SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY

OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM AND
THE ORDINAL OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE (BARB. LAT. 659)

The manuscript Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,

Barb. lat. 659 is a late twelfth-century ordinal containing the use of the
medieval Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem. It represents the earliest and
liturgically most complete witness to the rite established by the Frank-
ish ecclesiastical community of Jerusalem. Barb. lat. 659’s rubrics provide
detailed information on the liturgy of the Mass and Divine Office for the
entire annual cursus (temporale, sanctorale). Additionally, the ordinal re-
cords information on the canon’s many elaborate processions. The present
contribution aims to provide an overview of the liturgy’s history, the manu-
script’s contents, and note the distinguishing facets of the Latin Patriarch-
ate’s rite in order to emphasize the significance of this liturgical source for
the broader scholarly community.1

Phases of Development in the Liturgy of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem

On 1 August 1099, two weeks after the Crusader’s gain control over Je-
rusalem, Godfrey of Bouillon establishes a benefice for the sustenance of
20 Latin canons to officiate over the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem.2 Besides
this foundational act, the early history of the development of the patriarch-
ate’s devotional tradition is complicated by the lack of extant liturgical
sources, and a corresponding lack of historical inquiry into their liturgi-
cal practices. Scholars such as Bernard Hamilton, Rudolf Hiestand, and
Kaspar Elm, among others, discuss the political and economic activities
of the patriarchate and clergy in Jerusalem.3 However, it is only in recent

1 I am currently preparing a critical edition of the liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre to be

submitted for publication in Spicilegium Friburgensis (Academic Press Fribourg).

2 B. HAMILTON, The Latin Church in the Crusader States. The Secular Church, London

1980, p. 14.
3 Cfr. HAMILTON, Latin Church cit.; K. ELM, Das Kapitel der Regulierten Chorherren vom

Heiligen Grab in in Jerusalem, in Militia Sancti Sepulcri. Idea e institutzioni, a cura di K. ELM
– C. D. FONSECA, Città del Vaticano 1998, pp. 203-222; R. HIESTAND, Der lateinische Klerus in
den Kreuzfahrerstaaten: Geographische Herkunft und politische Rolle, in Kreuzfahrerstaaten als

Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae, XXI, Città del Vaticano 2015, pp. 000-000.

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 2 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

decades that the liturgical activities of the patriarchate begin to receive

more focused attention.4
The development of the liturgy of the Latin patriarchate of Jerusalem is
marked by five distinct periods. The first constitutes the years from 1099
to 1114. During this formative time clergy officiating the Latin rite in the
Holy Sepulchre were organized as secular canons, most probably following
some form of the rule of Aachen (Institutio canonicorum Aquisgranensis).5
Clergy did not live in community, and held private property. No liturgical
sources from these years are currently identified. A passage in the Historia
of William of Tyre, retelling the canons’ later adoption of the Augustinian
Rule, discloses the care the first clergy took when constituting their liturgy.
In describing the formation of the second Latin rite of Jerusalem William
gives a view on the composition of the first rite:

Ordinem quem primi principes studiose et cum multa deliberatione in ec-

clesia Ierosolimitana instituerant regulares canonicos introducendo commu-
tavit.6

While William is writing long after the period in question (ca. 1170s-
1184) scholarship need not treat the first decade of the Latin patriarchate
with disregard. The religious fervor of the first Crusaders and clergy at-
tending Christianity’s holiest shrine probably translated in their treating

multikulturelle Gesellschaft, a cura di H. E. MAYER, Munich 1997, pp. 43-68; W. HOTZELT,

Kirchengeschichte Palästinas im Zeitalter der Kreuzzuge, 1099-1291, Cologne 1940.
4 C. DONDI, The Liturgy of the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem: a Study

and a Catalogue of the Manuscript Sources, Turnhout 2004; I. SHAGRIR, The Visitatio Sepul-
chri in the Latin Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, in Al-Masâq 22 (2010), pp. 57-77;
EAD., Adventus in Jerusalem: The Palm Sunday Celebration in Latin Jerusalem, in Journal of
Medieval History (forthcoming 2015); A. JOTISCHKY, Holy Fire and Holy Sepulchre: Ritual and
Space in Jerusalem from the Ninth to the Fourteenth Centuries, in Ritual and space in the
Middle Ages: proceedings of the 2009 Harlaxton Symposium, a cura di F. ANDREWS, Donington
2011, pp. 44-60; C. MORRIS, The sepulchre of Christ and the medieval west: from the beginning
to 1600, Oxford 2005; A. LINDER, “Like Purest Gold Resplendent”: The Fiftieth Anniversary of
the Liberation of Jerusalem, in Crusades 8 (2009), pp. 31-51; ID., The Liturgy of the Liberation
of Jerusalem, in Medieval Studies 52 (1990), pp. 110-131. Cara Aspesi, Cecilia Gaposchkin,
Renata Salvarani, John Simon are also currently working on different aspects of liturgy in the
Latin East. Cfr. older discussions in C. KOHLER, Un Rituel et un Bréviere du Saint-Sépulcre de
Jérusalem (XIIe-XIIIe siècle), in Revue de l’Orient Latin 8 (1900-1901), pp. 382-500; O. BRAUN,
Der Palmsonntag in Jerusalem zur Zeit der Kreuzzüge, in Historisch-Politische Blätter für das
Katholische Deutschland 171 (1923), pp. 497-512; B. ZIMMERMAN, Ordinaire de l’Ordre de
Notre-Dame du Mont Carmel, Paris 1910.
5 M. A. CLAUSSEN, The Reform of the Frankish Church: Chrodegang of Metz and the Regula

Canonicorum in the Eighth Century, Cambridge 2004.

6 WILLIAM OF TYRE, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum, a cura di R. B. C.

HUYGENS, I, Turnhout 1986, XI: 15, p. 519; cfr. DONDI, Liturgy cit., p. 60.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 3

the liturgy with special care. William’s statement, if very indirectly, evi-
dences a trace of the thought given over to the first rites celebrated by the
clergy.7 While the liturgical creativity of the first Latin clergy must have
been great, apparently in the eyes of successor patriarchs, their daily ser-
vice to the Holy Sepulchre were either deemed poor, or had significantly
declined after their institution.
The second period of the Patriarchate’s history, ca. 1114-1145, begins
to unfold when Gibelin became patriarch of Jerusalem (1108-1112).8 Prior
to his tenure as patriarch, Gibelin was archbishop of Arles, a region where
the Augustinian reform first took root.9 Gibelin’s proclivity for this reform
is attested through his unsuccessful attempt to institute the Augustinian
rule.10 This was completed in 1114 when Arnulf of Chocques successfully
returned to officiate as patriarch of Jerusalem (1099, 1114-1118). Much like
his predecessor, Arnulf was steeped in the reform movements of the time.11
His reasons for reforming the clergy of Jerusalem were the following:

Novos quippe incolas dominici oblitos precepti, de die in diem plus et plus
corrupit; qui minores nichili reputans, ad clerum etiam transcendit, et suis pres-
tigiis agitans, sibi mancipavit; quem enim decebat ut devotior Deo existeret et
bonum de se exemplum minoribus preberet, proh dolor! Voluptati carnis ma-
gis inservivit et honorem suum modis incredibilibus polluere non dubitavit.12

The state of the clergy’s care over the Holy Sepulchre, and their lack
of self-discipline impels Arnulf to institute a change. Arnulf presents the
reform of the clergy as a means of correcting their disciplinary problems,
and restoring his view of what the proper devotional cult to the Holy Sep-
ulchre should be.13 The weight given to the proper care of the liturgy, and

7 Cfr. P. D. HANDYSIDE, The Old French Translation of William of Tyre, PhD diss., Cardiff

University 2012, pp. 92-93.

8 HAMILTON, Latin Church cit., pp. 52-86.
9 Y. VEYRENCHE, Quia vos estis qui sanctorum patrum vitam probabilem renovatis’. Nais-

sance des chanoines réguliers, jusqu’à Urbain II, in Les chanoines réguliers: émergence et expan-
sion (XIe-XIIIe siècles); actes du sixième colloque international du CERCOR, Le Puy en Velay,
19 juin-1er juillet 2006, a cura di M. PARISSE, Saint-Étienne 2009, pp. 29-70; ID., Chanoines
réguliers et sociétés méridionales. L’abbaye de Saint-Ruf et ses prieurés dans le sud-est de la
France (XIe-XIVe siècle), PhD diss., Université Lumière-Lyon 2, 2013.
10 Le cartulaire du chapitre du Saint-Sépulcre de Jérusalem, a cura di G. BRESC-BAUTIER,

Paris 1984, docs. 20, 25, pp. 76, 85-86.

11 Arnulf became familiar with the ideals of the Benedictine reform while a student of

Lanfranc.
12 BRESC-BAUTIER, Cartulaire cit., doc. 20, p. 76.
13 Ibid., doc. 20, p. 76: Defuncto enim predecessore meo domno Gibilino, ego Arnulfus,
omnium Jherosolomitanorum humilius a rege, clero et populo in pastore electus et patriar-

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 4 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

its efficaciousness through performance further underscores the special

attention the liturgical creativity of the Latin patriarchate deserves.14 The
liturgy written between the institution of the Augustinian reform and the
subsequent period of liturgical activity is witnessed in the Angelica Sacra-
mentary-Gradual (Rome, Bib. Angelica, Ms. 477-Cambridge, Fitzwilliam
Museum, ms. McClean 49) and to a lesser extent, the Melisende Psalter
(London, Brit. Lib., ms. Egerton 1139).15 The Angelica Sacramentary-
Gradual is a composite liturgical manuscript containing the prayers of the
celebrant along with the chants of the choir. It was most probably created
between the years 1132-1140, and in the possession and use of Patriarch
William of Malines (1130-1145).
The third period of liturgical activity in the patriarchate occurs in re-
sponse to the fiftieth anniversary of the capture of Jerusalem by the Franks,
on 15 July 1149 and onwards. At this time, during the tenure of patriarch
Arnulf of Angoulême (1145-1157), the entire rite undergoes a revision of its
contents. The compound effects of the failure of the Second Crusade, with
the fiftieth anniversary of the capture (or liberation) of Jerusalem signal
that the rebuilding of the Holy Sepulchre edifice held special significance
for Patriarch Arnulf and his clerical community. The introduction of the
ordinal signals a deep rethinking of its liturgy took place:

Incipit breviarium adbreviatum, idest quodam excerptum de pluribus li-

bris, secundum antiquam consuetudinem institutionum ecclesie dominici sep-
ulcri, partim secundum novam [consuetudinem] legendi et canendi in eadem
ecclesia, sicuti patres antique et priores predicte ecclesie valde probabiles viri
communi assensu, parique voto et bona discretionem simpliciter ordinaverunt,
ac nullo contradicente, firmitur tenere et habere pariter decreverit. Si autem
aliquid hic de predictis consuetudinibus quid scriptum non fit defuerit in fine
libri huius queratur.16

chali honore sublimatus, anime mee periculum metuens eorumque animabus mederi cupi-
ens, criminibus eorum diutius consentire nolui, quos correctione paterna ut vitam suam
corriugerent multociens ammonui. Monebam enim ut communiter viventes vitam apostoli-
cam sequerentur, et [pro] regula beati Augustini vita eorum canonice regeretur, ut Domino
Jhesu Christo eorum devotius placeret servicium et nos cum eis in eterna gloria repirememus
premium.
14 I. ROSIER-CATACH, La Parole efficace. Signe, rituel, sacré, Seuil 2004.
15 The source McClean 49 is taken from folios 70r-83v of the Angelica manuscript and

contains the lavishly illuminated canon of the mass. The Jerusalem Sacramentary (Paris, Bib.
nat., ms. Lat. 12056, ca. 1230s), while basing its liturgy on the Angelica, shows significant
changes which I am currently studying. Since the so-called Melisende Psalter was made for
private devotional use, its utility for informing the liturgy of the patriarchate requires cau-
tionary use.
16 Barb. lat. 659, f. 26v; cfr. DONDI, Liturgy cit., p. 48; KOHLER, Un rituel cit., p. 397. Bar-

letta, ms. s/n, f. 25r. N.B.: Kohler’s foliation of the Barletta ms. takes into account the first

