIV 146,16hasaradh: araig(readdrag],
aitrebadh:aitreb(r. attrab),follsciidh:follscuth,fothla, tothla, an, airgsiu: aircsiu. IV 156,
Cuicseoita n-ain ocusa tain. Fothla and tothla are exemplifiedat IV 106 and V 466,6.
'Arach,drag (<ad-reg-)meanstying one'scattleon a neighbour'sland; attrab, housingthem
there-thesewereaggravated trespasses.Foilliuchtamaymeanmakingtracksor paths
(fo slicht]throughfenced
land. ladadis likelyto meanshuttingcattlein on a neighbour's
landinto whichtheyhavetrespassed. Aurlimm= airlimm,IV index. 75-77 SeeIV 114 10,
regarding the trespasses of all these pets: en = senen. Mad beth MS. 78= IV 120, 122. 79= IV
114,116,1. 80tairgille MS.Seenoteto line 23. 81taurrdnna MS( < tar-aur-dn?) For tairsce
see IV index. s- = IV 136, 19. 83-84= IV 138, 2,
 MACNEILL-AncientIrish Law: LMUof Stdlusor Franchise. 311
85 tomus airchinn Measurement of the fore-end
cethrib41forrgib in four/or»-«c//.s
co n-aurchur flescaich and a stripling's cast.
forcsiu mruigrechta Overlookingin farm-law,
mrogad cocri'ch
^90tarsce
fcigradus lastresponsibility
fortrespasses,
\smachta iar cintaib fines after offences [husbandmen.
Xcoicthicoirchomathech on the fifth day in the right of joint
cid ag conranuafri et What calf sharesequally with the herd ?
cid aivliiinn nenoircc what overleapingby one pigling
95 conranuafri trOfc sharesequally with the drove?
cis tana dichiallatar what drivings are done privily
tontisegartigrathus for which last responsibility is not sued1
cis taurrana foichlide what are the deliberatedrivings across
forsna soi fogeltath on which cost of grazingdoesnot return ?
100 cis formenn ecndaircc what are the ridings (?) in absence
dosliat di'lsi that incur expropriation?
cis ndithle di threbaib what are the takings from dwellings
n& tuillet dire. that do not incur dim I

85-87 _ aircinne, cethrai, flexcaitli, MS. IV 138: Caide a n-airchenn? Teora forrge ocus
aurchor flescaig (sic. leg.). Ace. to Fodla Tire, IV 276 yz, there were six forrachs in
the "fore-end" (airchenn) of a tir cumaile and twelve forrachs in its length. 88I take
forcsiu to be like in meaning to aircsiu. Cp. V 464: Fer tailci a cliethra i n-athbathar a
chtti 116ar-da-aicci (inn (sic. leg.), where, for ar do aice, " who looks on at them (in the
act of trespass)," Atkinson has " where there is tillage near." Aicill araicci Temuir, "A. which
overlooks T.," is the often mistranslated first line of a poem by Cinaed Ua hArtacain. 90See
Heptads, V 136, 137. Tigrathus, tigradus <tig-, ting-, and rdith, seems to mean the liability which
falls on the last person who had charge of animals, etc., which afterwards committed damage or
suffered damage. 9l~92= Smachta . . . cdicthi iar fogail, IV 86 z ; smacht dia cdicthe iar fogail,
IV 94, 7. 9J = ag conranna cinaid fri hed, IV 108, 13. 94= one conranda cindta fri tret,
IV 108, 3. 9*foichlichi MS. See IV 156, 17. ^ fogeltad, cost of feeding cattle, etc., in custody.
See IV 104 y, etc. 10°There is nothing in the Comaithehes tract that appears to correspond to
the last two questions. At V 486 there is a list of indoor effects that could be taken or used
"without suit or payment" (cen acre cen eraicc, 490, 17). Formenn, nom. pi. of forimm, here
perhaps an equivalent of fuimrnrimm, which means "using" or "working" an animal, boat,
etc.-V 474, 8; 476, 7. 'Ecndaircc, adverbially, ''in the owner's absence," seems practically
equivalent to dichmarc,V 474, = cen athcomarc, "without leave," ib. gloss; foimrim noe . . .
no leasdair .i. cen athcomarc, V 476, 4.

[MlADLECHTAJ.
At IV 344 begins a tract for which the editors havesuppliedthe title
" Sequelto Crith Gablach."It is,however,quite independentof Crith Gablach
in all respects,and its original title was probablyMiadlechta(miad + sleclita),
found in lines 1 and 7 of the printed text and meaning"' classesof dignity."
It maybe of the eighth century. Instead of the serioustechnicaltreatment
of Crith Gablach,it usesa rather rhetorical and fanciful style, with numerous
quotationsfrom poetry. In its classificationof gradesit differsfrom all the
other published tracts.
It dealsonly with the freegrades,omitting theunfreeagriculturaltenants
fuidir, lothach,andsenchlethe,
alsothe slave,mug,and the slavewoman,cumal.
 312 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

It divides the free population into four orders : civil, Latin-learned, Irish-
learned,and ecclesiastical.
The civil order contains ten ruling grades: three of king, four of aire, three
of gentlemen. The honourpriceof all theseis reckonedin cumals. Then
follow sevengradescorresponding
roughlyto the boaireorderof other tracts,
whosehonourprice is reckoned in kine. Then nine grades of men without
property;who have no honourprice. Then sevengradesof wisdom(ecna),
i.e. of Latin learning. Then sevengradesof filid, men of Irish learning. Lastly,
there are the grades of churchmen, nob enumerated, probably becausea
knowledge of them was taken for granted.
We need hardly doubt that, in the original form of this tract, the
classification was in groups of seven grades throughout. The list of ten
ruling grades has at its end three grades,idna, ansrut/i, and dae,which are
not found in other texts. The list of nine grades that have no honourprice
has at its end two grades,the robber and the beggar, which are not likely to
have had legal rank as freemen. Of interpolation of the original we have
someproof. The text begins by stating that there are twenty-six grades of
freemen, but this number is made out by including the grade of aire forgaill,
not found in the text except as a synonym, probably here also interpolated,
for aire ardd.

The three grades of king are: triatk, "sovereign," explained in verse to

mean the king of Ireland; ri rig, " king of kings," to whom seven kings are
subordinate; and ri tuaitlie, " king of a tuath."
Of the king of the secondgrade, it is said that he is entitled to a cumal
from eachsubordinateking who fails to attend his houseof ale-feastingor his
(regular)assembly(oenach]or his (occasional)convention(dail}.
The gradesof ruling noblesare aire ardd, aire ttiise,aire d<?sa,
aire fine
idna, ansruth,dae. The absenceof aire forgaill and aire echta may be
noted.

Thesevengradeswhosehonourpricewaspayablein kine are: dgflaithem,

lethflaithcm,
flaithem,tdaire,tdnaise"boaire,
uaitne,seirtliid. Flaithemmay be
explainedto mean " lordlike " (< vlati-samos);6g- means" perfect," leth,
"half." The three grades of flaithem, instead of landed vasselssuch as are
undera flaitk, havetenantsboundto the land,in numberrespectively
three,
two,and one. Thelikenessto lordsis thereforevery slight. Theseirtliid or
" henchman
" is a landlessfreemanwhobecomes
a soldieror a guard.
The descriptionof the unpropertiedgradesdoesnot much increaseour
knowledgeof the socialstructure. There is nothing in it to showthat these
are really gradesdifferingfrom eachotherin status,and we may rather
understand thelist to stateninewaysin whicha freebornmanmaybecome
 MACNEILL-Ancient
Irish Law: Law of Statusor Franchise. 313
bereft of franchise:by selling his property,by having no propertybut
cattlewhich he puts to grazeon the land of others,by beingderangedin
mind, etc.
Ofsomeimportance is thelist of rightsandprivileges
thatarecharacteristic
of freemen
: retinue,right to food-provision,right againstexpulsion
or exclu-
sion(fromplacesto which freemenresortin common), to compensationfor
wounding,for violationof precinct,for violencedoneto a guest,right to
protect strangers,to give security in variousways,to give evidence,to make
declarationuponoath. But these potential rights did not becomeactual,
unlessthe freemanhad property qualifications. " Thereare seventhingsby
which a man is measured:physique,kindred,land, husbandry,profession,
wealth, integrity."
Thestatementof the sevengradesof Latin learningis obviouslyartificial,
since one of the grades hasthe poetical title of sruth di aill, " a stream from a

cliff." Thenamesof all the gradesare purely Irish words,showingthat, at

the time of the tract, the boundarybetweenLatin and Irish learning had
beeneffaced. The first grade is ro'sui,"great doctor,"also called sui littre,
"doctor of the Letter," i.e.of Scripture. To this grade,too,is giventhe title of
ollam,borrowedfrom the terminologyof Irish learning. He is a masterof
"the four divisionsof knowledge,"which are not named. Thesecondgrade
is dnrut/i, a title borrowed also from the native learning. The dmruth is
skilled not only in Latin learning,legend,but in Irish poetry and Irish
synchronic history, this last indeed a product of the Latin schools. The third
grade is sui, "doctor." He teachesonly one of the four divisions of learning,
and a quotation from Cenn Faelad seemsto indicate that the fourth division,
in addition to the three which the diiruth professes,was the " Canon," i.e. the
CanonLaw ? or Scripture. The fourth gradeis, " the streamfrom a cliff."
The description of this grade is veiy poetical, but indicates a tutor who assists
the backward pupils. The fifth grade is fursaitttid, "illuminator," analogous
perhaps to the demonstrator of science of our time. The sixth grade is
freisneidid, " interrogator." The seventh is felmac, a pupil who has learned
to read the Psalms in Latin.

The seven grades of Irish learning are the sameas in other lists, except
that the highest gradeis called eccsinstead of ollam. The title ollam,however,
is found later in the text applied to this grade. Beneath the seven pro-
fessional grades is that of lard, who " has no law of learning but his own
invention."

The tract ends with a rambling discourseabout the honourpriceof

bishops,priests,and laymenwho retire into religiouslife. As it seemsto be
a literary rather than a juristic composition,I do not give a rendering.
P..I.A.PROC.,
VOL.XXXVI,SECT.C. [34]
314 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

MAIGNE.

