Well-Being Insights for Educators
Well-Being Insights for Educators
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5 authors, including:
Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:
All content following this page was uploaded by William Tov on 18 December 2021.
William Tov
Derrick Wirtz
Kostadin Kushlev
Georgetown University
Robert Biswas-Diener
Ed Diener
Citation:
Tov, W., Wirtz, D., Kushlev, K., Biswas-Diener, R., & Diener, E. (in press). Well-being
science for teaching and the general public. Perspectives in Psychological Science.
Author Note
Portland, Oregon; Ed Diener, Department of Psychology, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, and
We thank Rebecca Maniates and her team at the SMU Li Ka Shing Library for assistance
in locating and acquiring textbooks. We also thank Jonathan Louis Chia, Jun Sheng Keh, Rachel
Kok Chian Yee, Gloria Lai Junyan, Clement Lau Yong Hao, Elizabeth Lim Xiao Pei, Madeeha
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 2
Shanaaz binte Mohammed Yousoff, Remee Rose Quintana Ocampo, and Wynn Tan for their
Ed Diener passed away before the final version of this article was completed. He
conceptualized the original idea for the paper, contributed significantly to the initial submission,
and suggested several revisions in response to reviewer comments, many of which were
incorporated into the final article. His co-authors express their gratitude for his contributions to
this article and to the field more generally through his life’s work in subjective well-being.
Correspondence concerning this article should be sent to Will Tov, School of Social
Abstract
Research on well-being has exploded in recent years, with over 55,000 relevant publications
authors—to stay current with this field. Moreover, well-being is a daily concern among
policymakers and members of the general public. It is relevant to the lives of students—
illustrating the diverse methods used in the behavioral sciences, presenting highly-replicated
findings, and demonstrating the diversity of individuals and cultures. Therefore, five experts
present eight major findings that teachers and authors should seriously consider in their coverage
of this field. These topics range from processes such as adaptation, to influences such as income,
to the benefits of well-being, to cultural and societal diversity in well-being and its causes. We
also examined how much these topics were covered in fifteen of the most popular introductory
psychology textbooks. Although some topics such as social relationships and well-being were
discussed in nearly all textbooks, others were less frequently covered including the validity of
self-reported well-being, the effects of spending on happiness, and the impact of culture and
society on well-being. We aim to ensure more complete coverage of this important area in
psychology courses.
addition to the canon of content taught in psychology. This is partly because the science of
subjective well-being is now well-established and partly because it is a topic of nearly universal
interest. Indeed, Yale’s course on happiness was the highest-enrolled in that institution’s three-
century history (Shimer, 2018), reflecting student appetite for this topic. Similarly, of 15
common topics found in introductory psychology courses, students from regional, community,
and technical colleges rated “stress/health psychology” as the second most important topic
(McCann, Immel, Kadah-Ammeter, & Adelson, 2016). Perhaps, in response to trends in student
interest, some publishers have begun including short sections on well-being in textbooks (e.g.,
undergraduate psychology. These include: A) knowledge base, B) scientific inquiry and critical
of these. For example, the “professional development” category, includes building career skills
that overlap with core well-being topics such as self-regulation and adaptability (Richmond et
al., 2021). Further, well-being is a cross-cutting theme that is consistent with the APA’s
positive change at the individual and community levels (Gurung & Neufeld, 2021).
What’s more, there appears to be a need for well-being education. In a sample of 123
course syllabi from 95 institutions, researchers found that sociocultural awareness, values, and
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personal development, accounted for 15% or less of the stated course learning objectives,
respectively (Homa et al., 2013). This is especially worrisome in an era marked by concerns over
academic engagement and rising levels of student ill-being (Lipson, Lattie, & Eisenberg, 2019).
This presents a critical opportunity for the teaching of psychology. In one survey, people who
took psychology courses had significantly better knowledge of the field than did those who had
not taken such courses (Landrum, Gurung, & Amsel, 2019). This suggests the real possibility
that teaching about happiness in particular can improve people’s knowledge and sophistication of
At its heart, well-being is a field that spans psychology. It includes the study of emotion,
personality, cognition, development, social relationships, and virtually every other area of
psychology. As a result, it can be woven into existing course material or treated as a stand-alone
topic. It can be used to teach scientific literacy and the importance of cultural diversity while
being deeply relevant to learners regardless of their background. By learners, we are referring
not only to traditional university students, but also to members of the general public who are
increasingly gaining access to psychology content through new platforms such as massive open
online courses (MOOCs). For example, approximately 112,000 people from over 200 countries
enrolled in a MOOC on the “Science of Happiness” at UC Berkeley (Clay, 2015). Though the
specific reasons why large numbers of learners have enrolled in happiness courses deserves more
study, the popularity of the topic is difficult to deny and further heightens the importance of
communicating reliable findings. Public understanding of well-being science is critical for efforts
by local and national governments to integrate well-being indicators into the policymaking
process (Dolan & White, 2007; Exton & Shinwell, 2018). Such measures can help identify
groups that require policy intervention and to evaluate the effectiveness of new and existing
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policies. However, the legitimacy of such policy uses requires not only a strong scientific
foundation, but also support from the very people at whom those policies are directed.
Textbook authors and psychology instructors choose what coverage to give topics, but
they typically have neither the time nor the sweep of expertise to critically evaluate what
findings are important in each area. This is certainly true of well-being, with its growth
expanding from fewer than 100 articles annually in the 1980s to extremely large numbers of
publications now. As of June 30, 2021, the terms happiness or subjective well-being were
mentioned in over 2.9 million publications, with 55,000 annually since 1990.1 This literature
includes multiple fronts of inquiry across different areas of psychology and other disciplines
psychology research to a wider audience are sometimes accused of highlighting findings that are
Here we present a possible solution for navigating this academic territory: The authors of
this paper are five experts on the topic of well-being who have, collectively, published 600
academic articles, more than a dozen books, and have been cited a quarter of a million times. We
describe a list of topics related to well-being that we believe should be considered for coverage
in a wide range of psychology courses. We also suggest that this approach to coverage of
subjective well-being might be a model for groups of experts to recommend coverage of other
fields as well.
We present eight major findings from the field of subjective well-being, evaluate their
level of support, and provide recommendations for where and how these findings can be
1
Based on Google Scholar.
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included in textbooks and taught in a psychology curriculum. We used several criteria to select
these topics: A) Research evidence: We preference findings that have been replicated across
reviews, and large-scale international studies to establish the broad support and replicability of a
finding; B) Interest and relevance: The topics we cover relate in important ways to people’s
lives; and C) Deep understanding: The topics give a broader understanding of human experience
and diversity as well as the diverse methods used in the behavioral sciences. The major findings
we present are:
We believe these broad findings about well-being are important and should be covered in
psychology courses. Some instructors might want more nuance and depth than we have provided
here, or want to include other findings on well-being. We refer them to the Handbook of Well-
Being at Nobascholar.com (Diener, Oishi, & Tay, 2018) and to an in-depth review by Diener,
Lucas, and Oishi (2018). We also include a list of discussion questions and activities that
instructors may consider to deepen learners’ understanding of these findings (see Supplemental
Materials).
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Feeling happy is a basic state that is commonly understood across many languages,
cultures, and age groups. Because of this, well-being scholars often find it difficult not to use the
term happiness when introducing research in this area to a broader audience (Diener & Biswas-
Diener, 2008; Layard, 2005; Lyubomirsky, 2007; Seligman, 2002). Every year, the media
follows suit, reporting on the happiest countries in the world, thanks in part to the annual World
draws interest from the public, but it also risks a narrow view of how scientists think about and
study well-being. Some may think of happiness primarily as a short-term mood or emotion (e.g.,
“Happiness is fleeting”). However, a large body of research indicates that there are many ways
that people can experience and evaluate their lives positively; that the various components of
Feelings are one element of well-being. Researchers are interested in a wide range of
pleasant emotions but also in the experience of unpleasant emotions. In daily life, people tend to
experience some mixture of positive and negative affect (Tov & Lee, 2016). Large-scale
analyses across many countries suggest that pleasant and unpleasant feelings are consistently
distinguishable from each other (Busseri, 2018; Fors & Kulin, 2016; Kuppens, Ceulemans,
Timmerman, Diener, & Kim-Prieto, 2006). Moreover, they have distinct correlates. For example,
failing to meet basic needs (for food and shelter) strongly correlates with negative but not
positive affect in most regions around the world (Tay & Diener, 2011). An important implication
is that pleasant and unpleasant feelings capture different aspects of a person’s well-being.
Well-being also consists of judgments about how satisfied a person is with their life.
Such evaluations are referred to as cognitive well-being because they rely on mental information
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such as standards for comparison. The closer a person’s life is to their ideal, for example, the
more likely they are to be satisfied. Though correlated, affect and cognitive evaluations of one’s
life are distinct (Busseri, 2018; Fors & Kulin, 2016; Lucas, Diener, & Suh, 1996). There is
emerging evidence that judgments such as life satisfaction tend to be associated with the broad
conditions of one’s life, whereas affective well-being tends to be associated with reactions to
specific daily events (Eid & Diener, 2004; Luhmann, Hawkley, Eid, & Cacioppo, 2012;
Schimmack, Schupp, & Wagner, 2008). This may partly explain why the top countries in life
satisfaction tend to be the wealthiest; but the top countries on affective well-being are more
diverse in terms of region and wealth (Tov & Au, 2013). Later, we discuss cultural variation in
the correlates of well-being under the theme of cultural and societal influences.
Some scholars make a further distinction between hedonic well-being and eudemonic
well-being (Ryan & Deci, 2001). Whereas hedonic well-being comprises pleasure and positive
feelings, eudemonic well-being refers to a variety of experiences such as meaning, growth, and
authenticity (Huta & Waterman, 2014; Vittersø, 2016). A central theme of eudemonic well-being
is the fulfillment of one’s potential—which can involve challenging oneself or developing one’s
talents. The contrast between eudemonic and hedonic well-being highlights the fact that people
do not always choose to do what “feels good” in the moment but, instead, sometimes choose
worthwhile pursuits such as contributing to society or completing unpleasant but important tasks.
Hedonic and eudemonic well-being are strongly correlated with each other (Disabato,
Goodman, Kashdan, Short, & Jarden, 2016; Joshanloo, 2016; Linley, Maltby, Wood, Osborne, &
Hurling, 2009; Longo, Coyne, Joseph, & Gustavsson, 2016) and may have a bi-directional causal
relationship. Leading a meaningful life, for example, can be a source of positive emotions, but
positive emotions can also make life feel more meaningful (King, Heintzelman, & Ward, 2016).
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In sum, one need not choose between hedonic and eudemonic well-being, and strongly favoring
Importance to Learners
Understanding that well-being involves more than feeling happy has important
implications for learners. First, because there are different components of well-being, there is not
a single resource or activity that makes people “happy” in the broad sense of well-being. Some
experiences may enhance pleasure, while others enhance judgments of life or eudemonic well-
being. Second, many people who are satisfied with their lives or experience frequent positive
affect may still experience negative affect to varying degrees. Thus, being “happy” does not
entail eliminating negative experiences from one’s life. There is also an opportunity to build
scientific literacy: when the popular media reports on the happiest countries or the latest research
on what makes people happy, learners can be more critical of such reports by asking exactly how
“happiness” was assessed. In seeking to understand others, learners can appreciate that
The notion that a person can accurately report their own level of well-being, and that this
topic can be understood numerically, may seem doubtful to many. Schwarz and Strack (1999)
suggested that judgments of global well-being are largely constructed from information that
happens to be on a person’s mind and is deemed relevant. If so, how could we trust people’s
evaluation of their lives when it might fluctuate from one moment to the next?
previously argued. For example, life satisfaction judgments have very high test-retest
correlations (r > .79) over short intervals (less than one month; Schimmack & Oishi, 2005).
