biobia' bide. _ A SURVEY OF PERSIAN ART FROM PREHISTORIC TIMES TO THE PRESENT ARTHUR UPHAM POPE Edditor PHYLLIS ACKERMAN Anietant Eaivor VOLUME I TEXT PRE-ACHAEMENID, ACHAEMENID PARTHIAN AND SASANIAN PERIODS PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE FOR IRANIAN ART. AND ARCHAEOLOGY OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON AND NEW YORK 1938 ARB O SHOE? i pera beSYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION ADOPTED FOR THE SURVEY OF PERSIAN ART CONSONANTS VOWELS th 2 worvs it ye he bal, ke big. che bi», dh 5 bay ce “3 baw 3 zh 5 ae as in khiina Su “ sh te In Arabie d In Persian 2)” re 52 shawwal ze kL Sulginiya t gh é qs k 3 ef ‘The system of transliteration adopted for the Survey of Persian rt is as follows: The Arabic termination 3 is rendered by ‘a’ or, when followed by the Anbic aniele, by ‘at The termination (3, is rendered by T. ‘The termination «is rendered by ‘iya’. Te has been the practice to render this termination either by “iyys strictly logical, or by ‘iya’. The former is cumbersome ; the latter artificial, since it docs not represent the casédid over the 2 we have therefore adopted the simple form ‘iya", as in Sultiniya. Since both Arabic and Persian have to be taken into consideration, we have retained the alternatives d and z for >, and the alternatives w and v for ». FE. Dt ca xix NN ROSS,CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION 1. THESIGNIFICANCE OF PERSIAN ART, Intute for Uranion Art and cechacsligy 2 TRAN AS A PREHISTORIC CENTRE, paors emer sunced Study, Privcetan, and Si aNvuiin euctit, Dow ANTI UHMARE PPK, Direct, American Pages ener, The Vnatitute for Abb 48 AN OUALINE OF THE HISTORY OF PERSIA, sxné anavsucr, Dieu, Mert Cormachi, Paris + THE RELATION BETWEEN GEOGRAPHY AND ART IN TRAN, ansune UPHAM POPE eh + THE INPLUENCE OF EARLY ISLAM UPON PERSIAN ALE, ste 4 nevnon vos, Furmerly Director, Sched of Oriental States, Univerity of Landen sag sw IL PREHISTORIC ART (. THE EARLY CULTURES OF SUSA, x, nm sncgunvens, Directeur de da Mission Archiologique ew Suse, : na 7 THE EARLY CULTURES OF DAMGHAN (TEPE HISAR). 1, nocexs wannes, Universiey Muscum, Philadelphia 50 8. THE EARLY CULTURES OF ASTARABAD (TORANG TPE). pe.reepsxice ws wists, Director of the excavations wilertaken at Astarabad in 1991 for the Wiliam Rockhill Neon Trust 63 9. A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE EARLY CULTURES IN SOUTHEAST PERSIA. stm avast sreix, Archacvlagical Survey of India (rotted) 168 to, THE BARLY CERAMIC ART, pk. c. covrexav, Comersatonr, Musée du Louvre 174 11, CULT FIGURINES, pk, muvunis ackeeman, Research Schclur, American Imtitue for Tranian Art and Archarolgy : 195 12, PERSONAL ORNAMENTS IN PRE-ACHAEMENTD IRAN. pe, sreraw raze- worst, Dacent, University of Warsare : 1}. THE BRONZES OF LURISTAN (A) Tepes ay History. René oussaun, Gonsersatenr Honcraire des Mustes Nationa 254 (B) Merauuunoicat AwaLyses, crctt m, pescu, Superintendent of Metallurgy Depart ment, National Physical Labaratery, Teddington 278 (C) Sows Issenirtions. The date enor. steviny LANGDON, Oxford Unizvrity 279 14. EARLY SEALS (A) Guveric Tyres, a. autres, Glargée de Mission, Musde du Louvre 286 (B) Sone Srecirtc Prontents, DX. PHYLLIS ACKERMAN 200 15. PRE-ACHAEMENID ANIMAL STYLES, axruce ornant rorr and ox. ravens . 4 29 ACKERMAN aniTENTS II]. ACHAEMENID ART 16 ACHAEMENID ARCHITECTURE (A) Tue Paiwcipa, Monunesrs, enor, rt Marburg or, University of nich WACHTSMOTH, 7 Page 309 (B) ‘Tae Actiazsento ano Laren Rastarns ar Sosa, DEMECDUINES a (©) Tae Ansrusric Ciaractin, sramuay casion, Reader in Classical Archacstrgy, Orford Unvery : aie (D) Sonte TyscarPrions, oe. J. at. unwana, Pari 336 17, ACHAEMENID SCULPTURE, sanity cason al 18, ACHAEMENID METALWORK : 367 tg, ACHAEMENID JEWELRY, ror, payin rataor mer, University of Balinbur ah 7 20, ACHAEMENID SEALS (A) Tomes, exo, tui Raper of Hyptian amd Aurion Ait, Museum . . 7 (B) Tcovocrapny. px, rityntis ACKERMAN 389 (C) Tre Agsrieric Cuaracren. ns ou Sch of Oriental Studies, University 4 Landon 394 21. THE COINAGE OF THE ANCIENT PERSIANS. six oxoron witt, Formerly Director, British Muscum ry IV. PARTHIAN ART 22, PARTHIAN ART. rnor. r. sanne, Formerly Diredtor, Islemische Abteilung, Staatliche Museen, Berlin’ 2. : : : : : 406 23. PARTHIAN ARCHITECTURE (A) History. Pros. oscar aavtHer, Techuisthe Hochichule, Dresden 4 (B) Tae Ikastay Tents oF TAXILA. PROF. UGO MONNERET DE VitLaKD, Rome aa 24. IRAN AND THE PRE-ISLAMIC ART OF WEST TURKISTAN. pe. atsxasoen stastsorr, Formerly Caratr, Hermitage Museum “9 . THE ART OF ‘THE PARTHIAN SILVER- AND GOLDSMITHS. 5s, rrvuuss ACKERMAN : 439 26. PARTHIAN SEALS. px, ssttsonc, Denevelse, Orienaal Institute, University Chicago. : : 47 27. THE COINAGE OF THE PARTHIANS. g. 7, xzwett, Formerly Director, Numismacic Museum, New York 5 p : . V. SASANIAN ART 28. SASANIAN ARCHITECTUR! (A) History. reor. oscan wstrruen . +495 (B) Twe Sasxtan Bumping ar DAwcuin (Tee Uliyix). pk, stsxe xinuat, Director, Pennsybvania Museum of Art . 579 (C) Tue Sasasraw Botworcs sear Kist The late t. e wa tions of the Oxford-Field Museum Expeditions Lin, Director, Exe xxii9 30. Me ir 36. a 38 |. PARTHIAN AND SASANIAN POTTERY, ox, wewam ernivonavsr CONTENTS SASANIAN STONE SCULPTURE, ear. 5, sanne SASANIAN STUCCO, (A) Onwawenrat. Pxor, yunots narautatris, University of Kaumar {B) Ftoonan, axrnur uriast pore Intivute for Advanced Study, Princeton ‘TEXTILES THROUGH THE SASANIAN PERTOD. ox. rnin acxranass Page The SASANIAN AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK. rxor. jouer onnets, Director, Hermitage Musca SASANIAN JEWELRY. pe, ruvuns acknensaw CLOISONNE ENAMEL. ox. unin maxcutirs, Vienne SASANIAN SEALS. a. puvisas ackrestan THE COINAGE OF THE SASANIANS (A) Tees, ony Azan, Keeper of Coins and Medals, British Museum (B) Te Artieric Cuaracten, mor. canta TaEvER, Curator, Hermitage Museum SOME PROBLEMS OF EARLY ICONOGRAPHY. 0», ruyiuis ackrawan 593 bor 63 6 one 79 78 416 tg 831LIST OF TEXT FIGURES . showing prehistoric centres £1 Map’ of the’ Achaemenid Eampi apo | id Eampice’ under Page 43 65 3. Fire altars, Nagsh-i-Rustam 4 Map of the Parthian Empire 5. Map of the Sisinian Empire Page 68 PREHISTORIC PERIOD SITE. FIGURINES 6, Plan of the ruins 8: SUSE Pin of te nts 13840. Couchant deer, bone iat 7 Remerterds Bi Oy ee teenie 6. Cine ecco 139.42! Female figurines, teracota: Susa tes Rote: Sara 112 4% Remus urine terracotta: Sse ot Pie TE) TE Remote Aguring trrcotts; Misiin 305 Bower 122 Bn tects Sn ant poset ones a 48 Fe ine, teracott Gam etn oh Ro iy 1p ee ee ena 1Gf 48. Bigurines tereacotn (Parthian or + POY ach 14535. Quudeuped,tersceta: Tepe Biste ° ny SITES: DAMGHAN (TEPE HISAR) PERSONAL ORNAMENTS i: Pinied, browse, Bier veg. $2 Bends pendants pin, erengs and brace 18, Figurines, bronze, Hisar Lil is lets ‘ a6 19, Quadruped, alabaster, liste 110 rhe $i Bipger sing Luritan 247 26, Cosmetic pots, alabaster, Higie HLL iy | Se Eames ena 253 SITES: ASTARABAD (TORANG TEPER) 53. Bit from Assyrian bas-relief 287 ov, Eee, wate 16g HH Beishom Fol ae 29 Map, Southeast Persia tig BRONZES: LURISTAN Cheek plaque of bit POTTERY : Saacneoae 24. Motifs from Susa 1. ays Ane (fom reli at oghaz Kot 24. Motifs from Susa 1; Susa 1; Tepe Masiyan 1 xe head, bronze Ef. Motifs from Susa I. PEMNUNS TEE 59: Lance or dagger point 2h: Cup and sherd: Sasa T THE fo. Javelin points. 27. Sherds: Tepe Main 137 Gi Bragmentary plaque 24. Sherds: Persepolis 18 fea st 29. Motifs from Persepolis; Luristin; Siyalk} le slide (2 Nihivand IV ¥ ny Detail of beaker go. Jor: Suna 182, Hen Gree ssi 31. Pottery: Tepe Ghiyan Dt rey 665 Fis n stone SRR Ee Betta ond ov TM Be ame Siyalky Hisic 1; Higir 11; Ray 184 vanel (enamelled brict 3). Motif fiom Nikavand [Vs 18569 Bow, dedicated to Shargaisharr 34. Pot: Niktvand IIT 188 Af. Pottery: Nihavand i 188 70, Seal impressions: Susu soi Te. Motif from Niheand 189 Fr. Mockeys, terracotta and stone 33 47. Motifs from Luristin 19t 92. Small animal sculptures, terracotta and 1H. Vessels: Siva 19) ja ; 304 30. Mot from 19473 Lion's hea, erecta ser ACHAEMENID PERIOD +4. Plan of the Great Palace terrace: Persepolis. 33 77. Cylinder seal impressi 327 SE phan of the Royal Palaces § 32238. Flgurines, bone (Sastnean) 33 3b. Fravabr symbol : 32379. stone 5e8 xxvLIST OF TEXT FIGURES METALWORK Bo. Plagues, gold: Oxus Treaure Page 367 res, "bronze presAchaenenid): Adar” 7 in | ue ae x igure of Magus, gold; Oxus Treawre | ¥i1 £3. Crown of Dare irom Bihistan eelef 32 34: Bind, svers Ons Treane 3é 85. Wack of Statuecte, iver Oras Treasure | 68 86, Motif from silver bowl Page ays 87. Rhyton, silver ee PARTHIAN PERIOD ARCHITECTURE 9%. Kangivar, temple: socle, base, and capital 93. Warqi: fragments of stucco ormament 94. Ashu, palace: detail of fagade 9§- Ashur: reconstruction of vaulted passage, 96. Ashur: capital of engaged columis 97. Hatra, main palace: reconstruction of detail of peristyle 99. Ashur: brick layt 109. Ashur: pillared hall : 01, Ashur: detail of barrel-vaulted passage | to2. Hatra: roof construction 103. Hatea: ground plan 104, Hatra: restoration of fasade 105. Hatra, ivin buildings: ground plans 106. Ashut: ground plan oy Ashur:Fecostiction of cour 108. Nippur, palace: ground plan) 09. Ashun temple ‘A's grovnd plan’) 110, Warqf, Temple of Gareus: ground plan | 111, Ashur,'temple of the god Ashur: recon struction : 44 415 46 a 48 429 er 433 + 4 a 430 43 432 433 4H 435 43 436 “0 88. End of torque, gold at SEALS fig. Seal 390 90. Seals 392 31. Cylinder seal impression a 12, Ashur,‘Peripteros’, and Sar, Nabataean temple: ground plans “nn 113. Hatra, Mausoleum: reconstruction ae 114. Nesa, Mausoleum: terracotta units bs 11g. Rayy, excavated constructions: plans 443 116. Tani, Iranian temple: ground plan % 117. Cup, stoneware oo or 118, Fragment of ossuary lid: BiyeNayman 453 19 mes and relief plaque, terracotta: ‘Samargand 455 120. Buckle, bronze: Turkistin iB METALWORK tate Phial, silver. 0, 122. Bowl, silver we 123. Paterg silver « te 124. Necklace, silver: Durz-Europos i665 125. Earring, silver : ts 126, Seal impressions sis SASANIAN PERIOD ARCHITECTURE 127, Firdzabid, palace: door frame . ‘ 128. Construction of an arch with centring set on the supprting members 129, Diagram of a barrel vaule 10. Diagram of a vault on sq 131. Diagram of a dome on squinches : 132. Plan and diagram of a Roman domed rotunda ; 2 & 133+ Sarvistin, palace: interior of domed room 134. Sarvistin: interior of barrel-vaulted room 15. Ivin-i-Karkhi: cross-vaulted room 136, Tag-i-Girra: details of socle, impost, archi- volt profile, and upper cornice 137. Ctesiphon, al-Ma‘arid: detail of double door : : 138. Detail from silver plate, showing arcade of horseshoe arches ‘ : 139. Detail from bronze salver, showing pointed horseshoe arches. 140. Ctesiphon, Tag-i-Kisra: detail of niche xvi 40 495 oe gor oa $03 504 $05 $07 $09) 510 gto gu 513 Detail from silver plate, showing portal arch ; : 142. Sarvistin: reconstruction | 143- Wooden capitals from modera Iranian style buildings in ‘Iraq, “ag Stepped battlements : 145. Ctesiphon: detail of stepped battlement 146, Tla-t Bastin: panel and chive 147. Kish: fragments of stucco mouldings 148. Stamp for stucco from Kish - 149. Detail from silver salver, showi Bon of fortress riaabad: ground plan Sarvistin: ground plan. vaulting system in: ground plan Qasri-Shitin: reconstruction Ctesiphon, ‘TiqeieKisra (Ivan-i-Khusraw): ground plan . « Ctesiphon, dwelling houses: ground plans $48 17. Rabat id, fire temple: ground lan § tate cleva- 150. 15 152, 153) 154. 155.LIST OF TEXT FIGURES 158. Quseei-Shirin, the Chahar Qapa: ground lan : Page seo, Port wi: See S. yet stroction = : sse 160. Detail from bronze salver, showing eleva- tion of building . 2 sss 161, Reconstruction and plan of building repre= sented on bronze salver 556 162, Excavated churches, ground plans: Ctesi- phon, upper and lower level; Hira 62 163, Midiyit, churches of Mar [brahim and Mar Ubil: ground plans ~ 563 164, Piikilt, commemorative monument: re- construction . ~ 569 165. Rahdar darvize-i-gach ; $0 166, Dimghin, Sisinian building: pian 39 167. Dimghin: reconstructions of facade and win : : sa 168, fragment of pier revetment | £83 169. wt buildings: ground plans | $85 170. Kish, Palace IT; reconstruction of main hall . : ‘ 586 171. Kish, Palace i: reconstruction’ of portal arch 5 : ~ 588 172, Kish, Palace Il: reconstruction of fagade 589 173. Kish, palace I: stucco plaque 590 174. Kish, building complex east of palaces: ‘ground plan , : + 598 STUCCO RELIEFS FROM KISH 175, Bead and reel moulding 601 176. Mouldings : Gea 177. Frieze : | 603 178. Foliate ornament from soft 604 179, Palm leaf motif and meander band 605 180. Alternate interpretations of Fig, 1792. 