Transport Policy 25 (2013) 128–137

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Theory of routine mode choice decisions: An operational framework

to increase sustainable transportation
Robert J. Schneider n
University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, Department of Urban Planning, 2131 E. Hartford Avenue, Milwaukee, WI 53211, United States

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Available online 11 January 2013 A growing number of communities in the United States are seeking to improve the sustainability of
Keywords: their transportation systems by shifting routine automobile travel to walking and bicycling. In order to
Sustainable transportation identify strategies that may be most effective at increasing pedestrian and bicycle transportation in a
Mode choice specific local context, practitioners need a greater understanding of the underlying thought process that
Operational theory people use to select travel modes. Previous research from the travel behavior and psychology fields
Qualitative interviews provides the foundation for a five-step, operational Theory of Routine Mode Choice Decisions. Walking
and bicycling could be promoted through each of the five steps: awareness and availability (e.g., offer
individual marketing programs), basic safety and security (e.g., make pedestrian and bicycle facility
improvements and increase education and enforcement efforts), convenience and cost (e.g., institute
higher-density, mixed land uses, and limited, more expensive automobile parking), enjoyment
(e.g., plant street trees and increase awareness of non-motorized transportation benefits), and habit
(e.g., target information about sustainable transportation options to people making key life changes).
The components of the theory are supported by in-depth interview responses from the San Francisco
Bay Area.
& 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction Bicycling and Walking, 2012). For example, the Portland Bicycle Plan
for 2030 envisions increasing bicycle mode share from 6% to 25% of
In the last two decades since the United States Congress all trips by 2030 (City of Portland Bureau of Transportation, 2010),
passed the federal Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency and the Philadelphia Pedestrian and Bicycle Master Plan establishes
Act, there has been a surge of interest in making urban transpor- a goal to increase bicycle commuting from 1.6% to 5% and increase
tation systems more sustainable. Agencies at all levels of govern- pedestrian commuting from 8.6% to 12% by 2020 (City of
ment have searched for strategies to reduce single-occupant Philadelphia, 2010). Interest in pedestrian and bicycle transportation
automobile travel, including policies to shift local driving to is not limited to the largest, most metropolitan communities. More
pedestrian or bicycle modes. than 250 local and regional agencies throughout the United States
At the federal level, the 1994 National Walking and Bicycling have established ‘‘Complete Streets’’ policies to provide for the needs
Study set a goal to double the percentage of trips made by of pedestrians and bicyclists as a part of roadway improvement
walking and bicycling (Federal Highway Administration, 2010). projects (Complete Streets Coalition, 2012).
More recently, the White House Task Force on Childhood Obesity These policies indicate that many communities seek to shift
(2010) established a benchmark to increase the percentage of automobile travel to walking and bicycling. Strategies to increase
children walking and bicycling to school from 12.7% to 19.5% by sustainable transportation include pedestrian and bicycle infra-
2015. Between 2007 and 2012, the number of states with structure development (Pucher et al., 2011), land use planning
published goals to increase walking and bicycling more than (Ewing and Cervero, 2010), and individual and social marketing
doubled. Now 35 of the 50 states have goals to increase walking, (Brög et al., 2002; Anable 2005; Rose and Marfurt, 2007). Many
and 35 have goals to increase bicycling. Of the 51 most populous studies cite the need for a comprehensive set of strategies to
cities in 2012, 36 have published goals to increase walking and 47 influence travel behavior (Krizek et al., 2009; Maibach et al., 2009;
have published goals to increase bicycling (National Alliance for Pucher et al., 2010).
However, the effectiveness of particular interventions may
depend on contextual characteristics. For example, bicycle infra-
n
Tel.: þ1 414 229 3849; fax: þ 1 414 229 6976. structure and programs have helped increase bicycle commuting
E-mail addresses: rjschnei@[Link], rjschneider76@[Link] mode share in neighborhoods near the urban core of metropolitan

0967-070X/$ - see front matter & 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
[Link]
 R.J. Schneider / Transport Policy 25 (2013) 128–137 129