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other items in a survey, these effects are small and often inconsistent across studies (Eid &
Diener, 2004; Schimmack & Oishi, 2005; Yap et al., 2017). Other studies suggest that well-being
ratings do reflect a person’s life circumstances and experiences. For example, the life satisfaction
of students is closely related to their satisfaction in important areas such as academics, health,
and social relationships (Schimmack & Oishi, 2005). A large number of studies conducted in
Asia, Europe, and the Americas find that self-reported well-being measures correlate strongly
with each other and with theoretically relevant constructs (Diener, Inglehart, & Tay, 2013; Tov,
Scientists have also gone beyond self-report when measuring well-being. For example,
informant reports of a person’s well-being (made by their friends or family members) correlate
significantly with self-reports (Schneider & Schimmack, 2009). The memory of positive
experiences (how many are recalled and how interconnected they are) is associated with self-
reported well-being (Robinson & Kirkeby, 2005; Sandvik, Diener, & Seidlitz, 1993; Seidlitz &
Diener, 1993). Other non-self-report measures show some convergence with self-reports
(Scollon, 2018) and this helps us have confidence in the validity of these measures. Thus,
although well-being measures are imperfect, they are valid enough to yield useful and consistent
information.
Importance to Learners
The question about how to best assess well-being is a potential opportunity to teach
learners about research methods and basic psychometrics. They can experience survey research
by taking any number of widely available well-being measures (e.g., see eddiener.com). In
addition, learners should be aware of real-world applications of such measures. For example,
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well-being indicators are collected by governments around the world to inform and evaluate
policy (Exton & Shinwell, 2018). Leaders of organizations can examine well-being at work, as
A common debate is whether money makes people happy. The question arises because
there are contrasting beliefs about this issue, ranging from “money can’t buy happiness,” to
“money is the key to happiness.” Although people might prefer a yes-no answer to the question,
extensive reviews of this literature suggest that such a simple response is impossible (Diener &
There is strong evidence that money can boost subjective well-being. Differences in
average happiness between rich and poor nations are large (Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2002)
Indeed, Diener, Kahneman, Tov, and Arora (2010) reported that the correlation between per
capita income in countries and their average levels of life satisfaction was r = .83! Beyond cross-
sectional correlations, Stevenson and Wolfers (2008) reported that as nations’ incomes increased,
their well-being tended to do so as well. At the societal level, richer nations are better able to
provide freedom, transparent and non-corrupt services, and relative peace to their citizens
(Helliwell, Layard, & Sachs, 2019). At the individual level, these findings may reflect the fact
that money helps people obtain things they need, such as food and shelter, but it also can help
people cope with problems (Diener, Tay, & Oishi, 2013). For example, Kahneman and Deaton
(2010) report in a representative sample of almost ½ million Americans that low income
exacerbated the negative effects of misfortunes such as divorce, ill health, and loneliness. The
many of whom are marginalized and lack access to decent work (Blustein, Kenny, Di Fabio, &
Guichard, 2019; Kantamneni, 2020), have low-paying jobs that do not allow them to work from
home, and live in crowded environments—all factors that make physical distancing difficult and
Revealing the causal connection of more money to well-being are large lottery studies
showing that lottery winners are happier than similar individuals who bought lottery tickets but
did not win (Gardner & Oswald, 2007; Lindqvist, Östling, & Cesarini, 2020; Smith & Razzell,
1975). These studies notwithstanding, there are also data showing that more money does not
invariably equal more happiness. An important and replicated finding is that there is a “declining
marginal utility” of more money for happiness. As a person earns higher and higher incomes, it
often requires more and more money to impact happiness (Diener, Sandvik, Seidlitz, & Diener,
1993). In Figure 1, we present the declining effects of income on three types of subjective well-
being. These data are based on the Gallup representative poll of the USA from 2008 to 2016 of
about 1.5 million respondents. Most people seem to be able to achieve happy experiences with a
moderate income, and not much improvement is evident after earning about 40,000 dollars a
year, although specific income thresholds vary by geography. The incomes shown in the figure
do not indicate as much declining marginal utility for life satisfaction; however, Jebb and
colleagues (2018) show that at some point in many world regions, people do not get a boost in
life satisfaction from more income. Indeed, in several regions, income beyond the point of
Aside from the amount of income, how it is spent also influences well-being. Spending
money on others can enhance positive affect (Aknin, Dunn, Proulx, Lok, & Norton, in press;
Dunn, Aknin, & Norton, 2008) as can spending money on experiences rather than materials (Lee,
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Hall, & Wood, 2018; Van Boven & Gilovich, 2003). On the other hand, materialism—placing
higher importance on money than on other values such as relationships—tends to relate to less
Importance to Learners
Students are generally fascinated by this topic. Issues such as income, income equality,
meaningful work, and how money is spent are all relevant to daily student life. Learners might
also ask themselves whether pursuing a career that will be unpleasant but earns a high income is
truly the road to happiness. They can also learn that income aspirations can outstrip even rising
income so that people are dissatisfied even though they have more than ever before (Graham &
Pettinato, 2006). One issue that may concern learners is how student debt affects happiness.
Although declining marginal utility illustrates how well-being does not always rise at high
income levels, it consistently declines at lower income levels. Debt repayment reduces
discretionary income; and higher levels of debt are associated with greater financial worry during
college (Tay, Batz, Parrigon, & Kuykendall, 2017) and lower well-being after graduating from
college (Walsemann, Gee, & Gentile, 2015). The majority of U.S. graduates believe their college
education was worth the cost except among those with over US$50,000 in debt (Gallup, Inc.,
2015).
Students do not have control over the cost of their college tuition, but they may benefit
from learning how spending money can influence their happiness. For example, although
experiential purchases tend to promote happiness more than material purchases, this difference
may apply only when people feel they have adequate resources and not when they feel like their
resources are limited (Lee et al., 2018). In contrast, even small amounts of prosocial spending
can boost happiness and the effects are observed in cultures as diverse as Canada and Uganda
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(Aknin et al., 2013; Dunn et al., 2008). In addition, people whose purchases are more aligned
with their personality tend to report higher life satisfaction (Matz, Gladstone, & Stillwell, 2016).
Instructors can engage students in deeper discussions of these findings to motivate them to think
more about their purchase decisions. That said, it is important to note that the problem of rising
student debt is complex and requires action from government, education, and business sectors.
The negative effects that student debt has on long-term well-being brings its human impact into
sharper focus and adds to the urgency of finding solutions. Hence, it is not only students who can
benefit from learning about the science of well-being – but administrators, business leaders, and
If there is a “secret to happiness,” some argue that it can be found in social relationships
(Argyle, 2001). This is because social relationships have myriad benefits—from producing
positive feelings to offering social support in times of need. The desire to socially connect with
others may be a basic human need. When this need for relatedness is met, feelings of happiness
result (Reis, Sheldon, Gable, Roscoe, & Ryan, 2000). In a study of the happiest and least happy
university students, for example, having high-quality relationships appeared to distinguish the
two groups, with nearly all of the high-happiness students reporting better relationships with
family, friends, and romantic partners (Diener & Seligman, 2002). Even peers of the students
agreed that the very happy group had good relationships, providing convergent support for this
conclusion.
In every major world region, perceived social support is associated with subjective well-
being (Tay & Diener, 2011). Those who report the greatest happiness feel respected by others
and that there are people they can count on in times of need, according to a global sample
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(Diener, Seligman, Choi, & Oishi, 2018). Very happy individuals also spend more hours of their
day with friends or family. Socializing with others is among those daily activities that bring
people the most positive feelings (Kahneman, Krueger, Schkade, Schwarz, & Stone, 2004) —but
only up to a point; beyond three hours a day of social contact, there are no additional benefits in
terms of happiness (Kushlev, Heintzelman, Oishi, & Diener, 2018). The generally pleasant
experience of socializing and the rewards of social support occur for those in a variety of
relational contexts: among married (Coombs, 1991; Diener et al., 2000; Jebb et al., 2020) and
among single people, who may even develop more diverse social networks (DePaulo, 2018). In
other words, feelings of support and social connection may underlie the benefits of social
relationships for subjective well-being and can be enjoyed by people of any relationship status.
Moreover, while high-quality social relationships can be enduring sources of well-being, even
interactions we have with casual acquaintances and strangers can boost our well-being in the
short term (Epley & Schroeder, 2014; Sandstrom & Dunn, 2014).
Other people can offer us support in times of need, buffer the adverse effects of negative
experiences, and provide social capital (Helliwell, Aknin, Shiplett, Huang, & Wang, 2018).
However, the sheer number of other people in one’s life is not a precise indicator that one’s
social needs are met (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Greitemeyer, Mügge, & Bollermann, 2014).
Instead, it is the experience of one’s relationships that is most predictive of well-being. In other
words, it is more important for a person to have a few close and supportive relationships than it
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of social relationships for well-
being, because controlling the spread of COVID-19 involved behaviors such as physically
distancing from others and reducing one’s number of social contacts for extended periods of
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time. Those with larger social networks during the pandemic’s initial lockdown period reported
less stress and worry (Nitschke et al., 2021), and those who felt high levels of social support
Importance to Learners
This aspect of well-being research will feel very relevant to learners. Everyone has
relationships of one type or another and so will have personal experience and insight into the
ways that their social ties affect their own happiness. This area of research is a fruitful
springboard for discussing loneliness, social networking technologies, bullying, divorce, and
other social topics. For example, learners can consider whether interactions on social network
sites are similar to or different from those that occur offline, and how this affects their well-
being. Learners can also explore the differences in the types and numbers of relationships that
fulfill their needs. Another topic for discussion is why it is that many relationships are among the
most rewarding aspects of life, but some relationships can be quite aversive. While the
conclusion that social relationships enhance well-being may be intuitive, considering the reasons
for the reverse direction, in which quality relationships follow from happiness, offers additional
Are people simply born happy or unhappy? To what extent do genes influence well-
being? One way scientists have attempted to investigate this issue is by comparing identical
twins (who share 100% of their genes) with fraternal twins (who share only about 50%). If there
are genetic influences on well-being, identical twins should have more similar levels of well-
being than fraternal twins. Early studies provided support for this (Tellegen et al., 1988), even
showing that identical twins raised apart were more similar to each other than fraternal twins
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 18
who were raised together (Lykken & Tellegen, 1996). Recent meta-analyses suggest substantial
sources (Bartels, 2015; Nes & Røysamb, 2015). This might suggest that each person has a
baseline level of well-being and that daily events influence shifts above and below this baseline.
However, this does not imply that a single “happiness gene” confers happiness to those who
possess it or that happiness is unchangeable. The extent to which genes influence well-being can
depend on life circumstances such as age, finances, or marital status (Bartels, 2015; Røysamb &
Nes, 2018).
There is evidence that the genetic components underlying well-being are also linked to
personality traits such as extraversion and neuroticism (Hahn, Johnson, & Spinath, 2013;
Røysamb, Nes, Czajkowski, & Vassend, 2018; Weiss, Bates, & Luciano, 2008). This may partly
account for the robust finding that people who are extraverted and/or low on neuroticism often
report higher levels of well-being (Anglim, Horwood, Smillie, Marrero, & Wood, 2020; DeNeve
& Cooper, 1998; Steel, Schmidt, & Shultz, 2008). An important limitation is that genetic studies
of well-being have primarily been conducted on North American and European populations.
Even among this limited set of countries, heritability estimates of well-being show significant
heterogeneity across samples (Nes & Røysamb, 2015). This could be due to differences among
well-being measures and respondent characteristics; in addition, societal and cultural factors
could influence how genes are expressed. More diverse samples would enable a better
Importance to Learners
the fundamental question of personality stability and change. It is a starting point for discussing
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individual differences in well-being and cultivating an awareness that people can differ in the
situations and experiences that make them happy. It is also an opportunity to discuss the relative
influences of genetics, environmental conditions, and personal choices and behaviors as they
influence well-being. Concepts such as gene-environment interaction (Røysamb & Nes, 2018)
can help students think more critically about genetic influences on well-being and personality
more generally.