The tract headedMaighue," Precincts" (IV 226) is a somewhatlate

compilationon tlie subjectof the right of protection.It embodies many
quotationsfrom olderwritings. It derivesits presenttitle from the fact
that it beginswith an accountof the maigenor privateprecinctallowedby
law to certainclassesof privilegedpersons.Thesearethe variousgradesof
noblesfrom boaireup to the king of Ireland,of ecclesiastical personsfrom the
" exile of God " up to " the heir of Patrick," and of fflid. Any person who

happenedto be within the precinct cameunder the owner'sprotection,and

violencedoneto sucha personwasaccounteda wrongagainstthe owner,for
which the owner could take legal remedy. The precinct of a boairewas
symbolicallyfixed at a circlearoundhis house,the radiusof whichcircle was
the castof his spear. Theradiuswasdoubledfor the-nexthighergrade:and
soon for eachgradein succession, so that theprecinctof theking of (a number
of) tuatha had a radius of sixty-four spear-casts.But this area could not
extend beyond the owner's private land (faithche).
Protection in this sense is called comairce and dltiu in the tract. The
older terms are turthuge (U.B.) and snddud (C.G.).
Certain regulalions are stated :
A personunder protection could not take others under his own protection.
" There is no protection without offer of law." If a suit lay against the
protected person, and he refused to answer it. he could not be lawfully pro-
tected against the lawful proceedingsof the plaintiff.
A multitude could not comeunder protection. The maximum number is
stated at twenty-sevenpersons.
When a person whose life was forfeit came under the protection of a
church, he could save his life by payment. If, however, he did not"offer law,"
the church incurred a liability for protecting him or for allowing him to
escape. But, according to another doctrine, churches and ruling nobles
could give protection " without asking questions,"whereas the Fe"ni grades
had not this right.
A tutor who accepteda fee was under liability for offencescommitted by
the pupil. It is to be understood that the pupil is resident under the
authority of the tutor.
Subjoinedhere are two " heptads,"one stating exceptionsto the right
of protection (snddud,ditiu), the other dealing with the right to "sick-
maintenance " (folach,folach n-othrusa,
often simply otlirus).
V 290.-Thereare sevenresistances
in the visage
of the Feni,therights
of which are most difficult to shield-there is no right for lord or for church
 L-Ancient Irish Law : Law of Status or Franchise. 316

or for nobles of worth, nor for defenceof sanctuary(?),to protect them:

protection against a standing surety ; protection of a son who fleeshis father ;
protectionagainsta daughter who fleesher mother; protection of a slave
who flees his lord; protection of a church-tenant who flees his church ;
protectionof a man who flees his governmentof Godor man; protectionof
a womanwho fleesher rule of matrimony-that which Godhasjoined in the
beginning, let not man put asunder.
V 312.-There are sevencasesof supportthat are mosthardlysupported
in a tuath; supportof a king ; supportof a hospitaller; supportof a smith ;
support of a wright; support of a wise man ; support of an embroideress-for
someone is necessaryto perform the function of eachof them in his absence,
and that the earning of each of them may not fail in his house.1

DIRE.

I 54.-There are four magnates of a tuath who degradethemselves into

petty folk : a king who gives false judgment, a bishop who stumbles, a fili
who fails in his duty, an incompetent noble. "Who fulfil not their duties,
to them no dire is due. -

V 168.-There are seven mansionsin the usage of the 1'eni that are not
entitled to dire or honourprice: the mansion from which every plight is
refused; the mansion of the man who eats theft and plunder; the mansion
of the man who betrays honour; the mansion of the man who bears defama-
tion that defameshim; the man's mansion out of which son expels father ;
the mansion in which kin-murder is done ; the mansion that remains empty-
it is in this case (that the maxim applies) " the dire of every empty to a
nemed,"but that " the dire of every empty " may not exceedone chattel and
(i.e. besides) restitution of that which bus been damagedin it..'1

1 Only six casesare stated. The seventh may have been the cill/nn or chief mail of
lore in the tuuth. Folach, "support," is understood in the commentary to mean sick-
maintenance. The notion apparently is that the person so supported wasto be treated
awaj' from home. The treatment was at the expense of the person held to be the agent
of the harm suffered,and the commentary says that in these casesthis person could
ohoosewhether the treatment should be in a place provided by him or in the sufferer's
home. In the latter alternative, the measurementof expensewould be '' most difficult."
~Fli i/iiijjiirt/ich, "a fill who fails in his duty," i.e. who, in somethingthat he is
bound to do, causesdinpnrt, privation of due, to another person. Aire essindrnic,an
incompetent noble ": indnn'cappearsto convey the idea of material and moral integrity,
competencein all respects for fulfilment of duties and functions. The last clauseis
wrongly punctuated and wrongly translated in the official edition. The glossator,no
doubt rightly, interprets dire in the particular senseof "honourprice," t?iecfutin.
3 "Mansion": "fort" does not give the meaning of dun, a circular earthwork
surmounted by a stockade,surrounding the residenceof king or noble. Such earth-
works are still extant in great numbers. "Defamation that defameshim'': for <nr no
316 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy,

V 172.-There are sevenkings in the usageof the Feni who are not
entitled to dire or honourprice : the king who refusesevery plight, not having
his lawful (full) companyof guests,for it is not refusalby anyone,if he have
his lawful company, even though he refuse; the king who eats theft and
pillage; the king who betrayshonour; the king who bearsdefamationthat
defames him; the king (against whom) battle is won ; the king whom a
hound attacks as he goes alone without his lawful servitors; the king who
does kin-murder.1

V 174.-There are" seven nobles in the usage of the Feni who are not
entitled to dire or honourprice: the noble who refuses every plight; the
noble who eats theft and pillage; the noble who betrays honour; the noble
who bears defamation that defameshim; the noble who vows his perpetual
pilgrim-staff, who speedily turns again to his will; the noble who protects
an evader of government so that it becomesevasion behind his back ; the
noble who doesnot yield judgment or due to man-such a one is not entitled
to judgment or due from man.
V 176.-There are sevenwomen in the usage of the Feni who are not
entitled to dire or honourprice: the woman who steals; the woman who
reviles (lit. carves) every plight; the woman who betrays without recanta-
tion, whose kin jointly pays for her false tale; the harlot of a thicket; the
woman who slays ; the woman who refuses every plight. These are the
women who are not entitled to honourprice.
V 3682.-There are seven (cases) in which his houourprice falls from
everyone: defamation in accusing him without paying him (for it) ; false
testimony by him against anyone; giving a false character; neglect of bond;
going beyonda hostage; evading his surety; betraying his honour.

aire I read air nod n-uire. The last clause, following "the mansion that remains
empty," is not glossed and is probably not part of the original text, though its diction
is of the same period. The text, if 1 mistake not, has in view the case of a residence
permanently abandoned-this is the sense of bis. The maxim has rather in view the
case of a residence temporarily unoccupied, in which trespass and damage incur restitu-
tion and a small amount of dire, not the full dire of an occupied residence.
1 "Who betrays honour," i.e. who fails to protect anyone who has lawful recourse to
his protection.
 SEYMOUR-Noteson Apocrypha in Ireland' 117

In this paper I have endeavoured to contribute some items to our

knowledge of the books read in medieval Ireland, and as well to cast a
little light on the more obscure question of the possible connection between
Irish and Eastern literature. The search for apocrypha, and through them
for traces of Eastern, influence, in Irish MSS. suggests a not unprofitable
by-path in Celtic studies; but it is one which must be trodden by the
student who is better situated geographically, and better equipped
linguistically, than the present writer.

PROD.
K.I.A., VOL.XXXVII,SECT.C, [13]
 VI.

THE NATIVE PLACE OF ST. PATRICK.

BY PEOFESSOR EOIN MAcNEILL, D.LITT.

[Bead FEBKUAEY
15. Published MARCH29, 1926.]

THE authorities for determining, if it can be determined, the native place

of St. Patrick are his own Confession and Epistle, the poem called
"Fiace's Hymn," and the life of the saint by Muirchu.
The poem adds nothing to the evidence of the other sources, except a
version of the name of the place : '' Patrick was born in Nemthur, so he
lolls in [his] narrative"-Genair Patraic i nNemthur, issed adfet hi
scelaib. Here Nemthur is dative, corresponding to ai nominative Nemthor.
Scelaib, plural of seel, is often used to denote an extended narrative. Hence
it appears that the author of the poem, in naming Nemthur, professed to
give a name known to him for the native place of St. Patrick, which is
differently named in the Confession. Muirchu deals with the matter in
similar fashion. He quotes, in a peculiar variant, the name of the place
as; he knew it from the Confession, and then gives another name as that
by which this place was commonly known to others in his time. Muirchu's
version of the contemporary name is Uentre, but the scribe of Muirchu's
text seems first to have written Uenitre or Uemtre, which was corrected to
Uentre. It must be remembered that all these documents have reached us
through transcripts only. Consequently we cannot know for certain, in
a matter of this kind, how a particular name appeared in this or that
original, and we must make allowance both for scribal departures from
the originals and for the likelihood that a scribe in copying one document
may have had reference to another, textually or through his memory, and
may have tried to bring the variant names more or less into a common
semblance.
In the Confession the place near to which Patrick's father dwelt and
Patrick himself was taken captive is named

(qui fuit) uico Banauem Taberniae.