regions such as Portland, OR, New York, NY, and Washington, DC, to how people choose between automobile, public transit, bicycling,
but there has been less growth in bicycling in suburban parts of and walking in certain situations. It combines findings from the travel
these regions where activity locations are more dispersed (Pucher behavior and psychology fields, as suggested by Van Acker et al.
et al., 2011). Certain interventions may also be more effective for (2010). The travel behavior field has traditionally focused on time,
people in specific travel behavior segments (Anable, 2005; Steg, cost, and socioeconomic factors but has more recently evaluated
2005). For example, some people may be ‘‘malcontented motorists’’ perceptions of the local environment and attitudes towards specific
who are frustrated with their high level of automobile use and modes. The psychology field has described the thought process used
desire to drive less. These people may be much more receptive to to select a travel mode, including intentions and habits.
interventions encouraging bicycling and walking than people who
are ‘‘complacent car addicts’’ who think it is difficult to change their 2.1. Mode choice insights from the travel behavior field
travel behavior and do not see a moral obligation to drive less
(Anable, 2005). Broad mode shifts require a clearer understanding of Walking and bicycling tend to be less time-competitive with
the barriers to choosing walking and bicycling for different types of motorized modes over longer distances (Cervero and Duncan, 2003;
people in different communities. Purvis, 2003; Kim and Ulfarsson, 2008), and these modes may have
The purpose of this paper is to propose an operational theory much higher travel times than automobiles for trip chains (tours) to
of the mode choice decision process and support it with in-depth, multiple, dispersed activity locations (Bowman and Ben-Akiva, 2001).
qualitative interviews from the San Francisco Bay Area. This Plentiful automobile parking and low operating costs also benefit
information is intended for planners, designers, engineers, and driving (Rodriguez et al., 2008; Krizek et al., 2009). Other travel
other transportation professionals who are charged with the task barriers to walking and bicycling include traveling with other people,
of achieving mode shift policy goals. Many strategies have been heavy packages, hills, and bad weather (Cervero and Duncan, 2003;
proposed to change travel behavior, but selecting the optimal set Mackett, 2003; Kim and Ulfarsson, 2008). Local environment barriers
of actions to pursue in a particular community is challenging. to pedestrian and bicycle activity are related to a lack of facilities (e.g.,
Practitioners can use the operational theory as a guide to under- sidewalks, bicycle lanes, or multi-use trails) (Dill and Carr, 2003;
stand the mode choice process and identify actions that may have Clifton and Dill, 2005; Douma and Cleaveland, 2008; Handy et al.,
the most potential to increase walking and bicycling in their local 2010), roadway characteristics (e.g., faster automobile speeds, higher
social and geographic contexts. automobile volumes, and difficult street crossings) (Ewing and
Cervero, 2001; Gehl, 2002), and public space characteristics (e.g.,
sterile building facades, poor lighting, noise, and few street trees)
2. Proposed mode choice decision theory (Appleyard, 1980; Landis et al., 2001; Gehl, 2002; Southworth, 2005;
Ewing et al., 2006).
This section proposes an operational theory, called the Theory of Individual and social factors are also important. Individual factors
Routine Mode Choice Decisions, to describe how people choose associated with driving rather than walking or bicycling include
transportation modes for routine travel purposes, such as local socioeconomic characteristics (e.g., greater automobile ownership,
shopping or other errands. This theory suggests that there are five physical disabilities) (Meyer and Miller, 2001; Cervero and Duncan,
steps in the mode choice decision process (Fig. 1). The first part, (1) 2003), concerns about traffic safety (e.g., risk of being struck by a
awareness and availability, determines which modes are viewed as vehicle) and personal security (e.g., risk of being a victim of crime)
possible choices for routine travel. The next three elements, (2) basic (Saelens et al., 2003; McMillan et al., 2006; Handy et al., 2010), lack
safety and security, (3) convenience and cost, and (4) enjoyment, of awareness of other travel modes (Rose and Marfurt, 2007), and
assess situational tradeoffs between modes in the choice set. These habitual driving (Loukopoulos and Gärling, 2005). Some commu-
middle three steps may be considered simultaneously or in various nities may perceive pedestrians and bicyclists to have lower social
sequences. The final part, (5) habit, reinforces previous choices and status than drivers (Mokhtarian and Salomon, 2001; Dugundji and
closes the decision process loop. Socioeconomic characteristics Walker, 2005). Yet, there are also individual and social factors that
explain differences in how individuals view each part of the process. motivate people to walk and bicycle, such as personal enjoyment
Operational theories like the Theory of Routine Mode Choice (e.g., physical exercise, fresh air, time to be alone) (Handy et al.,
Decisions are useful because they can provide concise, understand- 2010) and concern for the environment (Kitamura et al., 1997;
able frameworks to summarize previous research for practical Mokhtarian and Salomon, 2001). Note that the influence of these
application. This theory draws on other studies that provide clues factors on walking versus bicycling may vary greatly due to
differences in travel speed, roadway positioning, and other char-
acteristics (Krizek et al., 2009).
Although travel behavior research has identified many factors
associated with walking or bicycling, it is not clear from this
literature how, when, or in what order these factors are consid-
ered by individuals during the mode choice decision process.
A psychological lens is needed to understand the thought process
involved in choosing a particular travel mode.

