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THE BOOK OF ARRAN
 THE
BOOK OF ARRAN
VOLUME SECOND
BY

W. M. MACKENZIE
HISTORY AND FOLKLORE

THE ARRAN SOCIETY OF GLASGOW

HUGH HOPKINS: GLASGOW
MCMXIV
e.v.
 PREFACE
The present volume completes the enterprise undertaken
by The Arran Society of Glasgow, the first volume of which,
dealing with the Archaeology of the island and edited by the
late Mr. J. A. Balfour, was published in 1910. It is matter
of regret that Mr. Balfour himself did not live to complete
the work to which he had devoted so much energy and
research. His early death was a distinct loss to Scottish
historical study.
Mr. Balfour had already collected a considerable part of
the material which has here been utilised. For the treat-
ment of this, however, as well as for much additional material
and for the whole plan and setting of the book, the present
writer is wholly responsible. It also seemed good to him
to depart from the method of the first volume, and make the
work that of an individual pen, so as to secure the necessary
continuity and sense of movement indispensable in history.
In this way, too, the overlapping and disproportion in-
evitable in separate contributions on particular subjects
would be avoided. The general framework of the narrative
is the study of the history of an island in an enclosed western
sea. This establishes a point of view which is at once
scientific and serviceable. Moreover, emphasis throughout
has been laid upon the social or popular elements, and the
great issues of the national history are introduced only in
so far as they are explanatory of or relevant to local matter.
vi THE BOOK OF ARRAN
It is a history of Arran as a part of Scotland, not of Scotland
with Arran as a magnified intrusion. Only on these lines

can such a work become contributory or supplementary to

national history.
In the performance of what was necessarily a responsible
and heavy labour, the writer had every reason to appreciate
the consideration and generosity of the Book Committee of
the Arran Society. It was to him a pleasant association,
all the more so from the sympathetic co-operation of the
Honorary Secretary, Mr. Charles Hamilton. To certain
members his debt is personally great and. more particular.
It is fitting that acknowledgment should be made by all
parties, and not least by the author, to the unflagging
enthusiasm and care of Mr. William J. MacAlister. To
Mr. Islay Kerr and Mr. Donald Currie personal obligations
are also considerable. For assistance of a specially helpful
character, and for some important contributions, the author
gladly acknowledges the services of Mr. Alex. MacAlister of
Kilpatrick and California. Without being invidious, he must
refer to help and encouragement on the part of Mr. W. N.
King, Mr. J. S. Bannatyne, Mr. And. Stewart, Mr. C. S.
Douglas, and Mr. Donald M'Kelvie of Lamlash.
Equally with the Book Committee the writer is indebted
for most valuable material to the Marquis of Graham through
his representative Mr. George Laidler, Factor of Arran.
The opportunity of consulting the MS. Journal or Diary of
Mr. Burrel, furnished by the Estates Office, has given the
present volume a distinctive note of value. It is proper
to say that for the use made of that material, with its
selection and transcription, the author alone is responsible.
The Committee are much
indebted to Mr. R. L. Bremner
for his contribution on Norse place-names.
 PREFACE vii

To Mr. J. B. Sweet, Session Clerk of Kilbride, and to the

Rev. A. W. Kennedy of Kilmorie, thanks are due for access
to the Records of the respective parishes.
The Gaelic material, save in cases specifically mentioned,
was prepared and translated by the late Mr. Duncan Reid,
and was carefully revised in proof by Mr. Norman MacLeod
of Glasgow, with the assistance of Mr. James Craig, Kil-
patrick. Mr. Craig's services deserve special mention, in so
far as he secured many contributions to the collection of
Folk Lore and of Arran Gaelic verse. Independently of
the poetic quality of the verse, these compositions, alike
in their associations and examples of
in their interest as
the Arran variety of the language, deserve a place in
such a record as this. The collection here given is

the result of a timely effort at preservation : with the

passing away of the older people much has been irre-

trievably lost.
The list of individual contributors of much or little,

whether used or not, will be found at the end of the volume.

If any one has been overlooked it is to be regretted and is
apologised for.
More personally the author would thank Mr. William
Melven of Glasgow Academy for the use of some printed
material, and Mr. George Mackenzie for revising proofs.
Mrs. John Mackay of the Celtic Monthly saved trouble by
kindness in lending books for consultation. But under
this head he is most indebted to the generosity with which
Mr. Alexander Balfour placed at his disposal the volumes
relating to the subject which had been collected by his son.
This aid was most valuable.
Some of the illustrations have been kindly furnished
by Dr. C. Fred. Pollock, of Glasgow.
b
viii THE BOOK OF ARRAN
It may be mentioned that every effort has been made to
secure uniformity of speUing in names, and, as far as possible,
to adopt for place-names the amended forms supplied in the
first volume. At the same time any one familiar with historic
records will realise the difficulties of such a course, which,
indeed, is not in every case desirable. Reasonable limits to
uniformity had therefore to be accepted.

W. M. MACKENZIE.
May 1914.
 —
'•

CONTENTS
CHAPTER I

EARLY ARRAN
The mythical Arran —
' Emhain of the Apples —
Arran and the Feinne
'

— the — —
coming of the Scots Dalriadic Arran the Norsemen in
—
Arran—rise of Somerled and the Gall-Gael expansion of Scotia
close of Norse dominion
of Largs —
—
.....
Hakon's fleet in Lamlash Bay the Battle
tracks of the Norsemen,
—

CHAPTER II
ARRAN IN THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
— —
Arran a frontier island the Bysset intrusion Arran and Wallace
—
the rising under Bruce Douglas in Arran— attack on Brodick
garrison— arrival of Robert Bruce in Arran —
the fire at Turnberry —
—
departure for the mainland the Arran woman's prophecy Bruce's —
later connection with Arran, . . . . .25

CHAPTER III

THE OWNERS OF ARRAN (I.)

rran and the Earldom of Menteitli —

the Menteith Stewarts as Lords
of Arran — transfer to the —
Royal Stewarts Arran in the Royal
accounts —the farms and their rentals — devastations
by the men of
Knapdale and Kintyre, and reductions of rent^the story of Ranald
—
MacAlister mortgage of the island to the Bishop of Glasgow
—
devastation by Donald Balloch unsettled condition the services — '

of Colin, Earl of Argyll — grant to the Boyds, . . .35

 — —

X THE BOOK OF ARRAN

CHAPTER IV
THE OWNERS OF ARRAN (II.)
PAGB
—
The 'firmarii' or farmers the merklands — the 'baron-lairds' the —
Montgomerys in Sannox and Loch Ranza transference of these to ;

Hamiltons — the Fullartons of Corsby in tlie Knightslands

Fullartons of Arran in Kilmichael and Glen Cloy —the coronership
of Arran — the Ardgowan Stewarts iu the Tenpenny Lands — trans-
ference to the Stewarts of Bute — the Hamiltons and the Tenpenny
Lands — the Stewarts retain Corriegills ; sale to the Hamiltons —the
Boyd Earl of Arran — the entry of the Hamiltons —James iv. and
Arran — fortunes of the earldom till the Union of the Crowns, . 49

CHAPTER V
CHURCHES AND CLERGY BEFORE THE REFORMATION
Tlie old religion— Christianity and the story of Molaise of Lamlash St.
— the Arran Church dedications — Mary of the Gael — Michael of
' ' '

the white steed' the vicar of Arran — the parish churches to the
' '

Abbey of Kilwinning— Kilbride and Kilmorie in pre-Reformation

times — the abbey lands of Shisken, .
68

CHAPTER VI
ARRAN IN POLITICS
Arran in the Troubles
' —
stray glimpses of its life
'
feud and foray —
—
purchases at Ayr terror of the MacDonalds— strategic importance
for Scotland and Ireland —
a refuge and a prison ci-ime in Arran —
the Hamiltons become hereditary Justiciars deforcing the King's —
messenger at Brodick —
the story of Patrick Hamilton the
M'Alisters again —
the Commonwealth; foray by the Campbells

..... —
Cromwell's garrison in Arran the Duchess Anne Arran men in
the ' Forty-five,'
—
.88
CHAPTER VII
FOLK HISTORY
Tradition in history— the Arran —
last raid innames of the people tlie
— the baron-lairds in tradition —
' '
of the Fullartons— of other
stories
families — the bloomeries — military and naval service
' '
the press-
gang—smuggling and tragic incidents,
its
.113 . . .
 ——

CONTENTS xi

CHAPTER VIII

THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION

PAGE
The two parishes after the Reformation —the ministers of Kilbride, of
Kilmorie — Beith of Kilbride, the reverend slayer — the clerical
dynasties— burning of the Kilmorie manse — the Kilmorie case at
the Assembly— Rev. Wm. Shaw of the Gaelic Grammar and
Dictionary — persecution of Shaw — the Session Records of Kilbride
. and Kilmorie, their contents— domestic and township quarrels
Sabbath breaking — education and schools — account of payments, . 138

CHAPTER IX
THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS
Islands deficient in arable land — Arran fishings in the eighteenth
century —mode of cultivation— runrig—character of the people
Burrel's Diary ox Journal— rents and — government
restraints local
institutionof the packet-boats — Burrel's calculations and judgments
—game in the island— Burrel's small apart from rental
results
condition of the island in the later years of the century — routine
of its life — occupations and dwellings — the Arran roads, . .168
CHAPTER X
IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION
Religious life — the Revivals of 1804-5, 1812-13 — the 'outcrying' and
—an Arran communion and church-going
various opinions thereon
renewal of improvement in the island— clearances and emigration
—the Sannox clearance —the occasion of the Canadian Boat Song
—story of Megantic — condition of the other properties, the
......
settlers
Westenra and Fullarton estates — exports of the island —population
—commercial directory, 203

CHAPTER XI
THE NEW ARRAN
— —
Arran roads short-lived industries the new agriculture the Fairs —
—
Arran as a health resort the coming of the steam-packets steam- —
—
boats and owners the Ladi/ Mary and the Heather Bell the piers —
— —
Whiting Bay and the rival companies the Disruption and the
—
Free Church in Arran the Union case the Land Court rents
—
and game conclusion, .
—
... —
235
xii THE BOOK OF ARRAN
CHAPTER XII
FOLK LORE
PAGE
Ossianic legends— fairy tales —
tales of monsters —foretellings and signs
— the Evil-eye —witchcraft — cures — social customs, . .251

CHAPTER XIII
GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN
Arainn Bheag Bhoidheach (Bonnie Little Arran) Marbh-Rann (Elegy) —
— —
Oran Gaoil (Love Song) Oran Eile (another song) An Saoghal —
(The World)— Am Bas (Death)— Fuadach a' Ghobha Bhig (The
—
Banishment of the ' Gobha Beag ') Oran na Dibhe (Song on
—
Drinking) A' Bhanais Ainmeil (The celebrated Wedding) Marbh- —
—
Rann d'a Mhnaoi (Elegy to his Wife) Moladh Mhaidhsie (In praise
of Maisie) —
Oran do'n t-Saoghal (To the World) Mairi Og (Young —
—
Mary) Faidhir an t-Seasgainn (Shisken Fair) Oran a Rinneadh —
le Domhnull MacMhuirich (Song by D. Currie), . .314
APPENDICES
—
Appendix A. Selected Charters relating to Arran in the Register of
the Great Seal of the Kings of Scotland and the Hamilton Papers, 351

Appendix B.— The Island of Arran for the Years 1766 and 1773, . 357

Appendix C— Population, 1755-1911, • • • • .367

Appendix D. — Norse Place-Names of Arran, grouped under their Old
Norse, Icelandic derivatives (R. L. Breraner), 368

....
i.e. . , .

List of Works on the Island of Arran, 378

List of those
tion with ' The Book of Arran,' ....
who contributed Material or Information in connec-
380

Index, . . . . . . . . .381
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS
The Duchess Anne ... Frontispiece

I. Arran Peaks . . ... AT PAGE

2

II. Arran and Neighbourhood (Moll's Map, 1725) 8

iiL Arran (Blaeu's Atlas, 1654) 38

IV. Glen Sannox ... 52

V. Lamlash, showing Duchess Anne's Harbour 109

VI. Catacol Bay . . ... 16I

VII. Fishermen's Huts 183

VIII. Sunday in the Highlands (Arran) 210

IX. Sannox Peaks ...... 216

X. Megantic County: Abran Settlement 221

XI. Brodick Bay 242

 —

CHAPTER I

EARLY ARRAN
The mythical Arran —Emhain of the Apples — Arran and the Feinne
' '

— the coming of the Scots — Dalriadic Arran — the Norsemen Arran

in
riseof Somerled and the Gall-Gael — expansion of Scotia — close of
Norse dominion — Hakon's Lamlash Bay — the Battle of Largs
fleet in
—tracks of the Norsemen.
I

It is the island of Arran that Ufts the Firth of Clyde into

grandeur. Southward on one side stretches the humble
plateau of Kintyre, monotonous and featureless in its
regularity, while on the other the withdrawing Ayrshire
coast contributes neither impressiveness nor charm they ;

need familiarity and association, these bowed and shelter-

less uplands, to win the secret of their attraction. Bute
and the Cumbraes borrow much of their effectiveness from
what behind. But towering and clear-cut in mid-sea,
lies
Arran brings all into tune the smoother, less aspiring lands
;

become its proper foil, its setting ; the sea chafes at the roots
of its mountains and the clouds are caught on the shivered
edges of its summits. It dominates the waterway it gives;

—
character a field upon which the eye may rest from every
quarter. Even the southward half, of a surface tamer and
more neighbour-like, if also more domestic, takes on some-
thing of the northern nobility, where in the low western
light the transverse glens show like gashes to the very core.
Yet is there nothing forbidding in the aspect of the moun-
tain island amid the tumble of the sea it holds out the
;

comforting promise of solid earth and the security and

VOL. II. A
 —

2 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

secretiveness of the hills from the land the eye never
;

wearies in following the sweep and rise and passing glooms

and glances of its frank massiveness— a big, rough giant,
but a kindly one. The grey of granite melts into the blotched
browns of the moors the murky green of volcanic rocks is
;

relieved by the fresher hue of meadows and crops the ;

white houses cluster or spread like daisies as the light ;

fluctuates and crosses, a glory of dark purple merges into

a solemnity of neutral colour. And when the west flames
up softly from the fallen sun of summer, the island draws
round it a glory of amethyst haze, to hold it yet a while
dimly outshining the darkened sea and colourless land
around.

II

And it is in some such magic mist of poetry and myth

that Arran appears on the dawn of history. Legends of
gods and heroes lightly brush its shores, as the vapours of
cloud flicker over its mountains. Like some other western
isles it figures as the divine residence of Manannan MacLir,
the youthful, roving son of Ler (Lear), old god of the sea.
Unlike the other vanquished divinities of early Ireland,
Manannan makes his home in a distant island, in Emhain '

of the Apples,' Emhain Abhlach, where the apples are no

passing fruit on an earthly tree, but the honey-tasted apples
of the land of perpetual youth, the Celtic islands of the
blessed. One identification of this insular paradise fixes
it on Arran, and the anonymous poet who works the tale

into his verses of the eleventh century makes a significant

reference We will ask a harbour behind Arran, whilst
:
'

searching the cold strands of Erin '

larrfam {iarfain) cuan ar cul Arann

Ag{ac) sur traghann nfhuar n'eirionn {n Erenn).^

' Skene prints the whole poem, with Hennessey's translation, in Celtic Scotland,
vol. pp. 410-27, from a MS. of 1600.
iii. It is anonymous oif the close of the eleventh
^
f^

k,

w
Oh

<
 EARLY ARRAN 3
The name Emhain or Eamhain may carry us to another
legendary connection. One explanation of its meaning is
that it is for Eomain, where Eo is a breast-pin or brooch
' '

and Muin signifies the neck.' Now Muin is represented

' ' '

in Welsh by Mynyw, and an island Mynyw is the original of

insula Minan, which has a place in the history of Arthur.
For the old historian Gildas is made to tell, in one version,
how his restless brothers pestered King Arthur, particularly
that excellent youth the eldest of them, and would often
swoop down from Scotland to plunder his territories. A
deadly descent by this ambitious young man brings Arthur
in pursuit there is a battle in the island of Minan, and the
;

young rover is slain. This island has been identified with

Man, but Arran, too, we see, was a home of Manannan, and
it is in Scotland, whence Arthur's rebel came, while Man,^
in a geographical sense, was not. Arran, therefore, may
also put in a claim to be the island in question.
There are other solitary links between Arran and the early
myths, deriving from that strange divinity which hedged
outlying islands in the Celtic imagination. When the sea-
god Ler, to his great sorrow, lost his wife, the King of the
divine tribe of Danu, the Tuatha De Danann, gave him choice
of his own three foster-daughters, whose mother was AilioU
of Arran. Of her no more is known, and the rest of the story,
one of the ' three sorrowful tales ' of Ireland, has its setting
elsewhere. Though such matter, as we now have it, is late
in a literary sense, the bearing of it, as embodying early
century (Miss Hull, Text-Book of Irish Literature, part 1. p. 212). The identification
with Arran is in a tract in the Yellow Book of Lecan, twelfth to fourteenth century
{Ibid., p. 213 note, and p. 21. Cf. also Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales, i. p. 78
note 9).
' Four Ancient Books, i. 78 (n.). Gildas in Cymmrodorion Record Series, p. 402.
But the Arthur connection in Gildas is there a very late intrusion borrowed for the
sixth century writer from the eleventh century Geoffrey of Monmouth, the begetter
of the Arthur historic legend. It only adds to the fabulous Arran, even if the identifi-
cation holds good. Cf. Skene's Celtic Scotland, p. 114 note, for a discussion of Gildas
and his various biographies.
 4 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
associations, is this, that in the primitive time of Irish legend
Arran was a remote and unfamihar island, far enough re-
moved from ordinary circumstances, so far as that country-
was concerned, to be a haunt and harbourage of lorn divinities.
With the earlier mass of Irish mythological story Scotland
has little or nothing to do, though by the close of such literary
activity the west coast and islands are creeping into notice.
The Gael there was still a stranger in a strange land. But
by the time the great final saga of Finn and the Feinne is
taking its monstrous and alluring shape the gulf has been
bridged, and Scotland as much as or even more than Ireland
is the stage of its heroic action. And in the last scene of all
Arran looms up grandly as a place of splendid memories.
The battle of Gabhra has completed the destruction of the
Feinne :their leader was already dead. Only Ossian and
Caeilte of the original band, with eight followers for each,
survive to go their different ways, broken in heart and spirit.
Then the centuries are rushed over, and Caeilte with his
company is brought to meet St. Patrick and his monks, who
marvel at the sight of the big men and their huge wolf-dogs ;

men so tall that, when they

down, the mere mortals reach
sit
but to their waist or shoulder. But they are magnanimous
giants, of manners gentle-kind,' and ready to unfold to the
'

inquiring saint the tale of their heroic past. So when Patrick

asked Caeilte what was the best hunting that the Fianna
'

ever had, whether in Ireland or in Scotland ? the answer '

came prompt and short, The hunting of Arran.'

'
Where '

is that land ? asked Patrick.

'
Betwixt Scotland and
'

Pictland,' Caeilte replied on the first day of the trogan

;
'

month,! ^e^ to the number of the Fianna's three battalions,

practised to repair thither and there have our fill of hunting
until such time as, from the tree-tops, the cuckoo would call

• 'Which is now called lughnexadh, i.e. Lammas-tide'; or Lunasdae, Limadainn,

Aug. 1-12, early Irish hignilsad, 'festival of Lug,' the Celtic sun-god (Macbain's
Dictianm-y ; Rhys, Hibbert Lectures, p. 410).
 ;

EARLY ARRAN 5
in Ireland. More melodious than all music whatsoever it
was to give ear to the voices of the birds as they rose from the
billows and from the island's coast-line ; thrice fifty separate
flocks there were that encircled her, and they clad in gay
brilliance of all colours, as blue and green and azure and
yellow.' And under stress of that happy memory, Caeilte
bursts forth in a lyric of glorious praise :

—
Arran of the many stags the sea impinges on her very shoulders 1

an island in which whole companies were fed and with ridges among —
which blue spears are reddened Skittish deer are on her pinnacles,
!

soft blackberries on her waving heather cool water there is in her

;

rivers, and mast upon her russet oaks Greyhounds there were in
!

her, and beagles blaeberries and sloes of the dark blackthorn

;

dwellings with their backs set close against her woods, and the deer
fed scattered by her oaken thickets A crimson crop grew on her
!

rocks, in all her glades a faultless grass over her crags affording
;

friendly refuge leaping went on and fawns were skipping Smooth !

—
were her level spots her wild swine, they were fat cheerful her ;

fields (this is a tale that may be credited), her nuts hung on her
forest-hazels' boughs, and there was sailing of long galleys past her !

Right pleasant their condition all when the fair weather sets in :

under her rivers' brinks trouts lie the sea-gulls wheeling round her
;

—
grand cliff answer one the other at every fitting time delectable is
^
Arran !

We
have passed from the strange, vague Arran of the
old gods to an island substantial and homely, with its woods
and wild fruits, its sport in deer and wild swine and trout,
its and the little houses of its hunting
galleys for the sea,
folk on the skirts of the forest. Thus in the older Irish
songs Arran gets frequent reference as an ideal hunting-
ground for the sporting Gael.^
1 Silva Gadelica, pp. 108-9 : ' The Colloquy of the Elders.'
ii.

^ ' More healthy

are the hunting songs. Many of these are in praise of the Isle of
Arran, in the Clyde, a favourite resort during the sporting-season both for the Scottish
and Irish huntsman (Miss Hull, The Poem Book of the Gael,
' p. xxiii).
 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
III

Islands have a type of history of their own, depending

on their size, nature, and position with respect to large areas.
Arran is a comparatively large island in an enclosed sea,
but not large enough to be an independent centre of popula-
tion or culture. It must borrow both people and civilisa-
tion from its neighbourhood, from which again it will be the
first stage in expansion. Overflow from either side, from
Scotland or from Ireland, in the earlier times, will have its
first halting-place on the nearest islands or intervening pen-
insulas. In such a place as Arran these overflows will thus
meet and probably commingle, as they did to which must
;

be added a possible stream by the highway of the sea, which

will have the same destiny, as occurred twice in Arran's
history. Thus we may be prepared for Arran as a mixing-
pot of peoples and cultures, which in fact it was. The
island, from this point of view, being small, there being no
room to maintain quarrel nor natural riches sufficient to
perpetuate social distinctions, the sharp geographical defini-
tion and the climatic conditions will work towards the forma-
tion of a uniform type. The geographic control surpasses
the others, wears down differences, compacts the peoples ;

however complex the racial or cultural ingredients, the island

mould, in the long run, turns them out one whole. Which
of the many influences will ultimately colour the mass de-
pends again upon the geographical conditions. And though
in latitude Arran belongs to southern Scotland, it is much
farther from the mainland than from the peninsula of Kintyre
—three miles from the nearest point of the latter and over
nine at least from the coast of Ayrshire ; while Kintyre in
its turn came to be, historically, but a long stepping-stone
from Ireland. For a trading people, too, making islands
halting-places and coasting for short, sheltered, voyages in
fair weather, Arran is markedly convenient on the Clyde
route leading to the heart of central Scotland. In historic
 ^

EARLY ARRAN 7

times the trade of western Scotland was mainly with Ireland ;

for the Irish merchants in prehistoric times the crossing was
to the near Galloway peninsula, later by Kintyre and the
open arms of the enclosed sea. It is the former traverse,
with Arran looming mistily in the distance, that is reflected
in the earliest mythological references to the island the ;

latter in the familiarity and precision of the Feinne.

Arran, in fact, does not form part of the Lowland system ;

it is an outlier of the Highlands in character and relation-

ships. Essentially it is a border land, and only the more
artificial political scheme brings it within the Lowland con-
trol. The case is clear even in prehistoric times, if the
argiiment developed in the first volume holds good, as, so
far, the converging lines of evidence certainly suggest. The
builders of the chambered barrows or cairns came from the
west, either as a direct settlement up the Irish Channel from
the continent, or, as is perhaps more probable from what
we know of later emigrations, as an offshoot from Ireland.
The chambered burial is distinctively western. The later
wave of culture, leaving a debris of short flagged graves or
cists, of bronze implements and jet ornaments, moves hither
from the east and loses force as it does so. There is a
mixing of customs indeed there is mixing at both stages
; :

direct burial after burning are common to both.

and burial
Apparently the grades of development are not very far apart.
Extreme examples of skulls show those of the chambers to
be high and narrow (dolicocephalic), those of the cists broader
(brachycephalic) and more coarsely featured. Both stocks
are classed as brunette, and there was no great difference in
height about five feet six inches at most for a male of the
;

long-headed type, perhaps a little more for the other. In

neither group do the cheek-bones project much, and the
dominant type in the west is held to be still dolicocephalic.
' See vol. i., chapter on 'The Sepulchral Remains,' p. 33, by Professor T. H.
Bryce ; also article by the same ' On Certain Points in Scottish Ethnology in Scot.
'

Hist. Rev., vol. ii.

 8 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
About the end of the seventeenth century Martin remarks
as follows :The inhabitants of this isle (Arran) are well
'

proportioned, generally brown, and some of a black com-

plexion.' ^ By that time, of course, other streams had passed
into the current, but isolated and sharply defined centres
are conservative of the stock, the very conditions operating
towards uniformity.
If the song the Sirens sang be considered ' not beyond
conjecture,' then it may be permitted to give a name to, at
least, the dominating people in Arran of the first century
A.D., when Agricola sailed the pioneer Roman ship across the
Firth of Clyde and mastered the hitherto unknown tribes
on its coasts. Roman knowledge, of this time, appears on
the map of the Alexandrian geographer Ptolemy, who
flourished in the first half of the second century. In this
map the Mull of Kintyre is ' the Epidion Height,' for which
the equivalent in ancient Irish literature is Ard Echdi,' '

where ep and ech are the corresponding phonetic fragments

for horse
'
in kindred but separate Celtic languages.
'
The
peninsula is the land of the Epidii in Ptolemy and the Irish ;

place is precisely stated to be in Kintyre {i Cinn Tire,

' '

'
the head of the land '). The non-Gaehc p shows that we
are dealing with the Pictish people and their more Welsh-
like form of Celtic, and if the Picts were thus settled in the
nearer mainland it is fair to assume that they had also
established themselves in Arran, as, from Adamnan, we
know they had done in Skye. But if so, it does not yet
appear that they have left even a name to report their
presence. Whatolder place-names in Arran are not Gaelic
are Norse. Ptolemy's map gives Scotland a curious twist
to the right, and the southern islands are thus dislodged
from their proper positions. But Malaeus is clearly Mull,
Adamnan's Malea east of it is placed Monaoeda, usually
;

accepted to be Man, but Skene, taking the reading Monarina,

• Martin's Western Islands (e. 1695), p. 224.
 '

EARLY ARRAN 9
plausibly identifies it with Arran, thus raising again the rival
identifications of the Arthurian story. ^
But the stirring up of the peoples of Caledonia and
Hibemia by the Roman assault
their liberties, or the upon
ever present danger of such, roused in these peoples them-
selves a temper of counter aggression. Hibernia, or Ireland,
indeed, was already a busy haunt of oversea trade, which
probably suffered from Roman intrusion, and which had its
links with Caledonia a fugitive Irish king of the first
;

century finds a refuge on some part of the Clyde coast.

During the fourth century the combination of Picts and
Scots in attacks upon the Roman province is frequent and
almost overwhelming. Such intimate co-operation always
suggests a previous degree of familiar communication in more
peaceful commercial channels. But the flag follows trade '

is the older and truer note, while union against a mutual

enemy is an additional attraction, so that as early as some

time between the end of the second and the beginning of the
third century, we hear of the first actual settlement of Scots
in what is now Galloway, also in Argyll and others of the '

isles.' ^ Almost certainly this meant settlements along the

western side of the Clyde basin including Arran, so accessible
to any colonists by sea from the south-west the leader was ;

Reuda or Riada,^ and the persistence of the name Dalriada,

'
the portion of Riada,' is additional evidence. The Dalriada
of later history is roughly Argyllshire, but that comes from
the time when the loose Scottish settlements were consolidated
into a kingdom in the district where the Scots were most

' 'Ptolemy's Geography of Scotland/ Macbain in Etymology of Gaelic National

Names, p. 36 ; Skene's Celtic Scotland, i. p. 69. Skene's reading of the name is
not the better,
^ Scalacronica, the fourteenth century work of a Northumbrian knight, drawing
upon early Scottish chronicles.
' Bede, i. chap. i. Cairbre Riada's date is perhaps disputable within half a century.
The best discussion of these early settlements is in the Innes Essay, pp. 346-60. Cf.
also Macbain's edition of Skene's Highlanders, p. 385.

VOL. II. B
10 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
numerous and best placed. This was the work of Fergus
MacErc about the beginning of the sixth century (503 a.d.),
and of this new kingdom on the western flank of Pictland,
Arran was undoubtedly an outlying part. Lamlash shows '
'

that when the Norse came they found a Gaelic-speaking

people in possession.^
The history of the Dalriadic kingdom, during the three
centuries and a half of its independent existence,^ sums
itself up in three general lines of activity—resistance to
Pictish invasion, alternating with attacks upon that people
by way of southern Perthshire, that became more serious
and penetrating as their domestic quarrels became more
decisive and bitter expansion on the seaboard northwards,
;

which up to Lochbroom became Argyll, Oirir-Gaidheal, the '

coast-land of the Gael,' so that to the Norse the Minch was

'
Scotland Firth and a contention, similar to that among
'
;

the Picts, between two stocks of the descendants of Fergus

for the ruling power. In this dynastic rivalry Arran, it may
be taken, would stand with the Cinel Gabhran,^ the elder
branch, which had the Clyde portion of Dalriada, as against
the Cinel Lorn, from a younger son in the north. And it is
to this period, when the Gael was making good his footing
on the west as well as fighting out his internal politics, that
we may allot the several forts on the Arran coast the coast ;

of Kintyre up to the nearest approach opposite Dougarie

(Dubhgharadh) and the whole outer coast round Dalriada
are studded with these forts, as also are Bute and the
seaboard. Arran, in fact, is on the line of a frontier across ;

the water were now the Britons of Strathclyde Arran was ;

of the Gaelic kingdom. The British or Cymric occupation

came as near as the Cumbraes but apparently no farther.

> See p. 69.

2 This in refusal of Skene's analysis, adopted in current Scottish histories, but
unsatisfactory.
3 Oinel or Cineal, '
offspring, clan.' Gabhran and Lorn are two of the sons of Fergus.
 EARLY ARRAN ii
Finally the pressure of the Dalriadic Scots on the west,
expanding eastwards as they had expanded north, combined
with cruel blows on the divided Pictish kingdom by a new
overseas enemy on the eastern flank, ended in the conquest
of Pictland by the Dalriadic Kenneth MacAlpin in 843-4 a.d.
and the appearance of a united kingdom of Picts and Scots,
which was to take the name of Alba, and out of which was
to unfold the historic kingdom of Scotland.

IV
This new enemy, which had struck the Picts at a most
unfavourable moment, was a northern people, the Danes,
who, for some time, had been making buccaneering visits
round the coast and had even found their way up the Irish
Sea, with disastrous results to the richer monasteries of the
Celtic Church on the islands. In the western isles of Scotland,
however, it is mainly their neighbours of Norway, akin in
race and speech, who play the same part. Later a distinction
appears between Finn-gall, white-strangers,' or Norse, and
'

Dubh-gall or black-strangers,' the Danes ; on what grounds

'

of difference we do not know. But so far as western Scot-

land is concerned it is really the Norse who matter, and finally
it is so even in Ireland. They were the readier to pass from
plunder to settlement even the western isles had attractions
;

for them, when compared with their own bleaker homes in

the north. At first, too, the roving bands may have been
ready to come to terms they were not invincible, and both
;

in Ireland and England suffered many rebuffs we are told

;

that Kenneth MacAlpin had Norse aid in his campaigns upon

Pictland, and the name of Gofraith MacFergus as a king in
the about 852 even indicates a mixing of the peoples,
isles
for the name
is part Norse and part Gaelic. Out of such
mixing came the western folk of the coast who were known
as Gall-Gael.
12 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Probably Arran was untouched by the earliest raids of
the beginning of the ninth century, in which a notoriously
rich centre like lona suffered a plundering on three occasions
in less than a quarter of a century. These men knew what
they were about, and they no doubt knew that the cave-cell
of St. Molaise in Holy Isle, the chief place of the kind in
Arran, held nothing worth taking. Had there been any
desecration at that place the monkish annalists would cer-
tainly have left it on record. But by the middle of the ninth
century expeditions growing in size and number became
systematised into deliberate conquest and occupation. Norse
and Danes are together in the work, which goes on simultane-
ously in England, Ireland, and Scotland. The outstanding
figure in these operations is Ivar the Boneless, who, as the
Sagas say, had no bones in his body but was very wise,'
'

a Dane, with whom we find associated Olaf the White, a

Norse king of Dublin. It is Olaf who takes the initiative,
though he is presently associated with the actively touring
Ivar in raids upon Alba from the base in Ireland and the ;

route of these is up the natural highway of the firth and

river of Clyde. In 870 the two conduct a four months'
siege in getting rid of the obstacle of Alcluyd, the fortified
rock of Dumbarton. These raids with their tale of slaughter,
of plunder, of the bearing away of men and women to be
—
sold as slaves these successive strokes of the raven beak
—
deep into the bleeding side of Alba continue well into the
first quarter of the tenth century.
Now of all this Arran must have had passing witness
and probably a share. It may be the Norseman had found
his way to the island earlier, though the rude and barren
shelter of a hermit in Holy Isle had not the attractions of
Rathlin or lona. The grave-mound at Lamlash yielded
remains of apparently the early ninth century ^ the first
:

sacking of lona was in 802. Possibly before the great fleets

' Vol. i. p. 171.
 ^

EARLY ARRAN 13

of Olaf and Ivar swept grandly by its shore or sheltered in

its bays, some poring red birds of the sea,' lifting strange
'

striped sails amid the sea haze, their gunwales dotted in line
with the war-targets of black and gold, disgorged upon
' '

the shore and up the glens their companies of thirty or forty

tall fair vikings, with mighty weapons, to carry off a saleable
prey of household gear or helpless folk and even if once
;

beaten off they would come again. Some such visit may
have left its grim record in the grave-mound. But we get
something even more definite in the boat-shaped burial at
King's Cross, under the very wall of what may have been a
stormed and captured fort. The coin so luckily found is a
humble piece of silver and much alloy, a stycas, minted by
an Archbishop of York, whose date is 837-54.
Coins, of course, remain in circulation long after they are
struck, especially in early times. Now in November 867
Ivar's conquering army in England is at York, and next year
is overrunning Northumbria. One or two years later, as
we have — —
seen ^the date is not quite certain he is with a host
at Dumbarton. In the little coin at King's Cross we seem
to have a link connecting these enterprises. Perhaps some
captain of a local foray, or some Arran victim of the siege
from among its Norse settlers, has been brought to his
becoming resting-place on the low windy headland. At any
rate the capable soldiers of the sea, who would not have
Dumbarton to threaten their communications, were not likely
to neglect so useful a base as Arran or omit the opportunity
of its occupation. And so with certainty we may predicate
that in the last quarter of the ninth century at least the
island had received its Norse masters. It was the high noon
of Viking expansion : the western isles were theirs, they were
ringing Ireland with their fleets, were submerging England,
and were finding a footing, across the Irish sea, in Galloway,
adown the English coast and in Wales.
I
Vol. i. p. 168.
14 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Masters in Arran they no doubt were, with a subject
native population to labour and fetch and carry for them in
their boisterous halls, as we may infer from the masterful
method in which their names stand out upon the island.
A well-fixed earlier name they borrow and adapt, as they do
with Arran, the lofty or mountainous,' ^ of which they make
'

Herrey or Hersey, and in reducing Eilean Molaisi, the '

island of Molaise,' to Melansay, where the final sound, in

both cases, represents the Norse word for an island. Other-
wise the outstanding features of the island are conspicuously
Norse, while there is an absence of the humbler domestic
names, which are as predominantly Gaelic. Even allowing
for a later re-naming, in contrast with the condition of things
in Lewis where all grades are represented, where township
names in host and stead abound, and the Norse names are
four to one, whereas in Arran they are but one in eight, and
—
no hosts or steads ^we may infer a smaller Norse element in
the population, and that element as dominant over the rest.
Thus from the Norse we have Brodick and Goat Fell and
Sannox and Ranza, and glens as dales from the same source,
'
'

with Pladda and the Cleats and Markland ^ and Pennyland

'
'

and Feorlines or farthing-lands. The glens were no doubt

the homes of the Celtic population, as they mainly were till
late in history, and such names as Ormidale and Chalmadale
probably retain the memory of the Orm and Hjalmund who
took over these and their occupants as the perquisites of
conquest. Homely enough the Norse names are, from
natural features or plants or animals, and Brodick and
Loch Ranza are harbours.^ For they were not all warriors,
the Vikings they had their farms, and they turned in-
;

stinctively to trade. They were essentially a business

people, not more turbulent or cruel than their Christian pre-

' This seems the most probable explanation. For several others see Currie's
Place-Names of Arran. ' ' Markland '= 'boundary-land/ N. mdrk, march.

^ On the Norse names see Mr. Bremner's Appendix, D.

 EARLY ARRAN 15

decessors/ only taking advantage of their fellows by violence

where the civilised method is to do so by one's wits. They
had a wonderful facility in adapting themselves to circum-
stances island settlements might preserve their buccaneering
;

instincts, but in England they rooted in the soil, in Ireland

they were a people of towns. As they spun their web of
commerce across the Irish Sea, so they may have done across
the Firth of Clyde, and to this and their trading settlements
we may attribute the sprinkling of Norse names adown its
western shore from Cowal to Galloway, where again there
was a definiteNorse community. And in Arran, too, was
the plentiful hunting which the Vikings loved as much as
the Feinne had done.
Once established in the western isles and along the west
coast, Norse dominion began to modify under the local
conditions. In the outer isles the population was more
distinctively of this stock, and the Hebrides were long known
generally as Innse-Gall, ' the islands of the foreigners.'
Argyll became Dalir, ' the dales,' and Kintyre in this con-
—
nection was counted one of the islands for Tarbert is but a
'
portage '
or land-ferry —^but keeps its older name as Satiri,
Sal-tire, '
end or heel.' Arran, as we have seen, is
land's
partly translated into Herrey or Hersey. In this inward
strip of territory we have a mixed population known as
Gall-Gaidheal or 'stranger-Gaels.' Such hybrid populations
are apt to be troublesome and unsure, and it is the Gall-Gael
of Argyll and its islands who were to make the deepest rift
in the western sea-empire of the Norse. Moreover, the
was a lengthy one, like scattered beads
territory of islands
on a cord, and Norway, a single kingdom since the last
quarter of the ninth century, was within easy distance of
only one end. Centres of independent influence were bound

' The nominally Christian kings of Ireland robbed monasteries before them and

fought fiercely among themselves ; and there were local pirates in the Hebrides, as
Adamnan in his Life of Columba lets us know.
16 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
to arise, and it happened that these took form at the ex-
tremities of the cord, the Orkneys and the Isle of Man, while
the supremacy of Norway waned or waxed with circum-
stances. Strong local rulers might neglect it ; masterful
kings of Norway like Harold Fairhair in the end of the ninth
century, Magnus in the end of the eleventh, and, finally,
Hakon in the second half of the thirteenth, would find it
necessary to reimpose subjection with an over-cruel hand.
The first visit of Magnus west-over- the-sea in 1193 was
' '

a sore smiting to the isles, repeating on a large scale the worst

features of a successful Viking raid, so that the northern
peoples fled before him, into Scotland, to Ireland, and to
Kintyre. But the valiant king followed after, and if the
' ' '

men's children of the nation of Satiri (Kintyre) sunk under

the edges of his swords, it would be strange if next-door
'

Arran escaped a visit.^

Apart from this, the normal condition was for the rule
of the isles to swing between the powerful influence of the
Kingdom of Man and that of the Earldom of Orkney. On
the whole, the expression Man and the Isles or Man and
' ' '

—
the Sudereys where the Sudereys (Suder-eyar) are the
'
southern isles or Hebrides, in contrast to the Nordereys
'

(Norder-eyar) or Orkney and Shetland which survives in —

the bishopric of Sodor and Man,' suggests that the grip of
'

the chief southern island was the more sustained, less access-
ible as it was from Norway and enriched by the trade of the
Irish Sea. Orkney virtually goes out after the ravaging
conquests of its great Earl Thorfinn all along the western
border, and his death in 1064. Already, however, following
on the Norse disaster at Clontarf in Ireland in 1064, the rifts
had begun to show first where the cord of empire was weakest,
in the mainland and islands midway from the two powerful
extremities the mainland of the Gall- Gael, where the Gaelic
;

element of old Dalriada would still be strongest, and the

• 'Magnus Saga' in Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis, pp. 347-48.
 EARLY ARRAN 17
islands in immediate contact. Into this category, from its
position, Arran would fall. In the following century, a distinct
breach opens in the Kingdom of Man and the Isles, and a new
centre of power discloses itself within the Dalriadic bounds.
There are indications, however, of an Argyll kingdom even
in thesame eleventh century.
The origin of the great Somerled, ancestor of the Mac-
Donald Lords of the Isles, is clouded with later legend. But
his very name suggests a Norse strain it is Sumar-lidhi, :

'
summer-slider,' that is, ' summer-mariner or Viking,^ a '

business, however, which had now fallen into disrepute.

Buccaneering was no longer good form for mere individuals ;

itwas a memory of a pagan past ; it had become a name.

Western Vikings were regarded as pirates simply, no longer
as gentlemen adventurers gallantly gathering where they
had not strawed. Somerled was an Argyll man, and the
names of his sons still further suggest the mixed Gall-Gael
race Dugall the eldest is the Dane,' so that even a racial
:
'

description has become merely personal ; the races are being

mixed into a new stock. Ragnvaldr or Reginald, later
Ranald, gods' ruler,' is also Norse, but another son has a
'

Celtic name Angus he perished in a family difference.

;

Somerled himself married a daughter of Olaf Bitling (' the

little '), king of Man and the Isles, but from Olaf's son and

successor, Godred the Black, he wrenched the mainland

territories of Dalir or Argyll and the adjacent islands. God-
red had made himself an unpopular ruler, and an insurrection
was constitutionally engineered, in which Somerled's son,
DugaU, was put forward against his uncle. The issue be-
tween these island and coast magnates was, of course, fought
^In Gaelic Somhairle, which in Ireland became Sorley and sometimes is Englished
as Samuel. '
On the whole, Somerled may be regarded as a Gael ruling independentljr
over the mixed Norse and Gael of Argyleshire.' This is Dr. Macbain's view in hi&
edition of Skene's Highlanders, p. 409. He rests on the Gaelic names of Somerled's
immediate ancestors and a Gaelic pedigree. Gaels might as well borrow a Norse name
as the Norse did a Frank or Latin one in ' Magnus.'

VOL. II. C
 '

18 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

out at sea early in the January of 1156, and the galleys of
Somerled took the victory. Arran no doubt had a share
in Somerled's fleet, for in 1154 we find an Irish king sending
to hire, against a rival, ships from Arran (first in the list),
Kintyre, Man, and the coasts of Alba ^ Arran still pre-
:

served its Norse seafaring character, and this would embroil

it in further western activities. But another family con-
nection brought the scheming Somerled into conflict with
Malcolm iv., king of the enlarging Scotia, and he fell mysteri-
ously in an invasion by the Clyde at Renfrew in 1164.^ His
eldest son Dugall had the Argyll possessions with some of
the islands, Reginald took Islay and Kintyre, and Angus
Bute, while the two latter seem to have quarrelled over Arran,
which might be grouped with either Kintyre or Bute, and
in the quarrel Angus and his sons are wiped out.^ There-
after both Dugall and Reginald figure as Kings of the Isles,
where King signifies only a leading power, and through
'
'

the whole of the next century, despite Norway on the one

side and Scotia on the other, the race of Somerled holds its
own in its western nook. At the time when King Reginald ' '

flourished, another Reginald was King of Man and the north

islands beyond Mull, which were retained to that kingdom ;

and it is to this part of the eleventh century that the poem

Siih Eamhna, already cited, seems to refer, implying also
a supremacy of the Reginald of Man, which he is invited to
make good. Arran is its main subject, tricked out in the lan-
guage of mythology, so that, as between the two Reginalds,
the island was evidently a bone of contention :

A hillock like it in comparison,

Find ye it on the surface of the earth.
Tulchan mar e (he) ne aghaidh
Faghaigh e (he) ar drumchlar domhain.