People want a good income, supportive social relationships, health, meaningful work, and
enjoyable pastimes. There is a general assumption that having these will yield happiness. One
reason to believe that life circumstances may not adequately explain happy lives is a
phenomenon known as adaptation: although new good things might make us happy, and new
bad things might make us unhappy, these immediate reactions wear off rather quickly.
Many longitudinal studies have now followed people’s well-being over years and
examined their adaptation after good and bad events occur. People usually react more strongly
when events first occur, but over time, their well-being returns toward previous levels (Diener,
Lucas, & Scollon, 2006; Frederick & Loewenstein, 1999; Lucas, 2007; Luhmann, Hofmann, Eid,
& Lucas, 2012; Sheldon & Lucas, 2014). This adaptation appears to be partial in some
circumstances and complete in others. For example, when people are fired from their jobs they
often have lower life satisfaction for many years to come and even after they obtain another job
(Clark, Georgellis, & Sanfey, 2001; Lucas, Clark, Georgellis, & Diener, 2004). Similarly,
widowhood, divorce, or a severe disability are often followed by long-term declines in life
satisfaction. Nonetheless, in most of these cases, people do show resilience – they tend to bounce
back toward earlier levels of well-being (Lucas, 2007; Oswald & Powdthavee, 2008). Adaptation
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also applies to positive events. Married people, for example, show a boost in happiness around
the time of their wedding, but then on average return over time to their former levels of well-
being (Anusic, Yap, & Lucas, 2014a, 2014b; Lucas, Clark, Georgellis, & Diener, 2003; Yap,
The process of adaptation presents two challenges: how to speed adjustment to bad
events and how to slow or stop adaptation to good events. According to a new perspective with
growing empirical support, people may be able to overcome their predispositions, combat
adaptation, and become happier through intentional behavior—how people choose to spend their
time and resources each day (Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013; White, Uttl, & Holder, 2019). Three
meta-analyses with thousands of participants across dozens of interventions have concluded that
people’s well-being can be raised through the practice of positive activities, though effect sizes
vary (Bolier et al., 2013; Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009; White et al., 2019). The strongest evidence
for beneficial effects exists for positive activities, such as engaging in acts of kindness, writing
and delivering a letter of gratitude to someone, and imagining and writing about one’s best
possible self (for a review, see Quoidbach, Mikolajczak, & Gross, 2015)
Importance to Learners
The natural process of adaptation can help learners understand reactions to many daily
life events. Adaptation is what allows us to take risks such as getting a job, moving across the
country, or moving in with a romantic partner. Because of adaptation to good events, we never
have maximum happiness for a long time, and new events and undertakings can thus boost our
current happiness. Adaptation is also the psychological mechanism that helps us bounce back
from tough times. Despite the helpfulness of adaptation for effective functioning, it also limits
the happiness we get from simply obtaining the life circumstances that we desire. This topic is a
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 21
natural point of entry to discuss happiness interventions, folk theories of happiness, and
Countries differ substantially in their levels of well-being. For example, the average life
satisfaction of Denmark is 2.5 standard deviations higher than that of Togo (Geerling & Diener,
2018). This could be due to objective living conditions, sociopolitical and economic systems, and
cultural values and practices. As mentioned previously, income can exert a strong influence on
well-being, especially as nations move out of poverty. In addition, cross-national studies suggest
that life satisfaction is higher in countries that enact stronger income redistribution policies
(Cheung, 2018; Oishi, Schimmack, & Diener, 2012). Relatedly, gender differences in job
satisfaction are smaller in countries with greater gender equality (Batz-Barbarich, Tay,
Kuykendall, & Cheung, 2018). Other systemic factors such as corruption and perceived
discrimination can reduce well-being over time (Helliwell et al., 2019; Schmitt, Branscombe,
Postmes, & Garcia, 2014; Tay, Herian, & Diener, 2014); whereas increases in social tolerance
and freedom at the nation level predict increases in well-being (Inglehart, Foa, Peterson, &
Welzel, 2008). Impressive evidence that national conditions affect well-being is the finding that
immigrants to Canada and the UK from nations with very low well-being attain similarly high
levels of life satisfaction as those in their new countries of residence (Helliwell, Huang, Wang, &
Shiplett, 2018).
Cultural norms are an important influence on well-being. Culture can affect overall levels
of happiness, how it is defined and experienced, and the factors that shape it. One cultural
Triandis, 1995). Individualist societies (e.g., Canada, Australia, Germany) tend to value
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 22
independence and personal freedom. Collectivist societies (e.g., Japan, Taiwan, Colombia) tend
to value conformity and obligation to others. On average, individualist societies report higher
levels of national well-being than collectivist societies (Diener, Diener, & Diener, 1995; Fischer
& Boer, 2011; Steel, Taras, Uggerslev, & Bosco, 2018). These effects are independent of
economic development, suggesting a unique role of cultural values and beliefs in shaping well-
being.
The specific correlates of well-being vary by culture. For example, self-esteem tends to
be more predictive of well-being in individualist than in collectivist cultures (Diener & Diener,
1995; Kang, Shaver, Sue, Min, & Jing, 2003; Kwan, Bond, & Singelis, 1997; Park & Huebner,
2005). Another variable that shows distinct cultural patterns is self-consistency. In individualist
cultures, self-consistency is valued as a sign that one is authentic (Church et al., 2014; English &
Chen, 2011; Suh, 2002). By contrast, collectivist cultures emphasize a self that is defined by
relationships; a person’s feelings and behaviors are expected to shift based on the social context
(Tsai, Miao, Seppala, Fung, & Yeung, 2007). Thus, self-inconsistency is less of a threat to well-
The importance of social context for collectivists means that they are more likely to use
cultural norms when determining their own well-being, asking, in essence, “should I feel happy
given my current situation?” (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Tsai, 2007). Individualists, by contrast,
are more likely to pay attention to their feelings and to weigh these in their satisfaction
judgments (Kuppens, Realo, & Diener, 2008; Suh, Diener, Oishi, & Triandis, 1998). Moreover,
people who endorse individualistic values are more likely to also value high arousal positive
emotions such as joy, pride, and enthusiasm (Tamir et al., 2016; Tsai, Knutson, & Fung, 2006).
(e.g., Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988) and so researchers must be careful that non-Western
norms for emotions such as feeling calm and at peace are also measured.
A close fit between one’s personality and one’s social environment is associated with
greater well-being (Assouline & Meir, 1987). Imagine an extravert living in an “introverted
person might find it difficult to socialize when others are less receptive to their behavior. In two
cross-national data sets, Fulmer and her colleagues (2010) found that extraverts living in
extraverted countries reported higher levels of life satisfaction and positive emotion than those
living in less extraverted countries. Similarly, religious people tend to be happier in religious
societies, but this advantage is not apparent in more secular societies (Diener, Tay, & Myers,
2011; Gebauer et al., 2020). Thus, fitting in with one’s culture can be helpful to a person’s well-
being.
Though cultures vary in the factors that contribute to happiness, most people are in fact
above neutral in emotional well-being – they tend to experience more positive than negative
affect (Diener & Diener, 1996). Researchers have extended these findings to other populations.
For example, Biswas-Diener, Vittersø, and Diener (2005) found that the American Amish, the
Kenyan Masai, and the Greenlandic Inuit were all above neutral in their levels of subjective well-
being. However, in a large sample from 166 nations, Diener, Diener, Choi, and Oishi (2018)
found that for people who had multiple difficult conditions in their lives—for example, having
recently been assaulted or having gone hungry—most were not happy. Thus, people do tend to
be at least mildly happy unless something clearly negative is happening in their lives.
Importance to Learners
Culture- and societal-level effects suggest that well-being judgments are not strictly
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 24
personal but are influenced by societal norms. Greater awareness of the systemic factors that
influence well-being can help students connect current events and social issues to the welfare of
other people in their own society and around the world. Learners can also reflect on how their
own cultural upbringing and identity influences the factors they consider important for their own
well-being. This is also an opportunity for learners to develop increased cultural literacy and to
discuss issues of cultural sensitivity, diversity, and inclusivity. This topic has the unique potential
to be applied to cultural aspects of clinical psychology and to cultural issues as they relate to
measurement and research methods. Apart from cultural differences, the finding that most people
are happy in terms of emotional well-being can lead to a discussion of what universals there
might be in the causes of happiness versus culture-specific causes. Another topic relevant to
current political debates is the amount of immigration that is desirable as immigrants can become
One of the most unexpected findings of the science of happiness is that subjective well-
being is beneficial for other important outcomes. A growing body of research now suggests that
being happy not only feels good, but that it may also be beneficial for outcomes such as health
and longevity (Diener, Pressman, Hunter, & Delgadillo‐Chase, 2017), work engagement and
career success (Lyubomirsky, King, & Diener, 2005; Walsh, Boehm, & Lyubomirsky, 2018),
and supportive social relationships (Kansky & Diener, 2017). These findings further highlight
how critical it is to tackle the systemic and structural factors that impede well-being discussed
above. Though individuals can take steps to improve their well-being on their own (Heintzelman
et al., 2020; Lyubomirsky & Layous, 2013; Quoidbach et al., 2015), individual action must be
combined with policies that tackle inequities and inequality at the societal level (cf. Diener,
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 25
Lucas, et al., 2018; Oishi, Kushlev, & Schimmack, 2018). The policy relevance of well-being is
thus bolstered by recognizing the role that it plays in the health, work life, and social
Physical Health
Pressman, et al., 2017). In one study, participants were exposed to a virus and those with a more
positive emotional style were half as likely to develop cold or flu symptoms (Cohen, Alper,
Doyle, Treanor, & Turner, 2006). By measuring well-being before infecting participants, the
researchers in this study ensured that the observed association between well-being and health
could not be due to the effect of getting sick on well-being. Beyond short-term immune function,
health (Howell, Kern, & Lyubomirsky, 2007) and even longevity (Chida & Steptoe, 2008).
Indeed, well-being influences health through multiple mechanisms—from the more proximal,
distal, behavioral mechanisms, such as exercise and nutrition (Diener, Heintzelman, et al., 2017).