606 181. Meander with rosette from sofit 606, 182. Rosette latices from revetments 607 183, Alternate interpretations of Fig. 1822 | 607 184, Plant motifs - 508 185. Stamp for foliate motif 608 186, Poliate frieze, and pomegranate revetment 609 187. Wing frieze, and foliate extrados mould- ing and revetment 6t0 188, Poliate and floral friezes and stamps ou 189. Voliate lattice and rosette frieze. + 612 190, Pomegranate lattice revetment 613, 19%, Motif from Fig. 192 613 192, Boliate lattice revetment ory 193. Roundel and grapevine revetment 615 194. Foliate revetment and band 616 MOTIFS USED IN STUCCO RELIEFS 195. Motif I, developing into Motif I. 617 196. Motif I repeated and split into Mosif IIL 617 197. Foliate extrados moulding of arch from Kish ; 618 198, Gamma cross meander band 619 199. Quatrefoils: from Tellob, and Tell Half 619 200, Quatrefoil lattice: from Nineveh pavement 620 201, Rosettes: from Ur, prehistoric seal, and Monastir | Page 202. Palmettes: from Sakche-goz; Cretan jar; Greek stela; and Qal'a of the Banti Ham- mad ‘i 2. 203. Palmettes: from Susa seal; Hittite; and Kish 204. Lotus pattern: from Achaemenid palace, Susa a 205. Palmettes: from cylinders and Qayruvin from ring (Ur); and capital Jal'a-i-Kuuhna} zor. Mtiess fom Fa cylinder; reeves and ‘Taq-i-Bistin . 208, Volute capitals from Karkhemish and Sippar; and from Qal'a of the Band Hammad. * Quatrefoil lattice: from Sedrita Swastikas: from Susa I pottery; Cordova; Madinat az-Zahra STUCCO RELIEFS: FIGURAL 214. Monffion protome: 215, Plaques: female bust; lion POTTERY (PARTHIAN AND SASANIAN) 216, Flask, green glazed: Ashur 217. Jan unglazed : 218. Coffin, painted: Maydam (Proiemai: ‘early’ Christian) 219. Amphoras, green glazed 220, Amphora-rhyta: Seleucia; Nippu: 221. Jug-rhyton, unglazed: Ray 222. Bowl and jer, unglazed: Rayy 223. Jug, glazed". 224. Ornamental motifs from lamps: Seleucia 225. Lamps: Seleucia 226. Vase, green glazed: Kish Jug, unglazed: Kish Spouted por green glazed | 249. Storage-jar, black glazed: Susa | 230, Rhyton and fish vessel, unglazed: Kish 231. Candlestick (2), green glazed 232. Vase, unglazed: Susa 233. Ewer, green glazed 234. Cover and cup, unglazed. 228. TEXTILES 235. Trimming band (Achaemenid) . 236. Design on trouser leg (Achaemenid) 237. Fragments of textiles: Lou-ln (Parthian style) 238. Silke ‘Warp-patterned compound cloth Lou-an 239. Silk, warp-patterned Compound cloth Palmyra xnvii 620 6ar 622 623 623LIST OF TEXT FIGURES 158. QueiShirin, the Chabir Qapt: ground pai . ‘ Page 553 go. Qasri-Shiein:” cross Gection of recon struction Sa at Se 160. Detail from bronze salver, showing eleva- tion of building asi 161. Reconstruction and plan of building repre= sented on bronze salver 556 162. Excavated churches, ground plans: Ctesi- ton, upper and lower level: Lira sé 163. Midiyat, churches of Mar Ibrilim and Mar Ubil: ground plans > $63 164. Paikill, commemorative monument: ce- > construction . 69 165. Rahdar darviza-i-gach a 166. Damghan, Siva : plan 9 167. Damghan: reconstructions of facade and in : ; + sat 168, Dimghin: fragment of pier revetment $8: re: Bizabns fopme er ceameme a 50 Kish, Palace I: reconstruction of iain hall : 586 171. Kish,” Palace i+ reconstruction of portal rine Tie memionane' spas 2 172. Kish, Palace I: reconstruction of fagade $89 173. Kish, palace T: stuceo plaque $90 building complex east of palaces: ground plan » : sgt STUCCO RELIEFS FROM KISH 175, Bead and reel mouldin bor 178, Mouldings * 602 197. Frieze 603 178 Foliate omament fram soffit 604 179, Palm leaf motif and meander band 605 180, Alternate intezpretations of Fig. 1796 606 181, Meander with rosette from sofit 606 182, Rosette lattices from revetments 607 183, Alternate interpretations of Fig. 1824. 607 184. Plant motifs 608 185. Stamp for foliate motif 608 186. Foliate frieze, and pomegranate revetment 609 187, Wing frieze, and foliste extrados mould ing and revetment 610 188. Folfate and floral friezes and stamps én 189. Foliate lattice and rosette frieze. 612 190. Pomegranate lattice revetment 613 191. Motif from Fig. 192 613 192, Foliate latice revetment 615 193, Roundel and grapevine revetment 615 194. Foliaze revetment and band 66 MOTIFS USED IN STUCCO RELIEFS 195. Motif I, developing into Motif I. 617 196. Motif I repeated and split into Motif HII 617 197. Folate extrados moulding of arch from Kish : 618 198. Gamma cross meander band 619 199, Quatrefoils: from Telloh, and Tell Halaf 619 200. Quatrefoil latice: from Nineveh pavement 620 202. Rosettes: from Ur, prehistoric seal, and Monastir Page 20, Palmettes: from Sakche-gliat); Cretan jars Greek stelay and Qal'a ofthe Band Elam: mid 203. Palmettes: from Susa seal; Hittites and Kish 204. Lotus pattern: from Achuemenid palace, Susa . 205. Palettes: from eylinders and Qayruvin 206, Palmettes: from ring (Ur); and capital Taq 208. Vat optas fom Karkhemish and Siparcand from ‘Qa of the. Band ad 2op. Quatre tice: Fom Sedeata 303 Setatita: from Sune T poterys Cordova; Madinata1-Zahra STUCCO RELIEFS: FIGURAL a1. Bust of Shapie Il 212) Bigures of 213. Head of mouto 214. Moufflon protome: Kish 21§. Plaques: female bust i POTTERY (PARTHIAN AND SASENIAN) 216, Flask, green ghized: Ashur 217, Jar, unglazed « 218, Coffin, painted: Maydiim (Prolemais or carly Cristian) Amphoras, green glazed Amphora-rhyta: Seleucia Jug-thyton, unglazed: Rayy Bowl and jar, unglazed: Rey Jug, glazed : ‘Ornamental motifs from lamps: Seleucia Lamps: Seleucia Vase, green glazed: Kish . Jug, unglazed: Kish Spouted pot, green glazed Storageran, back glizeds Susa , Rhyton and fish vessel, unglazed: Candlestick (7), green glazed 2. Vase, unglazed: Susa 233. Ewer, green glazed 234. Cover and cup, unglized ang. 220. aan TEXTILES 35. ‘Trimming band (Achaemenid) 236, Design on trouser leg (Actaemenid) 237. Fragments of textiles: Loui (Parthian style) ain: 38. Silk warp-patterned compound loch: Lou-lan 239. Silk warp-patterned compound! cloth Palmyra XM 620 bat fa. 633 623 fay fay fas fab 628 634 635 538 639 bu 648 033 083 686 088 oss iiLIST OF TEXT FIGURES 240. Wool, embroidered with man's head: Ula 7 Page 694 241+ Silk compound twill Sitnian) HIE. Bato conte OF Runa estin " 243. Silk compound wil B42: SI Compound sel 28f. Beyptan epesty copy of Sta Hb Sloped ar 347. Reconstraction ik] compo ‘Antes 248. Higure from wool compound eloth 25. Tease wood Taq snd il METALIORK 240. Grin, bronze 2 Plate, siver showing Bahram Gar 232) Ewee, ever : 253: Bowl ser >! 254: Det tat om pla 25f, Plaque, silver, showing Kon rin 8 Moti rom ser esl cock ngs ties borders rim frieze leaping st Borders from silver vessels Moulding fom slver vse Stem goblen aker Ever fepreeneed ona diver pa 257. 258. 259. 26e. 261. 695 697 697 698 a 698 703 fo3 ns 730 nas 77 77 73 mW 43 4 m5 747 748 Page 262, Vas, silver : sre 753 Jer, Moris from slver veseca: handie; hunter and on 13 3k, Pinte iver, showing FG ie 26h, Necklace andl exrring ei wee NEM oF necklaces fom elit, ‘Taq tot ay ShALS at, Port xs hy, Portrait se % to. bivealtr Fae: Cin: tt and expe hex Porson mesa Tin agen proves; dered Beech Milan: facons whorls; Verethe taghna avatars thin an aya, Head inait 3. Stays and padiog Anahit: peacock 244, Elorned animals and palm tree. 475. Astral figures . 276. Genius; ‘Chronos 277, Virgo; Pisces; Virgo and Scorpio. se yal: Kish ate FIGURES WITH ICONOGRAPHICAL SIGNIFICANCE 282, Schematic representation of the heavens . 283, Schematic representation of the heavens - 254. Double pool of heavens: Susa I. : 285. Doubled volutes: Achaemenid palace, Sust 286. Male figures in ‘up-holder’ pose 287. Seal, with ibex: Nihivand 288. Sher of painted pottery: Susa IT 289. Bowl, painted pottery: Persepolis, 1299. Sherd of painted pottery: Ray 291. Rragment of terncott: Sus : 292. Symbols of heavens, from painted pottery 293. Seal impression: Susx . : 294. Tree motifs, from painted pottery sherds: Susa : : ‘ 295. Sherd of painted pottery: Hisir 1 296. Hound and birds, from sherd of painted avi 832 834 835 836 837 837 838 839 840 840 sqr Ban Bas 847 848 1297. Cylinder seal impressions: Susa 298. Seal impression with wifin: Susa 299. Chieek plaque of bit: Lusistin 309: Ornament in form of wheel, bronze jurists 301. Standard top, bronze: Adharbayjia 302: Pin, bronze: Keban : 403. Mace head, bronze - ‘ 404. Section of gazed brick revetment: menid palace, Susa 05. Fragment of ossuary jo8. Plate, silver, Sasinian, Showing Avahie 4307. Pinhead, bronze: Luristin 4308. Finial, bronze, Sisinian 309. Relie! plaque, bronze, medieval 310. Lobe of bowl, silver, Sistnian Achae-CHAPTER 33 SASANIAN AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK ORBELI* nian’ cannot properly be restricted to those works of art actually made within the Sisinian empire, for characteristic features of the style are found in objects produced either beyond the boundaries of the empire or after it had ceased to exist as a political entity. Moreover, the metal vessels, even to a considerable extent those of bronze, reflect chiefly the tastes of the feudal aristocracy for whom they were primarily made; and since other classes certainly used ornamented objects which, if less pretentious, were equally expressive of the spirit of the time, notably pottery (see p. 665) and probably seals (see Chapter 36), Sisinian art cannot be identified only with the more luxurious silver, gold, and bronze wares. The son of the House of Sisin who occupied the throne, ‘King of Kings, the King of the Aryans and the non-Aryans, the Sovereign of the Universe, the Descendant of the Gods’, all but vied in splendour and sanctity with his divine forebears. In battle, encased in iron, ever ready to adventure any danger, he stood shoulder to shoulder with his loyal vassals. But during an audience or a court ceremonial a fixed number of steps separated the monarch from any who approached, and the serried ranks of courtiers held their measured distances from the royal person. Subject and foreigner alike had to pass many barriers before advancing to the heavy curtain that, con- cealinny the Presence, could be only momentarily withdrawn, and he who passed within had to wear a white handkerchief bound over his mouth, that he should not profane the sovereign with a breath, On entering he prostrated himself, and on rising he bowed deeply, forefinger extended in a gesture of submission. All these details were regulated by the Galindmak, the Book of Ranky' a protocol that prevailed in perpetuit Intensely aware of their family, themselves, and their cosmic and historical role, the Sisfinian kings liked to look at representations of their ancestors and in turn to leave to their descendants their own images. When each king died the best painter of his period HE designation ‘ «Translated from the French and edited by Pavuuis the plates showing precious metal vessels ‘Acksxwax, Who is responsible for the sections in 209 211 2a 5 brackets, and also for the footnotes except where other- 206 210 oe 3at wise indicated. 239A 220-216 c,a,8 2304 The order of the plates is not wholly satisfactory. 214 6 TABS In the present state of our knowledge it is impossible to 226 determine the chronological or regional atributions, on 219 204 which a proper sequence depends, with any confidence. 