'Annals of the Four Masters.

2 He was slain by his page, who took his head to the Kiug ' Book of Clanranald
' ' :

in Reliquiae Celticae, ii. pp. 164-6. ^ Gregory's Western

Highlands, p. 17.
 EARLY ARRAN 19

But a greater power than either Man or Norway was

rising on the east, like a sun, in the ambitious kingdom of
Scotia, as Alba of old had now come to be styled. Planted
broadly in the north country, it was the most considerable
as well as a well-established political unit, while around it lay
a group of smaller or detached and conflicting states. Ex-
pansion meant the successive absorption of these. In the
wonderful year of 1018 Lothian fell to the Scottish arms and
Strathclyde to Scottish diplomacy. Possibly the Malcolm ii.
who was thus extending his dominion was at the same period
sending feelers into the west, for in a poem of the century
he is referred to as Danger of Britons, extinction of Galls
'

(" foreigners," i.e. the Norse of the western isles). Mariner of

Islay and Arran.'
Biodbha Bretan, badhudh Gall,
Loingseach He ocus Arann.^

But the mainland territories demanded first attention,

and during subsequent reigns we see Galloway, too, bent to
the Scottish rule the new Norman lords who had found
;

welcome and lands in the northern counties had become

the cutting edge and the maintainers of the royal power, and
added mightily to its military strength; while William the
Lion imposed control on the old Norse territories of the north
to the shore of the Pentland Firth. William's successor,
Alexander ii. (1214-1247), completed the work, and then
turned to round it off by asserting his authority over Argyll
and the mainland holdings of the family of Somerled. These,
too, received for their superior the King of Scots.
The way was now clear for advance upon the islands.
Naturally, the enclosed Clyde islands were the more open to
acquisition, and Bute and Arran seem to have been tossed
to and fro for some time between contending masters.
Alexander the High Steward appears early to have asserted
»
Skene's Chi-oniclea of the Picts and Scots ('The Prophecy of St. Berchan'), p. 99.
20 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
a claim to Bute, and probably to Arran as well, in virtue of
a marriage with the heiress of the slaughtered Angus (1210).^
The intruding Rudri, son of Reginald, was thus expelled.
Trouble of this sort implied a good deal it is clear the Scots
:

had fixed their grasp upon the islands. Hakon had reason
to be annoyed. His western empire was crumbling away.
'
The Kings of the Southern Isles, those who were come of
Sumarled's stock, were very unfaithful to King Hakon.' ^
It was one of these, Ospak, a son of Dugall, having chosen
or been forced to choose Norway as his home rather than
Scotland, who was in 1230 dispatched with a fleet to bring
his brothers to their senses and restore the shaken dominion
of Norway. There was little resistance among the isles, and
Ospak's fleet had grown to eighty ships when it rounded the
Mull of Kintyre and swept up to invest Bute, where the Scots
'
sat in castles and the stone fortress at the Burg (Rothesay)
'

took three days of hard fighting to capture. Many inroads

upon Kintyre suggest that the Scots had established them-
selves there also, but nothing is said of Arran, probably not,
so far, definitely occupied. Ospak died of sickness, and after
wintering at Man the host again raided Kintyre, losing many
men, and so fared north to receive the thanks of Hakon for
their exploits. Presently Alexander was trying to strike a
bargain with Hakon over the islands, offering money, but
Hakon stiffly refused all such offers. Then Alexander
collected a fleet to take what could not be bought, but died
on its progress in Oban Bay (1249), which brought the ex-
pedition summarily to an end.
The task was thus bequeathed to his son, the third
Alexander, who made no secret of his intention to carry it
through, and so roused and alarmed Hakon to an effort
which was to be final in a fashion not by him intended (1263).
AflNorway was levied for men, and, for the last time, a host,
noble both in size and equipment, took the road west-over-
1 Gregory, p. 19. 2 ,%ja of Hakon Hakonsson.
 EARLY ARRAN 21

sea, having by the time it reached Kintyre more than a

hundred men and twenty ships, most of them great.' King
'

Magnus of Man had joined, and the Somerled chiefs too were
with Hakon, Angus of Islay and King Dugall, descendants
of Reginald, as well as a vicious Rudri, who was thought '

to have a claim by birth to Bute,' i and Margad (Murchard) ;

all the western knights except King Ewen of Argyll, head

' '

of the Clan Dugall, who would not break faith with the
King of Scots and rather would surrender the islands he
held of the Norwegian king, just as he had once refused
Alexander ii. to revolt against Hakon. There was cruel plun-
dering and slaughter in Kintyre the barbarous Rudri even
;

slew men of the Bute garrison who had surrendered on terms.

But the king brought his fleet round the Mull and so up to
Arran, where he anchored in Lamlash Bay. Never had the
stolid mass of Holy Isle looked down on so imposing and
resplendent a sight as the ships that now clustered like sea-
birds in its shelter among which the king's ship was con-
;

spicuous in size, for it had thirty-seven benches for rowers,

and on its prow a dragon's head plated with gold, while
round its sides and the sides of all the galleys, great and
small, shone shields bright as suns,' golden and black and
'

red, above which the rich striped sails and raven banners
hung in the wind. Here began the parleying with messengers
from the King of Scots, who was willing to compound for
the possession of Arran, Bute, and the Cumbraes; but
Hakon would have all the islands. The fleet moved up to
the Cumbraes, and negotiations dragged on. It became
apparent that Alexander was spinning out the time it was ;

late in September, and storms might be expected so the ;

truce was brought to an end, and a flying squadron went up

Not, as it is usually taken, the expelled Ruari, who would have been much too
'

old perhaps his son, but the Saga writer seems to be sceptical. He says the Scots
;

would not give him the island, and outlawed him for violence. This and what follows
from the Saga of Hakon in Rolls Series, vol. iv.
22 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Loch Long to harry and burn in the Lennox country across
Loch Lomond. Then, while the main fleet lay at the Cum-
braes, on the night of Monday, October 1 (1263), the tempest
did come. By morning ships were dragging their anchors
and four had stranded at Largs, including a merchant
bark. Watchful Scots fell on their crews, but, as the wind
slackened, Hakon sent reinforcements, whereupon the Scots
retired. On Wednesday morning the Scots were again loot-
ing the bark of its cargo, but Hakon himself landed with a
force, and the bark was almost emptied when a Scottish
army came in sight.There were about eight or nine hundred
Norse on the beach, and the Scots were calculated to be ten
times as many, of whom five hundred were knights and the
rest indifferently armed footmen. Hakon's men insisted
that he should put off to his ship, and then for the whole of
Wednesday the conflict raged, with a hillock as its central
point of struggle. The Norse were driven back to the
shingle, fighting hard on the defensive round their stranded
ships, while the violence of the storm prevented help being
sent. A small company at last managed a landing in boats,
and the Scots were now pressed back and abandoned the
hillock, which gave the hard-sted Norsemen opportunity to
get into their smaller craft and return through the storm.
Next day they came on shore to secure their dead, and on
Friday, in easier weather, the whole fleet sailed back to
Lamlash, where it lay for some nights. Hakon would have
gone to winter in Ireland, as he was invited to do, but his
people were against it, and so, after another night under
Arran, he sailed away, having made a distribution of the
islands, which he still fondly believed were his, giving Bute
to Ruari (Rudri) and Arran to Margad, and what Ewen
had possessed to Dugall and his brother Allan. By the time
the host had got to Kirkwall Hakon had fallen ill, and there,
on December 13, he died, and with him died the Norse
island empire of the west. For his successor fell in with
 '

EARLY ARRAN 23
the proposal to sell the isles for 4000 marks down and 100
yearly—the Norway Annual J—and all who did not care to
leave were to be the subjects of the King of Scots Orkney :

and Shetland remaining to Norway.

The long, tangled tale of four hundred years was closed.
The northern ravens would never return, though they left
much that is not yet vanished or forgotten. The Gael
was to recover the upper hand in the west in blood as in
speech but the Norse strain had gone deep and wide enough
;

to leave evidence of close incorporation in viks and dales,' '

'
'

in '
marklands '
and '
pennylands '
and '
farthing-lands,' in
name and custom and tale and belief. It makes its earliest
mark in Arran in the cheap little coin dropped in the grave
at Kings Cross ; in the eleventh century one Olaf (^labr=
6lafr) has cut his name in the Cell of St. Molaise in the Holy
Isle. Norse dominion
is nearing its close when Vigleikr, the

Marshall ofKing Hakon {Vigleikr Stallari), cut his runes in

the same place in the memorable autumn of 1263 ^ and it ;

' The 'Annual was never regularly nor fully paid, and the arrears were slumped in
'

the dowry of the Danish princess who married James iii. in 1469. At the same time
Orkney and Shetland were pledged for a balance, but the Scots would never suffer
them to be redeemed.
* Since the publication of vol. i. the runes in the cave or rock-shelter of St.
Molaise on Holy Isle have been personally examined and re-read by Dr. Magnus
Olsen and Dr. Haakon Schetelig (July 1911), with the following results in correction
of those previously given from an inspection of photographs and rubbings (vol. i.

pp. 261-7). The new readings are these :

I. + nikulos [ + ] a haene + raeist. Nikulos d Hcene reist, 'Nicholas of

Haen cut (the runes).
II. suaein, the Old Norse man's name Sveinn,
III. onontr raeist ru[nar]. Qnondr reist rtl[nar], Qnondr cut the runes.'
'

IV. amudar, a dialectic form (from the south-east of Norway) corresponding

to the Old Norse man's name Amundr.
V. alabr, i.e. the Old Norse man's name Olafr. The inscription is older than
any of the other runic inscriptions in the Cell of St. Molaise. It dates
from the eleventh century.
VI. loan, Old Norse man's name Joan = John.
VII. m only, most likely an abbreviation ot Maria = \h.e Virgin Mary.
VIII. uigl?;ikr stallSxe rseisst. Vigleikr stallari reist, 'Vigleikr the stallari
[king's marshall] cut [the runes].'
 —

24 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

sinks to the horizon with Hakon's stricken armada pouring
out southwards from Lamlash when Lamlash was still the
;

island only, and the inner shore showed but rare huts of turf
and stone amid clumps of hazel and birch.
Vigleikr was in Hakon's expedition, and is mentioned as one of the leaders in the

expeditions to Kintyre and Loch Lomond. ' In all probability Vigleikr cut the
inscription in September 1263, when the Norwegian fleet was in Lamlash Bay. To
conclude from the form of the runic letters and from the linguistic forms, the other
inscriptions in the Cell of St. Molaise (except No. V.) may also date from the autumn
of 1263. To this time No. L has been referred already by Munch.' Runerne 1 St.
Malaise's C'el/e Paa Holy Island, Arran, Skof/and, Af. Magnus Olsen ; with an English
Summary. Kristiania, 1912.
 — ;

CHAPTER II

ARRAN IN THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

— —
Arran a frontier island the Bysset intrusion Arran and Wallace the —
rising under Bruce— —
Douglas in Arran attack on Brodick garrison
arrival of Robert Bruce in Arran — —
the fire at Turnberr}- departure
for the mainland — the Arran woman's prophecy —Brace's later
connection with Arran.

With the passing of the Norse dominion on the west and its
absorption in the kingdom of Scotland, the poUtical relation-
ship of Arran changed, but that relationship continues to be
determined by the island's geographical position. It remains
virtually a frontier island, though now from the standpoint
of the east rather than of the west. Relatively to the eastern
base of the new kingdom it is more remote it is no longer,
;

as under Dalriada and the Norse, in the stream of things,

which passes by the eastern rather than the western shore.
Generally it is off the main pathway of Scottish history
great determining events touch it but incidentally. Only
in the domestic broils of the west, or when that region be-
comes again, as it was well suited to be, the theatre of
desperate resistance, does Arran come boldly into the strong
light of history. From its remote yet convenient position
it was equally suited to being a refuge or a base of
action, and its halfway proximity to Ireland helps in both
senses.
On these lines we can understand its fitful connection
with the strange story of the Scottish Byssets, who were to
have lands also in England and Ireland. In 1242, under
VOL. II. D
 :

26 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Alexander ii., the young Earl of AthoU worsted Walter Bysset
of Aboyne, Aberdeenshire, in a tournament at Haddington,
and immediately thereafter was burned to death in his house.
For this the Scottish nobles laid the blame upon Walter and
his nephew, John Bysset of the Aird, founder of Beauly
Priory, and feeling was so strong that the king had to remove
both out of the country. The two took service with Henry iii.
of England, and fought for him in Ireland, where John got
lands in Ulster, while Walter had some English estates.
Walter was afterwards in Scotland, but may have found the
country still too hot for him the AthoU feud would still be
:

lively. Then he is known to be dead, but the jurors, who

settle about his English estates, are in a difficulty For :
'

they know not the date of his death, nor can know it. For
he died far off in Scotland, in a certain island called Arrane.' ^
This was in 1251, fifteen years before Arran was definitely of
Scotland, though the Scottish power was probably intruding
itself, as we have seen. Bysset must have found the island
a temporary refuge in trouble. He left his property to his
nephew Thomas, who may have been a child of John of
Ulster ;at any rate, it is a Thomas Bysset from that quarter
who is the next link with the island.
In the interval much had happened. The direct succes-
sion to the Scottish Crown had failed Edward i. had been
;

invited to act as a friendly arbiter among a dozen claimants,

had first forced acceptance of his claim to be Feudal Superior
of the Scottish king, and then given a decision in favour of
John Balliol. King John and his nobility were next harassed
into a futile rebellion, and Edward assumed for his own the
forfeited kingdom. Followed the rising under William
Wallace.
we could accept the authority of The Wallace, the
If
reputed work of blind Henry the Minstrel, we should have
Arran devotedly backing the patriot
• Bain's Calendar of Documents, i. No. 1836.
 ARRAN IN THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 27
Gud westland men oft Aran and Rauchle
Fra thai be warnd, thai will all cum to me.^

But the poem as an historic document is worth-

credit of this
less. We get firm standing, however, in a record from a
contemporary Enghsh historian, which again brings a Bysset
into connection with the island. After his crushing defeat
of Wallace at Falkirk ^ (1298), Edward i. went round to the
west country and finally turned up at Ayr (Are), where
Robert Bruce had cleared out of the castle before his arrival.
Here he was communicated with by Thomas Bysset, who,
it was commonly said, had come from Ireland to the help of

the Scots. Bysset had put into Arran {insula de Aree),

whose inhabitants had submitted themselves to him. Hear-
ing that victory had fallen to the King of England, he
had sent messengers to Edward instructed to say that he,
Bysset, had come to that king's assistance, and in his name
had acquired the said island, which, he requested, should be
given in possession to himself and his heirs for all time
coming. Edward accepted his assurance and granted his
petition, without the advice of his earls, it is noted which ;

carries on the suspicion that Bysset had conveniently

changed his coat.^ The Byssets, however, clung to what
seemed to be the stronger side, and a Hugh de Bysset was
commander of a fleet which was operating in the Clyde, about
Bute, in October 1301, and again, with John de Menteith,
was occupied in January 1307 among the isles on the '

Scottish coast,' in putting down Robert de Brus and his

'

accomplices lurking there, and destroying their retreat.' *

1 The Wallace, bk. xi. 11. 725-6. Rauchle is the island of 'Rauchryn' or
Rachlin off the north coast of Ireland, and the reputed refuge of Robert Bruce.
2 At Falkirk Sir John Stewart of Bute had a following of Brandanes (Brendanis,

Gest. Ann. c. i.). Wyntoun calls them the 'Brandanys off Bute.' According to
Pennant (1772) the natives of Arran also were known as Brandani, but this is not the
ancient view. Cf. Scoiichronieon, ii. p. 316.
' Hemingburgh's Chronicle, ii. pp. 181-2.
* Bain's Calendar, ii. Nos. 1888, 1889.
 28 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
This commission seems to have been the last of the Bysset
connection with Arran, which, oddly enough, by another
timely political change, was in time secured by the house of
Bysset's cleverer comrade Menteith, whose name is for ever
associated with the capture of Wallace,
But Arran, from its position as an intermediate base from
Ireland, could be put to more definite use in a struggle which
involved that country also from time to time, and which had
in Scotland the difficult west as its ultimate holding-ground.
This latter fact brought English columns to that side on
several important occasions, of which one has already been
noticed. In the spring of 1301, during the Comyn or baronial
phase of Scottish resistance, Edward i. found himself in a
position not to have to renew a truce with his enemies, and
so prepared for a comprehensive campaign, in which his son
was to advance from Carlisle on the Avest side to Newcastle-
'

of-Ayr,' and he himself was to cross country from Berwick

to Glasgow. His son's share was a fiasco, though Edward
duly carried out his own part of the programme, finally going
as far as Linlithgow. The feeding of the armies was always
a serious problem, and, as the west was included in this
campaign, provisions had to be brought to that quarter.
Ireland, under English control, was a constant resource
as a food-producing country, and Edward accordingly
arranged for a goodly importation of wheat, oats, malt,
beans, peas, new wine, salt pork, and herrings to supply his
men of which one half was to be consigned to a port near
;

the western base at Carlisle, the other half to a port on the

island of Arran, whence, presumably, it could be shipped or
otherwise transferred to Glasgow. Arran was probably as
little proud of such a service as ever restive Ireland.
Six years later the island was playing a very different
part in the national drama, as Ireland in time also was to do.
And here let us praise famous men and the island and
people that were to give them shelter and encouragement
 :

ARRAN IN THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 29

in that dark and doubtful hour before the dawn, when the
cause of Scottish independence was yet below the horizon
of the national hopes.
The winter of 1306-7 was spent by Bruce and his comrades
in the island of Rathlin, between Kintyre and Ireland. The
treacherous assault at Methven in the previous June had
scattered their little army ; relatives and friends had perished
on the gallows ; their heroic women-folk were in English
hands ; they themselves had reached safety only by re-
sourcefulness, hardihood, and the help of Angus MacDonald
of Kintyre. But they were not cast down ; though Bysset's
ships were under orders to put to sea in search of the fugitives.
As the spring drew on, James Douglas became impatient for
action, and suggested to Sir Robert Boyd a descent upon
Arran, where the English were in possession by the ' strong
hand,' and where was a stith (strong) castle of stone
' '
:

this was a good opening for causing trouble.^ Boyd readily

fell in with the proposal; he was a west country man and

said he knew well both the island and the castle. Taking
leave of the king, Douglas and his companions embarked in
a single galley, which would not carry more than a dozen men,
and made for Kintyre. They then rowed along in the shadow
"

and shelter of the land till night began to fall, when they
crossed right over to Arran, probably coming to shore either
at Machrie or Drumadoon Bay.^ Their galley they drew up
under a brae, where they found hiding for it, and there too
concealed their oars, tackle, and helm. Then, no doubt under
the guidance of Sir Robert Boyd, who had the local know-
ledge, they crossed the island during the night, apparently
a rainy night, for by the time they arrived in the neighbour-
' For this part and what follows of the narrative see The Bruce, bk. iv. 336 ff.

^ ' Into Kentyre soyn cumin ar thai

Syne rowit all-wayis by the land,

Till at the nycht wes neir at hand ;

Than till Arane thai went thair way.'

The Bruce, bk. iv. 11. 367-70.
30 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
hood Brodick Castle they were wet as well as tired and
of
hungry. It was now the early dawn, but they had taken cover
near the castle and watched eagerly for a chance of action.
The island was in the hands of Sir John de Hastings,
who had been one of the competitors for the crown, as the
descendant of the youngest of the three daughters of the
brother of William the Lion, while Balliol and Bruce were,
respectively, from the elder two. In May 1306 he had been
granted by Edward i. the Earldom of Mentethe with the
'

Isles.' 1 He was now in theBrathwik (Brodick)

'
castell of '

with a good company of knights, squires, and yeomanry,

enjoying his opportunities for sport on the hills, and a
terror to the inhabitants.^ As it happened, on the evening
before the arrival of Douglas and his tiny band, the under-
warden had come over from the mainland with supplies of
food and clothing and arms in three boats, which were now
lying just below their hiding-place. Presently more than
twenty men began to come up from the boats in careless
fashion, dreading nothing, some with wine casks, some with
weapons or other things. Suddenly out upon the struggling
and amazed carriers rushed the little ambuscade of unexpected
Scots, falling upon them and slaying without hesitation or
mercy, while the terrified cries of their victims rose hideously '

and high on the still morning air. The whole company

'

seems to have been annihilated or nearly so. The garrison,

hearing the cries of their comrades, rushed to their assistance,

' Bain's Calendar of Documents, ii. No. 1771.

^ 'Sir John the Hastyngis, at that tyde,

\V^ith knychtis of full mekyll pryde,

And squyaris and gude yhemanry,
That war a weill gret cumpany,
W^es in the castell of Brathwik.
And oftsis, quhen it wald him lik,
He went to hunt with liis menyhe.
And sua the land ahandonit he
That nane durst warn to de his will.'
The Bruce, bk. iv. 11. 384-91.
 ARRAN IN THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 31
upon which Douglas raUied his men to meet them, but the
EngUsh turned at the sight and fled back, with the Scots hard
at their heels and cutting them down up to the very castle gate.
The men in the boats, seeing this direful happening, hurriedly
put to sea again, but a land breeze rose, so that they could
neither land nor ride it out, and two of the three boats were
swamped no doubt they were undermanned. Nothing
:

more could be done, so Douglas and his men helped them-

selves to the underwarden's stores and, well content, re-
turned to a strong position in a woody glen,' ^ which, from
'

allcircumstances, we may guess was that known later as

Glencloy.
It was ten days afterwards that King Robert, with his
whole company of about three hundred men in thirty-three
small galleys, followed to Arran and took lodging in a '

toune,' that is, according to old Scottish usage, in a farm-

town or hamlet.^ As he was to launch his fleet, to cross to
the mainland, from the spot where he had originally landed
— having made no move by sea in the interval—and as this
was where he could look across to Turnberry, it is clear that
his landing was on the east side ; moreover, it was not
very far from Douglas's position very probably at Whiting —
Bay. Inquiring about any strangers who had recently
come to the island, Bruce was informed by a woman how a
band had quite recently inflicted defeat and loss upon the
Warden and were now in a stalward place not far away.
'
'

She led him to the woody glen in which she had seen the
'
'

• ' Syne till a strait thai held thair way,

A sted ... in a woddy glen.'
Tht Bruce, bk. iv. II. 458, 491-92.
^ ' The King arivit in Arane ;

And syne to the land is gane.

And in a toune tuk his herbery.'
The Bruce, bk. iv. 11. 464-66.

The popular story of Bruce's occupation of the King's Cave on the west coast has
thus no foundation in fact. The association with Loch Ranza is due to Sir Walter
Scott.
 ; ;

32 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

strangers,and three blasts upon the king's horn carried to
Douglas and Boyd the welcome news of his arrival. There
was a joyful reunion, with success to tell of, and then all
returned to the place occupied by the king.
Next day King Robert made the proposal that a Carrick
man in his following, Cuthbert his name, should be sent
across to that district to find out how things were going
there, and whether circumstances were favourable for a
fresh start in hostilities. Should he find the prospects good,
he was to intimate the fact by lighting a fire on Turnberry
Point. Cuthbert duly went over, took stock of the situa-
tion, and found nothing but discouragement. Few of the
country folk had any good to say of his master, others were
fairly cowed, some frankly enemies Englishmen were every-
;

where. Percy occupied Bruce's own castle of Turnberry with

full three hundred men. Rich and poor, under the heavy hand
of the castle garrison all were become English in sympathy.
With these doleful tidings Cuthbert prepared to return.
It was a critical moment in Scottish history. Cuthbert's
time was up, and from the Arran shore the king, on the
appointed night, looked anxiously for the signal. The moon
sank, and through the darkness came the summoning beam
from Turnberry. The king drew the attention ot his men to
what he saw then all professed they too saw a light and
; ;

joyfully the galleys were run down to the water, and the
embarkation was begun.^ As the king paced up and down,

' ' The Kyng, that in-to Arane lay,

Quhen that cumin wes the day
That he set till his messyngere.
As I devisit yhow lang ere,
Eftir the fyre he lukit fast
And, als soyn as the moyn wes past,
Hym thoucht weill that he saw a fyre.
By Turnbery byrnand weill schyre (clear)
And till his menyhe can it schaw :

Ilk man thoucht weill that he it saw.'

The Bruce, bk. iv. 11. 612-21.
 ARRAN IN THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE 33

waiting were aboard and ready, the Arran woman who

till all

had been took him aside and confidently foretold

his hostess
a full measure of success for his undertaking. Nothing, she
said, would stand against him till he had overcome his foes
and recovered the kingdom. Much, indeed, would he suffer
before he came to his purpose, but come he would and to ;

show her trust in her foretelling she sent with him her two
sons, knowing that he would not fail to reward them when
he came to his high position.
The rest is well known. The little fleet of transports
with their three hundred men kept on through the gathering
darkness, steering for the ever brighteningfire.^ They found
Cuthbert in despair. He could not venture to extinguish
the fire, nor did he know how it came to be there (nor has
it ever been known), yet he feared, and rightly, that it would

bring the king over, where no encouragement was for his

enterprise. Bruce's anger at the mischance faded before
his follower's explanation, and he turned for advice to his
leaders. His impulsive brother Edward bluntly answered
that nothing would send him to sea again for good or ill ;

he was going on with the business. Bruce assented and, ;

when Cuthbert informed them that two-thirds of the garrison

were lodging in the village, while their own coming was un-
known, they easily surprised these and slew them all save
one only, who escaped ; while those in the castle listened to
the tumult but feared to make a sally, not knowing who or
how many the assailants might be. There was a haul of
plunder, which Bruce divided among his men and after a ;

stay of three days, he, with his Islesmen and Irish, withdrew
to work his will on the countryside, finally to seek a refuge

' '
In-to that tyme the nobill King,
With and a few menyhe,
his flot
Thre hundir I trow thai mycht weill be,

Is to the se furth of Arane

A litill forrow the evyn gane.'
The Bruce, bk. v. 11. 14-18.

VOL. II.
^
34 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
of defence in the fastness of the southern hills. So, for
the time being, Arran, having served its purpose, passes from
the story.
But when all was over, when English domination had
been finally ejected, and the king had fixed his place of
residence in the west, at Cardross, he was again to visit the
island, probably more than once and for the sport of hunting.
At any rate record of a visit there in 1326, when six
we have
men were paid wages of two shillings for crossing in his yacht
for the king in Arran.^ He had revenues also from the
island, for we find record of payments of stirks and swine
and boars,^ as well as of £3, 6s. 8d. from the rector of the
church to the Constable of Tarbert.^

[Note. — Nothing has been said above of an alleged capture of Brodick

Castle by Bruce, who, at this stage, was, for good reasons, not concerned with
wasting time in front of fortresses nor of the presence of Arran men at
;

Bannockburn, since for neither is there a vestige of evidence. The first is in

itself quite improbable and while, in the second case, mention is made in
;

The Bruce of men from Argyll, Kintyre, the islands under the lordship of
Angus of Islay, and from Bute, no mention is made specifically of men from
Arran.]

I
Exchequer Rolls, i. p. 67. ^ Ibid., i. pp. 193, 194, etc.
' Und., i. p. 62 ; of. in text, p. 80.
 —

CHAPTER III
THE OWNERS OF ARRAN (I.)

Arran and the Earldom of Menteith— the Menteith Stewarts as Lords of

— —
Arran transfer to the Royal Stewarts Arran in the Royal accounts—
—
the farms and their rentals devastations by the men of Knapdale and
—
Kintyre, and reductions of rent the story of Ranald MacAlister
—
mortgage of the island to the Bishop of Glasgow devastation by
t)onald Balloch —unsettled condition — the 'services' of Colin, Earl of
Argyll — grant to the Boyds.

A.RRAN is a fair domain, clearly bounded and exclusive, very

noble to the eye, with every variety of surface, a kingdom
in small, a patrimony of pride. Much inferior to the neigh-
bouring island of Bute, no doubt, from the point of view of
income; in mediaeval times that island was worth nearly
three times the rent of Arran, and a safer investment be-
sides ; while, from its close connection with the Stewarts,
probably, as well as its superior value, it has given its name
to the shire.i But it is Arran that takes the eye, and its
facilities for sport among the deer were at all times an attrac-
tion to a leisured class. It must have been this which brought
Bruce thither in his later easy days. In the thirteenth
century the island, with Knapdale and Cowal, seems to have
formed part of the earldom of Menteith we have seen that :

in 1306 Sir John de Hastings had, from Edward i., that

earldom and the isles.' Before that time, therefore, it must
'

'
Buteshire includes Bute, Arran, Big and Little Cumbrae, Holy Isle, Pladda, and
Inchmarnock.
35
36 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
have been in the ownership of the Comyn Earl Walter, whose
death without issue brought about a curious law-case, which
was settled by a division of the lands,' one half going to the
claimant Walter the Steward with the title, the other to
a William Cumyn who also left no children. ^ As the parts
are not specified, nothing more definite can be said. By a
marriage of a younger son of Walter Stewart with the Comyn
heiress the lands were once more consolidated, and the son
of this marriage received the earldom his younger brother :

is the notorious John (Stewart) of Menteith, unhappily

associated with Wallace. Apparently, as the earldom was

allotted to a younger son of the High Steward, so Arran and
Knapdale, in their turn, were transferred to a younger branch
of the earl's family. Younger sons of noble families must
be appropriately provided for a master fact in the workings ;

of history. Thus the island was probably, after Bruce's

establishment, in possession of the above Sir John, but it
is his son who first appears on record as Lord of Knapdale '

and Arran,' in which capacity he makes grant to Gillespie

^
'
Campbell of Lochawe of a pennyland of Clachelane ' ' '

(Clachland), of Kilbryde,' and another of

' Kinlochored- '

nesey (Kinlochranza), which we shall meet again in the

'

translated form of Lochede or Loch-head. This Sir John

' '

dying before 1344,^ it is his son, last male of the race and last
of the Menteith lords, who in 1357 grants to the monastery
of Kilwinning the churches of St. Mary and St. Brigit in
Arran, with their chapels and the lands pertaining, present
and future.* This grant will come up in another connection.
A much more important transaction now falls to be
recorded. The mother of the last Sir John was a daughter
of the Earl of Mar, of the older line, and his sister's daughter
married Sir Thomas Erskine, whose son, the first Lord Erskine,
initiated the claim on the now vacant earldom of Mar, which

' The, Bruces and the Cumyns, p. 403. ' -Argyll Charters.
^ Scots Peerage. * Registrum Magni Sigilli, i. No. 86.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 37

was latermade good by this first Lord's son. Thus the wife
of Sir Thomas represented the Menteith hne, and from 1387
onwards, in or before which year Sir John Menteith must
have died, we have successive entries to Sir Thomas and his
successors of a payment of £100 annually from the burgh
rents and fishings of Aberdeen, granted by Robert ii. in
exchange for the lands of Arran.^ This payment continued
to be made to the Erskines down to the year 1532, when
Gavin Dunbar, Bishop of Aberdeen, purchased it from John
Lord Erskine as an endowment for the hospital founded by
him in Old Aberdeen, worthily carrying on the public bene-
factions of the great Bishop Elphinstone. But the trans-
ference of Arran back to the senior line of the Stewarts must
have taken place a good deal earlier than 1387, for some time
before 1371 (the charter is undated), when Robert the Steward
became King of Scotland, he, still merely Robert Stewart,
made grant of certain lands in the south of the island to
'
Sir Adam of Foularton
he must, therefore, have been
'
;
^

in possession before that time. A further complication is

that in the year 1306 the lands of the Lord Steward include
Bute, Arran, Cowal, Knapdale, and the two Cumbraes, the
Menteith island possessions, in fact.^ Probably they were
' '

restored to Menteith in consideration of his later support of

Bruce. Now they were back in Stewart hands again. The
earlier Stewart kings had the same affection for their calf-
country of the west as Robert the Bruce, and as Bute was
theirs and the Cumbraes, it was tempting to round off the
island domain or, at least, keep it wholly in the family.
They had not as yet wholly fallen in with the new associa-
tions of the Crown.
From this point, then, but specially from just before the
• Exchequer Rolls, vol. iv. p. cxviii (note) ; vol. iii. pp. 217, 233, etc.
^ Historical Manuscripts Commission, Report xi.. Appendix part vi. p. 21.
' Acts of Parliament, vol. i. p. 600 or 142, according to edition. These lands are
said 'to extend to £1000 by old taxation.'
 :

38 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

middle of the fifteenth century, we have considerable detail
as to the dealings of the royal house with respect to Arran
the island becomes part of the royal domain and has its
place in the royal accounts. Portions of it are disposed
of to other families, some of whomare relatives, and these
will be considered in their place. Meanwhile, there may be
presented a table of the royal holdings in the island with the
rentals of these. These rentals vary but little over the half-
century or so of which we have record, not at all in money
and only a trifle in produce. Competitive rents are as yet
'

unknown. Grassums, at the renewal of the annual setting '

at Martinmas, are paid in fixed quantities of barley and in

the proportion of one mart or head of cattle to every mark
(13s. 4d.) of money rent. In Bruce's time we hear of pay-
ments in swine from the island, but these do not figure in
the official rent-rolls of the later period. Barley and cattle,
as the chief produce, exhaust the payment in produce ; the
cattle are landed at Arnele (Portincross) or Toward,^ and
thence drovers bring them, at the royal expense, to Stirling.

TABLE OF THE KING'S FARMS IN ARRAN:

COMPILED FROM EXCHEQUER RoLLS

Name on Rolls
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 39
TABLE OF THE KING'S FARMS IN ARRA^—continued.
Name on Rolls | Name on Map
 —

40 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

The number proportional to the money rent,
of marts is

one for every five marks (13s. 4d.) the computation for
''

Bute,' For comparison the rents of that island may sum-

marily be set down at £141, 18s, 6d, money, 11 chalders
15 bolls barley, and 40 marts. Barley and marts are
grassums, payable at Martinmas, that is, payments indicating
the renewal of the yearly lease. Converting the barley and
marts into terms of money at the fixed ratio, given here and
there, of 4 marks a chalder and 5s. a mart, we work out the
total year's rent of these lands at £69, 10s. 8d. These do
not exhaust the lands of Arran, for the FuUarton holdings
are, of course, excluded, while the Stewarts of Bute held the
whole south end from Knockankelly (Cnocan a Choilich) to
the Feorlines ; Corriegills pertained to the sheriff ; Sannox
was owned by a Montgomery, and Shisken by the Abbey
of Saddell, while there were other ecclesiastical lands.
The moneyon the Scots standard, and therefore during
is

the fifteenth century but a third of sterling or English money :

to translate this into modern values is more difficult. The

relative price of barley then and now may be taken as a
standard of comparison, but, again, the figure here given is
a conventional one and does not represent the actual market
price at any particular period. These conversion prices '
'

are, indeed, normally much below those current at any time.

The price of cattle would be quite misleading, for the same
reason, and, further, because the animals were of the old
little, black breed, at best not much higher than a year old

calf.
Another product of Arran, in the royal accounts, was
'
muUones,' apparently cod or whiting, ^ which were bought
in 1444 at 2s. the dozen, and salted before conveyance to
Stirling or Edinburgh. One way was to bring them to
1 The
editor of the Exchequer Rolls ' does not pretend to identify them, vol. vi.
'

p. cii. suggest cod.

I Cf. 'There is a great fishing of cod and whiting in and about
this bay' (Lamlash). —
Martin's Western Isles, p. 221. The prevalence of whiting may
account for ' Whiting Bay/ just round from Lamlash, to the south.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 41

Dumbarton by water, where they were salted and cured. In

1445 the hire of a boat or galley and the expenses of nine
sailors for twenty days on this business came to £4, 10s.
But in the record of its rents we again note the special
relations and exposed position of the island. And here an
economic peculiarity also. Under the financial troubles of
the reign of David ii., a heavy impost had been laid upon wool
in order to increase the royal resources. Arran, and certain
other lands in the west, produced no wool and so escaped
their share of the national burden. On the other hand,
their uplying districts abounded in victuals such as cattle
' '

and barley, wherefore they were ordained to make a contribu-

tion of these towards the household expenses of the king, at
the estimate of the chamberlain otherwise king and court
;

would come and make a stay at suitable times at the expense

of the inhabitants. In this way Arran was made to take its
share with the lower lands in burdens and services.' ^ The
'

threat must have been effective, for there is no statement

of any such peregrination on the part of the court in the
sheepless lands of the west.
It is another story when the king fails to get in all his
rents from the island owing to circumstances over which the
islanders themselves had no control, and from which they
themselves in their degree also suffered. While Arran was
King's land it was peculiarly open to the king's enemies,
especially if these were on the west and in the islands, where,
during the fifteenth century, there were many revolts against
the royal authority. As an outlying island domain it could
be conveniently reached even by a more distant and more
powerful enemy. The official peace between England and
Scotland, in the opening years of the century, only masked
isolated acts of aggression from both sides, culminating in
the capture of Prince James at sea, while on his way to
France, in the spring of 1406. In the mutual recrimination
1 Acta of Parliament, vol. i. p. 508 (ft) or 160.

VOL. II. F
42 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
as to breaches of the truce it is recorded that the Enghsh
had made a descent upon Arran, '
ravaged the King's lands,
destroyed his castle of Brodick, and burned his chapel.' ^
This is but one example of what was to be Arran's share,
on many occasions, in the incidents of foreign and domestic
politics.
Even more serious, however, were the unfriendly visita-
tions of their royal lord's enemies nearer at hand, to wit
across the water, where Knapdale and Kintyre were now
in the possession of the ambitious and almost regal Mac-
Donalds, Lords of the Isles and Earls of Ross. When they
dip deeply into Scottish politics and are making trouble
for the government, Arran, from its position, positively in-
vites attack. Thus from 1444 to 1447 we have a melancholy
record of losses in the island through devastations by the
'
cursed invaders from Knapdale and Kintyre.' The originat-
ing impulse to these attacks is obscure, but must be connected
with the anarchic condition of the country as a whole in
the minority of James ii. There were feuds and parties
galore, slaughters and sieges, and mutual wastings of lands.
Either as taking advantage of the general unsettlement or,
as is perhaps more probable, stirred thereto by the Lord of
the Isles in the interest of the Douglas group of contending
barons, the MacDonalds and MacAlisters of the peninsula
carry on their ploys in Arran at their doors. In these they
daringly compass almost the whole island, destroying and
plundering without check, so that, when rents have to be
paid the despoiled tenantry must be allowed abatements
in proportion to their losses. The following Table from the
accounts of July 1446, covering the year from the previous
July, will give an idea of the extent and degree of the losses
incurred. Neil Jamieson of Bute, the royal chamberlain
for Bute and Arran, enters reductions of the money rents of
the following places for the reason given.
' Exchequer Rolls, vol. iv. pp. xlv-vi, citing Cott. MSS.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 43

TABLE OF LANDS 'WASTED' IN ARRAN BY KINTYRE

RAIDERS, AND CONSEQUENT ABATEMENTS OF RENT
44 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Here is a loss in money alone of £41, 15s. 4d., and,
adding in the money values of the other losses, we have a
total shortage of £50, 12s. 7d. for one year alone on a rental
of £69, 10s, 8d. And we must remember that these abate-
ments, in more or less, had been going on since 1444, and
appear on a smaller scale in the account following. Whether
the result of one sweeping raid or of successive raids is not
made clear, but the damage inflicted is serious enough, and
is a woeful reflection on the weakness of the Scottish executive

at the time. If a single raid, it must have occurred after the

accounts were closed for 1442, as the first abatements are
in 1444 for the two previous years if there was more than
;

one, the first must have been about that time, probably
in the autumn of 1441. And here, as in intimate connection
with these operations, and as a concrete example of the possi-
bilities of Arran life in the first half of the fifteenth century,
may be told the story of Ranald MacAlister, whose name
so significantly appears in the final citation from the records
given above.
II

Ranald MacAlister,^ or, as he is sometimes anglified,

Reginald MacAlexander, rented a line of farms on the narrow,
clayey shelf of land, backed by quick rising ground and heavy
hills, that runs from Loch Ranza round the west side to
—
Machrie Bay ^leaving out the portion between Whitefarland
and Achancar. His farms were Lochede or Kin-Lochransay,
Catacol, the two Thundergays, Penriach, Altgoblach, Machrie-
more, Auchagallon, and Machriebeg for which he was ;

due a rent of £14, 6s. 8d., 12 bolls of barley, and 4j marts,

the barley rent being laid only on the first four. Unhappily,
from their position, these lands were the most exposed to
the incursions of the Kintyre ravagers, this being the part
1 MacAlister should be spelled with one / if the Gaelic foi-m is followed, but it is
just as frequently found with two, and always has two tl's in the Accounts. It is not
possible to be uniform.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 45

of the island which comes nearest to the mainland, about

five miles away, and Imachar being the ferry to Saddell.
On the south side of Loch Tarbert, which divides Kintyre
proper from Knapdale, is Loup, the ancestral seat of the
chiefs of the clan MacAlister; Ranald of Arran was probably
astray from this flock, but that did not save him from being
shorn. From these circumstances we may explain the
troubles which beset him, as witnessed in the Accounts ; but,
besides, he must have been a man of determined mind with
a strong sense of personal interest.
When we first strike on his name, in 1440, he is 3| years
behind in money rent, or £44, 3s. 4d., 3 years in barley, and
4 years in marts, and his case is to wait the arrival of the
'

lord King in the western parts, and his consideration being

made there with council.' The lord King in that year
' '

was James ii., a child of ten. Very possibly the Kintyre

adventurers had been doing 'prentice work on Ranald. Four
years later, in the confessed circumstances of these attacks,
he is allowed a two years' abatement of his whole rent in
money and of all his marts, but of one year only in barley,
yet he will not pay up the other year. In 1455 comes another
cancelling of his full money rent, but the chamberlain
refuses to debit himself with the 12 bolls of barley, because
Ranald will not pay to the Comptant (accountant), as the
'

latter asserts on his oath,' nor will he pay his marts. No-
thing from Ranald in the year following, the Comptant again
swearing on his oath that he will not pay
' '
in every case
;
'
transferring the responsibility to MacAlister as answerable '

or responsible.'
'
1447 repeats the tale : rents held back
'

by Ranald MacAlister.' In 1448 he is allowed a reduction

of £12, lis. 8d., but he will pay no barley, and he is due
3| marts. A full abatement again in 1449, under all heads,
while the margin due from the previous year is now also
allowed him. Nor during the next two years is he able to
make payment, as we learn from a later account. The
46 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
'
of Kintyre or other Islesmen were at work
cursed invaders '

again. ^ Once more the king and the Douglases are in con-
flict or in strained relations, and the young John Lord of

the Isles is aye ready to take a hand for his friends. For
three years the rents of Arran are correspondingly depre-
ciated. It may have been with the idea of opposing some
better resistance in this quarter that in 1452 we find allMay
Ranald's farms, with Imachar and Dougarie (Dubhgharadh),
conferred by charter, as a military holding, on Alexander,
Lord Montgomery, who already had Sannox, and who had
previously had a mission of the same sort elsewhere. But
the arrangement did not meet with Ranald's approval, and
it was easier to get rid of him on the sheepskin than in person.

