Kernos

Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion

grecque antique
4 | 1991
Varia

Evidence for an Early Date for the Cult of Cretan

Zeus
Edmund F. Bloedow

Electronic version
URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/297
DOI: 10.4000/kernos.297
ISSN: 2034-7871

Publisher
Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique

Printed version
Date of publication: 1 January 1991
Number of pages: 139-177
ISSN: 0776-3824

Electronic reference
Edmund F. Bloedow, « Evidence for an Early Date for the Cult of Cretan Zeus », Kernos [Online], 4 | 1991,
Online since 11 March 2011, connection on 01 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/
kernos/297 ; DOI : 10.4000/kernos.297

Kernos
Kernos, 4 (1991), p. 139-177.

EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE

FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS

1. Peak Sanctuaries and the Cult Associated with them

The cult of Cretan Zeus must now be studied, at least in part, within
the context of what have been called peak sanctuaries. Peak sanctuaries
have long heen known as a familiar aspect of Minoan culture and, in
particular, of Minoan religion!. Indeed, significant conclusions have
heen reached in connection with them.
In the Aegean, peak sanctuaries appear to he restricted chiefly to the
island of Crete 2. Over fifty such sanctuaries are now said to exist, with

On peak sanctuaries, see J.L. MYREs, The Sanctuary Site ofPetsofa, in ABSA,
9 (1902-1903), p. 356-387; Sir A. EVANS, The Peak Sanctuary of Knossos and
the 'Tomb of Zeus', in ID., The Palace of Minos at Knossos, l, London, 1921, p.
151-263. Subsequently, most of the groundwork in the field has been carried
out by Paul FAURE (cf. BCH, 80 [1956], p. 95-103; 82 [1958], p. 485-515; 84
[1960], p. 189-220; 86 [1962], p. 36-56; 87 [1963], p. 493-508; 89 [1965], p. 27 -63;
91 [1967], p. 114-150; 93 [1969], p. 174-213; 96 [1972], p. 389-426; 102 [1978],
p. 629-640). This has been supplemented by the work of Costis DAVARAS at a
number of sites (cf., for instance, C. DAVARAS, Anaskaphi MM Hierou
Kophines Vrysinas Rethymnes, in MA, 7 [1974], p. 210-213), and most
recently by the extensive new excavations of Mrs. Alexandra KARETsoU at Mt
louktas. For a general survey, summarising the evidence in the early 70s,
there is the study ofB. RUTKOWSKI, Cult Places in the Aegean World, Warsaw,
1972 (Bibliotheca Antiqua 10), and, from a decade later, the short survey by
A.A.D. PEATFIELD, The Topography ofMinoan Peak Sanctuaries, inABSA, 78
[1983], p. 273-279. Cf. also C. DAVARAS, Guide to Cretan Antiquities, Park
Ridge, N.J., 1976, p. 245-248, and his map showing the (18) excavated peak
sanctuaries (ibid., p. 261). Otherwise, there are discussions in A.B. COOK, Zeus.
A Study in Ancient Religion, II, 2, Cambridge, 1925, p. 939-945; RC. DIETRICH,
Some Light {rom the East on Cretan Cult Practice, in Historia, 16 (1967),385-
413; M.P. NILSSON, Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek
Religion, Lund, 19502, p. 71-76; W. BURKERT, Greek Religion. Archaic and
Classical, Oxford, 1985, p. 26·28.
2 Cf. A.A.D. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 273. PEATFIELD considers several
possibilities on the Greek mainland, but rejects them on the grounds that they
are qualitatively different. Cf. also B. RUTKOWSKI, The Cult Places of the
Aegean, New Haven and London, 1986, p. 73·98 and 243-247.
140 E.F. BLOEDOW

more expected to be identified3 . They are thought to have originated in

the district of Siteia, at the eastern extremity of the island4 .
On the basis of the evidence from these many sites, attempts have
been made to establish a general and comprehensive picture of such
sanctuaries. Briefly, the following components have been isolated. A
principal feature which has been noted in connection with the location of
these sanctuaries has to do with their altitude, namely that most of them
lie 'within altitude regions associated with summer transhumance of
sheep and goats'5.
The artifacts discovered at these sanctuaries include 'vast numbers
of votive clay figurines of domestic farm animaIs'. This establishes 'the
link between peak sanctuary cult and pastoral farming'6, from which
one can extrapolate that 'peak sanctuaries came into existence to relieve
the fears and cares of the shepherds and cattie breeders'7.
It seems, however, that 'mountain pastures' may not have been the
only factor involved. Another consideration is allegedly the distance
from a given village to a peak sanctuary. The implication is that these
villages represent year-round settlements, not seasonal occupation that
would be associated with summer transhumance. Investigations into
this question have shown that the average travel time from a given
village to a peak sanctuary is about one hour 8 . Another factor in th is
context may have been 'the general prominence and viability' of a given

3 AAD. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 273.

4 P. FAURE, in BCR, 93 (1969), p. 174-213; 96 (1972), p. 389-426; B. RUTKOWSKI
(supra n. 1), p. 184-185; AAD. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 273.
5 A.A.D. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 273. HUTCHINSON too refers to
transhumance, but does not associate it with peak sanctuaries (R.W.
HUTCHINSON, Prehistoric Crete, Harmondsworth, 1968, p. 238).
6 AAD. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 273.
7 B. RUTKOWSKI (supra n. 1), p. 185. RUTKOWSKI refers to 'shepherds and cattle-
breeders', 'cattle-breeders and shepherds', 'the rapid growth of sheep rearing',
'sheep breeders'. But he also includes 'the farmers', and then refers to 'the
sheep and cattle-breeders and the agrarian fanners', and 'sheep and cattle and
crops' (loc. cit.). Cf. ID. (supra n. 2), p. 93-94.
8 AA.D. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 275. As PEATFIELD correctly notes, however,
this suggestion by FAURE and RUTKOWSKI must represent the optimum length
of time. He points out that, after allowance has been made for such things as
fitness of the inhabitants, knowledge of the quickest route and the weather, a
time of several hours is a more reasonable estimate. If one adds ta these the
steepness of the climb in most instances, even 'several hours' sounds rather
generous, certainly in a number of instances.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 141

mountain 9, although this seems to be true in only a limited number of

cases.
One also speaks of 'the peak sanctuary cult'10, which implies a
uniform or common character. On the other hand, a sacred hierarchy of
peak sanctuaries has also been maintained ll .
It is generally believed that peak sanctuaries emerged at the begin-
ning of the MM period, and then came to 'an abrupt end soon after the
close of the Middle Bronze Age,12.
The uniformity which allegedly emerges from the above should
make it reasonably easy to de termine the character of the deity
worshipped in connection with the peak sanctuary cult. And so we hear
that the object in the cult was to 'relieve the fears and cares of the
shepherds and cattle herders'. From this, one may legitimately posit 'a
god' as 'ruler of the heavens, as lord of aIl atmospheric phenomena, who
could produce rain and strong, gusty winds'. Consequently, 'votive
offerings in the form of animaIs were especially common in the peak
sanctuaries', and so one sought 'the god's help, particularly in producing
rain'13. Moreover, figurines of beetles, identifiable as Copris
hispanus 14 , are particularly significant, since the life of Copris
hispanus is 'absolutely connected with the existence of a flock of sheep,

9 AAD. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 275.

10 AAD. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 273-279.
Il J. BINTLIFF, Natural Environment and Settlement in Prehistoric Greece,
Oxford, 1977 (BAR Supplementary Series, 28), p. 145-170. This, however,
appears to he an oversimplification, as it breaks down under detailed analysis.
After a brief survey of certain modern traditions in rural Greece, which are
authentic enough, the reader is taken back into the prehistoric period. Here,
for Crete, BINTLIFF relies almost exclusively on FAURE's investigations, which
he recapitulates briefly. Thereafter, he returns to the Greek mainland,
proceeding here as he has done in connection with Crete. In place of specifie
evidence, which is cited essentially as an afterthought, BINTLIFF proceeds
with such techniques as 'we suggest', 'it is suggested', 'we suspect', 'we believe',
'we feel justified in arguing', 'we postulate', 'we would contend', 'we maintain',
'we might expect', 'it seems', 'apparently', 'doubtless', 'appear', 'seems likely',
'could have', 'may in future be found', 'likely to have been', 'probably', 'might',
'seemingly', 'appear to have been', 'possible', 'conceivably', 'perhaps', 'almost
certainly', etc., etc.-these in profusion within the space of a few pages.
Furthermore, BINTLIFF takes virtually no account of chronology, except in the
most general terms, despite the many subphases which are now recognised.
12 AAD. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 277.
13 B. RUTKOWSKI (supra n. 1), p. 172, cf. ID. (supra n. 2), p. 90-91.
14 Cf. below, n. 33.
142 E.F. BLOEOOW

the basic source of natural wealth in Crete'. Consequently, 'where there

were copris beetles there were sheep as weIl'. As Rutkowski sees it, 'the
inhabitants of ancient Crete believed that beetles (copris) brought good
luck', that Copris hispanus 'must have been regarded as a representative
of the Goddess who was the Protectress of earth and heaven'. And so, 'in
bringing models of beetles... the supplicants were no doubt asking the
goddess to multiply their flocks of sheep'15.
Although the above may be essentially correct so far as a general
picture is concerned, it will be appropriate to draw attention to sorne of the
difficulties which arise, as these have a direct bearing on the question of
religion and cult.
The notion of transhumance, which forms one of the cornerstones of
this picture, calls for particular attention. Rutkowski, for instance,
actually divides the terrain in question into two main regions, which, in
turn, he further divides into six sub-regions. These are as follows :

Region 1 : 0-650 m.
a) 0-350 m : Here the vegetation is 'luxuriant, and vines and other
plants are cultivated',
b) 350-650 m : The vegetation at this altitude is made up of'sparse
maquis and oak woods'.
Region II : 650-1900 m.
a) 650-1000 m : The vegetation in this niche is 'maquis, Aleppo pine
woods, cypresses and mulberry trees', In addition, there is heavy
rainfall in spring and autumn.
b) 1000-1300 m : This forms the 'upper transition zone', and here
'rain occurs at aIl times of the year, sometimes even in
summer'. Moreover, 'arable farming is practised and in
summer the sheep are brought to the higher pastures. At this
altitude it is still possible to live aIl year round'.
c) 1300-1500 m : Here 'land is still cultivated sporadically'.
d) 1500-1900 m : At this altitude 'the ground is covered with snow for
many months of the year and cultivation of cereaIs is not
possible'16.