One manuscript has Bannauem, another has Taburniae. The Confession

further indicatesthat this place was in Britanniis: "iterum post
paucosannosin Britanniis eram cum parentibusmeis." Now the plural
 ILL- The Native Placeof St. Patrick. 119

Britanniae
means
Roman
Britain,andthistermrulesoutBrittanyand
any other region outsideof RomanBritain.1
Mnirchuavowedly
quotes
Patrick'swords("ut ipseait") fromthe
Confessio,
andenlargesonthem:"Patricius,
quiet Socketuocabatur,
Britanatione,
in Britannis
natus,
Cualfarni
diaconi
(sic)artus,filio,ut
ipse ait, Potiti presbyteri,qui fuit uico Ban nauemthaburindechaut
procula marinostro,
qucmuicumconstanter
indubilnnl,
rquecomperwmx
csseuenirc »«/>/;"<"
<limn conceptus Concessonomine."
Muirchu'sprologue andthetableof contents
whichprecedes
his life
of St. Patrickare foundmisplaced
in the Bookof Armagh. Thefirst
fivechapters
of thelife andtheopening
words
of thesixthchapter,
missing
fromtheBookof Armagh, aresupplied froma Brussels manuscript;they
includethepassage quotedabove.TheBrussels manuscript, according
to
Hogan(Documenta de S. Patrick),p. 11),is written,asto thepart con-
tainingthis life, in a handof the eleventh century,beingapparently a
transcriptmadein the Irish monastery
of Wiirzburg. Ferdomnach, the
scribeof theBookof Armagh,wasnot far removedin time from Muirchu,
and must havehad accessto materialof everykind pertinentto the matter
of his transcript. The scribeof the Brusselsmanuscriptdwelt far away
from Ireland,and wasseparated by centuriesfrom his original. He, or
an earlier transcriberwhomhe copies,wasignorant asto the detailsof the
matter in his hands, and stupid or carelessin the handling of it. He
begins Muirchu's text, under the heading "Prologus de vita Sancti
Patricii," by insertinga prologuepartly belongingto a life of St. Basil,
partly basedon quotationsfrom Tirechan. In this prologuehe has
abuduldanum for apud Ultanum,
Concubrensumfor ConcJiobunniitcm,
Imiyonus and Mavonius for Magonity,
Xi<csetus for Succelux,
Milucli for Miliuc,
Alforni for Calpurni,
Contice for Cothrige (Cothirchel).
To anyone conversant with the literature and tradition of St. Patrick's
life, all these words should have been quite familiar. To this scribe they
were altogether strange. We cannot suppose him to have been intelligent
or careful in his transcription of the passage quoted above, which imme-
diately follows his prologue. In the phrase hand procul a mari nostro,
from liaud he adds ha, in the spelling cha, to the preceding word, and

1The plural Britanniae, Srinanim . according to the instances collected by Holder

(AltCelt. Sprachschatz, p. 576 seqq.), appears to come into use in this sense towards
the end of the third century. St. Patrick, in whose time the migration of Britons to
Aremorica began, was not likely to have named that region Britannia or Britanniae.
[13*1
120 Proceedingsof the Roi/al Irish Academy.
makes ud into a separate word ut; doubtless misled by his exemplar-
chaut for /iffud is also found in the Book of Armagh (195b, col. 2,
line 4 from foot). For Concessa
nomine,"Concessaby name," he has
concesso nomine, which doubtless appeared to his mind to convey
sufficient meaning. Hence, when we come to consider the one word
in this passagewhich is of the greatest,importanceto our inquiry, the
synonymwhich Muirchu supplied for St. Patrick's birthplace as named
in the Confession,we are left to apprehend that this word has suffered the
same sort of treatment as the words haud and Concessa, and that the
scribehaswritten uentre becauseconceptusfollows. The word in his original
should have had sufficient resemblanceto uentre to appear to justify this
change. I suggestthat the original had Ueniam.
Venta Silurum, which became a Roman military station, is now
Caerwent (= castra Uentae), in Monmouthshire. The name Venta, in
Welsh G-went,becameextended in usage so as to signify in early Welsh
the region betweenthe rivers Usk and Wye, bordering on the Severn Sea.
The northward projections of this region, "the two sleeves of Gwent,"
were Ewyas, bordering on Brycheiniog, "Brecknock," and Erging, in the
direction of Hereford.2
In seeking to form a true view of the historical evidence of a bygone
time, the student of history must always endeavour to detach his mind,
not only from modern conditions, but also from the conditions of the
intervening time which may have become familiar to him through books;
he must endeavour, as well as he can, to project his mind into the time of
his witnesses; and, if their testimony has relation to an earlier time, he
must try also to place himself in that earlier time in order to form a true
judgment, so far as it may be possible, of the value and bearing of their
word.
About a century after Muirchu wrote, and about the time when Torbach
and Ferdomnachwere putting together in the Book of Armagh the materials
of St. Patrick's history, a great change came over the relations between
Ireland and the neighbouring lands. Fleets of fierce heathen Norsemen
took possession, as we may say, of all these north-western seas. It was
only when "the wind was wild and tossed the sea's white locks" that
an Irish scribe could write: '' To-night I fear not the passage of the sea
by the furious warriors from Lothland." In the preceding age, during
half a millennium, the Irish were the chief sea-going people of western
Europe. As early asA.D.290the Britons under Romanrule were already
'' accustomed'' to invasion from Ireland. As the Roman power in Britain
declined, permanent Irish colonies were formed in the western parts of
Britain, from Argyllshire to the Devonian peninsula. The Irish fleet in
which, during the reign of the great sea-king, Niall of the Nine Hostages,

2WadeEvans,"Welsh MedievalLaw," p. xxxiv.

 MAC-NEILI-The Native Place of St. Patrick. 121
Patrick wascarriedcaptiveto Ireland waslargeenoughto carry away
at the same time a host of captives so numerous as to be described in
Patrick'sown words,tot millia hominum. Sagasof the ocean,imrama,
formed a prominent and distinctive part of early Irish literature. We
still have "Mael Duin's Voyage," the "Voyage of Ua Corra's Sons," and,
most famous of all, the "Navigation of St. Brendan," which stirred the
imagination of other peoples,and most likely hastenedthe discoveryof
the New World. These are legends, but they answer to historical facts.
They contain imaginary wonders, but the containing framework is itself
hardly more wonderful than the actual seaTaring enterprises oT St. Colman
l"a Liathain, of whom Adamnan tells, St. Colman being of the samesea-
going sept that Nennius knew of, "the sons of Liethan," rulers in southern
Wales, and whosestronghold, Dinn Map Lethan, south of the Severn Sea,
is named in Cormac's Glossary. I may draw attention here also to an
event of ancient contemporary record which seems to have escaped due
notice in our time. Under date of A.D. 567 (rightly 568), the Annals of
Ulster record "the expedition into lardoman by Colman Bee, son of
Diarmait, and Conall, son oT Comgall." Colman \\IIM at this time king of
Mide, his father, famous in history and legend, having been king of Ireland.
Conall was king of Dal Riada, that is, both of the Irish Dal Riada and of
the Irish in south-western Scotland. Five years earlier the same Conall
had granted the island of I, "lona," to St. Columba. The meaning of
the expedition by the two kings has been obscured and diminished by an
old commentator, cited in a regnal list in the Book of Lcinstcr and followed
by the Four Masters, professing to tell that the expedition of the two kings
was "to Soil and He," the islands of Seil and Islay. The editor of the
Annals of Ulster rightly wonders how a king "whose territory lay very
near the centre of Ireland" came "to engage in maritime warfare" in
islands off Argyllshire. He conjectures that Conall's objective was "against
the rival house of Gabran." There was no "rival house of Gabran" at
that time, Gabran being Conall's uncle, broiher of his father Comgall.
There is no evidence to indicate that Conall was not effective ruler of the
whole realm of Dal Riada, including the two islands above-named, and
there is not the slightest likelihood that a king from central Ireland would
be associated with Conall in an undertaking so localised. In fine, lardoman
means "the western world," a term not likely to have designated two
islands off the Scottish coast; and this expedition, headedby a king from
Mid-Ireland and a king of Dal Riada, is fairly certain to have been a
voyageof discovery,like the voyagesundertakenby their contemporaries,
St. Brendan and St. Colman.
In Muirchu's time dynasties of Irish origin ruled in South Wales.
Thekingsof Dyfed,"Demetia," the Pembroke
promontory,wereof Irish
descent. The kings of Brycheiniog,"Brecknock," an inland region ad-
joining Gwent,werealsoof Irish descent. Thenomenclatureof numerous
122 Proceedings
of theRoyalIrish Academy.
inscriptions,mainly of the fifth and sixth centuries,somein Latin, some
in Irish Ogham,a few in both, testifiesto the prominenceof the Irish
elementin the countries of the Welsh seaboard,and to someextent south
of the Severn Sea.
I dwell on theseparticularsto showthat Irish people,especiallypeople
of the eastern Irish seaboard, must have been familiar with the main
topographyof the British seaboardlying over against them. Muirchu
appears
to havelivednearthetownof Wicklow. An ancienlchurchthere,
CellMurchon,borehis name.3 Hence,whenfor the nameof St. Patrick's
birthplace,
quotedfromthe Confession,
Muirchu"
givesan equivalent,
stating at the sametime that this identificationcomesto him by a constant
and undoubtingtradition, we must infer, first, that no placewas known
in Muirchu's time and country by the name he found in the Confession;
and, secondly,that the namewhich he substituteswas knownin his time,
and was sufficient to indicate for himself and his Irish contemporaries the
placein question. To the name which he quotesfrom the Confession
Muirchu adds"liaud procul a mari nostro," meaning "not far inland from
the Irish Sea,'' This piece of information may also have cometo him by
tradition. On the other hand, it may be no more than an inference. It
proves, however, that the place which Muirchu himself names was "not
far from our sea."
Let us now consider the name found in St. Patrick's Confession, taking
the text and variants! printed by Dr. Newport White in his '' Libri Sancti
Patricii." In most of the MSS. the phrase is "qui fuit uico- Banauem
Taberniae." The Book of ArmaghhasBannauem. The Paris1MS.,which^
"is 011the whole the most satisfactory," has "Taburniae." Muirchu
copied this phrase from a text of the Confession,or reproduced it from his
memory of the text; and the Brussels MS., which alone preserves this part
of Muirchu's history, gives the phrase thus : qui fuit uico Bannauem
thaburindecha. We have seen that the last two letters, ha, have been
detached by the scribe from the word which followed, liaud or haut, and
do not belong to the phrase in which the place is named. It seems also
fairly certain that the preceding letter c does not belong to that phrase.
If we suppose a ligatured ceto have been miscopied as de, we have a version
of Muirchu's phrase differing from the Paris MS. only in having th for t
and in for ni. Probus, whose life of St. Patrick closely follows Muirchu's