207 4 so ut in the course of preparing the chapter, progress has 2190 2154 teen made in dating and in defining estes, and the, 222.4, Kditors offer the following alternative arrangement of 1 [An Armenian translation of part ofthis still exists For a discussion of the various texts and thei iter and has been published in Airarat, by the Mekhitarist ences see A. Cuntstensen, L'Iran sous les Sassantdes, Alishan, C.J. Copenhagen, 1936, pp. $3-8, 9T—4te. $3-2h 76was called upon to make his portrait for a collecti ALWORK treasury = significant moment in hie (tio® that was preserved in the royal depicted. TF he was a notble satesman, he waeshoee ie emacs if seemalien battles i « mighty hunter, at the eke ets howa in comnelsif a gretsoldies n saw a book containing such portnits ofthe Savina ai ee ee} official gu, must have been a close copy, Sisinians, which, if it was not the original The State Book of Ki © copy. ao benien ‘of. x ings hes Jong since vanished, but reliefs, carved in the living rock fea of then aad of the na epretenting the sure scenes as the paintings, give us some dividuality of the kin "fi lynasty that they celebrated. ‘Though idealized, the in- tume, headdress, anil fathion of dec 2 by no mats face for Hb uty SS sho, jewould éevin, the actual oy dresing bs and beard painstakingly recorded, but 3 . monarch. Hence by comparing the por- waits on the reliefs e ss a 7 paring, - and the plates with those on the coins, authoritative documents of primary value onscanlrexie the image of almost every descendant of Ardashir who sat upon the throne, and some of them, like Shipir II (10-79), arc known at various ages. 4, PRECIOUS METAL VE THE THEMES: Investitures LS ‘The most usual theme on the rock sculptures is the Investiture, though only one silver plate with this subject is known, This moment, so pregnant with meaning, typified not the personality of any one monarch, but the significance of the sacrosanct monarchy itself. In general, etiquette required that the royal person be the focus of any com- position, but in the Investitures monarch and god are usually presented side by side, sometimes afoot (Pls. 157 8, 160 4 8), sometimes mounted and confronted, the deity conveying to his earthly suffragan the sanctions of authority symbolized by a beribboned circlet (Pl. 154.).? In most of the Investiture scenes the new monarch accepts his divine right and responsibility with a certain passivity, but when Bahrim I (273-6) receives the confirmation of his legitimacy, he reaches out a tense and eager arm to take the ring (eh 136.4). ‘The Investiture with both principals ahorse was not only perpetuated in an itself, notably in the relief decorations of one clas of ceramic wares (Pl. 768 3), but it ae ale reflected in other cultures centuries later, above all in representations of Chunar coldicr-aaints who arc commonly shown mounted and confronted in pair Always respecting ceremonial, the Sisfinians compellingly conveyed this spirit in their monuments, Not only are the figures of Hormuzd and the other Zorostiran divinities, and of the kings and nobles, imbued with impressive dignity ; the very horses, powerful and massive, are instinct with deliberate hautenr- ‘When Hormuad invests the King with his authority, his mount advances with a fixed and formal pace (Pl. 154 4), and all the homes move with a measured tread. Yet their massive and compact bodies are animated ‘i ‘i ee en the steed of Bahram IT (276-93) dashes forward like with ferocious energy, and whe ‘ast yuthors? 2 For the significance of the Investiture gesture of 1 This is reported by several Arab authorss $66 i rly. e oor a . $95, n. 2, and Chapter 46 4. om 7JOSEF ORBELI a gust of wind, bearing his triumphant master against his hereditary man rush together to sweep away the victim (PI. 159 )- | | [The one investiture scene preserved on a metal dish, «silver phial in the British Muscum (Pl. 239 8), is somewhat enigmatic, for in the first place there are two investi- tures, and in the second both differ at every essential point from those shown on the rock reliefs, These vary, but in every variant the monarch accepting investiture is in full regalia, including the crown, as are the officiating deities. On the plate, on the other hand, no one is crowned, yet the central figures are, as in no other instance, enthroned. Above, is a man on a throne supported by griffins, Around his head are rays such as emanate from the head of Mithra, the Sun God, bue it must not be forgotten that the Sisinian king also claimed astral relations (see pp. 785, 879). He offers the circlet to aman with a simpler headdress. Below, the King (judging from the identity of head- dress and floating ribbons) passes the ring to a woman who sits on a plain throne and who likewise has floating ribbons. What is the significance of this? There is one Sasanian king who is conspicuously associated on his coins with both his wife and his son, now with one, now with the other, now the two together (see Pls. 251, 253 C, D), an exeep- tional circumstance. ‘This is Bahram II, about whose reign so litde is known. Can this be Bahriim IT on the plate, investing first his son and then his Queen with the right to enemy, beast and participate in his royal authority ?* ‘The ceremony seems, moreover, to mark some special event, for in the upper sc genius brings down from the celestial regions a divine necklace, while on the rim ine in which the King reclines at his ease, apparently in the bosom of his family, the members of his household, even down to the babies, coming to pay him homage with the presentation of a flower. This might be the New Year’s festival, but that interpretation seems less probable in view of the fact that we have what is almost certainly a Sis Wawra scene, and in that far more lavish gifts are being exchanged (see p. 731). Per haps this is the recognition, on the one hand official, on the other domestic, of his victory over the Romans in 283, which is commemorated in the rock relief at Naqsh-i- Rustam (PI. 159 4).] Audiences The King as statesman is represented in the person of Bahrim IT in a rock relief at Shapir (PI. 157 a),?and in that of Khusraw I (531~79) on the so-called Cup of Khusraw in the Biblioth¢que Nationale (Pl. 203) and ona silver plate in the Hermitage Mu: (PI. 2394). [The merits of Bahrim IT as a statesman may have been the more notable be- cause he began his reign, so the story goes, as a self-indulgent pleasure-seeker and wes um EE, Hienzraio, Die Malereien von Samarra Berlin, Petersburg, 1909, Pl, avi; or O. M, Datroy, 41, attibutesthis plate to the ‘middle Sasanian treasure of the Oxus, London, 1926, vi ee me 1927, period, between 350 and 500, on general stylistic 3 The scene in the rock relief has sometimes been grounds, identified as an Investitures but it has none of the For an illustration of the rim, which is badly elements of an Investiture, damaged, see V. Swravorr, L'Argenterie Orientale, St. 78ARLY Ig . .. LAMIC ME 7 pcilled this duties justin ime to uy MIC METALWORK diplomatic hints of a Minister, ruling the his country from cconomie disaster by the of Khusraw 1 as patron of scholars and Teafter with wisdom and justice."] The renown Philosophers lasted down even into the Middle g sits, when officially presiding leaning against it, with his knees spread tween his fect, both hands on the poms (Pl. 203). On the Cup of Khusmawy nel, his body erect, his gaze straight before him reliefand the Hermitage plate (1 fhe monarch is alone, but in both the Bahrim 1 ie the reli pointing she farce 239 4) 80 courticrs stand on either side ofthe throne, in ey POUSInE: forefingers in the gesture of homage, while on the plate they keep their eyes fixed on their master and their hands are folded or crossed on the chest in sign of humility.’ Inasmuch as all four wear identical costumes and hats, it seems probable that they are the four Generals of Khusraw.' In such scenes the limitations of space and the technical necessities of the execution forced the artist to put the royal figure in immediate juxtaposition with his subjects. Yet even in this intimate contact he remains aloof, Not only do his ns alo feriors assume postures of proper humility, but the very position in which the King sits keeps him apart, and his facial expression, amask of haughty decorum, defines his remoteness. Oragain, when Babrim I is repre- sented in another relief at Naqsh-i-Rustam,’ standing before his nobles who are hidden by a wall, one feels keenly the spiritual isolation of the monarch, a distinetion in status and quality that is primarily conveyed very subtly by a slight superiority in height. ‘The royal throne is shown as a flat-topped bench carried on animal supports : winged horses for Khusraw T, griffins for the monarch on the British Museum plate who may be Bahram II (see p. 718), apparently lions for Bahrim Gar (see p. 738). This throne design is derived ultimately from the Ancient Eastern custom of supporting the gods and their surrogates, the kings, on their animal attributes, perhaps originally toremie. Thus » C. Baanten be Mevwann—Paver pe Courtaitue, (rans), Magowos, Les Prairies d'Or, 11, Paris, 1853, pp on the very edge of the seat, hardly more than apart at an angle, his vord resting upright be- (burukishae). ‘The tradition was faithfully preserved, and Mazdzk describes the Khusraw holdisg court with + According to Professor Orbeli, Alfonso of Castile in the thirteenth century refers to this, though he docs not name the king. 7 afraid ¥ See J. Mout (Trans.), Fuxvovst, Le livre des rois, see tae ees Wan The Shihnama of Fisdaust, vit, London, 19155 P- 19: * On the other hand, the four figures may symbolize the more fundamental conception of the four estates into which the society deseribed in the, Avesta was already organized: A. Cunisrexst, L'Finpire des Sassanides, Der Kongelige Danske Videnskaternes Selshabs Sbrfter, Hiuorisk og Fuosofisk Afdeling, \ (1909 PP- 15-20; oF idem, [Iran sous Tes Sassanides, Copen- hagen, 1935, pp. 93-4. Each class had its own chiet 1) the malbadhan mibadh, chief of the priests (thraed)s (2) the Erdnspahiadh, head of the warriors (rathaesht)s (3) the Erdndabirbidhy chick of the ureaucraty (dabiran): (4) the wauriishansatar, chief of the people, comprising the peasants (wedsirizshan), and the artisans ps four vassals before him, evident}y the heads of the four great social classes; A, Cnnistessex, L’ Empire sous les Sassanides, p. 41 the four persons before the throne were (1) the mibadhin mibadk, (2) the spakiad?, (3) the herbadhin herbadh, (4) the’ ramisags or musician, ‘who may have represented the artisans. ‘The parallel Jsthus quite close. Some of the Ab historians also report these four classes. ‘Thus ath-Tha'thbn (FL Zorenuens (Trans), at-Tua'atist, Histoire des trois des Perses, Paris, 1900, p. 12) speaks of the class of soldiers; that comprising doctorsanc priests; the scribes and mathematicians; and the merchants and artisans, ‘There is a suggestive relation to the Hindu caste ystem. K. Exbwans, Die sasanidischen Jagdschalen, Jahrbuch der prewpischen Kunstsumniungen, wx (1930). jp. 217, while he does not reject the identification of this king as Khusraw {, suggests that he may be 88-97) Shas, Die Kunst des alten Persien, Berlin, 1922, Pl. 70. avidh T 9SASANIAN AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK recalled to his duties just in time to save his country from economic disaster by the diplomatic hints of a Minister, ruling thereafter with wisdom and justice."] The renown of Khusraw I as patron of scholars and philosophers lasted down even into the Middle Ages.* ‘The King sits, when officially presiding, on the very edge of the seat, hardly more than leaning against it, with his knees spread apart at an angle, his sword resting upright be- tween his fect, both hands on the pommel, his body ercet, his gaze straight before him (PI. 203). On the Cup of Khusraw the monarch is alone, but in both the Bahram IT relief and the Hermitage plate (PI. 239 a) two courtiers stand on cither side of the throne, in the relief pointing their forefingers in the gesture of homage, while on the plate they Keep their eyes fixed on their master and their hands are folded or crossed on the chest in sign of humility.’ Inasmuch as all four wear identical costumes and hats, it seems probable that they are the four Generals of Khusraw.' In such scenes the limitations of space and the technical necessities of the execution forced the artist to put the royal figure in aposition with his subjects. Yet even in this intimate contact he remains aloof. Not only do his inferiors assume postures of proper humility, but the very position in which the King sits keeps him apart, and his facial expression, amask of haughty decorum, defines his remoteness. Or agzin, when Balirim IT is repre- sented in another relief at Naqsh-i-Rustam,* standing before his nobles who are hidden by a wall, one fecls keenly the spiritual isolation of the monarch, a distinction in status and quality that is primarily conveyed very subtly by a slight superiority in height. “The royal throne is shown as a flat-topped bench carried on animal supports : winged horses for Khusraw I, griffins for the monarch on the British Museum plate who may be Bahram IT (see p. 718), apparently lions for Bahrim Gir (see p. 731). This throne design is derived ultimately from the Ancient Eastern custom of supporting the zods and their surrogates, the kings, on their animal attributes, perhaps originally totemic. ‘Thus CQubhn ‘The tration was faithfully preserve and Mazdak describes the Khusraw holding court wit four vassals before him, evidently the heads of the tour {great social classes, A. Cuigtsts se, L'E mmedi te ji © C, Banmien be Mevwano—Paver ne Courratuit, (Trans), Magoupt, Les Prairies d'Or, 1, Paris, 1863, pp. 168~74. According to Professor Orbeli, Alfonso of Castile in the thirteenth century refers to this, though he does nt mame the Ring, * » See J. Moun (Trans.), Fixvoest, 1 ie livre des rois, Pats 1807, 0, padgyt Ay Grand E, Waxes, The Shihndma of Firdausi, vir, London, 191 19 1 On the other hand, the four figures may symbol the more fundamental conception of the Four ¢ imo which the society deseribed in the, Aves way already organized: A. Cunistixsex, L'Empire des Eascurides, Det Kongelige Danske Videnskalernes Selokahs Shoyfon, Fhisrrih og. Mloofte ffdeling, 1 (1909) BP 19-20; or idem, L'Iran or in Sis les, one ace 1935) Phe 93n4_ Each clas hed its own chic Litne mebadhan mba, chick of the priests (hres? 22) the Eranspahhadh, head of the wartioes (rathacshe); {3} the Brardabirheda, chief of the bureaucracy Qdasivan)s (4) the wavtriashansatar, chiet of the people, Comprising the peasants (sdsriéshdu), and the artisans Sassanides, p. 31; the four persons before were (1) the mubadhon mubsdh (2) the spdnsedh the herbadhan herbadh, (4) the ramissgs or musician, ‘who may have represented the artisans. The parallel isthus quite close, Some of the Arab historians also report these. four classes. ‘Thus ath-Tha'ality (H. Zovusweno (Trans), at-Tua'sursi, Histoire des roi des Perses, Paris, 1900, p. 12) speaks of the class of soldiers; that comprising doctorsand priests; thescribes, and mathematicians; and the merchants and artisans. ‘There is a suggestive relation to the Hindu caste system, Ky ERbSANS, Dic sasanidischen Jagdschalen, Jabrbuch dor preubischon Kunscsammiuncen, 1 4936), jp.2175 while he does not reject the identification ot th king as Khusraw L, sugyzests that he may be Raval | (488-99). oT Ss 1 Sanne, Die Kunst des alten Persien, Berlin, 1922, Pl. 70. 