In the record of 1453 he is reported to have occupied his old

lands by force and violence, and is found charged with the
rental of £15, 3s. 4d., which means he has been in them for
rather more than a year. Meantime a new transaction had
been carried through, in which Ranald was to be even more
conspicuous as a withholder of rents, or a special victim of
misfortune.
In 1452 James was obliged with a loan from the funds
ii.

of Glasgow Cathedral, in particular from the offerings made

in the church in the time of indulgences and intended for
'
pious uses,' to the amount of 800 marks or £533, 6s. 8d. To
meet this debt he, in April 1452, assigned to Bishop William
TurnbuU, and, in the event of the bishop's death, to the dean
and chapter of the diocese, the rents of Bute, Arran, and
Cowal, with the royal customs of three neighbouring ports ;

the beneficiary to set the lands and collect the revenues,

take £100 annually, and account for the balance to the royal
—
exchequer until the mortgage was paid up.^
Arran was still in a dilapidated condition, but the bishop
secures a payment in the first year. Then, perhaps to save
^ In 1453 there is an allusion to a capture of the castle of Brodick.
2 Begistrum Magni Sigilli (1424-1513), p. 121, No. 542.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 47

trouble or for some other reason that must have seemed

good, he leases the whole island to one person, and that
person is no other than Ranald MacAlister,
The outcome is what may be guessed. In 1454 there
isno payment by Ranald of either money, barley, or marts.
Presumably steps were taken to arrest Ranald's goods in
view of this default, for the chamberlain reports that he '

can find nothing of Ranald MacAUister's to distrain.' Next

year the same and now the King is to be consulted that
;
'

he may write to the Sheriff to raise the said sum and to dis-
train for the same.' A
like instruction follows for 1457, with
MacAlister now
three years behind and the bishop dead.
Once again, however, in the period September 1456 to July
1457, ' devastation ' enters the Accounts, wiping out, sub-
stantially, the whole year's revenue.^ On May 1, 1455,
the Douglas faction had been finally crushed by James ii.
in the battle of Arkinholm, in Dumfriesshire, and the earl
and friends took shelter in the meantime with the Lord of
the Isles. He dispatched his relative, Donald Balloch, with
70 galleys and 5000 or 6000 men to harry the Ayrshire coast,
as they did at Inverkip, Renfrewshire, after which they harried
all Arran, capturing and destroying the castle of Brodick. We
can trace the results in the returns. The district in the neigh-
bourhood of Brodick seems to have suffered most for two ;

years the lands of Blairbeag, Dubrock (Dowbrowach),

'
'

and Brodick cannot be let on account of their wasted con-

dition, and they are unassessed as waste for some years
' '

after.
For trying year, 1456-7, MacAlister, therefore, is
this
immune from payment, but there are still the arrears of the
previous three years standing against him, £170, 16s. But

• The usual chronology, as in Gregory's History of the Western Highlands, places

this descent in 1455, after Arkinholm, but in the Exchequer Rolls, vol. vi. p. 328, it is
afBrmed to have occurred 'in the year of the account,' that specified in the text. No
devastation is recorded for the year before.
48 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
before June 1458 the undistrainable one has departed this life,
leaving an heir in the same helpless condition. For about
fifteen years Ranald had been a tenant of nine farms, for
Avhich he during that time paid no rent ; for four years he
had been lessee of the whole island, had paid nothing for
three of these, and had been excused one and he died pro-
;

pertyless, with these words for his epitaph, he had nothing

'

to distrain.' The arrears of £170, 16s. appear still standing

against his name in 1464, and must then have been written
off as a bad debt. No doubt he was largely the victim of
misfortune it was hard luck of the island to offer a ready
:

means of injuring the king, who was its lord, since the royal
domain of Arran was just over the ferry from Kintyre.
There is little more to record on this line. The island
continued to be afflicted while the intermittent royal feud
with the Lords of the Isles continued. In 1462 a heavy
balance of shortage in rent, due to the usual devastation, had
to be summarily cancelled by order of the Lords of Council.
Apparently efforts are made to secure the protective in-
terest of powerful local magnates Lord Montgomery is
:

back in Loch Ranza and Catacol ; in 1466 Colin Earl of

Argyll is declared to have been granted the money rents for
this and the three preceding years for his service to the
'

Lord King.' The grant of the island to Thomas Boyd as

Earl of Arran, in 1467, of which more hereafter, opens a
new chapter in its history.
 CHAPTER IV
THE OWNERS OF ARRAN (II.)

The ' firmarii ' or farmers —

the merklands the —baron-lairds
' '
— the
Montgomerys in Sannox and Loch Ranza ; transference of these to the
Hamiltons —the Fullartons of Corsby
in the Knightslands — FuUartons
of Arran in Kilmichael and Glen Cloy — the coronership of Arran — the
Ardgowan Stewarts in the Tenpenny Lands —transference to the
Stewarts of Bute — the Hamiltons and the Tenpenny Lands — the
Stewarts retain Corriegills sale to the Hamiltons — the Boyd Earl of
;

Arran — the entiy of the Hamiltons — James and Arran — fortunes

iv.

of the earldom till the Union of the Crowns.

In the course of the preceding chapter has emerged in out-

Une the nature of land occupation in mediaeval times. The
great owner had his estate set in portions denominated
according to their money rental (returns in kind being
grassums) as mark-lands or lands in fractions of a mark/
and these were leased to firmarii or farmers, known also as
'
rentallers husbandi.' The firmarius leased the
' ^ and '

land at a firma or fixed payment, occupying the status of

a husband or manorial tenant. The land was cultivated
'
'

in strips in the great fields.^

Thus in the last quarter of the sixteenth century we find
Arran described as 300 merk land,' and able to raise 100
'

1 See Table on p. 89.

"^
rental was a sort of liferent lease, granted ou easy terms to one who was the
A
lineal successor of the previous occupier or was regarded as being in that position.
Such a tacksman was known as a Rentaller, otherwise as a 'kindly tenant.'
' Cf. on this Chap. ix.

VOL. II. G
50 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
men, one third of the number that could be raised in Bute.^
In actual rental it can never have come to so much. The
thirty-eight farms of the king accounted for only 85 marks,
and these covered the greater part of the island. Penny-
lands and iarthing-lands—feorline, Gaelic fehirling, from
Norse fjording, farthing 2—hark back to the Norse occupa-
'
'

tion and measurements by valuation the highest Norse unit :

was the ounce-land, paying an ounce of silver, subdivided

into eighteen to twenty pennies. But in Arran, as in Argyll,
the mark-land became the standard. Estates or portions
of estates will be seen to be regularly described in this way :

the money rentals of the previous chapter are all in marks

or fractions of a mark ; they are ancient, fixed, customary
sums. Marts are allotted in proportion, and usually barley
or other produce too, but only marts in the case of Arran.
Its pasture was more to be depended upon than its tillage.
Generally the farmers, who did not precisely correspond to
the modern class under that name, but were simply those
responsible for the fermes ' or rents, continued from year
'

to year, and it might be, and probably was the case, from
generation to generation. There was no competition for
farms in the way of varying rents the true mediaeval ;

economy was based upon fixed values, and suffered but slight
intrusion from the working of supply and demand.^ It
avoided the worries of speculation. On the other hand,
the rent was not a merely nominal one being, by all in- ;

ference, about a third of what might be assessed on the

average as the total produce, it amounted to much the same
proportion as is accepted nowadays. The rents in kind,
as already noted, were, when converted into money, greatly
undervalued, but then it was easier to pay in that fashion
' Skene's Celtic Scotland, vol. iii. p. 439. Distinguish 'merk-land' here from that
on p. 14.
2 Henderson's Agorae 7ra/Me«ce, etc., p. 203. Mr. Bremner differs. Dr. Macbain gives
origin as Anglo-Saxon, feorthling ; but certainly its application in the west is Norse.
3 But for later developments see p. 87.
 '

THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 51

than to get cash. With the sixteenth century there is

indeed a change, and competitive or increased rents begin
to show themselves, but we have no knowledge of how things
went in Arran. Royal lands did not set the fashion in this
way. One change in these, however, does seem to have
affected the island. In Bute James iv., acting in the spirit
of an earlier Act of Parliament, turned his rentallers into
feuars, thus making them virtually landlords subject to the
payment These came to be known locally
of feu-duty.
as '
barons,' not incorrectly in view of their status with
respect to the king, but unusual in the more limited sense,
since they had no baronial investment and the title, in the
;

wider meaning, is known also, even down to modern times, in

districts of Argyll.^ Though there is no specific record for
Arran, persistent tradition, and the use of the term in the
island within living memory, would suggest that a similar
step was taken in that island, where the form baron laird '

is an effort to get nearer the particular sort of tenancy or, ;

at least, that the Arran rentaller regarded himself as on

'
'

the same footing as the Bute baron.' In Arran even the

'

feuar of a building site has been known as a baron. In

fact, baron in the west country seems to be the equiva-
'
'

lent of the term feuar,' in the honourable sense in which

'

that title is used on gravestones in such a district as East

Perthshire. indicated a superior standing to that of
It
mere tenant. later history of the Bute and Arran
The
'
barons ' as feuars of their land cannot be followed out in
detail : the material is wanting.
Under the farmers of the land were the actual cultivators,
whose lot in Arran, as in the rest of Scotland, was probably
* See again on p. 117 ff. While this form was under investigation there appeared,
on a date in the early summer of 1912, a notice in the Deaths column of the Glasgow
Berald which stated that the lady in question was the daughter of a particular person,
'baron' of a place in the neighbourhood of Oban. 'Barons/ too, was the term
anciently applied to freemen of London, the Cinque Ports, and some other places, as
homagers of the king.
52 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
pretty hard. They were the producers, the labourers of
the ground it was the rentaller's privilege to get out of
;

them what he could, pay his 'ferm,' and appropriate the

balance. They had no official recognition they were ;

merely the workers of the hive.

Of the rentallers of the farms at any time we have scarcely
any names, and these only for special reasons. Neil M'Duffy
paid no rent in 1461 for Glen Sherraig and left it waste.
Of Ranald MacAlister's deahngs with his nine farms the
story has been told. Crainschaunt, Knokan, Pennycastle,
'

Ronnygay, Corriknokdon, and Glasdree pertained to the '

keeper of Brodick Castle, who had in addition £5 yearly

from the revenues of the island—when it could be paid, and
he had sometimes quite a long term of arrears, William
Stewart, of the Bute family, succeeded Lord Montgomery
in this post, and was keeper from 1444 till the castle was
destroyed by Donald Balloch, During three years he had
no sinecure. We have observed how Montgomery was
placed in the north-west corner of the island in 1452, and he
appears again in the same quarter he also OAvned Sannox, :

which in 1469 he transferred to his second son George. In

1528 there is a fresh charter by James v. to Hugh, first Earl
of Eglinton, of all his lands, including Lochransay in '
'

Arran. Sannox (' Sandokes '), indeed, was computed with

Loch Ranza to make up the 20-pound lands of Loch- '

ranisay,' which, by 1564, had been in the hands of the Crown,

at that date of the Queen as Stewardess of Scotland,' for
'

18 J years by reason of ward that is, Hugh Earl of Eglinton

;

was till then under age he had now, on assuming the pro-
;

perty, to pay a '

The return from this estate
relief ' of £60.
was £1110, including the revenue from the mills, for the
period given above.^
In connection with the troubled north-west, it may
• Hist. MSS. Commission, ' Eglinton Papers/ etc., p. 24 ; Ejcchequer Rolls, vol. xix. ;

Appendix Libri Kesponsionum, p. 521. Account is made by the Sheriff of Bute.

w
H

O
Z
<
•A
W
O
 ^ '

THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 53

be noted here that in 1556 James Duke of Chatelherault,

Earl of Arran, infefted James M'Onele of Donnawik
'

(James MacDonald of Dunyveg) and his heirs in the lands

of Saddell Abbey, on condition, among other things, of
not only himself and his friends, etc., refraining from
'
ony invasions, reiffis, slauchterie, sornyngis or oppres-
sions within Arran, but also of maintaining and defending
'

the same, as far as lay in their power, from oppressions or

injuries by others.^ This bond we find renewed by the
representatives of the families in 1591.2 Shisken was part
of the Abbey lands, but it had been a further condition of
the contract that MacDonald should resign all claims he
might have in that quarter. It was one method of settling
a standing nuisance, but it was the use of ecclesiastical pro-
perty for a very secular purpose, that of paying blackmail
to or bribing an unscrupulous Highland chief. Shisken, of
course, had been scooped in by the Hamiltons but that ;

will come up later.

Loch Ranza and the Sannox lands continued in the
possession of the Eglinton Montgomerys down to the be-
ginning of the eighteenth century, when the Hamiltons, in
1705, used the leverage of a £3600 mortgage to have them
displaced, and assumed their vacant seats.
We may now pass to consider other owners than the king
and the Montgomerys, leaving Holy Church to its proper
chapter.
II

And concerning the FuUartons,* who have been so

first
long placed in the island as to acquire a mythical account
of their origin there. The FuUarton legend, in its earliest

recorded form, may be taken from '

Martin Martin gent,' a
1 Collectanea de Rebus Alhanicis, pp. 88-9.
^ Hist. MSS. Commission, Report xi. Appendix part vi. p. 45.
^ Bryce's Geology of Arran, p. 13.3.
* Various spellings : Folartoun, Fullarton, Foulartoune, Fullerton.
54 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Skyeman by residence published
at least, also a traveller, who
in 1703 the first edition of his Description of the Western
Islands of Scotland. He, of course, sets down the current
opinion among the natives of Arran, and it runs as follows
'
' :

'
The most ancient family ... is reckoned to be Mac-Louis,
which in the ancient language signifies the son of Lewis.
They own themselves to be of French parentage. Their
surname in English is FuUarton, and their title Kirk-Mitchell,
the place of their residence. If tradition be true, this little
family is said to be of 700 years' standing.' ^ This would
take back the FuUartons to before the Conquest, but here
'
tradition has erred badly.
' FuUarton, in its Gaelic dress,
does appear as MacLouy or M'Clowy, and from this the glen
which radiates to the south-west from Brodick Bay came
to be known as Glen Cloy. But the Gaelic is simply Mac-
luaidh, son of the fuller,' and so a bad shot at the trans-
'

lation of what is purely an English place-name. Fuller-ton,

'
the township of the fuller.' The nest of the family was
'
FuUerton in Corsby, Kyle,
' Ayrshire a confirmation by ;

Robert ii. tells us that James the High Steward, his grand-
father (1281 or 1282-1292), had granted the land of Fouler- '

ton in Kyle- Stewart to Adam, son of the late Alan de

'

Foulerton,^ so that they owed their territorial foundation,

apparently, to the Stewarts, and may have thus been
'
Norman indeed. '

Other branches of the same family were planted in

Forfarshire and Aberdeenshire, through the same influence,

' Martiiij as cited, pp. 223-4. Hereanother version ' That two sons went out
is :

of the house of FuUarton, one of the name

of Lewis and the other James. Lewis
went to Arran and was called M'Lewis or M'Cloy, etc. James went to the Isle of
Bute and was called M'Camie of (or?) Jamieson, and acquired lands there and was
—
made Coroner of Bate, etc' This is given as 'tradition.' Macfarlane's Genealogical
Collection/! (S. H. S.), i. p. 343.
' Registrum Magni Sigilti, vol. i. p. 85, No. 297. The same charter also conveyed
Gailes. James became High Steward in 1281 or 1282, and died ten years afterwards.
For a curious difficulty about James as H. S. , see Macfarlane's Genealogical Collections,
i. p. 333.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 55

and the FuUartons were much patronised with gifts by both

Robert ii. and Robert iii.^ At some date before he became
king in 1371, Robert, Steward of Scotland, granted to Sir
Adam of Foularton, knight, heir to the late Reginald of
Foularton, Lord of that ilk (=' same,' i.e. Foularton), the
lands of Knychtislands, with pertinents, in Arran, to be '

held to Adam and his heirs of the granter and his heirs
in fee and heritage for ever,' on the usual feudal terms,
'
performance of common suit of court at the Castle of Bradwok
(Brodick), and for ward and relief as they happen.' ^ Common
suit of court or attendance at courts of justice was no mere
form any more than a jury summons ; absence involved a
heavy penalty the grantee was expected to give his assist-
;

ance in the administration of justice. From later charters we

gather that FuUarton was also Lord of Corsby, and that
' '

' Knightslands
were also known as Drumrudyr and as
' '
'

'
alias Tonreddyr all these names have disappeared, but
^
'

the district is that behind Kildonan

:

Tonereacher was the

— '

term applied to the land between Kildonan and Leven-

corroch inclusive.' * The nine merklands of Drumrudir,'
'

in the early sixteenth century, returned £6 annually in 1515 ;

' Robertson's Index of Charters, etc. , passim. As will be noted, there are various
slight variations in the spelling of the name.
* Hist. MSS. Commission, Report xi. Appendix part vi. ^Vard is the
pp. 21-22. '
'

period during which an heir is under age, when the rental went to the superior or
his nominee, subject to a provision for the heir; 'relief is a sum, usually a year's
rental, payable on his entering upon the property and receiving sasine.
2 Tonroc(?e)der That is to say Knight bottome and in English Knight land.
'

And this land remained a Considerable time with the family^ Till it Seems from the
Inconveuiency of its remoteness and Sometimes hazardous Access thereto they have
thought fit to part with it to the family of Hamilton present proprietors there (1760)
of [sic, probably should read "thereof"] the Lands are now in value about 2000
—
merks per annum.' Macfarlane's Genealogical Collections, i. p. 343.
* Private communication from Kildonan, adding ' but nobody knew of it having

any connection with Kildonan Castle.' In the Session Records of Kilmorie it appears
(1712) as ' Donriddeor,' the district in question. Tonn is a ' wave in modern Gaelic,
'

from its fuller meaning of a swelling or rising part ; ridir (' rider') is a knight. A local
form with rideal, 'a, riddle,' must have arisen from misunderstanding. The land
does suddenly curve upwards.
56 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
'
John FuUartoun '
had sasine of the same on attaining his
majority, paying a full year's rental as relief in 1539 ;

another John FuUartoun enters, after ten years as heir under

ward. We may here spin out to its close the story of FuUar-
ton ownership in this quarter. Three Johns succeeded each
other in these nine merk lands between 1495 and 1539,
' '

and in 1541 the last of them made resignation of the pro-

perty to James Stewart, Sheriff of Bute, whose son Alexander,
eleven years later, transferred them to James Duke of
Chatelherault and Earl of Arran.^ Thus withered on the
Knightslands the three branches, two above and one below,
of the FuUarton escutcheon the cedar of the Hamiltons
;

was spreading its roots.

But, in the meantime, the stock had been transplanted
farther north. In 1391^ King Robert iii. granted to Fergus '

of Foulertone of Arrane the land of Erqwhonnyne ^ in

' ' '

Arran, of the old extent of two marks sterling yearly, for

yearly payment of one penny of silver as blench ferme,' a '

'
white or nominal sum, to be paid at Pentecost in the Castle
'

of Brodick. As the Knightslands' Fullartons are said to be

also of Corsby,' this FuUarton of Arran must be a minor
' '
'

branch of the same, a younger son. Nine years later Robert

grants to the son of Fergus the lands of Killemechel in the '

Baillary of Arran,' with the office of crowner or coroner

'
'

of that bailliary, which office, we now learn, had belonged

to Ferchard or Fergus. Later we have Kilmichael and
'Glenklowy' associated with the same office, and by 1511 we
find in the possession of the Fullartons the two marklands
of Forland or Irachonane,' which in 1527 is expressed as
'

Quhytfoirland. There is no need to hunt these grants

through later charters, but one variation may be noted.

1 MSS. Commission, as cited, pp. 22-3.

Hist.
These details are from Origines Parochiales, citing the FuUarton Charters.
2

3 Arywhonyne, or Straith-oughlian,' Pennant's Tour in Scotland (ed. 1774), p. 186.

'

That is, Strath whillan. See list on p. 39.

 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 57
In 1563 Alan Makcloy resigned his office and lands to the
'
'

Hamiltons, and James, son and heir to the Duke of Chatel-

herault, with consent of his father, granted them anew to the
same Alan. This seems to have been an attempt on the part
of the Hamiltons to secure the superiority of the FuUarton
properties, but in 1572 King James vi. confirmed the charter
of Robert iii. in 1400 indication that the attempt, so far,
;

had failed and that the Fullartons had regained for their
land the status of a Crown holding.^ And so there and thus
they remain to this day. Nothing particular appears in
their history probably they owe to this modesty their
;

security of tenure. It might be expected that they would

not adventure in the troubled waters of Hamilton politics :

the pot of clay should not swim with the iron pot. Where
they expanded, it was in the timid way of business. In
1459 Fergus FuUarton was tenant of the Crown in the farm
of Clachlanbeg, the rent of which, £l, 13s. 4d., was remitted
to him in that year because the said Fergus lost his goods
'

in the service of our lord the King, in great quantity.' ^ In

1590 the Earl of Arran admitted James (or Allan) Lord '

M'Clowy (a courtesy title) as kindly tenant for life of the

'

lands of Scalpaden,' Mayish, Brodick, Glen Ormidale, and

'

Glen Sherraig. The rest is immaterial.

Martin expounds the coronership as follows The :
'

present possessor obliged me with the sight of his old and

new charters, by which he is one of the King's coroners
within this island, and as such he hath a halbert peculiar
to his office. He has his right of late from the family of
Hamilton, wherein his title and perquisites of coroner are
confirmed to him and his heirs. He is obliged to have three
men to attend him upon all public inquiries, and he is bound
by his office to pursue all malefactors and to deliver them to
the steward, or in his absence to the next judge. And if
any of the inhabitants refuse to pay their rents at the usual
But see extract from Martiiij below. ^ Exchequer Rolls, vol. vi. p. 531.

VOL. II. H
 '

58 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

term, the coroner is bound to take him personally or to
seize his goods. And if it should happen that the coroner
with his retinue of three men is not sufficient to put his
office in execution, then he summons all the inhabitants
to concur with him and immediately they rendezvous to
;

the place, where he fixes his coroner's staff. The perquisites

due to the coroner are a firlet or bushel of oats and a lamb
from every village in the isle, both which are punctually
paid him at the usual terms.' ^
A further explanatory sentence may be added to complete
the machinery of justice The bailiff or steward has his
:
'

residence in this castle, and he has a deputation to act with

full power to levy the rents, give leases of the lands, and hold
courts of justice.' ^ That is to say, the bailiff acted for the
earl, in discharge of his rights of baronial justice. Beyond
this magistracy might be granted the power of Justiciary
for the Crown over the island.^ Martin remarks that the
inhabitants are very civil,' and that he did not hear any
' '

oath in the island.' The 'ordinary asseveration is by Nale,*

which is usually taken to refer to some person of that name,
but seems to be the not unusual Gaelic interjection ndile^
!
'
yea

III

Turn now to consider the planting of some left-hand

Stewarts in Arran, royal offspring out of the legitimate line,
Robert ii. and Robert in. were both distinguished by an
outside, miscellaneous addition to the royal stock had ;

sultanic tastes, in fact, like several of their successors. But

they were not neglectful of their parental responsibilities.
For one natural son of Robert ii. found a place in the new
'
'

Martin's Description, p. 2:i4.

' 2 /j,^;.^
p. 223.
1503: James, Lord Hamilton, constituted Justiciar for life. 1629: Marquis of
3

Hamilton, Earl of Arran, etc., granted hereditary office of Justiciar within the bounds,
of the earldom of Arran— as much of it as belongs to the said James {Registrum Mcigni.
Sigilli). See also p. 96.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 59
hereditary sheriffdom of Bute and Arran, which was in
existence at leastby 1385,^ and among the perquisites of the
office this John Stewart, the dark-complexioned or Black,' '

had Corriegills in Arran. To Robert iii. came a John of

similar origin—the name was a favourite one with the
Stewarts at this time it was really the King's own name—
;

and he was placed in Ardgowan in Renfrewshire.^ In the

year of his death (1329) King Robert added to Ardgowan's
possessions the Tenpenny lands of Arran, which included
Kildonan, with the Castle, Two Furlongs (the two Feorlines,
north and south), Dupenny lands ('two-penny' or Dippin),
the three Largies (Largie Beag, Largie Meadhonach ('middle '),
Largie Mor), two Keskedelis (Kiscadale, north and south),
Glenascasdale (Glen Easdale), and Clachan—forty-pound
land of old extent, being the greater part of the southern
segment of the island. Here, then, were two Stewart offsets
in Arran, but in due course it was the fate of the greater
to be absorbed in the less. The sheriff's family had also
lands in Perthshire, but it pleased them to consolidate on
the west, and in 1503 John Stewart of Ardgowan, in exchange
for lands and rents in that county, transferred to his relative
Ninian Stewart, the sheriff, the whole of his Arran estates.
In 1539 the Tenpenny lands and the two Corriegills,' in '

possession of James Stewart, are stated at a valuation of

£43, 6s. 8d. old extent.^
Now theson of this Ninian, ane of the Stuarts of Bute's
'

blood, callit Mr. James,' as Dean Monro refers to him in 154*9,

was unhappy in his politics. It was the troubled time of
Queen Mary's minority, when political activity craved
careful walking. The situation developed on the lines of
the Lennox Stewarts versus the Hamiltons Arran being :

Regent and having turned Protestant, to veer again back

' Exchequer Rolls, \o\. vi. p. xcviii.
^ The modem representatives of the Ardgowan Stewarts are the Shaw-Stewarts of
Greenock and Blackhall. See Hist. MSS. Commission, Fourth Report, ' Argyll Papers.'
^ Exchequer Rolls, vol. xvii. ; Libri Respon.sionum, p. 7(J0.
60 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
to Catholicism Lennox having hoped to displace Arran,
;

and, failing, become a Protestant of the type of Henry viii.

—who was so only in Pope. But, in
his repudiation of the
his wrath, Lennox went even beyond the Douglases, became
a naturalised Englishman, and fully identified himself with
Henry's cunning scheme to become master of Scotland.
Now Sheriff James, possibly from his blood or name he — '

and his bluid are the best men in that country,' remarks
Dean Monro that is, ; are of Stewart lineage —took the foolish
step of attaching himself to the fortunes of Lennox and the
anti-national party, having for company the chieftains of the
west, with the exception of James MacDonald of Dunyveg,
while the Earl of Argyll stood in with the Earl of Arran.
That Argyll was on the one side made sure that at least the
bulk of the MacDonalds should be on the other ; and even
Dunyveg was to lapse for a while.
One part of Henry's strategy was to make a descent on
the west where he would find friends, and this undertaking
naturally fell to the Earl of Lennox, who had hopes of captur-
ing the castle of Dumbarton. In 1543 a recreant French
captain had made proposals to Henry for operations on the
Clyde coast, with which he was professionally familiar, and
notes, among others, the harbour of Mellache,' that is, '

Lamlash. This port, he says, can float 100 great ships, and is
'

only defended by tAvo small towers, one beside the haven and
the other on the isle that makes the port.' ^ So Lamlash
did have its tower, and there is the vestige of a square
'

tower near the Whitehouse in Lamlash Bay. The founda-

tion-stones are alone traceable beneath the rich verdure of
the lawn but their extent sufficiently indicates the former
;

strength and importance of the building.' ^ Lamlash Castle,

' Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henn/ VIII. (Gairdner), vol. xviii. part ii.

No. .541.
2 M'Arthur's Antiquities of Arran, p. 157. He adds, 'There is no positive record
of the existence of the castle of Lamlash.' Tlie record is now supplied above. Cf.
also Paterson's 'Account' in P. E. Highhmd Socy., N.S., vol. v. p. 181.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 61

however, meant comparatively little, Dumbarton Castle

much ; and the latter was the objective of Lennox, when he
^

carried out his expedition of August 1544 with about a dozen

ships from Bristol and some hundreds of hackbuteers, archers,
and pikemen. Arran was Hamilton ground, and so it was
raided and plundered, and Brodick Castle, after re-erection,
once more utterly destroyed. Brodick Castle was a sort of
phoenix repeatedly being destroyed and repeatedly rising
;

from its ruins. But in so far as its main purpose was con-
cerned the expedition was a failure, though Lennox whipped
Argyll at Dunoon and did plentiful mischief in Ayrshire
and Kintyre, including the lands of James MacDonald.
To these two gentlemen the government was appro-
priately grateful, and, among other things, MacDonald seems
to have got the gift or promise of the Arran lands of the
reckless sheriff, who was involved in the lamentable under-
takings of Lennox, thus fyling his own nest and lending a
helping hand to the enemies of his house. Nor did it serve
him much in the long run that he was pardoned for his
misdoings while MacDonald temporarily changed sides when
;

he saw his chance to set up a claim for the lost Lordship of

the Isles. In 1549 Stewart was summoned before Parlia-
ment to answer for his treason afterwards he complains
;

the summons was at the instigation of the Earl of Argyll, who

had seized his lands by force. At this stage the Earl of Arran
comes in as honest broker, but Stewart avers that that Earl
was actually behind Argyll, who again had contracted with
MacDonald to put him in possession of the sheriff's estates.
Thus beset, Stewart was induced to sell his lands to Arran
for 4000 marks, the £10 lands of Cumbrae, and a reconciliation
with Argyll.2 The rest of the story he told afterwards but ;

the grant to Arran was nevertheless confirmed, while Argyll

had to settle up with MacDonald for compensation elsewhere.
From the sale to Arran the land of Corriegills was exempted
'
See further on this point, p. 93. ' Hist. MSS., xi. vi. 23.
 —

62 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

which Stewart was to
as pertaining to the office of sheriff,
retain. But the Tenpenny lands and the nine merk land '

of Tonrydder alias Knightslands with the island of Pladow,'

their towers, fortalices, etc., passed for the time being to the
Hamiltons.
Apparently MacDonald's claim continued a difficulty and
a source of trouble in the isles, for seven years afterwards
we have the contract, already referred to, between the Duke
of Chatelherault and James M'Onele of Donnawik,' whereby,
'

in return for the Saddell lands, MacDonald resigns all claim

to any lands in Arran, except Corriegills and Clachlan, and
promises neither to annoy the island himself nor allow others
to do so.^ The two Corriegills continued a sheriff appanage ;

Kildonan Castle and its forty shilling land go back, for a

short term, to an Ardgowan Stewart in 1618,^ but sixteen
years later this Archibald Stewart resigns them and they
are passed on to Archibald MacDonald of Sanda. In 1662
there is infeftment of Augustine Macdonald, heir of provi-
'

sion of Archibald Macdonald of Sanda, his father, in 40 . . .

shilling lands of old extent of Kildonan in the island of

Arran.' ^ So the property went on being shuttlecocked
between Stewarts and others for the MacDonalds gave ;

place later to the Stewarts of Kilquhilly in Bute, and these,

by sale, to the Marquis of Bute, who represented the old
family of the sheriffs.* But not even there was rest found.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century Headrick
mentions Kildonan, Pladda, and the Corriegills as being in
possession of the Marquis,^ from whom these estates were
' Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis, p. 88.
2 Argyll Sasines, vol. i. fol. 71, de novo, 1619; liegistrum Magni Sigilli,s.i., No.
2023.
' Abridgement of Inquests at the Chapel Royal — Inquisitiones Specials, 64. It seems
that about 1565 or later MacDonald of Dunyveg gave the Tenpenny lands to his
cousin John, second son of Angus lleach('of Islay') of Sanda. The Clan Donald,
vol. iii. p. 388. It is a complex story, and some essential details are lacking.
* New Statistical Account —
Bute, vol. v. p. 66.
' View of the Island of Arran, by Rev. James Headrick, 1807, pp. 63, 106, 107.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 63
finally purchased by the Duke of Hamilton.^ There was
now no hereditary sheriffdom to anchor Corriegills.
[Note. — In
1681 the lands of the Stewarts in Bute, with the sherifTs
were assigned to Sir George Mackenzie, 'The
portion, Corriegills, in Arran,
Bluidy Mackenzie the whole being erected anew into the Barony of Bute
' ;

(Acts of Pari.). Sir George never completed or registered his title, and, as
Sir James Stewart of Bute was his son-in-law, the transaction was probably
due to family reasons. In 1703 the Acts record a regrant of the same lands to
Sir James Stewart, Earl of Bute, and a re-creation of the barony in favour
of Stewart. See Appendix C in Lang's Sir George Mackeiisie.]

IV
Having thus followed the tributary streams to their
absorption (except that of FuUarton) in the main river of
the Hamiltons, we may return to trace that from its source.
We left the royal accounts at the point where the Boyds
appeared in connection with the island. The sudden rise
of this Kilmarnock family, in the minority of James iii.,
to a short-lived grandeur of power and affluence, belongs
to the general history of Scotland, Suffice it here to say
that in 1467 Sir Thomas Boyd, eldest son of Lord Boyd,
and personally, it wotdd seem, both handsome and capable,
married the Lady Mary, eldest sister of the young king.
To maintain his great rank he received some profitable
offices, but chiefly the royal lands in Arran, which island
was erected, temporarily, into a separate sheriffdom, and per-
manently into an earldom, which he was the first to boast.
In the autiman of 1469, by a quiet political revolution, the
family's power was broken, and its members scattered.
Earl Thomas, by a timely warning from his wife, escaped to
England, and thereafter disappears from history. We hear
of him in London about 1470 or 1472, apparently accompanied
by his wife,^ and it is said that their two children were born
> New Statistical Account —Bute, vol. v. p. 17, for purchase of Corriegills, two
farms. ^ Paston Letters.
 64 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
abroad, where he probably died not long after. His widow
married, as his second wife, the somewhat elderly first Lord
Hamilton, before April 1474, surviving his death in 1479.
After the Boyd forfeiture Arran thus reappears in the
royal accounts, but never separately from Bute, and in a
rather haphazard fashion, being leased as a whole to some
firmarius for a term of years to Sir John Colquhoun of
:

Luss, John Lord Dalmeny, John Lord Kennedy, Lord

Montgomery, and, last of all, to Ninian Stewart of Bute and
Arran ;while the record continues pretty much as before,
worsens perhaps slightly. We soon hear of more devasta-
tions by the Islesmen, wherefore,' naively runs the note in
'

1496, it is unknown.' For such reason in 1480 the farms

'

cannot be assessed to make any return. We have a falling

off in stated rent of fourpence in money, but though the
barley portion has been slightly increased, the number of
marts falls from 17 to 10. The cattle were likely to suffer
most at the hands of depredators. A composition is made
with the lessees for a fixed sum of £40 as the rent they were
actually to pay. For the last three years, up to the en-
trance of the Hamiltons, the tenants have to be remitted
the whole of their rent and marts, in a sum amounting in
gross to £106, 13s. 4d. It was time for some local power,
more efficient as more threatening than distant royalty, to
take the island in hand.
It will have been observed that all the names thus con-
nected with the island come from the Clyde basin— Stewarts,
Montgomerys, Boyds, MacDohalds, etc., and now the Hamil-
tons of Lanarkshire. The steady rise of this family does
not fall within our survey, but belongs to another situation,
particularly Cadzow. It benefited by timely changes in
its political preferences. Walter Fitz-Gilbert became first
of Cadzow, and practically founder of the stock,
by betraying
Bothwell Castle and the English refugees thither from Ban-
nockburn into the hands of Robert the Bruce he had been
:
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 65

placed in command of the castle by the English king. The

first Lord Hamilton of the line, knighted in 1440 and en-
nobled five years after, abandoned the rebel Douglas cause
at a critical moment in its fortunes, and in course had his
reward. It was he who married Lady Mary, and so made
the family next in succession to the Crown, a fact which was
to have an unsettling influence upon Hamilton politics in
the future. But he himself thereby came no nearer to Arran,
which earldom, as we see, had been annexed to the Crown.
It was his son James, a knightly man with his hands, a hero
of tournaments, reputed the best archer on foot or on horse
in Scotland, and a lover of horses, who recovered the lost
inheritance of his princess mother. He was conspicuous in
the affair of the marriage of James iv. with the Princess
Margaret of England, showing gallantry at the ceremony on
August 8, 1503, in a costume of white damask flowered with
gold. Thus dazzling the Court, he, three short days there-
after, won the reward of merit, when the king, with consent
of coimcil and parliament, because of his nearness of
'

blood, his services, and especially his labours and expenses

at the time of the royal marriage in Holyrood,' conferred
upon him the whole lands and Earldom of Arran, lying in
'

the Sheriffdom of Bute,' in heritage to heirs-male as a free '

barony for ever,' for which was to be rendered annually,

'
at the principal messuage of the earldom,' that is Brodick,
one silver penny as blench ferm ^ the silver penny is doubled
:

on the occasion of an heir entering upon the inheritance.

We may here carry the Hamiltons a few steps further.
This first Earl of Arran is the incapable admiral to whom
James iv. gave command of the fleet that was to extend the
Flodden campaign, and who, after making a purposeless
raid on Carrickfergus in Ireland, brought the fleet to France,
where some of the vessels were sold. Here may be sketched
in some personal relations with the island on the part of the
1 Hist. MSS., XI. vi. 20; Begistrum Magni Sigilli, s.d., No. 2741.
^
VOL. II.
66 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
same James himself had touched at Arran on his
king.
tour to the Isles in the spring of 1498, and heard mass there,
for which he gave the priest nine shillings.^ In 1505 the
warship Colomb, the dove was operating in the siege of
'
'

'
Watte Stewart in Lord Hamilton's house, to wit Brodick
'

or Arran Castle, but how or why Stewart was there is not

stated.^ The versatile king in the same year was sending
to Arran for hawks,^ and in 1512 sent a Gaelic messenger,
'
ane Ersche rynnar from Ayr, where he was staying, to
'
'

feche ane wricht out of Arrane to the King to mak ane

galley '
—
thirteen shillings. There were still woods on Arran,
and in 1488 John Hunter held the office of forester,^ whence
some at least of the Arran family of Hunters, no doubt.
The perquisite of the forester was thirty shillings, as the rent
of one marcate of land of Almolach (Lamlash).^ The ' '

son of James's admiral was the greedy politician of Queen

Mary's reign, more often managed by other more determined
politicians than a manager himself. His son was the possible
husband Queen Mary or Queen Elizabeth, which
for either
may well have helped to turn his head, for he became insane,
lingering on in that condition till 1609.
This made a difficulty, which was further complicated
by the family devotion to the cause of the fallen Queen
Mary, wherefore the estates were forfeited in 1579. A
resignation of the title by the
insane earl to his tutor or
guardian, James Stewart of Bothwellmoor, had been secured
by that adventurer, who had insinuated himself into the
favour of James vi., and became notorious as the accuser
of the Earl of Morton for his alleged share in the murder of
Darnley. Accordingly, in 1581 King James confirmed the
transaction and anew constituted the earldom and the

1 Accounts of Lord High Treasurer, vol. i. p. 382.

2 Ibid., vol. iii. p. 146. 3 if)i(i_^ vol. iv. p. 344.
^ Exchequer Rolls, vol. x. p. 6.
6 Ibid., vol. X. p. 6. Cf. the 'Almeslache' on p. 69.
 THE OWNERS OF ARRAN 67
Hamilton titles in Stewart's favour, with grant of all the
Hamilton possessions, specifying this to have been done for '

the most reasonable causes.' Stewart, better known as

'Captain James than by his passing plumes, was a rascal
'

for all his classical acquirements, and ended his life at the
hands of a Douglas (1596), as a feudal return for his action
regarding Morton. Sir James Douglas of Parkhead, near
Glasgow, fell on him at Catslack, Lanarkshire, had his head
carried on a spear, and left his body to the dogs. Long ere
that, however, he was a broken man. Meantime, the recog-
nised head of the Hamilton house was the next son, familiar
as Lord John, who was a fugitive in England. But the
Presbyterian revolution of 1585, which cleared out the
Stewart Arran and his party, and in which Lord John took
a hand, brought about the placement of the latter in the
family estates and honours. Fortunately, Lord John and
the king hit it off well together they had mutual interests
;

in horses and racing dogs, which they borrowed from each

other, and on the occasion of the baptism of the Princess
Margaret, in April 1599, Lord John, Earl of Arran, was
raised to the dignity of Marquis of Hamilton.
Here, for the moment, we may leave the island in its
territorial character, flourishing (or not) under the cinque-
foils of Hamilton, the fleur-de-lis of Montgomery in the north
end, the batoned fess-checquy of the Stewarts in the south
end, and, midway, the three branches of the Fullartons.^
*"
In a resignation by John FuUarton of that ilk. Lord of Corsby, of the lands of
Drumrudyr in favour of the Stewarts (see p. 56), we have a seal appended : charges,
three branches of a tree, two and one ; legend, S. Johannis Foulartoune (Hamilton
MSS.). The blazon of the Kilmichael Fullartons is : Argent, a crescent between three
otters' heads, erased, gules (red); Crest, a camel's head, erased, proper (natural
colour) ; Motto, Lux in tenebris (Light in darkness).
 —

CHAPTER V
CHURCHES AND CLERGY BEFORE THE REFORMATION
The — Christianity and the story of Molaise of Lamlash
old religion St.

—the Arran Church dedications—' Mary of the Gael Michael of the

' '

white steed — the

'
vicar
' of Arran —'
the parish churches to the Abbey
of Kilwinning — Kilbride and Kilmorie in pre-Reformation times — the
abbey lands of Shisken.

What sort of religious belief, of relationship to higher power

than human, occupied the minds of the most ancient men
whose bones are mingled with their potsherds, is matter of
wide conjecture, and Arran has nothing much to contribute.
That the abodes of the dead in earth-covered chambers
repeat, on their own scale, the abodes of the living, and that
death had become invested with ceremonial and a continued
interest, are judgments that take us little beyond the margin
of darkness. —
Lir, Manann, Finn if Finn be divine— are
figures of a dead mythology, whose vague memories cling
to the island as cloud wisps to the clefts and pinnacles of
the Cir Mhor. Even the first dawnings of Christianity
break dubiously through legend and surmise. Traces of
the fourth century St. Ninian come nominally no nearer
than Bute, and are no warrant for his presence even there.
The Columba names in Arran are few and not particularly
significant ^ they suggest nothing for the sixth century,
;

' Tobar Chalumchille on the N.W. coast, at the south end of Mid-Thundergay
(Ton-ri-gaoith) — —
' the well of Colum of the Church ' and Columbcille in the south end.
'There once stood a cairn or mound in Glen Suidhe, known as Suidhe Challum
Chille, where St. Columba is said to have sat and refreshed himself with his disciple
68
 ''

CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 69

though it is barely credible that Christianity had not already

reached this outlier of the Dalriadic kingdom, which was

Christian long before Columba came in 563.
On the other hand, Arran boasts a Celtic saint whom
no other site can share, in Molaise or Lasrian of the sixth
century, a younger contemporary of Columba, whose name
has been unmusically embalmed in the vocables of Lamlash.
It was the fashion of the period, especially in the monasteries,
which, instead of parishes or dioceses, were the units of the
Celtic Church, to give a sympathetic turn to a saint's name
by prefixing to it the syllable mo, my,' or adding the dim-
'

inutive an or ian, so that Las or Lais, a flame,' was thus

'

made Mo-las, ' my flame,' or Lasrian, little flame.' In '

either form it was no uncommon name.^ More rarely do,

'
thy,' is used thus we have our personage also called
;

Dolaissi, thy Lais.' ^ A Molaise was the famous Abbot

'

of Devenish, who is connected with the story of Columba in

Ireland, and a Lasrian was the second successor of the
founder in the Abbacy of lona. Molaise a flame of fire
'

would apply equally to all of them, though rather in its

shining than in burning quality. The island made the Holy '

Isle by the residence of the Arran saint, was thus first known
'

as Eilean Molaise, which on uncouth Sassunach lips became

the Helantinlaysche,' more commonly Almeslache,' of the
' '

fourteenth-century chronicler Fordun and his fifteenth-

century continuator, and so transformed itself into Lamlash,
passing from the island to the bay and then to the settlement

(St. Molaise or Molios) whilst travelliug from Lamlash to the little chapel at Shisken
(M'Arthur's Antiquities of Arran, p. ICO). The association of these two seems to
be pure invention.
1
There are seven of the name in the martyrology of Donegal. An alleged Arran
form pronounced Molise or 'Molees' is the result of wrong etymologising, as if from
Maol-Iosa, 'tonsured one' or 'slave of Jesus.' Cf. M'Arthur's Antiquities, p. 160,
note. For this reason he always gives the form Molios. Ileadrick in his View of
Arran takes the same line (p. 80).
2 Annals of Ulster, vol. i. p. 105.
70 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
on the shore, which in the older topography was '
the kirk-
toun of Kilbride.' ^
The life of our Molaise is written at length in a MS. of
a time later than the eleventh century, which in substance,
however, no doubt embodies more ancient material,^ Thus
runs the tale. Molaise, like Columba, was of royal kin :

'
He was of the race of Fiatach Finn, King of Erin, of the
seed of Heremon.' ^ Aidan of Dalriada, after the death in
battle of his father Gabhran when fighting against the Picts,
fled to Uladh or old Ulster in north Ireland, where was born
to him a daughter Gemma, jewel in nature as in name,* '
'

from this happy coincidence known later as Maithgemm

{bona gemma, good jewel '). She married an Ulster princeps
'

or chief, apparently also of royal rank, called Cairell ; but

elsewhere her husband is given as Cuinid.^ To them was
born, about 566, Las or Lais, the flame that was to become
'
'

a ' star of glory' {gloriosum sidus). Unfortunately on these

terms dates do not quite fit in. According to the annalist
Tighernach, Gabhran was slain in 560. If Gemma was born
after that date, she must have been a too premature mother,
being aged, at most, six or thereabouts at her son's birth.
This is not very plausible but chronology, in such a case,
;

is perhaps too cynical a test.