2.2. Mode choice theories from the psychology field

Psychological theories focus on the cognitive process involved in

selecting a travel mode. For example, the Theory of Interpersonal
Behavior (TIB) suggests that mode choices depend on individual
attitudes towards available modes and social influences (similar to
enjoyment), habits, and facilitating conditions (e.g., travel time and
cost; individual socioeconomic characteristics) (Galdames et al.,
2011). TIB contains several components of the proposed Theory of
Fig. 1. Proposed Theory of Routine Mode Choice Decisions. Routine Mode Choice Decisions.
130 R.J. Schneider / Transport Policy 25 (2013) 128–137

The Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) emphasizes social beha- Glasgow, and Dunfermline, Scotland (Hine and Scott, 2000). These
vioral controls that modify a person’s original intention and influence previous interview-based studies identified certain themes, such as
the actual travel mode that is chosen (Bamberg and Schmidt, 1998; the importance of travel time and reliability, personal control, and
Lee and Vernez-Moudon, 2004; Montaño and Kasprzyk, 2008). The cost of finding information when making mode choices.
Transtheoretical Model (TTM) describes processes involved in chan- Potential San Francisco Bay Area interviewees were identi-
ging to a more healthy behavior, such as walking or bicycling rather fied after being surveyed at retail pharmacy stores in 20
than driving (Prochaska et al., 2008). These processes include several shopping districts in fall 2009. A total of 1003 people were
parts similar to elements of the proposed theory, including raising surveyed, and they were given the option to provide their
consciousness (similar to awareness), making a firm commitment to contact information for a possible follow-up interview. All
change (similar to habit), and recognizing that social norms are 172 survey participants who provided their contact informa-
supporting the healthier behavior (similar to enjoyment). However, tion were asked to be interviewed; 26 people agreed to this
the TPB and TTM tend to represent a thought process related to request. Interviews were conducted in spring and summer
performing a particular behavior (typically a normative goal) rather 2010. The 26 interviewees lived in a variety of local environ-
than choosing between alternatives. ments and represented different ages and genders (Table 1).
Schwartz and Howard (1981) proposed a Model of Normative Some were wealthy while others were poor; some were single
Decision-Making (NDM) that can be used to explain mode choices while others were married; some lived on their own while
made for altruistic, environmental reasons. This theory involves others lived with a partner or parent; some had children while
four main stages: (1) attention, (2) motivation, (3) evaluation, and others did not; some worked more than 50 h per week while
(4) decision. Attention includes awareness and availability of a others were retired; and some had lived in the same neighbor-
mode and also includes consideration of the environmental hood for decades while others had only lived in their current
consequences of using a mode. Motivation encompasses acting location for one or two years.
consistently with a personal value system, meeting social expec- The in-depth interview responses validated that people
tations, and achieving ‘‘non-moral’’ motives (e.g., save money or considered each of the five components of the proposed theory
time, feel comfortable and safe). Evaluation weighs the benefits when making mode choices. Specific quotes from these inter-
and costs of each component of the motivation stage. Finally, a views are presented in the sections below. The survey results
decision to use a particular mode is made if the benefits and costs also help support the theory and are cited in several sections
show a clear preference for the mode. Klöckner and Matthies below. Additional details about the survey and interview
(2004) added the concept of habit to the NDM so that it applied to methodology are provided in other references (Schneider,
repeated, not necessarily altruistic, mode choices. While the NDM 2011).
is not formulated as a five-step feedback loop, it contains most of
the elements of the proposed theory.
Recently, efforts have been made to integrate more utilitarian
3.1. Awareness and availability
factors, into psychological mode choice theories (Klöckner and
Friedrichsmeier, 2011). The Comprehensive Action Determination
People must be aware of a mode and have it available as an
Model (CADM) was used to represent university students’ choices
option to travel to an activity. The important connection between
of using an automobile versus other travel modes (Klöckner and
awareness and mode choice has been emphasized in several
Blöbaum, 2010; Klöckner and Friedrichsmeier, 2011). The CADM
recent travel behavior studies (Brög et al., 2002; Dieleman et al.,
includes four main components, including intentional influences
2002; Rose and Marfurt, 2007). For example, some people auto-
(similar to awareness), normative influences (similar to enjoy-
matically choose to use an automobile any time they run errands,
ment), situational influences (similar to basic safety and security
so walking or bicycling are not possible mode choices for them.
and convenience), and habitual influences (similar to habit).
Interview respondents suggested that awareness of pedestrian
The Practical Cycling System Design Model (PCSDM) is an opera-
and bicycle modes can increase their use:
tional theory. Smith et al. (2011) oriented this theory towards
practitioners in an effort to increase bicycling for routine travel
 ‘‘So if one person starts cycling, and everyone starts seeing it,
purposes in New Zealand. It draws on Diffusion of Innovations Theory
everyone will start cycling.’’
(Rogers, 2003) and the Contemplation of Change Model (Sullivan and
–Male, Age 40–49, Pleasanton
O’Fallon, 2006) and includes three steps that are necessary to increase
 ‘‘He rides his bike because the cost of gas and he’s an environ-
bicycling mode choice: (1) ‘‘Plant the cycle seed,’’ (2) ‘‘Make it easy to
mental majoryhe became aware.’’
choose to ride a bicycle,’’ and (3) ‘‘Create a pleasurable experience.’’
–Female, Age 52, San Carlos
The first step involves raising awareness, the second suggests the
importance of convenience, and the third emphasizes enjoyment. Lack of awareness of pedestrian and bicycle options may keep
This theory places less emphasis on the relative attractiveness of people traveling by automobile:
competing modes than the proposed Theory of Routine Mode Choice
Decisions, but its steps are in a similar order. Table 1
Interview participant characteristics.