15 B. RUTKOWSKI (supra n. 1), p. 175-179, cf, ID. (supra n. 2), p. 89-91.

16 B. RUTKOWSKI (supra n. 1), p. 154-155 (cf. ID. [supra n. 2], p. 73-74). Ofthese,
only Regions la and IIb would seem to be suitable for pasturage. For a
discussion of c1imatic conditions, in which more subtle distinctions are made,
cf. P. FAURE, La vie quotidienne en Crète au temps de Minos (1500 avant
Jésus-Christ), Paris, 1973, p. 69-71, and 77-81.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 143

No peak sanctuaries are located in Regions Ud or Ile, a few in IIb 17 ,

and more in lIa 18 , as weIl as a few in Ia 19 . This puts the majority in
Ib 20 .
The significance of this is allegedly that 'aIl peak sanctuaries,
irrespective of height, are associated with regions that allow for sorne
sort of farming, arable or pastoral, often both'21. And aIl of this is highly
important in respect of attempting to determine the nature of the deity (or
deities) worshipped in connection with peak sanctuaries.
As already noted above, the chief factor allegedly involved in
relieving the fears and cares of shepherds and herders (and presumably
agriculturalists as weIl) was rain. To secure the necessary rain, one
appealed to 'the god or goddess'22. It is interesting that Rutkowski here
regards the deity in question as a god or goddess. It should probably be of
sorne importance to establish just which. Although initially he appears to

17 For instance, Karphi (1148 m), Kastellos (1160 m), Keria (1168 m), cf. A.A.D.
PEATFIELD (n. 1), p. 274. Keria appears to be the highest peak sanctuary.
18 For instance, Iouktas (780 m), Kophinas (970 m), Plagia (819 m), Pyrgos (685
m), Vigla (714 m), Vrysinas (858 m), Xykephalo (705 m), Zou (725 m) (cf. B.
RUTKOWSKI [supra n. 1], p. 155, n. 7). DAVARAS, incidentally, places Kophinas
at 1231 metres (C. DAVARAS [supra n. 1], p. 248), but this presumably refers to
the highest ridge of the Asterousia Mountains, lying immediately to the south
of the peak sanctuary.
19 The lowest peak sancturay appears to he Petsopha (215 m).
20 R UTKOWSKI actually puts the majority between 350 and 800 m (B.
RUTKOWSKI [supra n. 1], p. 172), which would mean an overlap between
Region Th and lIa. RUTKOWSKI's scheme is essentially artificial, especially the
ascription of specifie altitudes. There are variations from one region to
another, and there is also considerable overlapping. It may be useful to
compare his scheme with HUTCHINSON's division, in which no specifie
altitudes are given :
a) Fertile coastal plains and valleys.
b) Mountain-Iocked upland plains, sometimes drained by a river but often
drained by only natural swallow holes. Often snow-bound in winter and
sometimes waterlogged if the swallow holes become blocked.
c) Low hills and table-land, providing good pasture and even arable land.
d) Forests.
e) The [Madara] bare lands on the higher mountains, providing summer
pasturage but snowbound in winter.
D The high peaks, crags and torrents that are unsuit able for pasture. (R.W.
HUTCHINSON (supra n. 1), p. 37). Neither RUTKOWSKI nor HUTCHINSON,
however, give any special regional distribution of these vertical variations.
21 A,A,D. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 274.
22 B. RUTKOWSKI (n. 1), p. 172.
 144 E.F. BLOEDOW

place the god first ('the god as ruler of the heavens, as lord of aIl atmos-
pheric phenomena')23, a little later we are presented with 'a Great
Goddess', who takes precedence over 'a minor male divinity', the latter
also worshipped 'at the time that sanctuaries were erected on the
peaks'24.
If one, for instance, considers transhumance in light of this, a major
difficulty appears to arise. Transhumance ostensibly takes place
because there is no rain in the summer, with the result that pasture burns
up at the low or lowest altitudes 25 . Consequently, shepherds and
herdsmen move to higher pastures - but not because it rains at these
altitudes in summer26 , rather because here the water arrives later from
the snows which melt higher up or the districts are fed by upland springs,
and also because of the greater autumn and spring rains, so that the
grass lasts longer. Indeed the small upland valleys where the summer
grass was available provided pasturage, not because of summer rain,
but because (in, for instance, the Siteia) they were 'watered by the springs
from the mountains that enclose them'27. In this Siteia region, in the
extreme east of the island (the district which Peatfield selects for
detailed description as it provides the characteristic features of peak
sanctuaries), such springs will have been fed chiefly by the autumn and
spring rains, since the mountains here are not high enough for much, if
any, snow. The continuous annual repetition of this phenomenon of

23 Loc. cit.
24 B. RUTKOWSKI (supra n. 1), p. 179. Did the prospects of the local inhabitants
probably not obtaining much rain from such 'a minor male divinity' perhaps
lead ta the notion of 'a Great Goddess'? For a slight modification ofthis view,
cf. ID. (supra n. 2), p. 91.
25 HUTCHINSON observes that the c1imate in Crete today 'varies greatly
according to altitude', and refers specifically to 'the plains', where 'praetically
ail the rain falls between October and March, usual!y sorne heavy rain in
October and again in February or March' (R.W. HUTCHINSON [supra n. 5], p.
38).
26 RUTKOWSKI makes the point that in his Region lIb, where he locates 'the
higher pastures', 'rain occurs at ail times of the year, sometimes even in
summer' (B. RUTKOWSKI [supra n. 1], p. 155). Although this statement is
somewhat ambiguous, it at al! events leaves little doubt that there was very
little, ifindeed any, rain at this altitude in the summer. And at al! events, it is
above the line in which most of the peak sanctuaries are located, and those
located at such an altitude are connected with human activity at a lower
altitude. Certainly RUTKOWSKI does not conneet a single peak sanctuary
specifically with such an environmental niche.
27 AAD. PEATFIELD (supra n. 1), p. 274.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 145

nature must have eliminated from the native inhabitants any prospect of
changing it by means of appealing to a deity. By the same token, they
will presumably have seen little need of attempting to influence the
autumn and spring rains, since they were such a regularly recurring
phenomenon. The same presumably applies even more to Rutkowski's
Region lb, into which most of the peak sanctuaries fa1l 28 . Otherwise,
there is the possibility that in the MM and LM periods 'the island was
greener... because there was more rain'29. It therefore looks as if the
idea of a rain cult is based on very tenuous evidence.

28 ln RUTKOWSKr' Region lIa, into which some of the peak sanctuaries fall, there
was heavy rainfall in spring and in autumn. This was presumably true to at
least some degree also in his Region lb.
29 P. FAURE (supra n. 16), p. 70-71, and 77-81. Cf. : 'Minoan Crete therefore had
more fores t, was greener, received more rain and was surrounded by a sea
that was coolel' by one or two degrees, so that there was probably not the
same acute shortage of fresh water that there is today' (ibid., p. 72). On the
other hand, FAURE maintains that 'Dictynna, one of the principal deities of the
Minoan world, the forerunner of Artemis and the Nymphs of the Greek world
and the modern Nereids, was a goddess of gushing water', and sees a
continuity hetween then and now in the current custom 'in the villages of the
Ennea Choria, ancient Inachorium (Kisamou), where, if the population does
not on May 6 celebrate properly the Festival of Saint Dikaios on Mt Dikaios
(ancient Dictaios ?), there will not be any rain in the following year, or, in the
words of the locals, «the fountains will not open UP»' (P. FAURE [supra n. 16], p.
73). WhiJe this may be suggestive enough, it should be borne in mind that
there still seems ta he a good deal of uncertainty about Dictynna. Persson, for
instance, regarded her as 'closely associated with Britomartis' (A.W. PERSSON,
The Religion ofGreece in Prehistoric Times, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1942,
p. 128), and NILSSON, who investigated the problem in great detail, expressed
the view that 'It appears that she was a Cretan goddess very much resembling
Artemis and parallel to Britomartis, but venerated in western Crete, whilst
Britomartis was worshipped in eastern Crete', and that 'the close affinity of
this Cretan goddess to Artemis and to Britomartis is evident' (M.P. NILSSON
[supra n. 1], p. 511, 512). PERSSON, citing MINGAZZINI, thought that she
originated in eastern Crete but was later forced to move elsewhere, namely, to
western Crete (A.W. PERSSON [this n.], p. 129, cf. M.P. NILSSON [supra n. 1],
p. 511-512). This makes it all the more difficult to be specifie about the real
character of Dictynna, i.e., if she had a distinctly separate identity. (It is
perhaps worth noting that NILSSON does not speculate on this question.)
Consequently, the idea of Dictynna as the 'goddess of gushing water' appears
to be based on very tenuous evidence, as does the thesis that contemporary
customs in the villages of Ennea Choria have a direct link with Bronze Age
Crete. The latter is of course possible, but extremely difficult to demonstrate.
WILLETTS notes that 'Continuous deforestation throughout the centuries has
turned Crete, once one of the most fertile and prosperous islands in the
146 E.F. BLOEDOW

A closer look at Rutkowski's arguments for sheep produces essen-

tially the same results. His appeal to the beetles as evidence to
substantiate this aspect of his the sis is far from compelling. If, for
instance, a flock of sheep represented 'the basic source of material
wealth in Crete', and if by bringing models of beetles 'the supplicants
were no doubt asking the goddess to multiply their flocks of sheep'30,
should one not expect to firid many more such artifacts, at many more
sites 31 ? Apart from these considerations, there appear to be difficulties
in identifying the artifacts in question as beetles32 , and the beetles as
Copris 33 .
The problem concerning sheep can, however, be approached in a
different manner. Chadwick has drawn attention to Killen's brilliant
research in connection with the Linear B tablets on sheep, according to
which it was possible to determine that not only were sheep reared
chiefly for wool, but also that at a given time there was a total of 'close to
100,000'34. Although this circumstance seems to reflect concentration in
central (northern) Crete, centred around the palace of Knossos, and
dates from the LM (III) period, is it possible to see this as a continuation
of an essentially similar state of affairs from an earlier era, except
under altered conditions of organisation ? In other words, is it possible to
extrapolate from this a significant concentration in sheep already in the
MM period, when the rearing of sheep was on the basis of private
ownership, whereas in the Late Palace period it had become astate
monopoly? And could such a state monopoly have extended into the