Very early was the destiny of the boy prefigured by signs

' Acts of Pari., vii. 580 a (16G9). The Norse form for the island was Melansay.
Dean Monro refers to it in 1549 as the yle of Molass' {Description of the Western Isles).
'

Headrick (1807) calls it 'The island of Lamlash' (p. 80). 'From the Almeslache of
Fordun (Bower I'rofessor Mackinnon suggests the intermediate steps to have been
?), :

Eilean Molaise, Elmolaise, Lemolash, Lamlash (Henderson's Norse Infvence on

'

Celtic Scotland, p. 202). Helantinluysche, quae vutgariter Almeslache is the phrase in

Scotichronicon , lib. ii. cap. i. It is Almolach in Exchequer Rolls, vol. x. p. 5.
Kilmalash or Kilmaglass are Irish forms embodying the same name.
' For this see Acta Sanctorum, April 18, from which the leading facts
that follow
are taken. See also Forbes's {Calendars of Scottish Saints, p. 407 S.
' Martyrnlog)/ of Donegal, April
18, p. 105.
* Virtutum meritis et nomine Gemma, 'by her virtuous merits and
in name a gem.'
— Acta Sanct.
^ Annals of Ulster. The Book of Leinster and other ancient sources give Cairell.
 CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 71
and miracles. A man blind from birth chanced to wash
his face in the babe's bath water and was immediately en-
dowed with sight. This must have been an eye-opener to
the parents also. Anyhow, when Aidan returned to Dal-
riada he brought mother and child with him, and with him
they remained till the boy was twelve or fourteen years old.
But little Lasrian had grown up in an atmosphere of miracle
diffused from his mere personality. It was this reputation
that brought a visit from St. Blane, his \incle in Bute, and,
when one of Blane's horses was stolen, the pious telepathy
of the boy, or something of that sort, brought the thief back
with the horse, vmder the illusion that he was being pursued
by the king's soldiers. Aidan now sent him to complete an
appropriate education in Ireland, the land of saints, under
S. Fintan, sumamed Munnu, a former pupil of Columba in
Hy. The lad's miracle-working powers became more con-
scious with his years. Prayer was his means when pirates,
:

apparently Pictish, threatened the monastery, Lasrian spent

the night with others in prayer, and in the morning it seemed
to the pirates that the plain about the monastery was fiUed
with armed men, so that they fled as if out of their mind.
But there are other miracles of this class attributed to other
saints, so that such visitations were not uncommon : that
at least is very likely. Indeed, Lasrian's marvels are of a
conventional type. It is, however, little wonder that, before
he was out of his 'teens, the people wished to have him for
a king. This was the crisis of his life. The renowned
'

youth,' his eyes bent rather upon an eternal kingdom, re-

fused the sceptre, and to mark his resolution withdrew to
'
a certain island of the sea between Britain and Alba,' which
island was Arran, or rather its adjiuict Holy Isle, where his
sanctity, witnessed by many miracles, won the veneration
of the people. Molaise saw the intractable island pretty
much as we see it now, a bluff, towering, not very graceful
mass of brownish green, streaked downwards and along with
72 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
darker shades, and speckled atop with knobs of grey rock.
To his eyes it was the desired haven.
Such action, a dehberate choice of a hermit hfe in some
remote and uninhabited isle, had of course precedents and
examples enough among the Celtic saints. Isolation, semi-
starvation, lacerating the body with hardship, were accounted
forms of spiritual discipline, though the results of such
discipline are doubtful. Purity of mind is not necessarily
the fruit of enfeebling the body. At first the mode was to
confine oneself in a circular stone-built hut within or near
the precincts of the crowded monastery. Such a hut, of '

hard, narrow stone,' was a carcair, a word which is the Irish

form of the Latin career, a prison. Ruins of such buildings
are still found on monastic sites in the western isles. A
verse on Ultan of Arbreccan vividly summarises some pious
ordeals of the painfully holy :

A carcair for his lean side

And a bath in cold water
In the sharp wind he loved.

It was a refinement of incarceration when enthusiasts ex-

tended their ambitions to an intenser seclusion in some
lonely island wholly apart from all human companionship ;

such a place, when luck brought the drifting coracle to its

inhospitable shore, they hailed as a diseart, adopting the
name which the hermits of the East had popularised, for
in the veritable desart these had been wont to find their
'
'

places of retirement. From this usage have sanctified names

come to dignify little islands in the west. Holy Isle was
' '

the diseart of Molaise, and no other reason than the pious

passion for such places need be supposed to have brought
him thither, whatever truth there may be in the romantic
story of his great refusal. If it be a lie as told by me, it
'

was a lie as told to me' {Ma's breug bh'uam e, is breug

thugam).
 CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 73
How long he remained in his island by Arran, with a
cramped cave for shelter and discomfort as his bedfellow,
we do not know. Thereafter he journeyed to Rome on two
occasions, and was ordained successively priest and bishop.
It is disappointing to find him, in contras^t
with his old master
Fintan, a champion of Roman
usages against those of the
Celtic Church. The rest of his career belongs to Ireland,
where he became Abbot of Leithglinn in Leinster, continu-
ing his display of miraculous powers in which oflfice he ;

died on April 18, 639 or 640, that day of the month being
sanctified to his memory. ^ There is some trifling doubt
about the exact date, but that does not pertain to the present
connection. The flame was for ever extinguished, but its
'
'

pale reflection still gilds with religious and historic interest

the lofty, lumpy bulk of the Holy Island. For centuries
occasional pilgrims made way
the bare shrine
their to
and scratched a cross upon its stones even curious Norse- ;

men, as we have seen, have left traces of their presence ;

the dead were entrusted to the sanctity of its neighbourhood

till an untimely accident induced a termination of the

practice.^ But only something like a convulsion of nature

is ever likely to root out the memory of the Saint of Lamlash,

Molaise, a flame of fire,

With his comely choristers,

Abbot of Rath-cille and King of the fire,

Son of Mathgemm of Monad.^

'A book states that Molaise

certain very old ancient vellum
of manners
Leithghlinn was, in his and life, like Boniface
the pope.' * The ancient book does not say which of the
seventh-century popes of that name it has in mind, but

' The Annals of Ulster say he 'rested' in 639 (638 of text, a year behind
normally).
2 See p. 75.
^ Monad or Monadh was near Loch Crinan— a Dalriadic strength.
* Martyrology of Donegal, p. 107.
VOL. 11. K
74 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
doubtless it was Boniface v. (619-625), who is erroneously
associated in the Life with the ordination of Molaise, and who,
as we see in the pages of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, took
an active interest in the conversion of the English. He has
been described as '
the mildest of men,' in which respect,
we may judge, Molaise showed at least one point of similarity.
It was no doubt the association with Molaise that, much
later, induced the foundation of a house of friars upon the
island, the site of the buildings being on the inner side about
a mile from the sacred cave, on the slightly sloping ground
and level where are now farmhouse and farm. Quite likely
this religious establishment was the beginning of cultivation
at this, almost the only possible spot, which latter fact again
would have determined its position. Apart from its mere
existence nothing is known, and even its character is some-
what doubtful. According to one source, Ranald, king of '

the Isles and Argyll,' founded the monastic order or rule '

of Molaise,' which would place the date somewhere about the

close of the twelfth century.^ But the Dean of the Isles,
Donald Monro, expressly records (1549) that in the little "

ile callit the yle of Molass —

^there was foundit by Johne,
Lord of the Isles, ane monastry of friars, which is decayit.*
It is not strictly accurate to speak of a house of friars as
a monastery, for friars were not monks, and it seems a strange
place for friars anyhow, who were a town not a country
inhabiting order. Still, Dean Monro must have known what

he was talking about. For this reason, the attribution to

Lord John must be given the preference, all the more if
we have to do with friars, as these did not reach Scotland
till early in the century after that of Reginald. If so, the
' ' Book of Clanranald in Reliquiae Celticae, vol. ii. pp. 156-7 {' ase fos do chumdiugh
'

ord riaghalt mholaisi '). This is the opinion accepted in vol. i. p. 252 and by
M'Arthur, p. 163. The rest of jVI'Arthur's account is a complex of errors. He has
given the 'monastery' grants of land of which there is no record in the sources he
cites, and of these sources one refers to the Abbey of Paisley and the other to that of
Saddell!
 CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 75

founder was in all likelihood the first of the lords of that

name, the good John of Islay,' who died in 1380, And
'

the foundation, as such, can have no nominal relationship

with Molaise, save in as far as the island had been by him
made sacred ground. No further record of this establish-
ment survives. It may possibly have served as a hospice
for pilgrims to the saint's cave, of which it was certain to
make full ecclesiastical use. And it must soon have secured
patronage as a sanctuary or common place of burial, as
' '

lona was for the great, a service to which ground in its

vicinity was still being put, it is said, even late in the
eighteenth century. The story of how this practice came to
an end is not unusual a sudden squall of wind overset an
:
'

overloaded boat, and drowned seven people attending a

funeral procession.' ^ Within a generation or so, if this
point of time be accepted, other intrusions were being
thriftfuUy made in the same soil, though the shortness of
the interval is rather discreditable. In 1835 the tomb- '

stones were removed, and a crop of onions and carrots was

raised over the graves of the dead.' ^ The legend of how
a flickering light directed the disconsolate to a new place
of burial round the church of Kilbride is a normal piece of
folk-invention. Over the dust of the rude forefathers of
Lamlash the corn grows green on Holy Isle.
The churches, chapels, and ecclesiastical sites of the
island, in respect of their structures and relics, have been
described exhaustively in the first volume.^ Here only some
general notices, more historic in character, are called for.
The dedications of the churches divide into two main
groups ; that comprising Celtic saints, whose application
' Headrick's View of Arran (1807), p. 82. M'Arthur says this happened 'about
eighty years ago '
(p. 163) ; the date on his second edition is 1873. A similar story
is told of burials at Kilpatrick, Shisken, from Ireland. Cf. vol. i. p. 229.
2 M'Arthur,
p. 164; Ne.iv Statistical Account, vol. v., 'a modern utilitarian' the
offender is there called.
5 Vol. i. p. 220 ff.
 ;

76 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

may be allotted to the time during which the Celtic Church
flourished as a distinctive communion, that is before the
early years of the eighth century, though some are possibly
later ; and that composed of other, mainly scriptural
worthies, who are the hall-mark of Roman dominance.
St. Blaise of the island of Pladda ^ may stand by himself
he was an Armenian martyr, to whom, however, there were
altars in several parish churches in Scotland, as well as in
St. Giles, Edinburgh, and in the cathedrals of Glasgow and
Dunblane. But it is clear that in Arran the Kils com- ' '

memorate the '

cells,' in the sense of churches, associated
with the saint whose name follows, even where no structural
relic remains. The absence of a known Kil of Colum or
Columba, and the presence of the other two of the great
Celtic trio in Kilpatrick and Kilbride, show how strong was
the more purely Irish ecclesiastical influence, for Bridget or
Bride and Patrick are the national saints of Ireland,^ as
Columba is of Scotland. Patrick, real or legendary, is too
well known to require anything to be said of him. Bridget,
as Bride, is familiar over the whole western isles. This Chris-
tian lady, who was foundress and abbess of the monastery of
Kildare in Ireland about the second half of the fifth century,
owes, however, much of her sanctified popularity to con-
fusion with an earlier Celtic goddess, whose name she bore,
the Brigit who was the threefold goddess of poetry, of
medicine, and of smith work. Her adorers took on the new
love without quite putting off the old. The same thing
happens in the case of the archangel Michael (not, of course,
of the Celtic order), whom we find dignifying Glen Cloy and
Clachan in the Shisken district,^ and who is also an intimate
figure in the western isles. He is generally decked out with
the older attributes of Brian, son of Brigit, another of a

Scotichronicon , edit. Goodall, lib. i. cap. vi., lib. ii. cap. x. ; Insula Sancti BlasH
de Pladay.
^ Windisch, Jrische Teicte, p. 26. ' Blaeu's Map.
 '

CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 77

male trinity presiding over art and letters. Thus of this
Michael-Brian in the west it can be said, as of Brian in The
Lady of the Lake, Not his the mien of Christian priest.'
'

Bridget is the Mary of the Gael {ir ise Brigit Maire na

'
'

n' Goidel) invoked in so many western Gaelic hymns and

prayers it is her older divinity that is clearly reflected in her
;

honorific position among Celtic saints. She is spoken of as

a mother of Christ {ha den mathair maic rig mair), who is
also called her son, and she is equated with the Christian
Virgin.^ Thus, essentially, between Kilbride and Kilmorie,
the two parishes of Arran, there is in significance little that
is different, at least to the ancient Gaelic mind. There was
a Kilbride chapel at Bennan also, the only southern offshoot
from the parent church at Lamlash. Kildonan, in that
quarter, commemorates the Doijnan who suffered red '

martyrdom at Eigg in 617. These exhaust the existing

'

Celtic dedications. Less need be said of the scriptural or

other saints, such as Blaise,^ who mark the direction of Roman
rule. Michael of the white steed has been dealt with
' '

above either Sannox or Loch Ranza adopted James the

:

brother of Jesus. These are missions of the Romanised

ecclesiasticism. In Kilmorie, South End, and St. Mary's
at Slidderie we have dedications to the Mother, but Virgin
dedications seem to be late in the west. No church was so
named in Ireland till the twelfth century,^ though in Wales
the practice was centuries earlier. There is room for in-
ference that the Arran dedication is at least as late as any
in Ireland.
Kilmorie, from its position and from the fact that it gave
itsname to one of the two parishes into which the island
was divided, the other taking its name from the Lamlash
' Cf. Irische Texte, pp. 20-7, 03.
^ The figure of the Abbot at Shiskeii is known
to the people as that of ' St. Bolaise
or, in the genitive case, ' Volaise ' This has been usually taken to be for
(Bholaise).
Molaise, but 'Blaise' may have something to say on the matter.
^ Petrie's Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland , p. 17-3.
 ;

Y8 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

church of Kilbride, must have been from the first of almost
equal ecclesiastical importance. The present church is on the
Kilmorie water, beyond where Lag shelters in its fir plant-
ings west over the hills are the foundations of a St. Mary's
:

on the Slidderie water, which quite possibly may have been the
mediaeval church.^ What is to be noted is that our earliest
reference to Arran parochialism gives a Sir Maurice as vicar '

of Arran,' in a confirmation, as usual then, undated, but

apparently of about 1294.^ Sir {dominus) is merely the
' '

honourable title of a priest it signified in this connection

;

a Pope's knight,' not a lay dignitary. It was like our

'

modern Rev., but used only in the case of one who did not
boast a university degree. That he was merely a vicar in-
dicates that some other person or corporation we shall meet —
—
the latter case presently held the rectorship or was parson
proper, drawing the stipend and possessed of full parochial
rights, but delegating his local duties to a substitute or
'
vicar.' This was a common practice it being also too ;

common to have this duty cheaply done, even in the mag-

nificent thirteenth century, by an illiterate hireling. What
is also remarkable is the description '
vicar of Arran,' as if

the whole island was but one parish. Clearly, however, his
parish church would be Kilbride. If the whole island was
but one parish and could claim but a single vicar, Kilmorie
can scarcely have counted for much, yet we shall see that,
when we do touch its records, it was a really good living,
worthy of a vicar, at least, of its own. It is, on these terms,
a possible inference that its foundation was then, at best,
but recent and inconsiderable. Who was rector of Arran
there is nothing to say. Nor can it be fixed when the island
was divided into two parishes some time late in the thir-
;

teenth or early in the fourteenth century may be guessed

1 Vol. i. pp. 227 -«.

^ Regislrum de Monaster, de Passelet (Maitland Club), p. 129 ; cf. Table of Contents
for date.
 CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 79

probably as a result of annexation to the kingdom

its definite
of Scotland. The line of division
is significant it runs ;

irregularly from north to south, from Loch Ranza to Dippin,

following the higher ground of the watershed and while;

the mother church of the one, at Kilbride, is roughly central,

that of the other, Kilmorie, is at the southern extremity.
The motive of this form of parochial division is obviously
the same as in the case of the early bishoprics communica-
;

tion was easiest by water, and certainly easier along the shore
margin cross-wise Arran is stiffly barred by its mountain
;

ridge even now only two main roads, from Brodick and
:

Lamlash, venture over the passes that separate adjoining

glens. Intermediary chapels gave some ease, but the re-
spective parsons must have found themselves in the difficulty
of Chaucer's model :Wyd was his parisshe, and houses fer
'

asonder,' at least if they possessed that parson's excellent

qualities of character and conscience.
Of both parishes the early records are most scanty,
Apparently the plain
particularly in the case of Kilbride.
littlechurch we now see in a roofless, dilapidated condition
was not that in which Sir Maurice served as vicar, for, as
far as can be judged, it seems to be of the following century,
the fourteenth. No doubt its position has some bearing on
the situation of the earlier village, not the lean long line that
is modern Lamlash, but the 'kirktoun of Kilbride,' probably

scattered rather about the mouth of the shallow depression

through which runs the highway to Brodick and the build-
;

ing would have to serve that hamlet too. In those days

church-going was less of a popular function, more of an
intermittent ritualistic duty. Birth and marriage and death
called for the attentions of Holy Kirk the great determin-
;

ing festivals, Christmas and Easter, demanded observance ;

devout individuals, the sacred rites themselves, needed no
congregational countenance before the altar holy days
;

were holi-days ;round the precincts of the building, rather

80 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
than within, gathered the neighbours in numbers, and no
pews hmited the interior space. Sermons were rarer de-
Hghts. Then, as now, on clear spring days of Easter the
Arran folk would look up the strath on the horn-like peaks
of Ben Nuis and Goat Fell, the crossing ridge of Tarsuinn
and the jagged edge of the Cir, where they lifted over the
sky-line in dry colours of clear pastel richness. Possibly
the humble building was in existence when, in 1326, Sir
Benedict was 'rector of the Church of Arram' (sic),^ in the
days of Bruce. We observe that the island was still, seem-
ingly, but a single parish. Thirty years later we have notice
of the two churches, which now, for a time, suffer the fate
of so many parish churches, in being handed over to swell
the revenues of a great ecclesiastical corporation.
Over the water and a little beyond was the Abbey of
Kilwinning, whose Winnin,' Welsh Gwynnyn, is (Reeves)
'

or is not (Skene) to be identified with St. Finnan, a saint of

county Down, and which owed its foundation, it is told,
towards the close of the twelfth century, to one of the De
Morevilles, Lords of Lauderdale and Cunningham. But the
chartulary has not survived, and of date and founder nothing
certain can be said.^ Its original monks, of the Tironensian
order, reformed, that is stricter, Benedictines, had apparently
been brought from Kelso. Local magnates, as the way was,
added to its endowments from time to time, here a property,
there a parish church or so of which they owned the patronage
or advowson, the relevancy of which endowment lay in the
fact that a cure of souls represented so much income. The
monastery became the rector of the church and discharged
its duties through a vicar or member of its own body. Now
among the patrons of Kilwinning appears John de Menteith,^
lord of Arran and Knapdale, who, in 1357, for the salvation

' Exchequer Rolls, vol. i. p. 62.

2 See Archceological Collections relating to Ayr and Wigtown, vol. i.^ 1878.
5 The Earl of Menteith of a previous generation is among its principal benefactors.
 CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 81

of his own soul and the soul of his late spouse Katherine,
and the salvation of the souls of his ancestors and successors,
granted to God, the blessed Virgin, the blessed saint Winnin
and the monastery of Kilwinning in Cunningham, the abbot
and monks serving there now and for ever, the right of provi-
sion and appointment of the churches of St. Mary and St.
Brigid of the island of Arran, with their chapels and all other
goods and lands pertaining to the said churches with their
chapels, or in any way likely to pertain in time to come, to
be held by the said monastery and monks as a clear and per-
petual almsgiving —that is, free of ordinary burdens. ^ To this
charter, confirmed by David i. in the same year, and again
as late as the reign of Robert Bean, rector of St.
iii., Sir
Mary's, or Kilmorie, is one witness, and William de Foular-
toun another.^ How long the abbey retained these rights,
or why they lost them, we do not know, but, in the grant
of 1503 to Lord Hamilton, with the lands of Arran is in-
cluded the advowson of the churches and chapels of the
island, henceforward then again a lay property, and so till
the Reformation. But for more than a century at least the
monks had the ecclesiastical interests of the island under
their charge, and some of their impress can still perhaps be
traced in the names of Kelso and Kerr (Carr), even Mark Kerrs,
Mark being a favourite Christian Border family, name of that
that one deciphers upon the tombstones that crowd the slope
of Kilbride kirkyard or the beautiful site at Loch Ranza.
These names must originally have been sown by Border
wayfarers along the line of communication from the parent
house at Kelso on the Tweed, through Kilwinning to its
dependents in Arran ^ stray leaves of names on the obscure
:

flow of history.
There ismore material and variety in some scrappy
records of Kilmorie, which are, moreover, typical of much
• Registrum Magni Sigilli, a.d., No. 86. ^ Robertson's Index, p. 145.
^ Both names are known also in Bute of old.

VOL. II. L
82 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
that went on up and down Scotland, in the chaffering of
parish churches considered primarily as sources of income.
These notices are contained in petitions to the Pope for the
time being by the Scottish Ambassador at the Papal Court.
Most of them, being of the close of the fourteenth and the
beginning of the fifteenth century, apply to the anti-Pope of
these days, the rival of the Italianate Pope chosen at Rome,
who had residence either at Avignon in the south of France
or at Barcelona on the north-east coast of Spain. These
two countries supported the pontiff who made his home with
them, and, as England acknowledged the Pope at Rome,
Scotland inevitably took the opposite side with its ally
France. Several characteristic difficulties arose about the
occupation of Kilmorie, and it is this local friction that has
left us some sparks of light on how things went there. The
income of St. Mary's amounted to from £18 to £20, which
was pretty fair, when we consider that the minimum salary
for a vicar was fixed by a Scottish Synod of the thirteenth
century at 10 marks, or £6, 13s. 4d., free of all charges.
Beyond this, of course, there was the margin that went to
the rector. Kilmorie's £20 was the rectorial sum,i the total
stipend at most. We have seen that in 1357 a Bean was
rector, and another of the same name, as it must be, filled the
office before 1391. He is Beanus Johannis, Bean John's-
.

son or Maclan, though we are here dealing only with a

patronymic not a regular surname. Bean was not wholly
exemplary as a celibate priest, for we shall see he left a son,
a not unusual peccadillo of the mediaeval clergy. He,
nevertheless, was promoted to be archdeacon of the Isles,
the honour next to that of bishop, and, as he had not pro-
cured a papal dispensation to hold both appointments, the
rectorship became vacant. It was thus applied for and
obtained by Nigel Cambell (Campbell) of the diocese of Dun-
' The stipend of Kilmorie at the close of the eighteenth century was
£70, exclusive
of manse and glebe (Statistical Account).
 CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 83

blane, who was- apparently a by-product of the Argyll family,

forhe must be rid by dispensation
of his bar to holy orders
in being the natural son of a married nobleman.' ^
'
Camp-
bell's successor apparently was John Clerk's-son (Clerici),
whose name betrays his parentage, for he was the son of a
clerk or cleric, while he himself fell short of all a priest should
be, aggravating his offence by being also a ' scholar of canon
law,' who should have known better. It was reported of
him that, despite his position, he was not ordained priest
for two years, a not uncommon delinquency either, and
further that he had had unbecoming relations witb his
housekeeper,^ though this seems to be an Irvine not an
Arran affair. In March 1405 appears a confirmation of
his appointment to the perpetual vicarage of Irvine, that
is a vicarage from which he could not be removed by his

rector, the Cathedral of Glasgow a preferment worth

;

30 marks, which was just the figure of St. Mary's which

he professes himself ready to resign. Later in the same
year he is granted his petition to hold with St. Mary's a
benefice in the gift of the bishop, prior, and chapter of
St. Andrews. What exactly happened with Kilmorie can-
not be made out. First we have an application in the same
year by Richard de Cornel, ' licentiate of canon law,' of noble
birth, who already held a chaplaincy, of small value,' he
'

explains, as well as the perpetual vicarage of St. Mary's, for

the rectory of the same, which dispensation and confirmation
are granted. As there was a vicar, it would appear that the
rector was non-resident, took to do with nothing but the
stipend. It is further explained that the rectory is vacant
because Clerkson has got the vicarage of Irvine. But for
precisely the same reason, later in the year, we have it
granted to Duncan MacBean (Beani) to hold the rectory
of St. Mary, value £15, notwithstanding that the petitioner
'

' '
Calendar of Entries ' in Papal Registers, vol. 73, pp. 576-6.
^ 'Cum quadam sua comatre concubuit/ ibid., vol. 83, p. 595.
 '

84 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

is dispensed as the son of a
priest.' The priest in question
is Bean Maclan who occupied the place
in all probability the
about sixteen years before. There were thus two claimants
for the vacancy, and two years later it is urged on behalf of
'
a third candidate that Richard de Cornel had unlawfully '

held the rectory during that time.^ This new candidate is

John Christiansen (Christini), who is also perpetual vicar of
'Kilcherran' in Argyll, and is dispensed as the son of a priest.
Kilmorie seems to have had a streak of ill-luck in its occu-
pants and to be fair game for what John Knox would call
a '
priest's gett.' But Cornel was not a lawyer for nothing :

he exchanged St. Mary's with Ingram of

Ketenesse '

(Kettins, Forfarshire) for the archdeaconry of Dunkeld.

Ingram was dead in about a year, and Richard was then
getting ready to step into the shoes of the dying archdeacon
of Lothian, who is now on a sick bed.' ^
'

After this a long gap so broken are the threads of our

;

story. When again we catch a stray gleam on Kilmorie,

this also comes from the papal court and from Rome. It is
an instruction, dated July 1433, to the Abbot of St. Columba's,
lona, to collate and assign the rectory of the parish church
of Kilmorie to Maurice MacNeill, who is also to be allowed
to continue in his present rectory of Kilblane in Argyll.
Strictly he takes the place of Godfrey Lamont, after whose
death the place had been so long vacant that the patronage
had lapsed to the Apostolic See, that is the Pope. This was
a restriction placed on the practice of keeping livings vacant
over long, so that the patron proper himself drew the stipend
or a bigger share of it. In the present case we find that
Dugald M'Molmicheyl {i.e. son of the slave or tonsured ' ' '

one of Michael) has meantime unduly obtained possession

' ' '

and must be removed.''

Between this time and the Reformation of 1560 but one
1 Papal Registers, vol. 99, p. 635. 2 Ibid., vol. 99, p. 688.
' Calendar of State Papers : Papal Letters, vol. viii. p. 473.
 CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 85

name the surface at St. Mary's, that of rector Walter

rises to
Kennedy, M.A. (therefore styled Master), in 1483.^ The rest
is silence. —
Somehow or other ^we have seen examples of
how —
^the necessary rites were performed and religious in-
struction conveyed, and let us hope things went better in
the blank years and beneath the surface. As in so much
history, it is only the questionable and mischievous that has
left its traces the good is too smooth and unexciting for
;

remark so may it have been with St. Mary's of Arran.

;

How precisely the ecclesiastical properties of the parishes,

manses, glebe-lands and teinds were affected by the Re-
formation we cannot say what still remains is probably,
;

as in other parts, but a portion. Nor can anything be said

as to ecclesiastical provision for education, if any such there
was. Nor of what happened to the monastic property on
Holy Isle, whatever that may have been. On these questions
we can only conjecture. Some knowledge, however, we do
possess as to the destination of the only abbey lands on the
island such lands became more easily and obviously the
;

perquisites of the local or the new nobility. There was no

place for abbeys in the reformed church. But even before
the Reformation noble houses were taking time by the fore-
lock and anticipating the disintegration that was to come.
When Reginald, son of Somerled, who, as the later royalist
scribe puts it, called himself King of the Isles,' founded
'

in the twelfth century the monastery of Saddell in Kintyre,

just across the water, he gifted it, among its other posses-
sions, with twenty marklands of the lands of Shisken,^ a fair
property in a broad alluvial plain of the middle west, which

'
Registrum Magni Sigilli. The term Margnaheglish ('the "mark" of the
church'), in two examples, has suggested this name being a relic of Church property.
Cf. ' The ground at Lochranzay lying round the kirk called Margnahaglish (Burrel's
'

Journal, 1772). But we have already seen ' Marcynegles/ Lamlash, part of the king's
lands in the fifteenth century (p. 39). The church seems to have been only the dis-
tinguishing feature of such land. Cf. on ' mark,' p. 14, note 2.
2 Ibid., Jan. 1, 1508.
86 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
is one of the most fertile districts in the island. The monks
of Saddell were white-clothed Cistercians, a reformed in-
stitution of the Benedictines or black monks who were known
from Kilwinning on the east side. The effigy of an Abbot
of Saddell is one of the treasured relics of this outlying estate
of the monastery ^ he must have had some close connection
:

with Shisken, was perhaps a native. There need be no

wonder that the eyes of the Hamiltons were cast upon this
convenient and desirable bit of property. And as in the case
of other noble families, they found the occasion provided by
the presence of a member of the clan in the bishopric of
Argyll and the Isles. Thus four years before the distributing
upheaval of the Reformation this Bishop James Hamilton,
with consent of the chapter, transferred to James Duke of
Chatelherault and Earl of Arran, the lands of Saddell monas-
tery in feu-farm for a yearly duty of 49 marks (£32, 13s. 4d.).^
Of this feu the Shisken proportion came to £27, 6s. 8d.
Apparently, however, there was some difficulty about Shis-
ken, for James MacDonald of Dunyveg, as we have seen
already, had or claimed to have 'rycht and kindness'^ to
these lands with others in Arran. In return for the sur-
render of this claim the Duke infefted him in all the Kintyre
lands of the monastery, under the obligations to the bishop
specified in the original charter.* The Reformation thus
found the intriguing Duke already planted in the vale of
Shisken. That things were not going smoothly between him
and his Arran tenantry is suggested by the terms of a sig-
nificant bond between himself and a MacAlister, dated at
the Castle of Brodick, 25th November 1563. Angus '

M'Rannald Moir M'AUister is leased in the f ourtie schilling

'
'

aucht penny worth land of Kilpatrick and Drumgriner

» Vol. i. p. 233, etc.

' Hist. MSS., 'Hamilton Papers,* p. 222; Fourth Report, 'Argyll Papers/ p. 480.
' I.e. the right of a 'kindly tenant'
* De Rebus Alhanicis, pp. 83-9.
 ;

CHURCHES BEFORE THE REFORMATION 87

(Drumaghiner) land within his gracis landis of Seskene, He
and erldome of Arrane,' on promise to be an obedient tenant
and to maintain the bailie and captain of the Isle, and if the
Duke and remove ony of his tennentis furtht of
shall 'flit
his landis within the said He in ony tymes cuming and the
saidis tennentis beand dissobedient and will nocht remove
thairfra without thae be compellit,' in such a case MacAlister
binds himself to assist the Duke's officers to put the saidis '

rebellis and dissobeyaris furtht of the said He and hald thame

furtht of the samin.' ^ In other words, part of the old abbey
lands were to maintain a henchman of the Earl of Arran
the Hamiltons, in fact, as other events show, had struck an
alliance with the MacAlisters. The possible trouble with
tenantry is another indication of the fact that rack-renting,
evictions, and resistance to evictions were phenomena already
familiar in Scotland very likely there had been Arran
;

incidents. But the main fact which concerns us is that the

Shisken abbey-lands have dropped like an alms into the
capacious wallet of the chief proprietorial family. In 1615
there is a further charter of the lands of Ceskin, Saddell, '

etc.,' to James Marquis of Hamilton and his heirs, by Andrew,

Bishop of Argyll, the Protestant bishop.^ There is now no
burden of feu. Similarly, what there may have been of
church land in Sannox fell to the Montgomerys of Skelmorlie,^
who held Sannox with their Loch Ranza estates.
' Hist. MSS., XI., 'Hamilton Papers,' App. vi. p. 38.
''
'Argyll Papers,' p. 480. In 1607 David Creychtoun of Lugtoun
Ibid., iv.,
was served heir to his father Patrick Creychtoun in the lands of ' Saxan (Shisken) in '

the island of Arrane, of the old extent of 18 marks, in warrandice of certain lands in
Stirling (Orig. Paroch. citing Retours). The bearing of this transaction cannot be
traced.
' It is repeatedly stated, as e.g. by Chalmers in Caledonia, vol. vii. p. 36, in his

account of Buteshire, that the land from Corrie round to Loch Ranza was ecclesiastical,
having been granted to Kilwinning Abbey ; but no reference is ever given, and the
statement cannot be verified.
 —

CHAPTER VI
ARRAN IN POLITICS

An-an in the 'Troubles' — stray glimpses of its life —feud and foray
— —
purchases at Ayr terror of the MacDonalds strategic importance
for Scotland and Ireland— a refuge and a prison —
crime in Arran
the Hamiltons become hereditary Justiciars — deforcing the King's
messenger at Brodick — the story of Patrick Hamilton — the M'Alisters
again — the Commonwealth; foray by the Campbells — Cromwell's
garrison in Arran — the Duchess Anne — Arran men in the Forty-five.

The century and a quarter which hes between the Reforma-

tion of 1560 and the Revolution in 1688 was a time big with
—
events with domestic troubles,' religious and constitu-
'

tional change, civil war and partisan oppression ; the time

of the Protestant development, the struggle between Presby-
terianism and Episcopacy, that between King and Covenant,
and the resistance of the Covenanters under Charles ii., end-
ing with a forcible change of dynasty and succession, when
William of Orange ousted the last of the male Stewarts to
hold the throne. No part of the country but would feel the
throb of such movements, yet the record, as it affects the
people of Arran, has little that is direct or personal. Nothing
individual can be said, for example, of their ecclesiastical
sympathies we can only infer that they followed the lead
;

of their superiors ; and the Hamiltons, Montgomerys, and

Stewarts entered the fold of Protestantism, no doubt, like
others, bringing their flocks of tenantry with them. We
have no knowledge of sufferers under the Covenant in
88
 '

ARRAN IN POLITICS 89

Arran :
^ on this issue there was uncertainty of judgment and
difference of action among the proprietors. The Eghnton
family continued its Protestant fervour into activity for the
cause of the Covenants the Hamilton surname was wasted
:
'

in its devotion to Charles ii. before the Restoration as it had

been for adherence to the cause of Queen Mary, yet the Duke
of the latter half of the seventeenth century was to be the chief
agent, on behalf of Scotland, in supplanting King James with
William of Orange.^ But of what the actual thoughts and
convictions of the people themselves were at any stage, not
a word. Only here and there, at wide intervals, do we get
a passing glimpse on the life of the island.
Much, of course, they had to do and suffer at the bidding
of their masters, for whose political offences they are scourged.
The three leading families had their own local jealousies as
well as differences in state affairs. The sixteenth century is
stained with a Doulgas-Hamilton feud among the many
others, and this occasionally involved the Arran Stewarts,
in the clan interest as friends of the Douglases, against the
Hamiltons. In such a case the game was to make a grab
at Brodick Castle, just as it was the game of external enemies
to hit the Hamiltons by worrying Arran. We have already
had one example of the Stewarts occupying the island fortress.
Another occurs in 1528, the year of the Douglas downfall after
their brief tyranny over James v. It no doubt helped to
family bitterness that Sir James Hamilton of Finnart, in a
fight at Linlithgow in 1526, had slain the Earl of Lennox,
a Stewart, in cold blood. Anyhow we find western members
of the clan upholding the Douglas side against the King
and the Earl of Arran, who had made the usual political
' In Woodrow's list of fines imposed in 1662 upon compliers with the Common-
wealth Government we find, under Buteshire^ Donald and Neil MacNeil of Kilmorie,
and these have by some been attributed to Arran, but they are really of the well-
known MacNeil(l) family of Kilmorie in Bute.
2 There had been, of course, a change of family in the interval. This Duke was
a Douglas. See p. 109.
VOL. II. M
 ;

90 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

change in good time. Two sons of the Sheriff of Bute, who>
as we have seen, held lands in Arran, had seized the castle
of Brodick (Braidwik), slain its keeper George Tait, and
burned and destroyed the Castle and Place.' These were
'

Archibald and Robert Stewart, who thereafter found refuge

in Galloway, where their M'Dowell hosts were prosecuted
'
'

^
for hospitality to rebels '
at the horn.'
Of such diversions of the island loneliness a more serious
example of the external type has already been alluded to,
when the Earl of Lennox in 1544, acting for Henry viii.,
made his foray on the Firth of Clyde Lennox, too, having^ ;

found himself politically outplayed by the Hamilton family.

One of his comrades on this occasion was a certain Thomas '

Byschop,' who has reason later on to recall to the mind of

Queen Elizabeth's minister, William Cecil, his '
exploettes
(exploits) done at Arrane, Bewte, Dynnone in Argill,' for
which he was, at Boulogne, embraced by the fat king him-
self and accorded a pension. ^ Bishop, be it noted, was like
Lennox a Scot, being of Ochiltree in Ayrshire ; wherefore
was forfeited by the Scottish parlia-
he, too, like the Earl,
ment, a consolation which may or may not have reached
the ears of his victims. A like adventure is reported to
the Queen (Mary of England) in September of 1558, when the
Earl of Sussex proceeded with a squadron of ships from
Dublin to Kintyre, where he burned the hole Cantyre'

from thens (he) went to Arren and did the lyke there,' and
so to the Cumbraes, sustaining, however, some loss by the
sudden rising of a terrybell tempeste,' ^ just as Hakon of
'

Norway had once done in the same season and place. The
houses and humble gear of a defenceless peasantry go up
in flames—these are the exploits and the regardless
' '
;

politicians and their tools fall into each other's arms with
1 Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 139.
2 Calendar of State Papers, Scottish Series, vol. i. No. 1076.
3 Ibid., Irish Series (1609-73), p. 149.
 :

ARRAN IN POLITICS 91

delight ! Too much history has been made of this

sort.
Less notice would be taken of another set of transactions,
which nevertheless lie closer to the foundations of social life
under the however ruffled surface the steady tide of sheer
human sustenance must flow. Thus not beneath respect are
these commonplace hints on the island life in the late six-
teenth century. Ayr is then a market for foreign and home
merchants, whence local needs may be supplied from foreign
imports. Buyers, in presence of a notary and witness, enter
a pledge or bill to pay, and the notary registers the same.
From such a book we glean the following transactions for
Arran. On June 18, 1583, Matthew Stewart in Kirk- '

patrick and his mother actit to pay to Adam Stewart,

'
'
'

a local importer, seven score marks in March next for wine

just bought. On July 1, Alaster Stewart '—place in Arran
'

—
a blank ^binds himself in fifty marks for wines bought
from a burgess of Ayr. It is possibly the same Alaster in '

the Bennane who, about six weeks later, acknowledges £24

'

to be paid before Michaelmas, on account of cloth, to Adam

Stewart. Apparently it is a renewal of this bill which is
entered on August 20, since the amount and goods are
the same, but it is noted that £6 are ressavit in hand.' '

But another Alaster Stewart on a similar business hails from

'
Glenskordill,' having, on August 15, bought wine to the
value of seventy-five marks, and twenty-four shillings worth
of salt.^ These goods were no doubt, in all cases, for dis-
tribution by sale in the south end, which thus procured
some at least of its necessities of life. The intolerable deal
of wine, in proportion to the other things, be explained may
by the fact that these others could be procured at home,
though of inferior quality. The imported stuff probably all
came from France.
' ' Notarial
Note-Book of John Mason in Archceol. and Hist. Collectiom relating
' to

Ayrshire and Galloway, vol. vi. pp. 220, etc.

»2 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
These lights for the earUer period. One other glimpse
falls on a period nearly a century later, among the first
Covenanting troubles. In September of 1645 Montrose had
been crushed at Philiphaugh, after a year of dramatic and
overwhelming success against the levies of the Covenant.
One name only had carried more terror than his own, that
of AUaster MacDonald, of the Dunyveg house, the young
'
'
'

Colkitto whose rugged name is embalmed in Milton's

' ' '

sonnet. After the disastrous end to the campaign he re-

turned to his own land, and the dread of him is well shown
in a letter which the Countess of Eglinton sends on De-
cember 23 from Eglinton to her husband, Alexander Mont-
gomery, the Earl, owner of Sannox and Loch Ranza. She
is anxious because he is staying so long on parliamentary

business, while she is under apprehension that Alister will

'
come ower and tak all that (he) can gett and burne the rest.'
She wishes him to advise her, for (she writes) I assur you '

they ar looking everi night for him in Arrane, for man, wyf
and bairne is coming ower to this syd (Ayrshire), and all ther
goods that they can gett transportit, both out of Arrane and
Bute for he (Allaster) is veri strong, and I feir we find er it
;

be long.' 1 It would seem to have been a false alarm but it ;

is obvious that the Arran people were regarded as foes to

the cause of Montrose. At any rate the Hamiltons were

down the head of the house was wavering, incompetent,
;
'

a Mr. Facing-Bothways ^ Montrose had refused to have

' ;

anything to do with them. His brother openly joined the

Covenanters, and Montgomery had always been of that party.
Hence, as usual, Arran must suffer.
But apart from or in addition to the political direction
of its lords, the island from its position alone was committed
to a share in any great movements in the west as already ;

has been shown. It was a convenient base for action in

' Mist.MSS. Commission, Earl of Eglinton, No. 155.
^ Lang's History of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 111.
 ARRAN IN POLITICS 93

Scotland or in Ireland this was its strategic importance.