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 5

On its own, this introductory statement might not clearly identify when
this revision of the liturgy occurred. However, as Charles Kohler points
out, and my current work underscores, the revisions took place during
the Patriarchate of Arnulf of Angoulême.17 The liturgical revisions were
both intended to clarify the praxis, and explicitly intended to coincide with
the spiritual renovation promulgated through the rededication of the Holy
Sepulcher in 1149. Another confirmation of the liturgical revisions enacted
at this date is seen when comparing the proper chants of the Angelica
Sacramentary-Gradual and with those of Barb. lat. 659. My current inves-
tigations identify many significant changes in the choice of Mass propers
and tropes. At this time, much like in 1114, a push to restructure and unite
the devotional life of the Latin East took place. The ordinal Barb. 659 is
thus a significant witness to an important moment in the liturgical praxis
of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem.
The fourth period influencing the liturgical tradition of the patriarchate
commences with the loss of Jerusalem in 1187. If the period 1114 to 1187 is
characterized by the patriarchate’s implementation of normative measures
to standardize the liturgical practices in the patriarchate, the physical re-
location of the Holy Sepulchre canons and the clergy of their dependent
churches to Acre mark a period of liturgical heterogeneity. During the Sec-
ond Kingdom of Jerusalem (1191-1291) the new social-geographic condi-
tions position the Patriarchate of Jerusalem in a situation where they are
less able to control the many concurrent liturgical rites being officiated in
Acre.18 One consequence of this is witnessed by the suppression of the Lib-
eration of Jerusalem festivity by the clergy of the Knights Templar.19 Due
to the varied nature of extant sources, mostly belonging to the Cathedral
of Acre and churches not following the rite of the patriarchate, this period
requires much investigation.20 The Pardouns d’Acre demonstrates the pres-

nine folios which are additions to the manuscript. The current folio number refers to the
current foliation which excludes these additions. In general, when referring to the actual
manuscript, one needs to subtract 10 page-numbers from Kohler’s indications.
17 S. SALVADÓ, The 1149 Rededication of the Holy Sepulchre, Patriarch Fulcher, and Jerusa-

lem’s Liturgical Renovation, article under review.

18 Cfr. S. SALVADÓ, Liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre and the Templar Rite: Edition and Analy-

sis of the Jerusalem Ordinal (Rome, Bib. Vat., Barb. Lat. 659) with a Comparative Analysis of
the Acre Breviary (Paris, Bib. Nat., Ms. Latin 10478), PhD diss., Stanford University, 2011, pp.
260-460. These chapters discuss different changes to the liturgy after the loss of Jerusalem in
1187.
19 S. SALVADÓ, Reflections of Conflict in Two Fragments of the Liturgical Observances from

the Primitive Rule of the Knights Templar, in The Military Orders 6: Culture and Conflict, a cura
di J. SCHENK, Surrey, forthcoming 2015.
20 SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 40-140.

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 6 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

ence of at least forty churches in Acre, most of which are celebrating the
liturgical traditions of their place of origin (e.g., Pisa, Venice, etc.).21 The
liturgical organization of Acre, and its impact on the liturgies practiced
there need to be considered in light of William of Agen’s election in 1262
as the patriarch of Jerusalem and Bishop of Acre.22 My ongoing analysis of
the Barletta Ordinal (Barletta, Arch. della Chiesa del Santo Sepolcro, ms.
s.n) entails noting some of the differences effected to the liturgy at the time
of its writing, ca. 1200-1220.23 With this source can be added the Acre-Jeru-
salem Sacramentary (London, Brit. Lib., ms. Egerton 2902.) most probably
written ca. 1225-1228 during the patriarchate of Gerold (1225-1239) when
Latin clergy had access to the Holy Sepulchre (1228-1244).24 The only oth-
er thirteenth-century source instructive to the rite of the Holy Sepulchre
is the Templar Acre Breviary (ca. 1230s, Paris, Bib. Nat., ms. Lat. 10478).
This manuscript transmits the Psalter and the liturgy for the entire annual
cursus with all chants, office readings, and prayers written out in full.25
The loss of Acre in 1291 demarcates the final stage in the development
of the liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre.26 After these events, the move to Cy-
prus and the relationship with the patriarchate’s many continental depen-
dencies mark an important period for its rite. The sources from this period,
along with the many, yet to be identified, continental manuscripts, prom-
ise an significant perspective on how this distinct liturgy evolved both in
Cyprus and in the Western dependent houses of the order of the Holy Sep-
ulchre.27 Initial investigations point towards an expansion of devotion to
local saints.28 However, questions concerning how the liturgy of the Holy
Sepulchre in Cyprus is affected by its new context remain to be further
elucidated.29 Additionally, and important for the liturgy’s impact on the
21 Ibid., pp. 415-452.
22 HAMILTON, Latin Church cit., pp. 299-309. The ecclesiastical organization of the city
was changed after 1262 when the roles of patriarch of Jerusalem and bishop of Acre were
consolidated with the election of William, former bishop of Agen, cfr. HAMILTON, Latin
Church cit., p. 271.
23 I would like to sincerely thank Mons. Leonardo Doronzo of the Basilica of the Holy

Sepulchre in Barletta for giving me the invaluable access to this source. I would also like to
thank Prof. Iris Shagrir for been instrumental in facilitating my access to this source.
24 DONDI, Liturgy cit., p. 84.
25 For a discussion of extant sources identified by Dondi and their relation to the liturgy

of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, cfr. SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 40-140.

26 DONDI, Liturgy cit., pp. 67-90; SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 359-414.
27 DONDI, Liturgy cit., pp. 91-102. The sources of the monastic order of the Holy Sepucl-

hre are a rich trove necessitating identification, cataloging, and examination.

28 DONDI, Liturgy cit., pp. 103-105.
29 Dondi’s discussion of the calendar is already a very useful inception of this research,

cfr. DONDI, Liturgy cit., pp. 103-105.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 7

continent, is to ask if and how the celebration of the Jerusalem rite on the
continent effects local traditions in any way.30

Ownership, Manuscript Description, Contents

A notice in the opening folios of Barb. lat. 659, dated to 1133, stipu-
lates the obligations that the churches of the Holy Sepulchre, Templum
Domini, Mount Sion, and Mount of Olives were to carry out when one of
their canons died.31 The inclusion of this document in Barb. lat. 659 attests
to the close relationship between the canons of the Holy Sepulchre and
those of the Templum Domini church. Additionally, and further empha-
sizing the relationship between these churches, is the funerary ordo for
a dead canon of the Holy Sepulchre, placed immediately preceding the
above-mentioned agreement.32 At the time these documents were written,
between 1130 and 1136, the canons of the Holy Sepulchre officiated the
liturgy for the Knights Templars, whose central commandery was located
at the Templum Domini church on the Temple mount. This clerical rela-
tionship is echoed in the Primitive Templar rule (written ca. 1129) where it
stipulates the military brethren were to follow the liturgy of the Holy Sep-
ulchre.33 Only after 1139 are the Templars allowed to officially incorporate
this clergy as formal brethren of their own order.34 Thus, the ordinal Barb.
lat. 659 witnesses the close ecclesiastical coordination between the depen-
dent churches of the Holy Sepulchre before the loss of Jerusalem in 1187.
30 S. SALVADÓ, Commemorating the Rotunda in the Round: The Medieval Frankish Liturgy

of the Holy Sepulchre and its Performance in the West,” in Tomb and Temple: Reimagining the
Sacred Buildings of Jerusalem, a cura di E. FERNIE – R GRIFFITH-JONES, Woodbridge, forth-
coming 2015.
31 SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 482-483: Barb. lat. 659, ff. 12v-13r; cfr. KOHLER, Un Rituel cit.,

pp. 433-34; BRESC-BAUTIER, Le cartulaire cit., app. 3, pp. 351-352.

32 KOHLER, Un Rituel cit., pp. 433-34; BRESC-BAUTIER, Le cartulaire cit., app. 2, 349-50.
33 The Rule of the Templars. The French Text of the Rule of the Order of the Knights Templar,
traduzione ed edizione a cura di J. UPTON-WARD, Suffolk 1992, pp. 11, 21-22. However, this
practice was not strictly followed in all Templar commanderies, especially those on the Con-
tinent, cfr. S. SALVADÓ, Templar Liturgy and Devotion in the Crown of Aragon, in On the Mar-
gins of Crusading – The Military Orders, the Papacy and the Christian World, a cura di H.
NICHOLSON, Surrey 2011, pp. 31-44; C. DONDI, La Liturgia del Santo Sepolcro di Gerusalemme:
origine, adozione da parte degli ordini religiosi (e militari), e soppravvivenze, in We sing a hymn
of glory to the Lord. Preparing to Celebrate Seven Hundred Years of Sibert de Beka’s Ordinal,
1312-2012. Proceedings of the Carmelite Liturgical Seminar, Rome, 6-8 July 2009, a cura di K.
ALBAN, Rome 2010, pp. 71-83; ID., Manoscritti liturgici dei templari e degli ospitalieri: le nuove
prospettive aperte dal sacramentario templare di Modena (Biblioteca capitolare O.II.13), in I
Templari, la guerra e la santità, a cura di S. CERRINI, Rimini 2000, pp. 85-131.
34 The bull Omne datum optimum, issued by Innocent II in 1139, allowed the Templars

to choose their chaplains as they wished; H. NICHOLSON, The Knights Templar: A New History,
Stroud 2001, p. 137.

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 8 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

Barb. lat. 659 is copied between 1173 and 1187 specifically for use by
the Knights Templar, and most probably sometime in the mid 1170s. The
inclusion of rubrics from the Templar’s liturgical stipulations in the ordi-
nal by the original main hand of Barb. lat. 659 identifies this military order
as the owners of the manuscript. As I discuss in an analysis of the text, the
passage is a practical-oriented reformulation of chapters seventy-four to
seventy-six of the Primitive Rule.35 The order of the stipulations concern-
ing the feasting and fasting days Templar brethren were to observe are
reformulated in the Barb. lat. 659 version to reflect their order in the litur-
gical calendar. This new organization facilitates their use by the celebrant
who was to help enforce the brethren’s religious observations.36 The date
of the manuscript’s creation is approximated through the calendar and the
body of the ordinal: The calendar contains an entry in the original hand
for the feast of Thomas Becket (Dec. 29), yet there is no mention of his
commemoration in the main of the manuscript, and the collects for this
martyr’s Mass are added by a different, and posterior, hand at the end very
of the manuscript.37 A second, near contemporary twelfth-century hand
introduces the feast of St Bernard of Clairvaux (Aug. 20) in the calendar,
and is not accompanied by any posterior additions of liturgy.38 Hands dat-
able to this period add no other entries for saints canonized in the twelfth
century. The paleographical features of the writing, comparable to other
sources from the Latin East, further substantiate its twelfth-century ori-
gin.39 Liturgical differences between Barb. lat. 659 and the Templar’s Acre
Breviary (Paris, Bib. nat., ms. Lat. 10478) suggest that the ordinal was
copied before the loss of Jerusalem in 1187.40
The liturgical content of Barb. lat. 659, however, was formulated ear-
lier. Indications such as the above-quoted breviary prologue, the lack of
Thomas Becket or St Bernard’s liturgy in the body of the ordinal, and the
profusion of quotes explicitly referring to the reform work of Patriarch
Arnulf of Angoulême (1145-1157), and the liturgical differences between
the Angelica Sacramentary-Gradual, all support dating the writing of this
35 Cfr. SALVADÓ, Reflections of Conflict cit.
36 If copied in the scriptorium of the Holy Sepulchre, this facet also evidences close coop-
eration between the two clerical communities.
37 SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., p. 281. Barb. lat. 659, ff. 6v, 139r.
38 SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., 68. The liturgies for Ss Thomas Becket and Bernard of Clairvaux
(both containing proper liturgical material) found into the Acre Breviary (Paris, Bib. nat., ms.
lat. 10478) demonstrate that devotion to these saints entered early in the history of their cult.
Thomas Becket becomes part of the calendar of the Holy Sepulchre, while St Bernard is only
celebrated by the Knights Templars.
39 DONDI, Liturgy cit., p. 64. Liturgical differences with the Barletta Ordinal and the Tem-
plar Breviary of Acre further confirm this dating.
40 SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 260-358.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 9