3 He may not have been a native of that part. His surname, moccu MacJitheni, in-
dicates that he belonged to a sept which should have been named Dal Maclitheni or Corcu
MacMheni. I have not found this sept-nameanywhere. The nearest approach to it that
I have found is in the name Tuatli Moclitaine (with the variant Moclitltuindc) in the lists
of aithechthuatha (see Hogan, Onomastieon Qoed., s.v.). It is significant that this tuatti
or populus was located "in Mag Macha," the plain of Armagh. If Muirchu belonged
by birth or origin to that region, it is easier to understand why he undertook to write a
life of St. Patrick, and why his life contains so much of north-oasteiu tradition and
topography.
 MACNEILL-
TheNativePlaceof St. Patrick. 123
at thispart,hasBannaue
Tiburniae
regionis.Thereis thusgoodsupport
for -bur- of the Paris MS. against -ber- of other MSS.of the Confession.
The familiar Latin word iabernawould incline scribesto write Taberniae
for Taburniae(or Taburinae),
especially
if, asis likely, their exemplars
had
a conventionalsuspensionfor the two letters following b. We may note
that the BrusselsMS.and Probus support bann-of the Book of Armagh
against ban- of other MSS.
In the endeavourto find verisimilitude in the phraseof the Confession
it has beenalmost a commonplace of moderninvestigatorsto reconstruct
from -vemta- the word Venta. This reconstructionfinds support (1) in
Venire of the BrusselsMS.,(2) in Nemthiir of "Fiacc's Hymn," (3) in the
inexplicability of a place-name Bannauem, (4) in the fact that Venta is
the known name of more than one place of ancient Britain. Besides
Venta Silurum, Caerwent, there was Venta Icenonim in the east of Britain,
and Venta Belgarum in the south. All such reconstructions proceed 011the
assumption that the phrase is cor nipt in all the extant MSS. of the Confession
and in the Brussels MS. of JMuiivliifs Li IV. It does not necessarily follow
that these are derived from a common source, in which the phrase was
found in this corrupt form. We must allow for the likelihood of collation ;
that is to say, assuming the phrase in all its extant variants to be corrupt,
we may regard the likelihood that this or that MS. which contains it has
been copied from an earlier MS. in which the phrase was given exactly or
approximately as St. Patrick wrote it, but was amended in transcription
to accord with the version in some other MS. considered to be of better
authority, or with a version already familiar and accepted. I take the
common ground that the phrase as it exists in its variant spellings is
corrupt and requires reconstruction, and that in its original form it con-
tained the word Venta.
The author of "Fiacc's Hymn" professes to quote the name from
St. Patrick : "Patrick was born in Nemthur, so he tells in (his) narrative."
His MS. of the Confession seems therefore to have agreed with the extant
MSS.as regards -em of Bannauem.. We cannot say so certainly that it
agreed with Muirchu as regards the following th-, for the suspension
representing-tur, frequent in MSS.of Latin, might be extendedeither as
-tur or as -tlmr. Nemthur would be suggested by the Irish word IIUIK Hi,
"sacred,a sacredpersonor place." What doesappearcertainis that
the author of the poem understooda division into two distinct words
between banna and uem or whatever letters represented these in the MS.
on which he relied or in the wording of the phrase as he had it in mind.
There is, in my opinion, good ground for holding that the author of
"Fiacc's Hymn," certainly not St. Fiacc who lived in St. Patrick's time,
was none other than St. Fiacc's successor, Bishop Aed, at whose
"dictation" Muirchu's Life was written. The argument in support of
this view requiresa thesisto itself and cannot be given here. Aed and
124 I'rocccdin.gsof the.Royal Irish Academy.
Muirchu were in close communication with each other on the subject of
St. Patrick's life. On the assumption that Aed was the author of the
metrical life called "Fiacc's Hymn," we may take it that his Nemtliur
and Muirchu's Uentre (as the Brussels MS. has it) are intended to name
the sameplace. Aed, indeed,is likely to have beenone of those from
whom Muirchu had learned, "constanter indubitanterque," the name
given in his Life. If we equate this name with the -uem to- of the MSS.,
we infer that Muirchu, like the author of the metrical life, separates
banna from what follows it, regarding it as a distinct word or part of
one. It is quite possible that in the poem, which has come to us through
many transcriptions, the first letter of Nemthur was originally U.
So much being premised, I shall give now the reconstruction which I
propose for the phrase in the Confession:
qui fuit uico Gobanni Ventae [Burrinaet Sabnnae1!].
Alternatively, we might read Gobannia in apposition to uico. The
meaning would be: " who was of the town of Gobanniumj in the Burrium-
district(?) of Gwent." I do not propose this reading as a critical
emendation. The view that I put forward is that the original phrase,
as written by St. Patrick, contained the place-names Gobannium, Venta,
and perhaps Burrium in some such relation as the reconstructed phrase
indicates, the precise locality being signified in the terms uico Gobanni,
the district or region in the words which followed. It would be vain to
attempt an exact critical restoration of any obscure locution in the
writings of St. Patrick. He himself fully admits his inability to write
good Latin, apologising that he has not had the double advantage that
others (of his calling and station) have had, who, as is most fitting,4 have
been educated in sacred literature, and have not lost the Latin speech of
their childhood, but have rather constantly acquired a more refined use
of it, whereas he, as his style, he says, betrays, was forced in his youth
to adopt a strange language in place of Latin. His style, indeed, suggests
that, like many a candidate for examination in our time, his conscious
weakness in Latin composition caused him to fill out his sentences with
phrases taken from other writings, and not always apt to express the
intended sense. We can hardly doubt that his writings, as they came
from his hand, contained many solecismsand grammatical errors which
were corrected in early transcripts. His orthography may have been as
faulty as his grammar and idiom. In view of these considerations, the
futility of any attempt to restore the original literal form and grammatical
relation in a phrase so obscure,obscure evidently to Irish writers of the
seventhcentury,is sufficientlyapparent. The most that one may usefully
attempt is to identify the place-namesin the phrase, and their relation to
each other.

41 read optima iure for optime iure of the MSS.

 - The Native Place of St. Patrick. 125
The proposal to identify the first place named in the phrase with
Gobannium
is not originallymine. Dr. Sylvester
Malone,
in his"Birth-
placeof St. Patrick" (Dublin, 1900),proposedfor this phrasethe reading
"qui i'uit uico bonaVenta Burrii," and thus identified the placewith the
Romantown of Burrium, now called Usk or Usktown,on the river Usk
in Monmouthshire.In a letter signed"McN." to the "Tablet" of July 26,
1902, my brother, Charles MacNeill, pointed out that the emendation
"bona Venta" failed for want of support, In fact, bona is not found
by Dr. Newport White in any of the MSS.of the Confession,nor is it
found in the Brussels MS.,which alone contains this phrase after Muirchu's
version. There might be some likelihood in the substitution of the
familiar bona in transcription for the unfamiliar banu, better attested as
banna, but the converse substitution is plainly most improbable. What-
ever Venta, may have meant - and its meaning is not known - if
St. Patrick was a native of Burrium, he would have known Venta either
as the name ol' the neighbouring town a leu miles distant, now Cacnvmt,
or still more probably he would have known this town by the name
Castra Ventae, and he would have known Venta, in the sense in which it
became Gwent in Welsh, as the name of the region which included this
town and also the towns of Burrium and Gobannium. In either case, he
was not likely to write of "the good rcnht of Burrium," as the designation
of the town near to which he was born and in \\liieh his father held the
office of decurion. My brother rightly rejected Dr. Malone's emendation
as unsupported and untenable, but accepted the view that the name of
Burrium was contained in the -bcrtii/u (-bitrnitu', -hurintlf) of the M^S.
Burrium suggested to him that the place more specifically named in the
first part of the phrase was Gobannium, and he proposed to read qui fuit
in Cobannauc iii[x]t(t Bcrniae, giving this, with a minimum alteration
of the letters, rather as a probable scribal \eision than as a critical
restoration of the original.
Dr. Malone replied in the "Tablet" of AuAist 9, 1902, in a rather
tart humour, and with some inaccuracy of detail. He pointed out
correctly, however, that the word uico was clearly attested by Muirchu in
commenting, "qucm uicum," etc. I may add that this sort of locative
ablative was not foreign to St. Patrick's Latin usage; e.g., Hiberione, a
Deo constitutus, episcopum me csse fat ear. He seemsto stress the fact
that his father was a townsman; and so too in the Epistle, where he
insists on the social standing of his family, evidently in defence of his
dignity against those who pretendedcontemptfor him: "Ingenuus fui
secundum carnem; decurione patrc na-scor; uendidi enim nobilitatem
meam-non erubesco neque me pcenitet-pro utilitate ctlionon.'' I there-
fore proposeto retain the reading uico, and I regard the omissionof the
following letters go- as the result of a parablepsisin an early transcript
which would have been the common source of all extant versions of the
126 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

phrase.5 Such an omission was all the more likely since, as is known to
students of early Irish and early Welsh, post-vocalic c in the sixth and
following centuries, for the literate of Ireland and Wales, had normally
the sound of g : where uico Gobannii was written, uigo Govanni was
read. I supposethat the original MS. of the Confession,and especially the
first pageof it, had becomesomewhatdefacedbeforethe transcript was
made,which becamethe commonsourceof the extant MSS.and of the
copy known to Muirchu, and that the final vowel or vowelsof Gobannii
or Gobanni becamea in the transcript. I suppose also that the syllable
uen, probably written with a suspension,was miscopied ucm : as I have
already said, it is almost common ground for modern investigators to
recognise uenta in the phrase. The separation of the first syllable from
Gobannii and of the last syllable from uenta (uentce),under the influence
of the likely-sounding tabcrn-, made it seem necessary to combine the
meaningless uen or uem with the preceding word, and so, as I suppose,
the imaginary place-name Bannauem emerged, invested with fixity by its
very strangeness.
For the purpose of the argument, I have assumedthat either the whole
region of Gwent was named in St. Patrick's time Venta Burrina to
distinguish it from other places named Venta, or that the part of Gwent
which contained the towns of Burrium and Gobannium was named Venta

Burrina to distinguish it from the other parts of Gwrent; Burrium in

either case being regarded as the chief town of the region intended.
Bury's last word on the subject is of interest. In the concluding
paragraph of the preface to his "Life of Saint Patrick," he writes:
"Since the book was in type, I have received some communications from
my friend, Professor Rhys"-the late Sir John Ehys-"which suggest a
hope that the mysterious Baniiauenta, St. Patrick's home, may perhaps be
identified at last. I had conjectured that it should be sought near the
Severn or the Bristol Channel. The existence of three places named
Banwen (which may represent Bannauenta) in Glamorganshire opens a
prospect that the solution may possibly lie there." We may think that
Bury would have expressed more assurance if one or other of the places
named Banwen was known or likely to have been a Roman town with
decurions. We note, however, that, like others, he finds uenta in the
phrase, and that, on general grounds, he thinks the place should have
been near the Severn Sea.