79JOSEF ORBELI in the Apocalypse God is seated on high carried by the ox, the lion, the cagle (all aetri- butes of the Great God from a very early period), and the angel, emblems that were interpreted in Christianity as the signs of the Four Evangelists. [Two pairs of these handsome animal throne-legs, in bronze, have been found, both of the same design, though one pair, divided between the collections of M. David-Weill and M. Stoclet (PI. 240 4, c), is much larger than the other, which is divided between the Fic. 250. Figure of griffin, bronze, British Museum, i 9f} ine (49 em). Hermitage Museum and the State Museum of Adharbayjin. ‘The larger pair was found in western Persia. An eagle-lion griffin conveys the imperious authority and unshakable power of sovereignty. ‘The sharp, upstanding cars, the pointed crest, the deeply Auted, flaring ruff, the heavily curved beak, and the acute emphasis on every detail bespeak energy. In the tensely uplifted head there is ruthless will, and in the heavy lion-paw, resolution, The treatment of the breast-feathers as a foliate plastron enhances the cere- monial dignity of the figure. A closely related bronze horned lion-griffin in the British Museum (Fig, 250)," said to have been found in Afghinictin, may have served a similar purpose, though it bears no traces of having been incorporated in any structure, ‘The same long, pointed cars now slant forward in alert attention, the angular treatment of the have been found in Afghanistan, near the River Hik * Figure after Dat-rox, op. cit,, PL. xxv. This piece mand, and this i noteworthy, for there were close has hitherto been attributed to the Achaemenid period, and assigned to Bactria: see p. 4495 but if the griffin legs are Sisinian, this must likewise be Sisinian. Pro- fessor Camilla, Trever considers the throne legs also Achaemenid. ‘The British Museum piece is stid to 720 Sisinian relations with this region: see J. Hackis, The ‘eastward extension of Sasanian motives, Bullen of the American Institute for Persian Art and’ drchaeelighy (2935) Pp. 5-6.SASANIAN AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK muzzle details intensifies the instant menace of the snarling jaws, and the foliate plastron is almost identically repeated. ‘The exaggeratedly slim body, the extended hind quarters, the lightly poised stance imply impending rapid forward Aight.] In the Investiture, the most solemn ceremonial moment, the throne is bare, but when His Majesty holds court there is beside him a great pile of rectangular, thin, fat cushions. ‘The significance of these cushions has been retained by some of the Kurdish chieftains even down into the present century.’ A guest who merits recognition is given as a mark of honour the ard or cushion to sit on, presented from the pile beside him ; if it be a personage of very high degree, he may even rective two.’ The King as Soldier The King as victorious warrior is frequently shown in rock reliefs, the commonest subject being the Triumph of Shapir I (24172). ‘The conqueror, mounted on a parade horse, holds out his hand in proud but reticent triumph above the head of the vanquished, who kneels, crushed, before him (Pl. 155.4). ‘These official illustrations of the splendid victory of Shapiir over Valerian (260), which marked the initiation of the supreme power of the Sisinian monarchy, inspired popular stories and legends, and these in turn gave rise to further illustrations of the scene. It is interesting that itis just in the representation of Iran's victory over Rome that the influence of Western styles is most evident, for that the great relief of the Triumph of Shapir at Shapiir (PL. 158 a, 8) is directly derived from Roman Triumphs is unmistakable. ‘The figures in dense ranks are held in‘a closely unified group both by their military formation and by the general arrangement, and this unity is reinforced by the continuous design of the folds of the garments. The entire composition might have been transferred, mutatis mutandis, from a Roman victory monument, such as the Column of Trajan. ‘Theartist has depicted only a part of the vast army to indicate the whole, and the groups seem to have been torn out of their setting ‘Thus only the forequarters of one clephant are shown, the hindquarters being presum- ably concealed in the uncarved rock. The violence of this idea distinguishes the si sharply from that of the Achaemenid reliefs, which are always very simple in arrange- ment, calm in movement, amply spaced, and finished in detail (Pls. go—100). Not alll the Sisinian reliefs, whether carved in the living rock or fashioned in silver, attain the same degree of technical excellence. Even contemporary reliefs ordered by the same king vary in the quality of their det ' Professor Orbeli has himself seen this ceremony. 2 This ceremonial use of a cushion may have been connected with an ancient Iranian religious usage; for Herodotus, Book 1, Chapter 132, describing an Iranian ritual that probably went back to pre-Avestic traditions, says that When the priest has sacrificed his victim ‘he spreads out a carpet of the tenderest heriace and espe- cially clover and places all the pieces of flesh thereon. In Vedic India, also, the sacrificed animal is stretched out on a bed of herbs, and this is called the durlush, which corresponds to the Avesticword barzish, meaning. cushion, a word which in the Avesta has lost any reli- 4 Is, in their force, and above all in the ex- gious significance: see E, Beevists, The Persian religion, Paris, 1929, pp. 24, 31. As the offering to God is hid on a darsish so the subject to his royal fi Go's earthly representative, repases on a Bars dardz, ‘The tight to occupy cushions, and therelative position of these cushions, alo played a part in the mony of the Armenian court. See, for example Exave (Trans. Paustus of Byzantium, iz V. Lavctars Collection, des historiensanciens et mternes de TA 3, Paris, 1867, p.218 (Bk, in Chaps ts); 236 (Bk av, Chap. 1). ‘ Padepesy “1JOSEF ORBELI ; pression of movement, the quality in which the Sisinian artists es mom ale bi the style is characterized throughout by its own peculiar kind of rea lias how Lb significant features as the modelling of the members of the body and in s fe tel details as the rendition of strained tendons in the leg of a horse. Nor is this realism marred by the excessive and over-conscientious finish of some of the minutiae, such as textile patterns. ‘The King as active warrior is not found on any known § figure in the round in the Hermitage Museum (PI. 240 4) trian, and this is comparable to a stone figure. Only one d round has been found in Persia, the fallen figure of Shapar I (PI. 161 6, c), but the relief of the king at Tig-i-Bastin (Pl. 1614), parts of which are practically in the full round, approaches free momumental sculpture, and indeed it might well take its place in the long history of great equestrian statues, Encased in his iron accoutrements, he is mounted on an‘armour-clad horse. The face is entirely concealed by the close-meshed metal veil, but this elimination of the facial features, with only the eyes faintly indicated, was no accident, ‘The artist intended to depict the invulnerable armour worn by the Sisinian heavy cavalry, which went into battle only atthe critical moment (see Chapter 38). The bronze sculpture in the Hermitage collection is evidently the direct reflection of another such figure, and the piece, small in scale though it be and not altogether com- petent in some of the modelling, retains the essential qualities and the force of a full- sized equestrian monument. The solemn gait of the horse is ponderous and forceful. The proudly lifted head, habituated to that pose by the heavy hand of the rider on the taut reins, recalls the ceremonial scenes represented on the rock reliefs. The rider him- self is in some respects amusingly ineffective, with his big head and small feet, but although almost a caricature, he shows, by his poise in the saddle and by the impressive gesture of the extended hands, in which there must originally have been attributes, that the sculptor had before him, cither physically or in a remembered image, an official monument designed to do honour to a king whose identity is now problematic because of the loss of the crown’s superstructure,’ ‘That the bronze figure served as an incense burner is shown by the opening in the side of the horse and the remains of a cover hidden in the crowa (see p. 598). Mune Only one king appears in the rock seulpture as a hunter, in the grotto at Taqci- Bastin, bue the hunters on the pltes are numerous. Nor is thiewe endee Sisinianamist designing rock rliet had to think of its purpose asan oficial nee tion, His ask was to create an image tha eould give to those who looked see the people, tothe whole race tothe whole world, the ide of the yrestnes: Me ey and the glory of a conqueror, an ides, clear and impressive, of the unlike eee and ofthe indestructible majesty confered by Honmuzd and Mithea, Tie hes woexpres ' According to Professor Orbeli, the figure may represent Fini (4 ¢7 to this King see pp. 643 Se may represent Fit (457/9-84). jnian metal, but a bronze represents him as an eques- Jinian colossal statue in the Kor another monument relatedSASANIAN AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK the infallible courage of the monarch advancing to war, well aware of his power and anticipating his victory. The figure had to be a constant reminder of the wise sobriety and the statesmanlike intelligence of a ruler, severe but at the same time just, a sove- reign who thought always of the needs and destiny of his country, who was well balanced in the counsels that he gave to his courtiers, All the country, all the world (for the monarch of Trin was ‘Lord of the Universe’) should retain the image of his sovereign’s figure for all time. But the silver vessels for the most part served quite another end. ‘They were designed for private life, to be used at festivities, in the circle of intimate friends and guests gathered around the table. Hence for the most part any reminder of the public side of life was irrelevant. They recall all that might give relayation and entertainment, notably the principal amusements of the Sasinian kings and their vassals, and chief among these were all kinds of hunting, those hunts of which Firdawsi sang, [A royal hunt was a great occasion, almost a State ceremony, Nor was it the affair merely of a day or even a week. The monarch of the world would depart prepared to spend a month upon the chase. ‘Ten thousand horsemen might go out «t once with the cheetahs and the hawks, the lesser falcons and the royal peregrines, and cach noble in the wain might be accompanied by thirty servants. ‘Ten camels, all in housings of brocades, carried the King’s pavilion, and seven elephants bore the turquoise throne, while a hun- dred camel erved to convey the minstrels waaring massive crowns. Eight score hawks, ten score peregrines and falcons, and eight score cheetahs were cartied to the field. ‘The vast heaps of slaughtered game were sold to merchants who swarmed about the camp and bought an onager or ten