Experimental evidence from randomized controlled trials suggests that treatment for depression
modestly improved self-rated physical health (O’Neil, Sanderson, Oldenburg, & Taylor, 2011).
comes from prospective longitudinal studies (Diener & Chan, 2011). In the famous nun study
(Danner, Snowdon, & Friesen, 2001), for example, nuns who expressed the most positive
emotions in essays written when they were in their early 20s had half the rate of mortality of the
unhappiest nuns at age 85. By assessing well-being in early life—before most nuns had
developed health issues that can impact their well-being—this study again suggests a causal
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 26
Work Success
Although it makes intuitive sense that happiness might follow work success, it is less
obvious that happiness can cause work success. In one longitudinal study, people who were more
cheerful at the beginning of college earned more money 19 years later than did their less cheerful
counterparts (Diener, Nickerson, Lucas, & Sandvik, 2002). These findings have been replicated
several times (e.g., Graham, Eggers, & Sukhtankar, 2004; Marks & Fleming, 1999). One reason
happy people might be better poised for career success is that they work harder (Krekel et al.,
2019; Oswald, Proto, & Sgroi, 2015). Happier people also receive higher customer and
supervisor evaluations, take fewer sick days, and are more likely to engage in positive
raise subjective well-being has been shown to reduce sick days (Kushlev, Heintzelman, et al.,
2020).
that positive affect leads to better relationships (Moore et al., 2018). In one longitudinal study,
for example, positive affect at age 14 predicted lower conflict with one’s romantic partner a
decade later—as reported by the participants and their partners alike (Kansky, Allen, & Diener,
2016). A person’s life satisfaction while still single predicts how likely they are to get married
(Lucas et al., 2003) and how likely they are to become divorced (Luhmann & Eid, 2009). In an
experience sampling study following 30,000 participants over a month, feeling happy predicted
investing time in social interactions (Elmer, 2021; Quoidbach, Taquet, Desseilles, de Montjoye,
evidence for other desirable effects of well-being on outcomes, such as resilience (bouncing back
from stress and bad events; Ong, Bergeman, Bisconti, & Wallace, 2006; Shen, Arkes, & Lester,
2017; Tugade & Fredrickson, 2004) and better citizenship (Kushlev, Drummond, Heintzelman,
Importance to Learners
happiness as a self-centered and selfish pursuit. Learners may be surprised to discover that in
most jobs that they will end up having, their well-being can make the organization more
productive and profitable (Krekel et al., 2019). Learners can thus benefit from realizing that
happiness can be beneficial to themselves and others. This topic is also a good opportunity to
teach students about the difficulty of establishing causality over the long term. Indeed, the
benefits of well-being are still subject to controversy—in part, because the direction of causality
goes both ways. If better health leads to more happiness, how can we know if happiness leads to
being to isolate its long-term effects on happiness. No single study, therefore, can control for all
third factors. Thus, we must rely on convergent evidence across multiple studies, samples, and
To what extent are students of psychology already learning about the findings that we
have highlighted? We identified the top 15 introductory psychology textbooks based on rankings
from Open Syllabus and Amazon.com. Whereas Amazon.com rankings are based primarily on
U.S. sales, the Open Syllabus 2.5 database contains 7.2 million syllabi (Karaganis, 2021) from
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 28
universities around the world (largely from 1996 to 2018). To strengthen the currency of our
analysis, we obtained the most recent edition of each textbook available. Ten of the fifteen books
we analyzed were published in 2018 or later. A list of the 15 textbooks appears in the Appendix.
(For more details on our methodology, please refer to the Supplemental Materials).
into more specific subcategories (see Table 1). For each book, three research assistants skimmed
any sections on health, stress, and well-being and extracted relevant excerpts. All textbooks were
digitized, and additional excerpts were extracted by searching for specific terms (e.g., well-being,
happiness, satisfaction, etc). Because our emphasis was on everyday subjective well-being, we
did not examine chapters on psychopathology. However, excerpts from these chapters were
included if they emerged through our search procedure. Three coders rated the relevance of each
excerpt to the findings in Table 1 and those with an average score of 3 or higher (on a 4-point
scale) were classified as at least “somewhat relevant” to the given finding. Interrater agreement
was acceptable for most subcategories (intraclass correlation coefficients > .70) and those that
Table 1 presents the average number of excerpts that were relevant to each finding and
the percentage of textbooks that mentioned the finding at least once. Several findings were
covered by all textbooks including empirical distinctions between positive and negative affect,
links between personality traits and well-being, the importance of social support for well-being,
the effects of activities on reducing ill-being and enhancing happiness, and the impact of
negative affect and stress on physical health. Other findings were seldom emphasized. For
actuality, many of the well-being findings already reported in textbooks bear on the validity of
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 29
The positive relationship between income and well-being was reported in the majority of
textbooks (80%). However, other key aspects of the money-happiness relationship such as
declining marginal utility at higher levels of income (53.33%) and spending effects (40%) were
less frequently covered. Broader societal (73.33%) and cultural influences (53.33%) on well-
being were also covered less frequently. This is interesting, particularly when contrasted with the
coverage of personality and well-being (100%). In some ways, this is not surprising given
psychology’s historical focus on the individual. Still, most textbooks include discussions of
culture and social psychology that could include these topics. In addition, links between
Most textbooks discussed potential benefits of well-being. The effects of positive and
negative affect on health were mentioned by 80-100% of textbooks, but coverage was uneven
with excerpts discussing the impact of negative affect (M = 11.13) outnumbering those that
discuss the impact of positive affect (M = 1.87) by a ratio of 6 to 1. Other possible benefits of
well-being such as relationship outcomes were mentioned less often. We note that interrater
agreement was lower for this subcategory. One possible reason is that much of the literature
finding illustrates the effects of well-being on social relationships or vice versa. Finally, we note
that the percentage of these findings that are discussed in textbooks varies greatly from 42.3% to
2
Some authors discussed limitations of the Social Readjustment Rating Scale (SRRS) which assigns points to a list
of 43 life events and measures stress levels by asking respondents to report which events they experienced recently.
We did not include the SRRS in our coding of self-report findings because the validity of the scale depends on the
weightage of life events as well as the accuracy of respondents’ self-report.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 30
General Discussion
We described eight broad findings that we believe are important and replicable enough to
warrant coverage in introductory and other psychology textbooks. We then examined the top 15
introductory psychology textbooks to evaluate the extent to which these well-being findings were
currently covered. Our analysis revealed that coverage was uneven across the different findings.
On a positive note, current textbooks may teach learners to appreciate the value of their social
relationships and provide insights into behaviors that manage stress and enhance their well-
First, the validity of self-reported well-being measures was seldom discussed. To be fair,
some authors discussed validity and measurement issues more broadly as they pertain to
psychological research. However, the validity of well-being measures deserves special treatment
because of the interest and attention that such measures have attracted from policymakers and the
general public. As governments become interested in measuring well-being and using such
measures to inform policy decisions, it will be essential for citizens to understand what the
current science says about their validity as well as empirical distinctions among different
policymaking that relies on well-being indexes. It is also important that citizens appreciate the
role that societal conditions and cultural norms play in shaping well-being—two other topics that
deserve more coverage. Indeed, the topic of culture and well-being (either happiness, positive
affect, or subjective well-being) has been included in over 2 million publications, and touches on
Most textbooks acknowledge that wealthier individuals do tend to be happier than those
who are less wealthy. The majority of texts (53.33%) also note the declining marginal utility of
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 31
high income though many texts did not. Fewer still discussed the role that spending can play in
promoting happiness. This is a missed opportunity given the pertinence of this topic for many
learners. Although declining marginal utility can be used to illustrate that more money does not
always equal more happiness, it also illustrates how money does matter for incomes below the
satiation point. For students concerned with debt, this may resonate more with their experience.
The detrimental effects of negative affect on health were mentioned much more often
than the health benefits of positive affect. This likely reflects a longer history of research on
stress and physical health, and therefore a more established canon of theoretical models and
research studies for textbook authors to draw upon. By comparison, theoretical models linking
positive affect to health are more recent and continue to be developed (Boehm & Kubzansky,
2012; Pressman & Cohen, 2005). That said, the potential benefits of positive well-being for
health deserve more attention from learners because stress management alone is not likely to be
sufficient for maintaining good health. This may present an opportunity for instructors to expand
Other topics that were discussed by all textbooks might be better organized. For example,
empirical distinctions between positive and negative affect, and links among hedonic and
eudemonic well-being concepts were often scattered across different sections of textbooks.
Learners might appreciate these concepts more if they were organized within a single section on
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 32
well-being. Several of the textbooks we examined already include dedicated sections on well-
Are there additional topics that textbook writers and professors should cover? We
debated several topics, and also found other topics in textbooks we perused, that might be
covered, although we decided not to include them in our list for a variety of reasons. These
topics include: optimal levels of well-being and ill-being for effective functioning; spirituality,
religion, and well-being; affective forecasting; age, gender, ethnicity, and well-being; children
and well-being; leisure and well-being; and helping others and well-being. The evidence on some
of these topics is mixed or preliminary, but professors might choose some of them for coverage
and are referred to Nobascholar.com for chapters on these and other well-being topics.
The psychological study of happiness and well-being has emerged as a vibrant and
rapidly expanding area of psychological inquiry. With its quickly accumulating findings come
the challenge of whether—and how—to feature its findings within psychology textbooks and to
teach its findings in psychology curricula. On the former question, “Should we teach well-being
findings?” we believe the answer is an enthusiastic yes. First, the study of well-being is grounded
findings supported by large and representative samples, by experimental and longitudinal data,
and through meta-analyses. Second, the study of well-being informs our understanding of human
thought and behavior. Well-being transcends areas such as personality, social, cognitive, and
developmental psychology, and provides a potential narrative theme for linking these topics.
Third, well-being findings are of interest and relevance to students. Happiness and well-being are
overwhelmingly a goal that people seek, and students are no exception. Beyond this point, we
note that concern for the well-being of students has become a priority at colleges and
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 33
universities, and the psychological science of well-being has much to contribute to our
We have argued that the task of textbook writers and teachers in broad, introductory-level
survey courses in psychology is particularly challenging. Underscoring this challenge is the goal
depth, and how to organize many seemingly disparate findings at biological, psychological, and
social levels of analysis. Our goal—as researchers and teachers of well-being—was to outline
well-supported, major findings from the study of happiness and well-being, to facilitate their
integration into foundational psychology texts and courses. The teaching of disordered states, as
behavior, receive significant attention within the teaching of psychology—as we believe they
should. Yet, as the study of human thought and behavior, psychology naturally also includes
within its scope the study of happiness and well-being, of flourishing and optimal functioning.
A few limitations of these findings and our suggested approach are worth considering. An
important point in the teaching of well-being is to recognize that the science of well-being is
excellent at identifying average results and that these will not apply to every individual. Further,
although many of the findings we report are supported by a wide range of evidence, it remains
important to note that long-term investigation of the causes and consequences of well-being are
relatively few—and more are needed. And, finally, the present article aims to facilitate the
inclusion of well-being findings throughout psychology texts and curricula by presenting a broad
synopsis of major findings. There are more nuanced aspects of many of the findings we present
here and we encourage instructors to think critically and to access reputable research databases
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Table 1.
Number of Excerpts
%
(Theme) Finding ICC M SD Books
(1) PA and NA are empirically distinct .81 3.27 2.05 100.00
(1) Affective and cognitive WB are empirically distinct .62 0.27 1.03 6.67
(1) Hedonic WB is associated with eudemonic WB .72 4.67 2.44 100.00
(2) Self-reports of WB are fairly stable. .45 0.13 0.35 13.33
(2) Mood effects on self-reports are small. .73 0.07 0.26 6.67
(2) Order effects on self-reports are small. .00 0.00 0.00 0.00
(2) Self-reports correlate with non-self-report measures. -.02 0.33 0.90 13.33
(3) Income is associated with greater WB. .88 2.60 1.88 80.00
(3) Declining marginal utility at higher income levels. .96 0.73 0.88 53.33
(3) How money is spent influences WB. .97 0.93 1.33 40.00
(4) Social support reduces stress and NA. .87 3.33 1.63 100.00
(4) Social relationships contribute to happiness and PA. .83 4.33 3.98 100.00
(5) WB is heritable .89 1.27 1.28 66.67
(5) WB is associated with personality traits. .87 7.60 3.79 100.00
(6) People adapt to many circumstances. .91 2.13 2.17 73.33
(6) Major life events can have long-term effects on WB. .73 1.33 0.98 80.00
(6) Activities that can increase PA. .85 8.20 6.19 100.00
(6) Activities that can reduce NA. .91 7.67 4.17 100.00
(7) Societal conditions influence WB. .85 2.27 2.22 73.33
(7) The correlates of WB vary across cultures. .79 0.60 0.63 53.33
(7) Personality-culture fit enhances WB. .84 0.33 0.62 26.67
(7) Most people are happy. .76 0.67 0.90 46.67
(8) PA predicts better health and longevity. .85 1.87 1.36 80.00
(8) NA predicts worse health and longevity. .91 11.13 4.70 100.00
(8) WB contributes to work-relevant outcomes. .78 1.93 1.44 80.00
(8) WB contributes to relationship outcomes. .64 1.40 1.55 66.67
Note. Percentages reflect the number of textbooks (out of 15 total) that mentioned each finding at
least once. PA = positive affect; NA = negative affect; WB = well-being.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE 58
Appendix
Ciccarelli, S. K., & White, J. N. (2019). Psychology (6th ed. / Global Edition). Upper Saddle
Coon, D., Mitterer, J. O., & Martini, T. (2022). Introduction to psychology: Gateways to mind
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Company.