The raid in which Patrick was taken captive was carried out on a grand
scale, probably under the command of the high-king Niall; for Patrick
tells that he was carried off to Ireland with thousandsof other captives,
5A similar error in transcription is found in the sept-nameCorco Ela, properly
CorcoCoela,Book of Lecan,449b. There is a synonymCoelrige,and the eponymous
ancestor is Conall Coel. For Corco Oche, some MSS.have Corco Che. See Onomasticon
Goedelicum s.vv.
 MACNEILL-TheNativePlaceoj St. Patrick.
"cum tot millia hominum." "Et Dominus dispersit nos in gentibus
multis,etiamin ultimumterrae"-they weresoldasslaves,andscattered
amongmany tribes, even to the farthest parts of the land. The object
of the raid was to securea large booty in slavesand other things of value.
His father's householdwas despoiled of its man-servantsand maid-
servants. We may be quite certain that a raid of this kind was directed
to placesthat were comparativelypopulousand opulent, and that the
raiders, whenthey pushedinland, followedthe line of a Romanroad, by
which they could swoop swiftly on such places and retire swiftly and
easily with the booty to their ships; for as yet the formidable legions
had not been finally withdrawn from Britain. From Bath, Aquae
Solis, an important Roman town, a Roman road led to the Severn estuary,
and was connectedby an established ferry (traiectttx) \vilh the great road
which ran from the military station ol' Venta Silurum northwards to
another important military centre, Viriconium, and thence to Deva, now
Chester, also a military station of givai strairgjc impm-tance. Not far
from Venta, this road reached the Usk at Isca Siluruni. Here a western
branch traversed the southern seaboard of Wales as far as ^laridunum.
The main road, turning northward at Isca, passed through Burrium and
Gobannium, Abergavenny, both on the river Usk. The relation of these
roads to the Roman military dispositions is sufficiently reflected in the
place-names. Venta is now Caerwent, Oastra Yentae. Isca is ('aerleon,
Castra Legionum. Maridunum is Caermarthen, Castra Mariduni.
Viriconium is Wroxeter, Viriconi Castra. Deva is Chester, Castra.
With regard to the name Burrinm, it is to be observed that, so far as
I have been able to trace, this form of the name for the Roman station
between Isca Silurum (Caerleon on Usk) and Gobannium (Abergavenny)
rests on a single authority, the Itinerarium Antonini. Richard of
Cirencester, following a version o!' the same authority, gives the name,
in the ablative case, in one place as Bultro, in another as Ballio.6
Ptolemy's name for the sameplace appears to be BouMaion. The common
measure,so to speak, of these variants is Bullium, Bullion. Giles, in his
notes to Richard of Cirem-ester, says that no Roman remains have been
found at the town of Usk. Hence there is not much value in the
probability of Venta Burrina as the name of a part of Gwent in
St. Patrick's time, and the restoration or explanation of the last portion
of his phrase,burnineor berniae,remainsproblematical. Bury says(Life
of St. Patrick, p. 323): "We have more than one Venta in Britain.
berniae,however,remainsunexplained. It must representthe nameof a
district (or perhapsriver), added to distinguish Bannaventafrom other
places of the same name." If so, one is tempted to suggestVenta
Sabrinae,meaning "(the region of) Gwent bordering on the Severn."

6Ed. by Giles,"Six Old EnglishChronicles" (Bohn's Library), pp. 495,496.

128 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

ThesouthernVenta,now Winchester,wassufficientlynear to give occasion

for the additional term.
For the Irish incursionsinto KomanBritain, the sametwo phasesmay
be supposedthat are found later in the Norseincursionsinto Ireland: a
time of raiding for booty and captives, followed by a time of colonisation.
Wherever an Irish colony can be traced, earlier raids may be assumed,
for successin raiding was the natural preliminary to migration; the
raiders discovered the weaknessof the local defence, and acquired know-
ledge of suitable landing-places and of roads leading inland. The two
phases, however, were not of necessity synchronous along the whole line
of British seaboardupon which Irish colonisation can be traced. In their
earlier incursions,the Irish are associatedwith the Picts, that is to say,
they assail the northern parts of Eoman Britain, where Roman military
power was less to be feared than farther south. The oldest Irish settle-
ments in Britain were probably made in Argyllshire and the neighbouring
islands, where no Eoman military station is known to have existed.
In his edition of "0'Mulconry's Glossary" (Archiv. f. Celt, Philol. i,
233), Stokes equates Irish Feni with Welsh Gwynedd, the name of the
northwestern part of Wales, both names being developed from an earlier
Celtic *venio-. The name Gwynedd thus appears to have originated in
the invasion and occupation of that region by the Feni from Ireland.
The oldest known record of the name is in the Penmachno inscription,
Carnarvonshire, dated about A-D.600: Canliori hie iacit Venedotis due
fuit [c]ansobrino Magli magistrati-a typical example of the broken Latin
of post-RomanBritish inscriptions. Nennius has Wenedotiae,Guenedotae,
Guendotae(genitive singular), from older sources,beside his contemporary
Guined. The older forms suggest an origin in *Veni(o)tdta or -tota-s.63-
In "Fiacc's Hymn," tuatha Fme means the Irish in general.
Farther south the Pembroke foreland, Demetia, Dyfed, is likely to have
been occupied by an Irish colony in the course of the fourth century.
According to Irish tradition, the rulers of this colony were of the dynastic
line/ of the Desi, expelled from Meath by Cormac in the latter part of the
third century. The migration to Wales need not have immediately
followed the expulsion from Meath. The story which comesto us, written
in the eighth century, tells that the Desi made a prolonged sojourn in
Leinster before the main branch of them settled in south-eastern Munster.
This settlement, under Oingus, king of Cashel, should have taken place
about the middle of the fifth century.
It is worthy of note that the territory of Brycheiniog, Brecknock,
oaFor the shortened form of the stem in composition, compare, from *uenia > fine,
the compounds fingal and flittiu, gen. finted > *uenitut- or "ii'.nitdt. The equation
Venio-= Guined,Gwynedd,suggeststo me that Guidel*,Gici/ddi.lmay have originated
as a transformation of the Welsh equivalent of Feni under the influence of guid,
gwydd, "wild."
 MAG-NKIU-TheNative Placeof St. Patrick. 129
further inlandthan Gwcnt,whichit borderson the north-west,
wasruled
in the fifth century and later by a dynasty of migrants from Ireland.
Thefounderof this dynasty,from whomthe territory is named,is called
in Welsh Brachaii, in Irish Braccan,which is a variant form of Broccan.
The Welsh genealogists7give two accounts of Brachaii's ancestry.
According to one account,Brachanwas son of Anlac or Aulach, king of
Ireland, son of Coronacor Gornuc. Accordingto the other, Brachanwas
son of Cormuc, son of Eurbre Gwydel o Iwerdon, "Eurbre the Irishman
from Ireland." I cannot equate Aulach or Anlac with any recorded name
of a king of Ireland. It may easily have happened that a king of some
minor dynasty in Ireland would pass,in Welsh tradition, for a king of all
Ireland. These pedigrees, however, have passed through a number of
transcripts by Welsh scribes who were not familiar with Irish names. In
Coronac, Gornuc, Cormuc we recognise without difficulty the Irish name
Cormac; in Eurbre the Irish name Coirbrc. Brachan had a son Clytguin,
<jiii hunisil In/inn lii-nnn Sudgwdlliae-tla.is translates llu1 \\Ylsh of another
MS., oresgynnaud Deheubarth; Deheuharth comprised the southern regions
of Wales, in contradistinction to North Wales, which consisted of the
kingdoms of Gwynedd and Powis.
The date of Brachan can be fixed only approximately by reference to
his descendants through his numerous sons and daughters. His daughter
Gwladys was mother of St. Cadoc. His daughter Meleri was mother or
grandmother of St. David. His grand-daughter Sanant was wife of
Maelgwn, king of Gwynedd. These names would indicate that Brachan
flourished in the time of St. Patrick's episcopate, about the middle of the
fifth century.
According to the genealogical tradition, Brachan was either grandson
or great-grandson of "Eurbre Gwydel from Ireland." The words seem
to imply that the first of his line in Wales was his grandfather or great-
grandfather. The floruit of this ancestor from Ireland should have been
within the half-century 350-400. Gwyddel, Goidel, came to be used in
Welsh and Irish as a generic term for Irishman. Its use in this sense
seemsto be comparatively late. It is never found in the ancient Irish law
tracts, in which the free people of Ireland are always called Feni or Fir
firenn. I have argued that Gwyddel, like Scottus, another name for
Irishman, originated outside of Ireland during the period of the Irish
raids into Roman Britain and Gaul, and that both words were first applied
to the raiders; Scottus meaning "raider," Gwyddel "wild man" or "bar-
barian." In this senseGwyddel would be a specially appropriate epithet
for a man who was first of his line to invade Wales.
We may with probability, I think, go a step farther, and connect
Brachaii's ancestry with the sept Ui Liathain, who, according to Nennius,
7See Anscombe, '' Indexes to Old-Welsh Genealogies.'' Archiv f iir Celtisclie Lexiko-
graphie, i, 523 seqq.
130 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