newly revised liturgy during Arnulf’s patriarchate. The new ordinal for the
Holy Sepulchre was edited to coincide with the rededication of the church
of the Holy Sepulchre between the years 1149 and 1153.41 While scholar-
ship justifiably focused on the thirteenth-century Barletta ordinal, in large
part due to Kohler’s partial edition, Barb. lat. 659 and the Angelica Sac-
ramentary-Gradual are, from the perspective sources illustrating praxis,
the most representative liturgical witnesses of the patriarchate’s twelfth-
century rite.42
The ordinal Barb. lat. 659 is nearly complete and contains no major
lacunae. Only one folio (what would have been fol. 10r-v) is missing, and
affects portion of the computation table.43 The ordinal is written through-
out in the same twelfth-century hand. Twelve additional twelve- and thir-
teenth-century hands are present in Barb. lat. 659. These represent the
additions to the calendar, a chant, and above-mentioned Thomas Becket
collect at the end of the folio. In the calendar there are entries for the first
through seventeenth Templar Grand Masters, while entries for the 2, 3, 6th
appear to be lacking.44 The inclusion of an obiit notice to the calendar for
the seventeenth Templar Grand Master Richard of Bures attests the use of
this ordinal until at least 1247.45 Rubrics alternate between black and red
ink. An illuminated initial is present at the opening of the ordinal on folio
10r.46 Some erasures and omissions of text are present, but are generally
very few. The ordinal is written on parchment (ca. 280mm x 195mm) and
organized in eighteen gatherings as follows: 110, 2-178, 1810.
Barb. lat. 659’s contents divide in four rough sections: The opening Kal-
endar (ff. 1r-6v) gives way to: Computistical tables and rubrics for finding
41 SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 14-39; ID., The 1149 Rededication cit.
42 The Barletta ordinal does not appear to be a manuscript copied for practical everyday
liturgical use. It is liturgically disorganized and incomplete (e.g., lacking the sanctorale for first
half of year), and combines sections of the Barb. lat. 659 ordinal with incomplete portions of
a sacramentary, collectar, hymnal, and rituale. While this source is perhaps the single-most
complex and richest witness of the rite, it commands a corresponding conscientious use.
43 Current foliation does not take this lacuna into account.
44 These omissions might be the result of illegible entries, since there appear to be traces
of entries pertaining to obit notices that are illegible.
45 Barb. lat. 659, f. 3r (May 9); J. BURGTORF, The Central Convent of Hospitallers and Tem-
plars: History, Organization, and Personnel (1099/1120-1310), Leiden 2008, p. 125; M. L.
BULST-THIELE, Sacrae domus militiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri: Untersuchungen zur
Geschichte des Templerordens, 1118/19-1314, Göttingen 1974, pp. 211-215.
46 In addition: f. 8r contains a computational wheel; f. 79r a line drawing of the bust of
Christ (positioned at the bottom of the page, under the liturgy for the Octave of Easter); from
f. 124v (commencement of the Gradual portion of the manuscript) each Introit receives a
larger embellished initial; H. BUCHTHAL, Miniature painting in the Latin kingdom of Jerusa-
lem. With liturgical and paleographical chapters by Francis Wormald, Oxford 1957, pp. xxx,
21-22, 107.

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 10 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

dates of movable feasts (f. 7r); a Templar Rule fragment relating to feasts
the military brethren are to observe (f. 7v); Computistical tables and ru-
brics, continued (f. 7v); Ordo of prayers for a sick canon (f. 10r); Agreement
between churches in Jerusalem to aid in a canon’s funeral, ca. 1130-1136
(f. 12v); A constitution from 1133 regarding a canon’s funeral (f. 13r); Ordo
for reading and singing in the Holy Sepulchre (f. 14r); Rubrics for the
induction of canon (f. 16r); Customs for reading in the refectory (f. 18r).
After this section the Ordinal section commences the Temporale: Ru-
brics for celebrating the commemoration of the Resurrection (f. 18r); the
above-quoted prologue to breviary — Advent (f. 26v); Christmas (f. 32v).
Then the following is intercalated: Graduale de temporis (f. 46v); Gradua-
le de sanctis (f. 46v); Sanctorale hiemalis (f. 47r). Hereafter the Tempora-
le continues: Septuagesima (f. 54v); Quadragesima (f. 56v); Palm Sunday
(f. 64v); Easter (f. 75v); Sanctorale (f. 81v); Temporale (f. 85v); Ascension
(f. 87r); Pentecost (f. 90r); Trinity Sunday (f. 91v); Post-Pentecost Season
(f. 92v). Characteristic of the Advent and Winter Temporale is the inclusion
of saints’ feasts interspersed in the liturgical rubrics.
The third and fourth sections of the manuscript treat the summer Sanc-
torale and Graduale. Sanctorale aestivalis: June (f. 96v); July (f. 100v); Au-
gust (f. 103v); September (f. 109r); October (f. 112v); November (f. 114v);
December (f. 119r); Common offices (f. 120r). Graduale for Easter Sunday
onwards (f. 124v); Graduale aestivalis de sanctis (f. 131r); Graduale Com-
mon offices (f. 138r); Additions (f. 139r).
As this overview of the ordinal’s contents demonstrates it is clearly a
carefully organized and copied source intended to faithfully transmit the
rite of the patriarchate of the Holy Sepulchre. The clear sections for prop-
erly calculating Easter, the ecclesiastical documentation attesting to the
clerical obligations between churches, along with the rubrics stipulating
readings all emphasize the pastoral and practical impulse behind the cre-
ation of the ordinal. The above-quoted prologue indicates that the present
liturgy was carefully examined and composed to avoid any conflicts or er-
rors in its proper celebration.

Prior Scholarship
Given the importance of the Holy Sepulchre in Christian devotion it is
surprising that the body of scholarship on its Latin liturgy is not broader
than it currently is.47 The work of Cristina Dondi represents the most ex-
haustive inquiry on the corpus of extant liturgical manuscripts, the broad

47
The study of Carmelite liturgy, given that their first rite was that of the Holy Sepulchre,
has indirectly examined the Jerusalem rite, cfr. ZIMMERMAN, Ordinaire de l’Ordre cit.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 11

liturgical traditions constituting the rite, and on the protagonists respon-

sible for the writing of the liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre.48 The present
author’s work, representing a continuation of Dondi’s study, is currently
engaged in a critical edition of the liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre. The fol-
lowing observations represent a brief summary of Dondi’s findings. These
observations will be emended and expanded in the commentary of the
critical edition.
The canons of the Holy Sepulchre originated from various parts of Eu-
rope, yet excepting for Daimbert of Pisa (1099–1102, 1105) and William of
Malines (1130–1145) the patriarchs tended to be of north-French origins.49
It is no surprise to find the liturgy employing chant cycles and repertoires
organized according to rites from these regions. However, in contradistinc-
tion to Dondi’s inadvertent presentation of the Holy Sepulchre rite as a
patchwork-like compilation of liturgy from different dioceses, my present
investigations underscore the concerted liturgical compositional activity
of the patriarchate.50 The liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre is its own distinct
Latin rite, with its own devotional identity reflecting its celebration in Jeru-
salem, and thus, without direct parallels. It was not copied wholesale from
any one Western European diocese. What is used from different traditions
was incorporated with the aim of crafting a suitable devotional message
for the Latin rite of Jerusalem.
Dondi analyzes various factors in order to see the liturgical traditions
influencing the rite of the Holy Sepulchre: She examines the calendar, the
series of Sunday Matins responsories for Advent, the Triduum Sacrum,
and the Alleluia verses of the Sundays after the octave of Pentecost. She
then examines the responsory series of Matins for the offices of All Saints
(Nov. 1), All Souls (Nov. 2), and the office of the dedication of the church.
Finally, and not discussed herein, she examines the daily office of the Vir-
gin Mary. The choice of these points of analysis stems from comparative
examinations of liturgical traditions carried out by prior scholars.51 The
following is a summary of Dondi’s comparison of these findings against
Latin East sources: The series of Advent Sunday Matins responsories is
proper to the Holy Sepulchre, yet the series for Evreux, Paris, and Senlis
are closely related.52 The corresponding series from the Barletta ordinal,

48 DONDI, Liturgy cit.

49 HAMILTON, Latin Church cit.; ELM, Das Kapitel cit.; SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 19-20;
DONDI, Liturgy cit., pp. 37-60.
50 The forte of Dondi’s analyses are their confirming the influential role the devotional

traditions of north-East France had on the liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre.

51 DONDI, Liturgy cit., pp. 103-104.
52 Ibid., pp. 106-110; Evreux: Paris, Bib. nat., ms. Lat. 1270; Paris: Paris, Bib. nat., ms.

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 12 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

presents a few small differences. This latter facet is related to liturgy writ-
ten in 1149 often providing the celebrant and cantor a choice between
various pieces. In the latter Holy Sepulchre sources decisions have often
been made, with the remaining chants originally found in Barb. lat. 659
not included in the newer source. The responsory series for the Triduum
Sacrum are again proper to the Holy Sepulchre, and are most similar to
the use of Chartres.53 Dondi’s analysis of post Pentecost Alleluia verses of
the Mass similarly reveals that the series is proper to the Holy Sepulchre,
and yet still related to the uses of Chartres, Evreux, and Senlis.54 Demon-
strating the thorough compositional activity of Jerusalem’s Latin clergy,
data concerning the feast All Saint’s day (Nov. 1) divulges that the office is
modeled on a form also occurring in Sées and York.55 The series for the re-
sponsories and verses of the office of All Soul’s day (Nov. 2) is related to the
rites in the diocese of Rouen, and most specifically the liturgy as practiced
in Bayeux.56 Finally, the analysis of the responsory and verse series of the
Matins portion of the dedication of the church celebration demonstrates a
close affinity to that found in the use of Chartres.57
While these analyses demonstrate a clear inheritance from north-
French liturgical practices, they do little, if not the opposite, to underscore
the compositional activities of the Holy Sepulchre canons. The liturgical
practices of the clergy’s ‘home’ dioceses are clearly the reference points for
the Holy Sepulchre tradition, yet no single office celebrated in Jerusalem
directly copies a continental source. Examining the series of responsories
for these select cycles hides the variations related to the choice of anti-
phons, collects, hymns, and lessons; all areas where clergy tailor the mes-
sage of an individual office to better express their community’s religious
ideals. The study of Mass propers and how they engage with the Divine
Office liturgy, currently being undertaken for the critical edition, points to
further evidence illustrating how the Latin rite of Jerusalem is particularly

Lat. 1023; Senlis: Paris, Bib. nat., ms. Lat. 10480. The rite of the Holy Sepulchre generally
differs from continental traditions by its ordering of chants in the office, or in its choice of
repertoire.
53 DONDI, Liturgy cit., p. 111. Chartres: Paris, Bib. nat., ms. Lat. 1794.
54 DONDI, Liturgy cit., pp. 113-118.
55 The liturgy is not an exact copy, but always slightly modified for the Jerusalem rite.

DONDI, Liturgy cit., p. 119: Sees: Paris, Bib. nat., ms. Lat. 12036; London, Brit. Lib., ms. Stowe
12; London, Brit. Lib., ms Royal 8.B.III. York: Oxford, Bod. Lib., ms. Gough Missals 36; Ox-
ford, Bod. Lib., ms. Laud. Misc. 84; London, Lamb. Pl. Lib., ms. Arc. L. 40.2/L.1; cfr. Barb. lat.
659, ff. 114r-115r.
56 DONDI, Liturgy cit., p. 123. Bayeux: Paris, Bib. de l’Arsenal, ms. 279; Bayeux, Bib.
Chap., ms. 121; Bayeux, Bib. Chap., ms. 119.
57 DONDI, Liturgy cit., p. 127.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 13

distinct from other Western Christian liturgical uses. This distinctness is

clearly not in the newness of liturgical texts, but rather, in their choice
and organization. The large-scale devotional facets of the Jerusalem rite
are made patent in the following sections, touching on distinctive aspects
of the Latin liturgy of Jerusalem form the Temporale, Sanctorale, and the
canons processional activities.