gazelles for a quarter of the market price, while the poor were allowed to take home ass-loads of ground-game and waterfowl."] ‘The rock relief of ‘Taq-i-Bistin that shows the King in the midst o° great herds of panic-stricken game, while his servitors and entertainers attend, gives a direct visual pre~ sentation of Firdawsi’s splendid passages. The plates cannot thus literally report the grandiose scale of this imperial sport, but the best of them, even in the single figure of the King and the few animals that they show, convey the same spirit, and may be more intense and elevated because more concentrated. On the two plates in the Hermitage that depict the hunts of Shipar II (Pls. 209, 210), he is a distinguished and elegant gentleman, a fine figure of male beauty, his beard bound by the traditional gold ring, the perfect portrait of the knight sung by the national poet and by foreign historians as well. Here is the feudal noble who knew no restraint either in love or in the hunt, in magnanimity or in wrath, who in the fierce attack kills the mouftlons without any trace of excitement on his handsome face,* the well-kept face of a dandy. Or on another plate one sees the bold courage and at the same time the wise caution of the hunter, Bahri: I, presented as + Mowty op. cits vs pp. 472, 495-6, $19) $295 haviour, and of restraint in artisticexpression. Precisely Wanxen, op. cit,, vi, pp. 31, 48-9) 67-8 76+ the sime lick of emotion character 2¢s, for example, the "fe should, however, be noted that this impassivity Achaemenid king in the Persepolitin relief, although he ts characteristic of all the historical periods of Persian is in hand to hand conflict with a terrifying monster art, reflecting the national ideal of decorum in be- (see Pl. 95)—A.UP.JOSEF ORBELI the Prince Royal,’ when he strikes against a boar half hidden in the reeds, which is just in the act of springing on him (PI. 212). [Many different kinds of hunting are shown, Mounted, the hunter may choose to attack his prey with bow, sword, or jabbing spear; afoot, he may use sword, spear, or lasso. ‘The Sisanian archer held the fat hand-piece in the middle of the double curve of his heavy composite bow in his left clenched fist, drawing the string with the thumb of his right hand, holding the thumb firm with the two middle fingers (Pls. 208 », 211, 213, 214), the ‘Mongolian’ method in which the thumb is protected with a ring (sce igure, Chapter 58); and he used this grip whether he was shooting straight before him or aiming his arrow behind him, body turned in the saddle, in the picturesque pose long associated with the Parthians (Pl. 217). Lions, boar, deer, stags, and moufllons were all hunted in this way. In one instance Bahrim Gir when hunting with the bow uses, curiously enough, a two-pronged, crescent-tipped, battle arrow.’ Firiiz I (457/9-84) is shown shooting with the bow afoot (Fig. 265) (see p. 643). A sword was used from horseback agains: lions or boar (PI. 212), and the handle was gripped in the fist, clenched save for the forefinger which was caught over the hilt. In one zeprescntation hunters afoot carry rondaches (PI. 236), but this motif is clearly of Classical derivation and cannot be ‘considered typically Sasinian. ‘The short jabbing spear, also wielded from horscback and used against boars, and perhaps lions and bears (Pl. 229 ), is especially interesting because the same arm is used in boar-bunting in India today. This spear is held at the very end in one hand only, in the clenched fist with the Singers turned up, in such wise that the shaft rests on the palm and the attack is made with an underhand thrust. When the sword was used afoot (Pl hunting became a hand-to-hand combat, and the extraordinary strength and agility developed in this hazardous sport is shown in the illustration of a feat of Shapiir I on 2 plate in the British Museum (PI. 206). As a herd of stags rushes by at full gallop the King leaps astride one and is seen riding it as he plunges his sword into the back of its neck. Apparently a dart thrown by hand was sometimes used also, for a silver relief’ figure of a Sisinian king (possibly Narst (293-303)), in the Staatliche Museen, Berlin, shows him with his right arm extended at the level of the shoulder, grasping by the bute a dare that would be about twenty-seven inches (c. 70 em.) long, witha very long sharp tip.” : fe E, Herzertn, Kushano-Sasanian coins, Me- amsirs ofthe Archeclogical Survey of India, No. 48 (1930), Bp 2tcgy and [Taner Ad anges seb a the Hermitage Museum (in Russian), Bulles of she Suate Academy for Hisrary of National Culture, 1931, No. 2, pp. 19-23—C.T}]. 2 The king on PL. 20) according to Pro- fessor Orbeli, represent Shapir TI as an old man, EEmpuanny in Jahrbuch der prafscen Kaname angen, wn, pp.229~31, also advances the identification as Shipir ll, but believes the plate to be a post-Sasinian copy. "Sce Onssu—C. Truver, Orfevrerie sasanide, Moseow-Leningrad, 1935, PI.'12, This arrow with a 74 crescent-shaped tip, as well as the high-bred camel, is specified by Tha‘alib in his description of the episode and its representation on the walls of the Khavarnagy, which means that this design perpetuates, or more pro bably is supposed to copy, the Khavarnaq mural paint- ing: Zorexuerc, Histoire destoisdes Perses, pp. 542-3 ‘The crescent-tipped arrow also probably had symbolic value (ee p. 899). Ein Silberfigurchen des Sassaniden- konigs Narses im Kaiser-Friedrich Museum 2u Berlin, Jahrbuch der Koviglch Preupischen Karstsammlungen, ©}, pp 73-8, illustrated on plate opposite p. 743 for idem, Die Kunst des alten Persien, p. 49, Fig. 14.SASANIAN AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK ‘The full-length spear when used hunting afoot was held with the right clenched fist some ten or twelve inches (¢. 30 cm.) from the end, the back of the hand uppermost, and the left fist some two and a half feet (¢, 76 cm.) in front, so that both elbows were flexed; but one king (presumably Bahrim Gir (see pp. 728-9)) is shown executing an extremely difficult thrust (Pl. 218), both arms lifted, the shaft of the spear behind his head, both fists with the back of the hands forward, and in this awkward pose he drives his weapon into the very jaws of a rampant ion, ‘Such details are significant, for they would have been fully appreciated by the skilled and ardent hunters for whom the designs were created. Only one scene witha lasso isshown, Shipir IIT (383-8) catching an onager; the rope is loosely rolled around his right hand, and he has seized it in his left fist, close to the slip-knot, to tighten the loop. This practice, together with Shapar's trick in leaping on a Tunning stag (Pl. 206), recalls the demonstration of skill in rodeos, an association further enhanced by the cut of the Sasinian trousers, so similar to the Western American cattle- man’s ‘chaps".]* One of the problems in a seventh century arithmetic by Anania Shira~ Kazi is based on an onager hunt, It tells how a lord and his guests were warned by his servants that great herd of onagers had come into the park. A certain number was killed with spears, a certain number shot with the bow and arrow, while the young ones were lassoed.* The Exploits of Bahram Gar [One of the Sisinian hunts is of special significance, the expedition of Bahram Gur when, teased by his beautiful beloved, the harpist Azida, he permitted her to accompany him to the hunt and then, goaded co demonstrate his famed prowess with the bow, per- formed various wonderful feats that she prescribed : turned a buck into a doe by shoot ing off its horns, and then a doe into a buck by shooting a pair of arrows into its head, there to lodge upright as simili-horns; or, others say, pinned a decr’s hind foot to its car by blowing first a pellet from. pipe to tickle its ear, and then as it scratched with its hoof, transfixing hoof and car with a single shaft (PI. 229 a). Azida, annoyed perhaps by her lord’s too perfect success, taunted him, some say with the retort: ‘Practice makes perfect’, others say by rebuking him for his cruelty, Infuriated, he threw her from her they should with them, ‘They ran ‘Valin and told Narsé’the situation, When he per sonally arrived, with his brothers and his nobles, and entered the park, they began to kill the full-grown to the village of © The cattleman’s own term: for chaparejos. + Foran illustrationof the plate showing lassoing, see Ssuunsors, op.cit, Pl. xxv, N. 52; or Oxmeti—Taeven, fop.cit, PI 8, ‘The plate bears tie inseription: Property of ‘Spindarmer-Ptaqeto: Henzra, Postsasanidische [ne schriften, u; Die Inschriften der Silbergefiss, rvhaco- dogitche Mintilungen aus iran, we (69312), Ps 149, WHO believes the piece to be contemporary with Bahrain's reign (420-38). Orveut (Trans, and Fd), Axaxia Suinararay, On the questions and, thie slo (in ussian), Petrogead, 1918, p. 20: ‘The hunting par cf Narn Kamp, Lot! of hia and of Asha rrunik, was at the foot of the mountain called Artin One time during the night numerous herds of onagers centered this park. ‘The hunters could not do all that animals, and half of the veown beasts were taken traps; one-quarter was killed with arrows; the you who made up one-twelfth of all the prey, were eaken alive [ie with lassos}; and 60 animals were killed with spears. How many head of ontgers were there altogether?” (Answer: 24160.) (Crassated by P. A. from the French of J. 0) ‘The idemtifiction of this Sure gs ShipGe UL is agreed to by Henveuty, Die Malercien von Samarrs, p. 16, and tentatively accepted by Expsass, in Jair. buch der prenfischey Kunnsammlungen, wn, p. 208JOSEF ORBELI pillion seat to the ground, and let the camel on which he was mounted trample the girl to death,] _ This legend had already become popular in the Sisinian period, for it appears not infrequently on Sisinian type scals (see p. 793 and Pl, 256 a) and is the subject of two silver plates in the Hermitage Museum in the Sisinian style, though they may be post-Sisinian, and one may even date from as late as the ninth century (Pl. 2294).' The formula already established thus early was still very popular in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, appearing on pottery of thac time (sce Chapter 45 and Pls, 664, 672, 679, 7278, and cf, Pl. 1300), and in miniatures it was current almost unchanged even in the Safavid period. Why should this tale have taken such a hold on the Persian imagination within a few generations after the death of the real Bahrim Giir, and why should it have been so tenacious even in details ? Moreover, a hero parallel to Bahrim Gir held the equivalent popular place in two other cultures closely connected with Isin: Armenia, where he was Prince Vahagn, and Georgia, where he was King Vakhthang Gorgasol, both Vahagn and Vakhthang being linguistically the same as Bahriim. Other tales are attached to these heroes, especially to Vahagn, who is described" as having hair of fire, a beard of flame, for eyes two suns, and a breath that caused the carth and purple sea to be suffused with light. He emerged full grown out of flame and smoke from the reeds that grew up in the sea. Vahagn had a great contest with the Vishap.’ He had a favourite steed for whom, lacking fodder on one occasion, he stole straw from Prince Barsham. What was the common origin of these three epic heroes in the cultures of Trin, Armenia, Albania, and Gcorgia? In the heavens there was a divine hero, Verethraghna, deity of an ancient Iranian cult. Vahagn and Vakhthang are the same name as Vereth- taghna, and Verethraghna, Angel of Victory in the Avestic religion, was also called Bahram. He was closely associated, indeed in some phases almost merged, with the still older divinity Mithra, god of the sun and of light, whose portrait could be painted in almost the same words as that of the Armenian prince Vahagn. Verethraghna waged a 1 For the illustration of the other plate with this wut, Boston, 1925, pp-43,49- A poetical description i scene see Onanii—Taever, op. cit, Pht. This plate gis & fi given by Moses of Charene ir V. Lasotoss, Collection bears the inscription: Property of Mibrbijit, and the weight: 7 (or2) stone and (4) drachms: BA. Roses aan, in Mémoires du Comité des Orientals. (in Ronan) vane). 137-44; Hato in che lgitche Mineilungen aus ran, w (1932) pp. 154s ‘The name Miri is derived from Mitheny Did the owner choose this theme because of its relation to sun symbolism (see p. 890)? The other Bahrim Giir and Reads plate (PL. 2294) bears the name Pérvadn and the Weight 3 tone 2 drachms; and the inscription: Properiy Of Pértadn, with the weight 3 sue, also appears on the plate showing the king shorse hunting (PI. 208 n): Ibid. p. 154. Herzfeld believes the prey on the latter to bea Mizandarin tiger. . 