Mediterranean, into one of the rockiest and most barren. When there were
plenty of trees on the lower mountain slopes, water could be absorbed into the
soil and so provide a natural reserue in dry seasons' (R.F. WILLETTS, The
Ciuilization ofAncient Crete, London, 1977, p. 28 : myemphasis).
30 B. RUTKOWSKI (supra n. 1), p. 179, cf. ID. (supra n. 2), p. 90-91.
31 They appear ta have been found at only about four sites.
32 Cf., for instance, B. RUTKOWSKI (supra n. 1), p. 175, n. 65.
33 The specimens which he found at Piskokephalo, PLATON identified as
'Rhinoceros oryctes (N. PLATON, Zakros. The Discouery of a Lost Palace of
Ancient Crete, New York, 1971, p. 43) - a view with which RUTKOWSKI took
issue: 'It is most interesting to note that Mr. MROCZKOWSKI, a Polish
entomologist consulted in 1966, said, almost without hesitation, after seeing
photographs of the finds from Prophetis Elias, Petsopha, Piskokephalo and
Palaikastro, that the models of beetles there could not be models of oryctes
nasicornis (as has generally been supposed), but solely are of the scaraboid
species, copris hispanus' (B. RUTKOWSKI [supra n. 1], p. 176; cf. ID. [supra n. 2],
p.89).
34 J. CHADWICK, The Mycenaean World, Cambridge, 1976, p. 127-129.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 147

mountainous region of Siteia as well 35 ? That is to say, may in the

period of private ownership the peak sanctuaries reflect the cares and
concerns of the population in conjunction with their livelihood, whereas
during the period of state monopoly the flocks and herds had become the
care and concern of others ? And may the cares and concerns of the
people in the earlier period have been somewhat wider in scope than
Rutkowski portrays ?
In turning to the finds at these sanctuaries, Rutkowski divides them
into three categories: human figurines, animal figurines and minia-
ture objects. Of these, figurines of animaIs appear to be 'the most
numerous', with the majority being 'domestic animaIs reared as stock' :
'caUle and pigs - mainly bulls, oxen, rams and sheep'36. The most
striking, and at the same time the most important, aspect about the finds
is that at virtually aIl peak sanctuaries they are almost invariably of a
very modest character, so that very few aspire to any significant artistic
merit. This would seem to leave little doubt that the individuals
associated with the peak sanctuaries were essentially peasant folk, as
Faure, Rutkowski and others have maintained. The equally modest
nature of the architectural remains which have been discovered at these
sites also bears this out37 .

2. The Peak Sanctuary of Mt Iouktas : Evans' Interpretation

All this is of great importance, because it has a direct bearing on the

religious significance of these sanctuaries, a question which is still not
resolved. What Davaras wrote in 1976, is still true today, namely that
'The nature of the deity or deities worshipped at peak sanctuaries
remains a subject of discussion among scholars'38. From the essen-

35 Might such a state monopoly (in not only sheep farming) perhaps also
account for, at least in part, the decline in peak sanctuaries in the LM period ?
36 B. RUTKOWSKI (supra n. 1), p. 170-171, cf. ID. (supra n. 2), p. 87.
37 It may he worth while pointing out that at sorne peak sanctuaries there are
modern equivalents, namely in the form of very simple chapels (cf., for
instance, Zou, Gonies and Vrysinas), also associated with the local peasant folk
today. The simplest such modern example l saw was at Kophinas, which,
interestingly, was on the highest ridge, at a height (1231 m) considerably
above that of the ancient sanctuary (970 m), and much more difficult to reach.
It was built of the abundant stones lying aIl over the top of the ridge. Its
modest character was further underlined by the fact that it was not painted
white, as were aIl the others. The local population clearly do not often make
the difficult climb from the village ofKapetaliana ta this barren peak.
38 C. DAVARAS (supra n. 1), p. 248.
 148 E.F. BLOEDOW

tially uniform character of the evidence at virtually aIl the peak

sanctuaries, one is inclined to conclude that the same deity ought to have
been venerated at aIl of them. As we have aIready seen above, however,
the identification of this deity is no easy matter. This is illustrated even
more emphatically by the peak sanctuary on Mt Iouktas, and it is to this
site that we must now turn.
The early investigation and interpretation of this peak sanctuary
was bound up very much with the personality of Sir Arthur Evans and
his reconstruction of Minoan religion. For Evans, the centre of Minoan
religion was the Minoan Mother Goddess. It is not surprising, therefore,
that he should interpret any evidence relating to Minoan religion in
light of this basic premise. An interesting, and indeed not unimportant,
case in point is the way in which he explained the evidence which he
found upon his investigation of the peak sanctuary of Mt Iouktas 39 . This
is aIl the more important because Evans at the same time discusses the
evidence within a broader context, namely 'the Early Palace Cult of
Knossos' and in fact 'its whole religious history' - in other words,
within the broad framework of Minoan religion as such 40 .
Given the fact that Evans' interpretation, both in terms of the various
points of detail and his general conclusions, has had a profound
influence on the reconstruction of Minoan religion, one that persists
until today, it may be useful to subject to review his interpretation of Mt
Iouktas - and this at the same time also against the background of the
latest excavations at the site, which have shed new light on the subject.
Evans, with the assistance of Mackenzie, carried out a preliminary
excavation on Mt Iouktas in 1909. His reconstruction of the results is
illuminating. He begins by referring to evidence available from
similar contexts elsewhere, particularly from Petsopha at the eastern
extremity of the island. No general conclusions are drawn from this
site, however, except to observe that 'How late the religious associations
of such votive stations as that of Petsofa went on in Crete itself is shown
by the traditions that there clung to the legendary site of the «Tomb of
Zeus», on Mount Jukatas.. .'41
Atler reviewing briefly these traditions, he refers to his excavation
of 1909. Here he sets the tone for his reconstruction, not by beginning
with the evidence itself, but by reference to topographical features,
namely as seen from the Palace of Knossos : 'The more northerly

39 Sir Arthur EVANS, The Palace ofMinos at Knossos, l, London, 1921, p. 151-163.
40 Ibid., p. 151.
41 Ibid., p. 153.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 149

summit, on which the peak sanctuary is situated, strikes the eye at

Knossos itself. This makes possible the following comment:
'Here, it is natural to suppose, was the sacred peak of the Mother
Goddess who presided over the Palace Sanctuary itself - a prototype,
we may believe, of the lion-guarded pinnacle of the rock on which
she appears on sealings of her central shrine, adored by a youthful
male satellite - and within which her cult might naturally be
associated with that of her divine son'42.
Only after this significant statement does Evans proceed to discuss
the evidence unearthed by his excavation. Chief among the discoveries
were the architectural installations, especially the ground plan of what
he took to be the 'Sanctuary' itself (Fig. 1). This elicits the following
conclusion :
'It was a little house of shelter and refection for the Goddess on her
mountain top, a «Casa Santa», like that miraculously transported
from Bethlehem to Loreto'43.
Evans then turns to the evidence from the small finds, namely such
as afford a comparison with the «Dictaean Cave» - which leads him
back to Cretan Zeus. This too is illuminating, for at this point Evans
again appeals to evidence from Knossos :
1) 'a series of L.M. II signet impressions exhibiting the Minoan
Mother Goddess, Lady of the Double Axe, standing on a rocky peak
between the guardian lions and receiving the adoration of a votary -
perhaps himself a Priest King' (Fig. 2)44.
2) A gold-signet ring, obtained by Evans at Knossos on his first visit
to the site in 1894 (Fig. 3)45.
He chooses to comment on the latter first. Although this signet ring
'may be even taken to foreshadow the Tomb of Zeus'46, it does so only in
a specifie way. According to Evans, the principal scene consists of an
epiphany, namely of 'a young male god', who is greeted - rather
summoned down - by 'the Minoan Mother Goddess', in a mountainous

42 Ibid., p. 154 and 156. This is vintage EVANS.

43 Ibid., p. 158.
44 Ibid., p. 159.
45 Loc. cit.
46 Loc. cit.
 150 E.F. BLOEDOW

landscape 47 . This god, 'her paramour or her actual son', was long
known throughout the Eastern Mediterranean and Western Asia, and
'there is every probability the Cretan Zeus, the child of Rhea [of later
tradition]... may be traced back to its earliest religious stratum'48.
After this casuaI nod to Cretan Zeus, Evans returns to 'the Great
Mother', and sees as one of her functions that of mourning her perma-
nently youthful but equally mortal consort, and thinks that it is easy to
imagine such a scene of lamentation on another gold signet (Fig. 4) 49.
For Evans, there is no doubt that this mourning scene refers to the
Minoan equivalent of the Near Eastern 'Adonis or Thamuz', but in a
Minoan context he is depicted 'as a youthful warrior Gad, in other words
the Cretan Zeus'50. Finally, Evans maintains that 'the rocky peak' was
simply representative of 'the sanctity of the whole mountain', and that
'the summit was chosen as the object of cult' - namely, that of the Mother
Goddess, and concludes his discussion by references to the Cave at
Kamares and that on the limestone plateau of Skoteino, about three
hours' journey east of the palace of Knossos51.
Just how valid is this interpretation ? For one thing, it should be noted
that in the notoriously difficult task of attempting to reconstruct a pre-
historie religion without the aid of any text, and especially in the case of
the 'Minoans', there is much room for highly varying views. Virtually
any interpretation that pays due attention to the evidence and is charac-
terised by controlled imagination may be regarded as legitimate. In
view of this, Evans' interpretation of the peak sanctuary on Mt Iouktas
should be regarded as entirely admissible, and as therefore providing
significant insight into this highly complex problem.
On closer examination, however, it turns out that Evans' method in
this discussion is fundamentally flawed, and this almost from the
outset. While it may be entirely legitimate to draw on comparative
material, this can only be valid if it is of a complementary nature - i.e.,
if it corroborates an interpretation which is deduced from the primary
evidence. It cannot take the place of the primary evidence itself. But this
is just what Evans has done. He actually begins correctly, by drawing
attention to the tradition of the cult of Zeus at this particular site. Soon,
however, he concentrates primarily on the Great Mother Goddess. In