Temporale
The following aims to provide a succinct overview of some of the defin-
ing characteristics of Jerusalem’s temporale. The central devotional facet of
the Latin clergy’s annual cursus is the celebration and commemoration of
Easter. In the nuanced relationship with the other movable feasts, the Res-
urrection of Christ reverberates in important ways in nearly the entirety of
the year. This devotional feature is approximated through the examination
of the Commemoration of Easter held the Sunday before Advent, and in
the post-Pentecost season. Later discussion of the processions continues to
support and express this facet of Jerusalem’s Latin rite.
Rubrics opening the liturgical texts of the manuscript indicate that pre-
vious to the commencement of Advent, the clergy of the Holy Sepulchre
commemorate anew the Lord’s Resurrection. Placed so at the opening, and
preceding the Advent rubrics (which normally signal the commencement
of the liturgical year), the celebrations of Easter are placed as a point of
liturgical departure. They form a nexus between the end of the year and
the commencement of the next, forming an important devotional preface
to the theology of Advent. Rubrics make clear the conscious choice by
Jerusalem’s clergy that, in contradistinction to those continental practices
that re-commemorate the Trinity on the Sunday before Advent, the clergy
of the Holy Sepulchre do something different:

In anno quo commenmoratio ressurectionis dominice evenerit XII kalen-

das Decembris, scilicet illa dominica ante Adventum Domini que alii fatiunt de
Trinitate, nos autem in ecclesia Dominici Sepulcri, ob gloriose Resurrectionis
eiusdem reverentiam, in ipsa dominica eande gloriosam sollempnitatem sicut
in die Pasche recolimus.58

This passage illustrates the clergy’s awareness of the distinct nature of

their commemoration and of their corporate devotional difference to West-
ern European practices. The nature of this commemoration is such that
the entire week preceding Advent Sunday receives proper liturgy and spe-

58 Barb. lat. 659, f. 18r.

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 14 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

cial rubrics. These stipulate what Masses are to be celebrated depending

on when the Commemoration of the Resurrection Sunday occurs. Thus,
rubrics are structured similarly to those which help the cantor navigate
the liturgical order of Advent, with the corresponding adjustments to the
liturgy, depending on the day of the week Christmas is celebrated.59 The
following table (cfr. Table 1) outlines the weekly major Masses from Com-
memoration of the Resurrection Sunday to Advent Sunday.

Table 1: Major Masses for the Weekdays between the Commemoration of the
Resurrection Sunday and Advent Sunday. Barb. lat. 659, ff. 18r-25v
If the Sunday Commemoration of the Resurrection is celebrated on:
November 20: Feria II (missa matutinalis): Pro defunctis; Feria VI: de Cruce.
November 21: Feria II: de Cecilia; Feria III: de Clemente;
Feria IIII: de Grisogoni; Feria V: de Petri Alexandrini;
Feria VI: de Cruce; Sabbato: de BVM.
November 22: Feria II: de Cecilia; Feria III: de Grisogoni [sic];
Feria IIII: de Petri Alexandrini; Feria V: de Dominica;
Feria VI: de Cruce; Sabbato: de BVM.
November 23: Feria II: de Clemente; Feria III: de Petri Alexandrini;
Feria IIII-V: de Domenica; Feria VI: de Cruce;
Sabbato: de Saturnino.
November 24: Feria III-V: de Dominica; Feria VI: de Saturnino;
Sabbato: de Andree.
November 25: Feria II-IIII: de Dominica; Feria V: de Saturnino;
Feria VI: de Andree; Sabbato: de BVM.
November 26: Feria II: de Dominica; Feria III: de die; Feria IIII: de
Saturnino;
Feria V: de Andree; Feria VI: de Cruce; Sabbato: de BVM.

The majority of Masses celebrated during ferial days correspond to

that of the saint’s feast day, while the Friday and Saturday Masses fol-
low the custom of votive commemoration celebrating the Cross and the
Virgin Mary. These aspects in isolation are not necessarily remarkable.
However, starting from November 22rd rubrics introduce a more varied
and continued celebration of Sunday Mass during ferial days, which often
supersede a saint’s feast day. The most notable example is the case when
the Commemoration of the Resurrection Sunday falls on November 25 (St
Catherine’s feast day): On this date the ferial days of Monday to Wednesday
are to celebrate the Sunday Mass, Thursday and Friday are conferred to

59 For a clear example of these rubrics, and which are structured very similarly to the

Holy Sepulchre’s commemoration of the Resurrection, see the ordinal of Chartres: L’Ordinaire
chartrain du XIIIe siècle, a cura di Y. DELAPORTE, Chartres 1953, pp. 75-85.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 15

the Saint’s liturgy, and Saturday previous to Advent Sunday celebrates the
major Mass in commemoration of the Virgin Mary.
The liturgy for the Divine Office on the Commemoration of the Resur-
rection Sunday merits special attention.60 While none of the chants are
newly composed, their configuration in this office illustrates the nature
of the clergy’s devotional planning in the rite of the Holy Sepulchre. Its
placement as a termination and commencement point of the annual cursus
is revealed by the choice of liturgy recited. This feast represents a newly
composed office based on Easter-day chants, yet augmented to three Noc-
turns.61 In addition, the feast receives a proper first and second Vespers,
a proper compline, proper liturgy of the lesser Hours, and proper minor
and major Masses. Some aspects, like Lauds are nearly identical repetition
of Easter-day liturgy. An overview of the liturgy of First Vespers, Matins,
and Lauds affords a clear understanding of the larger liturgical structures
embedded in this commemoration (cfr. Table 2).

Table 2: Office for the Commemoration of the Resurrection Sunday. Barb. lat.
659, ff. 18r-19r
Brackets “[…]” indicate source of chant in the liturgy of Barb. lat. 659.
[Sabbato, vigilia commemoratio Resurrectionis]
[Ad primas Vesperas]
Epistola Christus resurgens
Resp. Dum transisset [f. 75v: Easter, Matins: 3rd resp.]
quo incepto, ordinata processione, ibunt retro sepulchrum cantando respon-
sorio, quo finito ab illis quatuor quo responsorio inceperunt, cantabitur ibi
Vers. Et valde mane. [f. 75v: Easter, Matins: 3rd resp. verse]
In cappis sericis ut mox exigit canatur Gloria patri reinteretur Resp. quatuor
cappis sericis cantabunt versum. [f. 18v] Et valde mane, Gloria patri,
Hymnus Chorus nove Iherusalem
[f. 80v: Saturday, 2nd Vespers, Infra Dom. I post Octava Pasche]
Vers. Surrexit dominus de sepulcro. [f. 76r: Easter]
Ad Magnificat Vespere autem. [f. 75r: Vigil of Easter]
Ante Gloria patri reiteretur a cantore, post Gloria Patri reincipiat Patri, reite-
retur a cantore post Gloria patri, reincipiat patriarcha si adfuerit, vel prior,
aut ille qui incepit Vesperas. Sic autem fiat in ominibus dupplicibus festis. Sic
enim retro [sepulchrum] postulat Collecta de Resurrectione.
Qualiter placuerit sacerdoti et sic finientur ibi Vespere, Benedicamus domino
cantabitur ab archicoris, his autem finitis et a prelato data benedictione nil
cantando reveruntur eorum.
Ad Completorium
Confiteor Ant. Miserere mei Capitulum Tu in nobis Hymnus Salvator mundi do-

60 Barb. lat. 659, ff. 18v-19v.

61 Easter-day celeb rations contain a special one-Nocturn Matins office.

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 16 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

mine Vers. Custodi nos. Kyrrielei. Et cum Oratio Visita quesumus Ant. Resurrexit
dominus Ps. Nunc dimittis.
[Dominica Commemoratio Resurrectionis]
Ad Matutinas
Invitatorium, A predictis IIII cantetur Invitatorium Alleluia Surrexit dominus vere
[f. 75v: Easter, Invitatory]
Hymnus Aurora lucis. divisio. [f. 78v: Dominica I post Pascha]
Sermone. Quesumus auctor non dire sed Gloria tibi domine
In primo Nocturno
Ant. Ego sum qui sum Ps. Beatus vir. [f. 75v: Easter, Matins Nocturn]
Ant. Postulavi Ps. Quare fremuerunt. [f. 75v: Easter, Matins Nocturn]
Ant. Ego dormivi Ps. Domine quid. [f. 75v: Easter, Matins Nocturn]
Vers. Resurrexit. [f. 77r: Feria II infra ebdomada Pasche]
VI lectiones erit de omelia Evangelii Stetit Ihesus.
In cappis sericis legantur Gloriam sue resurrectionis vel de Evangelio Cum
adhuc tenebre essent et alie III lectiones erit de Evangelio Marie Magdalena,
Resp. in cappis cantatur
[Resp.] Marie Magdalena Vers. Cito euntes [f. 77r: Feria II infra ebdomada Pasche]
Resp. Congratulamini Vers. Tulerunt dominum [f. 77r: Feria II infra ebdomada
Pasche]
Resp. Tulerunt dominum. Vers. Cito. [f. 77r: Feria II infra ebdomada Pasche]
In cappis sericis tercium Resp., et cum cunctis dupplicibus festis cantantur,
et omnes lectiones a canonicis leguntur, et dum tercia lectione leguntur, al-
taria et locus Calvarie et Sepulcrii incensantur et locus preciosi thesauri uno
vera crux reponitur, a duobus canonicis presbiteris incensandi. Ita enim con-
suetudo omnibus dupplicibus festis conservatur et custodiatur. Lectio III de
Evangelio, Maria Magdalena reiteretur Resp. Et valde mane et ceteri Ps. ut sint.
In-[fol. 19r]cipit archichorus hanc antiphone ut suprascriptum est. Kyrriel. Et
cum Missa matutina. Dicit dominus sicut est.
In secundo Nocturno
Ant. Crucifix Ps. Cum invocarem [f. 79v: Mag. & Ben. Dom I Post Pascha]
Ant. Crucem Sanctam Ps. Verba mea [f. 79v: Mag. & Ben. Dom I Post Pascha]
Ant. Surgens Ihesus Ps. Domine dominus noster [f. 79v: Mag. & Ben. Dom I Post
Pasch.]
Vers. Surrexit dominus vere [f. 79r: ad III Vers.; Dominica I post Pascha, and Mo-
dified Invitatory of Easter day]
Resp. Expurgate vetus Vers. Non in fermento [f. 77v: Feria III infra ebdomada
Pasche]
Resp. Surgens Ihesus Vers. Surrexit dominus [f. 77v: Feria III infra ebdomada
Pasche]
Resp. Dum transisset Vers. Et valde [f. 75v: Easter, Matins: 3rd resp.]
In tertio Nocturno
Ant. Surrexit dominus Ps. In Domino confido [f. 79v: Mag. & Ben. Dom I Post
Pascha]
Ant. Surrexit Xpistus Ps. Domine quis habitabit [f. 79v: Mag. & Ben. Dom I Post
Pascha]

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 17

Ant. Post passionem Ps. Domine in virtute [f. 79v: Mag. & Ben. Dom I Post Pascha]
Vers. Surrexit dominus de sepulcri [f. 75v: Easter, Patriarch’s procession to aedi-
cule]
Resp. Angelus domini [descendit] Vers. Angelus domini [f. 75v: Easter, Matins Noc-
turn]
Resp. Angelus domini [locutus] Vers. Ecce precede vos. [f. 75v: Easter, Matins Noc-
turn]
Resp. Et valde mane Vers. Mulieres emerunt [f. 78v: Dominica I Post Pascha]
Ps. Te deum laudamus Sacerdos Vers. In resurrectionem.
In Laudibus [similar to Easter Lauds, and Lauds of Dom I post Pascha]
Ant. Angelus autem [f. 76r: Easter, Lauds] Ps. Dominus regnavit
Ant. Et ecce terramotus [f. 76r: Easter, Lauds], Ant. Erat autem [f. 76r: Easter,
Lauds]
Ant. Per timore autem [f. 76r: Easter, Lauds], Ant. Respondens autem [f. 76r: Ea-
ster, Lauds]
Capitulum Christis resurgens [Not from Easter day]
Hymnus. Sermone blando Vers. Gaudisi sunt discipuli [f. 78v: Dom I post Pasche
Lauds]
Ad Benedictus Sedit angelus quo incepta, parata processione ibunt retro
sepulchrum hanc cantando antiphonam ibique finite. Incipit psalmos Ps. Ben-
dictus
Oratio Deus qui hodierna die Ps. Benedicamus. Et sic Matutine finientur.
[Modified form of f. 78v: post Lauds Sunday processions until Advent]

The rubrics for Saturday evening’s First Vespers of the Commemoration

of the Resurrection note the performance of a procession to the sepulchral
aedicule singing the third responsory from Easter Matins, Dum transisset,
with its verse Et valde mane.62 This responsory-verse pair represents one of
the main liturgical items repeatedly sung throughout the majority of the
year in the Holy Sepulchre. As the indications in brackets note in Table 2,
the liturgy celebrated also recites chants from the vigil of Easter. This Sat-
urday Vespers procession is a ritual that is instituted on the Saturday of
the Octave of Easter, and is to be performed throughout the summer and
fall seasons (with some minor disruptions) until the Sunday before Advent
Sunday.63 Thus, the liturgy performed on the eve of the Commemoration

62 The following chant identifications correspond to those used by: http://cantusdatabase.

org/ (accessed 1 Sept. 2014), hereafter CANTUS ID. Dum transisset, CANTUS ID: 006565; Et
valde mane, CANTUS ID: 006565a.
63 Barb. lat. 659, ff. 76v-77r: In sabbato hec et in omnibus sabbatis usque ad dominicam

ante Adventum Domini post vesperas: fit processio ad sepulchrum. Si non ad fontes, excepto
sabbato Pentecostes licet eodem sabbato vadunt ad fontes et non ad sepulchrum. De eo or-
dine quo prescripte sunt. Cfr. also Barb. lat. 659, f. 78v: where the liturgy is the same, except
the Magnificat Antiphon, which is Cum esset fero.