took possession
of Dyfed and Gowerand Kidweli. Dyfed corresponds
to
Pembrokeshireand part of Caermarthenshire; Kidweli is farther east on
the Caermarthenshireseaboard; Gower is the peninsula of Glamorganshire
west of Swansea. Thus this Irish colony may be regarded as holding the
seaboardfrom SwanseaBay round to Cardigan. The sept of Ui Liathain
was a branch of the Eoghanacht kin, whose chiefs were the kings of
Munster. ' The territory of Ui Liathain stretched inland from the coast-
line between Cork Harbour and Youghal Harbour. Adjoining them on
the east were the territories of the Desi.
The settlement of the Desi in this region marks the extension of the
Eoghanacht power and of the kingdom of Munster over a large territory,
formerly part of Leinster, comprising the present county of Tipperary
and probably the eastern half of Waterford County. The Desi, forced
earlier to migrate from Meath to Leinster, allied themselves with the
Eoghanachta in this conquest, and were rewarded with a large part of the
conquered territory. It is interesting to note that something almost
exactly similar happened in the Irish invasion of South Wales. The in-
vasion was headed, Nennius says, by the sons of Liathan, who were princes
of the Eoghanacht kin; but a large part of the conquered territory, forming
the kingdom of Dyfed, came into possession of the Desi line. We thus
seethe same alliance operative at the same period between the Eoghanachta
and the Desi in Ireland and in Wales. In Ireland the movement of ex-
pansion was headed and conducted by the Eoghanacht dynasty. The Desi
took a subordinate part, and their kings in later times remained subject
to the Eoghanacht kings of Cashel. So too in Wales, as Nennius indicates,
the conquerors-in-chief must have been of the Eoghanacht kin, and the
Desi must have acquired Dyfed as their supporters. We may infer that
the sons of Liathan originally settled as rulers-in-chief of these colonies,
probably to the east of Dyfed, in Kidwelly or Gower; and when Nennius
adds that they held this region until they were expelled by Cunedda and
his sons,we must take his words to refer to the sons of Liathan only, for
Dyfed remained until the time of Nennius himself under the rule of the
Desi line.
Irish tradition affords clear and independent corroboration of Welsh
tradition regarding the oversea enterprise of the Eoghanacht princes in
this period. In Cormac's Glossary- Cormac himself being a king of
Munster, of the Eoghanacht line-we read of '' Dinn Map Letan in the lands
of the Cornish Britons." Cormac givesthe name in Old Welsh (or Cornish).
The corresponding Irish name would be Dun Mac Liathain, "fortress of
the sons of Liathan." This line therefore effected settlements on the
British coast, both north and south of the Severn Sea. Cormac tells of
anotherfortress in Britain, without denningits location,constructedby
CrimthannMor, "king of Ireland and Albion as far asthe Seaof Icht,"
the Irish namefor the seabetweenBritain and Gaul. Crimthann Mor,
 LL- The Native Place of St. Patrick. 131
X"

son of Fidach, was head of the Eoghanachtkin and king of Munster.

His name appears in the lists of kings of Ireland, preceding the
reign of Niall of the Nine Hostages; and, though these lists for
the pre-Christian period cannot claim to be strictly historical, it is
quite within the bounds of likelihood that a king of Munster, at a time
when the Munster kings were extending their dominion over the adjoining
l>;irts of Comiacht and Lcinster, could have laid claim successfully to the
hegemony of Ireland, and exacted 1instates From the dynasty of Tara and
Cruachain. Fourteen years are assignedto Crimthann as king of Ireland,
twenty-six to Niall, twenty-three to Nath I, who succeeded Niall. In 432,
the lil'tli year ol' the reign of Loiguire, son of Niall, and successorof Nath I,
St. Patrick's mission in Ireland began. This reckoning places the reign of
Crimthann as high-king and the last years of his life between the years
366 and 380. It will be noted that the three kings before Loiguire are all
associated in Irish tradition with oversea enterprises; and there is no
reason to question that the time assigned to them (366-429) corresponds
in the main to the time oF the Irish migratory settlements in western
Britain.

The Irish genealogies show that Fidach, father oF Crimthann Mor, was
brother to Eochu Liathan, from whom the sons of Liathan, the sept
li Liathain, derive their descent and name. After Crimthann there is no
further trace of Eoghanacht enterprise beyond the sea, and the leadership
of Irish maritime warfare passes to the kings of Tara. Obviously the
settlements of the sons of Liathan north and south of the Severn Sea are
much more likely to have been effected under a king of Ireland of their
o\vn kin than under the rival power of the Tara dynasty. The first
Eoghanachl chiefs who settled in South Wales may well have been the
actual sons of Eochu Liathan, cousins germane of Crimthann Mor.
In connection with the pedigree of llraeh.-hi, founder of the dynasty of
Brycheiniog, it may be noted that Eochu Liathan had a son named Coirbre
and a son named Mace Brocc. Coirbre, son of Liathan, corresponds well
in time with '' Eurbre, the Gwyddel from Ireland,'' with whom the line of
Brachan in Britain begins. Brocc means "badger," Mace Brocc "lad of
badgers." Whatever may have been the underlying notion, the badger
element is prominent in the nomenclature of the Eoghanacht kin at this
period, j^ed, brotherof IvichuLiathanand Fidach,had a sonBraccan.
Among the namesof early descendantsof Fiachu Fidgenid, another brother
of Eochu Liathan, are found Broccan and Coirbre and Cormac. The name
Cormac in this kin is also instanced in the case of St. Cormac Ua Liathain,
already mentioned,who continued in the sixth century the seafaring
tradition of his sept.
The)fcrocc-elementin personal names is prominent in inscriptions, both
Oghamand Eoman,of south-westernIreland and westernBritain, dating
from the fifth and sixth centuries. In Macalister's Irish Epigraphy (i, p. 16)
132 Proceedings
of theRoyal Irish Ac«.tlemy.
wehavethe OghamMAQI BROCI.SFilius Brocagniis foundin an inscrip-
tion nearLlangeler,on thenorthernborderof Caermarthenshire,probably
within the boundsof the old kingdom of Dyfed. Broca-giani,apparently
a Latinisedform of Broccagni,is found in an inscription at Trigg Minor,
in Cornwall. Broccagnos,genitive Broccagni,is an older form of the
name,which becomes Broccdn,Braccdnin Irish, and Braclum,Bnjclian in
Welsh.
Brachanor Brychan of Brycheiniogis thus likely to have beenof the
kin of the sonsof Liathan, who were expelledfrom Gower and Kidweli
by the sonsof Cunedda. If Brachan's daughter Meleri was the wife of
Ceretic, son of Cunedda, the relations between these two families cannot
have been hostile throughout. Ceretic's realm was no doubt Cardigan,
Ceredigion,which takes its name from him, as Brecknock,Brycheiniog,
doesfrom Brychan. Displacedfrom the seaboardof SouthWales,Brychan
may have been allowed to acquire a territory further inland. The fact
that this territory is named from him is a fair indication that he was the
first of his line to hold rule there.
The date of the migration of the sons of Cunedda to Wales may be
placed about the middle of the fifth century. According to Nennius and
the Welsh genealogists,Cunedda and his sons migrated from a northern
region called Manau Guotodin and settled in Wales, expelling thence the
Irish settlers. Cunedda left one sen Typiaun behind in rule over his
former territory. Guotodin is recognised as a form of the name which
was earlier *Uotadini, and appears in Ptolemy as Otalinoi. Their territory
was on the eastern side of southern Scotland. Manau I would identify
with the place or district called in Irish [Manu, genitive] Manonn. In
582 or 583 Aedan, king of Dal Kiada, fought the battle of Manu, probably
against the Britons of that region, identified by Reeves as "the debatable
ground on the confines of the Scots, Picts, Britons, and Saxons, now
represented in part by the parish of Slamannan (Sliabh Manann, 'Moor of
Manann'), on the south-east of Stirlingshire, where it and the counties of
Dumbarton, Lanark, and Linlithgow meet."9

8'' This stone is now in the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford.'' I suggest fresh
Inspection of it, to see whether the last symbol may not bs read C (four long scores),
like the symbol preceding it, instead of I (five short notches). If it can be so read, the
name is identical with Mace Brocc quoted above, Brocc ( < tBjoccon) being genitive
plural. As cited by Macalister, Broci is genitive singular, and the corresponding Old
Irish name would be Mace Bruicc, of which I have no other instance.
9Seefootnote, Annals of Ulster, 581, 582. The editor adds: " O'Donovan was surely
wrong in thinking Manann the Isle of Man." The Annales Cambriae also make this
identification, recording the event (year 140) in the words, Bellum contra Euboniam.
Under 581, the Annals of Ulster make Aedan victor; under 582, a duplicate entry repre-
sents him defeated. Beeves makes a double error in his mention of the Saxons. He
meansthe Angles, but these had just begun to1occupy Northumbria in the time of Aedan,
and are not likely to have reached the borders of Stirlingshire until a later time.
 L- The Native Place oj St. Patrick. 133

Clackmannan,farther north, beyond the Forth, seemsto contain the

nameof the sameregion. In the middle of the region is Srath Caruin,
the valeof Carron. Here,in 642,anotherking of Dal Eiada,the ambitious
DomnallBrecc,in the endeavourto extendthe powerof the Scotseastward,
wasdefeatedand killed in battle with Hoan,king of the Britons^sufficient
indication that a British dynasty then still ruled in the eastof Stirling-
shire.10 Here, just north of the Romanwall and south of Pictland, was
the most likely placefor a native dynasty of the northern Britons.
In the Irish Annals, the Welsh Genealogies,the Annales Cambriae, and,
so far as I am aware, in other known evidence, aTier the collapse of the
Roman power in Britain, there is one, and only one, British kingdom and
dynasty north of Hadrian's Wall. In modern English books the northern
Britons are commonly called "the Britons of SIrathclyde." This term
may have sufficient accuracy in regard in the In lest stage of the North
British kingdom, before its final cxlinctioii, say, within the ninth, tenth,
and eleventh centuries. At any earlier lime in the post-Roman period the
British kingdom extended far \\ider ilian Strathclyde, the valley of Clyde.
The principal seat of its kings was Ail Clduaidlie, the rocky citadel of
Dumbarton; and the Irish, just as they said "king of Cashel," meaning
king of Minister, and "king of Ailech," meaning king of western Ulster,
used the title, "king of Ail Chluaidhe," to designate the king of the
Northern Britons. The Welsh genealogies give I lie. pedigrees of this
dynasty under the distinctive name Giri/r // Gogled, "the Men of the
North," which means "the Britons of the North,'' exactly as the Irish
genealogies give the pedigrees of the kings of Dal Riada and their kin
under the title of Fir Allan, "the Men of Albion," meaning "the Irish of
Albion," not the Picts or Britons or Angles or Saxons.
A migration of Britons to Wales by sea, from a region which bordered
on the estuary of the Forth, and had its accessto the sea and its command
of ships on the eastern side of Scotland, would seem wholly improbable,
especially at a time when the eastern seawas infested by fleets of Angles,
Saxons, Jutes, and other Germanic folks. If, however, we can recognise
that the royal house which headed the migration held rule also on the
estuary of the Clyde, probably even on the Firth of Solway, the invasion
of Wales by northern Britons under Cunedda and his sons presents no
problem. A large numberof brief inscriptionsin defectiveLatin, identical
in their formulae,ascribedfor the mostpart to the fifth and sixth centuries,
are found in Devonshire and Cornwall, in most parts of Wales, but also
in Scotland,in Wigtonshire,Selkirkshire,and asfar north as the vicinity