;

An illustration of the former relationship occurs in the time

of Queen Mary, who had just abdicated in favour of her
infant son and was in custody at Loch Leven. The Spanish
ambassador reports to his master (February 1568) that Dum-
barton Castle is in the hands of a gentleman favourable to the
Queen, and that By this way, and by the isle of Arran which
'

lies in the bay at the mouth of the Clyde, an entrance could

be effected into the country, if the French wished to liberate
the Queen.' He adds Arran is in the hands of the
:
'

Hamiltons '^ and the Hamiltons were by this time her

;

champions. But the plan perished with Mary's defeat at

Langside in May of the same year.
From its position we can also understand the English
wish to enlist aid from Arran, as well as Kintyre, in opera-
tions against the rebel Earl of Tyrone, at the close of the
sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century.
Macleans and MacDonalds had personal reasons for inter-
ference, but we find also expectations of Irish service from
the Stewarts of the west and the Hamiltons, for the reason
that from their parts the rebel may be most annoyed.'
'

In 1600 Elizabeth's chief minister of state recommends

'
the Hamiltons Scots ... for Knockfergus, with their
follows out of the Isle of Arran.' ^ King James of Scotland
was no doubt an approving party, but nothing came of it
all. But in 1602 an EngUsh agent is affirming that he has
'
sutche frindes dwelling in the Yile of Arran as will do her '

Majesty all the service they can in getting inteUigence from '

about Tyrone to passe throwe Kintyre to Arron and so to

Carlell (Carlisle).' ^ These were very likely the MacDonalds
of the south end and their relatives in Kintyre. James vi.
succeeded to the heritage of Irish troubles, and in 1608 he

1 Calendar of state Papers, 'Simancas Archives,' vol. ii. p. 11.

2 Calendar of State Papers, Irish Series (1600), pp. 118-19.
5 Border Papers, vol. ii. p. 793.
94 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
too taking measures on the west, when the Earl of Aber-
is

corn, in the absence of his relative the Marquis of Hamilton,

is enjoined to have 'the castellis and fortressis in Arrane

. . weele gairdit and provydit to withstand any attack,

. '

and any Irish rebels that come that way arrested.^

The last case shows us the other side of the shield—
Arran, from its insular remoteness a place of retreat. After
the assassination of the Regent Murray by James Hamilton
of Bothwellhaugh in 1570, it is reported to Queen Elizabeth
that the Hamiltons keep the murderer sometimes in their
'

company and sometimes in the Duke's house in Arran.' '^

The Duke himself was to find a ready refuge there when, in

May of the same year, he and his party abandoned the siege
of Glasgow at the approach of an English force he and the ;

Abbot of Kilwinning passing to Arran, the others also home-

wards, and so every man to his own dwelling.' ^ Long
'

after, another royalist of the family, the second Duke of

Hamilton and Earl of Lanark, supporting Charles ii. but
at odds with the Kirk, is expected to be confined for a time
to the Isle of Arran, where he may live like a prince.' As
'

a maligerant or royalist he had to find retirement there

'
'

from the time of his coming over with Charles in May 1650
till January 1651. An English historian of the century says
that he 'had a little house well enough accomodated (i.e.
Brodick Castle), the island for the most part inhabited Avith
wild beasts.' * He died from a wound on the fatal field of
Worcester later in the year, September 1651. A different
sort of guest had been committed to the island in 1606,
when the Rev. Robert Youngson, one of the defiant members
of the pretended Assembly at Aberdeen the year before,
'
'

' Register of Privy Council, vol. viii. p. 498. The Earl of Abercorn was eldest son
of Lord Paisley, third son of the Duke of Chatelherault (died 1675). The Marquis
was the son of Lord John, first Marquis, and so Abercorn's first cousin.
^ Calendar of State Papers, Scottish Series, vol. iii. p. 77.
3 Ibid., vol. iii. pp. 182, 192.
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, xiii. 2.
 ARRAN IN POLITICS 95

was for his contumacy condemned to confinement within

the bounds of Arran; but of his entertainment we hear
nothing. Thus may such an island as ours be alternatively
a city of refuge and a prison.

II

Another side of island history comes much into pro-

minence during the unsettled times that preceded and
followed on the Union of the Crowns in 1603, but it was not
peculiarly a characteristic of Arran it marked the course
;

of affairs in the country as a whole. With so much chopping

and changing in religion and political parties, with so much
violence in high places, it is no wonder that law and order
should be clouded over and disregarded. Hence an increase
of crime, which, too often, was merely a sort of party politics,
and of this Arran had its share. There are earlier indica-
tions, but in 1608 we are definitely apprised that the crimes
of murder, mutilation, theft, and reset of theft have become
'
verie frequent in the island.^
' A few years later the list
runs to theft, slaughter, murder, mutilation, witchcraft, and
'

soming,' ^ with pykrie ^ as a further annoyance.

'
'

We have already had some light on the forms of jurisdic-

tion there. As part of Buteshire it was within the sphere
of the Stewart sheriffs. The Earl had by charter baronial
rights over his own lands, and the coronership of the FuUar-
tons has already been explained. These were important
magistral powers, dealing with all petty cases and in certain
of these going far. The owner of a barony, usually acting
through his baihe, had considerable police powers, as far as
hanging for theft, and the sheriff might exercise, as the royal
representative, the highest jurisdiction short of dealing with

• Register of Privy Council, vol. viii. p. 105.

2 Ibid., vol. ix. p. 125. 'Sorning' is imposing oneself as a guest without invita-
tion for an indefinite period.
5 Petty theft.
96 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
treason. The baron's bailie in Arran, it is recorded, '
has
power to fine as high as twenty shillings can decide in ;

matters of property not exceeding forty shillings can im- ;

prison for a month and put delinquents into the stocks

;

for three hours, but that only during daytime.' ^ But in

theory the four pleas of the Crown
'
murder, robbing, '
—
—
rape, and fire-raising were in the province of the King's
Justiciary on circuit, and the circuit court for Arran was
allotted to either Ayr or the head burgh of the shire in Bute,
in which latter place also the sheriff court would sit. This,
it will be understood, was not a very convenient arrange-

ment for the parties, and, so far as the justiciary courts were
concerned, special commissions were often given to par-
ticular persons to deal with the more serious crime in Arran
on the spot, usually to a proprietor. Thus in 1548 we find
a commission of justiciarship to Thomas Montgomery of
Skelmorlie 'within bounds of 21 librates of land of old extent
of Lochransay and Sannokes.' ^
In the opening years of the seventeenth century the state
of things plainly called for some such direct handling of the
problem. One good reason for the excess of crime is given
as the absence of the Marquis, which is formulated in 1622
as the non-residence of the Marquis there,' to which is
'

added the fact that neither he nor his baillies there are
'

authorised with powers of Justiciary.' The Privy Council

take action in 1608 by granting a commission of justiciary
over the island to the Earl of Abercorn, but in 1619 the
commission is to the Marquis himself, with power to appoint
deputies and hold circuit courts crimes, it is noted, having
;

become very frequent for want of such courts.' Again in

'

1622 we have a similar commission to the Marquis and his

bailie, but for one year only. Nevertheless the practice

' Pennant's Tour in Scotland, p. 178.

2 Exchequer Rolls, vol. xviii. p. 434 ; twenty pound lands according to an old
valuation for purposes of taxation.
 ARRAN IN POLITICS 97

must have been found convenient or the results good, for

in 1633 the over the whole island is fixed
office of Justiciar
as hereditary in the family head, and in 1686 the 'heritable
office of Justice-general within the Isle of Arran is expressly '

reserved to the Duchess of the time and her heirs and suc-
cessors and a family dignity and property it remained till
;

the Act of 1747 restored all such private or heritable jurisdic-

tions to the Crown. The Duke claimed £3000 compensation
for the Arran justiciarship, but was not allowed anything.
The baron-bailie referred to is the officer also known as
Captain of Arran and Keeper of Brodick Castle. Such
keepers there had always been ; we have seen on a former
page the salary of this post in the days of royal possession,
when it was usually filled by a Stewart, probably of the
sheriff's family. Now it is normally filled, as might be
expected, by some one of the Hamilton surname. A
detailed contract of 1593 gives ample instruction on the
responsibilities and revenues of the office, and may here
be inserted :

Lord Hamilton appoints John Hamilton captain and keeper of

his castle of Brodick in Arran, and all his lands on the isle of Arran
in the sheriffdom of Bute, for the space of one year from Alhallowmes*'

(1st November) last past, and thereafter during Lord Hamilton's

pleasure. Lord Hamilton assigns and grants to the Captain for his
service during his term of office the mains of Brodick, with the corn-
mill, multures,^ etc. the mains of King's Cross ^ the mains of
; ;

Latter, and the mains called Glenschanttis, Over and Nether the ;

corn-mill of Kilbride, together with the bailiary of the whole lands

of the isle of Arran all to be enjoyed by the said John Hamilton,
;

he paying yearly therefor, for the said mains the mails, hunting kine,
marts and other duties formerly payable by the Captains of Arran.
Lord Hamilton shall lay in or cause to lay into the Castle of Brodick
between Yule and Candlemas next 8 bolls bear for the rents of the
mains for crop 1593, 14 bolls meal for the rents of the two mills,

1 Revenue from the mills to which tenants were bound to bring their corn.
2 First mention of the name on record the older Penny-cross.
;

VOL. 11. N
98 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
12 bolls meal for the mains of King's Cross, 12 bolls of meal for the
mains of Latter, and five bolls 3 firlots for the mains of Glenschanttis,
all of same crop, as maintenance for the captain and his servants in

the castle, for the

first year he shall also lay in to the castle weekly
;

during that time four pecks meal for supporting two night-watches.
In return the Captain shall diligently keep and defend the castle of
Brodick and the whole isle of Arran, and the tenants and occupiers
from all reif and oppression, and shall cause the rents and duties to
be paid to Lord Hamilton. The latter shall further deliver to the
Captain at Beltane (1st May, or perhaps put for Whitsunday) twelve
tidy cows,^ to be upon the mains of Brodick, in steelbow,^ and to be
forthcoming at the Captain's departure. Further the Captain shall
receive from Lord Hamilton's servants twentie four hoigsheids of
'

burdeous bind ^ yeirlie at Lambes dureing the tyme of his said office,
at the brig of Glasgow with sex bollis greit salt sex boUis small salt
and sail caus pas thairwith to the loches quhair the herring happinis
to be tane and thair sail pact the said twentie four treis (barrels)
with herring and thair efter sail send thame yeirlie betwixt Michael-
mas and Mertimes in my said lordis awin bote to the brig of Glasgow,
for the quhilks the said noble lord sail pay yeirlie to the said Johnne
at the resait of the said herring according to the prices as the herring
pakeris payes yeirlie in the loches quhair the herring ar slane.'

Provision is made for the advance of a sum of money by

Lord Hamilton, with £100 Scots for buying the barrels.
Further provisions relate to the Captain's removing from the
castle, when he shall deliver up the furnishings and ammuni-
tion according to inventory, and shall remove when required
under a penalty of £6000 Scots but should he wish to
;

resign, Lord Hamilton is bound to accept his resignation,

under penalty of paying the Captain 40 bolls of bear over
and above the ordinary allowance, etc., with clause of
registration.*
'Milk-cows.
2On loan ; the stock to be returned intact upon vacation.
3 Bind, measure of capacity ; ' burdeous for Bordeaux, the
' —thus
port the
measure in use there.
* Eist. MSS., ' Hamilton Papers,' pp. 224-5
 ARRAN IN POLITICS 99

Such being the and executive machinery of the

legal
island, we may now
pass to recount the more sensational
crimes of which record has been preserved. The first is a
case of fireraising in 1576, the sufferers and complainers
being two Stewarts in Bute, ' Donald Bacach Mcikkerane in
Glenscordill and Johnne McDonill.' This was one of the
'
'

graver group of offences, and the accused are summoned to

find surety to appear before the Justice and his deputes
in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh. The principal committaris
'

of the fyre rasing and burning of the houses are Robert '

Hamilton of Torrance, John Galbraith, Gavin Hamilton

parson of Kilbride, James Hamilton in Latter, Andrew
Hamilton in Cnoc, and a James Bailey, The server of the
summons was John Symontoun (Symington), and he, on
information received, went up to the castle of Brodick,
where the parties charged had betaken themselves, and
knocked at the gate. He had poked into a hornet's nest.
Immediately the whole band rushed out, with Torrance at
their head, and set upon the unfortunate officer. Torrance
fired a pistol at him, but by Goddis providence missed
' '

him howbeit verie narrowlie,' next made at Symontoun with

'

his sword and, lunging, stoggit him be chance throw the

'

oxtare.' The two now came to grips, but Hamilton felled

the messenger with a blow from the butt end of his pistol
and left him lying for deid.' Symontoun, however, sur-
'

vived and duly made his complaint, whereupon his assailants

are denounced as rebels, and all their goods forfeited.^ At
this time the Hamilton fortunes were sinking, and the Earl
was an imbecile,^
But when the next case occurs, eleven years later, the
Hamiltons are again on the up-grade, and Lord John is
seriously involved. The original complaint is made by
'
Abacuch (Habbakuk)
'
Bisset, W.S,, Edinburgh, who, in
the time of Parliament, was set upon by Patrick Hamilton
• Register of Privy Council, vol. ii. ^ See p. 06.
100 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
and his brother (whom we need not consider) in St. Giles
Kirk, and dismembered of all the fingers of his left hand.^
Patrick contemned the law, and despite being put to ' the
horn,' continued in his accustumat tred of murthure,
'

slauchter and uther odius crymes.' His record is black

indeed, for in addition to all the rest it is affirmed that there
are mony uther and odius wicked deidis committit bi him
'

upone his Majesteis peccable subjeitis, and speciallie within

the pairtis of Arrane, quhair he is appointit capitane of
Brody, oppressand sic as may not resist him baith be sey
and land.'
Now, being captain of Brodick, it falls to Lord John to
enter his servant before the Council for punishment, and
Lord John having failed to do so he too is ' put to the horn.'
But the sentence is suspended when Lord John explains that
Patrick is no servant or tenant of his and does not even
dwell on his lands. When informed that Patrick had gone
to Arran he sent forty of his friends under a Robert Hamilton
to apprehend the rebel, who, he declares, was lurking among
the country people. Patrick could not be found, so they
cleared out his wife and bairns from their possessions in
the island, and the factor had instructions to keep them out
so long as Patrick remained in rebellion. It was rather a
mean way of dealing with a difficulty.^ Patrick seems to
have held out, but he made an appropriate end when, on
April 2, 1595, he was killed in the town of Hamilton by
Sir John Hamilton of Lettrick. His widow married Paul
Hamilton, who appears in a case to follow as Captain of
Arran.
The next example reintroduces us to old friends, the
M'=Alisters, and suggests further the somewhat intimate
terms on which they stood towards the Hamiltons. In 1601
the Marquis had procured letters calling upon Robert Mont-
' Register of Privy Council, vol. v p. 87 ; Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 286.
2 Ibid.
 ARRAN IN POLITICS 101

gomery of Skelmorlie to render to him AUaster

'
M'Allaster,'
son of the late Charles M'Allaster, sometime Tutor of Loup.
How Alister came to be in Montgomery's hands, and the
outcome for the moment, are explained in Montgomery's
representation to the Privy Council as follows :

In the month of 1600, while he was in the Lowlands,

. . .

his saidhouse of Knokransay had heen taken by the Clan Allaster,

and his wife and bairns detained as prisoners, and his whole move-
ables and furniture, to the value of £20,000, spuilyied by the said
Clan. Upon his suiting for redress the said Allaster had been de-
livered to him in security for reparation of his loss, and for the good
order of the Clan in the country meanwhile. But before delivery to
him of the said Allaster, he had been compelled not only to give his
band in £40,000 for the redelivery of Allaster to Angus M'Conneill,
and Archibald M'Conneill, his son natural, but also to grant them the
security of his lands in the Highlands for his payment of the said sum.
If, therefore, he had delivered the said Allaster to the Marquis,

according to the said charge, he should have endangered himself not

only in the said pain, but also in the right of his lands, and should
thus have lost all chance of redress for his goods spuilyied as above.
For the said Angus and the Clan Allaster, being sic unhappy people
'

and of sic force as the said complenar is unhable to resist,' would

under the pretence of his said band, '
intruse themeselffis in the
possessioun of his landis to the utter wrak of him, his tennantis and
servandis.' 'Further,' the said Marquis of Hamiltoun 'hes na just
ground nor enteres qhuairupoun to suit the delyverie of the said
Allaster in his handis the effect of which, besides
'
;
wrak and '

trouble to the complainer, would be that ' the haill cuntrey salbe
'

disquyetit be the insolence of that Clan.' Nevertheless, he has found

caution to enter the said Allaster, if it shall be found that he ought.
On these grounds he prays suspension of the said letters. The
pursuer appearing, but not the Marquis, the Lords do suspend the
letters.

Montgomery may be taken to have scored here, but the

Hamiltons were not forgetful, and an incident which is made
subject of complaint in the year 1602 is probably the next
102 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
chapter of Hamilton interest in the M'Ahsters and their
retort to Montgomery.
It runs thus :

Complaint by Robert Montgomerie of Skelmourlie and Marrarat

Makmillane in North Sannokis in Arrane, his tenant, as follows :

'
It is not unknowin to his Majestie be quhat meanis, travell, cair
and panes the said Robert his laitlie recoverit his house of Lochransay,
quhilk wes violently surprisit and tane be sum brokin hieland men
'

of the Clan AUaster, or how, after the recovery thereof, he had

hoped not onlie to have levit peciable himselff, bot alsua to have
'

brocht his haill tennentis and servandis, dwelland upoun his landis
of Loehrainsay within the isle of Arrane and schirefdome of Bute,
undir some civill governament and obedience to his Majestie and
his lawis, lyke as, indeid, preasit be God, some experience of guid
ordoure hes bene thir twa or thrie yeiris bigane ressonablie establischit,
alswele upoun his pairt in putting his Heynes lawis to executions as
be thame in giving thair obedience thairunto.' Upon 4th August
last, however, Paull Hammiltoun, captain of Brodik, Alexander
Hammiltoun of Corrie, Archibald, Alexander and George Hammil-
touns, sons of the late Mr. Gawin Hammiltoun, Matthew Hammiltoun,
son of the late Robert Hammiltoun, called of Torrence, all armed
with habguts and pistolets, accompanied by certain other brokin '

hieland men and vagaboundis,' came to the said Robert's lands of

North Sannokis and not only violently took away with them Duncane
M'Ellowey (MacLouis ?), servitor to Ewen M'Myllen in Glen, as
prisoner to the castle of Brodik, where they kept him as captive
three or four days, but also broke up the doors of the said Marramats
house, and spuilyied eight kye, six stones of wool, twenty ells of
cloth, a grey horse, worth £40, a cow, worth £16, plaids, pans, and all
her plenishing, estimated at £40. The pursuers appearing, but none
of the defenders, the order is to denounce them rebels.

Montgomery's house at Lochransay has long since

'
'

passed from its ancient possessors, but still stands in semi-

isolation, with access from the land only on one side, in part
broken, roofless, hall and bower mingled in a common
vacancy, yet even as a mere shell dignified and capacious.
 :

ARRAN IN POLITICS 103

Little history clings to its walls, many though

the broils
must have been in which it figured only in the minds of;

the older folk float vague traditions of its rough handling by

the M'Alisters, as they hacked and howled an entrance within
its walls, while fire and missile dropped on them from the
little fighting turret over its front door. Captain Paul of
the second incident was afterwards Convener of the new
Justices of the Peace for the county, and his dust lies in
Kilbride churchyard, where his tombstone gives 1633 as
the year of his death. As he grew older he may have
become more worthy of his position.

Ill

Twice in our rough island's story did the star of Hamilton

suffer eclipse, only to emerge again in a fuller glory
'
So sinks the day-star in his ocean bed,
And yet anon repairs his drooping head.'

'Once the surname was wasted by adhering to the late

'

Queen Mary but ere long revived in the person of the

' ;

first Marquis. Again the family suffered sorely in the days

of the Solemn League and Covenant (1645) and the Common-
wealth (1649-1660). It was the first Duke, when still only
a Marquis, who entertained William Lithgow, the traveller,
in Brodick Castle on his visit to Arran in 1628, and so moved
the guest to eloquence on the island sur-clouded with '

Goatfield Hill. A larger prospect no Mountaine in the

world can show, poynting out three Kingdomes at one
sight : Neither any like He or braver Gentry, for good
Archers, and hill-hovering Hunters.' ^ Prettier phrases than
those in the turgid, commonplace lines of ponderous verse
in which he apostrophises the Marquis whom Charles i. made
a Duke, and who represented his royal master in his deahngs
with the party of the National Covenant (1638). In these
' Lithgow's Rare Adventures (MacLehose), p. 428.
104 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
dealings the Duke appears as a temporiser, achieving dis-
trust on both sides. under pressure, sent him to
Charles,
prison in 1643 ; he was released in a few years, led the
Scottish revolt of the Engagers in the King's favour in 1648,
and perished on the scaffold little more than a month after
Charles himself (March 9, 1649). His brother and successor,
the Earl of Lanark, died of a slug-shot in the knee received
at Worcester (1651). They had failed to satisfy fully either
political party, and with them the male line of the family
ended. Both were agreeable and accomplished men but ;

it was the family destiny to be losers in politics and yet

gainers in dignities and estates.

Of course, in such a struggle Arran and Brodick Castle
would not be overlooked, particularly as the local power of
'
the great Marquis of Argyll, foremost figure among the
'

Covenanting leaders, lay not far distant. He seized the

island, indeed, in 1639 at the very outset of the trouble, but
this seizure must have been only temporary. But it is
emissaries of the clan who are responsible for the wretched
foray of the month of March 1646, thus described in a com-
plaint of 1661, after the Restoration, on behalf of the
'
Duchess Anna and her vassals and tenants in Arran.
'

Against James Campbell of Orinsarey Campbell of

^

Strawhur Captane Broun and Broun his brother

for the violent wrongous and masterfuU depradation & roberie
afterspecifit committed be the saids defenders in sua far as in the
moneth of March 1646 the saids vassalls tennents possessours &
inhabitants of the said yle of Arran then heretablie perteaneing to
the said deceast James Duke of Hamilton, father to the said Dutches
war most peaceablie demaining themselffs in their severall duelling
houses and possessions lyk guyet (guided=law-abiding) men and yet
mevertheless the saids defenders came on ane sudden upon them
be way of depradition & roberie by boats shallops and sicklyk vessels
from the places of thair residence into the said yle of Arren, and
' The blanks are in the record.
 ARRAN IN POLITICS 105

thair landing themselffs upon the most convenient places they

pleased, entered imediatly upon the saids inhabitants thair cattell
nolt sheip & bestial! and put them aboard their saids vessells and
transported so many of them therin as they would carie over and
killed and destroyed the rest they could not transport and did flay ;

those whilk they had killed and tooke away thair hyds & skins
amounting in all the killed destroyed & transported bestiall to the
number of two thousand kyne or therabout besides their pillageing
of what other pettie goods moveable the bounds did afford and
rivined the houses & Cottages Lykas the said umquhile (late) Duke
James and this said present Duke & Dutches did also susteane great
skaith and losse throw lyeing of the saids lands of Arran waste be
the space of sex yeers after the said depradition.

Counsel for the defenders produced on behalf of Campbell

of Strawhur, the commander, ane order or Commission given
'

to him be the said James Campbell of Ardkinglas ^ of the date

the eightein day of March 1646 yeers Wherby he gives
warrand to the said James Campbell of Orinsarey to march
with ane comandit partie of souldiers Towards the castle of
Brodick within the said yle of Arren and to take his advantage
of those who beseidged the said house by killing of them and
als ordaines him to take the advice of the Captane of the
Castle wher or how he should get provision to his partie and
to do nothing thereanent without advice forsaid And in
lykmaner ordaines the said James Campbell of Orinsarey to
send him provision for his partie Bot ordaines him to doe
all things legallic and in ane orderlie way and ordaines him
to make the goods within the said yle vseles for his opposites
within the said yle.'
The defenders, though cited and called, did not appear
in person, and the depositions of witnesses being conclusive,
the Parliament found it sufficiently proven

1 Ardkinglas was a relative in a way. His mother was the widow of Sir Humfrey
Colquhoun of Luss, Margaret, an illegitimate daughter of the first Marquis or

Marquess.
VOL. II. O
106 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
That the said Laird of Ardkinglas Campbell of Strawhur
James Campbell of Orinsarey Captane Broun &
Broun his brother did commit the forsaid depradation and did waste
spulzie kill and destroy of horses mares & kyne (besides other
bestiall &
goods perteaneing to the said deceast Duke his tennents
tyme lybelled to the value and availl of fourtie
in the said yle) at the
thousand merks Scots money And als finds that the losse Sustained
be the saids Duke and Dutches throw the lyeing of the saids lands
waste be reason of the said devastation for the space of Sex yeers
therafter or therby doth amount to the sume of Twentie thousand
merks money forsaid over and above the losse of the said bestiall &
other goods And which haill losses do extend to the sume of three-
score thousand merks scots money Thairfor our Soverane Lord with
consent of Parliament forsaid Decernes & Ordanis the said James
Campbell of Orinsarie Captane Broun & Broun
his brother to mak payment to William now Duke of Hamiltoun and
to Anna dutches of Hamiltoun and said Ladie (as having licence to
persew in maner forsaid) of the forsaid sum of threescore thousand
merks as for the saids severall losses susteaned be them and thair
saids vassalls in maner respective above-specifit The said Duke and
Dutches of their oune consent upon payment of the said sume or
securitie therfor, obleidgeing themselves to warrand the saids de-
fenders at the hands of the saids vassals and tennents But preiudice
alwayes to his Maties interesse for the saids wrongs & violences in
any tyme heirafter as accords of the law As also reservean action of
releiff at the instance of the said James Campbell of Orinsary or any

other of the said James Campbell of Ardkinglas who gave them order
to goe to the said yle of Arren in maner forsaid as accords of the law.^

There we must leave the matter, in the doubtful hope

that all parties got satisfaction.
Five years after this, in the year of Worcester, Brodick
Castle was one of the four in Scotland still holding out for
Charles ii. But on April 6, 1652, Major-General Deane,,
holding the Scottish command for Cromwell, sent a detach-
ment from the garrison at Ayr to occupy the place. The
1 Acts of Parliament, vol. vii. pp. 248-50.
 :

ARRAN IN POLITICS 107

details are from a News-Letter of the time. The writer

is informed from Ayr

That Major Pounall having received a command from Major

General Deane to send a commanded partie of foote to the Isle of
Arran to possesse the Castle of Bradick, the late Duke of Hamilton's
House, hee being alsoe Earle of Arran, accordingly the 6th instant,
by 4 in the morning, a partie were shipt from Aire under the command
of Captain Goldsmyth, who landed them at Cannemashe (Lamlash)
5 miles from the Castle, and coming about 3 of the clock in the after-
noone neere the Castle, having drawne uppe his men, Summoned itt.
They within granted admittance with these compliments That our
men were very welcom because they were not in a capacity to avoide
itt, for they told them in plaine termes, that if they could have pre-

vented itt, our men should nott have come in there, yet after about
2 hours stay, the chief tenants in the Island came and were very
civill to the Captaine and souldiers.
The Castle may bee made very tenable, and is of great consequence,
in regard itt brings the Island into subjestion, which is 7 or 8 miles
over, and 24 miles in length. The inhabitants expresse much diss-
affection to Argile, and itts hoped the civillity of our souldiers will
much engage them. (April 1652).^

There is later a note as to the cost of upkeep of the

garrison.
Expenses of the English Army (1653)

Brodick Castle : £ s. d.
fire and candle . . 07 00 00
storekeeper . . 04 04 00
2
11 04 00

Whatever the reception of the garrison may have been,

tradition holds a resentful memory of their conduct thereafter.
They are alleged to have added to their provisions by forcing
contributions of cattle from the people of the neighbourhood.
Bealach nam Bo, the name of a field at the mouth of a small
» Scotland and the Commonwealth (S. H. S ), p. 38. ^ Ibid., p. 118.
 ;

108 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

stream running into the Cnocan Bum below the castle, is
said to have taken its name from the fate of a cow seized
by the soldiers in the byre of the farmer of Cnocan. As
he saw the animal led away, the enraged farmer, disregarding
the remonstrances of his frightened wife, seized his reaping-
hook and hamstrung the beast, remarking, Better a dead '

cow than nothing.' Bullying and pillaging the people and

insulting the women, the soldiers roused such hostility of
feeling that, at last, a foraging party, on their march back
to the castle, was attacked and annihilated. The skirmish
referred to is said to have commenced at Allt-a-Chlaidheimh
(Sword Burn), betwixt South Sannox and Corrie, and the
last man of the English party was dragged from the shelter
of Clach-a-Chaih (Stone of Battle; now called the Cat Stone')
'

and killed. Another version of this crude skirmish, in which

the wrathful people used farm tools as weapons, places it
near the castle, and allows the governor and his men to escape
in a small boat, all save one, who was chased and killed under
a big rock in the Merkland Wood, near the public road,
which rock commemorates the incident in its name of Creag
an Stobaidh, the stabbing rock.'
'

Lag-nan-Sassunnach is a little hollow near the mouth of

the North Sannox burn, a few hundred yards from the beach.
In it is said to be interred the English who fell in an engage-
ment near by. It has been always understood that this
engagement was fought at a date previous to the Crom-
wellian period.
The Commionwealth certainly put the Hamiltons in hard
case. The first Duke had left the estates burdened with
debt, part of a loan raised on the property for Charles i.
it

it was luck to have this repaid later by the second Charles.

Added to the debt was a heavy fine by the Commonwealth
Government and the necessity of redeeming the forfeited
property. The credit of retaining intact the family lands,
under these most difficult conditions, falls to Anna or Anne,
w
H
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o
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ffi

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 ^

ARRAN IN POLITICS 109

eldest daughter of the first duke, who, in terms of the ducal
investiture of 1643, succeeded on failure of male heirs. She
must have been a woman of great practical ability, inspiring
confidence even in creditors, while, in her necessarily
straitened circumstances, she maintained for a time her
dispossessed nieces, daughters of Duke William, though
having herself hardly whereon to subsist.' ^ The Earl of
'

Abercorn seems to have been guilty of an intrigue to get

possession of Arran and Polmont, which drew a protest from
the creditors to Protector Cromwell, who had the grant of
these portions revoked: the petitioners point out that the
Duchess had paid the whole fine and was in possession of
the whole estate, and from her alone could they receive
satisfaction (1657).
The Commonwealth passed, the King enjoyed his own,
and Duchess Anna had married William Douglas, second
son of the Marquis of Douglas, who took the name of
Hamilton and devoted himself to clearing his marriage
estates of their encumbering debts. He it was who latterly
led the opposition against Charles ii.'s government in Scot-
land, and was president of the Scottish Convention which
conferred the crown upon William and Mary. He died in
1694. At his wife's request, in the year of the Restoration,
he had been dignified with the titles which were her right.
She survived him till 1716, and must have been over eighty
years old when she died. She had taken a personal interest
in Arran, which was probably her retreat during the vexatious
times after her brother's death. She there showed her
business capacity in having a small pier and basin built
at Lamlash costing £2913, which served the needs of the port
till later than the middle of the eighteenth century, when it

seems to have gone derelict through lack of business, and

was therefore pulled to pieces as a quarry of building
' state Papers (Domestic), 1656-57, p. 158.
2 Ibid., 1667-58, p. 233.
 — —

110 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

stone.i The later village of Lamlash rose from its ruins. It is

still possible to trace the outline of the structure on the shore.

The Duchess sought to improve Lamlash, and she was the
first to begin the making of roads, such as they were. A
chapel at Loch Ranza is also attributed to her, but less need
be said of that what had happened to the church lands and
:

revenues of old ? Two communion cups given in 1705 for

the use of the whole island were preserved at Kilmorie till
a burnt-down manse left only their relics the present cups :

are a replica, though bearing the original inscription with

the date 1711, the burning of the manse having taken place
in the previous year.
The natives have a great veneration for her Grace,'
'

is the testimony of a contemporary and, a quarter of a ;

century later, we have the statement that her amiable '

disposition and humane attention to the welfare of Arran

render, at this distant time, her memory dear to every
inhabitant.' ^ Despite all that has been said above, this
writer refers to her century as 'the golden age of this
^
island.'
In the rest of the family history Arran, for the moment,
has no special interest. James, the next Earl and Duke,
held only the former title till 1689, when his mother sur-
rendered all her titles in his favour, and a fresh patent
brought all back to the male line three years later he was
;

created in addition Duke of Brandon in England. This is

the Duke of whom Thackeray gives a really unfair picture
1 ' In the bottom of the bay (Lamlash) was a fine circular bason or pier now in
ruins (1772); —
the work of the good Dutchess of Hamilton.' Pennant's Tour in
Scotland, p. 188.
'This admirable quay was some thirty or forty years ago (about 1800) allowed to
be used as a quarry for erecting the village of Lamlash.' New Statistical Account,
vol. V. p. 33.
jMasons then paid 8d. a day labourers 4d.
; Ibid.
^ Headrick's View of Arran, p. 346.
' Martin's Description of the Western Isles (c. 1695) ; Pennant's Tour in Scotland
and Voyage to the Hebrides, p. 174.
 ARRAN IN POLITICS ill

in Esmond. Keeping on the family traditions he was, as

against William, a Jacobite at heart, and played a nasty
trick upon the opponents of the Union of 1707, whose leader
he was, failing them at the most critical stages of their
tactics. He continued, however, to be a Jacobite hope till
he fell in a famous duel in 1712. James, the fifth Duke, was
but a boy in 1715, the date of Mar's rising, but he and his
men were reported well disposed to the Hanoverian Govern-
ment. The sixth Duke, another James, was in Paris at the
time of the rising of the Forty-five, in which Arran had no
great share. True, there is a story that a Lady Flora
Stewart recruited on Arran ground for the white cockade,
with what success we hear not.^
The attempt to raise men in Arran for Prince Charlie
was abortive. A gentleman named Hector MacAlister
(known and remembered by the name of Eachann Og) was
despatched with money to raise the Arran men, but the
fortimes of the Prince appeared too doubtful for anything
to be done, and the emissary was kept waiting so long that
finally the Jacobite hopes died out at CuUoden. To add to
the difficulties of Hector MacAlister during this period of
waiting, MacAlister of Loup, his kinsman and chief, and
MacAlister of Tarbert were in dispute regarding participa-
tion in the rising, the former a Jacobite and the latter
a Hanoverian. To that band of kinsmen, if raised, would
the Arran contingent undoubtedly have been joined. After
Culloden, Hector went into hiding, his headquarters being
around Achangallon, and many stories are told locally about
him. On one occasion he lay under a large pile of straw,
while the king's soldiers prodded with pikes all round him,
fortunately without locating him. Some years afterwards,
when the hue and cry was all over, he was given the
tenancy of Monyquil (Moinechoill) and Glaster farms,
* It has proved impossible to trace any such person or incident. ' Lady ' may be
merely a courtesy title.
 ;

112 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

marrying a woman named Mary FuUarton, of a landed
family in Ayrshire, by whom he had a son, Charles, and
several daughters.^
While the story has here been set down as communi-
cated, it must be added that the surviving descendant
of Mr. MacAlister in Arran disclaims all knowledge of
any connection with the Forty-five on the part of her
ancestor.
Coming down to the official facts, we find the number of
Arran men implicated in the Forty-five to be precisely six.
They are Hector M'Alister, Merchant in Glenc(l)oy Adam
'
;

FuUerton, Brewer in Brodick James Bain FuUarton,

;

Merchant in Glencloy William Miller, Brewer in Brodick

;

Pat. Gray, Taylor (tailor) in Brodick and William Maitland,

;

Surgeon there.' The last two are King's Evidence against

' '

the others, appearing in the list of Evidences,' but described

'

as both Rebells.' ^
'
Hector M'Alister has perhaps been
confused with the better-known person of the same name
dealt with in the preceding paragraph. James Bain FuUarton
lived to be a thorn in the side of the factor Burrel, whose
doings in Arran will occupy our attention in a later chapter
— he distrusted and sharply criticised the improving schemes
of that commissioner, who refers to him as an old rogue.' '

Thus there is no likelihood that any one of these men paid

the penalty of his Jacobite adventure.
For further matter in the island's history at this time,
recourse must be had to less romantic and more domestic
sources.
' The son was drowned near the island of Davaar while
a young lad, his death
being attributed to Captain James Hamilton (Seumas MacGhaidhaidh) of the
revenue cutter, who was a suitor for the hand of one of the sisters. On this incident
the father, Eachann Og, composed a touching little poem, for which see p. 315. A
daughter married a Captain MacAlister, and their only daughter married a Dr.
Stoddart. A daughter of the latter still survives.
2 'A List of Persons Concerned in the Rebellion 1745-46,' Scot. Hist. Soc.
vol. viii. p. 326. 'Brewer' is a frequent description in the lists.
 CHAPTER VII
FOLK HISTORY
Tradition history— the
in rai3 Arran — the names of the people
last in
—the 'baron-lairds' tradition— in of the Fullartons — of other
stories
families — the bloomeries —military and naval service — the press-gang
'
'

—smuggling and tragic incidents.

its

'
The old folk, Time's doting chroniclers,' have their con-
tributions to make to history, but no more than written
matter are these impUcitly to be accepted. Tradition is
an excellent thing, when one is satisfied that the tradition
is genuine, that it is not subsequent invention or a distorted

reflection of written history. That the Fullartons had their

lands from Bruce is traditional from the seventeenth century
at least, but has not borne inspection. On the other hand,
the lodging of Bruce in the Drumadoon Cave is unknown
to Pennant in 1772 he calls it Fingal's Cave,' does not
;
'

know the King's Cave as its name, and connects its

'
'

features with stories of Finn-mac-cuil.' Again, Martin in

'

1695 knows nothing of baron-lairds The isle of Arran,'

' '
:
'

he writes, is the Duke of Hamilton's property (a very small

'

part excepted).' Pennant, however, does speak of a number

of small chartered proprietors, though by his time they had
disappeared by absorption. Sir Walter Scott is responsible
for another set of traditions attached to Loch Ranza.
' '

The story that the last raid in Arran was from Cowal is
pretty clearly a legitimate memory of the Campbell and
VOL. II. P
114 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Brown plundering of 164(6, as set forth in the previous
chapter. Cowal or other Browns ^ are an element in the
population of the north end a little colony of them colours
;

the tiny graveyard by the wayside between Catacol and

Loch Ranza.
All the Arran raiders, in fact, are represented locally in
name—MacDonalds a few, MacAlisters many, though a
diminishing number. The special habitat of the MacAlisters
is the Shisken district, and the forefathers of the name lie

in ranks in the windswept cemetery at Kilmorie or in the

old Shisken ground by the clamorous Clachan burn. There
are said to have been big and little MacAlisters.
' '
The ' '

term big MacAlisters and little MacAlisters is unknown

' ' ' '

in Arran. The term Clann Alastair Bheag was applied

'
'

to Sliochd Iain Odhar (Sallow John's tribe), that is the

'
'

little clan MacAlister (of Arran), to distinguish them from

'
Sliochd Iain Dubh (Black John's tribe), that is the Mac-
'

Alisters of Loup, etc. We have already seen one way of

their coming as settlers another report is that MacAlisters
;

came over to Shisken from their home country in the south

side of Loch Tarbert to fill up places vacant by a destructive
visit of the plague in 1666. The year preceding is that of
the Great Plague of London, but there is no record of the
infection having passed to Scotland. But the MacAlisters
had been so often a plague to the island that it was fitting
such a forerunner should prepare a place for them. Other
families credited with occupying these sorrowful vacations
are Thomsons and MacMillans, while Bannatynes came from
Rothesay. But no doubt there was normally, from time to
time, an infusion of Kintyre and Cowal blood in Arran.
The ecclesiastical connection between Saddell and Shisken
would be one channel. Several families of the name of
Thomson are descended from Lachlan MacTavish or Thomson,
1 Represents Gaelic M'llle-dhuinn (donn, 'brown'), or it may be a mere
epithet.
 FOLK HISTORY 115

a shepherd brought over from Skipness by Hector MacAlister

(Eachann Og), tenant of Moine-choille and Glaster. Lachlan,
after some time, married a relative of his employer's wife,
and later on, being desirous of acquiring a farm, got the
sympathies of his own and his master's wife enlisted to the
end that Eachann Og should solicit this favour for him.
During a visit to the castle Eachann Og did so, with the
result that some families of MacGregors and MacAlisters
were removed from their holdings in Achancar to make room
for Lachlan MacTavish or Thomson. The names which
melted under the pest were M'Brayne, Macrae, Blue ^ (of
which there are but a few solitary examples in the northern
churchyards), Hutton, Chattan,^ and Henderson of these ;

there are to-day only some Hendersons. MacKelvie is

another Kintyre name once common on the west side.
MacGrigars or MacGregors and Mackenzies, spelled for most
MacKinzie, appear indiscriminately in the west, like corn-
flowers on the fringes of the barley. MacGregors of course
drifted everywhere since the seventeenth century Mac- ;

Kenzies are said to have settled in the island after the Forty-
five, but they are much earlier, for the name appears among
the elders of Kilmorie at the beginning of the eighteenth
century. If these were of the Ross-shire stock, their appear-
ance from so far a source would be even more puzzling
than that of the Appin Stewarts, who are said to constitute
the Stiubhartaich bheag
'
or little Stewarts
'
' of Arran, '

in contrast with the big Stewarts,

'
' Stiubhartaich Mhor,'
'

1 Blue.A quarter of a century ago the last of this name in Arran was an old
woman over eighty years of age. There yet lives near Vancouver city, British
Columbia, an old and very intelligent man named Blue, full of interesting tales of
his native isle. He belongs to Lag(g)an (Arran). A small cave adjoining the
Preaching Cove at Kilpatrick is named Uamh Nic-ille-Ghuirm. ^
2 There have long been and still are Shaws, who may be of the Clan Chattan.

Martin refers to 'a little family called Clan-Chattaus, alias Macintosh.' A Margaret
Miller alias Macintosh lived in Baelmeanich (Baile Meadhonach) (p. 226). But
there were sporadic Macintoshes who were not of the Clan Chattan, and also Shaws
(M. Ir. sidhach, ' wolf). There were also M'Nish names— M'Aon-ghus (Angus).
116 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
who were in dependence on the family that so long ruled the
south end, the Stewart district in particular.
Other western families were, and, to a less extent are,
the Curries, Murchies, and that nominated Sillars. Currie
is alleged to be a reduced form of MacMhuirich, exhibiting

a usual form of Arran phonetics, paralleled also farther

south and particularly in the Island of Man. and Mh M
suffer elision, so that Mac is reduced to 'Ac, and Mac
Mhuirich is pronounced ^Ac Uiri (or at Shisken, ^Ac Fuiri),
'

which is further compressed to Currie.' ^ Some at least '

of the Murchies were Murphys in original on a Kilmorie ;

tombstone the erector is afterwards recorded as being buried,

and his name is in one case Murphy, in the other Murchie,
the latter after he was dead. Other names may be paralleled
elsewhere, but Sillars,' in that form, seems to be of Arran
'

formation. The steps of its evolution are traceable from

the Kilmorie Session Records, where we have the Gaelic
forms M'Inurignach (1702), M'Nargenach (1719), and
M'Nargid (1719) for Mac-an-airgid, Son of the Silver';
'

also the English form in Silver ' (1718), later on tombstone

'

and record Siller,' so passing to Sillars. The original may

'

have been a silver smith. ^ Other illustrative forms in the

—
Records are M'Couck (1718) whence, in the Arran way of
dropping the M, comes Cook, the spelling pointing to cu'ag,
cuckoo,^ as source—and Griffin (1718) for MacGriffin or
MacGraffan. The south end Gaelic genteelly narrowed the

^ Gaelic Dialect of Arran/ by Rev. C. M. Robertson in Transactions of the Gaelic

'

Society of Inverness, vol. xxi. pp. 229-G5. Arran is enriched with three dialects,
North End, Shisken, and South End, that of the north being more like the Kintyre
variety than the others.
^ Perhaps a worker in silver, for. which see p. 125. ' Davie ' Sillar was a youthful
friend of the poet Burns.
3 Arran) to have been an ancient Highland custom, before sur-
It is alleged (in
names, to by the name of the lirst thing which attracted the notice of the
call a child
baptismal party on their way to church. This is said to explain the cuckoo. Another
name of the type is MacOnie ('son of the rabbit'). There is a totemistic theory
somewhat on these lines.
 FOLK HISTORY 117
more open vowel sounds by crimping the lips.^ MacKinnons
are a familiar name of the Western Isles and may well have
strayed in, but the Robertsons can scarcely be the Perth-
shire Clan Donnachie there were others who are entitled
:

to a separate category. The Crawfords at Clachan were

possibly a Lanarkshire lot some are on record from Renfrew.
:

MacKillops (Philip's son) are in evidence Loch Ranza way.

Special northern forms of Loch Ranza and Sannox are
Kelso and the Roxburgh Kerr (Carr), which are Gaelicised
as Caolisten and Carrach
' ' '
the origin of these names has
' ;

already been indicated. Wherever they are found in Arran

they come from the north end, where they had their roots.
Kintyre MacMillans transferred to Loch Ranza have, in one
case, become famous as publishers. Hamiltons, FuUartons,
and Hunters predominate, as might be conjectured, in
the gravestones of the east side. So do MacBrides, with
the pet
'
form or diminutive M'Bridan (M'Bhridein).^
'

MacMasters are sons of the Master,' who would be a cleric.