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 18 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

of the Resurrection Sunday also represents the termination of ritual begun

after Easter that reverberates throughout the remainder of the year.
The liturgy of Matins demonstrates a similar confluence of texts be-
longing to Easter and post-Easter weekly celebrations (cfr. Table 2). The
invitatory repeats the joyful announcement of Easter day, while the Hymn
Aurora lucis is first sung on the Octave of Easter. Antiphons of the first
Nocturn are the same chants as those of Easter Sunday Matins, while the
accompanying verse is culled from the Monday after Easter Sunday. Also
taken from this first post-Easter ferial day is the series of three responso-
ries from its first Nocturn. Rubrics following this first section of Matins
provide instructions for this Sunday, and an important note concerning
all subsequent double feasts: During the reading of the third lesson and
singing of the responsory of the first Nocturn rubrics indicate a proces-
sion taking place to incense the altars of the Calvary chapel, that of the
Sepulchral aedicule, and the treasury where the relic of the Holy Cross is
kept. Given the duration to incense these three different sites within the
Holy Sepulchre, additional liturgy is provided to be taken from the Gospels
(a passage relating to Mary Magdalene’s encounter with the angel at the
tomb), accompanied by the responsory-verse pair Et valde mane-Mulieres
emerunt.64 This stipulation is one of the many, yet distinguishing rituals
underscoring the particular devotion to the Resurrection in the rite of the
Holy Sepulchre.
The antiphons for the second and third Nocturns originally appear ac-
companying the Magnificat and Benedictus canticles after the Octave of
Easter.65 However, some chants are also sung in the feast of the Invention
of the Cross.66 Thus, the devotional interconnections and theological nu-
ances of the Commemoration of the Resurrection are richly constituted. In
addition, since this feast is placed as a preface to Advent, the appearance
of these antiphons in this context opens the possibility for their interpreta-
tion in relation to their appearances in the subsequent fests: Singing them
in this principal pre-Advent commemoration of Easter strongly calibrates
their devotional reference point with Easter. These associations become
stronger with the responsories sung during the second and third Nocturns.
The fourth and fifth responsories are sung during the Wednesday of Easter
week, while the sixth responsory (Dum transisset) is sung as the third and
culminating responsory of Easter day Matins. The third Nocturn of the
64 CANTUS ID: 006676, 006676a.
65 Barb. lat. 659, f. 79v.
66 Barb. lat. 659, f. 84r: Crucifixus surrexit, CANTUS ID: 001957; Crucem sanctam, CANTUS
ID: 001951.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 19

Commemoration of the Resurrection repeat the first and second responso-

ries of Easter day, and for the final ninth responsory, the above-mentioned
chant Et valde mane-Mulieres emerunt is sung. Thus, the chant that ac-
companies the incensing of altars during the end of the first Nocturn is re-
peated as the culmination of Matins. The choice of responsory-verse pairs,
while slight, is significant.
The difference between the third and culminating responsory of Easter-
day Matins and that of the Commemoration of the Resurrection Sunday is
apparent when considering the text in its performance. The responsory of
Easter is the following:

Dum transisset sabbatum Maria Magdalena et Maria Jacobi et Salome emerunt

aromata:
*Ut venientes ungerent Jesum alleluia alleluia
Verse. Et valde mane una sabbatorum veniunt ad monumentum orto jam sole.67

In contrast to the semantic structure of this message, the ninth respon-

sory of the Commemoration feast reorganizes the content as such:

Et valde mane una sabbatorum veniunt ad monumentum:

*Orto jam sole alleluia.
Verse. Mulieres emerunt aromata summo diluculo veniunt ad monumentum.

The crux of the message lies in its reorganization of the text in the re-
sponsory’s repetenda (here marked by an asterisk). In the Easter day chant,
the repetenda repeats the coming of the women to anoint Christ’s body. In-
stead, in the chant Et valde mane, the repetenda places emphatic emphasis
on the metaphor of Christ, as the sun, having risen. It is the choir, in its
entirety, which announce not once, but three times that the sun has risen.68
The devotional emphasis is placed the Resurrection of Christ. Of no lesser
significance are the rubrics in the first Nocturn, which indicates this same
chant to be repeated throughout the year when the incensing of the altars
takes place on double feasts. This nuanced and but meaningful placement
of text vividly highlights the devotional message effused throughout the
liturgical year of the Holy Sepulchre.
A brief examination of the differences between the Mass propers of Eas-
ter and its Commemoration provide further details on the particulars of the

67 While Barb. lat. 659 does not give the full text of the responsory, the Acre Breviary

(Paris, Bib. nat., ms. lat. 10478, p. 452) has the full text and confirms this order.
68 As the last responsory of the Nocturn, the rependa again follows after the cantor’s sing-

ing of the lesser doxology.

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 20 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

Jerusalem liturgy. The theological concept of the Resurrection finds a par-

ticular form of elaboration in the pre-Advent Sunday Mass (cfr. Table 3).

Table 3: Masses for the Commemoration of the Resurrection and Easter Sunday
Commemoration of Resurrection Mass, Easter Mass. Ms. 659, fol. 124v.
Ms. 659, fol. 19v.
Ad maiorem Missam,
Introitus Resurrexi Introitus offitium Resurrexi [et] adhuc
Ps. Domine probasti. Ps. Domine probasti
[Hymn Christus vincit omitted] Sequiter Christus vincit
A tribus vel a quatuor canonicis anti-
quioribus, archicoris cantatur.
Deinde
Kyirieleison Prosa Cunctipotens, Kyrielelison. Cunctipotens.
Gloria in excelsis, Gloria in excelsis
Oratio Deus qui hodierna, Oratio Deus qui hodierna die
Epistola ad Corinthios Expurgate, Epistola Expurgate
Resp. Hec dies, Vers. Confitemini, Resp. Hec dies Vers. Confitemini
Alleluia Vers. Christus resurgens. Alleluia Vers. Pascha nostrum
Prosa Fulgens praeclara, Sequentia Fulgens preclara
Alleluia Vers. Victime paschali.
Evangelio Marchi. Maria magdalena, Evangelio Maria magdalene.
Credo in unum, Credo in unum,
Offertorio Angelus domini, Offertorio Terra tremuit Vers. Notus Vers.
Et factus est Vers. Ibi confregit
Prefatio Te quidem Prefactio Te quidem omni tempore
Sanctus. Clemens verbi sator, Festive cantetur Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanc-
tus Communicantes,
Agnus dei Qui surrexit Hanc igitur
Communio. Surrexit dominus. Agnus dei Qui surrexisti a mortuis
Postcommunio Spiritum nobis. Communio Pascha nostrum
Ita missa est. [McClean 49, fol. 81r: Postcommunio
Concede quesumus omnipotens deus
ut qui resurrectionem; Paris, BNF, Ms.
12056, f. 122r has: Spiritum nobis as
first, with Concede quesumus omnipo-
tens ut qui as second, plus various oth-
ers prayers.]

The main difference between the Mass propers lies in the choice and
number of Alleluia verses. In the Commemoration Mass the Alleluia verse
is Christus resurgens, a text highlighting Christ’s conquest over death and
his immortality.69 This is a departure from Easter’s Alleluia Pascha nostrum
69 Alleluia Vers. Christus resurgens ex mortuis jam non moritur mors illi ultra non domina-
bitur.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 21

underscoring the solemnity and the moral response this event requires
from the devout.70 The emphasis on the triumphant nature of Christ’s res-
urrection is echoed in the second Alleluia verse sung after the sequence Ful-
gens preclara. The singing of Victime paschali laudes during Mass, a chant
that accompanies the celebration of second Vespers from Easter onwards,
again amplifies the positive and triumphal facets of the Resurrection. This
was echoed in the use of the Et valde mane responsory earlier in the day’s
Matins celebration. In addition, Victime paschali laudes elaborates on the
already prominent role of Mary Magdalene visiting Christ’s tomb.
The emphasis on Mary Magdalene as the special witness to the Resur-
rection of Christ finds elaboration in two principal liturgical occasions:
The first is the July 22 feast day of Mary Magdalene.71 Rubrics in Barb.
lat. 659 note that either the sequence Mane prima sabbati or Victime pas-
chali laudes can be sung during her feast’s major Mass.72 Mane prima sab-
bati underscores Mary Magdalene’s role in witnessing and announcing the
Resurrection. In addition to this connection between the Commemoration
of the Resurrection Sunday Mass chant and the July 22 celebration, the
appearance of the sequence Victime paschali laudes in the Post-Pentecost
Easter commemorations makes the theological role of Mary Magdalene
clear. Each Sunday there is a choice to sing anew either Victime pasch-
ali laudes or the final portion of the sequence Fulgens praeclara rutilat (at
Iudea incredula) in the major Mass.73 This practice also echoes the prop-
ers sung on the Commemoration of the Resurrection Sunday celebrated
before Advent Sunday. The recurrence of chants highlighting the moment
Mary Magdalene learns of Christ’s Resurrection is related to one of the
salient facets of the Jerusalem rite.
The most characteristic devotional features in the Holy Sepulchre tem-
porale liturgy find their expression in the weekly Mass and Office celebra-
tions commemorating the Resurrection. As noted above, in the post-Pen-
tecost period there is a near-continuous presence of Easter Masses. If no
major nine-lesson feasts are present, then the day’s major Mass is from
Easter. In the case of a nine-lesson feast, then the Easter Mass is celebrat-
70 Alleluia Vers. Pascha nostrum immolatus est Christus alleluia itaque epulemur in azymis

sinceritatis et veritatis.
71 V. SAXER, Le culte de Marie-Madeleine en Occident, des origines à la fin du moyen âge, 2

vol., Paris 1959; D. HILEY, Early cycles of office chants for the feast of Mary Magdalene, in Mu-
sic and Medieval Manuscripts, Paleography and Performance. Essays dedicated to Andrew
Hughes, a cura di J. HAINES – R. ROSENFELD, Aldershot 2004, pp. 369-399.
72 Barb. lat. 659, f. 132v.
73 Ibid., f. 128r: Incipiunt Dominica officio Prima post Pente[costes], […] Ad Missam

Maiorem Resurrexi sicut est. Sequentia Judea incredula vel Victime paschali et sic usque ad
Adventum Domini nisi aliquam festum IX lectio intervenerit.

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 22 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

ed as the morrow Mass.74 In combination with these Mass commemora-

tions, the liturgy of the Divine Office also participates in remembering the
Resurrection. From the octave of Easter to the Ascension, Sunday first
Vespers perform anew the above-mentioned responsory-verse pair Dum
transisset-Et valde.75 However, the presence of Easter liturgy also effects
Matins celebrations. Between Easter and Ascension a modified form of
the Easter’s single-Nocturn Matins is sung as the last three responsories of
the third Nocturn of Matins. The foremost difference between Easter and
the commemoration Nocturn is the choice in this latter setting of the more
emphatic Et valde mane-Mulieres emerunt responsory-verse set as the final
closing chant.76 Through this modification of the Matins, the commemo-
ration extends thus to a tripartite Vespers-Matins-Mass commemoration
of Easter. After the Ascension and Pentecost periods, rubrics stipulate a
reappearance of the commemoration of the Resurrection in the office:77

A predictis autem octaviis [Pentecosten] usque ad Adventum Domini, IX

lectio de omelia Evangelii Maria Magdalene Dominicis diebus legimus, et IX
Resp. Et valde vel Dum transisset cantabimus, nisi occurrerit aliqua festivitas
IX lectio.78

The rubrics for the subsequent offices of summer and fall seasons dem-
onstrate that there is a predilection for the responsory Dum transisset. This
is the chant that positions Mary Magdalene first in naming order, and reso-
nates with the singing of Victime paschali laudes as the chosen witness of
Christ’s Resurrection. A brief overview of some of the salient aspects of the
sanctorale and the Holy Sepulchre clergy’s annual processions contextual-
izes the nature of these commemorations.