Local Environmenta Age 18–39 Age 40–59 Age 60 þ Total

3. Supporting evidence from interview subjects
Male Female Male Female Male Female
Interviews conducted with subjects in the San Francisco Bay Area
Urban 2 1 2 1 1 7
highlight the importance of each of the five steps of the operational Inner Suburban 3 1 1 4 1 10
Theory of Routine Mode Choice Decisions. Qualitative methods, such Outer Suburban 1 4 1 3 9
as in-depth interviews, are an important tool for understanding Total 5 2 4 9 2 4 26
travel behavior (Clifton and Handy, 2001). For example, 24 inter- a
Local environments were classified by jurisdiction: Urban¼ San Francisco;
views were conducted in Porto, Portugal (Biera~ o and Sarsfield Inner Suburban ¼Berkeley, Burlingame, Daly City, El Cerrito, Hayward, Oakland,
Cabral, 2007), 19 were done in Brighton and Hove, England Richmond, San Bruno; Outer Suburban¼ Brentwood, Concord, Danville, Fremont,
(Gardner and Abraham, 2007), and 32 were utilized in Edinburgh, Pleasanton, Livermore, Pacifica, Redwood City, San Carlos.
 R.J. Schneider / Transport Policy 25 (2013) 128–137 131

 ‘‘Just hop in the caryget where I’m going, and don’t think  ‘‘Bicycling itselfyI would do it if I wasn’t right up next to cars.’’
about anything else.’’ –Female, Age 52, South San Francisco
–Female, Age 30–39, Daly City
 ‘‘Working people that are drivingydon’t have the mind to Many participants preferred lower-volume streets and sepa-
think, ‘Am I doing things right?’ You are just surviving.’’ rated bikeways over on-street bicycle lanes:
–Male, Age 30–39, Berkeley
 ‘‘In the United States actually, we tend to think about the car  ‘‘It would be easier if they had certain streets just for biking, I
being the first and the only mode of transportation, and we thinkyThey have a lot of bike lanes here, which is good, but I
need to get out of that mindset.’’ don’t think I’d personally feel that comfortable even [bicycling]
–Female, Age 40–49, Pleasanton in the bike lanes.’’
–Male, Age 30, San Francisco Fillmore Street Area
Mode availability is also important at the beginning of the  ‘‘If I could ride my bicycle on the sidewalk again, I would
mode choice process. The role of automobile ownership in probably be more apt to riding my bicycle. But the way it is
determining automobile use has been noted by Van Acker and now, they want you riding your bicycle on the streets makes it
Witlox (2010). Bicycle ownership has a similar positive relation- not appealing.’’
ship with bicycling (Handy et al., 2010). Several interviewees –Female, Age 30–39, Daly City
emphasized the role of vehicle availability in mode choice
decisions: The interview results were similar to findings from a survey of
bicyclists in the Vancouver, BC region (Winters and Teschke,
 ‘‘Some may simply have no vehicle. I know friends who have 2010; Winters et al., 2010) and a bicyclist route choice study in
never drivenythey take public transportation and have all Portland, OR (Dill and Gliebe, 2008). The Vancouver survey
their lives.’’ showed that concerns about safety had the highest influence on
–Male, Age 55, San Francisco Third Street Area respondent bicycling likelihood and that bicyclists preferred using
 ‘‘We only have one bike in the house, so when I have friends in multi-use trails and other bicycle facilities separated from auto-
town, walking, BART, and bus are the only options.’’ mobile traffic over facilities shared with motor vehicles. Similarly,
–Male, Age 30–39, San Francisco Mission Street Area the Portland route choice study showed that bicyclists would
 ‘‘I am unemployed and can’t afford to buy a bicycle.’’ divert 31% further from the shortest route between activity
–Female, Age 20–29, San Francisco Market Street Area locations to ride on bicycle lanes, 45% further to ride on bicycle
boulevards, and 55% further to use an off-road trail.
Concerns about personal security also prevented interviewees
3.2. Basic safety and security from walking or bicycling in some neighborhoods:

People seek to travel to activities using a mode that they  ‘‘That’s how I got mugged, walking from my car to my
perceive to provide a basic level of safety from traffic collisions houseyI thought I might be walking more, but when I actually
and security from crime (Handy, 1996; Saelens et al., 2003; [moved] here, I realized that I couldn’t.’’
Clifton and Livi, 2005). This stage is similar to the safety, or self- –Female, Age 40–49, San Francisco Third Street Area
preservation, tier in an adapted version of Maslow’s Hierarchy of  ‘‘We don’t live in a world that is as safe as it used to beyThat’s
Needs (Kenrick et al., 2010). why most parents don’t have their children biking around or
Some interviewees mentioned that roadways with high-speed, walking out on the streets alone.’’
high-volume automobile traffic prevented them from walking to –Female, Age 40–49, Danville
nearby destinations because they were concerned about safety:  ‘‘When you are walking in this neighborhood, there’s nobody
else walking. You look like a target here.’’
 ‘‘I can’t walk there because of the cars that are speedingyand –Female, Age 40–49, San Francisco Third Street Area
it really bothers me because it’s the one little green open space
that I could walk toywithin 500 yards of my house, but I can’t In addition, some interviewees did not bicycle because they
get there because of the traffic.’’ were concerned about having their bicycle stolen.
–Female, Age 40–49, San Francisco Third Street Area
 ‘‘If there was less trafficyI probably would walk even more.’’ 3.3. Convenience and cost
–Male, Age 30, San Francisco Fillmore Street Area
People seek to travel to activities using a mode that requires less
Similarly, perceived traffic safety barriers prevented many time, effort, and money (Mackett, 2003; Cao et al., 2006; Ewing and
interviewees from bicycling: Cervero, 2010). Modes that involve less cognitive effort to use tend
to be more attractive than modes that require users to gather
 ‘‘I wouldn’t mind having a bike, but there’s so many cars in the information (Dziekan, 2008). Convenience may also include having
City, and people are getting hit all the timeythere’s kind of a adequate personal space and personal control over travel move-
safety factoryMy work is actually close enough that I could bike, ments (Anable and Gatersleben, 2005; Gardner and Abraham, 2007).
butythere’s so much traffic and cars, I think it would be scarier These components of convenience were evident in the San Francisco
than driving.’’ Bay Area interviews.
–Male, Age 30, San Francisco Fillmore Street Area Many interviewees mentioned two overarching factors affecting
 ‘‘I’m not a skilled bicyclistyon the road, so I don’t really feel the relative convenience and cost of walking and bicycling versus
safe at all.’’ driving: (1) accessibility of activity locations and (2) availability and
–Female, Age 30–39, Daly City price of automobile parking (Fig. 2). First, better accessibility (i.e.,
shorter distances between activity locations) mitigated many barriers
 ‘‘Right now I wouldn’t bicycle. I had a neighbor who had a to walking and bicycling. Travel time was viewed as a prominent
terrible accident on a bicycley’’ barrier. However, walking and bicycling were more time-competitive
–Female, Age 52, South San Francisco with or faster than traveling by automobile when activity locations
132 R.J. Schneider / Transport Policy 25 (2013) 128–137

 ‘‘I think walking is good exercise.’’