'

But though most Highland districts still specialise in

their ancient nomenclature, and Arran, being an island, has
been necessarily conservative in this respect, economic and
other changes, helped by facilities of intercommunication,
have gone far in uprooting the old names or grafting them
with new.
At this stage the problem of the '
baron-lairds '
may
again be taken up, for consideration from the present point
of view. It has previously been suggested that these were
the feuars, who of course are a species of landholders subject
to the payment of a yearly feu. The classic case is that of
the charter constitution of the tenants of Bute by James iv.
in 1506 as holders at feu-farm. There is a very long hst
of such tenants, with specification by name of the lands or

1 Cf. the Galloway M'Kinnie with the Arran M'Kinyie (M'Kinzie) and the
northern M'Kenyie (M'Kenzie). (The 2; is a distortion of printing.)
2 For 'dream signs' of the Arran families, see p. 290. See also p. 289.
 —

118 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

portions of lands which they are to have and possess in perpe-
tuity, themselves and heirs male, for the money ferms,
marts,
barley and oats as paid before this infeftment, with attend-
ance on the justiciary and sheriff courts. To these possessors
the name of baron was popularly applied, and the same
' '

term is also found in North Argyll, as in the case already

given, which is pretty modern, and in Cowal, where the
MacKellars were barons or bonnet-lairds of the farm of
'

Maam and Kilblain, in Glenshira, near Inveraray.' ^

There is no official or state record of any such class in
Arran, but the tradition is there, and the name has been in
use in quite recent times apparently with the meaning of
feuar. It appears, too, that in 1684 the FuUarton holding
was changed from ward to feu, which may have some bearing
on the matter.2 Before the occasion of the Bute barons,
Arran had passed into Hamilton hands, but such superiors
had also the right to set their lands in feu, if thought good.
As there is no nomination of such holders in the royal
accounts, their appearance is possible only after the property
had been transferred to the Hamiltons. In 1626 Bishop
Thomas Knox mentions only two proprietors in Arran,
suggesting no small ones.^ It can be inferred that Martin
in 1695 knew of none. In 1772 Pennant states the case
thus :After the battle of Bannockburn he (Robert Bruce)
'

rewarded several, such as the Mac-Cooks, Mac-Kinnons,

Mac-Brides, and Mac-louis, or FuUartons with different
charters of lands in their native country. All these are
now absorbed by this great family, except the
FuUartons,
and a Stewart, descended from a son of Robert iii., who gave
him a settlement here.' * We have seen the origin of the
' Brown's History of Cowal, p. 1G6. ^ Iteid's Bute,
p. 239.
' 'Arrane belongyth for the most pairt to the Lord Marqueis of Hammiltoun and
the Laird Scairmerlay (Skelmorlie).' Collect, de Rebus Alban, p. 123.
* Tour and Voyage,
pp. 172-3. A proverbial saying- reduces the names to two :

'M'Enan's Mac Uca. M'Kinnon and MacCook.

Ua dhubh bhodach Arinn. The two hereditary men of Arran.'
 :

FOLK HISTORY 119

FuUartons Arran was not their native country,' and their

:
'

case is not in the same category as the others, at any rate

till after 1684. The Stewarts, too, have a quite traceable
history. The popular inclusion of Hunters in the list may
be due to a family of that name holding the office of forester.
Pennant is in no better case than ourselves he is repeating
;

a tradition, though certainly a tradition much nearer the

alleged facts.
To enter more closely into details, the story goes that the
MacKinnons possessed Slidderie, their lands meeting those
of the M'Loys (FuUartons) at the top of the Sheans (Sithean)
the MacCooks had Beinnecarrigan and Clachaig, their lands
adjoining those of the MacBrides at the top of the Ros ;

Millers had Torlin, and Curries Feorline Hunters were in

;

possession of lands in Clachlands and the Holy Isle. This

must be all taken for what it is worth. It is claimed that
MacBrides were in Glenkil, Lamlash, since before Bruce,
but not that they got this farm from him what they got
;

was elsewhere. In the Currie case even the tradition is

questionable ; in 1766 the principal tenants of High and ' '

Low Feorline are not of that name.^ The principal tenant

'
'

at that date in Beinnecarrigan is a M'Cook but not in Clachaig,

and the principal tenant is only representative of a group
who may run to a dozen different families. There is no
Miller in Torlin, but a MacKinnon is principal tenant in
Shdderie. And by that time the whole system is different
from anjrthing possible under baron-lairds,' who are already
'

legendary figures, so that the period of their possible ex-

istence is reduced to a century or thereabouts.
Now as to the manner in which these ownership rights
were lost, tradition is clear if not very convincing. Briefly
it is that an inspection of title-deeds had been ordered by

the Government, that the Duke of the time (not stated)

iindertook to arrange for the smaller proprietors in the island,
1 See p. 367.
120 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
and having got their parchments into his possession refused
to disgorge. The FuUartons were among the victims, and
only an importunity hke that of the woman in the parable
enabled the then laird to recover the documents. One
version of the story makes James, son of Lord John and
second Marquis, the villain of the story. He died in 1634 ;
but our informant also says he married in 1603 the Duchess
Anne, who was really his grand-daughter. This Duchess,
too, is also credited with being the person whose advice
enabled the FuUartons to recover their charters. Thus do
we find an outstanding historical figure gradually bejewelled
with legendary matter. As stated, the whole circumstances
are improbable ; one doesn't see why M'Cooks and Curries
should have been shyer than FuUartons ; and there is a
swarm of other difficulties. On the other hand, the popular
version might be taken to present circumstances of a
particular kind in a way misunderstood or misinterpreted.
The MacKinnon and Hunter rights, too, are given a
different fate. The former went to Ireland in the possession
of an Irish widow, who had left MacKinnon with no heirs.
The latter are affirmed to have perished from damp in a
place of concealment in the Holy Isle, where they had been
left by a Hunter who had a weakness for roaming the world
— and who died abroad. One leaves such tales without
comment.
A strange story attaches itself to the fortunes of the
FuUartons. It speaks of a quarrel between a laird of some
unrecorded date and his brother, which came to a head in
a duel on Lamlash green, where it left the name Leac Sheumais
(' flag-stone of James '). For James, apparently the laird,
was slain, and the brother, now also the heir, fled oversea.
The childless widow of the murdered man married again,
and to a child of the second family the estate passed. As
it happened, the second husband was also of the name of

FuUarton, though no relative of his predecessor. Many years

 — ;

FOLK HISTORY 121

after,a Fullarton appeared in the island claiming to be a

descendant of the fratricide and rightful heir to the property
but, though he knew all about the ghastly affair at Leac
Sheumais, he lacked the usual single link in completing his
proof of descent, and could not carry the matter to
an issue.^
Without prejudice it may be interpolated that the suc-
cession of two FuUartons in the first half of the seventeenth
century is uncertain. Even the name of one of them is

uncertain, whether James or Allan

given to(preference is

the former) and it is not clear whether he was the son of

;

the Donald who preceded him, or whether he was the father

of the Alexander who became his successor. ^ At no other
point can the story given above intrude itself.
Here only, too, can place be found for the tale of the
hidden heir, the Fullarton child that was preserved from
his enemies by his old nurse, who hid him in a cave near
the upper end of Glen Cloy. To occupy the child in her
absence she provided him with a piece of raw meat to suck,
and, to ensure that he could not choke himself by attempting
to swallow the morsel, she tied it by a string to the boy's
big toe. Thus, if he choked and struggled, his struggles
would dislodge the beef.
On the west side the same story is given a M'Alister heir
for its subject, and a place in the shelter of a peculiarly
situated boulder near the head of Glen lorsa. The boy had
been carried away by the nurse from the capture of his
ancestral home and the slaying of his kindred by Campbells
or MacDonalds, He grew up and became a sailor, rising
—
to the command of a trading vessel^ as humiliating a career,
in this connection, as for the sons of Rob Roy to become
weavers. And so, once upon a time, he found himself in

1 This was 'James Fullerton/ one of the Albion' emigrants as a boy, born in
'

Oorrie in 1822. Annals of Megantic, pp. 166-7. Cf. p. 225.

2 Reid's Bute, p. 238.

VOL. II. Q
122 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Kilbrannan Sound, and in an old woman pitifully gathering
shell-fish on the shore at Dougarie (Dubhgharadh) he luckily
recognised his neglected foster-mother. Any one can supply
the conclusion.
Like many
other places, indeed, Arran has its tales of
local families whose founders had shpped from their high
estate. Over a century ago Peter M'Callum or Padraic
Donn came to the island from Glen Falloch, where his
mother, he said, was a daughter of the Duke of Argyll,
who had eloped with the gardener. No loophole for this
misalliance is offered in the Argyll pedigree.
A Mackenzie of Redcastle, in the Black Isle, is alleged to
have found refuge in Arran after CuUoden, and it is natural
that members of that family of the time in question should
remain unaccounted for. He built at Bennan a house
bigger than ordinary, therefore known as Tigh Mor a''
Bheannain ('the big house of Bennan'). From being a,
carpenter he became the tacksman, or the Fear-a'-jBhaile ^
of a farm in the district : as we have seen, he would find
others of the same name in the countryside to give him the
comfort of clanship.
Such tales and others of the kind, we may be sure,,
formed part of the evening's entertainment, when the folk
gathered to the ceilidh in the houses in the long, dark bluster-
ing evenings of winter, what time the men knitted and the
women spun their lint, and peat fires and cruisie mingled
their familiar smells and acrid smoke, and neighbourliness-
and hospitality had, for the time, the upper hand of the
quarrelsomeness which sometimes comes upon a people con-
fined in their outlook and closely dependent on each other.,
Even the stray beggar had his welcome and his beggar's
'

bed,' and, if he outstayed his welcome, it was a strain on

traditional kindness and courtesy to find a way of making
room for the next uninvited guest. And he or she, too,.
> See p. 201.
 FOLK HISTORY 123
would have something to tell of news or wonder spreading
thus from fireside to fireside.

II

Among the things about which report has come to us by

oral accounts, here happily verified by evidence on the
ground, is the ancient iron industry of Arran. The existence
of this industry is a further testimony to the considerable
growth of natural wood that must once have flourished in
the island. Indeed, Arran is said on this account to have
been known as the Black Forest.
In early times, and down to the middle of the eighteenth
century, iron had to be smelted by the use of charcoal.
Wasteful alike of wood and iron, this process, nevertheless,
from the absence of impurities in the heating material,
turned out a fairly satisfactory if uncertain product but ;

it was one of the principal forms of destructiveness among

the woods of districts where it was carried on, and had to
cease when the supply had been used up. Thus the existence
of such an industry in Arran probably terminated about the
beginning of the eighteenth century ^ nor is it likely, from ;

what we know of other parts of the country, that it had begun

before the sixteenth. There is no hint of anything of the
kind in the royal accounts ; Scotland was still importing its
iron. A silver coin, of date 1580, was found in the field in
which were the furnaces at Glenkil, I^amlash. Pennant in
1772 and Headrick in 1807 know nothing of the business.
Tradition or knowledge of it among the natives is limited
to a very few.
raw material was bog-iron, for such
Part at least of the
was found adhering to the slag on one of the three sites
still

at Glenkil. Tradition speaks of a working of ore in Glen

Rosa and Glen Cloy, and shelly ironstone bands do crop
out by the bridge over the Rosa Burn at Brodick Manse.
• Cf. what is said about the Arran woods in the next chapter.
124 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
There is also clay ironstone of good quality at Corrie and
on the Cock shore, and the Corrie stuff seems formerly to
have been exported.^
The ore was smelted in a shallow hole or pot in the ground,
usually, as in mainland examples, from six to seven feet in
diameter. The bottom had a hearth of clay which would be
extended with flat stones, and the sides seem also to have
been cobbled. At Kilpatrick, Shisken, the furnace is a hollow
nine to ten feet in diameter on the top of a mound, and is
rudely built round. Charcoal was the heating material, and
was heaped upon the ore till sufficient heat was got to reduce
the mass, and the slag began to flow. The pure metal was
picked out, probably beaten and re-heated and worked at
till in a fit state for use. Meantime almost as much good
metal was lost in the slag, mounds of which of the older black
kind, still rich in ore, are found near the old furnaces—in one
case a mass which must weigh close on a hundred tons. At
Kilpatrick the slag has been thrown down the slope from ;

Cnoc Dubh, between Brodick and Lamlash, it has been re-

moved for roadmaking. At Largie Beag, by the road from
Whiting Bay, ten carts of slag were taken for use in making
drains. These open furnaces are known as bloomeries,' ^ '

and the first part of the word is still used for a mass of iron.
Nothing is gained by tabulating all the sites of bloomeries
in Arran an indication of their general character suffices,
;

for one is own brother to the next. They are on hillsides

or a good bit inland, for they had to be where the wood was ;

near a stream, for water was much used both in damping

the charcoal so as to maintain a steady heat and in cooling
the slag. At Coille Mhor, Loch Ranza,^ the slag lies at a
spot 100 feet above sea-level, while in a flat below are the
' Memoir (21) Geological Survey, p. 147.
2 Old Knglish htoma, u lump or mass, with the suffix -ery.
3 ' A
knoll to the south-east of this heap of slag is known as the "hammer-head,"
—
and the second as the "smith's hill."' Macadam, 'Notes on the Ancient Iron
Industry of Scotland,' Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scotland, vol. xxi. p. 98.
 —

FOLK HISTORY 125

remains of much charcoal, where it seems to have been made ;

but there is no stream in this case. A second one at Cnoc

Dubh is about 300 feet higher up the hill than the other.
In certain places, as by the burn Lag a' Bheithe, between the
high road and the older track half way from Lamlash to
Brodick, may be seen traces of the turf huts in which the
workers lived, much as they did in the summer shielings.
A bloomery was on the hill between Glen Sherraig and Glen
Cloy,^ there was one at Strathwhillan, and another at Ach-
na-Ceardach (' field of the smithy '), in the farm of Goirtein
Alasdair, beside road and stream. Probably the tale of coal
at Drumadoon used by the smith indicates another site.^
These examples are pretty well scattered, and no doubt
a careful search would find many more. In those days the
glare of iron furnaces on the hillside must have been a feature
of the countryside, as it now is of certain towns.
A bloomery where copper was smelted is said to exist
at Achariach, Slidderie, at Lean na Meine (' the field of the
mine '). Gold,^ too, is declared to have been extracted by
the same means at Springbank below Brodick, and silver
in Glen Sherraig. In Glen Rosa is Cnoc an airgid (' hillock
of the silver ').
Given a steadily growing population in the island, where
cultivation is also severely limited, there comes a stage when
the young men without prospects must go farther afield.
Naturally, too, for it was the more familiar in its operations,
a seafaring life would have the preference. Trained in the
herring boats and skiffs, the young fellows of Arran found
their way into revenue cutters, excise yachts, the merchant
service, and the navy. In the latter part of the eighteenth
century 300 thus went annually from Kilbride alone to sea-
' 'Two sites were found to the S.S.W. of Glenrickard Cottage, and situated on
separate burns.' Ibid.
' See p. 184, note ].
' But specimens of local 'gold' shown to Headrick turned out to be only iron
pyrites.
 ^ — ^

126 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

faring occupations.^ The result is to show in the census
returns for 1801 an excess of 425 females over males in the
island as a whole.
The preference for the sea came out quite as strongly
when it was a question of service with the colours. In 1803
the island was found to contain 1500 men able to carry arms,
and about 500 liable to enlist in the militia and reserve.
Yet those liable had rather pay the fine than enter the militia,
and when Duke Archibald, well liked as he was, proposed
to raise an Arran regiment, he failed to get more than a
handful, and those only by the temptation of excessive
bounties. Had he proposed to man a ship of the line,
'

the people would have risen in mass.' * Yet there were

Arran men with a record of land service, veterans now re-
turned to the peaceful island with the carnage of Salamanca
and the horrors of Corunna imprinted in their memories
a FuUarton of Lamlash, a Sym from Tormore, and a Shaw
of Shisken to mention only some survivors and say nothing
;

of those who remained for ever in the blood-soaked soil of

the Peninsula.
Some further details of individual services are given in
the following communication :
—
Among the Arran men who
'

entered the Navy the McCurdys (or McKirdy), uncle and

nephew, most distinguished themselves. McCurdy (the
uncle) started as a smuggler, and in one of his runs met and
defeated a revenue cutter in a stand-up fight. A reward
of £500 was then offered for his capture. This reward he
claimed himself, but instead of shooting him the authorities
drafted him on board a sloop-of-war. He married an Irish
lady of noble birth, and through the influence of her brothers

'
statistical Account. ' Headrick, p. 11.
3 This enumeration was due to an Act of the previous year reconstituting the militia.
All were liable between the ages of eighteen and forty-five.
* Headrick, p. 12. Of the national militia raised in that year, numbering 45,492
men, 40,998 were substitutes, so Arran was not really so peculiar as is made out.
 FOLK HISTORY 127

gained a commission in the Navy. He rose to command

a frigate. While on a cruise he fell in with and captured
a French warship, but the Frenchmen, after McCurdy had
carried her by boarding, blew her up, and McCurdy and
most of his men were killed in the explosion.
'The nephew listed or was pressed into the Navy as
a common seaman. He rose to be bo'sun of his ship, and
while engaged in blockading the French shore during the
wars with Napoleon, he was sent out in charge of a small
boat to reconnoitre during a fog. They suddenly came
across a French warship, and noticing that but a poor watch
was kept they rushed and captured her, battening the crew
below. For his share in this exploit he received his commis-
sion, and afterwards got command of a frigate. He died
in Brodick during the fifties of last century.'
In 1849 there was still living, at Kildonan, Lachlan
Thomson, a veteran of the crew of the frigate Shannon, who
had been present at her capture of the American Chesapeake
on June 1, 1813.
Handy seamen the islanders proved to be, distinguished
'

by prompt obedience and orderly conduct.' ^ They must

have been worth getting in the debased and brutal circum-
stances of the sea service of the time. And, as elsewhere,
men who would not enlist of their own accord were taken by
force. For centuries imprisonment was a legal means of
securing recruits in national emergencies, but from the latter
half of the eighteenth century the press-gang was used for
recruiting in a way that went beyond legal justification ;
all restrictions were neglected under the necessity of
getting men somehow. Many islanders were thus, among
others, taken off merchant ships in forcible seizure by a naval
officer and squad of armed sailors others were pounced
;

upon at the ports, or even sought out in the glens and as

far west as Shisken. Many were the devices to avoid
1 Headrick, p. 13.
 :

128 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

capture flight to the large towns of -the mainland, though
;

even there safety was not assured, or hiding, like Achilles

of old, among the women. And it was then, too, you would
see the lads trailing in from the hills of a morning, where
they had been lying out all night for dread of the press.
But even the cruel methods of the press did not prove
fully effective, and late in the century quotas or proportionate
numbers of men for both services were assessed on the
counties, which meant the expense of bounties for recruits.
A tacksman's rent receipt of February 6, 1797, for South
Thundergay (Ton-ri-gaoith) thus bears the curious addendum
'
Received 3s. 3d. as the proportion affecting this farm for
levying nine men from the county for His Majesty's Army
and Navy, being the second quota net.' ^ Men had to be
heavily bribed into service.
The warlike character of the time is illustrated by the
records of service in the local FuUarton family. Of the
family of Dr. Lewis Fvdlarton, who figures as under-factor
in the next chapter, the eldest son and successor, John, was
a lieutenant in the royal navy, and, after retiring, com-
manded a revenue cruiser James, the youngest son,
;

entered the line, was present, with other Arran men, at

Corruna and Waterloo, and being created C.B. and K.H.,
died at Halifax, Nova Scotia, in command of the 96th regi-
ment. His elder brother, Archibald, who in time also succeeded
to the Kilmichael estate, was a major in the army, fought
at Vimiera'and Talavera, and at Salamanca lost a leg. He
was the last of the male line only daughters survived him,
;

of whom the eldest married a Glasgow banker named

Menzies James Bowden. In terms of the deed of entail,
the husband assumed the name and arms of FuUarton.^
In such wise did Arran pay its blood toll of service, mostly
at sea, in the Titanic struggle with the France of Napoleon.
' Cf. correspondence in Glasgow Herald, November 21-26, 1912.
^ Details from Reid's Bute, p. 239.
 ;

FOLK HISTORY 129

An occupation, which by the close of the eighteenth
century had grown to the proportions of a national industry,
was the smuggling of dutiable articles and in this business :

Arran, possessing many advantages from its insular character,

had a good share. As duties, under the demand for a
greater revenue, spread and increased, one thing after
another became a profitable speculation for the smuggler.
The malt duty of 1725 discouraged the ancient brewing of the
home-made and Dutch gin and French brandy became
ale,
its unfortunate substitutes. We have observed the trade in
French wines to the Ayrshire ports there was gain now ;

to be made by receiving the spirits from ships passing up

the firth, before they reached a custom-house, and retailing
at a profit what had not paid duty. A tax on salt had been
levied in 1702, which rose to 5s. a bushel in 1798, but was
ultimately pushed up to the extravagant figure of 15s.,
or from thirty to forty times the prime cost. Here was a
huge margin of profit, and it is no matter of surprise that
enterprising fellows were found eager to tap it and take the
risks. Finally, the taste for spirits encouraged the making
of whisky, which then was also scooped into a narrower
revenue net. Improved agriculture was increasing the
yield of barley, and rents rose correspondingly, yet the
wretched condition of the roads made it almost impos-
sible to bring the grain to central markets from remote
districts, multiplying legal restrictions made small
while
stills impossible. In fact, over the Highland districts
legal distillation was practically prohibited in order to
concentrate the industry in the larger distilleries of the
south. Yet barley had to be disposed of or rents could not
be paid.i
There were thus two sides to the smuggling business
introducing stuff which had escaped the duty, and the manu-
facturing of whisky under illegal conditions, which therefore
^ There was also a distilling of rum from treacle,

VOL. II. R
 —

130 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

again had to be sold clandestinely. Both practices flourished
in Arran in time smuggled salt and illicit whisky, and par-
;

ticularly the latter, became the staples of this commingling

of industry and adventure.
Excise officers and revenue cutters were now familiar
objects, and wits were constantly working to elude both.
Many are the stories told of evading or deceiving the gangers,
of perilous night runs to hide the kegs in the sand on the
mainland shore, of baffling officers hot on the scent of some
secret still by a burn side, of fierce struggles for the coveted
goods, even of bloodshed. But tales of this type are
common to all Scotland. Rich and poor, high and low,
for profit as agents, for cheapness as buyers, were implicated
in the method of a traffic which, from its conditions and
gambling nature, was subtly demoralising. At the same
time, to the people it seemed as if they were maintaining
a fight against an oppression which sought to deprive them
of a legitimate method of turning their industry to account
in the only way possible to them, and by which alone they
could secure the means of meeting the rent which provided
an income for the very men who, as magistrates, had to
convict them. Hence, too, no little connivance and laxity
on the part of these same authorities.^
Instead of retelling at length tales of a type familiar from
different parts of the country in which gangers are the
victims or oppressors, it is more profitable to devote space
to some typical cases on record, which are drawn from Arran.
The earliest of these comes from the Kirk Session Records
of Kilmorie parish, and is best explained by presenting a
' In Kilmorie, at least, it was not considered a disreputable pursuit, and there
were '
few if any in the parish who at some period of their lives were not engaged in
some department of smuggling. To the smuggler no stigma was attached on account
of his employment on the contrary, it was considered rather an honourable occupation,
;

as exhibiting an intrepidity and art that acquired for their possessor a distinction in
the minds of his companions. It was in the darkest night, and in the most tempestu-
ous weather, when no cruiser would stand the gale, that, in his little skiff, the smuggler
transported his cargo to the opposite shores of Ayrshire. '
New Statistical Account.
 FOLK HISTORY 131
series of extracts relating to the case, final judgment upon
which, however, is wanting :

(Session) July 16, 1711.— It is reported to the Sess. that John

Hamilton Elder having taken on board Drawback tobacco in Clyde
and deponed in the Custom house of Newport Glasgow that he would
export it from Brittain and not reland it in any part whatsomever
within the S'd Kingdom notwithstanding of which oath he did put
:

the sd tobacco on shore at Cambray he is therefore appoynted to be

sum: against next Dyett.
—
July 29. John Hamilton Sum: Cited, and compering confesses
that he did but put the tobacco on shore in the Isle of Cambray, but
denyes he gave his oath at the Custom house. The Session Suspends
John Hamilton from his office of Eldership till further tryall of the
business, and appoints the rest of the shipping to be sum: against
next Dyett, viz William Stirling in Strawhillan, James Fullerton in
:

Brodick, and Patrick Hamilton in Glenshent.

—
August 19. William Stirling being absent from the country the
appointment is continued.
James Fullerton sum: cit: and compeiring declares that he knows
not whether John Hamilton entred skipper and deponed in the
Custom house, but that indeed the tobacco was landed in the little
Cambray. The Session delays the business till the other witnesses
compeir.
—
October 18. John Hamilton sum: cit: and compeiring is further
examined anent the report given of him and he confesses that about
Candlemas 1709 he as Skipper of his own boat was fraughted by
severall Merchands to take tobacco on board the which he actually
did; and that one of themselves or some other employed by them,
ent'red Skipper and Merchand in the Custom house and that the sd
tobacco was landed in the manner above confessed by himself and
that he thought himself Guiltless upon the account he did not give
his oath in the Custom house.
The crew of John Hamilton's boat are all appointed to be sum:
against next Dyett.
(Nothing further.)

The next case more

is of a serious colour. On July 4,
1754, three Arran men are on trial before the High Court
132 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
of Justiciary inEdinburgh for obstructing the officers of the
Customs at Lamlash. They are James M'Kirdy, Thomas
Hamilton, and Alexander Hamilton. The charge is of
forcibly attacking, deforcing, and obstructing, in October
1753, Daniel Campbell, an officer of the Customs, and his
'

assistants in the execution of their duty, in seizing and

securing prohibited and uncustomed goods.' Found guilty,
they were sentenced ' to be banished during their lives to
one or other of His Majesty's Plantations in America, never
to return to Scotland under pain of being whipped through
the streets of Edinburgh by the hands of the Common
Hangman, and to be banished again as aforesaid, and to
remain in prison until a fit opportunity shall offer for their
—
transportation To the great satisfaction of all fair Traders.'
And so a long farewell to the unlucky M'Kirdy and his
associates.
This case involved another, in so far as an Arran farmer,
Archibald M'Killop, had tried to save M'Kirdy by the simple
device of perjury. For this he was brought to trial in
November, when he threw himself on the mercy of the court,
and for his enormous and horrid crime was banished for
' '

one year on the terms of a similar whipping if he returned

before that time. Fortunately for M'Killop there was no
duty on truth-telling, or he would have gone all the way of
his friends.^
No impost was so iniquitous as that upon salt, which
restricted a necessity, starved the fishing industry, and gave
an imwholesome stimulus to the manufacture of kelp. In
the circumstances its record, while quite as serious, is even
more repellent than that of the others. When a salt-boat
was captured it was usually scuttled, sometimes even by the
occupants, which disposed of the salt, not so easy to transfer
as kegs of liquor but not infrequently there was more
;

serious business toward, as we here see :

' Glasgow Gourant, 1764.

 FOLK HISTORY 133
On Wednesday evening a young man was shot in a salt boat,
between the Isles of Pladda and Arran, by a boat's crew belonging
to Captain Dowie, of the Prince Augustus Frederick, Revenue Cutter.
The crew of the smuggling boat having with their oars opposed that
of the Revenue's boat making a seizure of it. It is to be lamented
that the poor people on the coast should persevere in a trade which
by the laws of our country subjects their property to seizure, and
exposes their lives to destruction they make any opposition to the
if

officers of Revenue —
There have of late years been several instances,
where the lives of these unfortunate persons have been sacrificed
when attempting a feeble resistance to preserve a few bolls of salt.' ^

The next case affects the more famiUar commodity, and

carries on hke evidence of the dangers run by the iUicit
traffickers :

—
27 March 1817. In the afternoon, a boat, with smuggled whisky
on board, set sail from the south end of Arran. After proceeding
a short way, the crew observed a revenue cutter lying off, and put
about. This was noticed by the cutter, and instantly a boat was
manned with ten hands, and sent in pursuit. The smugglers reached
the shore, and were in the act of carrying the whisky inland, when they
were overtaken, and the spirits seized. Before the cutter's men could
return to their boat, a number of the islanders collected, attacked
them, and attempted to rescue the spirits. A dreadful scuffle ensued,
in the course of which, two men and a woman were shot dead on the
spot, and a boy and a girl wounded. The two men killed are named
M'Kinnon, a father and son and the woman's name is Isabel Nichol.
;

9th September 1817. —

This day, John Jeffrey, mate of the Prince
Edward revenue cutter, was brought to trial in Edinburgh, on an
indictment, charging him with having landed a party of the crew of
the said cutter on the island of Arran, in the month of March last,
in search of smuggled whisky, part of which he seized, and that he
commanded his party to fire upon the people who assembled on that
occasion, by which two men and one woman were mortally wounded,
and died soon After an impartial investigation, from which
after.
it clearly appeared that the conduct of Mr. Jeffrey, who had been

> The Edinburgh Advertiser, October 1796, vol. C6, No. 3426 (Ayr, October 22).
134 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
distinguished for firmness and forbearance, was occasioned solely
by the and outrage of a misguided multitude, and was
violence
absolutely necessary to defend the lives of those who were under his
command, the jury, with the entire approbation of the Court, returned
an unanimous verdict of Not Guilty.^
With the decrease of duties and the relaxation of re-
strictions so that small distilleries became possible,^ the
temptations to smuggling while the watchfulness of
fell off,
officers, grown as astute as the smugglers themselves, in-
creased the risks as the possible profits decreased. By 1793
three licensed distilleries were at work in the island, and
besides what was consumed in these, the islanders found
it the better bargain to send their barley to similar establish-

ments at Campbeltown or to Ayr, Irvine, Saltcoats, and

Greenock. Much furtive distilling, however, continued,
though the art must have degenerated, when they took to
from sour beer imported from Ireland.
distilling
must have proved profitable. In 1826 a father,
Still it
son, and daughter from Arran were convicted, before the
Excise court at Rothesay, of illicit distillation. They bore '

the appearance of great destitution,' nevertheless, by the

end of the week they had paid their huge fine of £60.
Nor were even those caught always brought as far as
the dock. True there were informers, but there were many
more sympathisers, some even in the revenue ranks. A
smuggler caught in the Shisken district was being tramped
over to Brodick, his hands tied with a rope of which an
exciseman, as it happened a native of the island, held the
loose end. Silent messages passed between the two, and,
in the growing darkness, the prisoner gnawed through
his hempen fetters with his teeth and let his captors march
on. When discovery came and the other officers accused
the holder of the rope, that innocent held up his end with
' The Scots Magazine, vol. 79, p. 277 ; vol. 80 (vol. i. the Edinburgh Magazine,
etc.), pp. 315-16. 2 Xhe salt duty was repealed in 1825.
 FOLK HISTORY 135

the retort that he had faithfully stuck to what had been

cominitted to his charge.
Much more serious in its details is the story of another
prisoner, over whom hung the serious aggravation of having
badly maided an officer of excise. It was in the steamboat
days, and he was being taken to Glasgow for trial. Being
handcuffed and in a steamer he was allowed to move about,
no way of escape being apparent. But in the narrows of the
river the sympathising captain passed near and in Gaelic
whispered to the victim that he would give him a chance
if he could avail himself of it. Then the course of the boat
was shifted to near the bank, and suddenly there was a heavy
splash as the prisoner took the water and, a powerful
swimmer, struck out the short distance to the shore. To the
clamoiiring officers the captain protested that he dared not
stop his ship, and so the refugee had all the time it took to
reach the Broomielaw in which to get clear. A friendly
smith rid him of his handcuffs and, in time, he made his
way to safety in Australia.
Dan Cook in Largie Beag stood a siege in an artful
fashion. The cutterhad landed a search party too soon
for Dan to get his still and material hidden out of the way,
and two men were making for his house. As usual there
was a passage-way through the house with a door at either
end, and, knowing this, a gauger made for each entry. But
each as he pushed open the door found a hay fork threaten-
ing him, and knew from experience that whoever was behind
the weapon woxild not stop at tickling him with it. They
could not know that Cook alone was there, holding two hay-
forks tied at the butts. One gauger went off for assistance,
whereupon Dan, a big strong fellow, issued upon the other,
got him down and, with the assistance of his wife, trussed
him with a rope and deposited him in a hole in the peat-
stack. Then the compromising utensils were hurried off to
concealment in a cave on the shore.
136 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Up came the rest of the revenue crew with their firearms,
which they discharged as a warning to the desperate garrison.
'
Fire away shouted Dan, making his appearance, and,
!
'

as his habit was, sniffing contemptuously as he rubbed his

nose with his hand. Search was made for still and comrade,
while the host followed round with (sniff, sniff) Search away.' '

The cries of their lost companion at last brought them to the

peatstack, but Dan's best explanation was that the fellow
must have tied himself up and insinuated himself among
the peats. No other satisfaction could be got, and of the
contraband there was now no trace.
Craigdhu was a namely place for secret distilling, where
one practitioner was a muscular lady with a hug like a bear,
who once nearly squeezed the life out of a ganger when she
received his intrusion with an embrace.
By 1840 illicit distillation had been almost entirely
suppressed so far as Kilmorie, the worse offender, was
concerned.^ In 1822 the smuggling of whisky was still
well in vogue, as we can judge from the misfortune that
befell Malcolm and Angus Sellers and Alexander Crawford
' '

with their cargo of twelve casks from Brodick on the night

of November 27. A wrecked boat, her mast broken by the
'

beam,' and loose casks floated ashore between Ardrossan

and Saltcoats next morning, telling all of the disaster that
could ever be known.^ As late as 1860 we have a story of
the landing in the south end of three casks of whisky that
had paid no duty, which were pounced upon by the Excise
officers. Invited to a friendly glass by a brother of the
consignee in the inn at Lag, they returned to carry away
the casks, from which, however, the whisky had in the
interval been run into washing tubs, and replaced with
salt water.
But this chapter would not contain all that is told of
the sad, mad but exciting and profitable days, when up on
1 New Statistical Account. ^ Glasgow Herald, December 6, 1822.
 FOLK HISTORY 137

the solitary moor by the burn side, the malt bubbled and
the whisky trickled into the handy kegs, and on dark, stormy
nights from the creeks on the coast, muffled and mysterious
boats shot out on another venturesome run to expectant
customers along the Ayrshire coast ; or when the gangers
in a sudden swoop upturned the innocent-looking straw heap
or bedding to hunt for the offending liquor, countering the
blows of angry men and of women more angry and desperate
still.

VOL. II.
 —

CHAPTER VIII
THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION
The two parishes after the Reformation — the ministers of Kilbride, of
Kilmorie — Beith of Kilbride, the reverend slayer— the clerical dynasties
—
burning of the Kilmorie manse the Kilmorie case at the Assembly
—
Rev. Wm. Shaw of the Gaelic Grammar and Dictionary persecution of
—
Shaw the Session Records of Kilbride and Kilmorie, their contents
—
domestic and township quarrels Sabbath breaking— education and
schools —
account of payments.

The record of the churches of Arran has, in a previous

chapter, been carried down to the Reformation ; here it
may now be continued for the respective parishes from the
somewhat fuller information we possess for later times.
Under the new organisation both Kilbride and Kilmorie
were, in 1600, attached to the Presbytery of Irvine in 1638 ;

Kilbride and presumably Kilmorie also formed part of the

newly constituted Presbytery of Kinloch or Kintyre. diffi- A
culty in the latter half of the seventeenth century led to the
necessity of appointing Kilmorie to be under Kilbride, till
'

they get a regularly constituted session.' The insular unity

of the two is further illustrated by an entry
chief churches
in the Kilmorie SessionRecords for June 10, 1775, where a
representation is made on behalf of that Kirk Session to '

the ministers and Kirk Session of both parishes that are in

a manner a Collegiate charge.' In practice, however, each
was an independent unit.
The Protestant succession did not start happily in the
138
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 139

case of Kilbride, despite the omen that its first minister

on record, in the first quarter of the seventeenth century,
bore the name of John Knox and was a graduate of Glasgow
University. He was deposed in 1649 for
keeping change '

in his house, selling drink, etc' This was an old-time sore

^

in the kirk, for in 1576 it is the judgment of the General

Assembly that a minister or reader tapping aile, beare,
'

or wine, or keeping open tavern, sould be exhorted by the

Commissioners to keip decorum.' ^ Apparently this re-
source was one way of supplementing small and uncertain
incomes, but the kirk's face was set against it, and by
Knox's time even that excuse could no longer be made,
since the financial position of the church had been sub-
stantially readjusted. Knox subsided into poverty.
His successor was 'Alexander M'Laine of the Lochbuy '

Macleans,^ who was transferred to Kilbride from Kilmorie

parish, which thereafter, for a time, lay desolate, and had
to be served from the sister parish as explained above.
John Cunison, who followed, had to meet the restoration
of Episcopacy under Charles ii., and, refusing that rule, was
'
deprived in 1662. But he lived to be one of the sixty outed '

clergymen restored to their livings after the Revolution of

1688, and from 1690 to 1692 again ministered in his old
charge, till transferred to Killean, whence he had originally
come to Arran.
Twoothers occupied the parish during the suspension
of Cunison, and apparently Kilmorie also till 1688, of whom
the first, Archibald Beith, clearly an alien, distinguished
himself in a most unpastorlike manner. In 1671 a pro-
clamation was issued authorising the lieges to prevent the
1 Scott's Fasti, vol. iii. p. 41 S.
' Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 377. The phrase ' keipe
decorum is ambiguous. It may mean that it was indecorous for a clergyman to keep
'

a public-house at all.
.' ' Maclean here represents the general spelling of the name. The Lochbuy
'

branch use the form 'Maclaine.'

140 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
importation of victual from Ireland, and seize the same
wherever there should be an attempt at landing. On April
27 of the same year, a boat with such a cargo put into
Lamlash, and Beith with an armed company took possession.
In his temporary absence the crew forcibly recovered their
property and set sail, but the Rev. Mr. Beith and his party
pursued in a second boat, and, when the others refused to
surrender, fired on them, killing Allan Gardiner, a merchant
of Irvine, and one of the crew. For this exploit the militant
churchman was tried in Edinburgh before the High Court,
and sentenced to be hanged at the Cross. The sentence was
remitted by the King, but apparently Beith was not again
inflicted on Arran, for, on his way back, he solicited the
Town Council of Rothesay for help and Uberty to beg for a
living. He got £20 (Scots) but no licence as a beggar.
Alexander Cameron, who filled his place, had to retire
on the downfall of the Episcopalian establishment in 1689,
making way for Cunison, the ex-Presbyterian incumbent,
and, like his contemporary in Kilmorie, found suitable
occupation in the Church of Ireland.
From this point we pass through a period of dynastic
succession in the pulpit of Kilbride, in which the revival of
Patronage by the Act of 1712 was to help. For six years
(1692-98) Mr. 'Archibald M'Laine had the charge, when he
'

accepted a call to a parish in Ireland. These clerical move-

ments to the larger island indicate how the old road that way
was still open and easy. M'Laine in his day had a reputation
as a Gaelic scholar, and from 1655 to 1660 was engaged, for
the Synod of Argyll, upon translations of portions of the
Old Testament and metrical psalms into that language. His
three sons all became ministers, and the eldest, Daniel,
followed him in Kilbride, dying there after nineteen years'
service (1722). The next dynasty, which was of Stewarts,
covered a hundred years. It came in under patronage of the
Duke of Hamilton. James Stewart had first officiated for a
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 141

year as catechist at Loch Ranza, when in May 1723 he was

ordained, as presentee, to Kilbride, remaining there for thirty
years before he was transferred to Kilmorie. Into his place
stepped his son Gershom, already assistant and successor, who
ministered fifty years and died at the age of seventy-eight,
in 1796. He was thus contemporary with the changes to
be expounded in the next chapter, and he wrote the account
of the parish for Sir John Sinclair's Statistical Account of
the Parishes of Scotland. Gershom's son and successor,
John, completes the line, having served in Kilbride for thirty-
one years, and dying in 1825 at the age of seventy-two.
Following the Stewarts comes Mr. Allan M'Naughton,
in whose time was opened a new church at Brodick (1839).
As the author of the much more elaborate account of the
parish in the New Statistical Account, he tells us the building
cost about £850, of which the Duke of Hamilton contributed
£100, and the inhabitants of Brodick and summer visitors
£150, while £448 was raised by subscription on the mainland
procured by the energetic minister himself. In 1844 Mr.
M'Naughton by translation to another sphere, made way for
the Rev. Colin F. Campbell.
Turning to Kilmorie we note, first, two M'Alisters for the
closing years of the sixteenth century. When Bishop Thomas
Knox reported on the island in 1626 he observes that ecclesi-
astically '
it is servit by Mr. Johne Knoxe and James

M'Quiriter,' and that the Bishop (of the Isles) has fifty merks
a year from the island as the third of the teinds. John
Knox is the Kilbride incumbent who made his manse a
change - house, and the second name is M'Kirdy. The
latter by 1643 was considered by the Synod as having be-
come unfit through old age, and they had in hand to depose
him ; but probably the soon sorely troubled state of the
country prevented this measure, for in 1648 the aged M'Kirdy
is still hanging on. After M'AHsters, M'Laines; for M'Kirdy 's
successor at last is Alexander of the Lochbuy Macleans, who
142 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
acted for less than a twelvemonth (April to October 1651)
before he was summoned to Kilbride. From this date till
1688 we have no intimation of any clergyman in Kilmorie.
Then another M'Lean, this time hailing from Coll and Epi-
scopal, who was accordingly deprived after the Revolution,
having been minister for only a few months, and who, as we
might guess, found a home in Ireland.
Then come two successive Bannatynes, the first being
the Rev. Dugald in 1701. In his time occurred the memor-
able fire at the manse, November 7, 1710, of which the cause
remained unknown unless it was from the air,' that is by
'

lightning, according to the expression in the Session Records,

where the account is as follows, dated five days after;
It being known to all the paroch, that the Manse was, in the holy
and most wise providence of God burnt to ashes, with all the furniture
therein except a very little the souls therein were signally
but that all

and wonderfully preserved. The Minister reports that the two Com-
munion Cups belonging to this Isle together with the two Cups belong-
ing to the Lowland Congregation of Campbeltown, with the Sum of
thirtypounds Scots of poors money collected at the time of the
Sacrament last all were lost with ye fire which was upon the Seventh
day of this date of this instant, betwixt five and eight of the Clock
in the morning.

Another notice of this surprising event informs us that,

'
Nothing escaped but he (Mr. Bannatyne) and his wife,
and their servants, with their lifes, by leaping out at the
windoues.' ^ Part of the old fabric remains in the present
manse, which thus may
claim to be the oldest inhabited
manse Mr. Bannatyne died in 1748 after a
in Scotland.
ministry of forty-seven years, and the Charles Bannatyne
who immediately followed was his son, but he remained for
only nine years, while his successor was transferred from
Kilbride, the father of the Rev. Gershom, who spent his
last nine years in the western parish.
1 IVoodrow's Analecta or History of Remarkable Providences, \o\. i. p. 307.
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 143

Three years before his death Mr. Stewart and his parish
became implicated in one of the disputed cases that were
arising out of the practice of Patronage, which had already
forced one secession from the Church of Scotland and was
in time to cleave it in twain. To be assistant and successor
to the aged Mr. Stewart, the Duke of Hamilton had presented
another Mr. James Stewart of Kilwhinlick, who had been
minister of Kingarth in Bute, That living he had lost
through a perfectly irrelevant but discreditable action.
He had gone to give notice of removal to a woman who
was a cottar on the estate of Kilwhinlick (Stewarthall)
and apparently got into dispute over the business, for he
threatened to set the house on fire unless she removed.
The woman responded by handing him a burning peat and
challenging him to put his threat in execution, which the
reverend gentleman incontinently proceeded to do, so that
the house was burned to the ground. This incident long
kept in local minds the memory of Master Sheumais.' ^ '

This, then, was the man now presented to the parish

of Kilmorie, and a majority of the Presbytery of Kintyre
in February 1758 sustained the presentation. Two members,
however, appealed to the Synod of Argyll, and Mr. Stewart,
sen., who had not been able to attend the meeting of the
Presbytery, entered an appeal to the General Assembly.
On March 23 the Presbytery again met, and over this question
divided equally, Mr. Gershom Stewart, who was Moderator,
being among Neglecting the appeals, three
the objectors.
of the ministers now proceeded
to admit Mr. James Stewart,
and, as the opposite party in Kilmorie had taken possession
of the church, the ceremony had to be performed in the
churchyard. This was high-handed and irregular, and the
Assembly met the case by suspending Mr. John Hamilton,
minister of Skipness, for three months, and passing a severe
censure on his two colleagues in the offence.^ The dominat-
/jjof.
1 Annals of the Assembly, 1752-06, p. 160. ^
144 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
ing moderate party in the Assembly were at least most
regardful of proper ecclesiastical procedure.
Comes now, as in other Arran tales, the paradoxical close
of this one. Mr. Stewart died in 1761, and in July of the
year following was admitted his successor, and that successor
no other than the aforesaid John Hamilton, transferred from
Saddell, who administered the parish till his death in 1798,
being seventy-seven years old and a minister for forty-four.
Under continuous pressure from him a new church was at
last built in 1785, and divine service was performed for
'

the first time in the New Kirk on December 4 of that year,i

'

the minister giving a discourse suitable to the occasion.'