10The strategicimportanceof this regionis well markedin. history. Besidesthe

battles above-named,
in the sameregion werefought the battles of Bannoekburn,Falkirk,
Kilsyth, andSheriffmuir. In it is the fortressof Stirling,longtheseatof the kingsof
Scotland.
PROC.
R.I.A.,VOL.XXXVII,SECT.
C. [14]
]34 Procc.nUncjs
of the Royal Irish Ac

of Edinburgh.11Theseinscriptionsprovea common
Latin culture,in a
commoncondition of decadence, throughout the area in which they are
found. The area is that of Eoman Britain, which had not as yet been
occupied
by the SaxonsandAngles,andwhich,after the departureof the
Romans,cameunderthe rule of nativeBritish princes.12The continuity
of intercourse and the continued sense"of a common nationality between
the Britons of Wales and those of the North is proved by the designation,
"Men of the North," which the Welsh gaveto the Northern Britons, and
by the fact that Welshgenealogists
kept a recordof the pedigreesof
"numerous chiefs of the Northern Cymri who lived in the fourth, fifth, and
sixth centuries."13
Speaking of the subjectsof Coroticus-identified by Muirchu, and
named in Irish as "Coirthech,14king of Ail [Cluade]," that is, king of the
Northern Britons-St. Patrick in his Epistle calls them his fellow-citizens.
This has been thought to indicate that he himself was a Briton of the
North. Bury, however, rightly points out that by cives Patrick means
Roman citizens. The words of the Epistle put this meaning beyond doubt :
non dico ciuibus meis neque ciuibus sanctorum Rominoritm. The sense
of the passageis that the Roman citizenship, which he and they considered
honourable, and which he associatedwith Christianity, had been disgraced
by the men of Coroticus when they allied themselves,ritu Jiostili, with
[pagan] Scots and apostate Picts in shedding the blood of innocent
Christians and selling Christian prisoners into slavery. The fact that
they were ruled by a British tyrannus was not thought to have separated
them from citizenship of Rome.
Zimmer has identified Coroticus of St. Patrick's Epistle, Coirthech of
Muirchu's Life, with Ceretic Guletic of the Welsh genealogists, ancestor
of known later kings of the Northern Britons.15 Bury thinks "hardly
necessary to mention" the identification, proposed by Rees in his Welsh
Saints, of Coroticus with "Caredig, of Cardigan, son of the Welsh chief
Cynedda." I think it, however, not only possible, but highly probable,
that "Caredig of Cardigan," whose name in Old Welsh was Ceretic, was

11For a collection of these inscriptions from various sources, with an attempt to dis-
cover metrical structure in them, by Sir J. Rhys, see 7 Cymmrodor, vol. xviii. Instead at
recognising the defective Latin concord common to many of them, Rhys endeavours, by
supposing ellipses, etc., to treat their Latin as grammatical throughout.
12The ordinary name of the period for such rulers who did not represent the authority
of the Roman Empire, even though they may not have been in revolt against it, was
tyranni - in modern phrase they were not thought to be " constitutional.'' Thus
St. Patrick: "per tyrannidem Corotici"; Gildas: "reges liabet Brittania, sed
tyrannos.''
" Anscombe, in Archiv fur Celtische Lexikographie, i, 521.
14Muirchu's Coirthech should represent a fifth-century name *Coreticos, but it may be
a scribal error for Corthech, representing Coroticos. Possibly there was a transitional
Coretic- between Coroticos and Old Welsh Ceretic.

15|'or a summaryof Zimmer's argumentseeBury's Life of St. Patrick, p. 314,

 - The Native Place of St. Patrick. 135

thesamepersonasCereticGuletic,progenitorof thelater NorthernBritish

kings.10 The alternative is that there were two men of this name,both
contemporarywith St. Patrick, both princesof the Northern Britons, both
engagedin maritime enterpriseon the Irish Sea. The soledifficulty in the
way of identifying Coroticusof St. Patrick's Epistle, Cereticancestorof
the kings of the Northern Britons, and Ceretic,ancestorof the Cardigan
line, as oneand the samepersonis that the Welshgenealogists supply the
northern Cereticand the Cereticof Cardiganwith distinct pedigrees. In
the caseof Ceretic of Cardigan, they are unable to trace his descentfarther
back than his father Cuncdda.17This is a rare instanceof genealogical
candour. The breakdown of Roman government led to the uprise of a.
number of British dynasts in the various regions of Roman Britain that
were not as yet occupied by the Germanic invaders. I do not think that
any student of early British history will hold that the Welsh genealogists
are likely to have been in possession of historical evidence or of authentic
traditions Tor the ancestry of these upstart dynasties during the earlier
Roman period. The. pedigrees, so far as they Tall within that earlier
period, must be considered liclitioiis. The Welsh geiiealo^isis \\ere, indeed,
less enterprising than the Irish genealogists, whose work, I think, formed
the model for theirs. They did not profess to draw up a complete
genealogical scheme in which the ancestry of every noble family of their
people \\iis traced back name by name to Adam. But they invented. The
Irish origin of the kings of Dyfed is not now questioned. Their pedigrees
were preserved both in Ireland and in Wales. Allowing for difference of
language and for scribal difficulties, the Irish and the Welsh pedigree
are in substantial agreement for the post-Roman period. The origin of
the line, however, is traced in the Irish pedigree to the chiefs of the Desi;
in the Welsh pedigree to the British hero, Maxell Gwledig, who seems to be

16Gulotic, in modem Welsh gwlfdig, is a title given in \\elsh tradition to a

number of British rulers of the early post-Roman period. Its meaning is briefly
discussedby Bury, loc. cit., more fully by Wudc Evans, ]\'</."-// Law, p. xxx. The
\vonl represents an older *vlaticos, which Evans connects with \\elsh i/iclml in the sense
of "territory." Gwlad, however, in Irish fldtli, icpirsrnls earlier *vhi1is, which meant
"government." The word changed its meaning in Irish, which, however, keepsthe older
meaning also in early usage, to "ruler" (cf. podesta), in Welsh to "country governed,
territory" (cf. kingdom). "There can be little doubt," says Wade Evains,"that
gwledig is a Welsh rendering for a Eoman title.'' On the contrary, there is nothing less
likely than the use of a Celtic word to replacea title of Romanauthority among the
Britons of that time. I regard guletic, gwledig, as the Welsh equivalent of tyramuis,
meaninga native ruler who did not derivehis authority from the Empire, thoughhe may
not haveprofessedly
rejectedthe Imperialauthority. To describe as a "
Cvmedda Welsh

chief" is unusual laxity on Bury's part.

17Onepedigree,
however(seeArchiv fur Celt. Lex.,i, 198),tracesthusthe ancestry
of Cunedda: Cuneda,^Etern, Patern, Tacit, Cein, Guorcein,Doli, Guordoli, Dumn,
Gu[o]rdu[mn],Amguoloyt,Aerguerit,Oumu[n?],Dubun,Brithguein,Eugem,Aballac,
Amalech,Beli: a collectionof artificialpairsof namessuchasmayalsobefoundin the
fictitious early strata of the Irish genealogies.
136 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
a legendary
reflexof the usurpingemperorMaximus.Thepedigreeof the
Northern British dynasty may well be authentic as far back as Ceretic
Uuletic, identified by Zimmer with Coroticus of St. Patrick's Epistle.
Beyond that point no family history of the line is likely to have been
preserved.18
I think we may supposethat the Welsh genealogists,
finding record of
Ceretic,eponymousancestorof the Cardiganline, and also of Ceretic,
ancestorof the North British line, assumedtheseto be distinct persons,and
invented distinct pedigrees for them. Something similar is found in the
Dal Riada genealogy.13In it three namesof the sonsof Ere are duplicated :
there are two named Loarnn, two named Mac Misi, and two named Fergus.
Further, it appears that there are two named Aengus; but the tract says
that Mac Misi was a byname of Fergus, so that Aengus may be substituted
for Fergus in the first enumeration. A probable reason may be assigned
for this duplication of names. It was not unusual in early Irish usage to
designate a kindred or its territory simply by the personal name of the
common ancestor; exactly as, in the Old Testament, Israel, Judah,
Benjamin, etc., mean the tribes descended from these ancestors or the
territories of the tribes. So in Irish the Northern and Southern Ui Neill
are called in da Niall, "the two Nialls"; for Conall ocus for Euyan means
"on the lands of Cenel Coiiaill and of Cenel nEogaiii"; Loiguire Mide and
Loiguire Breg mean two septs, descendants of the same Loiguire, son of
Niall; Cairbre Mor means one of several septs, descendants of Coirbre, son
of Niall; Ardgal means the sept and territory of the descendants of Ardgal,
grandson of Niall. In Scotland, Loarn, "Lome," is still the name of the
territory of the sept of Loarn, son of Ere; and Comhghall, "Cowall," is
the name of the territory of the descendants of Comgell, son of Domungart,
son of Fergus, son of Ere. The Dal Riada line ruled both Dal Riada in
Ireland and the Irish in Scotland. Its septs may have had branches in
both countries. Just as in the instance of Cairbre Mor, one branch would
be named Loarn Mor, another Loaru Bee, "great and little Loarn," and
in fact the pairs of names in the genealogy have each these distinctive
epithets, mor and bee. In the absenceof written records, the naming of
septs in this fashion would easily give rise to the notion that the septs
sprang from distinct ancestorsso named, Loarn Mor and Loarn Bee, etc.