–Female, Age 50–59, Hayward
 ‘‘I have noticed that my stress level has gone down since I
have walked and bussed more than I drive.’’
–Male, Age 30, Burlingame
 ‘‘We enjoy walking in San Francisco and looking at thingsyshe
loves to read restaurant menus.’’
–Male, Age 50–59, San Francisco Fillmore Street Area
 ‘‘It’s a beautiful block with beautiful trees, and I love walking
down that street.’’
–Female, Age 40–49, San Francisco Third Street Area
 ‘‘They are doing an ecological serviceythey are [walking] for
Fig. 2. Factors influencing the relative convenience and cost of walking and bicycling. the environment.’’ –Female, Age 52, South San Francisco
 People bicycle ‘‘for exercise, for convenience, and for fun.’’
–Female, Age 20–29, San Francisco Market Street Area
were nearby. Accessibility also reduced barriers such as travel  ‘‘[Bicycling is] a good way to get some exercise, and it’s less
planning time, physical limitations, heavy packages, bad weather, pollutionypart of it may be that it’s kind of trendy.’’
hills, and traveling with others. For example, bicycle planning time –Male, Age 30, San Francisco Fillmore Street Area
includes identifying the best roads and trails for bicycling. Planning a
bicycle route generally takes longer when activities are dispersed and However, enjoyment of walking or bicycling did not guarantee
less time when activities are concentrated. that study participants would use these modes for routine travel
Second, the availability and price of automobile parking was to shopping and other activities. It was especially common for
an important determinant of mode choice for San Francisco interviewees living in suburban areas to walk and bicycle for
Bay Area study participants. Shopping districts, employment exercise in their neighborhoods, in local parks, and on nearby
centers, or other zones with scarce or expensive parking trails, but very few used active transportation modes to travel to
discouraged automobile use. Driving to these areas tended to activity destinations. Some interviewees who enjoyed walking
require more planning time (to develop a parking strategy, and bicycling even sought out comfortable places to walk and
such as searching for several blocks to find an open street bicycle for pleasure and drove to them.
parking space versus paying more money to park in an off-
street lot close to an activity location) and travel time (to find
an available space and then walk to the activity location). 3.5. Habit
Traffic congestion was not often mentioned as a barrier that
caused interviewees to change travel modes, but it is also a People who choose a particular mode regularly are more likely
factor that adds to travel time and makes driving relatively less to use it as an option in the future (Verplanken et al., 1994; Fujii
attractive than walking or bicycling. and Kitamura, 2003; Klöckner and Matthies, 2004; Loukopoulos
The importance of accessibility between activity locations and and Gärling, 2005). For example, someone who walked or
automobile parking characteristics was highlighted by many inter- bicycled to the store in the last week is likely to think about
view quotes (Fig. 3). In general, driving tended to be more these modes as an option for their current tour. However, some-
convenient than other modes for suburban participants because of one who has driven to all errands over the last year is unlikely to
longer travel distances, wide roadways, and plentiful automobile think of the possibility of walking or bicycling. As people develop
parking. In contrast, urban shopping districts tended to have high routine choices, they may not consider as much information
population and employment densities and mixed land uses that about other possible modes (Verplanken et al., 1994; Aarts
created short trip distances between homes, workplaces, stores, et al., 1997). People who are in the habit of driving are more
restaurants, and other activities. Parking tended to be more limited likely to drive on shorter-distance trips than people who drive
and expensive. This increased the relative convenience of walking less frequently (Gärling et al., 2000). This may be because habitual
and bicycling in these urban areas. drivers perceive walking to require greater effort than people who
drive less frequently (Loukopoulos and Gärling, 2005).
3.4. Enjoyment However, habits may only have a strong influence on travel
behavior when conditions remain stable (Bamberg et al., 2003).
People seek to travel to activities using a mode that provides Mode choice habits may be interrupted and reconstructed when
them with personal physical, mental, or emotional benefits; helps people experience significant life changes, such as having children
them achieve social status; or makes them feel good about benefit- or retiring from work (Bamberg, 2006). Other important ‘‘life
ting society or the environment (Kitamura et al., 1997; Mokhtarian events’’ include buying a car, getting a driver license, moving to a
and Salomon, 2001; Steg, 2003). These intrinsic and extrinsic new town, starting college, or changing jobs (Klöckner, 2004).
motivations are incorporated into the concept of enjoyment, and People may be more likely to break a habit and use a new mode of
they occur at several levels, including individual, social, and global transportation if their personal norms support the new mode (i.e.,
(Vallerand, 1997). Individual benefits may include personal health they believe that the new mode would be a positive change)
(e.g., walking for exercise), social benefits may include status (e.g., (Matthies et al., 2006; Eriksson et al., 2008). Further, habits may
driving to show off an expensive automobile), and global benefits apply to all mode choices made by an individual (e.g., always
may include supporting the natural environment (e.g., bicycling to traveling by automobile, regardless of the trip purpose or geo-
reduce fossil fuel use and tailpipe emissions). Mode choices can graphic context) or only to specific journeys (e.g., always traveling
provide benefits at several levels simultaneously. For example, by car from home to the grocery store, regardless of the number
driving in a comfortable car may provide personal emotional of items being purchased, but using a variety of modes for other
enjoyment and help a person conform to social norms (Steg, 2005). purposes) (Verplanken et al., 1994).
Interviewees provided many individual, social, and global In the proposed theory, habit is the final step in a feedback
reasons why they enjoyed walking and bicycling: loop that increases or limits future awareness of using a
 R.J. Schneider / Transport Policy 25 (2013) 128–137 133

Fig. 3. Interviewee quotes about local transportation convenience and cost.

particular mode. Several interviewees emphasized the impor- 3.6. The role of socioeconomic characteristics
tance of habits:
Previous research has identified many socioeconomic character-
 ‘‘I’m used to using a car. It’s easyyI get in, I go.’’ istics that are associated with mode choices, including age, gender,
–Male, Age 55, San Francisco Third Street Area household size, employment status, income, household automobile
 ‘‘The younger ones—a lot of them drive their cars to high ownership, and physical disabilities (Hanson and Hanson, 1981;
school or to collegeyThat’s probably all they know, really.’’ Berrigan and Troiano, 2002; Cervero and Duncan, 2003; Kim and
–Male, Age 30, Burlingame Ulfarsson, 2008). This Theory of Routine Mode Choice Decisions
 ‘‘I think that getting into the habit of [walking and bicycling] suggests that socioeconomic characteristics do not have a direct
early makes oneymore likely to continue doing them into relationship with mode choice, but they influence each part of the
their later years.’’ decision process. For example, families living in poverty may not
–Male, Age 55, San Francisco Third Street Area have access to an automobile or a bicycle, so their only available
134 R.J. Schneider / Transport Policy 25 (2013) 128–137