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Hodder Education.
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Huffman, K., Dowdell, K., & Sanderson, C. A. (2017). Psychology in action (12th ed.).
King, L. A. (2020). The science of psychology: An appreciative view (5th ed. / International
Lilienfeld, S. O., Lynn, S. J., & Namy, L. L. (2017). Psychology: From inquiry to understanding
Myers, D. G., & DeWall, C. N. (2018). Exploring psychology (11th ed.). [Kindle for Mac
Nairne, J. S. (2014). Psychology (6th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning.
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Spielman, R. M., Jenkins, W. J., & Lovett, M. (2020). Psychology (2nd ed.). Retrieved from
Weiten, W. (2022). Psychology: Themes and variations (11th ed.). Boston, MA: Cengage.
Wood, S. E., Wood, E. R. G., & Boyd, D. R. (2018). Mastering the world of psychology (6th
Zimbardo, P. G., Johnson, R. L., & McCann, V. (2016). Psychology: Core concepts (8th ed.).
Our content analysis of introductory psychology textbooks focused on the extent to which
each text discussed the key findings highlighted in “Well-Being Science for Teaching and the
General Public.” The analysis consisted of four stages. First, the top introductory psychology
textbooks were identified. Second, a coding scheme was developed from the specific findings in
the “Well-Being Science” article. Third, potentially relevant excerpts were extracted from each
textbook. Fourth, each excerpt was rated by three coders for its relevance to the key findings.
sources. We began with a list of 20 textbooks presented in the appendix of Griggs and
Christopher (2016). This list was further supplemented with a search for psychology textbooks in
Google Books (April 16, 2021). The key search term was introductory psychology, with results
limited to English language books published between 2010 and 2020. Textbooks that were
specific to subdisciplines of psychology (e.g., social psychology) were excluded. This resulted in
six additional texts beyond those already in the Griggs and Christopher list. Three of these
(Dobson, Malim, and Stanovich) were excluded because they were either reprints of older
To supplement the initial list, we conducted a search on Open Syllabus (May 20, 2021).
This site contains a large corpus of syllabi that have been extracted from publicly-accessible
university websites or contributed by instructors from universities around the world. Most syllabi
were dated from 1996 to 2018. The earliest date is unknown as 22.4% (approximately 1.54
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 3
million syllabi) could not be dated at the time of the search. We examined the first 200
psychology textbooks in the Open Syllabus search, ranked by the number of syllabi those texts
were cited in. We excluded texts that did not present a general introduction to psychology,
resulting in a list of 23 textbooks, of which 13 were not found in previous sources. At this point,
we had identified a total of 39 textbooks from three sources: Griggs and Christopher (2016),
Google Books, and Open Syllabus. Not all the texts previously identified through Griggs and
Amazon Rankings
To supplement the Open Syllabus rankings, we obtained the ranking of each textbook on
Amazon.com (May 22, 2021). Both rankings have strengths and limitations. Amazon provides an
overall rank for each book in its catalogue based largely on U.S. sales. In contrast, Open Syllabus
includes syllabi from several countries. Although the majority of syllabi are from U.S.
universities (62.8%), another 19.2% are from other English-speaking countries such as the UK,
Canada, and Australia, with the rest from other regions (Europe, Asia, South America). Second,
Open Syllabus is more likely to reflect textbooks that have been selected by instructors and
coordinators of psychology courses. Amazon sales, in contrast, might reflect a broader audience
including both students and lifelong learners. Third, Amazon rankings tend to fluctuate from day
to day as sales information is updated in its database. In contrast, Open Syllabus rankings are
more stable because they are based on syllabi from the past 20 years and thus may provide some
One challenge created by the differences between Open Syllabus and Amazon is that the
former tended to contain older editions of a text that might rank lower on Amazon because more
recent editions of the text have since become available. On the other hand, newer editions of a
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 4
text could have low rankings because they were available for purchase only recently. Therefore
we examined the rankings of both the previous and most recent versions of a text. If the most
recent edition of the text had a lower rank than the previous edition, we ranked the text based on
its previous edition. Our assumption is that past popularity is likely to influence current
popularity. For example, we assume that instructors who have used a particular edition of a
textbook are more likely than not to assign the latest edition of the text when it becomes
available. Following this procedure, the Spearman correlation of 25 textbooks that were ranked
in both Amazon and Open Syllabus was moderate, rho = .413, p = .04. Thus, books that have
traditionally been very popular (i.e., cited by a large number of syllabi) tended to remain popular
in Amazon rankings.
In some cases, there were multiple textbooks by the same author. These multiple versions
were largely similar in content but differed in length (e.g., excluding certain chapters). We
reduced the list further by selecting only one textbook from each author or team of authors. This
procedure ensured that no author contributed more than one textbook to our analysis. Allowing
the same author to contribute multiple textbooks to our analysis could misrepresent how well-
In selecting a single textbook from each author or team of authors, we were guided by the
following considerations. First, if one version of the text was ranked more highly than another in
terms of both Open Syllabus and Amazon rankings, we selected that text. In a few cases, one
version ranked higher in Open Syllabus, but the other ranked higher in Amazon. In that case, we
selected the text with the higher Open Syllabus ranking because they are more stable than
Amazon rankings (which can fluctuate from day to day). We made an exception in the case of
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 5
Coon’s texts. His Psychology: A Journey text ranked slightly higher than his Introduction to
Psychology text but had not been updated since 2013. Therefore, we selected his Introduction
text, which continues to be updated. This procedure resulted in a list of 30 textbooks written by
We selected the top ten books in our list as ranked by Open Syllabus, and acquired the
most recent edition of these texts (Ciccarelli & White, 2019; Gazzaniga, 2017; Gross, 2020;
Hockenbury & Nolan, 2019; Huffman et al., 2017; King, 2020; Myers & DeWall, 2018; Nairne,
However, since not all textbooks were ranked in Open Syllabus, we also selected the top
ten books as ranked by Amazon (Ciccarelli & White, 2019; Coon et al., 2022; Gazzaniga, 2017;
Hockenbury & Nolan, 2019; Kalat, 2022; Lilienfeld et al., 2017; Myers & DeWall, 2018;
Five textbooks appeared in the top ten of both rankings (Ciccarelli & White, 2019;
Gazzaniga, 2017; Hockenbury & Nolan, 2019; Myers & DeWall, 2018; Weiten, 2022), leaving a
The eight themes highlighted in the “Well-Being Science” article were quite broad.
Therefore, to better identify and assess the coverage of each finding, we focused on more
specific findings within each theme. For example, under Theme 1 (“Well-being is more than
happy feelings”), we emphasized three empirical findings: (i) that positive affect (PA) and
negative affect (NA) are empirically distinct; (ii) that affective well-being (i.e., PA and NA) is
empirically distinct from cognitive well-being (e.g., life satisfaction, life evaluation); and (iii)
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 6
that hedonic well-being concepts (PA, NA, and life satisfaction) are strongly associated with
classification of major eudemonic concepts developed by Huta and Waterman (2014). These
autonomy, virtue, character strengths, competence, mastery, and engagement/flow. We did not
code relatedness or social well-being as a eudemonic concept as many findings that might be
relevant to this aspect of eudemonic well-being were also relevant to Theme 4 (“Social
(e.g., positive emotions, happiness, life satisfaction) from those relating to negative well-being
(e.g., stress, depression, anxiety, and other negative affects). Thus, under Theme 4, instead of
examining links between social support and well-being in general, we specifically coded for
whether a finding links social support to reduced stress (negative well-being) or enhanced mood
(Theme 6: Adaptation) were found to boost positive mood versus reduce stress and negative
mood. Finally, under Theme 8 (Benefits), we separated findings on the negative effects of stress
on health from those suggesting that positive affect predicts better health outcomes.
In total, we coded for 26 findings related to the eight themes (see Table S1). In addition,
13 extra categories were also coded. Eight of these categories were essentially, “catch-all”
categories to code for other themes such as “counter-findings.” For example, under Theme 3
happiness. The catch-all categories also included other types of findings that did not exactly fit
the main themes of the article. For example, some findings referred to eudemonic well-being
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 7
alone, with no connection to hedonic well-being. Counter-findings were generally rare and were
most likely in relation to Theme 4 (e.g., findings that emphasize social relationships as a source
Three of the extra categories were concerned with definitions of well-being—whether the
components. Specifically, category [1E] concerns whether PA and NA are presented as distinct
components of well-being; [1F] concerns whether affect or emotional experience and life
satisfaction are presented as distinct components; and [1G] concerns whether hedonic well-being
concepts and eudemonic well-being concepts are both presented as distinct components. These
tended not to be empirical findings per se but were typically definitional or theoretical
statements. Other definitions of well-being were coded in the catch-all category [1X].
Two other extra categories involved specific findings that were related to Themes 1 and 5
and NA with other variables (e.g., meditation reduces stress and induces relaxation and calm).
We introduced this category to help coders differentiate such findings from those that emphasize
how PA and NA have distinct correlates and effects [1A]. Category [5C] concerns genetic links
between well-being and personality. We did not include this in the main article because the focus
of Theme 5 was primarily that genes and personality influence well-being and less so on the
Extracting Excerpts
After developing the coding scheme, three research assistants (RAs) and the first author
(WT) skimmed through each textbook to extract excerpts that were relevant to any of the 26
findings or 13 extra categories. First, if the textbook had a chapter or section on stress, health, or
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 8
well-being, that chapter was skimmed from beginning to end and any relevant excerpts were
compiled into a document. Second, the RAs searched each textbook for the following terms:
well-being, happi*, happy, satisfied, and satisfaction. If a search result was deemed to be
relevant, it was included in our compilation. For this purpose, we obtained electronic versions of
each text. The first author conducted an additional search using the terms positive or negative,
paired with either emotion, mood, affect, or feelings (e.g., positive mood). Because our emphasis
However, excerpts from these chapters were included if they emerged through our search
procedure.
To reduce redundancy, we consolidated excerpts from the same paragraph if they were
judged to be relevant to the same theme. We also considered consolidating excerpts from the
same page (if they were related to the same theme) but decided this was more difficult because
electronic textbooks with flowable text (e.g., Kindle versions) did not paginate the same way as
portable document files (PDF). Thus, paragraphs were the main level at which we differentiated
excerpts sharing the same theme. In total, we extracted 1,205 unique excerpts.
Relevance Ratings
A team of six coders were trained to judge the relevance of the excerpt to the 39
categories (26 findings plus 13 extra categories). To minimize burden, each coder focused only
on half of the categories so that each category was judged by three coders. Moreover, excerpts
were shortened whenever possible, retaining only as much content as needed to judge their
relevance to a category. However, additional information was sometimes added to the excerpt to
provide context for coders (e.g, defining certain terms). The relevance of an excerpt to a given
category was rated on a 4-point scale (1 = definitely not relevant; 2 = not sure; 3 = somewhat
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 9
relevant; 4 = definitely relevant). With this procedure, a single excerpt could be relevant to
several categories. Each coder began with a practice set of 104 excerpts. They received feedback
on their codings and then proceeded to code all excerpts, with intermittent feedback as needed.