47 Sir Arthur EVANS (n. 39), p. 160.

48 Loc. cit.
49 Sir Arthur EVANS (n. 39), p. 161.
50 Ibid., p. 162.
51 Ibid., p. 162-163.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 151

other words, he switches horses in mid-stream. He never really

discusses in any detail the cult of Cretan Zeus - apart from a number of
isolated features. There appears to be a good reason for this. By 1909,
when Evans had already conducted his preliminary excavations at the
site, he had already developed his basic theories about Minoan religion
and Minoan culture. For him, the Great Mother Goddess was the centre-
piece of Minoan religion. It is scarcely surprising, therefore, that, in
discussing the peak sanctuary of Mt Iouktas, the Great Mother Goddess
should be seen as the primary object in the cult, and that Zeus accordin-
gly should be relegated to only a secondary rôle.
It is important here to examine more closely just how Evans seeks to
establish this relationship. As noted above, he brings the palace of
Knossos into the discussion at the earliest possible moment. This
affords the opportunity to appeal to the so-called 'Mother of the
Mountains' seal impression (LM II) discovered in the palace 52 . In other
words, Evans does not begin by appealing to the primary evidence at Mt
Iouktas itself, and on the basis thereof proceed to make a link with the
palace of Knossos. Rather, he begins from the premise of a presuppo-
sition - that of the primacy of the Great Mother Goddess 53 . Even if it
could be proved by other means that the Great Mother Goddess was the
chief deity in Minoan religion, it would still not be legitimate to assume
that she was the primary object ofworship at Mt Iouktas. This would only
be valid if the evidence there pointed to a cult in which she was the
primary object of veneration. It should be emphasised that neither at this

52 It should be noted that this impression is actual1y reconstructed from several

separate fragments, thought to come from one single seaI. On RUTKOWSKI's
idiosyncratic interpretation ofthis seal impression, which is seen by many, as
MATZ reminds us, as constituting the very essence of Minoan religion
('... Inbegriff der minoischen Religion' : F. MATZ, Gottererscheinung und
Kultbild im minoischen Kreta, Wiesbaden, 1958, p. 14), see E.F. BLOEDOW and
C. BJORK, The Mallia Insect Pendant: A Study in Iconography and Minoan
Religion, in SMEA, 27 (1989), p. 9-27. For his interpretation RUTKOWSKI later
appealed, somewhat curiously, to the Odyssey, namely to the renewal of
Minos' rule by conferring periodical1y with Zeus (E. RUTKOWSKI [supra n. 2J,
p. 88). What he does not explain, however, is why, on the one hand, the Great
Mother Goddess should be the deity to confer authority on the king, whereas,
on the other, it is a male god who renews that authority.
53 And yet how many people have accepted EVANS' interpretation of Mt Iouktas
without any reservations, especial1y when he daims that 'remains of an actual
sanctuary of the Goddess here exist on the crest of the ridge', namely on the
basis of nothing more than the presence of 'a votive stratum like that at
Petsofa in the East of the Island' (Sir Arthur EVANS, The Palace of Minos at
Knossos, III, London, 1930, p. 468) !
 152 E.F. BLOEDOW

juncture nor indeed anywhere in the entire discussion of Mt Iouktas

does Evans demonstrate that even a single piece of evidence which he
excavated there points to the Great Mother Goddess. In fact, Evans' entire
reconstruction of Mt Iouktas is based on what one should call extraneous
evidence - i.e., evidence that was not found at the site 54.
Two questions immediately arise. 1) Does this extraneous evidence
actually make sense when, as it were, 'parachuted' onto Mt Iouktas ? 2)
More particularly, does it agree with the evidence which Evans
excavated at the site? There is now also a third question: How does it
relate to the evidence from the most recent excavations?
Let us turn hriefly to the three pieces of extraneous evidence on which
Evans based his interpretation. Are his interpretations of these pieces
acceptable in themselves ? And if not, can they be adduced in connection
with Mt Iouktas ?
As for the 'Mother of the Mountains' seal impression, in a brief
discussion elsewhere it has been shown that Evans' explanation of this
piece is far from compelling55 . Here the following considerations may
be added. In another context, Evans discusses also another
(fragmentary) seal impression - this one found in the Little Palace at
Knossos (Fig. 5). He sees a specific link between this example and the
'Mother of the Mountains' impression:
'The guardian lions recall those on each side of the peak on which the
Goddess stands, as seen on the signet-type of the Central Shrine
[= the 'Mother of the Mountains'J'56.

As in the case of the seal impression from the Little Palace, here too
the lions stand with their forepaws on what appears to be a heap of stones,
which presumahly forms the chief ground for the connection which
Evans sees. In view of this, the seal impression from the Little Palace
should also he connected with Mt Iouktas. Not so, however, according to
Evans. As he sees it, the lions stand doser together, which 'makes it

54 As for the evidence from the site itself, none of the small finds have been
published, except the ladle which EVANS thought was inscribed with
characters in Linear A, but this has now been contested (cf. infra n. 74). It is
significant that EVANS illustrates material trom, not his own excavations, but
trom the excavations at Petsopha (cf. Sir Arthur EVANS [supra n. 1], p. 152, fig.
111).
55 See E.F. BLOEDOW and C. BJORK (supra n. 52).
56 Sir Arthur EVANS, The Palace of Minos at Knossos, IV, 2, London, 1935, p. 610-
611.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 153

impossible to suppose that the Goddess herself stood between them'57.

This enables Evans to postulate that the lions may have faced the
spectator58 , in which case they can be compared with the lions ofthe Lion
Gate at Mycenae, which he regards (not surprisingly) as 'purely
Minoan in inspiration and execution'59. This permits two further
conclusions: 1) The lions positioned in this way may be regarded as 'a
symbol of divine protection', forming 'a subject of sculptural or plastic
adornment on an entrance portico, perhaps belonging to the sanctuary
building in which it was found' [Le., the Little Palace]60. 2) This
sculptural group 'stood quite free and open to the sky, like the statues and
sculptural groups on classical cornices'61.
It is clear that in this seal impression as reconstructed the lions
appear to be standing with their hind legs on sorne kind of a building
complex, which could possibly be a free-standing structure. If that is the
case, how is one to explain the so-caIled heap of stones (if it is in fact a
heap of stones) between them ? If Evans' interpretation is to have any
validity at aIl, this feature too should have sorne connection with the
Little Palace. By the same logic, the feature between the lions in the
'Mother of the Mountains' impression should have sorne connection with
the palace of Knossos - and not least since it was found in the palace and
since the ground-line on which the lions stand with their hind legs in the
reconstruction could also represent sorne kind of structure. And this is
even more the case if the feature between the lions is not in fact a heap of
stones, and therefore, by extrapolation, does not represent a mountain
peak. On the other hand, if one insists that the feature between the lions
in both seal impressions does in fact represent a heap of stones,
indicating a mountain peak (if in this instance Mt Iouktas), the goddess
should be guarding something in connection with the sanctuary there.
One could therefore interpret these lions as guarding, not the sanctuary
of the Mother Goddess, but the Tomb of Zeus, and the building to the left
on the 'Mother of the Mountains' impression as signifying the buildings
of the peak sanctuary itself62 . For my part, since both seal impressions
were found at Knossos, I should be inclined to see them as having

57 Ibid., 611 - scarcely adequate grounds for not seeing a connection with Mt
Iouktas.
58 Note this interpretation in the reconstruction!
59 Sir Arthur EVANS (n. 56), p. 614-615.
60 Ibid., p. 611-612.
61 Ibid., p. 612.
62 As we shall see below, this could be of crucial importance.
 154 E.F. BLOEDOW

reference to the structures in which they were found. As a matter of fact,

Evans too regarded the scene as located in the palace of Knossos, for he
took the building to the left as representing 'her actual Palace shrine'63.
If the scene is therefore set in the palace of Knossos, the 'heap of stones'
could represent any mountain (a Great Mother Goddess would not be
restricted to a particular mountain, at least not a mountain as low as Mt
Iouktas [780 m)). There are therefore no valid grounds for associating
this heap of stones with Mt Iouktas. Consequently, one must reject
Evans' interpretation, for in no way can it be accepted as having
demonstrated the primacy of the cult of the Great Mother Goddess at the
peak sanctuary on Mt Iouktas 64 .
The second piece to which Evans appeals, the gold ring from Knossos
(Fig. 3) is even less convincing. Two points may be made in connection
with it. In the first place, there are no grounds for identifying the female
figure as a goddess. Evans, clearly, could not adduce any comparative
evidence to demonstrate that a goddess is actually 'bringing down the
warrior youth, whether her paramour or her actual son'. AlI he could do,
it seems, was to draw attention to 'Babylonian analogies' which
illustrate 'hands raised in an attitude of. .. prayer or incantation'65.
This is not a gesture or activity which one normally associates with a
deity - rather with a human being. Consequently, Nilsson's interpre-
tation seems to be preferable, that this scene 'shows a woman wor-
shipping a god who hovers in the air,66. The sole possibly direct
connection between this ring and a peak sanctuary is comprised of the
features to the left of the scene, which Evans explains as 'rocks and
vegetation indicative of a mountainous locality' 67. This strikes one as
very tenuous evidence for a mountainous terrain. Vegetation there
seems to be indeed. But whether the other features are to be taken as