modes are walking or public transit. Individuals with disabilities 4. Strategies to increase walking and bicycling for routine
may be more sensitive to traffic crash or crime risk while walking travel
because they are not able to move quickly to avoid collisions or
evade perceived security threats. Parents with children may have The Theory of Routine Mode Choice Decisions can help planners,
significant time constraints that make the convenience of driving designers, engineers, and other practitioners implement strategies to
more important than the social and environmental benefits of increase the attractiveness of walking and bicycling at each stage in
walking or bicycling. Socioeconomic characteristics can also influ- the mode choice decision process. Example strategies related to each
ence the enjoyment of certain modes. At one extreme, women may of the five steps are shown in Table 2. Many of these strategies have
not enjoy bicycling or driving in some societies because cultural been recommended in recent studies (Krizek et al., 2009; Maibach
norms and laws prevent them from doing these activities. More et al., 2009; Pucher et al., 2010; Boarnet et al., 2011; Pucher et al.,
subtly, a resident living in poverty may not enjoy bicycling because 2011). They include transportation infrastructure and roadway
many people in his community perceive that bicycling for errands design; education, encouragement, and enforcement; land use;
indicates low social status. and monetary actions. Some strategies in Table 2 are useful for
Lifestyle decisions can also be associated with changing making sustainable modes more attractive at one particular step in
mode choice habits over time (Bowman and Ben-Akiva, 1997). the thought process (e.g., increased enforcement can improve safety
For example, a couple renting an apartment near shopping, and security), while others may have benefits at multiple steps
work, social, and other activities in a neighborhood that is (e.g., constructing sidewalks can improve perceived safety, improve
served by a good local bicycle network and frequent transit convenience, and may even increase awareness of walking as a
service may be able to travel easily without owning an auto- travel option).
mobile. In this situation, they may develop habits to walk and
bicycle for routine travel. However, the couple may make a 4.1. A comprehensive approach to increase sustainable travel
long-term decision to take higher-paying, more demanding
jobs and have a child. Under these new household size and This study is not intended to suggest which strategies will be
income conditions, the couple is likely to re-examine their most feasible or effective in all situations; rather it presents a suite
mode choice habits. Their new time constraints and need to of options to consider. Some strategies can be executed quickly and
travel with a child may make driving attractive enough to may impact mode choices in the short term (e.g., individual market-
purchase an automobile. They may even choose to purchase a ing), while others may take many years to implement and may
house in a residential subdivision on the periphery of the increase walking and bicycling in the long term (e.g., land use
urban area, which could result in a full re-examination of their policies). Several researchers note that there are political and
mode choice habits. While some of their habits to walk and budgetary barriers to long-term land use and roadway design
bicycle may remain, it is likely that the relative attractiveness changes, so it may be more feasible to target individualized market-
of traveling by automobile in their new suburban setting ing efforts at groups of people who are most motivated and willing
would increase their driving frequency and could lead to more to change (Anable, 2005; Steg, 2005). Yet, marketing efforts may
habitual driving in the future. only have marginal effectiveness at increasing sustainable travel in
neighborhoods that have dispersed activity locations and more
challenging conditions for walking and bicycling (Maibach et al.,
3.7. Order of basic safety and security, convenience and cost, and 2009; Dill and Mohr, 2010; Handy et al., 2010). In order to facilitate
enjoyment steps sustained travel behavior changes, local conditions should provide a
safe, secure, and convenient experience for people who try walking
More research is needed to understand the order of the middle and bicycling for the first time (Smith et al., 2011).
three steps in different situations. These three steps may be The Theory of Routine Mode Choice Decisions suggests that
considered simultaneously or in various sequences. However, broad mode shifts throughout a community will likely require a
the intercept survey responses suggested an initial order for these comprehensive approach that improves the attractiveness of walk-
three steps of the process. Basic safety and security is listed before ing and bicycling within all five steps. Practitioners should evaluate
convenience in the proposed theory. This is because some survey which of the five parts of the mode choice process may currently be
participants avoided walking or bicycling when they perceived barriers to routine walking and bicycling in their communities and
them to be too risky, even though these modes could have identify opportunities to address them. A comprehensive approach
potentially been more convenient than driving. For example, may hold the greatest promise for achieving the significant mode
bicycling appeared to be a convenient choice for 66 of 397 shift goals established by many communities.
survey respondents who traveled only to and from the shop-
ping district: they owned a bicycle, carried one or fewer 4.2. Local context
packages, did not have a disability, and could have completed
their tour faster by bicycle than using any other mode. How- The optimal set of strategies to increase pedestrian and bicycle
ever, fewer than five percent of these respondents (3 of 66) mode share in a particular community will depend on the local
actually bicycled. This low rate of bicycling may have been due land use, transportation system, political, and socioeconomic
partly to more than 50% of them (34 of 66) perceiving that context. Some strategies may be appropriate for a broad spectrum
bicycling had a high risk of crashes. of communities and individuals, while others may work best in
Enjoyment was listed after both basic safety and security and particular contexts. For example, a Bicycle to Work Day program
convenience because the proportion of survey respondents who may raise awareness of bicycling and increase bicycle commuting
reported enjoying walking (87%) and bicycling (61%) was much in many areas, but it may have limited effectiveness in commu-
larger than the proportion of respondents who actually walked nities that have poor conditions for bicycling (because people
(21%) or bicycled (2%) as their primary tour mode. Since many may be afraid to ride with high-volume, high-speed traffic).
people enjoyed the activities of walking and bicycling, it is likely Increasing on-street parking rates may be effective at increasing
that other barriers, such as perceived crash risk, perceived crime walking to, from, and between activities in high-density urban
risk, or inconvenience prevented these modes from being used for areas with limited automobile parking, but it may have little
routine travel. impact in suburban areas with large, off-street parking lots.
 R.J. Schneider / Transport Policy 25 (2013) 128–137 135