To assess interrater agreement (three coders per category), the intraclass correlation
coefficient (ICC) for each category was computed based on a two-way random-effects model for
absolute agreement for the average coder. Most ICCs were acceptable (> .70) and those that were
lower tended to be for categories with few relevant excerpts (see Tables 1 and S2). We computed
the average rating for each excerpt and those with a mean score of 3 or higher were classified as
relevant to the category. However, in a minority of cases (0.8% of all codings), there were large
disagreements where one coder judged the excerpt to be definitely relevant and another judged it
to be definitely not relevant. In these cases, the first author made the final determination of
relevance. The number of excerpts coded into each category for each textbook is presented in
Tables S3 and S4. The final codings and R code can be found at https://osf.io/rpkzu/.
References
Ciccarelli, S. K., & White, J. N. (2019). Psychology (6th ed. / Global Edition). Pearson.
Coon, D., Mitterer, J. O., & Martini, T. (2022). Introduction to psychology: Gateways to mind
Griggs, R. A., & Christopher, A. N. (2016). Who’s who in introductory psychology textbooks: A
https://doi.org/10.1177/0098628316636276
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 10
Gross, R. D. (2020). Psychology: The science of mind and behaviour (8th ed.). Hodder
Education.
Hockenbury, S. E., & Nolan, S. A. (2019). Discovering psychology (8th ed.). Worth Publishers.
Huffman, K., Dowdell, K., & Sanderson, C. A. (2017). Psychology in action (12th ed.). John
Huta, V., & Waterman, A. S. (2014). Eudaimonia and its distinction from hedonia: Developing a
013-9485-0
King, L. A. (2020). The science of psychology: An appreciative view (5th ed. / International
Lilienfeld, S. O., Lynn, S. J., & Namy, L. L. (2017). Psychology: From inquiry to understanding
Myers, D. G., & DeWall, C. N. (2018). Exploring psychology (11th ed.). Worth Publishers.
Spielman, R. M., Jenkins, W. J., & Lovett, M. (2020). Psychology (2nd ed.). OpenStax.
Wood, S. E., Wood, E. R. G., & Boyd, D. R. (2018). Mastering the world of psychology (6th
Zimbardo, P. G., Johnson, R. L., & McCann, V. (2016). Psychology: Core concepts (8th ed.).
Pearson.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 12
Table S1.
8 8B NA predicts worse health and Discusses how NA and stress can contribute to better health
longevity. (e.g., health behaviors, better immune system functioning,
lower risk of disease, reduced physiological symptoms of
stress, longevity, etc.). Coders were instructed not to code
findings that appeared to be largely correlational.
2 2X Other topics related to the Included here were discussions that emphasized mood effects
validity of self-reported WB. on WB without noting the size of the effect, as well as
challenges to the validity of self-reported WB. Some findings
on affective forecasting were coded here if the rating scale
was mentioned explicitly. Research on the Social
Readjustment Rating Scale was coded here as well.
3 3X Other topics related to income Discusses how money has little or no effect on happiness.
and WB.
4 4X Other topics related to social Emphasizes links between relationship status and WB (e.g.,
relationships and WB. married vs nonmarried, parents vs nonparents). Also included
are findings that emphasize social relationships or social
interactions as sources of stress and conflict rather than WB.
5 5C WB and personality traits Findings that discuss how genes may influence both WB and
share common genetic sources. personality traits, or how traits that are strongly associated
with WB (e.g., optimism) are genetically influenced.
5 5X Other topics related to Links between WB and other individual differences that are
individual differences in WB. not typically considered personality traits (e.g., height,
weight, physical attractiveness). Other topics coded here
were links between psychological disorders and WB, and
research that finds no individual differences in WB.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 15
7 7X Other topics related to society, Links between cultural identity and WB, and any research
culture, and WB. comparing cultural/ethnic groups or societal conditions that
find no effect on WB.
8 8X Other topics related to Other outcomes of WB that were not clearly related to health,
outcomes of WB. work, or relationships including effects of WB on memory.
Note. PA = positive affecti; NA = negative affect; WB = well-being; AWB = affective well-
being; CWB = cognitive well-being; HWB = hedonic well-being; EWB = eudemonic well-being.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 16
Table S2.
Number of Excerpts
Theme Code Finding/Topic ICC M SD % Books
1 1D PA and NA have opposing associations .65 2.73 2.55 93.33
1 1E Concept of WB includes PA and NA .75 0.33 0.62 26.67
1 1F Concept of WB includes AWB and CWB .48 0.53 0.83 40.00
1 1G Concept of WB includes HWB and EWB .18 0.40 0.83 26.67
1 1X Other topics related to WB concepts and components .73 4.27 3.53 100.00
2 2X Other topics related to the validity of self-reported WB .87 1.20 0.56 93.33
3 3X Other topics related to income and WB .85 1.07 0.96 66.67
4 4X Other topics related to social relationships and WB .82 4.20 2.91 86.67
5 5C WB and personality traits share common genetic sources .46 0.33 0.49 33.33
5 5X Other topics related to individual differences in WB .81 3.93 3.22 93.33
6 6X Other topics related to adaptation and changeability of WB .77 2.13 1.51 86.67
7 7X Other topics related to society, culture, and WB. .67 1.73 1.49 80.00
8 8X Other topics related to outcomes of WB .38 2.40 1.59 93.33
Note. PA = positive affect; NA = negative affect; WB = well-being; AWB = affective well-being; CWB = cognitive well-being; HWB = hedonic well-being;
EWB = eudemonic well-being.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 17
Table S3.
Number of Excerpts Coded by Category and Textbook (Major Findings)
Code Finding/Topic Cic Coo Gaz Gro Hoc Huf Kal Kin Lil Mye Nai Spi Wei Woo Zim
1A PA and NA are empirically distinct. 4 1 7 5 4 2 2 7 1 4 2 1 1 4 4
1B Affective and cognitive WB are empirically distinct. 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
1C Hedonic WB is associated with eudemonic WB. 5 5 3 1 6 5 3 9 5 9 4 6 2 1 6
2A Self-reports of WB are fairly stable. 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0
2B Mood effects on self-reports are small. 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
2C Order effects on self-reports are small. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
2D Self-reports correlate with non-self-report measures. 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0
3A Income is associated with greater WB. 1 0 5 1 3 4 5 4 3 4 0 5 2 0 2
3B Declining marginal utility at higher income levels. 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 1 3 0 1 1 0 1
3C How money is spent influences WB. 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 3 2 4 0 0 1 0 0
4A Social support reduces stress and NA. 3 4 4 1 7 3 1 2 2 5 3 4 4 2 5
4B Social relationships contribute to happiness and PA. 2 5 3 1 5 7 3 4 6 17 1 5 3 1 2
5A WB is heritable. 1 0 1 0 0 0 4 2 3 3 1 2 1 0 1
5B WB is associated with personality traits. 4 6 13 4 4 9 4 14 9 9 5 6 11 3 13
6A People adapt to many circumstances. 0 0 3 1 0 3 1 2 8 5 2 3 2 0 2
6B Major life events can have long-term effects on WB. 1 3 0 0 1 2 1 1 2 3 0 2 1 1 2
6C Activities that can increase PA. 4 10 6 1 8 22 9 18 10 15 3 2 9 2 4
6D Activities that can reduce NA. 4 13 8 2 7 11 8 6 10 18 8 4 8 3 5
7A Societal conditions influence WB. 0 4 2 2 1 1 4 0 1 6 0 7 3 0 3
7B The correlates of WB vary across cultures. 2 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 1
7C Personality-culture fit enhances WB. 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 2 0 0 0
7D Most people are happy. 1 0 0 1 0 0 3 2 1 0 0 1 1 0 0
8A PA predicts better health and longevity. 3 1 2 0 2 2 1 4 3 3 0 1 4 0 2
8B NA predicts worse health and longevity. 10 12 16 8 12 12 4 10 7 18 7 21 15 7 8
8C WB contributes to work-relevant outcomes. 0 4 2 0 1 4 0 3 2 4 2 1 1 2 3
8D WB contributes to relationship outcomes. 0 3 0 0 1 0 1 5 2 4 1 1 2 1 0
Percentage of Major Findings Covered (1A to 8D) 53.8 53.8 57.7 50.0 57.7 61.5 88.5 69.2 73.1 76.9 50.0 76.9 80.8 42.3 65.4
Note. PA = positive affect; NA = negative affect; WB = well-being; AWB = affective well-being; CWB = cognitive well-being; HWB = hedonic well-being; EWB =
eudemonic well-being; Cic = Ciccarelli; Coo = Coon; Gaz = Gazzaniga; Gro = Gross; Hoc = Hockenbury; Huf = Huffman; Kal = Kalat; Kin = King; Lil = Lilienfeld; Mye =
Myers; Nai = Nairne; Spi = Spielman.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 18
Table S4.
Number of Excerpts Coded by Category and Textbook (Additional Themes)
Code Finding/Topic Cic Coo Gaz Gro Hoc Huf Kal Kin Lil Mye Nai Spi Wei Woo Zim
1D PA and NA have opposing associations. 2 0 6 1 4 2 1 3 10 3 1 1 2 1 4
1E Concept of WB includes PA and NA. 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 1
1F Concept of WB includes AWB and CWB. 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 3 0 0 1 0 1
1G Concept of WB includes HWB and EWB 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 3 0 0 0
1X Other topics related to WB concepts and components 2 9 5 3 6 1 1 14 3 5 1 2 4 2 6
2X Other topics related to the validity of self-reported WB. 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 2 2 1 2
3X Other topics related to income and WB. 0 1 0 0 0 1 2 2 2 3 1 1 2 0 1
4X Other topics related to social relationships and WB. 0 0 9 3 3 5 5 2 6 7 3 8 8 2 2
5C WB and personality traits share common genetic sources. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 1
5X Other topics related to individual differences in WB. 1 2 11 5 1 0 3 2 7 7 1 6 8 3 2
6X Other topics related to adaptation and changeability of WB. 0 1 2 5 2 3 1 2 3 3 0 2 5 2 1
7X Other topics related to society, culture, and WB. 0 0 1 0 2 2 3 3 2 5 1 1 4 1 1
8X Other topics related to outcomes of WB. 2 2 4 0 5 2 6 2 2 3 1 1 2 3 1
Note. PA = positive affect; NA = negative affect; WB = well-being; AWB = affective well-being; CWB = cognitive well-being; HWB = hedonic
well-being; EWB = eudemonic well-being; Cic = Ciccarelli; Coo = Coon; Gaz = Gazzaniga; Gro = Gross; Hoc = Hockenbury; Huf = Huffman;
Kal = Kalat; Kin = King; Lil = Lilienfeld; Mye = Myers; Nai = Nairne; Spi = Spielman.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 19
1. Think of things that cause misery and negative emotion. If a person is able to avoid these
things in their daily life, will they feel high levels of happiness and positive emotion?
2. Think of two people. One person experiences high levels of positive and negative
emotion in their daily life. The other person experiences low levels of both. Which person
might be more satisfied with their life?
3. What does it mean to experience personal growth and meaning? Do these experiences
always come with feelings of happiness? Does happiness get in the way of these
experiences?
4. Rate how often you felt happy yesterday from 1 (very rarely or never) to 5 (very often or
always). What sort of things did you think about as you made your rating? Write these
down. Now rate how satisfied you are with your life in general on a scale from 1
(extremely dissatisfied) to 10 (extremely satisfied). Again, write down what you thought
about as you made this writing. Compare the two lists you made (one for happiness, one
for satisfaction). Are they largely the same, or are they different in some ways?
1. When judging how satisfied they are with life, should a person’s current mood be part of
that judgment? Why or why not?
2. Some scholars have suggested that people do not really know how happy they are. If
asked to rate their happiness, they essentially make up their judgment on the spot. Do you
agree with this perspective? Why or why not?
3. Think about specific people that you see often (friends, family, classmates, co-workers,
etc.). How confident are you in your ability to judge how happy and satisfied they are
with their lives? What specific information do you know about each person that makes
you more or less confident in your judgment of their well-being?