2M, H. Axavixtas,, Armenian mythology, i J.-A. MaeCuttoete (Ed), The mythology of all races, 726 des historiens anciens et modernes de I'Arménie, 1 Paris, 1869, p. 76 (Bk. ty Chap. vex): ‘The sky and the earth were in labour And the purple tinted sea was in travail ‘Alitle red reed sprouted in the sex ‘And from the hollow of this reed issued smoke, From the hollow of chis reed darted dame. ‘Out of that fame stood a young child, A young chil hair of fire, A bead ofthe, ‘And his eyes were two suns. [See also Oxuett, Bahram Le N. Mar: 195 P99. ir and Azkda (i Ru pss Leningrad,NIA sAs AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK great contest with Verethra and also had a favourite horse for whom he stole straw. The path of this eclestial thieving cavalier was forever marked by a glistening trail which divides the heavens, so that even today the Kurds looking at the Milky Way call it Kadi, the ‘Saw Thief". The name of the royal prince from whom the terrestrial Vahagn stole his straw, Barsham, echoes, though in a slightly distorted form, the name ‘Son of the Sun’ (Bar Shams) Vahaga, the Armenian equivalent of Bahrim Gti, is Vercthraglna brought to earth, nor is it surprising that this angel-hero should have found a terrestrial inearnation, The Verethraghna- Mithra personality was too striking to be confined only to the pantheon: But what is the position in this complex of Bahrim Gir himself ? Verethraghna came to carth in many different forms.’ ‘The well-shapen, tall-formed Strength, he may appear as a beautiful youth, shining, clear-cyed, thin-hecled ; or a bright and beautiful man whose golden sword is richly inlaid; as a strong, beautiful wind, asa beautiful bull; asa horse; as. camel, who of all males in rut shows greatest strength and greatest fire, when he goes to his females ; as a boar, sharp-toothed, sharp-jawed, wrathful, that kills at one stroke, strong and swift to run; as a raven, swiftest of all birds, the Hightest of all flying creatures ; orasa beautiful fighting buck. It was to Verethraghna that Zarathustra prayed for ‘victorious speaking, victorious uddressing, victorious answering’ and Vercthraghna, himself a star, was passionately devoted to the fairest of all the siars. So Bahram, Lustre of the World,? of sun-like face,* commanding height and royal grace, tall as a cypress with a reed-like waist,’ who carties a golden sword,* and rides 2 wind-footed steed,’ is stormy of temperament, powerful as a bull, and dashes chead ardently like a steed as inethaustible as 2 camel in the hunt and as indefatigable in passion, with nine hundred and thirty ludies in his bowers, all provided for." He is 2: furious and destructive as the boar, as swift and rapid asa bird, and as valiant and ruthless in battle as a buck. Even as Vahagn fought the Vishap and Verethraghna conquered Verethra, so Bahrim slew dragons and other horrid beasts." He hiad, too, the gift of tongues : he spoke, according to tradition, eight lhngunges,"* addressing each audience © J. Danuestavi, The Zend-Avests, Part a (EM. Meise (Ed), Sacred books of the East, xxi), Ox ford, 1883, ps 10 (Sirbedh, 120) pp. 235-38, Bahri © Mont, op. city, ps 488, v4 pr on, city vty 9p. 43, 188-9, 32 ‘© According to ‘Thali, Zoresatec 9, 325 Waser, ut, 1, 2X. Mont, op. 49. . PP Rom op. cit, xs pp. 497, 155 Wann, ops city vit, pp. $0, 5. swe Wane, op ey UIMont, op. city vy ps 5345 Wansea, 0p. city 0m A. PE Rtons op cite vps gis Wann, op: cts vm 6 PO Ston, op eit, vy ps $21 Wann op cits vt Ps 6a. Bonen city as sass Waren o cy v1, pp. 48) 89. . i 4 Mom, op. city v, pp. 505-6: Waren, op. cit, Mh Ps ST IE sein tageemony aden sar spoke Arabic In reviewing Ris apy Se hee Bersih. Inaudienceshe sel thee dane le ing plo he spoke Pahlv, Th fate he spoke Toy, atthe hunt the dialect of Zabulsttn, On queso of bw he expressed hima inUlebew. For eies he spoke the Indian tmgue, lor ssrasons Gees ahs tou the Nabstaci, inthe peesence ot women the aes of Hert, Profesor Orbe suggest tutti sehen, inte assortment of lnguages Indices the ees re the knowledge of languages was mos hchie eloped and reins so the mal esting Satta te tie of FR. Tae ib spied the lingunges heel lone segend sexy formulateJOSEF ORBELI appropriately, and making love to his women in a special dialect. Himself as ines tinguishable as a star, he loved passionately Azida, maker of music, which echoes the harmony of the celestial spheres (see p. 890). Bahram Gar is Vercthraghna in our world, ‘The angel who drives away evil is rendered as a ruler who always searches for justice. ‘The clement that impregnates the virgin forces of nature becomes a man insatiable for the caresses of women. ‘The terrifying Chastiser is an uncontrolled person who in a sudden gust of wrath could throw his beloved to a hideous death. But was it not foreordained that the young and beautiful Azada should perish by her lover's will? Every morning the most beautiful of the stars is blotted out by the advent of the Lord of the Day; and not only is Mithra inseparable in the pantheon from Verethragna, but Mithra’s name ‘mifr’ today in Persian means ‘love’, the force that bound Bahram to Azada yet spelled her doom, since cach man kills the thing he loves (see pp. 882-3). Was it indeed not Verethraghna himself who carried Bahram and his beloved into the desert, Verethraghna as a male eaiel, the force of physical passion incarnate, the vehicle of the ardour of the male principle? Under the feet of the camel perished Azada, crushed by the embodiment of passion, the epitome of unbridled male energy. So Bahram as a hero and specifically the story of Bahtim’s hunt with Azada goes back to the ancient Iranian cult, reflects the stars and shadows man's deepest consciousness. And indeed there may even be the faint vestige of a still earlier propitiatory creed. For Vakhthang, the Georgian Babrim, is surnamed Gorgavol, the ‘wolf-headed’, Bahrim himself is called Gir, the ‘onager’, which today in Kurdish dialects means ‘wolf’. Is there not here a far dim echo of a primeval totemism ? Small wonder that 2 hero and tale so rooted in the Iranian mind and in the human soul should thus have lingered on, Nor was it only in Persian lore and illustration that it kept alive. George the Victorious, the great Eastern Christian saint, flesh of Aesh and blood of blood of the ancient feudal nobility, was decked out with the most striking features of Verethraghna, The focus of a Christian cult is cousin german to Bahrim Gar. [A plate in the Staatliche Museen, Berlin (Pl. 229 3), which is clearly post-Sisanian and close in style to the later Azida and Bahrim Gir pate, simply shows the King of Kings as the Mighty Hunter, dispatching varied prey ; but a plate in the British Museum (PL. 231.4), of which there is a copy in the Hermitage Muscum (Pl. 231 8), specific episode that is recorded in the Shah-WVéma, which is inte Museum plate, at least,’ may date from Bahram Gir's own lifetim, jastrates a ing, for the British Bahram went lion 2 In Persian tradition Venus is the goddess of music. suggests that this king might have heen intended either The Editors are indebted for this information to Mr. for Hormued IV (579-90) or Kavtdh Il (628), and M. Minovi. describes the piece as a compilation of a model of the AR Metallarbeiten parthisch-sasani- third or fousth century and one of the sixth or seventh, dlischen tily, Berfiner Muscow,11(1931), 7.99 identifies The authenticity of the Hermitage Museum plate thekingas Khusraw land attibutesttcseventnes Eighth century. Enoains, ih Jotrlal er preafscon Rancomtengen, wis pp ae 78 }westioned, and it has been suggested that it ly a copy of the British Museum plate, made in 8, pe 219, Fig. 12, modern times in India, a contention for which someSASANIAN AND FA RLY ISLAMIC METALWORK hunting on the Mesopotamian pl ing ti isdaini ng 0 Mes an plain at cubbing time.’ Disdaining the safer how and arrow, he dealt with the ferocious animals one after another with his sword, even one that reared, brought down its claws, and sought to strike the charger on the head. He struck atthe Tion’s head and clave the beast down to the middle. = Essentially this same situation is repres i it ly this s s ented again on a plate in the Hermitage Museum, (Pl. 218) which probably dates from a eres city, m the ninth or even tenth century. While one lion has d rears and claws the charger’s face, but is having its sabre, but with a spear. The detail of the Hion rearing ther unusual, suggesting that this illustrates the same detail of the weapon might well be expected after a yand thismight explain also the circumstance that the head- that of any other known Sisinian king, but only a wing- mably identifies the Khusraw as stich, Yet as the historical figure receded, the symbolic meaning evidently became more definite, for on this silver plate each lion carries on its shoulder the whirling rosette sun symbol, Equally definite is the sun symbolism in another hh British Museum,* already been destroyed, the secon: own head cleft, not, however, with and clawing the horse's face is rat cpisode.* The inaccuracy in the lapse of perhaps four centuries, dress is not Bahrim Gor’s, no: trimmed crown which pres wunting scene on a bowl in the where the royal hunter again wears the general Khusraw crown, with wings and crescent, For here the prey includes, in addition to moufflons and boars, two pairs of crossed lions. Crossed lions decorated the throne of the ancient Babylonian Sun God Ninurta, and to Ninurta and Verethraghna is attributed the same myth of slaying the dragon of darkness.* “That the relation to the sun of this curiously arranged pair of lions was recognized at the time seems almost certain from the design on a silver ewer in the Bibliothéque Nationale, where lions, similarly crossed, carry whirling sun rosettes on their shoulders. Still another Bahrim Gar lion hunt is shown on a plate support may be Cound in the technical pecuiares of Selicmitae Nasa ramp Ge ree ee fear Orbit fering rom thee ProfersceS iene Uelevs that it ia copy made in Indy bat n ace tines" Hat ia sag expe te etiiey copy of a plate representing Bahram Gar and Pretunably Contemporsry wich Ns fig, W Monts op ity Ps $30-14 WAKER, 0p city "A Mle which was formes inthe treasury of the Amt Bf Dalakiontn, then in the colleen of St Aoxandes Boney anil te now Known only om + desing Sumo Pay oe Ther version ofthe conventonaleed Khare heal dress. A similar scene is also oo on Gol Gee Pl. pees the opinion fat the ing nthe Theos Pie my roprtee Babe 1 ras) Wu a Pscir rbibps New Hae ep insr iee Sie Genton to anothee deawing of he hens te Fearne ne iy mich be considers cher Gaidd Mieary pcce ora subsequent copy ofa third the pos- century original. 3'y the thircenth century this design of the Khas rav's crowa had degenerited con pleteys and Baron is shown Wearing an ambiguows biccked-out cap th, Sle Fevers to which tached the St Bandeau inthe frm of a trling see ce PL €8>), 4 Illustrated Datrox, op. tity Diss seis) or Sanat, op. et, Pha tsa-te 2"For the myth of Saying the dragon of darkness atcibuted w both Ninuet an Versththos ee SES Laneoox, Semitie mythology in The natholosy o ll ices, 6, Boston, 19315 po. boos. illustrated 'Swianorh of cle, Pl.uyee Saxnt, op. cit, p. 128. th an extraaedinay variant of te same iniphnial contest ae Sstetion( Lercere ge ae ees fon han repose he ne seo donal wih Bees meager uta Ianan somaya Gee pore TR bat ee Been propery aiebuk ns oacune ee sigue abarhin ty indosene ices ee colina ne [Ek Fon eentnee ona Groce snctphaks the eee EES the ermiage Site eee cacti in isco med oes oo fee aTJOSEF ORBELI session of Feuardent Fréres (Fig. 251)" ‘The while he brandishes a club,’ and on the other Another intere: ig. and perhaps significant episode from th king here seizes the lion by the forelock ide of him is the lioness. hah-Nama account of Bahrim Gir is recorded on a plate in the Walters Art Gallery (Pl. 230 4), which is also Fie, 251. Plate, silver, showing Bahrim Gar dispaching a lion, Possession Feuardent Fréres. D. 119 in. (29-4 ems. cither late Sasinian or more probably immediately post-Sisinian.’ Bahrim Gar, wearing his own proper crown, is exchanging gifts with Sapiniid, daughter of Shangil, King of Hind, whom he married when he took a trip incognito to visit this kingdom,* She wears the traditional Indo-Scythian headdress composed of a pair of ram’s horns, and between these is mounted a pomegranate. Bahram Gar’s whole trip to India, recounted in some detail by Firdawsi, seems to be legendary. It may not, therefore, be irrclevant that while the ram's horns were a feature vossession of Feuardent Fréres, but here the lion plays, Bvomewhat diferent role. I stands in the midet of 4 pattern of twenty-four undulating clouds in anova feamed by a rope moulding with a seven-dotted Ireach quadrate That th lon nut he sun cated by the fact that at one end of the howl the sun is depicted asa sixteen-petalled rosette, while at the other is the crescent moon. Probably the lion is here the guardian of the Zenith, while the small rosettes indi- Gate the guardians of the four quarters ofthe heavens (Gee pp. 804-5). ‘The rope may represent the kusik (ce GaP ahr Oe bee degenertefor of he atmosphere serpent (See p. 838) T This plate was found at Ardabil and hus been published by L. Ditaroxtr Une coupe sassanide de Bahram Gour, Areshase, 1 (1926) pp. 143-8. 730 2 Likewise an important attribute of the Sun Ged: see P44 0 + Professor Camille Trever believes that this plate lates from the fitth century (see p. $9). Sanne, Die Kunst cles alten Persien, PL ert, identities the king as Yazdiird UL (438-57), and Hexzreio, Die Malereien vou Samarra, pp. 40-1, accepts this identification, which, however, leaves inexplicable the lady's headdress. The legendary Bahrm Gar episode would hardly have been illustrated in the King's own lifetime or immedi= ately thereafter, since it usually requires time for legends to gather about a great name. {Mowe opts vi Ph 35-65, Wannan, op, cits vy p. 128, Tabar also reports this marriage to a Indian princess: Zorewaray (Trans), Chronique de Tabati, , Paris, 1869, pp. 124-5ASANI f Indo-Seythi AN AND EARLY IgsLaMic ME‘ of Indo-Scythian crowns, ; and flocks, and teen hoc appropriate to Andhit, divine patroness of herds wus chinioued: ‘Tie crane oe the lovely morning star of whom Verethraghna thir (role ig anvativibute ofthe ye Pomegranate tends to reinforce this connexion, for and the lotus rosette. conspie ertility Goddess in a number of her multiple phases, ‘nspicuous on the lady's costume may be another factor in this arctan ren the association with India may not be accidental, for the carly taeda Ascbic wien Jocate somewhere in that general direction the Island of Waq 4 grew the vag-vag (or talking) ec, and this bizarre conception had developed our of the same eycle of Fertility Godless symbolism.! Tn the Shah. Vine, Gon ertility Goddess symbolism.’ ; , ‘dma, Sapinid bestows jewels and treasures on Barim when she marries him, but here the occasion may be Nawriiz, New Year’s day.] Below the exergual line are three severed boars’ heads, and at the New Year, the great day of fete, the Georgian King sent a boar’s head to his chief minister (and perhaps to other important members of his court as well), who was required to eat of the flesh before he paid his New Year's call on his sovereign. The origin of this ceremony is unknown, but when Verethraghna went to earth to punish liars he assumed the form of a boar,* and perbaps a bit of boar’s meat would constrain an official to honesty (see p. 7925 . 5) [In another festive scene, contemporary with the latest lion hunt and obviously of the same school, the King again seems to be Bahrim Gir, though here also he wears a generalized Khusraw headdress, decorated with wings and above, a crescent (PI. 208 a). ‘That Bahrim Gir is meant here is strongly implied by the pair of addorsed lions that support the throne, for when Bahrim went to claim the succession, he had to prove his right by seizing che appurtenances thereof from between two lions.’ Here the King, attended by four ladies, regales himself with wine and music, Like the hunting scene in the same style, this also may illustrate a specific passage in the Shat-Vama, for it was Bahrim Gar’s long dalliance with the Idols in the golden women’s house at Istakhr that emboldened the Turanian Kbin to attack him, a challenge which provided Bahrim with the occasion of his greatest victory." "This motif of the King on his lion throne with flanking attendants also lasted into the Middle Ages,’ appearing, for example, almost unchanged on a silver inlaid brush and ink case in the collection of M. Marquet de Vasselot (PI. 1317), where it is com- bined with the orthodox hunt of Bahram Gir and Azada, as well as three astral symbols = thesun-Tion felling the bull, Capricornus, and Sagittarius, the whole on a background made of the efg-vdg, an interesting combination of ancient symbols (see p. 893).] Tna similar scene of revelry on another plate in the Hermitage Museum (Pl, 2308),” ALWORK + Acxenwan, The talking tree, Bulletin of the dmeri- con fan fr Peron itn rchaecb ey © 933) 67-72. neties PP Gamwareree, op. city 1, p. 137, Mihir Yast, xvi, 70-72 oe . 3 Mont, op. city vy pp. 439-405 WARNER, OP. city M1, 1912) Pe 41> ‘6 Mott, op. cit, vy p- $384 Warsen, oP. yp. tgs + Thi acene is cited as one of the Sis she we penged fai he ec poral WS “owas Wasa, Sra of itn and Ne chaeun actin Persian panting, Onfordy 1934 ps 12. ‘Thewsreuy, Die Mlaerlen von Samet, fe aos considers tat dhe costume worn by this prince Ite Stsinian jan motifsJOSEF ORBELI stylistically closely related to the king hunting in the Staatliche Museen, Berlin, the royal personage wears another type of crown that probably merely indicates a Khus- raw, with crenellations and a crescent, and a lion appears as a conspicuous pattern on his tunic.) The servitors, who stand with hands crossed or folded on the breast, wear a hand kerchief bound close over the mouth, as was required when approaching the monarch. This convention of respect had both a cult and a practical basis, for the priest attending the fire altar wore a bandage over his mouth, so that, according to the official interpre tion, he should not defile the sacred element with his breath. Inasmuch as the King was God himself he, too, was protected from contamination in this sime way, and from him the mark of deference was extended to the head of any house, a custom prevailing. in Armenia down to recent times.' Actually, the priest probably originally bandaged his mouth because the first sucred fires were burning natural gas and the sulphurous fumes were suffocating, but the ceremonial interpretation was given in order that no criticism of the holy emblem should seem to be implied, Court musicians, on the other hand, obviously could not have their mouths bandaged, but this was explained by saying that during the practice of their art they were inspired by the divine fire and hence their breath could not be offensive, ‘The wine at Khusraw's entertainment is being strained into an amphora (apparently of pottery) through a net bag hung from a tripod [In still another episode of this type, shown on a plate in the British Museum two musicians, a singer, anda servant, the hero wears no headdress at all. These festivities are sct in a garden beside a pool and beneath a ree on which perches a falcon, and there are especially rich appurtenances : a curious portable cupboard with a pair of jugs inside (sce figure in Chapter 62), a necklace, many brocaded cushions. It will be remembered that when Bahrim Gar was hunting in Trin he lost his most prized falcon, the sable sughril that had been sent to him by the Khan of Chin, He found it perched on a sree in the garden of the thane Barzin, and found there also three girls like ivory, the chane’s daughters. ‘They entertained their father beside the pool, and all the place was full of slaves and wealth, Bahram accepted wine, listened to their songs, and added all three w to his women’s house.” Battle Scenes One curious plate in the Hermitage, which stands rather apart in. general cha represents an individual combat.’ ‘The two warriors, who are fighting on foot, are dressed cter, + This custom prevailed als in a special form at the Malereien von Samarra, p. 41; gives the name inscribed court of the Great Khan. Thus Marco Polo reports: on this as ‘drdicratvdw’ and for epigraphic reasons “The numerous persons who attend at the sideboard. his Majesty, and who serve him with victuals and drink, are all obliged to cover their noses and mouths with handsome veils or cloths of worked silk, in order that bis victuals or wine may not be affected by their breath.” M. Koxssorr (Ed), The travels of Marco Polo, New York, 1926, pp. 138-9. * Itlusteated ‘Sisnxorz, op. cit, Pl. xaxviny or Daurow, op. cit, PL. exxix, No. 211, Hexzvst, Die 732 dates it subsequent to Khusraw I; bur idem, in Archaeslogische Mineilungen sans Iran, 1s, pp. 148-9, agives it as dadizad and concludes that this is ast the nname of an owner, but identifies the figuee as probably the son of Khuseaw I who bore this mime + Mout, op. cit, ¥, pp. 496-501; Wanven, op sity pp. 49-54 liustrated Ssttaxorr, op. city Pl xxunts Onaees Preven, op. cit, Pl 21sASANIAN AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK alike in a variant of the clibanarius’ armour, a scale tunic with chain sleeves and hand guard, scale greaves which are continuous with the foot armour, and a high, three jointed bassinet with a chain beaver and veil that hangs deep on to the breast and shoulders."] This type of bassinet has been without known parallel, but according to report there is a rock carving at Semiryechye in Central Asia which shows a similar helmet? ‘The same types of arms have continued in use among the Kurds down to recent times, notably the shield and axes, the latter having also been used by the Armenians in Kurdistin, ‘The fight has already waged so furiously that quite an assort- ment of these arms, broken or dropped, have fallen to the ground: two poignards for cach man, with the points broken off; a round-headed mace for cach, a form called by the Kurds gwérs; and most typically Kurdish of all, two battle axes. This kind of axe, known in the Kurdish language as sapharyh, is still found in certain Kurdish districts, where it serves at once as walking-stick, ice pick, and protective arm. It can be used as a walking-stick because it has a long, slender haft with a cross bar at the end which forms the handle. ‘The head, which is small, has a triangular blade, a globular socket, and behind the socket a long, sharp spike, useful as ice pick. ‘The soldiers’ rondaches likewise lic on the ground, and these, too, are Kurdish in style, the foundation made of reeds, surfaced with bits of iron applied on broadcloth. All other weapons having been tried, the two men in their death struggle have now resorted, the one to a spear, the other to a bow, the string of which he draws with his forefinger and middle finger (though the artist has actually given him one finger too many on that hand), spreading them apart so that the feather of the arrow is held between them, ‘The conspicuous Kurdish elements in this design recall the faet that Yazdijird II when he went to make war on the Kushins took with him to Ashribad some Kurdish troops. ‘Three centuries later the Armenian Prince of Bagratuni, accompanying Khusraw IL on his expedition against the Ephthalites, found in Turkistin Armenians and Kurds? who had forgotten their own rites, and philologists today detect in the Kurdish dialects of Turkistin forms which are characteristic of the Kurdish dialect of Turkish Armenia. ‘The siege of a castle shown on another plate in the Hermitage Museum (PI. 233 8) is ako difficult to interpret. The fortress strikingly anticipates the main exterior structural design of the Rabat-i-Malik (Pl. 271),* but that this is no ordinary fortress is suggested by what is apparently a fire altar seen through the open door, and one of the defenders in the gallery carries a box which seems to be the receptacle for the stered fire.* According « Itis interesting to compare this armour with chat ing to Ibn al-Balkt (aly tlh century) i flower resented at Durt-Europos: see P. V.C. Baux— SET Reerovromn—A fe ince, The excarc Srasnar, Destin of the province of Fs tions ‘at Durauropos, Preliminary report of fourth (dséatc Society Monograph, xiv), London, 19) Sauon of work (1936-1), New Haven, 1933, PP: 215~ + This was first noted by A. U. Pope. 19. For further comparative material see A. vox Lx > According to Professor Camilla ‘Trever, who be- Coo, Bilderstlas aur Kunst und Kulurge lioves the scene illustrates a specific rite. This thesis Mittel-Asiens, Berlin, 1925, p. 61 #'[Unfortunately this could not be verified —C. T-] 3 Tris also interesting in this connexion that, accord Third. International Congeess on Hranian Art and Archacology, Leningrad, September 1935.JOSEF ORBELI to one interpretation this depicts a symbolic siege of a Zoroastrian Castle of Faith, but the realism of the dead bodies in the upper gallery seems too specific for an allegory. Attempts have also been made to connect it with an historical episode. “Thus ithas been suggested that the pillar seen through the door is nota fire altar, buta support- ing column in the interior, and that the building represents the seizure of Jerusalem by Khusraw UI (614).