Sanctorale
The fore-going discussions of the commemorations of the Resurrection

74Ibid., f. 92v: A Pentecosten usque ad Adventum Domini. Missa matutinalis de domini-

cis nisi festivitas occurrerit IX aut III lectio propietatem habentium in missali vel in gradali,
maior semper erit: de Resurrectione. Quidem si festum IX lectio evenerit, matutinalis erit de
Resurrectione, exceptis dominicis diebus maior de festo. Si uno III lectio, matutinalis de
dominica, memoria de festo, maior de Resurrectione.
75 Ibid., f. 78v.
76 Ibid., f. 80v: Dominica II post [octabas] Pascha, Ad Matutinas […. Tertio Nocturno]

Ant. Alleluia Ps. Celi enarrant Ps. Exaudiat te Ps. Domine in virtute Vers. Surrexit de hoc Resp.
Angelus domini [descendit] Resp. Angelus domini [locutus] Resp. Et valde mane. Omnibus
dominicis diebus usque ad Ascensionem dicentur hec tria.
77 The Mass commemorating the Resurrection is also reinstituted.
78 Barb. lat. 659, f. 92v.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 23

are fundamental when considering the observance of saints’ feasts in the

liturgy of the Holy Sepulchre. Where the temporale finds careful structur-
ing of its liturgy underscoring the triumphant quality of Easter as the fore-
most devotional concern, the sanctorale is restrained in the quantity and
manner of commemorating saints. This apparent disparity is, however,
itself symptomatic of the broader devotional interests of the Holy Sepul-
chre rite. The calendar of Jerusalem bears little comparison to coetaneous
continental counterparts, which often have months brimming with saints
and often multiple feasts on any given day.79 Notwithstanding, while most
of the saints’ feasts in Holy Sepulchre are clearly indebted to north-French
liturgical traditions, each office finds some form of liturgical re-composi-
tion, nearly always making them proper to Jerusalem.80 This aspect, which
evidences a rejection of any wholesale adoption of pre-existent liturgical
traditions, again underscores the thorough attention to the composite de-
votional message communicated by the Latin Patriarchate of the Latin
East. Due to their theological relation with the facets of the temporale men-
tioned above, in the following only select feasts related to the Virgin Mary
and the Cross are discussed. The dual celebrations of the July 15 Libera-
tion of Jerusalem and rededication of the Holy Sepulchre, one of the most
important civic feasts of Jerusalem, is currently undergoing examination
by various scholars.81 It is presently sufficient to note that the liturgical
construction of the Liberation of Jerusalem feast underscores the simulta-
neous prophetic return, and revelation, of Christ to the Gentiles. As such,
it is a liturgical celebration commemorating the insertion of the Crusades
and its resultant Latin communities of Outremer in the eschatological his-
tory of Christian salvation.82
Of the three principal Marian feasts of the Annunciation (March 25),
the Assumption (Aug. 15), and Nativity (Sept. 8), the first and the last dem-
onstrate a strong relationship to the Resurrection commemorations. The
feast of the Assumption, in turn, receives the most elaborate processional
liturgy of any of the sanctorale feasts.83 The feast of the Annunciation of the
Virgin Mary finds a close parallel to the office in the tenth-century Limoges
Manuscript F-Pn lat. 1085, notwithstanding, many of the same facets of
79 The liturgy of Cluny being a case example of highly extensive and elaborate devotion
to saints.
80 SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 170-217. Cfr. DONDI, Liturgy cit., pp. 104-105, 253-302 (com-

parative tables of Latin East calendars).

81 This feast will not be discussed further herein, cfr. SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 171-181,

199-211.
82 SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 188-190.
83 Barb. lat. 659, ff. 105r-107v; SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 184-185, 245-246.

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 24 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

this office are also evidenced in extant Parisian sources of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries.84 The distinguishing feature of the Holy Sepulchre
celebration is the singing of the responsories Descendet dominus in the sec-
ond position of the second Nocturn, with Christi virgo in the third position
of the third Nocturn.85 Yet, it is a rubric placed at the end of Matins liturgy
that changes the nature of this celebration:

Arnulfus patriarcha precepit per obedientiam cantare Te deum laudamus et

Gloria in excelsis deo et Credo in unum.86

There are two ramifications stemming from the presence of this rubric:
The first concerns the mentioning of Patriarch Arnulf of Choques (1099,
1112-1118) in the ordinal. It is significant for it is the only instance where
somebody else, besides patriarch Fulcher of Angoulême, is mentioned in
the liturgical rubrics.87 Patriarch Arnulf is responsible for the successful
reform of the Jerusalem clergy to the Augustinian rule.88 This vestige of
his personal intervention in the liturgy is a noteworthy insight into Arnulf’s
particular interpretation of the Annunciation’s theology.
The second ramification of these rubrics follows as a consequence of
Arnulf’s decision, and concerns the devotional messages arising from the
singing of these texts with the Annunciation feast. Normally, these pieces
are omitted during the seasons of Advent, Lent, and Holy Week, and are
sung on Easter Eve and after.89 Since March 25 falls in the early period
when Easter can be celebrated, there is the possibility of its occurrence
when it is not formally allowed. The expressed will of Arnulf for these texts
to be sung on the Annunciation brings to the fore a renewed emphasis on
Christ while highlighting Mary’s role in the salvation of man.90 Rubrics
preceding the March 25 office demonstrate a consciousness of the devo-
84Rouen, Bib. Mun., 248 (olim A. 339); Paris, Bib. nat., ms. lat. 12044; Paris, Bib. nat.,
ms. lat. 1412; Paris, Bib. nat., ms. lat. 12601.
85 Descendet dominus, CANTUS ID: 006408; Christi virgo, CANTUS ID: 006278.
86 Barb. lat. 659, f. 54r.
87 Patriarch Fulcher’s name appears four times in the ordinal, and there over a dozen

instances where new vs. old liturgical customs are signaled out in the rubrics; SALVADÓ, Lit-
urgy cit., pp. 33, cfr. Barb. lat. 659, ff. 17v, 26v, 40r, 48v-49r, 53v, 57v-58r, 70v, 75v, 78r, 85r,
98r, 98v, 101v, 114r, 117r-117v.
88 HAMILTON, Latin Church cit., pp. 12-16, 56-64.
89 J. HARPER, The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy from the Tenth to the Eighteenth

Century: A Historical Introduction and Guide for Students and Musicians, Oxford 1991, pp.
55-56.
90 This is surely not an ex nihilo innovation on Arnulf’s part, but, rather, should be exam-

ined against existing continental practices to understand the roots of his devotional motiva-
tions.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 25

tional consequences of associating these texts with the Annunciation inside

Paschal tide.91 Thus, the Annunciation office of Matins can perform these
three texts before the drama of Palm Sunday, and even within Holy Week
itself. Their performance in these places has significant exegetical implica-
tions for Mary and the Easter festivity. If performed before Easter, these
texts work to emphatically focus Mary’s role in salvation.
Further attesting the conscious devotional associations created by Ar-
nulf’s precept is the festivity celebrated on 8 September. The feast of Na-
tivity of the Virgin Mary (Sept. 8) is an office similarly modeled on vari-
ous French liturgical uses, but not identical to currently indexed sources.92
What is most distinctive concerning this office are stipulations provided
detailing on how the celebration is to be modified in the case that the feast
occurs on a Sunday.93 If in this latter case, rubrics instruct a visit to the
chapel of the Invention of the Cross, situated adjacent to St Helen’s chapel
below the choir. This demonstrates how this chapel, newly rebuilt by the
Latin community of Jerusalem, was in all probability dedicated on the
feast of the Virgin’s nativity.94 One remarkable of associating Mary’s birth
and the very object participating in Christ’s crucifixion lies in asserting
a theological message through the coordination of ritual performances:
A performance involving liturgy, procession and engagement with sacred
space.
The feast of the Invention of the Cross (May 3), celebrated earlier in
the year, foreshadows this relationship to the Nativity of the Virgin Mary
by also visiting the chapel of the Invention.95 The liturgy for the office is
found in various continental sources, yet the specific arrangement of its
chants is, as in other examples, proper to the Holy Sepulchre rite. A com-
91 Barb. lat. 659, f. 53v: Si in viglia Ramis Palmarum evenerit: nichil mutabit de sol-

lempnitate. Si in die Ramis Palmarum evenerit: nichil de festivitate agitur. Set transferetur in
crastinum. Si ante Cenam evenerit: celebrabitur. Si in Cena vel post ea penitus dimittetur
usque ad octabas Pasche. Feria II post octabas Pasche, si magistris ecclesie placuerit et ab eis
ratione dictante provisum fuerit, ob tante virginis reverentiam, sollempnitate celebretur,
Resp. et Ant. cum Alleluia finientur.
92 Ibid., ff. 109r-110r; Cfr. Paris, Bib. nat., ms. lat. 1090 (Marseille), Paris, Bib. nat., ms.

lat. 12044 (St. Maur-des-Fosses, Paris).

93 Barb. lat. 659, f. 109v: Si dominica contigerit hec sollempnitas: omnia parata sicut in

aliis processionibus, ibunt ad inventionem. Finitis psalmi de primis vesperis: Canendo Resp.
Stirps iesse cum Vers. Quo finito: Ant. Incipiatur a Patriarcha Gloriose magne Oratio Suppli-
cationem Sequiter memoria de dedicatione illius ecclesie Ant. O quam metuendus est cum
oratione.
94 The calendrical date of this chapel’s dedication has not been previously elucidated in

scholarship before, cfr. D. PRINGLE, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: Vol.
III The City of Jerusalem, Cambridge 2007, pp. 15, 27.
95 Barb. lat. 659, ff. 84r-85r.

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 26 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

mon trait of continental Invention of the Cross offices is the use of one
recurring antiphon for all three Nocturns, or the more traditional use of
different antiphons for each of the psalms.96 In the Holy Sepulchre office,
one different antiphon is devoted to each of the Nocturns, for a total of
three antiphons.97 A consideration of the antiphon texts provides insight
to the devotional message of the office:

Ant. Crucifixus surrexit de mortuis, redemit nos, alleluia, alleluia.

Ant. Crucem sanctam subiit qui infernum confregit accinctus est potentia surre-
xit die tertia, alleluia.
Ant. Ecce crucem domini fugite partes adversae vicit leo de tribu Juda radix
David alleluia.98

The conjunct of these three texts underscore the triumphant nature

of the Cross. Its erection announces a victory over death, and man is re-
deemed. The significance of the third day is enunciated in the second an-
tiphon, while the last chant, again, pronounces the victorious nature of
the Cross and associates it to the fulfillment of eschatological history of
the Jewish people. When considered in relation to the Resurrection re-
sponsory, Et valde mane, with its emphasis on the triumph of Christ as the
rising Sun, the Invention antiphons might be considered as amplifying the
devotional message of the responsory.
The associations between the Virgin’s Nativity (Sept. 8) and the Inven-
tion liturgy are made evident each year that that the May 3rd feast occurs
on a Sunday. Rubrics in the office note how after the morrow Mass and
chapter, clergy are to go to the treasury and extract the relic of the True
Cross for a procession.99 Once at the choir, the Patriarch and clergy are to
go in procession with the True Cross to the rotunda, and make a station at
96SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 186-187.
97This might possibly reveal a consideration for number symbolism in relation to sets of
threes.
98 Crucifixus surrexit, CANTUS ID: 001951; Crucem sanctam, CANTUS ID: 001951, Ecce cru-

cem, CANTUS ID: 002500.