63 In passing, it may be worth pointing out that the 'Mother of the Mountains'
sealing is not without problems. Having been discovered in the 'final
Mycenaean destruction horizon', and therefore 'probably dating from the
thirteenth century B.C'., 'we cannot he sure whether it is a Minoan heirloom, a
ring made in pure Minoan tradition or a genuine Mycenaean ring' (E.
HALLAGER, The Master Impression, Goteborg, 1985 [SIMA, 69], p. 29 n. 145).
64 Thus EVANS (supra n. 56), p. 607.
65 Sir Arthur EVANS (supra n. 39), p. 160.
66 M.P. NILSSON (supra n. 1), p. 256. See also A.W. PERSSON (supra n. 29), p. 61
and 90, and the remarks by MATZ œ. MATZ [supra n. 52], p. 11-12 and 15),
where he also draws upon comparative materia1. Both take the female figure
ta be an adorant.
67 Sir Arthur EVANS (supra n. 39), p. 160.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 155

indicating rocks, is highly dubious. And even if they were meant to

indicate rocks, this would still be far from requiring one to conclude that
they indicate mountainous terrain, especially since there are rocks just
about everywhere, even at low altitudes, throughout the island. And what
of the combination of rocks and vegetation ? If Rutkowski, for instance,
is correct in maintaining that peak sanctuaries were almost invariably
located on bleak mountain tops, denuded of virtually aIl vegetation 68 ,
the connection would appear to be even more dubious. There is in fact
nothing to prevent one from taking aU the features on the extreme left of
the ring as indicating vegetation, i.e., ordinary vegetation which does
not have any connection with mountain peaks. Furthermore, the
architecture which is portrayed, which is certainly to be regarded as
condensed, depicts a fairly complex series of structures, such as one
would associate with a place that was frequented much more often than
one was likely to find upon climbing up to a peak sanctuary. It would
appear to fit into a palace context much more suitably than into a barren
isolated mountain top.
Much the same applies to Evans' third piece of extraneous evidence -
the gold ring from Mycenae (Fig. 4). While this may indeed represent a
mourning scene, there is nothing in it which requires one to see in the
central figure a goddess (the Goddess)69. Nor is it likely that the
Goddess would appear twice in the same scene 70 . And why the Goddess
should require or obtain 'refection from the fruit of a tree' in such (or
any) circumstances too is not explained by Evans. How could a deity
who was so weak be of any help to humans ? And what grounds are there
for associating this scene with 'the Cretan Zeus' ? For Evans, this
emerges from the very nature of the scene, but this is not at aIl compel-
ling. It would be preferable to view this example in conjunction with

68 '... the exposed mountain tops, which were subjected to strong winds, were not
places that favoured the growth of trees. The strong gusts of wind, and gales
coming from the west and north, not only were physically destructive of
vegetation, but also caused violent changes of temperature that were also
harmful to it' (E. RUTKOWSKI [supra n. 1], p. 155). RUTKOWSKI does allow for
sorne exceptions, but 1 do not recall seeing any significant vegetation at the
peak sanctuaries which 1 visited.
69 EVANS actually accepts that it could be 'the Goddess or her attendant'. If the
latter, however, it could scarcely be construed as depicting the Goddess
mourning her 'consort, son or paramour'.
70 EVANS sees the female figure in the centre as 'perhaps the Goddess repeated'
(Sir Arthur EVANS [supra n. 1], p. 161). Cf. the reference to this piece by MATZ,
who sees it as forming part of a series depicting a scene of epiphany (F. MATZ
[supra n. 52], p. 12 and 15).
 156 E.F. BLOEDOW

similar scenes, and, with Persson, see this series as a picture of 'the
season of winter and the coming of spring'71. In that case, the mourners,
alias, worshippers, may indeed aU be humans, possibly priestesses and
priests, and the object of their veneration may be the realm of nature, or
in fact a goddess (see below) just as much as a god. One will therefore
require evidence of a different kind to demonstrate that the Mother
Goddess is portrayed on this ring. Although he thought it incidental,
Evans maintained that 'The mountainous locality in which the scene is
placed supplies an additional warrant for identifying the site with the
peak sanctuary of Juktas,n. Unfortunately, Evans does not specify just
which features in the scene he thinks indicate a 'mountainous locality'.
Perhaps he had in mind the feature on which the figures are standing,
which looks as if it consists of stones. These 'stones', however, are
arranged so regularly that they give much more the impression of being
man-made than any natural mountainous terrain.
Thus Evans' case for associating these three pieces of evidence with
the peak sanctuary on Mt Iouktas simply evaporates under closer
scrutiny. None of them can be said to have the remotest connection with
such a place, and therefore do not provide any evidence whatsoever that
the cult on Mt Iouktas was centered around the Great Mother Goddess -
and this, despite the fact that during the last phase of the peak sanctuary
there appears to have been a closer connection between the palace of
Knossos and Mt Iouktas.

3. The Cult of Zeus in Light of New Evidence from Mt Iouktas

It is clearly time to turn to the primary evidence - the evidence from

the site itself. Of fundamental importance here are now the latest
excavations, which have been conducted by Mrs. Alexandra Karetsou
between 1974 and 1986, and which have brought to light important new
information73.

71 A.W. PERSSON (supra n. 29), p. 32-46, 88-89. He also notes that 'When the
vegetational god... is buried, the Universal Goddess of Fertility disappears
over the sea, only to retum when vegetation is rebom' (ibid., p. 99).
72 Sir Arthur EVANS (supra n. 1), p. 162.
73 Alexandra KARETSOU, Ta iepa K'Opv<pijç rlOvXm, in Praktika (1974), p. 228-
239; (1975), p. 330-342; (1976), p. 408-418; (1977), p. 419-420; (1978), p. 232-
258; (1979), p. 280-281; (1980), p. 337-353; (1981), p. 405-408; EAD., in Ergon
(1974), p. 112-114; (1975), p. 176-178; (1976), p. 184-188; (1977), p. 181-185;
(1978), p. 62-65; (1979), p. 29-30; (1980), p. 337-353; (1981), p. 405-408; EAD.,
The peak sanctuary of Mt. Juktas, in R. HÂGG and N. MARINATOS (eds.),
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 157

What does the evidence from the site in fact tell us 74 ? The evidence
consists of two kinds ; architectural features and small finds. Before
looking at both of these, we may note that according to the excavator there
appear to be two specifie phases into which use of the sanctuary falls. In
the first of these, in the Old Palace period (i.e., beginning in MM lA, 'a
little before the establishment of the first palaces'), it was 'the open-air
sanctuary of the Knossos area', whereas in the second, Le., beginning
in MM III, 'the connection of the sanctuary with the Palace of Knossos
becomes clearer'75. The reasons for the latter were : 1) 'the architectural
remains... are monumental', and 2) 'the character and quality of the
finds have a palatial character'76. These factors, incidentaIly, place the
peak sanctuary on Mt louktas in a category by itself.

1. The Architecture
a) The Terraces : Doubtless one of the most important results of the
latest excavations is that 'The area which Arthur Evans called the
priest's house [bis 'Casa Santa'] has proved to be the main part of the
open-air sanctuary' (Fig. 6)77. This consists of two stepped terraces,
designated as Terrace 1 and Terrace lI 78 .
Along the east side of Terrace II, five rooms were uncovered,
arranged in a row from south to north. Although the exterior
(eastern) wall of the rooms measures a little over 24.50 m, and may
therefore give the impression of a certain monumentality, the rooms
themselves, Le., the interiors, are very smal!. The largest, for
instance, Room II, measures ca. 2.30 x 1.30 m, while the smallest,
Room V, measures only ca. 1.50 x 1.30 m. Nor does there appear to

Sanctuaries and Cuits in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the First
International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 12-13 May, 1980,
Stockholm, 1981, p. 137-153.
74 As already noted above, EVANS treats the evidence which he unearthed in
summary fashion. The only specifie item which appears to have been
published is the ladle which he thought was inscribed with characters in
Linear A (cf. Alexandra KARETsou, The peak sanctuary of Mt. Juktas [supra
n. 73], p. 146 n. 25). The evidence from the latest excavations therefore
assumes great importance.
75 Alexandra KARETsoU, ibid., p. 145, cf. p. 151. The sanctuary continued to be
used until LM III A-B.
76 Ibid., p. 145.
77 Ibid., p. 138.
78 A fourth terrace also came to light (cf. Alexandra KARETsou, in Praktika
[1981], p. 408). For Terrace III, cf. EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 145, and EAD., in
Praktika (1980), p. 337-343; (1981), p. 405-408.
 158 E.F. BLOEDOW

have been any entrance to these rooms from the exterior walls (south,
east, north). The purpose of these rooms too seems to be somewhat
unc1ear. The excavator thinks that they played 'an auxiliary part in
the worship at the shrine' - deduced from the fact that many finds
turned up in these rooms 79 .
Along the (eastern) exterior wall of these rooms, at a height of 0.45 m
above the level of Terrace III, a long narrow bench was discovered.
Here, i.e., just below this bench, hundreds of offerings were found 80 .
b) The Altar : A long stepped altar was identified on the west side of
Terraces l and II. Its preserved length measured 4.70 m and its
preserved height 0.50 m. It was built on top of deep fissures in the
bedrock, and 'constitutes the crown of the Terraces, and marks the
end of the ascending ceremonial way'81.
c) Offering Table : An offering table of greenish stone with white
veining was discovered 'built into the altar'. It measured 0.56 x 0.37
x 0.08 m, and dates from 'the first phase of the sanctuary'82.
d) The Chasm : Between Terraces l and II 'a deep natural chasm' was
discovered. It has been excavated to a depth of 10.50 m, without the
bottom having been reached. This chasm was found by following
one of the natural fissures in the bedrock 83 .
2. The Finds
Thanks to their quantity, character and diversity, the small finds
from the peak sanctuary on Mt Iouktas, especially from the latest
excavations, assume particular importance. Here it will suffice to
draw attention to only the most diagnostic.
1) Kernoi
a) A poros kernos, measuring 1.85 m wide and 0.40 m high, was found
close to the altar. It has a single large cavity in the middle, but many
smaIl circular cavities at each end, arranged in straight rows 84 .
b) An alabaster kernos, forming an essentially triangular shape by
the three circular, deep, contiguous depressions. It was found in
Room 185 .
c) A fragmentary kernos made of stone, found at the SE outer corner of
Room 1. Three circular cavities are preserved and a section of the

79 Alexandra KARETsoU (supra n. 74), p. 147.

8 ° Ibid., p. 145.
81 Ibid., p. 138 and 141, cf. p. 146, fig. 11.
82 Ibid., p. 145.
83 Ibid., p. 141. For further discussion ofthis feature, see below.
84 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1974), pl. 173B; EAD. (supra n. 71), p. 148, fig. 13.
85 EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 150, fig. 23.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 159

fourth 86 . According to the excavator, this kernos measures '0.034 m

long, 0.019 m wide and 0.012 m high'87, but these figures appear to be
problematic.