4. Rate how happy you are feeling right now using the following scale: 1 = not at all, 2 =
very slightly, 3 = slightly, 4 = moderately, 5 = much, 6 = very much, 7 = extremely). Now
rate how happy you feel in general. Is there a difference in the two ratings? Why might
there be a difference? If they are the same, why do you think that is?
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 20
1. Why might people in wealthier nations experience higher life satisfaction than people in
economically poorer nations?
2. Is it wise to make high income a top priority in life? Why might materialists tend to be
less happy than less materialistic individuals?
3. People can earn high incomes and still be dissatisfied and unhappy with their material
lives. Does it make sense to control and dampen material desires? Why do many people
want more than they have, even at times when they are objectively well off?
4. Why might the effects of income on well-being level off at some point? Why might the
effects even turn down at some point so that more income equates to less happiness?
5. Make a list of all the activities that you enjoy. Which of them can be experienced for little
or no money? Which of them requires significant money?
6. Take some time to think about how materialistic you are? Does your level of materialism
serve your major life goals? Might it interfere or conflict with some of your other goals?
Is a high income so important to you that you are willing to sacrifice to some degree
other goals such as strong relationships, leisure time, or accepting an unpleasant
occupation?
1. There is some evidence that loneliness is detrimental not only for our mental health, but
for our physical health as well. For example, people who are lonely are more likely to
experience high blood pressure and weakened immune systems. Why do you think
loneliness has an impact on physical health?
2. When something good happens to a person, they may share the good news with other
people. Is sharing good news with other people helpful or harmful? Does it matter whom
we share the good news with?
3. Research suggests that perceived support (whether you have people you can count on) is
more consistently related to well-being then actual support (the help that you actually
receive from someone). Why might it be that actually receiving support does not always
make people feel happy?
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 21
4. Think about your social interactions on social media or social networking sites (e.g.,
Facebook, Instagram, etc.). How do your social interactions on these platforms differ
from your offline, face-to-face interactions? How do you benefit from your social
interactions online versus offline?
5. Which is more important to you—to have many friends or to have only a few close
friends? Are there specific advantages to having many friends even if they are not all
very close to you?
1. There is some evidence that the twins share similar levels of well-being even when they
have been separated at birth (e.g., Lykken & Tellegen, 1996). Does this suggest that well-
being is strictly caused by genetics? Why or why not?
2. Suppose there are two identical twins reared apart. One is very wealthy and is able to
afford many luxuries of life – a large house, cars, trips to almost anywhere in the world.
The other is considerably less wealthy and struggles to pay the bills and rent from month
to month. How similar do you expect their well-being to be? What if the twins were
fraternal (not genetically identical)—how does this change your expectation that their
well-being levels will be similar?
3. Think of individuals that you know who seem to be happy and others that seem less
happy. What do you know about their family background, parents, and life
circumstances? How much do you think their happiness is influenced by an innate
disposition to be happy? How confident would you be in that judgment and why?
4. The Del Rubio Triplets (Eadie, Elena, and Milly) were identical triplets born in 1921 and
gained fame for their musical performances. All three lived to be over 70 years old.
However, Eadie died in 1996; Elena died in 2001, and Milly died in 2011. Conduct a
Google search to see what you can learn about them. Why do you think they lived to
different ages despite being identical triplets? Does this example illustrate the importance
of genetic influences, environmental influences, or both?
1. Discuss events that have had a big impact on your well-being. How long did the reactions
last? Are there any changes in circumstances in your life that have had a lasting
influence on your well-being
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 22
2. When something good happens to you, how long does it take you to adapt? If you did not
adapt, and remained at a higher level of happiness, how might this interfere with future
functioning?
3. In your life what methods of coping do you find to be effective in fending off
unhappiness after bad events? What methods seem to be ineffective?
4. It appears that people largely adapt to some new circumstances and yet do not fully adapt
to others? Why might this be? What circumstances do you think can resist adaptation,
and which types of conditions are highly subject to adaptation? What are the
characteristics of people who are able to adapt to negative circumstances? Who is least
likely to fully adapt to positive circumstances?
5. Observe people who vary in how long they have had certain circumstances, for example
how long they have been dating or married, or how long they have had a good job. Do
you notice any differences in their general mood or happiness?
6. In the coming week track events that influence your feelings of well-being – events that
make you a bit happier or less happy. These might be getting a good or a bad grade; or
even a win by your favorite sports team.
7. Note how long it takes for the effects to wear off. To what extent does sleeping the night
erase the moods from the evening before? What other factors seem to influence how
quickly the mood wears off?
1. Do you think there are cultural differences in how often people smile or what smiling
means? Why might there be such differences?
2. Culture can refer to the shared values, beliefs, and practices of a group of people. Not
only might this include geographical regions (e.g., countries) but smaller settings such as
workplaces as well. How might the culture of a workplace or school influence the kind of
emotions people feel?
3. High arousal positive emotions (e.g., enthusiasm, excitement, cheerfulness) are valued in
some cultures, whereas low arousal positive emotions (e.g., feeling calm, relaxed) are
valued in others. How might these different positive emotions be helpful (or harmful) in
different social settings?
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 23
4. Do you ever try to control your happiness or attempt not to appear too happy in front
others? If so, what are some factors that influence your decision to control your
happiness? Are any of these factors related to the rules or norms of a particular setting?
5. Think about social media and how people express themselves on these platforms. What
are the norms and values of the various social networks that you observe on these
platforms?
1. There is no doubt that being healthy is good for happiness. How, then, can we establish
whether happiness also leads to better health? Can you design a study that can provide
evidence for the causal effect of happiness on health?
2. To be happy is to be satisfied and content. Why, then, are happy people more likely to
help others and engage in action for social change? What could be the mechanisms that
explain why being happy predicts prosocial behavior?
3. It is well established that stress and negative emotions could wreak havoc on our bodies.
And being stressed is also not good for happiness. How can we be sure, then, that it is
positive emotions, rather than the lack of negative emotions, that explain why happier
people are healthier?
4. Most people report being mostly happy despite the fact that they encounter problems and
stressors. How negative do you think things must be to make people chronically
unhappy?
5. In a stressful time of the semester (e.g., midterms or finals), make a concerted effort to
spend at least 20 minutes a day doing something that brings you great joy and happiness.
Can you notice any effects on your stress? What about your health?
6. There are many established techniques to boost our positive emotions. In a technique
called “Behavioral Activation,” you first spend 10-20 minutes writing about what is most
important to you, such as being a good friend, being kind to others, or contributing to
your community. You then decide on how you can live by this core principle in the next
seven days, doing at least one activity a day in accordance with this value. As you move
through this exercise, track your daily mood as well as your physical health (e.g., pain,
headaches, stuffed nose, vitality). Do you see any relationship between your mood and
your health?
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 24
7. Our smartphones can be a source of social connection and happiness, but they can also be
black holes where hours disappear every day. Use one of the functions on your phone to
limit the time you spend on your most used apps or to lock your phone screen for a period
of time every day. Then, use the extra time to do something that makes you happy—
perhaps talking to friends or family or taking a picturesque walk. Can you notice any
effect on your happiness? How about your health? Do you feel more socially connected
or less socially connected?
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 25
Learning Activities
The activities below were developed by Renee Berger, B.Sc., and Derrick Wirtz, Ph.D, at the
University of British Columbia.
1. Theme #1: Well-Being Involves More than Happy Feelings (p. 8-11)
2. Theme #2: Well-Being Can Be Validly Measured (p.12-17)
3. Theme #5: Our Genes Influence Our Well-Being (p. 18)
4. Theme #6: People Adapt to Many Circumstances, But It Takes Time (p. 19-22)
5. Theme #7. Cultural Culture and Society and Values Influence Well-Being (p. 23-26)
6. Theme #8. There are Important Benefits to Experiencing Well-Being (p. 27-30)
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 26
Below are some statements that you may agree or disagree with. Using the 1 - 7 scale below,
indicate your agreement with each item by placing the appropriate number on the line preceding
that item. Please base your answers on what you have been doing and experiencing during the
past four weeks. Please be open and honest in your responding.
7 - Strongly agree
6 - Agree
5 - Slightly agree
4 - Neither agree nor disagree
3 - Slightly disagree
2 - Disagree
1 - Strongly disagree
Please note that normally your responses would be scored, but for the purpose of this exercise, it
is not necessary to score your results.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 28
In the scientific study of happiness, happiness is defined as subjective well-being and is more
complex than described above. The subjective feeling of happiness involves the interplay of a
number of different components. Your task is going to be to try and identify these components.
Now that you have completed the measurement scale for well-being, please answer the following
questions and then form groups of 3-4 to discuss your responses.
1. Label which items on the scale should be grouped together, i.e. identify which items are
assessing the same component of well-being. List your final groupings in the space
provided below.
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4. Do you think there are any other components of well-being not covered by this
measurement scale?
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WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 30
One method of measurement that is often used in psychological research is the self-report
measure. Self-reports rely on the participant directly reporting on their own behaviours, thoughts,
attitudes, feelings, and so on. In the study of subjective well-being, the dominant method used is
the self-report measure. Considering that self-reports are so frequently used in this type of
research, the validity of the research findings depends on the validity of the self-reports. Validity
refers to whether an instrument actually measures what it claims to measure. Therefore, it is
important to determine that self-reports are a valid method of measurement in order to have
confidence in the research findings. One way to determine the validity of self-reports is to
compare the results from a self-report with the results from another method of measurement, for
example, an observer report.
For the first part of this activity, you will fill out two well-being self-reports. Afterwards, you
will have a close friend or family member fill out the same reports about you.
Below are five statements that you may agree or disagree with. Using the 1 - 7 scale below,
indicate your agreement with each item by placing the appropriate number on the line preceding
that item. Please be open and honest in your responding.
7 - Strongly agree
6 - Agree
5 - Slightly agree
4 - Neither agree nor disagree
3 - Slightly disagree
2 - Disagree
1 - Strongly disagree
31 - 35 Extremely satisfied
26 - 30 Satisfied
21 - 25 Slightly satisfied
20 Neutral
15 - 19 Slightly dissatisfied
10 - 14 Dissatisfied
5 - 9 Extremely dissatisfied
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 31
Please think about what you have been doing and experiencing during the past four weeks. Then
report how much you experienced each of the following feelings, using the scale below. For each
item, select a number from 1 to 5, and indicate that number on your response sheet.
Positive
Negative
Good
Bad
Pleasant
Unpleasant
Happy
Sad
Afraid
Joyful
Angry
Contented
Scoring: The measure can be used to derive an overall affect balance score, but can also be
divided into positive and negative feelings scales.
Positive Feelings (SPANE-P): Add the scores, varying from 1 to 5, for the six items: positive,
good, pleasant, happy, joyful, and contented. The score can vary from 6 (lowest possible) to 30
(highest positive feelings score).
Negative Feelings (SPANE-N): Add the scores, varying from 1 to 5, for the six items: negative,
bad, unpleasant, sad, afraid, and angry. The score can vary from 6 (lowest possible) to 30
(highest negative feelings score).
Affect Balance (SPANE-B): The negative feelings score is subtracted from the positive feelings
score, and the resultant difference score can vary from -24 (unhappiest possible) to 24 (highest
affect balance possible). A respondent with a very high score of 24 reports that she or he rarely
or never experiences any
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Please fill out the following two questionnaires about the person who asked you to complete this
activity. Do not fill out the questions about your thoughts and feelings toward yourself.
Below are five statements that may or may not apply to your loved one. Using the 1 - 7 scale
below, indicate how much each item describes your friend/family member by placing the
appropriate number on the line preceding that item. Please be open and honest in your
responding.