* But whatever its illustrative meaning, the pivce is of primary im portance for the detailed representation of architecture of the period (see pp. 530-1). Cult Themes (The cult which is in the immediate background of some of the Bahram Gar subjects is the explicit theme of a small series of designs on silver vessels, ‘The Avestic deities are represented in the rock reliefs only as participants in the Investiture, Ahura Mazda appears richly apparelled as « Sisinian king, either ahorse or afoot (Pls. 156 , 160 2), sometimes victoriously crushing the evil Ahriman (Pls, 154.4, 160 a). He holds a large Sansom, the divine darsom being evidently longer than that used by the priests, and the same symbol appears in the hands of Mithra in another relief. He, too, is clad as a Sasi- nian prince, but from his head radiate the solar rays and he stands on an open lotus flower (Pl. 160). Anihit is shown in two quite different costumes, one of a fabric, evidently silk, so sheer that it reveals every contour of her full form (Pl. 157 3). Her ringleted hair is piled up high within a crenellated crown, long enrls lie on her shoulders, and she wears square golden carrings and a golden necklace around her beautiful neck” In the other instance (PI. 1608) her form is completely concealed by a draped gown caught up over a full petticoat and a thick cape that hangs heavily. Clearly this lat is her garment of the skins of thirty beavers, of the finest kind of beavers, which ‘when worked at the right time shines to the eye with the full shcen of silver and gold’." Anthit wears this particular fur because beavers live in water and she is goddess of water-courses, and for that reason, too, she carries, in the one instance, a small lustration bucket, and in the other a ewer. Possibly this aspect of her divinity is emphasized because the Sisinian feudal sights (which the Investiture conveyed) were specifically based on authority over the earth and aver che water of the domain in question. In the second representation the outstanding feature of Anthit's head dress is a small globe on the crown of her head, and this appearsagain on the only figure of the goddess Known on a metal vessel, a lost ewer of which a drawing has been preserved (Fig. 252)." Here she is depicted in quite another guise, evideatly as patroness of love, for she holds a dove (one of her attributes) and is surrounded by Erotes. Her draperies are even more 64, “The ewer was in the possession of the S ng in 2775. For a more detailed discuss n Yast, xxe, ax, Some Indo-Iranian motis in Sasinian art, Ze, det and Leuters, xt (1937), pp. 35~5. Henzriio, Die 9. Malereien von Samarea, p. tg identities the figure as a after Suinxers, op. city Pls xts dancerSASANIAN AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK transparent and scanty than on d 1 the first relief, and sentations she is shown as the Abana . formed, high-girded," and in the la which is significant evidence of the existence of cult statues in the Sasinian period (see p. 794). That Anahit as patroness of love should appear on a ewer of this form is no accident.] Such ewers, as well as some of the bortle-shaped vases, are commonly de- corated with rows of pearl bosses about the neck and foot. In Armenia, where many Sisinian traditions have persisted, the girls on a given day carry vases and jugs, decorated with strings of pearls or wreaths of lowers, to the spring or well, in deference to the superstition that the girl who can bring water back to the master of the house without meeting any one may get married that year, [Here are remnants of a rite for Anahit, at once goddess of springs and love. But Anahit was also the morning star and so she appears in quite a different setting (Fig. 306). ‘The Anahit ewer illuminates the designs on three vases in the Hermitage Museum,’ Women, each under an arch, similarly clad in filmy veils, with the globe on the crown of the head, bear various offerings : doves, lotus flowers, pomegranates, a hound (all attributes of Anahit), rich metal vessels, and a massive necklace. And quite probably it is this same cult that is illustrated on a Parthian bone carving in the Hermitage Museum (see figure, Chapter 63). On a plate in the Bibliothéque Nationale (Pl. 233.4) more substantially clad women carry the same kind of gifts, but here the divine recipients of the offerings are specified : Mah, the Moon God, and the two closely associated lesser divinities, Drvacpa, the spirit of the animal creation, and Tishtrya, the st functioned as the rain-maker, incarnated in this instance as a fantastic beast.) On another plate in the Flermitage Museum (PL. 225 a) Drvispit is mounted on this animal and rides by a stream, presumably Ram, the river of good pasurage Drvaspa (as Goshurun) was closely connected, and which represents the region o chy Drvaspi and ‘Tishtrya appear again on a ewer (PI. 224 ac), likewise in the Hermitage Muscum, this time associated with a horned lion-griffin. Abin Yast, xx. Pls. 44-7. 3 Rextnaca, op. ci 7 . | 126. strated Sunvorr op. city Pls-xivis xuvngar 4A, Vs We Jacnsom, Zoroastrian studies, New Se oor Onnuir—Teevan, op. city York 1928, pp. a8, 61. This plate carries the MARE, Op. 1293 Or ORBELE ah nd her jewels richer. In all three repre- ashe describes her, fair of body, most strong, tall- st instance the figure is clearly drawn from a statue, Ewer, silver, Sasinian Stroganoff Collection, © Dannesreten, Avesta, 11, ps 825JOSEF ORBELI Two other silver vessels in the Hermitage Museum, a plate (PI. 2328) and a cup (Pl. 222.4, 8), and a lobed bowl in the State Museum, Kiev (Pig. 310),' show deer or sheep confronted on either side of a tree beside a water-course, a motif that likewise appears on a Sasinian stucco plague in the Musée du Louvre (Pl. 177%) and in abridged forms on many seals (see p. 797 and Fig. 274). On the lobed bowl the lion-griffin is introduced again as a secondary feature. ‘The tree flanked by horned animals is a moon symbol (sce pp. 844-5). . ——— Probably all these vessels were associated with ceremonies invoking protection against drought, a scourge of which the Persians had some bitter experiences in the Sasa nian period, as in the reign of Firdz when river-water was a precious drug, and for seven years both great and small beheld no verdure anywhere.’ Mah’s chariot is the theme of another plate in the Hermitage Museum (PI. 207 8). It is drawn by four zebus, an expression of the close relation between Mah and the primeval "| Mah himself sits above the canopy mounted on the chariot, enthroned like a an king, with his ceremonial axe upright on the pile of cushions beside him. The identity of a young man holding bow and arrows under the canopy is uncertain,* but since we have here two of the trio which is the subject of the Bibliotheque Nationale plate, Mah and Drvispa (who is equally Géshurun, soul of the Bull), does not this third figure represent Tishtrya in the first aspect of the constellation, as a young man ?* A curious combination of motifs on a vase or cup in the Iermitage Muse incoherent that it must have been dictated by a required symbolism. One side is occu- pied by a woman's face, the contour of which is defined by foliate stems that continue into the head dress. Is not this Ameretat, female angel of vegetation? The foliare stems branching to right and left define circles, in cach of which is a lion-killer, The lion contest, perhaps the most ancient and also the most enduring mythological tale, was attached to a succession of heroes from Gilgamesh through Samson to Herakles and also nis so inscription: Property of she DaBburémitr i Farruyan: Horrzreip, in drchacolgische Mitteilungen aus drat, 1, p. r50. This person was spaidadh of Khurasin either from 708 to 718 (go—100 m.) oF from 728 to 738 (119-21), and Herzfeld believes that the plate was nade expressly for him. 1 Mlustrated Suunsory op, 2 Zorexmens (Trans,), Chronique de pp. 128-9; Mom, op. cit, vt, p71; Warxun, op. cit, 5 Tanoesreren, Avesta pe 12; ibid, p. 16, Mah Sirdzah,'at 12, 4+ Iehas, for example, been suggested that the figure above is a combination of Mah snd Dhu'l-Qarnayin, a traditional hero whose frst literary appearance is in the jur'an, Sura 18, 22 ef Jeg an case the figure iow would bebis Vase, Chadhit;G. Serna, Wenders Da'-Qarnein und Chadhir, Orientalisches drchiv, 11 1gt1=12), pp. 128-32. Oo aterm, Aves, 09, Mah Yar 1: Ie has been suggested that the design vas inspire by one figure om the Talehti-TRqdls, which the same 736 Mih Sirdzah, 1 author interprets asa clock (concerning which see PP. 775-8, 878-9): Hexzrrip, Der Thron des Khors3, Jahrbuch der prenfischen Kuastsammlangen, x11 (1930), Bro, Hut the text reading on which this was based as been questioned by F. Saxt, Frahes Ch tum und spates Heidentum in ihren. ktnster Ausdruckstormen, ener Johrénck far Kunsrgesc (xt) (1923) p. 113. Dr-Saxl (ibid, p. 116) believes that both figures represent the Moon God, but does not take into aecoue the ele relation between the Noon God and Tishtrya in the Iranian tradition. The divinity was identified as Men, the Asia Minor Moon God (eho has, in fiet, points of contact with Mah) by B. Puarmaxowsky, Stdrussland (Archtologische Funde im Jahre 1907) drchdologitcher dnzeigery Beiblatt 24m Jahrbuchdes Keiserlich Dewticken Archaotogischen [nstiet, xxitt(1909), p-1 $0, where itis also stated thatthe piece swas found near Klimova " Honzviun, Die Malercien yon Samarra, calls this the face of the sun, but does not exp foliate Frame.SASANIAN AND EARLY ISLAMIC METALWORK Verethraghna. Moreover, on the neck is a fantastic compound beast known as the senmury, and in the Avesta Verethraghna is associated with the senmurv.' ‘There is no specific bond between Ameretit and Verethraghna, but many Sisinian designs were certainly astrologically determined (see p. 811), and where could personal protective divinities be better invoked than on a wine cup? ‘To a person born on the twentieth day (Bahram) of the fifth month (Amurdét)* this cup would guarantee security and good fortune.] ‘The senmurv that appears on the neck of this vessel is a favourite motif of the period, not only in metal ornament,’ but also in stucco decoration (see Pl. 177 ¥) and textile design (sce Pls. 199, 200), It is a strange creature, long-nosed, lion-clawed, bird-tailed, in de- ference to its triple nature (described in the Avesta and the Bundahish), which combined clements from the dog, a bird, and a musk animal. This hybrid repre- sented a cosmic concept, connected, on the one hand, with the three heavens," on the other with the agri- cultural function of spreading fertility by scattering the seeds of one cosmic tree; and it was in general a beneficent force, destroying, for example, evil serpents. On Sisinian silver it appears in two different forms. One plate (PI. 219 4) shows it with the long, upturned snout of a snarling dog, the teeth bared; wings and the Autering tail from its bird nature and the beard of a musk-deer. The body is imbricated, the neck edged with tufts of curling hair. ‘The figure drives forwards intently, in full Aight. ‘All the other representations of the seamury follow a well defined canon (Pls. 238, Fig, a3) : the snout is blunt, the tongue protrudes ; no teeth are visible; the ae stiff; the tail, a peacock’s tail partially displayed. ‘The fur is conventionalized into a foliate pattern, the mane reduced to a series of small scallops, and the figure ie quieweent. “A plate in che British Museum (Pl. 227)' shows a still further seage in srylization, the protruding tongue being foliate, while on the imbricated tail is another Aves ps 44 ahem Yast, fs Cratos ta anon ear wel hve been granted 90 conspicuous 2 pice in decoration (in Russian), Recueil Juphévigue, mningead, 1934) 00, Bowl, silver, carved, figure i. D.¥ in. Detail of leaf, Stsinian plate. ish Museum (see Pl. 227) 5 Danntesreren, wor ; , S hexsom, op. city pper2§-6. : 2 Faceseny of i PP iicimeresting creature see + [NJ-Manx, | Cee ihe dog bird; Senmurr and Paskudj, ¥ (1927)s idem, CEuvzes choi, Mi ee Leningrad, 1937 (in Russian) jtammias Son CTY x i od did bette eith the mash rent, __* Fora discussion of a post-Sisinian dating for this Boe i at ne ek eid account for the piece sce Daizos, A late Sassanian silver dish, The corspoundel of pent (wa eages Temas one of Baringin Magen, x (i ore. ee the spimals ong ne) ey piso exeton. ution of ail more degestg rendition of thin ‘Ahura Mazda and Verethraghna waged similar con figure in stucco see Sanne, op. cit.,