2) Offering Tables
a) An offering table made of greenish stone with white veining was
discovered built into the altar. lt measured 1.56 m long, 0.37 m wide
and 0.08 m high 88 . (Cf. 1) c) above.)
b) A small rectangular offering table made of white-veined alabaster,
found in Room V. It also had right-angled notches in the middle of
each ofthe four sides. lt measured 0.07 x 0.06 x 0.04 m 89 .
c) A section of an offering table made of obsidian 90 .
d) An offering table made of black stone, of outstanding quality, found
in the area of the altar. lt was inscribed with two lines in Linear
A91.
e) A round stone offering table, found in the circuit wall. lt was
decorated with incised leaf motifs, and dates to LM92.
f) A considerable number of other offering tables were found, sorne
round, sorne rectangular, of varying sizes93 .

3) Figurines
A) Rumans
a) A lead figurine of a male worshipper, found in Room III and 0.044 m
high 94 .
b) Of special interest is a bronze figure of a male adorant, 0.089 m high,
and in an excellent state of preservation, although covered with a
dark green patina 95 . The excavator draws attention to the fact that
the figure has his left foot forward, that his body is articulated by a
tension and clean lines which one do es not meet again until the

86 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1980), pl. 207a.

87 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1980), p. 342.
88 EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 145.
89 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1980), p. 348, fig. 6b and pl. 211a.
90 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1980), pl. 2078.
91 EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 146. At least nine votive offerings with Linear A signs
have been found thus far.
92 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1979), pl. 162B.
93 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1980), p. 348; (1981), p. 408; EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 146.
94 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1975), pl. 265y; EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 150, fig. 25. About
300 clay figurines ofadorants have already been discovered (ibid., p. 147).
95 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1980), pl. 207B-y.
160 E.F. BLOEDOW

Archaic kouroi. In addition, the round face, the engraved eyes and
the round head are features rarely found in Minoan figurines 96 .
c) A series of S-shaped clay votive objects97 . One suggestion has it that
they might be embryos, another that they represent women in the
position of giving birth98 .
d) Otherwise, a large number of clay figurines, whole or only parts of
the human anatomy, of both sexes, but with males clearly in the
majority 99.
B) AnimaIs
A large number of animal figurines was found, of varying sizes.
Most of these are unidentifiable as to species. Sorne which can be
identified include buIls, pigs, sheep and goats 100 .
C) Other
Also a large number of clay models of buIls' heads, snakes and
birds was found 101, as weIl as an embossed bronze sheet in the shape
of a bird 102 .

4) Double Axes
a) Alongside the poros kernos found near the altar, 'a treasure of
bronze double axes' was discovered 103 . Thirty-two of these are smaIl
(0.12-0.09 m long), but two are large (0.24 m long) They have been
dated to the Old Palace stratum 104.
b) A bronze double axe, 0.07 m long, was found in Room III in 1980 105 .
5) Miscellaneous
A series of other significant items was found, indicating further
variety. The most important of these include :

96 EAD., in Praktika (1980), p. 342.

97 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1975), pl. 2658-e; (1978), pl. 170(/,; EAD. (supra n. 74),
p. 149, fig. 16.
98 EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 146.
99 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1974), pl. 175 (/,-ç; p1.176Ç; pl. 177(/,-P; (1975), pl. 264(/,-p;
pl. 267(/,-P; pl. 268p; (1976), pl. 230(/,; pl. 232p; (1978), pl. 16ge; EAD. (supra n.
74), p.149, fig. 17-20.
100 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1974), pl. 173p; pl. 179p; (1975), pl. 267y-8; pl. 268p;
(1976), pl. 230p-y; EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 150, fig. 21-22.
101 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1974), pl. 1768; (1978), pl. 170
102 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1976), pl. 230Ç; EAD. (supra n. 74) 151, fig. 26.
103 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1974), pl. 172(/,; pl. 173(/,; EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 148, fig. 14.
104 EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 146.
105 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1980), p. 345.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 161

a) A highly interesting clay seal impression found in Room l,

depicting a bull's head with a star symbol between the horns 106 .
b) An alabaster cup, 0.025 m high and 0.042 m in diameter, also found
in Room 1. It is inscribed with a band of Linear A writing aIl around
the wavy rim, in very clear characters 107 .
c) A gold amulet, thought to be apotropaic, 0.013 m in diameter. It shows
a scorpion, a snake and an insect 108 .
d) A number of excellent seal stones, from different parts of the site 109 .
e) Large quantities of pottery, dating from MM lA to LM III A-B, and
sorne of even LM III e l1O .
f) There were also numerous stone vessels 111 .

We may now pose the question which has long been in the forefront of
our minds. Which deity was the object of veneration at the peak
sanctuary on Mt Iouktas ? Or was there perhaps more than one deity ?
One might be inclined to interject that, since there are strong grounds
for concluding that there was a close link between this sanctuary and the
palace of Knossos, one may regard the same deity (or deities) as being
worshipped in both places. By the same token, should one not conclude,
in a later age that, because it too was in Attica and because the
inhabitants of Attica were Ionians, the temple and cult at Sounion should
also have been associated with Athena, just as was the Parthenon on the
Acropolis in Athens, rather than with Poseidon ? Each cult place must be
studied first and foremost in light of the evidence from the site itself.
Just what does the large body of evidence from Mt Iouktas now tell us
about the cult and the deity (or deities) connected with it ? Firstly, we
may make several general observations. To begin with, despite the
quantity, character and diversity of the evidence, neither the nature of
the cult nor the deity worshipped there become immediately clear.
Secondly, the evidence cannot be said to point specifically to a female

106 Cf. EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 150, fig. 24.

107 EAD., in Praktika (1977), p. 419-420, cf. EAD. (supra n. 74), p. 147.
108 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1977), pl. 422lC, cf. EAD. (supra n. 74), p.147.
109 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1974), pl. 178a; (1976), pl. 230T]; pl. 231a; (1978), pl.
169a-o.
110 Cf. EAD., in Praktika (1974), pl. 179y; (1975), p. 333, fig. 1, p. 337, fig. 5, p. 338,
fig. 6a-p, p. 340, fig. 8, p. 341, fig. 9-10; pl. 263p; pl. 266a-Ç; pl. 267e; pl. 268a, y-
e; (1976), p. 416, fig. 3a-e; pl. 226a-p; pl. 231y-ç; pl. 232y-o; (1978), p. 236, fig.
4;p.237,fig.5;p.240,fig.7;p.248,fig. Il;p.250,fig. 12;p.253,fig.13;p.254,
fig. 14; pl. 160a; pl. 162a-o; pl. 167a-o; pl. 168a-o; (1979), pl. 162a; EAD. (supra
n. 74), p. 144, fig. 8-9.
111 Cf. Alexandra KARETSOU, in Praktika (1974), pl. 179a; (1975), pl. 265a.
162 E.F. BLOEDOW

deity, much less to a Great Mother Goddess - although it must be

admitted that to date no generaUy accepted criteria have been advanced
whereby to identify either of the above. At the same time, however, the
excavator has pointed out that in the finds the male component is
unquestionably the dominant factor. Not a single striking female
representation has come to light, namely in what is now a large body of
evidence.
With these general observations as a background, we may proceed to
examine sorne of the evidence in greater detail. One of the most striking
discoveries at the site was unquestionably the large chasm. This 'deep
natural chasm' is situated between Terraces 1 and II, with its entrance
adjacent to the altar, Le., 'the altar is built virtually on the lip of the
chasm' (Fig. 6 and 7)112. It accordingly occupies a central location on
the site. This being the case, it should figure prominently in any
interpretation of the evidence. Given the long tradition of the site as the
'tomb of Zeus', what place could be more suitable as the burial spot of
Cretan Zeus, who dies annually and is reborn annuaUy ? This becomes
aU the more plausible, given the famous nature of the myth 1l3 , and the
enduring character ofthe tradition associated with it l14 .
ls there anything within the finds which might substantiate the
primacy of Cretan Zeus at this site? An equaUy remarkable discovery
was the treasure of double axes l15 . These axes were found, as noted
above, near the altar. The two large ones, with shaft holes, caU for
particular attention. Of what relevance might they be ? Here it may be
appropriate to draw attention to a festival of Zeus in Athens - the
Dipolieia (Zeus Polieus = Zeus, Proteetor of the City). Now Erika Simon
has aptly noted that this was 'the oldest and strangest of aU Athenian
festivals'116. One of the principal elements in this festival was the
bouphonia, the slaying of a bull or ox. Simon traces this notion back aU
the way to N eolithic times. At the same time, however, there are good
reasons for concluding that the form in which it was observed in Athens
stems directly from Minoan-Mycenaean traditions.
Another essential feature of the festival was an altar, or (as
Porphyry put it) a bronze table. Simon pertinently notices that precisely

112 Alexandra KARETsoU (supra n. 74), p. 138 and 141.

113 M.P. NILSSON (supra n. 1), p. 553-554.
114 Alexandra KARETsoU (supra n. 74), p. 137.
115 Another bronze double axe was found in Room III.
116 Erika SIMON, Festivals of Attica. An Archaeological Commentary, Madison,
Wis., 1983, p. 8.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR 'l'HE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 163

such a table is 'a common-place in representations of bull-offerings in

Minoan and Mycenaean art', as Sakellarakis has demonstrated in a
discussion of a vaulted tomb at Arkhanes, situated on the east foot of Mt
Iouktas l17 . Simon even goes so far as to suggest that the table-like
structure on the Athenian Acropolis may indeed have been 'a relie of the
Mycenaean age'118.
During the celebration of the festival, grain or cakes (or both) were
placed on the altar-table, and the bulls or oxen driven around it. The
bull/ox which ate from these victuals became ear-marked as the victim
for sacrifice, and was slain by a double axe - the pelekus. Like the table,
this too may be regarded as a relie of the Mycenaean period. The axe was
wielded by the bouphonos.
There can be little doubt that this cult at Athens goes back, in
essentially this form, to Minoan tradition. It is remarkable that at
Athens it should have retained unmistakable features of, not mainland
Hellenic, but of Cretan Zeus. How much more firmly established must
the cult have been in Crete!
The slaying of the bull in the original cult presumably symbolised
the dying of Zeus. Is it possible that the offering table of greenish stone
with white veining (1.5 x 0.37 x 0.08 m) and built into the altar may have
served as the altar-table on which the victuals were placed, and the altar
itself the piece of furniture on which the bull was sacrificed 119 ? And
may the two large bronze double axes have been used to slay the bull 120 ?