7 - Strongly agree
6 - Agree
5 - Slightly agree
4 - Neither agree nor disagree
3 - Slightly disagree
2 - Disagree
1 - Strongly disagree
31 - 35 Extremely satisfied
26 - 30 Satisfied
21 - 25 Slightly satisfied
20 Neutral
15 - 19 Slightly dissatisfied
10 - 14 Dissatisfied
5 - 9 Extremely dissatisfied
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Please think about what your friend/family member has been doing and experiencing during the
past four weeks. Then report how much you believe they have experienced each of the following
feelings, using the scale below. Please select your responses based on the behaviour you have
observed in your friend/family member. For each item, select a number from 1 to 5, and indicate
that number on your response sheet.
Positive
Negative
Good
Bad
Pleasant
Unpleasant
Happy
Sad
Afraid
Joyful
Angry
Contented
Scoring: The measure can be used to derive an overall affect balance score, but can also be
divided into positive and negative feelings scales.
Positive Feelings (SPANE-P): Add the scores, varying from 1 to 5, for the six items: positive,
good, pleasant, happy, joyful, and contented. The score can vary from 6 (lowest possible) to 30
(highest positive feelings score).
Negative Feelings (SPANE-N): Add the scores, varying from 1 to 5, for the six items: negative,
bad, unpleasant, sad, afraid, and angry. The score can vary from 6 (lowest possible) to 30
(highest negative feelings score).
Affect Balance (SPANE-B): The negative feelings score is subtracted from the positive feelings
score, and the resultant difference score can vary from -24 (unhappiest possible) to 24 (highest
affect balance possible). A respondent with a very high score of 24 reports that she or he rarely
or never experiences any
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Now that you have completed the questionnaires and have had someone close to you fill out the
questionnaires, you should compare the scores on your self-report with your friend/family
member’s report to see how similar they are.
1. How similar are the scores you gave yourself to the scores your friend or family gave
you?
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2. If the two reports produced markedly different scores, what are some possible
explanations for the difference?
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3. What do the similarities and differences between the self-report and observer report
scores tell you about the validity of self-reports?
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4. What are some factors that could undermine the validity of your ratings of yourself?
What could undermine the validity of the observer’s ratings of you?
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6. What are some other ways you can think of to test the validity of self-reports?
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Personality Activity
Our well-being is influenced by a number of factors, both internal and external. One internal
influence on well-being is personality. Personality effects are of particular interest because they
may reflect the role of genes on our well-being set-point. Well-being is also influenced by
environmental factors but today we will be focusing on the genetic component.
Some personality traits that have been studied extensively and have been shown to be
significantly genetically influenced are the Big 5. The Big 5 personality traits include openness
to experience, conscientiousness, agreeableness, extraversion, and neuroticism. There is evidence
that these traits can influence our perceptions and how we react to certain situations, which can
in turn affect our well-being. A close examination of these traits can help us think about the role
that genetics might play in our overall well-being.
In this activity, you will pair up with a partner and take turns interviewing each other. Some
topics/questions to discuss in your interviews include:
Where do you fall on the scale for each of the five Big 5 personality traits (i.e. are you
highly conscientiousness or only a little, are you introverted or extraverted, etc.)
How do you think your specific personality traits influence your well-being?
Can you think of a specific example in which your personality traits had a significant
impact on how you interpreted and reacted to a situation?
Pick one personality trait – if this trait were to be altered, how do you think it would
affect your well-being?
Which of the Big 5 (if any) do you think has the biggest impact on well-being? Which do
you think has the least impact?
If you think of any other related questions during your interview, feel free to discuss those as
well.
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 37
Adaptation Activity
This worksheet has been designed to help you understand the process of adaptation. When
anticipating significant future events and while experiencing positive or negative events, we tend
to overestimate the lasting impact these events will have on our overall well-being. This
phenomenon can be explained by hedonic adaptation, which is the concept that despite
experiencing ups and downs in life, people’s happiness tends to return to a baseline level.
Following situations that elicit strong emotional reactions, the knowledge of how we adapt to
life’s events can grant us a better understanding of our overall well-being.
Make sure to thoroughly describe each aspect, as your description will be important for
the second part of the activity.
2. Repeat step 1, this time providing a detailed description of a meaningful negative event
that you have recently experienced. Try to pick a negative event with a similar level of
seriousness as the positive event you described. Remember to include details a-c in your
description.
3. Place your sheet(s) of paper containing your event descriptions into an envelope and seal
it. Write down the date and your full name on the front of the envelope and turn it in.3
3
After collecting the students’ completed assignments, the instructor will hold on to them. At a later date, they will
be returned to students in order to complete the second part of the activity.
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Note: Ideally the first part of the activity would be completed early in the semester and this part
would follow towards the end of the semester.
In front of you, you should have the envelope containing the written assignment you completed
earlier in the semester. You may now open the envelope and carefully read the event descriptions
you wrote. Once you are finished reading, reflect on the following questions:
1. When was the last time you thought about either of these events?
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2. Do either of these events continue to play a significant role in your everyday life?
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3. Have your feelings surrounding these events changed since you wrote about them, and if
so, how?
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4. Does the prediction you made in your description about your future feelings regarding the
events match how you currently feel? If not, how do your current feelings differ from
your prediction?
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5. Compare and contrast the ways in which your feelings surrounding the positive event
have changed with the changes in your feelings surrounding the negative event. Has your
overall outlook on the events changed more for the positive or negative event, or is the
degree of change relatively similar?
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6. Explain the process of adaptation based on your experience during this activity.
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Culture Activity
Part 1
In a single day, one person can experience a range of various emotions. Emotions are of
particular importance because they often guide our behavior and motivations. Another important
organizing framework for our actions is values. Values reflect abstract goals and, similarly to
emotions, can guide our perceptions and behaviours. There are different types of values and each
person may find different types of values significant to their life, and the values a person finds
important influences the goals they pursue. The theory of basic values identifies four categories
of values: self-transcendence, self-enhancement, openness to change, and conservation. Each of
these values is associated with specific emotions, and the values a person endorses dictates
which emotions they find desirable, i.e. emotions that are consistent with a person’s values are
desirable emotions to experience for that person. We will discuss each of the values individually.
1. The first category of values is self-transcendence, which refers to values that reflect the
motivation to connect with others and transcend selfishness; these are prosocial values.
Self-transcendence values include universalism and benevolence. What emotions do you
think would be associated with self-transcendence values?
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4. The last category of values is conservation, which reflects the motivation to abide by
social expectations and maintain the status quo. These values involve acting in a way that
is consistent with one’s culture/environment. These values include security, conformity
and tradition. What emotions do you think would be associated with conservation values?
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Part 2
Another factor that plays an important role when considering the value-emotion association is
culture. Culture can have a significant impact on the types of values that are considered
important and thus can have an influence on which emotions are desired and most often
expressed in a particular culture.
2. Are there any emotions that are more prevalent in your culture than other cultures?
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3. Can you think of some examples of countries whose cultures endorse values different to
your own? What specific values do they endorse?
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4. Using the examples you provided in the previous question, are there any emotions that
are more prevalent in the cultures you listed?
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5. How might the endorsement of specific values within a culture influence the range of
emotions accessible to that culture?
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Part 3
The final component that relates to the value-emotion association is well-being. Well-being is
influenced by a number of factors, including values and emotions. Therefore, it is important to
consider what effect our values can have on our well-being.
2. Considering the four types of values discussed, which type(s) of values do you think have
a positive effect on well-being? Why?
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3. Considering the four types of values discussed, do you think any of the types of values
can have a negative effect on well-being? How so?
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4. Based on your answer to the previous questions, do you think there are certain cultures
that experience greater well-being due to the types of values they endorse?
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5. How do you think the desired emotions that are associated with specific values influence
well-being?
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Achieving high levels of well-being can have a positive effect on many areas of life. Some
factors that are positively impacted by greater well-being include physical health, social
relationships, work performance, and resilience. The area we will be focusing on today is
physical health. A common belief is that good health is maintained by eating well and exercising,
neglecting the impact of psychological health on physical health. Greater well-being can have
many direct and indirect impacts on physical health. In this activity, we will be examining a
short-term health impact of well-being.
To begin, you will measure your resting heart rate by checking your pulse. To measure your
pulse, place your index and third fingers on your neck to either side of your windpipe or on the
underside of your wrist between the bone and tendon, which are located on the thumb side of
your wrist. Once you can feel your pulse, count the number of beats you feel in 15 seconds. After
you have the number of pulse beats in 15 seconds, multiply this number by 4 to get your heart
rate in beats per minute.
Take note of your resting heart rate:_________bpm
Start by settling into a comfortable position and allow your eyes to close or keep them open with
a softened gaze. Begin by taking several long slow deep breaths breathing in fully and exhaling
fully. Breathe in through your nose and out through your nose or mouth. Allow your breath to
find its own natural rhythm. Bring your full attention to noticing each in-breath as it enters your
nostrils, travels down to your lungs and causes your belly to expand. And notice each out-breath
as your belly contracts and air moves up through the lungs back up through the nostrils or
mouth. Invite your full attention to flow with your breath.
Notice how the inhale is different from the exhale. You may experience the air as cool as it enters
your nose and warm as you exhale. As you turn more deeply inward, begin to let go of noises
around you. If you are distracted by sounds in the room, simply notice them and then bring your
intention back to your breath. Simply breathe as you breathe, not striving to change anything
WELL-BEING SCIENCE – SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS 46
about your breath. Don't try to control your breath in any way. Observe and accept your
experience in this moment without judgment, paying attention to each inhale and exhale.
If your mind wanders to thoughts, plans or problems, simply notice your mind wandering. Watch
the thought as it enters your awareness as neutrally as possible. Then practice letting go of the
thought as if it were a leaf floating down a stream. In your mind, place each thought that arises
on a leaf and watch as it floats out of sight down the stream. Then bring your attention back to
your breath. Your breath is an anchor you can return to over and over again when you become
distracted by thoughts.
Notice when your mind has wandered. Observe the types of thoughts that hook or distract you.
Noticing is the richest part of learning. With this knowledge you can strengthen your ability to
detach from thoughts and mindfully focus your awareness back on the qualities of your breath.
Practice coming home to the breath with your full attention. Watching the gentle rise of your
stomach on the in-breath and the relaxing, letting go on the out-breath. Allow yourself to be
completely with your breath as it flows in and out.
You might become distracted by pain or discomfort in the body or twitching or itching sensations
that draw your attention away from the breath. You may also notice feelings arising, perhaps
sadness or happiness, frustration or contentment. Acknowledge whatever comes up including
thoughts or stories about your experience. Simply notice where your mind went without judging
it, pushing it away, clinging to it or wishing it were different and simply refocus your mind and
guide your attention back to your breath.
Breathe in and breathe out. Follow the air all the way in and all the way out. Mindfully be
present moment by moment with your breath. If your mind wanders away from your breath, just
notice without judging it – be it a thought, emotion, or sensation that hooks your attention and
gently guide your awareness back to your breathing.
As this practice comes to an end, slowly allow your attention to expand and notice your entire
body and then beyond your body to the room you are in. When you're ready, open your eyes and
come back fully alert and awake.
Take a moment now to measure your heart rate using the same method we used before.
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2. How does your heart rate following the mindfulness activity compare to your resting
heart rate?
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3. What long-term benefits could arise from mindfulness meditation as a result of the
change in heart rate observed?
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Part 3
Positive psychology activities that focus on relaxation are only one type of activity used to
improve well-being. Well-being can also be improved by activities that are more physiologically
arousing. Next we will examine how a more arousing activity affects heart rate.
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2. How does your heart rate after watching the video compare to your resting heart rate?
How does it compare to your heart rate following the mindfulness activity?
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View publication stats
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4. Compare and contrast relaxation activities and arousing activities in terms of benefits on
well-being. Do you think one type of activity is more beneficial? If yes, why?
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Part 4
This exercise could be repeated with various other positive psychology activities. For a
comprehensive list, refer to the Greater Good in Action website (https://ggia.berkeley.edu/).