99 Barb. lat. 659, f. 84v: Hoc festum si dominica evenerit: Post capitulum intrant omnes
chorum, ibique induti cappis sericis, vadunt ad locum ubi sancta crux reposita est, inde quo
extracta a thesurario: Traditer patriarche et tunc parata processione. Incipit cantor hoc an-
tiphona O crux splendidior Qua finita: in choro sequiter, Ant. Vidi aquam Oratio Exaudi nos
domine sancte pater, postea, Ant. Ego sum alpha et omega et ibit processio retro sepulchrum,
ibique finita Ant. sequiter Vers. Ego sum vera redemptio Vers. Surrexit dominus de hoc Oratio
Deus qui hodierna die. Quo finita de hinc in aliis dominicis vadunt per claustrum cantando
Ant. Sedit angelus quo usque veniter ante refectorium quam ibi finita et oratione: incipitur
Ant. O crux gloriosa, o crux hanc cantando Ant. vadit processio ad inventionem et ibi dire
Vers. Arbor amara Vers. Dicite in nationibus Oratio Deus qui crucem ascendisti.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 27

the rear altar of the Sepulchral aedicule. The singing of Easter liturgy at the
conclusion of this procession further relates the devotional message of the
office with the emphasis on the triumphant nature of the Resurrection wit-
nessed in the Commemoration liturgy. However, the subsequent proces-
sion through the refectory and to the Chapel of the Invention establishes
a direct link to the Sept. 8 feast of the Nativity. As the rubrics note, from
that Sunday onwards the clergy are instructed to conclude the procession
with a visit to the site of the Invention. On those years which the Nativity
of the Virgin happens to occur on a Sunday, the interrelation between the
Cross, the Virgin, and the Resurrection would be present to clergy and
devout through an orchestrated confluence of different theological ideas,
as unique to no other liturgical rite or place. The continued commemora-
tion of the Cross in Vespers, Matins and Mass from the Octave of Easter
onwards through to Advent, only compounds to this message.100 Finally,
only days after the Nativity of the Virgin, the celebration of the feast of the
Exultation of the Cross (Sept. 14) is observed. The Exultation office, as
in most continental custom, reuses and amplifies the office of the Inven-
tion.101 This resultant message both accentuates and is dependent on the
main devotional message of the Temporale liturgical cycle.
This cursory discussion aims to underscore the interconnectedness of
some of the sanctorale offices with the main devotional concern of the
Holy Sepulchre rite. A brief mention of the feast of the Patriarchs (Oct. 6)
further helps illustrate the nature of this relationship.102 Commemorating
the Old Testament figures of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob this office appears
to be the only proper saints’ feast newly conceived by the Latin Patriarch-
ate in Outremer, in contrast to the Liberation of Jerusalem celebration,
which commemorates an event. The Patriarch’s liturgy is entirely based on
pre-existent liturgy either from common of martyrs, confessors, or read-
ings drawn from Lent. The composite message resulting from the kind of
liturgy selected for their commemoration shows the figures interpreted as
martyrs. Casting them as such interprets their histories in the manner of
witnesses to Christ, and thus, as a part of the broader eschatology related
to the Resurrection so present in Jerusalem’s liturgy. An examination of the
calendar and liturgy for saints evidences a restrained approach to the cult
of saints.103 This is symptomatic of Jerusalem’s clergy care of the shrine of
100 Ibid., f. 78rv: de Crucem autem, omnibus diebus usque ad Adventum Domini fit com-

memoratio, excepto in XL et in festis novem lectiones et in octavis et ab Adventum usque ad

Pascha.
101 Ibid., f. 110rv; SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 187-88.
102 Barb. lat. 659, ff. 112r-112v; SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 188-90.
103 The liturgy of St Stephen protomartyr receives special processional attention, distin-

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 28 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

the Holy Sepulchre. The following discussion of the yearly processions will
demonstrate the extent of this facet in Jerusalem’s Latin rite.

Processionale
The processional rites of the canons of the Holy Sepulchre represent
some of the most visual and devotionally complex expressions of the Latin
Patriarchate of Jerusalem. The setting of the liturgy in the holiest sites of
Christianity creates a context for the Latin liturgy not replicable in any
other geographic setting. The following discussion attempts to provide
only an introductory perspective onto the most salient facets of the yearly
temporale processions.104 The extent of processional rituals both within the
Holy Sepulchre church and in the city of Jerusalem, combined with the
complexity of liturgical interrelations between these and the office liturgy
necessarily prevents an extensive consideration of this material in the pres-
ent discussion.
Similar to the relationship between the temporale and sanctorale liturgi-
cal cycles, a dialogue between processions inside the church and outside
among the sacred sites of Jerusalem exists in the rite of the Holy Sepulchre.
Both of these cycles further engage between processions that are interces-
sory or penitential in nature, and commemorative processions exploiting
the loca sancta to engage in more mimetic activities. Some of these facets
were already encountered with the above-mentioned feast of the Invention
of the Cross and the Nativity of the Virgin Mary. The focus throughout
all interior and exterior processions is, notwithstanding, mediated by the
sepulchral aedicule. How both interior and exterior processions engage
with the liturgical season and the approach or avoidance of stations at the
aedicule creates the defining devotional prism affecting all processions in
Jerusalem.
The processions accompanying the vigil of the Commemoration of the
Resurrection Sunday and during the day’s celebration equally create a spa-
tial reference marker, like they do with the liturgy, for the entirety of the
year.105 At the close of Saturday evening’s Vespers clergy finish the office
by moving from the choir to the western altar of the aedicule while sing-
ing the responsory-verse Dum transisset-Et valde. Once at the altar, fur-

guishing it out as one of the more significant saints feasts in the Jerusalem sanctorale, cfr.
Barb. lat. 659, ff. 35rv, 104v; SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 192-193, 248-249.
104 Excepting Major Rogations (April 25), and All Soul’s (Nov. 2) day, the processional

activities associated with saint’s cults is minimal when compared to Christological feasts, cfr.
SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 244-252.
105 Barb. lat. 659, f. 18rv.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 29

ther liturgy is celebrated which includes the hymn Chorus nove Iherusalem
with the verse Surrexit dominus de sepulcro, and Vespers is finished there.
Clergy then return to the choir in silence. On the Commemoration Sunday
the same processional movement from choir to the western altar on the
rear of the sepulchral aedicule is held to finish the Matins-Lauds liturgy.106
From that day until Easter Sunday the clergy of the Holy Sepulchre do
not make any more stations at the sepulchral aedicule. During Advent the
Sunday blessing of the altars do not make direct reference to the rotunda’s
sepulchral altar, and thus, the omission of any station emphasizes the na-
ture of the liturgical season. With Christmas arrives the first quasi-public
procession of the liturgy.107 However, instead of engaging the canons and
Jerusalem’s population, rubrics stipulate a journey by the patriarch and his
chosen clergy to the church of the Nativity. Due to the lack of an official
liturgy performed by the patriarch, it might appear that this is not consid-
ered a liturgical act akin to a procession. However, rubrics in the ordinal
associate this private devotional act with the Holy Sepulchre’s major public
processions:

Celebrata igitur ibi tante sollempnitatis misteria, et facta statione qui ab

antiqus patribus, scilicet ab ordinatoribus offitii nostri comuni co[n]silo per-
sonarum et assensu tocius capituli dominice resurrectionis instituta est: sic
in die Purificationis Sancta Marie ad Templum Domini. In die Ascensionis in
Montem Oliveti. In die Pentecostes ad Montem Syon. In Assumptione Beate
Dei Genetricis Marie, in Valle Iosaphat sicut et in ceteris ecclesiis hanc su-
pradicta statio habere plenarie dinoscitur. Vesperis autem, de die celebratis
Iherusalem leti et incolumnes et cum gaudio revertuntur.108

These rubrics emphasize the unity of the Patriarch’s act with the other
processions.109 However, in contradistinction to these rituals mentioned
in the passage, Christmas is noteworthy for its lack of engaging the Holy
Sepulchre’s canons in processional activity. Neither are there any liturgical
plays stipulated for the period. From the perspective of those feasts receiv-
ing processions by the patriarchate, this has the effect of underscoring, in
106 Cfr. Table 2 above.
107 Barb. lat. 659, ff. 33v-35r.
108 Ibid., f. 33r.
109 In addition, these rubrics are also meant as a normative statement for those churches

receiving the clergy of the Holy Sepulchre. Especially since there is a noted instance when, in
the absence of the patriarch, clergy of the Holy Sepulchre were prevented from officiating the
Ascension day liturgy as prescribed in the ordinal at the designated processional destination
church at the Mount of Olives; HAMILTON, Latin Church cit., p. 75.

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 30 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

a different manner, the significance of the redeeming nature of Christ’s

Resurrection.110
The feast of the Purification of the Virgin Mary (Feb. 2) receives the first
full procession involving the clergy of the Holy Sepulchre moving from
their church to an outside destination.111 Involving both a mimetic facet
recalling Mary’s reentrance to the Temple and the presentation of Christ
to Symeon, canons move towards the Templum Domini church. Rubrics
describe a richly equipped procession carrying candles, thuribles, proces-
sional crosses and books. After arriving to the Templum Domini and bless-
ing the candles, and the singing of Lumen a revelationem with other chants,
clergy circumambulate the church in the manner of intercessory proces-
sions while singing Marian and processional antiphons such as Adorna
thalamum tuum. Subsequently, canons move to the southern portal of the
Temple mount area and the Patriarch delivers a sermon to the people.
Thereafter, the responsory Gaude Maria accompanies the procession to the
place where the Presentation of Christ took place and Terce is celebrated
there. Processional rubrics finish at this moment, and propers for the mor-
row Mass suggest this is celebrated at the Templum Domini church.
Lenten rituals involve two processions, one moving through the build-
ing of the Holy Sepulchre, the other inside the rotunda around the se-
pulchral aedicule. On Ash Wednesday, after special ceremonies where the
Patriarch gives sermons in chapter and at Calvary and the ceremony of
ashes is held, after Sext clergy move in procession from the choir through-
out the different portions of the church singing a litany.112 Of significance
is that the entire rotunda of the aedicule is to be avoided on Ash Wednes-
day and the subsequent processions held on Wednesdays of Lent. Rubrics
stipulate Wednesday processions to be held extra ecclesia.113 In contrast
to this, on Fridays of Lent processions move from the choir around the
sepulchral aedicule and finish at the altar on Calvary Chapel. In contrast
to the previous Advent and pre-Lenten period, the clergy of the Holy Sep-
110 Additional historical context should be taken into consideration when discussing

these rubrics, especially in light of the Nativity church being the old coronation church of the
kingdom of Jerusalem, which had been changed during the time previous to Fulcher of An-
goulême’s patriarchate.
111 Barb. lat. 659, ff. 50r-51r.
112 Ibid., ff. 56v-57r.
113 Rubrics in a different portion of the ordinal stipulate processional movement extra

ecclesiam, which in this particular instance should not be interpreted as meaning the rotunda
or the Church of the Resurrection (Anastasis) as it was called and referred to in the ordinal;
cfr. Barb. lat. 659, f. 17v: In XL autem facimus processionem feria IIII extra ecclesiam, feria
VI circa sancti sepulcri ecclesiam et vadit in monte calvarie. In capite ieiuniorum, scilicet
feria IIII similiter circa predicti sepulcre ecclesia sed non ascendit in montem calvarie.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 31

ulchre foreshadow the events of Easter with the intercessory processions

circumambulating the church of the Holy Sepulchre and the rotunda’s se-
pulchral aedicule. The rituals’ movement physically mediates the polarity
existent between the liturgical seasons where processions to the aedicule
are effected or avoided.
Holy Week sees an impressive array of processions representing the
most significant liturgical acts of the canons of the Holy Sepulchre. Since
these rituals are the subject of various ongoing and past studies, I presently
provide only an outline of their structure, and concentrate on the special
celebration of Easter vigils.114 On Palm Sunday, the Patriarch, with the
True Cross in hands and accompanied by his treasurer, is met by the con-
gregations and priors of the churches of Mt Zion, St Mary of the Mount of
Olives, and the abbot of St. Mary of Josaphat.115 After Matins and before
daybreak the procession heads towards Bethany to the Abbey church were
Christ resuscitated Lazarus. The Patriarch pronounces various prayers
there and thereafter, hymns and antiphons accompany the Patriarch, still
carrying the True Cross with his own hands, for his entry into Jerusalem.
Before entering the Temple mount area, remaining clergy and congrega-
tion join the Patriarch’s procession. At this moment senior clergy from the
Holy Sepulchre bless palm and olive branches, and proceed to the Valley
of Josaphat. A carefully choreographed liturgy follows involving antiphons
and genuflections in respect of Christ’s entry into Jerusalem. After bless-
ings are given, the clergy and Patriarch, as well as Jerusalem’s king, if
present, go to a high point visible to all those gathered. The Patriarch then
delivers a sermon to the people following the performance of an antiphon
and a reading from Luke 18:35. After this moment, the patriarch and cler-
gy move through the Golden Gates while the cantor and children, placed
above the gate, sing the antiphon Gloria laus et honor.116 Once inside, the
procession moves to the Southern Portal of the Temple mount area where
a station is made. At that place antiphons and responsories relating to
the plotting of Christ’s murder, along with the Psalm Circumdederunt me
are performed. This concludes the Palm Sunday feast and clergy return to
their churches to celebrate Terce.
Thursday celebrations involve a sermon, the liturgy of the absolution
of penitents, the blessing of oils, the consecration of the host for the rest
of Easter, the ceremony of the washing of feet, the cleansing of the altars,
114 Cfr. the work of Shagrir, and R. SALVARANI, Il Santo Sepolcro a Gerusalemme. Riti,

testi e racconti tra Costantino e l’età delle crociate, Città del Vaticano 2012.
115 Barb. lat. 659, f. 65r.
116 Ibid., f. 66r.