117 J. SAKELLARAKIS, Das Kuppelgrab A von Archanes und das kretisch-

mykenische Tieropferrituel, in Prahistorische Zeitschrift, 45 (1970), p. 166-
198. SAKELLARAKIS elsewhere points out the close relationship between
Arkhanes and Mt Iouktas (J. SAKELLARAKIS, Minoan Cemeteries at Arkhanes,
in Archaeology, 20 [1967], p. 281), cf. Alexandra KARETSOU (supra n. 74), p.
151.
118 Erika SIMON (supra n. 116), p. 9.
119 The prominence of also the bull at the site ought to give strength to this
plausibility. Cf., in particular, the clay sealing showing a bull's head with a star
symbol between the horns.
120 Referring to double axes, BURKERT maintains that most of those which have
been discovered are 'votive gifts never intended for practical use: they are too
smaIl or too large, too thin or too ornamentally formed, and also they are
made of lead, of silver, and of gold' (W. BURKERT [supra n. 1], p. 38). By
contrast, the large bronze axes from Mt Iouktas, measuring 0.24 m long,
should have been ideally suited for slaying a bull. At the same time, the small
double axes may be taken as reinforcing the purpose of the large ones. As
BURKERT reminds us, 'The double axe is a symbol of power, the power to kill'
(loc. cît.).
164 E.F. BLOEDOW

One is inclined to see this as a distinct possibility. The various kernoi

found at the site could also fit into the practising of this cult.
If then the evidence points in any direction at aIl, it is towards the
cult of Cretan Zeus. This is also the way in which the excavator appears
inclined to see it. As Karetsou puts it, 'the deep chasm... which probably
represents an entrance to the underworld, justifies both the myth and the
recent excavations'121.
But what of the question whether any other deities may also have been
associated with the peak sanctuary on Mt louktas, especiaUy a Great
Mother Goddess ? While Karetsou is inclined to accept a significant
emphasis on Cretan Zeus here, she considered this essentiaIly within a
tradition al perspective. Thus she accepts Evans' 'valuable conclusion
that Juktas was the holy mountain of Knossos', as weIl as his interpre-
tation of 'the goddess who is worshipped in the peak sanctuaries, the
'Mountain Mother' (Oreia Meter) and her connection with the young
male god who is sometimes caUed Velchanos and sometimes
Hyakinthos. It seems that in Crete this place may be occupied by the new-
born child who is there caIled Dias or Zeus', a notion one can also find in
'Dionysiac worship'122. And as she concludes her study, 'This short
description of the Minoan goddess and her young male companion is
intended to show the paraUel adoration of these two divinities'123.
l, for my part, do not see anything in the evidence which points speci-
fically to a 'Minoan goddess' - 'Mother of the Mountains' or otherwise.
Nor, notably, does Karetsou isolate any evidence to this effect. Until this
has been done, 1 would argue that we may regard the cult to be that of
Cretan Zeus - and if not so exclusively, certainly primarily124.

121 Alexandra KARETSOU (supra n. 74), p. 153.

122 Ibid., 151 and 153.
123 Ibid., 153.
124 Rere it may be appropriate ta draw attention again ta the point made above,
namely that if one wishes to concede that the so-called 'Mother of the
Mountains' seal impression is in fact in sorne way related to the peak
sanctuary on Mt Iouktas, it would be better to see her as guarding, not the
peak sanctuary, but the 'tomb of Zeus' (to be envisaged as erected over the
entrance to the chasm), and the structure to the left of the scene as the
buildings of the sanctuary situated on the various Terraces. (lt may be noted
in passing that EVANS himself regarded the structure to the left of the scene as
representing 'her actual Palace shrine' (Sir Arthur EvANS, The Palace ofMinos
at Knossos, IV, 2 [1945], p. 607). Such a dichotomy, however, reduces further
any direct connection between a Great Mother Goddess and the peak
sanctuary on Mt Iouktas.) Rere it may also be valid ta point out that two of the
great authorities on Minoan religion, NILSSON and MATZ, regarded the male
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 165

4. The Cult of Zeus in Broader Perspective

If one now accepts that there was such a specific cult ofCretan Zeus at
this peak sanctuary, which, by reason of the evidence, becomes a highly
important cult centre, should one perhaps begin to take a fresh look at the
evidence from other sites too - not least in view of the degree to which the
cult of Cretan Zeus was later so widespread in the island ?
As the eminent Wilamowitz once noted, 'Zeus it is whom the Cretans
venerate in just about every town and village'12S. The principal testi-
mony to this cult in historic times is the so-called Hymn of Palaikastro
or the Hymn of the Kouretes in Honour of Zeus Diktaios, preserved in an
inscription found at the beginning of this century on the site of the
Temple of Zeus Diktaios at Palaikastro. It dates from ca AD 200,
although it is based on a much earlier text of ca the third century BC126;
in fact it may be as early as the fifth century BC127. One may regard as
of no mean significance the discovery, during the most recent excava-
tions at precisely Palaikastro, of 'the torso and arms of a superb ivory
statuette with gold foil adhering... of a male figure in the same pose as
the terracotta statuettes from nearby Petsopha'. The excavators think
that this statuette 'may represent the Minoan youthful God'128. Although
it dates from a LM lB context, the correspondence with the Petsopha
statuettes, which are earlier, may allow us to see continuity here, and
therefore permit one to suggest an even earlier date for the cult.

figure in this seal impression as a 'votary' or 'adorant' ('ein Beter') (cf. M.P.
NILSSON [supra n. 1], p. 352-353; F. MATZ, Kreta, Mykene, Troja. Die minoische
und die homerische Welt, Darmstadt, 1957, p. 80, and, in particular, ID. [supra
n. 52], p. 14-15.). Ifthis is accepted, and it seems ta he much preferable, Evans'
idea of the 'Mother Goddess' being 'adored by a youthful male satellite... her
divine son' must be abandoned, since one can scarcely conceive of one deity
'worshipping' another deity. This is even more the case since EVANS later
himselfregarded the male figure as a 'worshipper' (Sir Arthur EVANS, ibid., p.
607).
125 U. VON WlLAMOWITZ-MoELLENDORFF, Griechische Verskunst, Berlin, 1921, p.
501.
126 It was published initially by R.C. BOSANQUET, The Palaikastro Hymn af the
Kauretes, inABSA, 15 (1908-1909), p. 339-356.
127 U. von WlLAMOWITZ-MoELLENDORFF (supra n. 125), p. 502.
128 J.A. MACGILLIVRAY, in AJA, 92 (1988), p. 242, cf. H. SACKETT and
S. MAcGILLIVRAY, Bayhood afa Gad, in Archaealagy, 42 (1989), p. 26-31.
166 E.F. BLOEDOW

Coins from different centres of Crete also attest the cult. Such coins
depict a youth 129, seated in the branches of a tree. This youth is
designated as FÉÀxavoç. West has suggested that 'Welchanos [a strange
and enigmatic term]. .. may have been the original «Minoan» name of
the Cretan Zeus'130. If this is correct, the references to this term in
historical times must be regarded as highly important, given their
distribution throughout large parts of Crete. Thus, in addition to the
prominence of Welchanos in the Hymn of Palaikastro, there was at
Lyttos and Gortyn, and possibly also at Knossos, a festival called the
Welchania, which, took place, appropriately, in spring. Moreover, there
was at Knossos and Gortyn a month called Welchanos. There are also
the 'Belchanioi' at Lyttos 131 . And also in historical times a temple of
Zeus Welchanos was built on the ruins of the palace at Hagia Triada132.
We have too the well-attested legend of the birth of Cretan Zeus in the
Cave on Mt Dicte at the western edge of the Lasithi Plain 133 .
The fact that it is now possible to argue for a cult of Cretan Zeus in
Bronze Age Crete has significant implications for the study of Minoan
religion in general. It may, for instance, require us to modify somewhat
the view that it was not until the 'end of the Minoan Age' that there is 'the
tendency to raise him [a male deity] to a superior status'134. Willetts,
however, proceeding from the premise that 'the social importance of
women', combined with 'the matrilineal rights of inheritance and
descent', signifying an inferior status for men, produces 'the
dominance of the goddess', and therefore also the inferiority of any
male deity, accepted Fraser's conclusions about 'the connnexion
between the youthful god and agrarian magic', namely that 'This god
must die so that the crops may live'. In this scheme of things, 'The
element of continuity in this vegetation cycle is represented by the

129 There is a correspondence here between the numismatic and the epigraphic
evidence. In the Hymn, Zeus' youthful aspect is emphasised by the invocation
at the beginning of the poem and by the repeated refrain, «10, Greatest
Kouros».
130 M.L. WEST, The Dictaean Hymn to the Kouros, in JHS, 85 (1965), p. 155 n. 9;
cf. F. SCHACHERMEYR, Die minoische Kultur des alten Kreata, Stuttgart, 1964,
p.149.
131 F. SCHACHERMEYR (supra n. 130), p. 149.
132 M.P. NILSSON (supra n. 1), p. 550; F. SCHACHERMEYR (supra n. 130), p. 149.
133 Cf. A.B. COOK, Zeus, II, Part ii, Cambridge, 1925, p. 925-929; M.P. NILSSON
(supra n. 1), p. 61-64, 458-460; and E.F. BLOEDOW and C. BJôRK (supra n. 52).
134 R.F. WILLETTS, Cretan Cuits and Festivals, London, 1962, p. 79, cf. ID., The
Civilization ofAncient Crete, London, 1977, p. 125.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 167

goddess, who also maintains the continuity of human life. The element
of discontinuity, of growth, decay and renewal is a god'135. This of
course depends on the presupposition of direct acceptance by the Minoans
of details from the Near East and Western Asia, a view championed by
Evans, but against which Nilsson cautions, pointing out that it does not
take into account 'the independence of Minoan genius'136. But the only
explanation offered for the male god in this rôle is that 'he personifies
the seed and, because he shares in its mortality, he is a dying god'137.
This of course reflects the commonly held view on Minoan religion,
but it may be something of an oversimplification. There is no doubt that
this commonly held interpretation appears to be compelling.
Accordingly, Minoan religion was dominated by the female element,
there being very little evidence to suggest any significant rôle played by
male deities. As Nilsson pointed out in his day, 'except for the Master of
AnimaIs male gods are surprisingly rare, and even he appears on the
whole less frequently than the corresponding female deity ... Other
representations, at least the indisputable ones may be counted on the
fingers of one hand'138. One therefore saw this evidence in terms of 'the
cult and myths of the Magna Mater conceived as the Great Mother of
Nature, at whose side stands a mortal consort, her son or paramour, who
dies and is lamented but revives again, and whose epiphany is celebra-
ted in joyous festivals. A similar pair are the Semitic gods, Ishtar and
Tammuz'139. And, based on the evidence from the Near East and
Western Asia, the male component was seen as strictly inferior and
subordinate, a view which the Cretan evidence seemed to substantiate.
It is worth pointing out, however, that Willetts elsewhere cites with
approval Nilsson's interpretation of the cult of Ariadne 140 . Nilsson
notes that the 'common opinion' about Ariadne is that she was 'an old
goddess of Nature', and himself conc1udes that her cult is probably 'of
Minoan origin'. Nilsson takes as his point of departure her cult on the
island of Naxos, where, according to tradition, Theseus treacherously
abandoned her after she had rescued him from the Labyrinth at
Knossos. After surveying the cult of Ariadne in various places