'

This same Mr. Hamilton made report on the parish for the
Statistical Account.
Mr. Duncan Smith came to Kilmorie with a reputation
as an Oriental scholar, though in 1799 only twenty-seven
years of age. He died two years later, and his successor
(1802) was Mr. Neil M'Bride, son of Patrick M'Bride, farmer
at Achancairn. Thirteen years was his term in Arran, but
never had there been a time of such religious enthusiasm
as marked his concluding years. Of this experience more
will have to be said in a subsequent section.
On Mr. M'Bride's death the people were fain to have
the ministrations of Mr. Angus M'Millan, catechist at Loch
Ranza, a man of kindred temperament, but the patron gave
preference to Mr. Dugald Crawford, once assistant to Mr.
John Hamilton in the parish, and since 1799 minister at
Saddell, where in 1805 he had wished to resign his charge
on account of advanced years (he was fifty-three) and the
distances he had to travel. But the Presbytery, out of their
affection and regard for him, declined his resignation, and
he was ten years older when he was translated to Kilmorie.
There he had an unpleasant experience. The people, in
a mood for the pressed grapes of a zealous young evangelical,
^ Session Records.
 —

THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 145

were not to be put off with the gleanings of a kindly old man,
and in a mass they deserted the parish church, never to
return during the six years of Mr. Crawford's presence.
Meantime, under the direction of one of their number, ^ they
continued services in the great cave on the shore below
Kilpatrick, where dissenting ministers occasionally came to
preach to them and administer baptism and communion.
Unfortunate to the last, Crawford was drowned by the
foundering of the boat in which he was crossing from
Greenock to Arran on March 16, 1821. The boat had passed
Cumbrae and was half way over when a squall, bringing
a rain-cloud, burst upon it and sent all to the bottom, in-
cluding three other passengers, a student and two young
men. Mr. Crawford was a man of corpulent build. He
is reported to have been universally esteemed and beloved
'

— extensively charitable to the poor and affectionate to the

stranger,' qualifications which 'endeared him to his numerous
^
circle of friends and acquaintances.'
He garlanded with the authorship of a brochure of
is

which the title smacks of the seventeenth rather than the

nineteenth century A Mental Toothpick for the Fair Sex.
Mr. Crawford does not seem to have been married.
But that ill wind at last blew to Kilmorie Kirk the man
of their choice, when the presentation of the Rev. Angus
M'Millan was made good in 1822. Twenty-one years later
Mr. M'MiUan came out at the Disruption, and a new
'
'

chapter had opened in the ecclesiastical history of Arran.

A clerical son of Kilmorie, though never a pastor there,
was the distinguished William Shaw, a native of Clachaig,
who in 1778 published the second effort at a Gaelic grammar
as An Analysis of the Gaelic Language, which ran to two
' Mr. William Mackinnon, who in 1836 was the patriarch of Arran.' At that date
'

he was in poor circumstanees, having been deprived of his farm and reduced to the
position of a mere cottar with a house and piece of land. —
Lord Teignmouth's Sketches,
etc., vol. ii. pp. 397-8.
2 Glasgow Herald, March 30, 1821.
VOL. II. T
146 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
editions in the same year. A couple of years later he brought
out a similar pioneer work in A Gaelic and English Dictionary,
*

containing all the words in the Scottish and Irish dialects

of the Celtic, that could be collected from the voice and old
books and MSS., followed by an English and GaeUc Dictionary,
etc' The book was published at two guineas.
But Shaw had done a rash thing which wrought him woe.
The controversy over the authenticity of Macpherson's
Ossian was at its thickest and most passionate, and Shaw
declared himself on the side of Dr. Johnson in refusing to
—
accept the work as genuine ^the right side in the main,
though not so entirely right as Dr. Johnson would have had
it. At once his furious compatriots turned upon Shaw.
Some subscribers sent back their volumes with the excuse
that there were too many Irish words in the alleged Gaelic
Dictionary. Others refused to pay without returning the
book. The plea was that Shaw had not produced a work in
accord with the prospectus, which promised a strictly Gaelic
dictionary; the real motive was ill-will over what had been
said about the Ossianic literature. The case went to the Court
of Session, where a decision was given in Shaw's favour, on
the ground that, though he had not strictly fulfilled the
terms of the prospectus, he had not been guilty of any fraud,
and that the book answered the definition of a Gaelic
Dictionary, albeit, what was true, there was more Irish than
Scottish Gaelic in it. The explanation of this characteristic
is not flattering. Outside educated Highlanders he found
he could not get the people to supply him with words except
for payment ; they fancied he was going to make a fortune
out of his hobby. A method of turning Gaelic into much
fine gold has not yet been discovered. But when he crossed
to Ireland he found the peasantry there more sensibly
obliging, while he was also given facilities for consulting MSS.
For these reasons was his Dictionary so heavily loaded with
Irish. But though Shaw triumphed in the court, he was
 ;

THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 147

a beaten man, and in disgust he entered the Church of

England, in which country a living worth £200 a year was
found for him, it may be strongly suspected through the
influence of Dr. Johnson.

II

The intimate chronicles of the island are written in the

Kirk Session Records of the respective parishes. The
earliest volume for Kilbride begins its entries on December
21, 1704, and closes on August 3, 1749 the volume to follow
:

has disappeared. Kilmorie has some fragmentary entries

for 1702, including a meeting of Session in the King's Cave
on October 26 of that year, and thereafter the Record con-
tinues in excellent condition, some of it beautifully written,
until May 1729. From this
date till 1762 there is a gap, with
the exception of a few loose leaves engrossing meetings in
1736-37, but from 1762 the Minutes are continuous. Meetings
in the King's Cave, it may be observed, are fairly frequent
it was a central though draughty place.

In all such records throughout Scotland there is a sad

similarity. Occupied for most with the frailties of human
nature they paint a picture in which the shadows are too
extensive and too deep. The figures who pass in review
'
before the senate of elders are mainly sinners or objects'

in poverty the first in person for trial and judgment, the

;

second in name for charitable assistance. Nor are the

members of the court themselves necessarily held to be above
suspicion ; even the judges are subjected to judgment. An
entry taken at random gives an example of this self-examina-
tion, while disclosing the preliminary stage in a Session
process :The minister appointed a privy censure concerning
'

the carriage and behaviour of the members of the Session,

and finding nothing in their conversation but what was
suitable, therefore exhorted them to their duty. The elders
being inquired if there was any scandal within their re-
 — ;

148 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

spective bounds, answered negatively.' So far as the latter
part was concerned, neither in Kilbride nor in Kilmorie had
they many such blank days. ' They did make love to this
employment.'
There were four things which Solomon confessed to be
too wonderful for him, and it is the last of these of which
the Session takes most cognisance. Without their steady
tally of amorous offences they would not have had much to
do. Such cases often drag on their deleterious detail from
meeting to meeting, securing, as is inevitable, their full due
of publicity and morbid gossip. Social conditions, no doubt,
helped in overdoing things. Cramped quarters, promiscuous
accommodation, lonely stretches, long dark nights and leisure
without distraction made a good deal possible. But one
example shows how the form of control itself might encourage
a taste for notoriety. A long entry in the Kilbride Register
recounts a charge against a young woman which was proved
to be baseless, and the concoction of the other self-accused
offender acting out of a private pique of self-desires.'
'
And
that is not the only case of deliberate slander for personal ends.
Domestic quarrels, too, come within the purview of the
court apparently husband and wife had tiffs occasionally
;

in those days and put angry feelings into foolish words,

'
but dust that rises up and is lightly laid again.' Rarely
is there anything serious in such jars and contentions
'
'

on more than one occasion at least it is set down as due to

trifles or mere wilfulness and pride
'
once in 1705 there is
' ;

a case from Glenree where the wife can only account for the
row by the fact that he being grinding tobacco, she accident-
'

ally spilt it enough to provoke the most Christian snuffer.^

'
;

Nor was it uncommon for neighbours to fall out ^ and

' Tobacco was dried and ground to a powder in the '
snuff-mill/ whence the latter
name for snuff-box.
2 'Katherine M. Arrantouu complained against Mary M. in Mouimore for taking
away her honest name by reporting to neighbours that she stole her bee skepe.'
Feb. 7, 1729.
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 149

exchange distorted opinions of each other, while it was a

most offensive accusation to hurl a charge of witchcraft
at any one, about as offensive as to use expressions into
which God or the devil entered. However, it is evidence
'
'
'
'

of change for the better that witchcraft, once so serious

a charge, had now become merely a term of abuse.
Kilbride, June 28, 1713.—E. S. in Blairmore answers '

that they being lately in company together with the rest of

the women of the town, milking their Kous (cows), they were
talking of ane apparition which was reported to have appeared
lately to severall persons in the countrey, and that Katrine
K. said in the meantime It is the spirit of some person de-
ceased who left some money hid, God send it in my way
to inform me where the gold is, and that the nixt day when
Katrine was abusing her she said that she was a poor wretch
who for the love of gear prayed God to send the Divell in
her way to inform her of money or a treasure.' Katrine's
explanation was that she spoke in jest,' but her unsanctified
'

notion of a joke came under sessional censure. This is,

however, only an incident in the life of a turbulent township,
which provides an earlier chapter as follows
Au^. 3, 1712. — :

It is reported to the Session that there

'

is a continua,ll disagreement betwixt the inhabitants of

Blairmore in such ane open manner that people of other

touns about hear them scolding and flyting, and that this
day, without any regard to the Sabbath, E. S., spouse to
W. S. there, was seen gathering her lap full of stones and
running after her neighbours cattle, throwing the stones
at them wherefore she and the rest of the inhabitants
;

of that toun are appointed to be summoned against next

dyett.
—
'Aug. 5. E. S. sum. cit. and compeiring confesses her
stoning the cattle out of the corn and grass, and that it
was a fault in her to do it in such a manner on the Lord's
Day, but alledges it is her neighbour's fault to let their
150 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
cattle in the corn. The Session finding that there is a con-
tinual strife between the inhabitants of Blarmore about this
corn and grass, think fitt to rebuke them sessionallie they
promising to live in peace henceforth and forgiving one
another all alledged inquiries past.'
But things weren't really allowed to stop at this point,
for one particular incident is pursued further '
Effie M.
:

complains that Elspa S. said to her and other women in the

toun that she saw them sitting upon the highway and that
they had a dish of her flesh among them, meaning that they
were backbiting her, and that her daughter reply ed, " Mother,
if they had a dish of your flesh, the Divell give them bread

to it," and that it was on the Sabbath day she said it.'
When the case against the daughter came up on September
2, the young woman denied the charge, but nothing further
could be done, as the women who were witnesses were ' att
harvest in the mainland.' In a meeting of January the year
after the daughter is found guilty of prophanation of the
'

Lord's day by impious unchristian expressions,' and is to

be rebuked publicly next Sabbath.
This was the mildest form of punishment. More serious
was that incurred by a son in Achancairn who had acted
in an hysterical blustering way towards his mother and sister ;

he had to stand in sack-cloth before the Congregation as

'

often as shall be thought necessarie he was lucky in not

'
;

having to pay for his own garment of repentance, which was

to be procured by the beadle. That it had to be made shows
it was not in great demand. The most serious misdemeanour
in the list brought a fine in addition to the public appearance,
the penalties ranging from £l to £9 Scots, which went to
the church funds. But fines weren't many, for all the fuss :

May 1725 to May 1726 shows only four. When repentance

is made adequately manifest, a certificate of absolution is

given.
And behind the Session was the '
civil magistrate,' whose
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 151

secular arm might be invoked to carry out the ecclesiastical

decree.! One woman under grave suspicion is warned that,
if brought up again, none will be allowed to enter her door,
'

but that she will be banished.' And in 1738 we have the

minister at Kilbride appointed 'to apply to the magistrate
for banishing Alex. Campbell out of the Parish, being ex-
communicated by the Synod of Argyle.'
There was indeed a sort of passport system in existence,
any person going from one parish to reside in another having
to possess a certificate from the Session, or run grave risk
of suspicious circumstances.^
The Session conducted its cases by the examination of
witnesses, and its powers were sufficient to ensure that
witnesses should attend. When a conflict of evidence
occurred or the accused persisted in denial, the matter
might be referred to the Presbytery, or in the last resource
the accused would be called upon to take the oath of '

purgation,' of which highly coloured formula a specimen

occurs in the Kilmorie volume.

Oct. 25th, 1705

Oath of Purgation
I, M Mc
does solemnly swear by the Great God, Creator
of Heaven and Earth that I never had —
nor know and if I lye in —
this matter or do not speake truth, then I wish and pray with my
whole soul that God may
confound me with some visible judgement
or other, that I may
never prosper or thrive in this world, but that
all my goods and geir may suddenly vanish and perish and that I

may be a beggar and a vagabond & stricken with some loathsome

distemper or disease till death seize me & that I may forever be

' Kilbride, March 17, 1725. — 'The Session appoiuts every servand within the
Parish, that hath not paid the Bell money to be instantlie poinded at their instance.'
A levy was in process to buy anew bell.
2 Kilbride, March 30, 1735. —
'Mary M. having gone to Ireland four years agoe
without a testificate from this, and being summoned, etc., did produce a certificate
from Ireland, with which the Session was not satisfied,' etc.
152 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
banished from God and the society of the blessed and holy Angels
and Saints, and shut up with Devils in the eternal torments of Hell
for ever and ever.

Yet, even with this danger signal there are some

set,
plain cases of hard swearing, and though submissiveness is

the general attitude of the people throughout, one does find

a female rebel in the person of Mary H. in Peighinn who,
it is reported, did behave herself very insolently towards
'

the minister at a public examination, confidently refusing

in face of the meeting to make answer when questioned upon
—
the heads of her faith and she swearing once by Mary and
again by her soul before all present.' (1704.)
The numerous allusions to and expositions of witchcraft
will find notice in another chapter. A third great class
of transgressions is that of Sabbath-breaking. Aggravation
of this character has appeared in cases already cited, but
the offence is grave enough in itself, and a few examples
will help towards the illustration of the domestic life of
the island. In July 1706 two Hamiltons, one skipper- in
Largie Beag, the other skipper in Mayish, being lately at a
fair in Ayr, are accused of having launched their respective
'

boats to the sea from a safe place upon the Sabbath day, and
loaded their boats,' and that the Mayish skipper put a kow '

on board his boat on the said day.' On trial they doe not '

deny but they drew their boats within the sea mark on the
said day, they being lying on the dry land before but ;

deny that they put any goods on board till Monday morning.'
Convicted of breach of the Sabbath by ane unnecessary
'

work,' they are appointed to be publicly rebuked before

the congregation.
June 18, 1710.—Two servitors to Robert Hamilton in
'

Cordan have been latly guiltie of breach of Sabbath by

putting on board meall in a yoall (yawl) at Lochransay upon
the morning of the said day, and tho' in a safe place loosed
from that in order to come home, but being beat off the land
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 153
by a sudden storm they were forced to the mainland to the
hazard of their Uves ; which people look upon as a manifest
token of God's displeasure against them for breach of this
day.' For the defence it is explained (June 25) that they '

loaded upon Saturday's night, but upon the Sabbath morning

being somewhat stormie, and they rideing at the stern of
the boat from which they got the meall, the boatmen obliged
them to cast loose and betake themselves to some port and
they thought it fittest to come home, being afraid to touch
the shore for fear of waiters (preventive men), the meall
having come from Ireland.' Importation of Irish victual
was apparently still under the ban, and this was clearly
smuggling. The Session is not taken in by such subtleties,
and one offender is rebuked in their presence, the other,
because he ventured to dispute whether actually a breach
had been committed, had to suffer his rebuke in public.
Other instances are of a man who transported a horse
'

from the main to this isle on the Sabbath day,' and of a

M'Kelvie who went, on the forbidden day, to Shisken to '

bring home an horse.' Some offenders took a very naive

way out. A woman reported to have been spinning her '

rock on the Sabbath day pleaded that she had forgotten

' '

it was the Sabbath.' ^

Moreover it was almost as heinous to take liberties with

the Fast Day, for all it was a Thursday. A Clachland
farmer accused of putting malt in the kiln the fast day
'

and drying of it, replyed that the malt would spoil (June '

3, 1721). Sorrow for his sin and a promise not to be guilty

' '

again got him off with a private rebuke.

There were other modes of infringing upon the Sabbath
sanctity, which raised the issue on broader lines, such as
the practice of burying and digging graves on that day, a

' Kilbride, July 9, 1710. —

'It is delated to the Session that there were two goats
put on board the packett boat upon the Sabbath day lately and carried to the main-
land that said day, etc'
VOL. II. U
154 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
practice which the Kilbride Session seek to divert by making
official arrangements for these necessities, and not leaving
them to private enterprise. Equally with funerals were
marriages apt to encroach apparently owing to the fact
;

that this was the only day of full leisure. But action against
this custom is made the excuse for a serious claim upon
those embarking on the adventure of married life. Kilmorie
leads off, and we may observe how artfully and ungram-
matically the terrible fiat is interwoven with the matter on
hand.

—
19th November 1713. The Session considering that a great many
young Men & Women within the parish neglect thro' sloth and
Laziness to commit to their memories, & that such as design
Marriage have a bad custom of making their contracts on Saturday
which occasions their encroaching on the Lords Day & that they
do likewise come to give in the Marriage Bonds on the Sabbath morn-
ing & also finding that such as after Marriage lose their consigna-
tions occasion a great deal of trouble to that Session before they can
getthem up from them. They therefore in order to redress the said
Enormaties do by these presents enact «fe appoint that all such as
design Marriage, before they be booked in order to proclamation,
repeat all the Questions in the Shorter Catechism, both man or woman,
whether old or young, likewise that they make no agreement on Satur-
day & that they give in their Bonds of Proclamation before Sabbath
come & that they consign the dollars or a sufficient pledge to the
value of them in hands of the Session Clerk. Such as Contravene
'

this Act, and fail in the premises they shall be censured as the Session
shall think fit and this to be intimate the next Lords Day both here
& at Clachan.'

There was a preaching-house at Clachan. Kilbride is some-

what later in thus hedging the marriage ceremony with
briars, and laxer too in so far as a way out is provided, though
a hard one.
Dec. 5, 1731.—' It is enacted by the Session to prevent
abounding ignorance that none in this parish shall obtain
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 155

the benefit of marriage unless they have the Assembly's

Shorter Catechism by heart, under the penalty of five merk
Scots, which any such person, wanting said Catechism by
heart, is to pawTi in the hands of the theasaurer (treasurer)
of poors box, and which he is to forfeit unless he learn said
questions within the space of a year after his said marriage,'
Here one would infer that the restriction is to the bridegroom,
though it is not likely such an unfair discrimination was made.
After these dates, in Kilmorie and Kilbride, may we take it
that the love idylls of Arran resolved themselves into a
mutual exercise in the Shorter Catechism in the quiet places
favoured by such scenes ? or, alternatively, that there was
this drop of gall in the honeymoon cup ?
The alleged ignorance of the parishioners may be
' '
.

variously interpreted, but provision for education was of

the most meagre all over Scotland, and what we can gather
of its condition in Arran, little as it is, reflects rather more
credit than would appear if taken apart from the rest of
the country. Several Acts had been passed by the Scottish
Parliament with the intention of providing a school and
schoolmaster in each parish, the expense to be assessed
equally upon heritors and tenants all met with equal and
;

barefaced neglect. Neither party was keen to incur an

education rate. Thus such provision as was made came from
the efforts of the Church, and the Session-courts of Arran
are not remiss, though severely restricted in means. The
education of the island is in their hands they empower
;

a man to teach or forbid him as the case may be. And they
are wilUng to help scholars, though the numbers of these
are never many. Here are some items.
Kilmorie, May —
6, 1703. The Session gave a groat to a poor
'

scholar in order to —
by a Psalm book Item to Angus Kerr Sehoolmr.
in Killmory two Shilling Sterling for teaching three poor scholars
for one quarter. Item to Ronald M'Alaster Schoolmaster in Sheskin
for 2 poor scholars a quarter Sixteen Shilling Scots.'
156 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
—
KiLMORiE, March 28, 1704. The Session find that there is no
house founded either for School or Schoolmr, & that neither of
them can be wanting if they Design to have a constant School in
the place, did unanimously agree that there should be fourtie pounds
Scots given out of the Mulcts (fines) for building the sd (said) house and
entrusts the Schoolmr Angus Kerr to fall furthwith about providing
timber for the same and to employ a good workman skilled in Mason
work, and that the sd house consists of fourtie-two foot in length
and thretten in breadth, with 3 Gaviles and 3 Couples and 2 doors
on ye side thereof together w(it)h sufficient lights, and that it be all
built of Stone and Clay without divot except one going or two upon
the top of ye wall thereof this is to be the form and extent thereof
according to appointment by the Session. In regard the Session is
Informed that the sd Angus Kerr is not so carefull in attending the
School & teaching his Scholars as were desireable they hereby
certifie to him that if it be afterwards found that he does not attend
the School or profite the Children, that he shall be removed from the
sd office, even if it were in the midst of a term, and to the end that
they may the better know, if the children be profiting under him,
they appoint the minister and one of the elders to go once a month to
visite the School and try the children what they are profiting under
him.

—
KiLMORiE, June 22nd, 1715. The Session allows I. H. her fine
to Angus Ker Schoolmaster at Killmory to buy a Latin & English
Dictionary for the use of the School at this place, & the said Angus
Ker obliges himself under the pain of twenty pound Scots to produce
the said Dictionary or be accountable for the Money betwixt &
Hallowday next.
—
Kilbride, Nov. 10, 1715. The Session recommends to James
Hamilton in Kings Cross to agree with some person about the building
of a schoolhouse in the district of Glenasdale.

There evidence too of parental concern about the

is

education of the young. In 1703 the inhabitants of Achanhew

are anxious to have the school removed to that place from
Baile Meadhonach, 'upon account of the watter intervening
hindering their children from attending at the latter place.
'
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 157

The Session's judgment, however, is in favour of '

Bally-
mainoch as the most centrical place.'
Similar difficulties over rural centres occur on the east
side :

—
June 15, 1709. The Session considering the detriment children
have sustained hitherto by the School being at the Kirk it being too
excentrical, appoint the School to be removed to Arrantoun.

—
Ayril 15, 1711. ^The Session considering the great loss the people
between Lergibeg and Kingscross sustain for want of a School, and
withall the small encouragement provyded for a schoolmaster in that
district they therefore annex that to the district of Kilbryde with
;

the Sallarie settled upon it, and exact that the schoolmaster of Kil-
bryde shall be oblidged to hyre one to teach children in the said
bounds from Martinmas to May yearly and that the Schoolmaster
of Kilbryde have the sallarie of that district as it is, he paying him
who so serves for the term foresaid.
A further example is the appeal by Alex. M'Cook in
Shennachie for help out of the poor box in payment of
having his son taught Latin. Kilmorie was already bi-
lingual, though Gaelic for the most part, and the following
extract worth noting
is :

—
July 29, 1712. The Session finding there are many of the people
that seldom attend Service in the English Language tho' there are
many that speak the Language in the Parish, they therefore appoint
the Minister after sermon to call on their names that have the
Language & that such as are absent from 2 Dyets successively, be
obliged to compear before Session & give in the reasons of their
absence, & also to be practised with respect to the Sermon in Irish
(Gaehc).

A from Kilbride bears upon the same point at

citation
an earlier date, while also suggesting ability to read on a
larger scale than might be expected from some of our
evidence :

Dec. 21, 1704. —The Session has recommended to the moderator

 —

158 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

to buytwentylrish(Gaelic) psalm-books for the use of the parishioners;
and to that end have ordered the Theasaurer to advance him money :

and these books to be sold again at such a rate as shall be conde-

scended upon for making up the said money for the use of the poor.

In 1727 we have notice of seven copies of the Confession

of Faith in Gaelic being presented to the parish and dis-
persed through it by the elders.
Of Kilbride's schoolmastering such indications as we
have are not flattering, but of course they represent only
exceptional circumstances ; as thus :

March 30, 1732. —John

McMaster Schoolmr at Kiskadel repre-
two scholars at school
sents before the Session that he has but one or
and craves he may be allowed to desist from teaching them till his
scholars become more numberous, which desire the Sess: saw reason-
able & Consented theirto.

Kilbride was unfortunate in its teachers June 26, 1729. :

'
John Burk being called by a letter to him from the Session
because he kept school when discharged did compear and
owns that he taught two scholars privatelie in a house for
food upon necessity he begs at this time to be relaxed
;

promising to ammend his life publicly rebuked, though

'
:

the enormity of the offence is not apparent. In the following

account it is :

Sep. 26, 1714. —The Session hearing that Neill M. schoolmaster

at Arrantoun has been lately intemperate through drink and that he
is given to tipling, and that upon that date of his intemperance he
jangled with his wife ; the said Neill being interrogat anent this
report confesses that he was intemperat upon Wednesday was a
fortnight withRumm, being a kind of liquor with which he was not
acquainted and which deceived him, etc., etc. ;

wherefore he is sessionally admonished, etc.

The Session enact that the schoolmaster at Arrantoun and

Glenasdale be yearly chosen at Martinmas by the Session that is ;

to say the schoolmaster att Arrantoun is to be chosen and he is to

 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 159
choyse the other, and the Session to be satisfied with him before he
intromitt with the School.

At last in 1802 came an Act which put the business of

education upon a sounder and more generous footing, after
generations of complaints from grossly underpaid teachers.
Of the result in Kilbride we have an account left, but it may
be assured that it was parallel to what was done in Kilmorie.

KiLMORY Kirk, 2 Oct. 1804

Met here this day.

James Lament Esq. of Knockdow, Factor to his Grace the Duke
of Hamilton on his Grace's Estate in Arran, and Revd. Neil MacBride,
Minister of Kilmory parish and proceeded to consider the Act of
Parliament anent the settlement of Parochial Schoolmasters, and
considering the extent of this parish and population thereof, pro-
ceeded according to the eleventh section of the Act, and in all time
coming allow the Schoolmasters, to be paid as follows, to the
Schoolmaster at Kilmory twelve pounds Six shillings & Eight pence
Sterling, to the Schoolmaster at Shisken Nine pounds Six shillings
& Eight pence Sterling, to the Schoolmaster at Lochranza four
pound Sterling, to the Schoolmaster at Imachar four pounds Sterling,
and to the Schoolmaster at Drumlabarra Mill four pounds Sterling j
and to be paid quarterly at the following rates, for reading English
alone two shillings Sterling, for reading English and writing two
shillings & Sixpence Sterling, for writing and Arithmetic, three
shillings and Sixpence Sterling, for book-keeping one pound Sterling,
for Navigation one pound ten Shillings sterling, for teaching Latin
five shillings Sterling. That Archibald M'Kenzie is continued as a
teacher at Kilmory pro tempore, but that no teacher in future shall
be eligible for Kilmory but one who is qualified to teach latin, and
that the whole teachers in the above districts shall teach the Gaelic
Language and that the Schoolmaster at Kilmory shall also be qualified
to teach Church Musick ; and as it has been a custom with the School-
masters in this parish to teach two quarters of the year only, it is
hereby ordained that they are not to vacate their School at any time
of the year except in harvest, and that not exceeding Six weeks, and
160 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
if they neglect to do so they shall not be entitled to uplift any part
of their Salary.

An ambitious programme truly, but one indicating a

very sound appreciation of what was to be desired.
We may now give some definite details as to the educa-
tional institutions of the island before the Education Act
of 1875. For 1793 information is available only for Kilmorie,
where there were two parochial schools, the principal of '
'

one drawing a salary of £50 Scots (one-twelfth of sterling

money) and of the other £40 Scots; one half, in each case,
being paid by the Duke, the other half by the tenants of the
districts. No doubt, though this is not specifically said,
such schoolmasters had also a free house and there were
;

'
fees, too, as a supplement, the scholars paying as wages '

Is. a quarter for reading, Is. 6d. for writing, and 2s. 6d. for
arithmetic while as session-clerks the schoolmasters had
;

individually £6 Scots per annum with Is. for every marriage

and 6d. for a baptism, the two latter being of course charges
on the parties concerned. School attendance averaged 50,
but there were in addition many petty schools.' Long
'

distances and wretched roads made such inevitable. But

it is to be hoped that the inhabitants got better schooling

than they paid for.

Things are considerably improved by 1837-40. By that
time, and probably since 1802, the parish of Kilbride had
six schools, four of these dividing the maximum salary
for parochial schools thus Lamlash £19, Brodick £16,
:

Corrie £4, and Loch Ranza £6 but the last was a joint
;

school with Kilmorie, from which the teacher had as much

again. All these had free houses from the Duke. In 1823
the Church established what were known as Assembly
Schools, and of these there was one at Whiting Bay, the
head of which was rich on £25 a year and Lamlash had
;

a private school. The children in attendance at all the

schools numbered about 450. Fees were at the same rate
<

<
m
o
o
<
<
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 161

as on the mainland, but the people being generally poor,'

'

the best school would not draw more than £14 in a year nor
the poorest more than £5. Summer saw the young people
busy on the land in one capacity or another, so that attend-
ance was irregular.
Kilmorie now supported twelve schools four parochial, :

two Assembly, and the rest provided for by the inhabitants

by salary or fees. Parochial teachers had Kilmorie —
£17, 10s., Shisken £15, Imachar £5, 16s., Loch Ranza
£10, 10s., with dwelUng-house, garden, and glebe, except in
the case of Imachar. Fees were calculated by a method
different from that in Kilbride 2s. a quarter for reading,
;

reading and writing 2s. 6d., these plus arithmetic 3s.,

navigation and book-keeping luxuries at £l per quarter.
'
There are none between the age of six and fifteen but who
either can, or are learning to read ; and the greater number
of those of fifteen can also write.' ^ Mr. M'Kelvie of New
MiU had the reputation of being the best teacher in the
parish, '
Dominie Currie '
and '
Dominie Grey '
are others,
who have left a name in their profession.
The school buildings seem to have been the worst part
of the equipment, being, it would appear, almost inferior
to the ordinary dwellings. Even fairly late in this epoch
the scholars would snuggle their feet in the dust of the clay
floor to keep them warm.
Some further notes from individual recollections may
here illustrate the narrative.
About the year 1800 there were only two girls in the
whole district of Shisken who were taught writing. The
buildings used as schoolrooms were so wretched that the
scholars used to gather moss to fill up the holes in walls to
keep the wind out.
About 1820 Pate Raghill (or Peter Bannatyne) kept
a school at Blackwaterfoot. The schoolroom was never
' New Statistical Account.

VOL. II. X
162 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
cleaned out. In the summer the scholars cooled their feet
by covering them up to the ankles in the accumulated dust
of years. The fees were very small, the schoolmaster being
usually boarded among the principal crofters.
The Presbytery gave
of Kintyre before the Disruption
a small grant to some of those who acted as dominies.
Until about that period there was no settled schoolmaster
in Shisken.
Dominie Currie, a well-educated person, was about that
time settled in Birchbum, and made some very good
scholars.
After the Disruption, the Free Church placed the well-
known Dominie Craig at Balmichael. His kindness and
humour made him a great favourite.
The big cave on Kilpatrick shore was often, till the Dis-
ruption, used as a schoolroom, being warm and roomy.
About the year 1845 a sad accident happened to a
temporary schoolhouse. A Mr. Charles M'Gregor kept a
school one spring in an old potato bothy in Feorline. One
morning a thaw set in after a keen frost, and the wall
suddenly collapsed. The scholars made a mad rush for the
door, but five little girls were crushed and burned to death.
What made the matter worse, the larger scholars observed
symptoms of the walls giving way and wished to get out,
but M'Gregor would not allow it, and he ran a narrow risk
of being lynched.
A strange story has always been told in connection with
this accident. A young girl, Mysie Bannatyne, was on her
way home one night from Blackwaterfoot. When crossing
the bridge beside the schoolhouse she distinctly saw five
coffins laid along the parapet. On entering her father's
house she fainted and lay over a month through the fright
she got. A few days after, the accident happened, and the
five little bodies were laid on the bridge.
In Arran, as in other western isles, St. Bride's Day
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 163
{Feille Bride) was the great occasion of the school year.
Properly it was Feb. 1 (old style), the first day of spring,
but it was frequently confounded with Candlemas, Feb. 2,
as in Arran. On that day scholars brought a small present
of money to the teacher the boy and girl who brought the
;

largest gifts were crowned king and queen with paper crowns,
and the next highest pair figured as prince and princess with
badges on the shoulder. The dominie then brewed some
toddy and served it round, after which the children, led by
the king and queen, marched off for a holiday. Some such
ceremonial, usually associated with cock-fighting, was a
feature of all Highland schools, though many places fixed
on Shrove-Tuesday, the beginning of Lent. It is essentially
an old pagan festival, going back to the pre-Christian Brigid.
Thus a visitor of 1836 found the Arran folk in general, '

well instructed,' and possessing small libraries of books

which they lent to each other. In the cottage of an old '

sailor '
—
he found these volumes Calvin's Institutes, Henry's
Bible, Sermons by the Commentators, Boston's Fourfold State,
and others, and the main literary interests theological.^
But the books which the Megantic emigrants, of whom we
'
'

shall speak later, took with them show a wider range of

interests, including Josephus' History of the Jews, RoUin's
Ancient History, and Peter Grant's Gaelic Poems, as well as
religious works by Baxter, Bunyan, Dyer, and Boston. So
the Arran schools, though primitive, at least produced reading
people; and what better can one say of any schools?
An integral part of the Session's duty was the disburse-
ment of charity, and this extends not only to the local
poor, but to the passengers or tramps who may be on
' '

their way to Kintyre or, more frequently, Ireland any one,;

in fact, who can make out a real claim to assistance on any

ground gets satisfaction. Of peculiar interest are two cases
in Kilbride of the same year :

' Lord Teignmoutli's Sketches of the Coasti and hlands of Scotland, vol. it. p. 397.
 : ;

164 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Januarie 6, 1707. —Sedr: Mr. Dan M'Lean: Modr: Jo: Hamilton
Jam: Hamilton Jan: M'Nickell, Elders.
After prayer.
The Sess: considered the Indigent condition of James Crawford a
poor passenger who was Robed by the privateirs and was prisonir
for a considerable space in france have allowed him 4 sh. Scots.

Sep. 28, 1707. —

Ordered to be payd to Robert Hamilton in Cordun
4 shillings Sterling which he gave on the Sessions account to George
Hamilton, a poor Gentleman Robed by the privateirs in his voyage
to Virginia with his familie in Apryle Last.

In 1719 the minister of Kilmorie reports that there had

been collected in the parish 'for propagation of Christian
knovs^ledge in Highlands the sum of £24, 4s. Scots, and at
'

the same time £17 Scots 'for the distressed Protestants in

Lithuania.' Even darker England has not been forgotten,
for six years earlier we find that £2 Scots are ordered to be
sent to the Presbytery for the supply of the Presbyterians
'

in New Castle' (Oct. 4, 1713). The Highlands, a Baltic

State and Newcastle as objects of Kilmorie generosity gives
one matter for reflection.
Some of the Kilbride collections and disbursements will
be of interest. The amounts are in pounds Scots, a twelfth
of English or sterling money
Collections from April 1724 to June 1725 with proclama-
tion money given to the poor also from June to
;

the last of August 1725 £80 12 8

Collected at the Sacrament, Sep. 5 . . . . £55
12th Sep. to 30 Jan. 1726 . . . . £25

(Scots) £220 17
Fines from May 1725 to May 1726 (4 cases)
 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 165
Collections everySabbath there was preaching at Kil-
bryde from Feb. 26, 1726 (14 days) £18 15
. 9 (Scots)

Disbursements (in Scots money)

July 1725 to Nov. 18 to the poor and pious uses . £49 19 2
Given to Mrs. Turnbull out of the collection at the Sacra-

Mr. Stewart .......

ment for the ministers' dinner at the ordination of
24

when vacant .....

Given to Ranald M'Alaster for catechising the parish
8

Given to poor strangers ....

To the Session Clerk as wages for the year 1723

Allowed to the boat that brought the ministers from

6
14

Kintyre to the Sacrament 6 13 4

Wages allowed to Jno. M'Kenzie, schoolmaster, for teach
ing seven poor scholars one quarter 2 6
To Mr. Crawford, Mr. Brown and another stranger wait
ing a fair wind . 2
To a poor passenger's five children

house ....
To Robert M'Millan in Kiscadal for providing a school

To poor M. to buy a coat for himself

Two men
....
for dighting away the myre from about the
kirkyard
To a poor gentleman from Argyle
To a poor boy .

„ a poor woman
„ a poor girl .

Beadle's wages for year 1725

To Wm. Millar to buy a book
There are also payments from time to time to persons
*
keeping horse at the Sacrament, which suggests the mode
'

of travelling to those functions from a distance. Once a

woman is convicted of having been found drunk in Brodick
beside the ale-tents on the Monday.
' '

These are only specimen entries from years in the twenties

and thirties, each really being a category of such payments.
166 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
but they suffice to exhibit the Session as a sort of earthly
Providence. But both in Kilmorie and Kilbride we have
information as to the circulation of bad money, a fair amount
of which found its way into the church collections. In 1722
a M'Master in Kilmorie is fined in a great sum of money
'

for venting false money coined by one Grigor ' ; and the
Kilbride treasurer in 1731 enters an exchange of eight '

shillings sterhng bad : gott half value.'

In 1793 we are informed that there are only twelve on the
Kilbride poor's roll, supported by quarterly collections.^
There was in addition a sum of £40 drawing interest for
relief in cases of scarcity, which depend we see upon the
weather, or in other extraordinary emergencies, while the
Dvike's '
pensioners had meal from the factor. Kilmorie
'

had forty on its roll supplied from quite inadequate weekly

collections supplemented by ' country charity,' for the '

people, according to their abilities, are very charitable and

attentive to real indigence.'
In the spring of 1746 Kilbride Session were serving out
badges to ' real objects of charity ' entitling them to beg
without obstruction or molestation. It is worth noting that
nothing appears in the records of the years 1745-6 to suggest
that aught unusual was convulsing the country. But the
Session Records in general are curiously silent about the
business, so that the Arran elders are no exception. Still,
their cautious reticence is to be deplored.
While Prince Charles Edward and his Highlanders are
making the political welkin ring, the Kilbride elders are
'
pursuing their even tenor in suppressing imprecations '

and like nuisances. In particular there had developed a

loose practice in some quarters of persons themselves taking
their cows to pasture early on the Sabbath morning, instead
of employing the proper herds, so that this occupation be-
came an excuse for neglecting church while children were ;

' Old Slatiitical Account.

 THE CHURCH AFTER THE REFORMATION 167

being allowed on the same day to steal pease and potatoes,

'

gather nutts and catch wild fowl in their nests.' These are
their concerns at a season when the blood was yet scarce
dry on the field of CuUoden.
At rare times we have notice of some physician or surgeon
on the island otherwise its healthfulness is a common matter
;

of remark, as witnessed by the age to which many of the

natives lived. Of course the old folks had their simple
vegetable remedies, and the medicine chest usually hung
from the rafters in the shape of a bunch of dried herbs. In
July 1713 John Davies is " chirurgeon " in Arran, and, when
summoned to appear before an Edinburgh Kirk Session,
professes his inability to attend 'because of the distance and
the many patients he had under his care, there being no other
chyrurgeon or physician in the island but himself.' In view
of what then constituted medical practice, the patients might
perhaps have run small risk by his temporary absence.^
' ' The practice of bleeding twice every year seems to have been intended as a
preventative again(st) the pleurisy but it is now performed with the utmost regularity
:

at spring and fall. The Duke of Hamilton keeps a surgeon in pay, who at those
seasons makes a tour of the island. On notice of his approach, the inhabitants of each
farm assemble in the open air ; extend their arms and are bled into a hole made in the
;

—
ground, the common receptacle of the vital fluid.' Pennant's Tour, p. 175. The final
story has been authoritatively repudiated as an absurdity.
 —

CHAPTER IX
THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS
Islands deficient in arable land — Arran fishings in the eighteenth
century — mode of cultivation — runrig — character of the people
Barrel's Diary or Journal —rents and restraints — localgovernment
institution of the packet-boats — Burrel's calculations and judgments
game — Burrel's
in the island small apart from rental — condition
results
— routine of
of the island in the later years of the century its life

occupations and dwellings — the Arran roads.

Islands have as a rule a smaller share of alluvial land,

suitable for cultivation, in proportion to their size than
continental areas. This is markedly the case in examples
like Arran, where volcanic outbursts have helped so much in
the making of the island, leaving it with high-lying moors
and mountain ridges loftier than its mere size would warrant,
so that slopes are steep and descend steeply down or near
to the water edge. It follows, too, that a population de-
pending on the soil will congregate at favourable spots on
the shore margin,^ passing inwards where open straths flank
the channels of the larger streams of which the most ;

conspicuous example here is the vale of Shisken in the lower

•
—
Arran 'inhabit onlie at the sea-coaats' (Dean Monro, 1694). 'The alluvial
flatsand raised beaches at the mouths of the principal streams afford the best soil, and
the narrow terrace or raised beach round the island is in general carefully cultivated.
The upper limit of enclosed and cultivated land is between 400 and 500 feet above the
sea, but the greater portion is below 300. As the ground rises steeply from the sea
almost everywhere, the arable land is necessarily but a narrow belt along the coast,
and even there is not continuous, though apparently more land was formerly
cultivated in the olden times' {Mem. Oeol. Survey, vol. xxi. p. 150).
168
 —

THE FIRST OF THE I]\IPROVERS 169

course of the Blackwater. Narrower glens, too, may carry

an interior population, but not to any great distance from
the coast. Elsewhere the tillage is coastal, and this part of
Arran presents two fairly regular features. One is the low
shelf or terrace, from ten to twenty feet above high -water
mark and from a few yards to a quarter of a mile broad
—
in parts entirely absent which goes round the island,
being what the island, in its final stage of development,
gained by the gradual retiral of the sea. Within this again,
also variable and irregular, is a low ridge or moulding, which
sinks inwards before it rises to moor or moiintain. By far
the greater part of the island is above the 500 feet level
and more than half of that over 1000 feet, much of it bare
rock on the mountain-sides, or windswept, shelterless moor.
Thus the population has never been great in proportion
to area, ranging from about 29 to the square mile in modem
times to a highest reach of about 44 in the early years of
last century.^
Normally in the sustenance of an island people the sea
comes in to supplement the land produce, but, as we shall
note presently, only the herring of the neighbouring main-
land lochs appear to have been utilised in earlier days by
the Arran fishers, while the year-round white fishing was
neglected.^ Herring fishing, coming before and after harvest,
made the least inroad upon agricultural routine. Sub-
stantially, for the greater part of their history, the people
are dependent upon what can be got by tillage and pasture,
and The whole isle,' in Martin's opinion, is designed by
' '

nature more for pasturage than cultivation.'

So much, too, we gather from the more precise details
which we get as the eighteenth century approaches its last

^ See Table of Population in Appendix.