18The ancestryof Ceretic Guletic is given thus (Archiv f. C. L., i, 196): Ceretic,
Cynloyp, Cinhil, Cluim, Cursale, Fer, Confer. it< reaches no farther. There is a con-
flicting pedigree of the North British line (ib., i, 544). Both pedigrees have in common
Dyfnwal Hen, his son Tutwal, and Riderch Hen, son of Tutwal = Kodercus filius Tothail
of the Vita Columbae," qui in Petra Cloitheregnaiiit" in the latter part of the sixth
century. But in the secondpedigreeDyfnwal Hen becomes grandson,not of Ceretic,but
of Maxen Wledig! Further, he becomesfather of Aedan, father of Gaurau-an evident
confusionwith Domungart,father of Gabran,father of Aedan, of the line of Dal Biada.
19Bookof Ballymote,148. Frominternalevidence
I consider
this genealogy
to have
been drawn up about A.D. 670.
 MACNEILL-The
NativePlaceof St. Patrick. 137
Thereis no improbabilityin the assumption
that two distinct ruling
lines, one in southernScotland,the other in Wales,took their descent
from Coroticus,king of the Northern Britons. A parallel is found in the
Sonsof Liathan,'' holdingterritories in SouthWalesand in Munster. If
the homeof Cuneddawas in the east of Stirlingshire or on the eastern
side of southernScotland,we can reconstructthe history of his migration
somewhat as follows :
Cunedda assumeskingship, becomestyrannus, early in the fifth
century, after the withdrawal of the Romans. His rule is accepted by
the Northern Britons, pressed as they were on all sides, by the Picts on
the north, the Scots 011the west and south, the Angles (still sea-pirates)
on the east. He leaves one son in possessionof his domestic territory (so
the genealogicaltradition tells). His rise to power becomesknown to the
Britons of Wales, who have been raided, plundered, and, as we learn
from St. Patrick, suffered the carrying of their children and servants into
.slavery by the thousand at the hands of the Irish. The Irish too have
wrested large territories from them. Cunedda and his sons invade Wales,
and, being joined by the Britons there, succeed in putting a stop to
incursions from Ireland and in displacing the Irish from the rule of most
of the land they had occupied in Wales. Coroticus becomes king of the
Northern Britons, perhaps in his father's lifetime, Cunedda having
migrated to Wales, or perhaps after his father's death. Of the posterity
of Coroticus, one branch retains the kingship of the Northern Britons,
another settles in Cardigan, Cereticion. Is this more or less likely than
the alternative assumption that there were two princes named Coroticus,
living in or about the same time, both ruling British princes of the North,
both making war across the Irish Sea? If the name were one of some
frequency, there would be more room for doubt, but so far as I have beqn
able to find, 110instance of the name has boon traced except those which
I have discussed.
Far from indicating that St. Patrick's native place was in or near the
realm of Coroticus, the evidence of his Epistle is, if anything, to the
contrary. It speaks of his father, a decurion, and of the raid in which
he was taken captive and his father's house was despoiled of its man-
servants and maid-servants, but not the slightest suggestion is conveyed
that the home of his childhood and the scene of this great event in his
life was in or near the laud ruled by Coroticus. There was little in
south-western Scotland in those days to attract the fleet of an Irish pirate
king in searchof booty and thousandsof captives. Bury's opinion that
the home of St. Patrick should be looked for in the neighbourhood of
the Severn estuary is fortified by the evidence of Irish activity in that
region. The natural sequenceof events,I have pointed out, is raiding
first, occupation later. Brecknock in the fifth century becamethe territory
of an Irish invader. Gobannium, Abergavemiy, was almost on the border
138 Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy.
of that territory. The words in which St. Patrick mimed his I'atli'
town had becomeunintelligible, the original- if it existed- perhaps
illegible,in Muirchu'stime,the latter part of the seventhcentury. No
attemptto restorethe original wordscan haveany hopeof certainty.
For GobanniumI claim that it is tenablein emendation,and that it is
the only knownplace-name
whichcorresponds
with all the evidence
and
circumstances.
While I was writing this paper,Sir William Eidgewaysent me his on
"Niall of the Nine Hostagesin connectionwith the treasuresof Traprain
Law and Ballinrees,and the destructionof Wroxeter, Chester,Caerleon,
and Caerwent."20BeforeI readhis paper,I had alreadyformedthe view
and put it in writing that the Romanroad which connectedthesefour ,
Eoman towns was the most likely sceneof the great raid in which
St. Patrick, "together with so many thousandsof men," as he tells, was
captured and brought into slavery in Ireland. Testedby their latest
dates,Sir William shows,"the coinsfound at Chester,Wroxeter,Caerleon,
and Caerwentall point to a catastrophehaving overtakenthesetowns in
or about 395-the very year in which 'the Scot' mobilizedall Ireland in
combinationwith the Picts, the Saxons,and the Franks against the
Empire"; and he infers "a very high probability, especiallyin view of
the Irish evidence of NialPs continuous activities, that it was he who
destroyed thesetowns in that year."
If we were to take 395 as the year of St. Patrick's capture, he being
then,ashe tells us, in his sixteenthyear, the year of his birth would have
been380, and the year of his escapefrom captivity 401. Thesedates
for St. Patrick's life appear to me too early. The "desertum" in which
he and his companionswandered for a month after their landing on the
Continent can only be explained by a devastation of southern Gaul and
the anxiety of the merchants to avoid places where they might fall into
the hands of the barbarian invaders. It was on the last night of the year
406 that the Vandals, Suevi, Alans, and Burgundians burst into Gaul,
a.nd no year earlier than 407 seemsto answer St. Patrick's description of
his journey. This date would make 401 the year of his capture, and 386
the year of his birth.
The breakdown of Roman rule in the western parts of Britain was
gradual. Ridgeway says that "the latest coins found in Wales are those
of Gratian (367-383)," and infers that Niall had then or not long later
"not only raided that country but . . . mastered it." I have already
shown that, on the southern Welsh seaboard and on the opposite side of
the Severn Sea, the Irish who were most prominent in early raids and
settlements were those of Munster under the Eoghanacht princes and their
Desi allies. The evidence of latest dates in finds of coins, strictly

20From the Journal of Eoman Studies, xiv, l-ll.

 The Native Place of St. Patrick. 139

interpreted,meansonly that thesewerethe latest coinsto reachthe places

of the finds. After their date, especially in the much disturbed state of
the outlying parts of the Empire, there might well be an interval of some
years between the arrival of the latest dated coins and the raiding and
destruction of the places in which they have been found. In this con-
nexion, a tabulated statement of the final dates of Imperial coinage in
various parts of Britain would probably bring more light-due allowance
being made for casual specimens which might have come in the course of
trading or raiding after Roman government had been withdrawn. More-
over, Clandian by no means implies that the "mobilisation of all Ireland"
in 395 achieved any great measure of success. He certainly points to no
such achievement as the destruction of all the principal Roman stations
between the Severn ferry and the estuary of the Dee. I should like to
see it thoroughly examined \vlicllicr Ibis ilcsl ruction may not have befallen
as late as 401. The great activity of the Irish, Picts, and Saxons in the
intervening years may possibly explain why no Imperial coins of later
date than 395 should have reached the towns along the Deva-Venta road.
It is not likely that these towns were destroyed in a single expedition,
unless indeed the raiders formed two fleets and armies, one landing at the
Chester end, the other at the southern end of the Roman road. I may
point out that St. Patrick does not at all suggest that the raid in which
he was captured was a singular event. Indeed, the matter-of-course way
in which he relates his capture seems rather to imply that it befell in a
course of events of the kind, not infrequent in his time. Whatever may
be said as to the exact date, the evidence brought forward by Ridgeway
as to the destruction of Caerleon and Caerwent in 395 or soon after
increases the probability that St. Patrick's native place was on or near
the Roman road that passed through these towns.
Sir William Ridgeway's paper imputes to me as "a philological guess"
the etymology of Atecotti as a compound of cottos 'old' 'ancient' and an
intensive ate. "Such guesses," he says, "have no historical value." To
say that Atecotti is a compound of ate and cotti is surely not a guess. In
any case, the etymology is not mine. Referenceto the name Atecotti in
Holder's Altceltische Sprachschatz,which Sir William quotes on his next
page, will show that the etymology adopted by me comes on the high
authority of Whitley Stokes. Sir William favours the old-fashioned
identification of Atecotti with the Irish term aitJiechthuatha. He says
that "the Romans had little regard for the niceties of phonetics when
taking over foreign namesand words." Yet Latin writers were as a rule
fairly accurate in their written forms of Celtic and Germanicnames.
The Irish word aithech, the first component of aifhechthuaftia, is itself
formed by adding the Celtic adjectival ending -dcos to the noun which
in Old Irish is aitJie and means 'repayment.' An aitlicch was a person
who was bound as vassal or client to a lord or patron, flaith. The lord
4400U2

140 Proceedingsof the Royal Irish Academy.

advancedcapital, usually cattle, by way of loan to the client. The client

repaid the lord both in kind and in various services. The word tt-ithcis
the noun or infinitive of the verb ad-fen 'repays.' In both, 1l>eprelix
ate is combined with the root vi, meaning 'to ply' or 'plait.' The same
word a,ifhe means also 'revenge.' The underlying sense in both its parts
is the same as in the English word 're-turn' in phrases like "a poor return
for the kindness." In the time of the Atecotti, the Celtic form of the
word aithechthuatha, if it were in use, would have been ateviacototas.21
With all the latitude that Sir William would allow to Latin writers, I
doubt if he will insist that, when I refuse to seea word like this repro-
duced in Atecotti, "the objection is futile." In fact, it has proved fertile.
When I went to consult Holder on the point, I found liKillm quite
accurately latinised in1the following inscription from Hexham (C.I.L., vii,
481): Q. Calpurnius Concessinus,praef(ectus) eq(uilinn}, caesa Coriono-
tot arum manu. I do not know whether the date of this inscription can be
closely or roughly determined. As the place is williin Eoman Britain
and far away from the nearest land frontier, the band of Corionototas
whose destruction is recorded must have been raiders from the sea,
probably from the Solway side. The event may well have happened at
some distance from Hexham, but the successful prefect of cavalry is
likely to have been stationed there. The Coriono-totas may have been the
same folk as the Coriondi, located by Ptolemy about the middle of the
eastern seaboard of Ireland, adjoining the Irish Sea. In a later Irish form,
their name would become Cuirenntuatha. In this form, I have not found it,
but a tribe named Corannaib, Correndaib (dative), is mentioned in Tain Bo
Cuailngi as inhabiting the Boyne valley, and there is record of an obscure
gens named Cuirenrige, a name which corresponds to Corionototas as
Bolgraige to Bolgthuatha; also of a folk named Fir Cuinm, apparently
in Westmeath (see Onomasticon Goedelicnm s. vv.). The Corionototas
of the Hexham inscription were almost certainly raiders from Ireland.
St. Patrick's father was Calpurnius,his mother,accordingto Muirchu
and others, was Concessa. Is it possible that the prefect of cavalry at
Hexham, Q. Calpurnius Concessinus, was of the same kin?

211 have to thank Professor Bergin for pointing out that what I have said above
regarding Atecotti and Aithechthuathahas already the authority of Thumeyseii iu
Zsehr. f. Celt. Phil.,, xi, 71.
 .M24 1909
SMC
MACNEILL, JOHN,
1867-1945.
[PAPERS READ FOR THE
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY].
ALX-6599 (AB)
mm
ft