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 32 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

and the reading of the mandatum.117 The first major procession of the day
entails movement of the Patriarch, again carrying the True Cross, south-
ward across Jerusalem to the church of St. Mary of Mount Zion. After
a sermon and absolution of penitents, a carefully organized procession
of the blessing of oils takes place. Rubrics for the ordering of this ritual
are the most detailed for any of the Holy Sepulchre’s processions. During
this ceremony, and while the chant O redemptor is performed repeatedly,
the Patriarch blesses the oils of chrism (confirmation), catechumens (bap-
tism), and those for the sick, which will be used for all of the Patriarchate’s
churches throughout the year. After this ceremony, the Patriarch engages
in the washing of the feet, and thereafter all clergy return to their respec-
tive churches. Rubrics describe the entry of the Patriarch into the refectory
of the Holy Sepulchre in order to perform the reading of the mandatum to
his canons.118 The solemnity of Good Friday is expressed by a day devoid
of sumptuous processions. Rubrics stipulate a short procession after Lauds
by the Patriarch and his canons: No liturgy is mentioned to accompany
the carrying of the True Cross as it approaches Mount Calvary.119 Once the
True Cross is situated in its place, the Patriarch celebrates a solemn Mass
and all venerate the cross barefooted.

The celebration of the Vigils of Easter and Resurrection Sunday provide

a pivotal point in the processional activity engaging with the sepulchral
aedicule. Since the Sunday before Advent Sunday no procession made a
station at the aedicule. On Saturday, after Sext and the performance of the
twelve readings, the clergy of the Holy Sepulchre participate in the ritual
of the Holy Fire. While not constituting a procession per se of the clergy, its
celebration helps portray the role of the aedicule in the devotional life of
Jerusalem during the twelfth century. Adopted from the Byzantine clergy
who were celebrating this rite prior to the Latin’s arrival, the Miracle of
the Holy Fire exemplifies the idea of the Holy Sepulchre above all as an
actively miraculous and efficacious shrine.120 The ritual consists in the Pa-
triarch choosing three or four pious individuals to act as the focal point
of the litany’s performance in the sepulchral rotunda. These few chosen
people are to lead the congregation and clergy in circumambulating the
117 Ibid., f. 68v.
118 Ibid., ff. 69v-71r.
119 Ibid., f. 71v.
120 One must keep in mind how rubrics ignore the presence of Byzantine clergy also par-

ticipating in the miracle of the Holy Fire. Current work by Daniel Galadza on the Byzantine
liturgy of Jerusalem promises to shed valuable light on these questions; Iris Shagrir is also
currently investigating these aspects of shared ritual space of the Holy Sepulchre.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 33

sepulchral aedicule, while the devotional expectation for the miracle grows
and the litany is repeated. At a certain point, after rubrics describe the
much shedding of tears and sobbing, the few barefooted protagonists who
are also carrying the True Cross are to enter the aedicule and emerge from
it with the miraculously lighted candle. Thereafter, the Patriarch and if
present, king of Jerusalem, help spread the miraculous fire to others. The
patriarch sings the Te deum and the Exultet iam angelica turba is sung to
all present. Immediately after this, clergy move in procession to the font
accompanied by the litany to baptize an infant. The procession finishes by
the continued singing of the litany and the clergy’s return to the choir for
the singing of a solemn Mass.
The celebrations of Easter Sunday mark the first time the Patriarch and
his clergy visit the sepulchral aedicule. During the Vigil of Easter neither
the patriarch, nor clergy officially move in procession from the choir to
the sepulcher; no rubrics outline such ritual. They are present in rotun-
da and participate in the liturgy, but no communal clerical procession is
performed. On Easter Sunday, however, rubrics are clear. After the one-
Nocturn Matins, the Quem queritis play is held.121 Three clergy, represent-
ing the women, move out from the choir to the sepulchre and perform the
dialogue there with two others, who enact the role of the angels. After the
dialogue, the ‘women’ return towards the middle of the choir to exclaim
the Alleluia, Resurrexit dominus. Thereafter, the Patriarch recites the Te
deum from the choir, and the liturgy of Lauds is performed. After Prime
and the morrow Mass, rubrics stipulate a solemn procession adorned with
thuribles, candles, processional crosses and books, to move from the choir
to the aedicule. At this official meeting between the canons and the aedi-
cule clergy sing Dicant nunc Iudei, with the verse Surrexit dominus de hoc,
and then after the collect Deus qui hodierna die, canons return to the choir
singing either Salve festa dies or Ego sum alpha et omega. This represents
the first ritual meeting between the Patriarch and his clergy with the mi-
raculous tomb where the Resurrection took place. Later in the day, dur-
ing the performance of second Vespers, there is an additional procession
moving from the choir to the fonts where a station is made. Following this
act, clergy return in procession to the altar at the rear of the sepulcher for
another station marking the conclusion of Vespers. This procession takes
place all of Easter week.
On the Octave of Easter a series of processions are instituted which
occur for the rest of the year until their final performance on the Com-
memoration of the Resurrection Sunday, previous to Advent. On Saturday
121 Cfr. SHAGRIR, The Visitatio Sepulchri cit.

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 34 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

before the octave, Easter week’s daily second Vespers procession is modi-
fied to exclude the visit to the fonts. From the vigil of the octave onwards,
the Saturday second Vespers (or Sunday First Vespers) procession to the
sepulchral aedicule is instituted for the rest of the year. From the Octave of
Easter onwards, a procession after Lauds to the aedicule is also performed
every Sunday, unless other major feasts interfere. Then, after the celebra-
tion of Prime, the Sunday altar-blessing liturgy is expanded to a proces-
sion moving through the refectory, to Calvary, and then to the altar at the
rear of the aedicule. Starting from the Kalends of August this procession
is enlarged to encompass more of the communal areas of the Holy Sepul-
chre, such as the dormitories, refectory, cellar, and kitchen.122 Since these
processions, when considered as an aggregate, visit the sepulchral aedi-
cule three times from the Saturday Vespers (Sunday first Vespers), Sunday
post-Lauds, and after Prime, the number symbolism in this thrice-physical
act should not be considered as fortuitous.
Mention of the rituals carried out during the three rogation days pre-
ceding Ascension Thursday, along with the liturgy of Pentecost Sunday,
will close this brief overview of the processions of the canons of the Holy
Sepulchre.123 The liturgy of the Monday before Ascension replicates the
rite of the major litany celebrated on the Major Rogation day (April 25).124
After Sext clergy are instructed to move eastward through Jerusalem to
the Templum Domini and perform the Major Rogation liturgy, which in-
volved celebrating the litany and Mass in that church.125 Of relevance in
the present context is the return procession to the Holy Sepulchre. Once
inside their church, canons move to their choir and perform an antiphon,
verse and oration commemorating the Resurrection.126 Tuesday utilizes
the same major rogation liturgy to move southeast through Jerusalem to
the church of St Mary of Mt Zion.127 Once at Mary’s church, clergy perform
Marian chants, move to the upper chapel of the Holy Spirit to recite more
liturgy and, thereafter, return down to the choir to celebrate the litany and
Mass. The return to the Holy Sepulchre repeats Monday’s commemora-
tion once at the choir. Wednesday repeats the same liturgy and pattern,
but moves north through an out of Jerusalem to the church of St Stephen
outside the walls. On Ascension Thursday the clergy of the Holy Sepulchre
122Barb. lat. 659, f. 93v.
123SALVADÓ, Liturgy cit., pp. 240-244.
124 Cfr. Major rogation day; Barb. lat. 659, ff. 82r-83v.
125 Barb. lat. 659, f. 86r.
126 Ibid., f. 86r: Christus resurgens et tunc intrant chorum Vers. Surrexit dominus de hoc

sepulcro Oratio de Resurrectione, deinde dire IX.

127 Ibid., f. 86v.

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 THE MEDIEVAL LATIN LITURGY OF THE PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 35

make a procession after the morrow Mass towards two different churches
on the Mount of Olives. First, the Church of the Lords’ Prayer is visited
and then clergy circumambulate the church of the Ascension, singing the
versus Salve festa dies. Once the procession moves up to the church, the
Patriarch delivers a sermon to the congregation and thereafter Terce is
celebrated.
Shortly after Ascension celebrations, the canons of the Holy Sepulchre
observe the feast of Pentecost with a similarly rich processional liturgy.
The vigil of Pentecost sees a performance of the litania septena with a bless-
ing of the church’s fonts.128 The structure of this rite is the following: In
choir: litany – procession to fonts – litany – blessing of fonts – litany: return
to choir – finish litany – Mass. On Pentecost Sunday the processional activ-
ity shifts from the minor rogation days’ intercessory processions, to those
akin to Ascension day’s, which exploit the mimetic possibilities of being
at the physical place of the biblical event.129 After Prime canons move in
procession to Mt Zion to meet the patriarchate’s other churches and their
congregation. Together they proceed to the church of St Mary to the place
where Christ washed his disciples’ feet on Maundy Thursday. Thereafter,
canons move up to the chapel of the Holy Spirit, the site where the spirit
came down to Christ’s disciples. After the performance of Pentecost litur-
gy, the Patriarch commences Terce. Thereafter once the Patriarch intones
the hymn Veni creator spriritus, all genuflex, and then all congregations re-
turn to their respective churches to celebrate Mass. The post-Pentecost and
Trinity Sunday liturgical period in the rite of Holy Sepulchre is character-
ized by the continued processional reverberation of Easter. Excepting ma-
jor feast days, Sundays after Trinity continue the thrice meeting with the
aedicule begun in the post-Easter season, which is only concluded at the
final commemoration of the Resurrection on the Sunday before Advent.

Conclusion
The foregoing discussion of the liturgy of the Augustinian canons of the
Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem provides an overview of select salient facets
of the rite. When examining the liturgy of the Divine Office and associ-
ated processional rubrics a predominant devotional preoccupation of the
rite emerges: Namely, the commemoration of Easter in the liturgical year.
The above-mentioned foreshadowing and extension of commemorations
before and after Easter illustrate a different, and more present manner of
celebrating the Resurrection of Christ than in most coetaneous continental
128 Ibid., f. 88v.
129 Ibid., f. 90r.

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 36 SEBASTIÁN SALVADÓ

liturgical traditions. When considering that this is the liturgy adorning the
Holy Sepulchre, which represents the most direct physical witness of the
Resurrection, it is not unmerited that the central concern of the rite should
be commemorating this event. Notwithstanding, many decisions regarding
the nature of the rite were available to the canons of the Holy Sepulchre,
and this liturgy illustrates the specific choices of the patriarchate’s liturgi-
cal deliberations. The perennial presence of pilgrims in Jerusalem all wish-
ing to experience first-hand the sacredness of the Holy Sepulchre should
also be counted as playing a role in the post-Easter commemorations. The
opportunity for pilgrims to see the canons in procession to the sepulchral
aedicule and perform Easter day liturgy might be a factor influencing the
performance of this commemoration. Finally, what still remains to be
explored is the relationship of this liturgy to the pre-existent Greek, and
other, liturgies performed in the Holy Sepulchre. The ritual of the Holy
Fire might well represent merely one, of the possibly many, Eastern Chris-
tian devotional facets adopted by the Latin rite.130 In addition, the ongoing
examination of the proper liturgy of the Mass promises to elucidate still
more theologically complex ways in which the liturgy of the Holy Sepul-
chre commemorates the Resurrection of Christ.

130The type of influence Byzantine and other rites might have had on the Latin liturgy
should be investigated through comparison of the different liturgies’ broad devotional con-
cepts and theological interpretations of the seasons, instead of the adoption of actual liturgi-
cal texts.

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