Table 2
Example strategies to increase walking and bicycling through the mode choice decision process.

Example strategies Steps in mode choice process addressed most directly by strategy

(1) Awareness (2) Basic (3) (4) (5)

and Safety and Convenience Enjoyment Habit
Availability Security and Cost

Transportation infrastructure and roadway design

Design roadways & intersections with pedestrian & bicycle facilities during construction and X X X
reconstruction
Increase connectivity of pedestrian & bicycle infrastructure (e.g., fill network gaps with X X X
sidewalks, multi-use trails, bikeway facilities, and roadway crossing facilities)
Reduce automobile lanes and design local roadways to facilitate slow automobile speeds X X
Provide secure short- and long-term bicycle parking near activity locations X X X
Post pedestrian & bicycle wayfinding signs X
Improve roadway lighting X
Plant street trees X X
Design streets as public spaces with sidewalk cafes and street vendors X X

Education, Encouragement, and Enforcement

Offer individualized marketing in neighborhoods or at workplaces (e.g., send information and X
talk with individuals about walking & bicycling; walk & bicycle with people to work and
other activities)
Use surveys and social media to promote walking and bicycling to people who already walk X
and bicycle a little or who are frustrated with automobile travel
Target pedestrian and bicycle promotion to people moving into new homes and workplaces X
Target pedestrian and bicycle promotion at times when gas prices, tolls, or other automobile X
operating costs increase
Establish community encouragement programs (e.g., Bike to Work Day, Walk to School Week) X X
Broadcast community messages about personal, social, and environmental benefits of walking X
and bicycling
Institute bicycle sharing X
Coordinate bicycle give-aways X
Offer bicycle education (e.g., bicycling skills & rules of the road) X
Increase enforcement of crime and traffic safety laws X

Land Use
Zone for higher-density, mixed-use developments with buildings close to the street X
Reduce requirements for off-street parking X
Develop buildings on land occupied by surface parking lots X

Monetary
Increase automobile parking prices and other automobile operating costs X
Provide pedestrian, bicycle, and transit commuter benefits X

Parking price increases may also do little to increase walking and of people living in a diverse set of communities in the San
bicycling in business districts that sell large goods (because Francisco region, but local built environments, topography, and
customers may still need to drive to carry their purchases) or cultural values in these communities may be different from other
are struggling economically (because marginally higher parking parts of the world. Future studies could test the relative strength
costs could push some customers to other competing shopping and order of the five components in a variety of contexts.
areas). Additionally, roadway design changes that increase the While the 26 interview participants represented many differ-
safety of walking and bicycling are important in all types of ent urban and suburban environments and traveled in a variety of
communities (to provide access for people who are not able to ways, it is likely that these interviewees were more interested in
drive or choose not to drive), but they may have a greater impact the topics of transportation and urban planning than non-parti-
on pedestrian and bicycle mode share in higher-density, mixed- cipants, so their responses may reflect this bias. Interviewing
use areas (because activities are located within convenient walk- more community members in the future will make it possible to
ing and bicycling distances). improve understanding of routine travel decisions.

5. Considerations 6. Conclusion

This paper proposes an operational theory that can help The proposed Theory of Routine Mode Choice Decisions
practitioners apply previous research on the mode choice process emphasizes the need for a comprehensive approach to shift
and increase sustainable transportation. The five components of routine automobile travel to other modes. In-depth interviews
the theory are supported by interview responses, but this study illustrate the importance of each of the five steps in the theory.
does not explore the relative importance of these steps. Planners, designers, engineers, and other policy-makers should
In addition, the middle three steps may be considered simulta- implement strategies that make walking and bicycling more
neously or in various sequences, but this ordering has not been attractive at all stages of the mode choice decision process.
tested statistically. Finally, the interviewees represented a variety A limited focus on a single step, such as improving pedestrian
136 R.J. Schneider / Transport Policy 25 (2013) 128–137

and bicycle safety, without increasing awareness of walking and Clifton, K.J., Dill, J., 2005. Women’s travel behavior and land use: will new styles of
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