135 R.F. WILLETTS, Cretan Cults and Festivals, London, 1962, p. 80.
136 Sir Arthur EVANS (supra n. 53), p. 468, cf. M.P. NILSSON (supra n. 1), p. 404.
137 R.F. WILLETTS (supra n. 135), p. 80.
138 M.P. NILSSON (supra n. 1), p. 400. Or as BURKERT puts it, 'The status of male
deities in the iconography is precarious' (W. BURKERT [supra n. 1], p. 42).
139 M.P. NILSSON (supra n. 1), p. 401.
140 R.F. WILLETTS, The Civilization ofAndent Crete, London, 1977, p. 121-122.
168 E.F. BLOEDOW

throughout the Greek world in historical times, he notes that in these 'her
death is the salient feature', and that 'No other heroine suffered death in
so many ways as Ariadne, and these different versions can only be
explained as originating in a cult in which her death was celebrated'.
But her cult at Naxos was peculiar, and important. In fact there were two
festivals, corresponding to two Ariadnes : 'an older Ariadne, the wife of
Dionysus, and a younger Ariadne, whom Theseus had won and
abandoned, and who had died on Naxos'. The one festival was celebra-
ted 'in honour of the older Ariadne with joy and merrymaking, the other
in honour of the younger Ariadne, comprising sacrifices mingled with
sorrow and gloom'. There is no doubt for Nilsson that 'the two festivals
belong to the same goddess'141.
According to Nilsson, these festivals are reminiscent of 'a type of
vegetation-festival', i.e., a type that was 'weIl known from the Oriental
religions but foreign to the true Greek religion'. In such a vegetation-
festival, 'The death of the god of vegetation is celebrated with sorrow and
lamentations; his resurrection with joy and exultation'. But, as he also
notes, 'The death of such a goddess is unique', but he is prepared to accept
that 'the idea of the death of vegetation may be applied not only to the god
but also to the goddess of fertility'. This is aIl the more understandable
in light of the later Greek cult of Demeter and Kore, in which the goddess
is now in the 'weaker' position. Consequently, there need not be any
obstacle to the idea that 'the goddess of fertility also dies', or that her
death was celebrated annuaIly, because she dies every year. And not
least important is Nilsson's conclusion that, because this idea is 'un-
Greek' and 'does not occur in Asia in this form', it 'must therefore be
considered as an original product of Minoan religious genius'142.
If Nilsson's interpretation is accepted, we would appear to have two
deities in Minoan religion who were associated with the vegetation cycle
in nature, i.e., deities who die and are reborn - a goddess and a god (the
latter, Welchanos, later Zeus). Just how old the cult associated with the
goddess was is difficult to say, but given the dominance of the female

141 M.P. NIIBSON (supra n. 1), p. 523-525.

142 Ibid., 527-528. It may also be noted that, on a head-seal from Thisbe, according
to EVANS, 'the Minoan Mother Goddess is herself seen rising from the earth
like Gaia and Persephone, and as in their case, holding poppy capsules that
stand as a symbol of reproductive power' (Sir Arthur EVANS [supra n. 53], p.
468). Moreover, according to tradition (the Homeric Hymn to Demeter),
Demeter arrived in Greece from Crete, and in historical times 'the cult of
Demeter [and Persephone] was established in various cities of Crete' (cf. R.F.
WILLETI'S [supra n. 140], p. 148-152).
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 169

element, it was possibly early. But more remarkable is the fact that we
now seem to have evidence for such a cult associated specifically with a
male deity, namely one who was ultimately to emerge as a very impor-
tant god.
Given the importance, then, of the cult of Cretan Zeus, can sorne of
this importance be attributed already to an early date ? Indeed the
evidence for the possible date of the cult of Zeus on Mt Iouktas is no less
important. lt is of greatest interest, therefore, that the excavator informs
us that, like much of the evidence in general, in particular the offering-
table of greenish stone built into the altar 'belongs to the first phase of the
sanctuary'143, and that the treasure of bronze double axes belongs to 'the
Old Palace stratum'144. We may therefore now also envisage the
existence of an independent, specifie cult of Cretan Zeus going back to at
least the MM lA period. This too has significant implications. lt has, for
instance, a direct bearing on the age-old question of 'the One' and 'the
Many'. In other words, was there a single deity in the earliest period of
Minoan culture, a Great Mother Goddess, who continued to dominate
Minoan religion to almost the end - with individual deities coming into
existence, or at least into prominence only towards or at the end of the
Bronze Age, as many critics still seem to believe l45 , or must we now
consider the possibility that there were important individual deities who
had specifie cuIts of their own already at the beginning of the MM period,
if not indeed earlier ? And must we not also begin to rethink the problem
of the rôle of the male element in Minoan religion 146 ? These are
intriguing questions, which the new evidence from the peak sanetuary
on Mt Iouktas raises.

143 Alexandra KARETSOU (supra n. 74), p. 145. The altar itself can therefore
scarcely have been built at a later date.
144 Ibid., p.l46.
145 MATZ held that only at the beginning of the LM period did individual deities
begin to differentiate themselves from the one principal deity who had
prevailed hitherta.
146 It is perhaps worth recalling here FAURE'S conclusion (expressed just before
the latest excavations at Mt Iouktas began) that, upon careful examination of
the evidence, he found it impossible to agree with the view of modern
interpreters that the core of Minoan religion was formed by a Great Mother
Goddess as the symbol of creativity in Nature, accompanied by a young god,
her son and paramour, who dies shortly after their marriage and then in
spring is reborn. As he notes, 'she is accompanied by a god, but sometimes the
god forces the goddess inta the background' (P. FAURE [supra n. 16], p. S04-
SOS).
 170 E.F. BLOEDOW

There are, however, additional reasons for regarding the cult of

Cretan Zeus as being early. These derive from consideration of the close
connection between 'Minos', the dynastic term for the Minoan rulers,
and Zeus 147 . lt revolves around the idea that Minos, as ruler of Knossos,
was an enneoros, i.e., an 'eight-year' king, who 'held converse with
Zeus' every ninth year 148 . Faure has drawn attention to the extensive
degree to which this eight-year phenomenon appears in later Greek
culture, and has also shown convincingly how this was derived from the
convergence of solar and lunar phenomena - i.e., when the sun and the
moon returned to the same place in the sky where they had originated -
in other words, determining when the end of the solar year coincided
with the end of the lunar year 149 . As he explains, 'The eight-year cycle
of 99 months of alternately 29 and 30 days and the necessary interca-
lations was the only vehicle by which to bring the seasons more or less
into conjunction with each other, i.e., the sun and the moon, and thereby
establish harmony between the course of Nature and the life of the
community, whose representative is the king'. Moreover, Faure thinks
that it was 'Minoan Crete' that developed this system, namely as distinct
from the systems in the Semitic region of the eastern Mediterranean
and in Egypt, and that Minoan Crete then bequeathed this system to the
whole of the Aegean, where it was readily taken up in subsequent
periods. He also notes that, thanks to the fact that the Minoan economy
was based predominantly on agriculture and seafaring, it was the
primary task of the ruler and the priests who assisted him to determine
the calendar. To this end, they were assisted by such natural observa-
tories as the peak sanctuaries and the Cave of Zeus on Mt Ida, as weIl as
by the strictly east-facing chapels in the 'palaces' (they should reaIly be
called temples). Myth too played a rôle, in particular the legends
connected with the birth of Zeus, with which Capricorn, the Little Bear,
Aries and Scorpion were associated in the Classical period, as weIl as
the steIlar orb which served as his toy150. The strong association of the
cave on Mt Ida with Zeus and the legends which link Pythagoras with
this place are but later reflections of the ehrly importance of Zeus in the
above context 151 . The evidence from the latest excavations on Mt

147 For an initial discussion ofthis subject, cf. E.F. BLOEDOW and C. BJORK (supra
n.52).
148 Odyssey, XIX, 179.
149 P. FAURE (supra n. 16), p. 264-267.
150 Ibid., p. 267.
151 Ibid., p. 267-270.
 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 171

Iouktas, accordingly, seems to be in acceptable agreement with Faure's

reconstruction. And the early (MM I) date which emerges from these
excavations highlights the significance of the cultural developments
which we have discussed. It will be interesting to see how further
archaeological investigation will expand our horizons in this respect.

Edmund F. BLOEDOW
University of Ottawa
Faculty of Arts
Classical Studies
30 Stewart Street
OTTAWA, CANADA KIN 6N5
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 EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 173

Fig.2: Seal impression from the palace of Knossos : 'Mother of the Mountains'.

Fig. 3: GDld signet ring from the palace of Knossos : Cult scene.
174 E.F. BLOEDOW

Fig. 4: Gold signet ring from Mycenae : Cult scene.

Fig. 5: Sealing from the Little Palace at Knossos : Heraldic lions.

Fig. 6: Plan of the peak sanctuary on Mt Iouktas:
Excavations 1974-1979 (after Karetsou).

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Fig. 7: Plan of the peak sanctuary on Mt Iouktas :

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EVIDENCE FOR AN EARLY DATE FOR THE CULT OF CRETAN ZEUS 177