' 'The sea-coast abounds with fish of different kinds, such as herring, salmon,
skate, etc. —
but the inhabitants have not acquired the art of being very beneficial to
themselves in fishing any of these but herring. '—Old Statistical Account (Kilmory).
VOL. II. Y
170 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
quarter. Martin about 1695 does mention a considerable
fishing of cod and whiting in the Bay of Lamlash, but it
cannot have amounted to much. In 1772 it is not worth
mentioning. We are told, however, that the herring fishing
then brings in £300 yearly, and the sale of herring-nets £100.
These nets were made by the men during the winter, from the
linen thread spun by the women. Much flax was sown, and
the sale of thread produced another £100. In 1793 the
herring-boats are computed to bring to the island not less
than £1000 a year.^ But the great export was of cattle,
which at forty or fifty shillings the head brought in £1200
per annum, horses adding another £300. Butter, too, was
made for exportation of its value in returns there is no
;

information. Of imported stuff oatmeal seems to be the

—
pre-eminent article five hundred bolls annually and much ;

money went out for mere necessaries, which, the writer

remarks, is a melancholy drawback.' Such sales furnished
'

the money for the rent for personal purposes everything^

;

was found at home.

Other matter in this connection had best come later,,
after some knowledge of the changes set a-going a half-
dozen years before this date. Meantime it is needful ta
present an outline of the general economic framework of the
main industry agriculture. —
The farms of the island have considerably increased in
number since the fifteenth century no doubt a good deal :

more land has been brought under cultivation. The mode

of occupation is different. Gone are the kindly tenants or
rentallers in their place we have tenants on a nineteen
;

years' tack or lease. Each farm is possessed by a group of

tenants, by four, eight, a dozen or more, labouring the
ground in combination, and being jointly and severally
responsible for the rent that is, in case of any failing to pay
;

1 statistical Account. At this date (1793) the annual sales beyond the island
were —for Kilbride, 200 bolls barley, 500 black cattle, and 80 sheep.
 ;

THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 171

the others have to make good his share. ^ Each farm is worked
in three great divisions, infield or croft-land, outfield, and the
common pasture. Field means the whole of the undivided
'
'

land imder crop or in lea, not any part of either. The in-
field gets all the manure ^ and is constantly under crop the ;

outfield is cropped so long as it produces a surplus over the

amount sown, and is thereafter left to recover under a dis-
orderly growth of grass and weeds for a few years, when it is
again broken up and sown. Cows, horses, sheep, and goats
are crowded on to the hill pasture, while the milk cows are
given the luxury of the outfield when fallow, so that the
manure may also contribute to its recovery in fertility.
When the land is clear of crop all of it is equally open to all
cattle. The arable land is annually divided in strips among
the tenants by lot each gets a rig or ridge, which is the
;

unit of cultivation hence the name for this system, run-rig,

;

where the first part of the word is Gaelic, roinn, a share.' '

Each rig is marked for its particular tenant. In this way

every one has his chance of the better portions of the holding.^
The tenants join in ploughing the plough is a heavy,
;

clumsy contrivance, being entirely of wood, save the iron

on the coulter, and four to six horses are required to draw
it, so that very few tenants could have a plough for them-

selves. But all have at least one horse, and even one was
a heavy tax on the amount of com that could be raised.
Harness was of twisted straw or withies.
The houses of the tenants and the farm buildings are
grouped together in a toun,' such as Robert Bruce found
'

his way to in the spring of 1306. The fields are quite open
there are no fences or other enclosures of a permanent
character no proper drains
; turnips * and sown grasses
:

1 Cf. p. 177.
^ 'The usual manure is sea-plants, coral and shells ' (Pennant).
' See note on p. 172.
* 'I observed one field of turnips.' —
Headrick (1807), p. 341.
 —

172 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

are only beginning, in the second half of the century, to edge
their way into Scottish agriculture. For these conditions
were common Rents were absurdly
to the whole country.
small, but then the total produce also was absurdly small.
Much scorn has been poured upon this mode of working
the land, and it is easy to enumerate its defects, which after
all do not so much pertain to the co-operative agriculture
as to the general backwardness of the industry. It was a
mode that suited tenants with little capital. The serious
handicap is exposed in another direction, and better accounts

for the stagnation of effort. The succeeding tenants,'

'

observes the traveller, generally find the ground little

'

better than a caput mortuum (' a state of death ') and for ;

this reason, should they at the expiration of the lease leave

the lands in a good state, some avaricious neighbours would
have the preference in the next setting, by offering a price
more than the person who had expended part of his substance
in enriching the farm could possibly do. This induces them
to leave it in the original state.' ^ The kindly tenancies
of the fifteenth century implied no such handicap; com-
petitive tenancies brought a limited tenure and no com-
pensation for improvements. The results we see.
Whatever might be said in condemnation of the character
of the farms and the inadequacy of their product, the char-
acter of the people afforded no evidence of degeneracy.
That the stock was a healthy one is recorded from inde-
pendent quarters. They enjoy a good state of health,'
' Pennant's Tour, p. 176. Cf.what Ramsay of Ochtertyre, an improving Perth-
shire landlord, says of his own under similar conditions: 'Though hy no
district
means deficient in industry which would make a speedy return, they (the tenants) laid
their account that any extraordinary exertion or outlay on their part would, in the
long run, redound as much to their master's proiitas their own, and they had no mind
to work for him. They therefore had a system of their own, founded on long
experience, and suited to small capitals and tacks for nineteen years. From this they
were unwilling to deviate, unless for some self-evident advantage ; and with all its
defects it is not easy to figure one by which the same quantity of grain could be raised
for the same money.' Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century, vol. ii. p. 204.
 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 173
writes Martin for 1695, and have a genius for all callings
'

or employments, though they have but few mechanics.

They wear the same habit with those of the nearest isles,
and are very civil. They all speak the Irish language,'
he goes on, yet the English tongue prevails on the east
'

side, and ordinarily the ministers preach in it, and in Irish

on the west side.' ^ The witness of Pennant in 1772 is in
agreement: 'The men are strong, tall, and well made; all
speak the Erse language but
—
'
—
and here we regretfully
record a faUing away 'the antient habit is entirely laid
aside . the inhabitants in general are sober, religious,
. .

and industrious.' ^
The way is now clear for the introduction of a document
of such direct and intimate bearing upon the life of the
people of Arran as to warrant a section to itself—^the Journal
of John Burrel, the first of the improvers in the island.
'
'

The theme of the volumes is Arran as an improvable property,

and accordingly they contain a mass of details regarding
the nature and extent of every separate farm, the estate
management, and other business matters, with repeated
schemes and speculations of development. It is possible
here to give only some general outline of their contents in
their bearing upon the fortunes of the island and its people
during the years 1766-80.^

II

In 1766 the seventh Duke of Hamilton was a minor,*

and his tutors or trustees, considering that the leases of
farms in Arran were now —
beginning to expire ^the greater
1 Martin, pp. 224-5. Cf. Burrel on p. 189. ' Tour, pp. 175-6, 178.
' Burrel'* Diary or Journal covers a series of visits to Arran at different times
and for varied periods in the course of the years 1766, 1708, 1769, 1770 (twice), 1772-
73, 1776, 1779. It is contained in two large folio volumes, vol. i. pp. 352, vol. ii. pp. 92,
the rest unpaged, and the small portion 1781-82 by others. It is Burrel's material
which is here drawn upon.
* Died July 7, 1760, aged fifteen (James George) ; succeeded by his brother Douglas,

two years younger.

174 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
number by 1772—commissioned Mr. John Barrel, factor at
Kenneil, and Mr. Boyd Anderson, to undertake the improve-
ment of the island and re-set the tacks with this in view.
In this business Burrel entirely overshadows his colleague.
He was a masterful and laborious man, who undertook his
commission in the spirit of a crusader ; of that methodical
and systematic type of mind to which loose, inefficient, and
easy-going methods are abhorrent ; filled with an earnest
desire to do good to all concerned according to his lights,
but somewhat precipitate and impatient in his activities,
and having little regard to the deadweight of traditional
habits and the difficulty of change among a slow-moving
people. He was to learn as he went on.
He had formulated certain principles of action before
setting to work. He was dead against the practice of
common pasture he would have no farms in severalty, but
;

every man's land enclosed for himself and him alone re-
sponsible for the rent. By the time the last tacks in the
island expired, he designed '
there shall not be one single
inch of communty in the whole island.' In this he did not
succeed, heroic though his efforts were.
Burrel came from Kinneil in Linlithgowshire, where he
could make himself familiar with the new developments in
Scottish agriculture that were to transform the whole in-
dustry. In the eastern Lowlands planting of woods and
hedges had become quite a fashion, and his efforts in Arran
in this line show how much he appreciated this healthful
practice. Improved modes of tillage, drawn alike from
practice and book knowledge, were turning poor lands into
a rich source of income. Increase of rent was the sign of
increased productivity, and therefore a stimulus to improve-
ment.
not the sort of man to go about anything in a
He was
haphazard way. He had his tests and standards, though
he modified them from time to time. To the first farms in
 :

THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 175

hand he at once set about applying these. Aided by 'John

M'Braiden, the gardener, with his spade,' he made a careful
inspection of samples of the different soils on each farm,
considered its position and general character, inspected the
moor pasture, and on these terms fixed a price per acre.
As a check upon this 'arbitrary value' he appUed another
test in taking the amount of stock and estimating the value
of the grazing of each animal at so much then added a
;

figure for each boll of grain raised.This generally brought

out a total approximately the same as that given by the first
calculation. Somewhere about these amounts, then, was the
proper rent.^
In April 1770 he is in the midst of complicated nego-
tiations about old and new leases, and this is .what
happens
'
We have also given close attendance this whole day at
the Castle, and for the threatening diligence against the
all
tenants, none of them appeared, except the tenants of Claw-
chag, who did not appear to us till near 8 o'clock at night,
and that being past the hours we tyed ourselves down to
(viz. from sun rising to sun setting) we remitted them to the
Claddoch, where they have been all the afternoon deverting
themselves.' There wasn't much gaiety in the strenuous
soul of Burrel.
He had to modify his ideas a good deal as operations went
on. At the Duke was to do all the enclosing ; finally
first
as an option to the tenants. But the main work
it is left

accomplished in this line seems to have been the formation

of head dykes ; and such enclosing as was done was partly
in the form of dry stone walls and partly of sod mounds
planted with thorn. At first the tenants were against
'

enclosing, but they no sooner saw the good of the inclosures

already made than they in general insisted on having their
head dykes made good, and that their farms should at least
' Cf. again on p. 188, note 2.
176 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
be inclosed round, so as one man may not be hurt by the
encroachments of another farm's cattle.'
The proposed regulations as to the improvement of the
actual husbandry would appear also to have been only in
part put in practice. To cope with the terrible growth of
weeds, especially gule or corn-marigold (' that weed being
their inveterate enemy ^), arrangements were to be made
'

for supplying lime, by use of which too they might succeed

in securing plenty of good clover and rye-grass hay instead
of the coarse scanty natural pasture of old. Then all land
within the head dyke was to be divided into three parts,
not more than one of which was to be ploughed and sown,
the rest to lie under grass and not more than two crops
;

to be taken in succession. This, of course, was an effort to

break away from the old wasteful system of a continually
cropped infield or croft, and a spasmodically cropped out-
field. The eager improver is also fully sensible of the
desirability of raising the quality of the crops, and applies
for good seed barley, oats, and pease If good grass were :
'

raised and good cattle reared, there can be no better security

for rent, especially in a locked island.' But there emerges
no hope of subdividing the pastures it is trouble enough ;

to soum them properly, restricting each tenant to a reason-

able proportion of cattle.
One experience leads the diarist to the enunciation of
an unhappy prejudice. The lady who leased the Mill Hill
mill was £18 in arrears, and invited him to seize her estate
for the debt. He found on inquiry that all her goods and
gear would not at best bring in more than £6, and that
'
this break is entirely owing to extravagancy and bad
management.' Therefore he comes to the resolution 'never
again to grant a lease of mills or land to womankind,' and
makes the best of a bad debt.
1 It was of all agricultural Scotland, as can be inferred even from Acts of the old
Scottish Parliament.
 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 177

In the by-going of 1770 we have this iUuminative item :

'
The Barron Courts was designed at this time (May 10) to
be suspended the term of Michaelmas nixt, but finding
till

so many people intending for America/ to leave the island

at this time without a judge would be leaving it in the power
of those emegrants to rob both his grace and their neighbours.'
This was no empty fear, as we have a case late in 1776 when
one of the tenants of Tormore, a M'Millan, is reported to have
'
emigrate,' leaving nothing but some growing corn to dis-
charge his debt. The remaining tenants petition that they
be not held liable for M'Millan's contribution, as under the
common lease they were, and the Commissioner agrees that
'
it would be hard to burden the remaining tenants with the

debt due by a ranagadoe emigrant,' and accordingly absolves

them. Such accidents were part of the dangers of a joint
tenancy and we have another case in the same year, when
;

four of the tenants in Corriecraivie become bankrupt, and^

though the full rent might legally be exacted from the others,
an allowance is made them on the understanding that this
is not to be held as a precedent.

The fraudulent conduct of one M'Bride will serve as a

picture of the methods of justice, though the incident in
question is no doubt quite exceptional. M'Bride was tenant
in Corriegills and had bought cattle from a great many
tenants to the value of £100 sterling, they innocently taking
his word as to payment. He brought the cattle over to
the mainland and sold them, but on his return hade shifted '

them from time to time and at last hade told the greatest
part of them that they never need to expect a farthing from
him,' A 'heavy complaint is therefore made to the Com-
'

missioner. As some of them hade obtained Justice of

'

Emigration to America, beginning- about this time, became serious enough to

'

attract attention from the Government. A year or two after this 'there were
appearances of great emigration from Argyleshire, particularly from Islay and some
inland parts, and Arran, and emissaries were going about to engage people {Some
'

Office Papers, 1773-5, p. 206).

VOL. II. Z
178 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
peace warrants for incarcerating him in the Tolbooth of
Rothesay, as one who was meditating his escape from his
creditors, we therefore on that warrant ordered our officers
to apprehend and bring him before us, in order to learn from
him if possible what had become of the money, but when
he came we could make nothing of him. We therefore
ordered him to be secured in the castle prison, till such time
as the constables covdd find a vessal fitt to carry him to
Rothesay, which they very soon did (Oct. 23, 1770).
'

This termination may introduce the subject of com-

munication with the mainland, a subject to which Burrel
speedily gave serious and fruitful consideration.^ In 1766
he had crossed by freighting a boat at Saltcoats, and leaving
at 10 A.M. arrived at the Castle by noon. In 1768 he takes
a wherry from Ayr, and in September 1769 crosses through
a storm in Captain Crawford's wherry. Saltcoats is again
the point of departure in March 1770, where he found Hans
Bannatyne's small wherry. Captain Campbell had caused
his wherry (the revenue cutter) to call for him the afternoon
before, but could not wait as he was in chase of some
smugglers. Such inconveniences pressed home the desira-
bility for a regular means of transport, and, as in all matters
where the general weal of the island was concerned, a meeting
of representative men was summoned by proclamation in
the churches. The occasion of such a gathering was also
taken advantage of to deal with other points of local
administration. The case in hand is a typical example
of such procedure. All public intimations were made from
the different pulpits.
' There was some sort of regular communication earlier than this date, as we see

from an advertisement in the Glasgow Journal of March 12, 1769 : There is a packet
'

heat settled to pass every week from Arran to Saltcoats for the conveniency of
travellers
; the day she comes from Saltcoats is Thursday. The freight is fixed to
prevent impositions.' Probably it did not pay, as was the fate of the ferry-boat
established in 1684 from Arran to Dungoie in Bute (Reid's History of Bute, p. 98).
 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 179

Advertisement to be read in the Churches on

Sunday, 25th March, 1770
This is and heritors in the island of
to give notice to the tenants
Arran that there to be a meeting held at the house of Andrew
is

Stewart, at the Cladoch, upon Thursday next, the 29th current, at

12 o'clock, in order to take under consideration the establishment
of a pacquet boat for the service of this island —
^to concert the proper

steps to be taken for making roads and erecting bridges here and —
as the tenants in the island have suffered greatly by the island not
being summed, there will also be taken under consideration the
propriety of summing and rouming ^ of the island, and as the tenants
seem to be imposed on by multerers,^ some means to prevent this
imposition to be considered of. As good seed corn for changing the
grain every three years is much wanted, to consider of proper steps
to be taken for procuring such a necessary article: and as there
seems to have been a fraudulent practice prevailing on this island
of butchering cattle and sheep without knowing to whom they belong,
some serious consideration on this subject will be necessary in order
to form a plan for preventing such frauds being committed in times
to come. It is, therefore, desired that the tenants of the following
districts, viz., from Lamlash to Kildonan, from Kildonan to the Black-
waterfoot, from the Blackwaterfoot to lorza Water, from lorza Water
to Lochranzay, from Lochranzay to Corrie, from Corrie to Lamlash,
to meet by themselves on Tuesday next, the 27th curt., and to chose

' Summing or souming is fixing the number of cattle, sheep, etc., in proportion to

the amount of summer pasture ; rouming is to fix the number for which winter fodder
can be provided.
^ That is the amount paid for the grinding of corn at the estate mills let out to
tenants. There were seven mills :
180 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
out from amongst themselves two of the most inteUigent tenants
who will, alongst with the heritors, the ministers, and catechist, meet
at the said Andrew Stewart's house at the time before-mentioned,
to consider of the above matters.

At the Cladoch, 29th March, 1770

In consequence of the advertisement read in the Churches on
Sunday last for a meeting here this day to consider of certain articles
contained in that advertisement, there were present the following
persons : —
John Burrel, commissioner George Cooper, factor Mr.
; ;

William M'Gregor, overseer on the part of the Duke of Hamilton ;

Mr. Gershom Stewart, Mr. John Hamilton, ministers Mr. John

;

FuUarton of M'Loy Mr. Lewis FuUarton, surgeon

; Mr. John
;

Hamilton, officer of excise at Ayr ; Mr. William Ogg, excise officer in

Arran and the following persons sent by the tenants
; —
Mr. Hector
:

MAlister in Monyquil, Mr. Alex. M'Gregor in Feorline, Duncan

M'Bride in Kilbride, Peter Hamilton in Kilmory, John Pettigrew
in Lag, Thomas Brown in Glenshant, John M'Cook in Bennecarrigan,
and Adam FuUarton at the Cladoch.
On some of the points connected with the packet service
there was As between Ayr, Saltcoats,
difference of opinion.
and Greenock, voted for in that order, Saltcoats was finally
decided upon. At first a scale of charge was fixed, but later
the Commissioner suggests as preferable that no islanders
should pay freight, but all assess themselves for the upkeep
of the boat, in proportion to their rent or to their souming
and sowing. The Duke was to provide the packet, and,
until one could be built, a vessel was hired and began a
weekly trip to Saltcoats, By November 1770 we have
notice of two packet-boats, one at Brodick with Hans
Bannatyne as master, another at Imachar commanded by
Duncan Sillar. Thereafter the traveller can arrange his
journey to catch the packet, though, of course, accidents
may happen. On July 29, 1776, Burrel arrived at Saltcoats
to find the packet had been there the previous afternoon, but
was gone. He went on to Ayr, where he found the packet
 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 181

on that port, but there was no wind, and he could not

call at
leave Ayr till two o'clock on the morning of August 1,
reaching Brodick eight hours later. Evidently there was
a grudge somewhere against the packet, or its ducal repre-
sentative, for in January 1773, when the Commissioner was
preparing to leave, it was found that the rudder had been
broken and two feet of planking cut out of the starboard
side. By 1776 a new boat is engaged in the trade, having
been specially built mainly from fir and oak cut in the Castle
woods, and costing, all told, £94, 3s. 3d. Apparently the
crew consists of Hans Bannatyne, William Henry, and
Andrew Wilson. But, long before the record of the settle-
ment of the account for construction, Bannatyne had paid
toll to the sea. In May 1776, while crossing with some
cattle to the low country,' Hans Bannatyne, his eldest
'

son, and a lad FuUarton are all drowned, and Bannatyne's

four small children, and FuUarton's mother, are left to the
charity of the estate.
At the close of October 1770 there falls on the island
a sudden scare of plague, and Mr. Burrel, as ever, meets
the emergency with no half measures. An Order of Council
and Act of Parliament arrive directing precautions to be
taken against the introduction of the disease from shipping,
the infected countries being Prussia and Pomerania. In
the usual way a meeting is summoned at Lamlash of twenty
of the most substantial tenants, to consider what is to be
done in the way of preventing any communication from
the island with ships passing up the Firth of Clyde. The
difficulty is that there are about two or three hundred young
fellows, sons of tenants and cottars, '
who have no visible
way of making bread but by smuggling,' and that there are
near 300 boats belonging to the island ; so that there is
very grave risk of importing that inveterate calamity, it
'

being next to impossible to restrain the young fellows from

going on board every ship that comes on their coast.' The
182 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
decision arrived at is that overseers are to be appointed for
certain divisions of the shore line, who will see to it 'that
every square-sail herring-boat of 16 feet keel and upwards
shall be drawn up and laid on its face at a specified spot,
and oars and tackling safely deposited, while all the smaller
boats are to be brought to "the Strawband" (Strabane) and
similarly disposed of there, until all danger of infection has
passed.' The necessary transport of cattle is allowed under
stringent regulations, which absolutely prohibit any boarding
of vessels on the way. The masters of the packet-boats
must find bail to observe a similar restraint while the over-
;

seers have also to see to it that there is no landing or lodging

of suspected strangers in the island.
On the very eve of the meeting a brig from the liOW
Country, ' most probably from Danzig,' put in overnight
to Lamlash Bay. At once the factor, Mr. Cooper, as Justice
of the Peace, sends a peremptory message to the master to
remove to quarantine at Greenock, on penalty of being
judged guilty of felony and so 'of death as a felon without
benefit of clergy,' according to a clause in the Act of Parlia-
ment failing which boats will be sent to cut his cables and
;

send him adrift. The master of the brig returns a verbal

message desiring them to give themselves no further im-
easiness, as he had just received from his owners an order
to proceed to Irvine and was about to do so. A communica-
tion to Baron Muir, one of the tutors, brings a reply nearly
as unsympathetic, for he protests they in Arran seem to be
more alarmed about the plague than those on the mainland,
and that they should do all in their power to prevent
'

smugglers from going aboard vessels, which seems to him

to be the only risk they run.' But in all things Burrel's
motto was '
thorough.'
All projects of Highland improvement, now and later,
included the formation of villages as seats of trade and
handicraft, and the Commissioner cherishes a like scheme
H

2;
w

w
 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 183

for Arran. He
contemplates such centres at Lamlash,
Loch Ranza, and Shedag, but only at the two former,
Torlin,
where there was already a nucleus, does anything of the kind
take shape. At Lamlash, on the east and south of the
change-house or inn at Bay-head, were eleven houses form-
ing a hamlet known as Clamperton, and ten on the west
side were called the Bay of Lamblash,' as the name is always
'

written in the present Record. The local schoolmaster in

1770 supplied the information that the five houses lying
'

to the south of the T'VTiitehouse were built by Duchess Ann,

with the design to draw the people from that nasty hole
called Clamperton and the Bay to this dry and wholesome
situation, in order to form a village under the name of
Arrantoim.' Burrel continues the plan of clearing the
older settlements and providing a new street, doing the best
possible to meet some cases of hardship. At Lamlash, too,
there is the charity of the poor's asylum,' where a house
'

and kailyard are provided for such pensioners. Further,

there is elaborate provision for the formation, here and in
other quarters, of lots for mechanics and fishermen, and we
have note of half a dozen Montrose men, aged from fourteen
to twenty-five, who are settled at Lamlash and offer to
deliver, at Lamlash or Saltcoats, cod, ling, haddock, whiting,
flounder, sole, and thomback not exceeding four cwt. for
15d. per stone of 24 lbs. Dutch, to be paid them on delivery
(Nov. 1776). There is evidence throughout that the fishings,
except that of herring, were not developed, even that instruc-
tion in the art was necessary no doubt the speculative
;

distractions of smugghng were a good deal to blame.

Other zealous undertakings are the resumption of work
in the coal-seams at the Cock and the opening of various
limestone quarries,^ and the Commissioner, in default of any

-' ' —
There are extensive old limestone quarries at Corrie they extend up the steep
and the limestone has been much wrought in artificial
hillside for a quarter of a mile,
caves, besides having been worked at the outcrop towards the dip till in places there
 — — '

184 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

proper geological knowledge, which indeed was not then
possible, even climbs Aird Bheinn on an afternoon to hunt
for coal and find stray blocks of limestone. He acts on a
story of coal at Drumadoon and finds only freestone. ^ Good
slate is uncovered in the Loch Ranza district. Between 1773
and 1776 some two to three hundred thousand are sold at
prices from £l per thousand some of these greyish slates
:

may still be seen on houses in Loch Ranza and Newton.

The various woods still surviving in a despondent fashion
also receive timely attention, and are among the first things
to be enclosed. There were still woods of a sort at Corrie, '

were nearly 30 feet of cover. Much lime was formerly exported, but very little is
now worked in the island, and on the Shiskine side lime is imported from Ireland.'
Memoirs of Geol. Survey, vol. xxi. p. 148.
' '
He told me that he heard his mother say that her father told her that coals
were found here and in such plenty that the smith made all his iron work with them ;

but when I went and examined the plans I found nothing but red freestone rock and
other stratas which are the most Barron Simtymes (barren symptoms) of coal
(Sept. 26, 1776). The Coal-Measures in Arran are confined to the north part of
the island on the east side between Fallen Rocks and Cock, a strip a quarter of a mile
'

broad of Caleiferous Sandstones, Carboniferous Limestone, etc., with seams of ' blind
coal below Lag-gan. The coal was difficult to work, and had been principally used for
the manufacture of salt from sea-water. The salt-pans were near by. The
'
'

' Cock lime quarry lies east from Saltpans' (Burrel, Sept. 6, 1782). Work at this
coal dates from an early period, and seems to have ceased some time before Burrel
made a fresh start. In 1729 the Duke of Hamilton represents that he has been at
great expense in improving his salt and coal works in the Isle of Arran (Calendar of
Treasury Papers, cxiii. No. 704). There are three seams of coal, the largest of three
or four feet in thickness. Burrel also sank a boring for 114 feet 6 inches on the
Clachland shore, where he never would find coal.
'There are extensive old quarries in the white Carboniferous freestone of Corrie
which was much wrought a century or more ago. It was used in the construction of
the Crinan Canal, and is said to have been shipped to the Isle of Man for building
purposes. At present the red freestone of the Triassic rocks is the principal building
stone in Arran, and there are large quarries in it at Brodick and Corrie. The stone
is soft and easily worked, and is said to harden by exposure to the air. Lai-ge blocks
of it can be obtained, and from Corrie the stone is largely exported to various parts of
—
the Clyde district, and some going much farther away a mansion in Rum being built
of it. Troon harbour is said to have been built out of the material from the northern
quarry. In the neighbourhood of Lochranza a tough, gritty schist is used for
building purposes. At Millport the white freestone of the islands in the bay is
quarried for like purposes, and the Upper Old Red Sandstone is largely worked south
of Figgatoch.' Memoirs of Geol. Survey, vol. xxi. p. 148.
 —

THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 185

Sannox bank, Collimore, Penrioch, Algoloch, Barrican and

Dougary banks, Kilpatrick, Glenkisdalle, Knockenkly, Kings-
cross, Cordon, Monimore, Glenkill and Palister, Lamlash
Isle, Altaharvie, Strathwhillan bank, Glencloy burn and the
Castle.' 1 but many of these were in a very poor state. Of
the woods at Penrioch and Altgobhlach the tenant reported
that the whole island had cut them for their own use,' and
'

till such time as they were all debarred he thought it needless

'

for him debarring himself,' On which Mr. Burrel comments :

'This made me almost angry.' At this time (May 1776)

the Castle Park is the only enclosure in Arran,' and yet
'

with much more ground vacant than under wood. There-

after a good deal of planting is done from time to time with
a calculated view to future profit.
It is sad to find the blind spot of the business eye reveal
itself in this wise There is no part of cultivation and im-
:
'

provement the Memorialist would grudge to give money

out for more than the building of Kirks.' Nevertheless,
needs must that such a profitless outlay be made. At the
very moment the Memorialist was penning this outburst

• —
Wood. 'There is much natural wood in Arraiij mostly of hirch, aldei'j hazelj
rowan, and willow, with some scrubby oak. Belts of these trees are found along the
sea-coast from Dougrie to Lochranza on the west coast, and on the east coast between
Sannox and Brodick. There is a good deal of natural wood also in the lower parts
of some of the glens, especially in Lag a Bheidh and in Glen Cloy, also in the Shiskine
district near the Machrie Water, and in the lower part of Glen Rosie. In Glen
Dubh (Glen Cloy) the wood grows up to about 800 feet above the sea, and to nearly
the same height in Coire Fhraoich (Glen Rosie) and on the higher ground west of
Corrie. Along several of the smaller streams trees flourish up to nearly 1000 feet,
especially if the streams run in ravines, but the only locality where there is a small
forest at this height is at Doire na Ceardaich, to tlie east of the summit of the Corrie
and Lochranza road. One or two stunted specimens of the rowan tree were observed
on the north side of Glen Sannox at a height of about 1500 feet near Suidhe Fhearghas.
' There are many artificial fir plantations in Bute and a few in Great
Cumbrae. In
Arran the largest are around Brodick Bay ; and up the Merkland Burn and in Glen
Shurig these trees flourish up to nearly 700 feet above the sea. There are plantations
also at Whitefarland, Sannox, South Corrygills, etc. Suidhe plantation in Bute rises
to above 500 feet. Glen lorsa in Arran is almost treeless, and the granite district
generally is comparatively bare of wood.' Memoirs qfGeol. Survey, vol. xxi. pp. 160-51.
VOL. II. 2 A
186 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
(1772), materials were already lying in position for the con-
struction of a new church at Lamlash. Four years later the
inhabitants of the ' numberous parish of Kilmorie also are '

petitioning for a new church, for the reason that their old one
was too small by half and past repair. It being conjectured
that it will cost less to build a new one than
to adapt the
old, and the tenants having been bound to do the carrying all
of materials, the prayer of the petition at first wins favour.
However, estimates are taken for both reconstruction and
a new building, and it turns out that the new building is
the more expensive. This must have been decisive for the
time, as the new church was not built till 1785.^ The
estimate had provided for the seating of 550 persons the ;

repaired church with galleries is to hold 750. The manse

too is under extensive repair. By 1776 the outlay on the
church of Kilbride amounts to £376, 18s. 4d., including a
bell and belfrey at £5 each, and a decent pulpit and '

precentor's seat and desk,' £10. The church was to hold

530 people.
Both road and rogue money were county rates, and,
'
'

'
as good roads and bridges are the first step to improvement
in all cultivated countries,' the tutors proposed to get the
share of both rates paid by Arran expended on the island
for the future in making and repairing the roads and erecting
'

bridges.' Apparently there were no rogues needing atten- '

'

tion. The statutory share of the tenants, cottars, etc., in

such public works was to do six days' labour a year, or,
failing that, pay eighteenpence a day. At the meeting
described above, this duty, which everywhere was normally
neglected, was brought under consideration, and the re-
solution was in favour of doing the work rather than paying
the money the inhabitants of each of the six districts to
;

see to their own roads. This mode of dealing with a great

public necessity had long proved itself inefficient roads. ;

' Nem Statistical Account.

 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 187
in general were extremely bad, and
it is no exception that
in Arran they wereunspeakable.'
'

After provision for these changes the following public

burdens remained for discharge by the estate:

1776

Minister's Stipend of Kilbride

do. do. Kilmorie
Catechist's Salary at Lochranza
Communion Elements
Nine Schoolmasters' Salaries
 —

188 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

at the average of 5 to a family makes 5550 mouths that must
be maintained ; and if to these be added, for necessary
mechanics of all kinds, tinkers, labourers, etc., 300 families,
the whole island must contain 7050 souls.^
There are 10,067 acres arable ground and meadow that
'

has been ploughed and cultivated lying within the said belt,
and there is 15,770 acres of pasture ground, mostly capable
of cultivation.^
'
Many thought and contemplation the
a serious
Memorialist have bestowed upon the cultivation and im-
provement of this island, which had the effect to produce
many a different idea what of these he can remember he
;

shall state in order to be approven of or corrected, etc.

'From 18 years acquaintance with the island he begs
leave to observe that the island is oppressed with too many
people, as well as too many cattle as to the former he had ;

' Mr. Pennant's figures for cattJe, etc., in the same year run thus :

Milk Cows . . . 3183

Cattle, 1 to 3 years old 2000
Horses 1058
Sheep 1500
Goats 500
He adds :
' Many of the two last are killed at Michaelmas and dried for winter
provision, or sold at Greenock. The cattle are sold from forty to fifty shillings per
head, which brings into the island about £1200 per annum. I think the sale of

horses also brings in about £300. Hogs were introduced here only two years ago.
The herring fishing round the island brings in £300, the sale of herring nets £100,
and that of thread about £300, for a good deal of flax is sown here. There are the
exports of the island; but the money that goes out for mere necessaries isa melancholy
drawback.
'The produce of the island is oats ; of which about five thousand bolls, each equal
to nine Winchester bushels, are sown five hundred of beans, a few peas, and above a
:

thousand bolls of potatoes are annually set ; notwithstanding this, five hundred bolls
of oatmeal are annually imported, to subsist the natives." Pennant's Tour, edit.—
1774, p. 177.
2 Headrick thinks this much short of the actual area. Still, if other proprietors

than the Duke hold about 300 acres, and the Duke's gross rent works out to £5500,
this leaves the arable at less than 10s. an acre and nothing for pasture. Headrick
thinks that with improvements the rent could be raised to £15,000 or even £20,000 a
year, with advantage to everybody. View of Arran, p. 305.
 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 189

some hopes which to his sorrow, is now

of their emigration,
and as to the latter he refers to his last journal
like to vanish,
if man could do more to reduce their numbers.

That the people are naturally healthy, lazy, and robust,

'

yet from experience he finds that had he time to attend them,

he would not be afraid in a short time to turn out 500 as
good workmen as are in Scotland it 's therefore a pity they
;

were not both taught and employed within the island.'^

What promotes their laziness is their possession of
'

about 49,173 acres in common, and it is his opinion, founded

on facts, that the poor people called tenants, who actually
pays the whole rent to his Grace, does not possess i of the
common pasture, the other half being eat up by the cattle
belonging to the young fellows, who sorn upon the old people
throughout the whole of their time, except the times they
are either catching herrings or smuggling.'
A brief word on the big subject of game. At the close
of the seventeenth century there were about four hundred
deer in the island carefully preserved for sport, and any
tenant killing one without licence was liable to a fine of £20
Scots. They were under charge of the forester, and when
he thought them too numerous he granted licences for killing
a certain number on the condition that he had the skins.^
Blackcock, too, was forbidden sport. In 1778 it is observed
that the stags, which used to abound, are now reduced to
'

a dozen.' ^
Nevertheless, circumstances seem not to have favoured
the thriving of deer. Within a quarter of a century it can
be said that the red deer are either wholly, or nearly, ex-
'

tirpated,' lacking, it is suggested, proper covert from the '

improvident destruction of the woods.' A few might still

' ' The inhabitants in general are sober, religious and industrious . excepting
. .

at new-year's day, at marriages, or at the two or three fairs in the island, they have no
leisure for any amusement : no wonder then at their depression of spirits.' —
Pennant's
Tour, edit. 1774, p. 177. Cf. further extract from Aiton's Surt<ey of Bute on p. 211.
2 Martin, p. 222. ' Pennant, p. 175.
190 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
be found, so report ran, among the recesses of the mountains.
Roes and wild boars were wholly extinct. The wild goats
had shrunk to a handful. On the other hand, black-cock '

and grouse swarm in unbounded profusion.' ^ Pennant had

noted the presence of the partridge in his day, a proof of '

the advancement of agriculture.' Headrick commits him-

self only to a few at the south end.'
' Apparently the
birds of prey, eagles and hawks, had helped to account for
the disappearance of game, but the premiums given by
the estate for their destruction had nearly secured their
extirpation.
Some details of expenditure drawn from BurreVs Journal
may here be inserted. An account of the farms and tenants
in 1766 and 1773 will be found in Appendix B, p. 357.

MISCELLANEOUS ACCOUNTS, 1773

/. Expense of boring for Coal

Accompt His Grace the Duke of Hamilton to Richard Hamilton,

George Cowie, David Adamson and John Arbuckle for making a
tryal of the Coal at the Cock of Arran and Boaring 19 Fathoms
5 inches on the Shore of Wester Clauchlands.

Boness to Saltcoats ....

To Rents and Hamilton's Horse hyre from £

To Expence
the horse ......
of Tolls

To Richard Hamilton
and 3 Nights keeping

a week at Saltcoats
@ 12s
George Cowie do. do. @ 9s.
David Adamson do. do. @ do.
John Arbuckle do. do. @ 12s.
 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 191
Expence of frying the Cock Coal. £ s. d.
To Richard Hamilton 3 weeks @ 12s. 1 16
David Adamson 11 weeks @ 9s. 4 19
George Cowie 11 do. @ do. 4 19
John Arbuckle 3 do. @ 12s. 1 16

Sum to Colliers.

To Donald M'Killop 25 days @ Is. and

18| @ lOd. 2 5
Angus M'Killop, Sen'. 30 days @ Is. . 1 10
Angus M'Killop, Jun'. 14 do. @ do. . 14
Ax. M'Kelvie 34 do. @ do. . 1 14
Lauchlan Currie 12 do. @ do. . 12
Ax. M'KUvie 19 do. @ lOd: 15 10
Angus M'Killop 19 do. @ do. 15 10
John M'Killop 231 do. @ do. 19 7
Ax. M'Killop 21i do. (S). do. 17 11
Angus M'Killop 8 do. 6 8
Daniel Kerr 3 do. 2 6

To Ax. Kerr for Smith work 2

To Donald M'Allan for Sheering Timber . 6
To Jn, and T^ Nicol each three days . 6

Expense of Boreing 19 Fathoms 5 Inches

on the West Clauchland Shore in Search of
Coal.
To Risschard Hamilton 11 weeks @ 12s. . 6 12
David Adamson 3 do. @ 9s. .

George Cowie 3 do. @ do. .

To John Arbuckles Extra trouble going to

roads (rods)
To oU and
.....
Hamilton and returning with Boring

candles furnished by Patrick

M'Bride
To Ax. Hamilton for ropes
192 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
To Ax. Kerr for making and repairing some
of the rods £4 6
To a greatification given Sundries of the
Islanders for their trouble helping to
bore 5 10
To Hamilton for leading roads and
Jn.
timber to Lamlash
To William Henry for do.
To Harie Bannatyne for Leather
To James Moris Smith in Saltcotes for
making and repairing roads (rods)

To allowance to Carrie us home . . 1 10

 :

THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 193

IV. Domestic Accounts

Acct. of Articles furnished by Doctor Fullarton for his house
keeping since I came to the Island, viz.

2 gross of Corks from Ayr

194 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
45 lib.Suggar @ 9J, 32 do. @ 10|d. and
6 do. @ lid 3 9 li
2| of Tea @ 6s. 6d.
lib. 17 lOi
1 lib. do. @ 3s. 3
1 lOi
6* stone Candles @ 8s. 8d. £2 16 4
18J do. do. @ 6d. 9 3
3 5
12 pecks potatoes @ 7d. .

10 lib. Cheese @ 4d
I lib. piper Is. and | lib. mustard Is. .

52 lib. barley@ 2d., 8 do. 3d. @

2| Bolls meal @ 18s. . .£294
3^ Bolls do. @ 16s. . . 2 10

2 Cows

Sum 1st Account

 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 195
III

In the end the degree of success to Burrel's credit is

not great, judging from the accounts of later investigators.
The common pasture remained undivided but he had
;

resigned himself to that. Enclosures, however, went no

further forward, save in the case of the head-dykes separating
the arable land from the pasture, and these Mr. Headrick
dismisses as '
useless.' For the rest, the farms remained
undivided and in joint tenancy, despite the project of 1772,
or reverted to this condition by the breakdown of the en-
closing scheme. There was indeed little of the alluring
about this scheme, in view of the immediate and prospective
increase of rent. At the beginning of the nineteenth century
the only tenant in the island who had a self-contained farm
of hiU and dale, apart, for his own, was Mr. Crawford of
Machrie, who had also introduced black-faced sheep with
an Argyllshire shepherd ; but even his farm appears to have
been unfenced, for 'all the sheep and cattle of the island'
intruded upon his grazing, because he kept it in good con-
dition. Mr. Hamilton of Glenluig (Glenlaogh) was another
' '

who had introduced superior sheep, but he had to put them

on the common. Otherwise the system already described
was in full operation, turning out its two and threefold crops
of barley, oats, and pease, while the more prolific potato had
become the staplefood of the people. And very good
potatoes, too, in the opinion of Mr. Headrick. The offer
by Burrel of additional soums for every acre of waste land
brought under cultivation can scarcely have accomplished
much, since every one continued to crowd as many cattle
on the pasture as he could, some who held no land at all,
others greedily overstepping a fair allowance, and the cattle
wizened and poor through scarcity of feed.
Thus it is written in 1807 Small as this rent is for such
:
'

an extensive island, it is believed that part of it is extracted

from other sources than the produce of the land and that
;
196 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
according to the present system of management, the people
could not bear an additional rise.' ^
The routine of the island life in the eighteenth century,
as it might be observed by an outsider, was simple and
laborious enough. From the beginning of February to the
end of May all are at work on the land, each farm, however,
own times and following its own methods by
setting its
common agreement. Summer is the season for the cutting
and storing of peat as the only fuel in use, and along with
this the houses must receive their annual repair ; being such
as they are, they require constant attention. The women
do most of the reaping, at which they are very skilled,
cutting (with the hook) ' close and clean.' It is they, too,
who set the potatoes. Harvest home, the men go to the
herring fishery, and in the autumn there is also a burning
of fern for kelp. Most of the kelp, however, was made from
the sea-wrack, but neither the stones on which wrack might
grow nor the facilities of the Arran beach are very favourable
to this industry. The wrack was most abundant on the
rocky southern shore and round Pladda and the Holy Isle.
A smack used to call every year at Torlin, Lag, and the
Cleats to take away the kelp, while tenants came in boats
to cut a share of the richer crop of sea-plants in that coast
and in both islands, paying the tenants of the Holy Isle 2s.
a boatload for the privilege. An old farmer, born in 1816,
tells how, when he was a young man, he and his neighbours
in Blairmore used to take a smack round to the south end
in the spring to cut the wrack there. The local people had
all they required from the shore the visitors took it from
:

the rocks, and each party helped the other. Each smack-
load, for the hire, whisky (it was a cold wet business), and
provisions, cost about two pounds. Kelp was being made
till about 1836.
> View
of Arran, p. 306. Gross rent is £5500, which was about ten shillings per
acre for arable land, allowing nothing for hill pasture.
 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 197

Ofcrude manufactured stuff, which was produced

this
by burning the dried wrack, and which was a soda, some was
used for bleaching the uative hnen. It also supplied the
basis of the home-made soap. The sea plants themselves
made excellent manure. But beyond this the leases, started
in 1814 and repeated in 1828 and 1835—after which the
small tenants possessed only from year to year—in every
case contained a clause binding the tenant to furnish a ton
of kelp yearly. Obviously the manufacture had been in
existence before the earliest date. At 2s. per hundredweight
it was credited to the rent if not made or of poor quality
;

4s. per cwt. was charged against the tenant for the amount
of shortage.^ The landlord, of course, saw a good profit
before him at that rate hence the fine for his loss.
;

It is the testimony of one aged tenant that whisky and '

kelp were the two ways people made their money.' But
the industry was really fading away before the last leases
had expired.^
During the indoor life of winter the men made herring
nets, while the women spun flax and wove the coarse woollen
cloth which habited themselves and their families. As an
interlude there was the shelling vacation, now wholly
obliterated, when the butter and cheese were made in the
bothan airidh, on the mountain pastures.^ For food there
was chiefly potatoes and meat, with dried goat or mutton
as kitchen in the hard days of winter. Not a gay life to
' '

the superficial eye of the stranger. Pennant usually saw

things on their worst side, and he is insistent on the de- '

jection exhibited by the Arran faces

'
no time can be
: '

1But no kelp is credited in the estate books to tenants in Loch Ranza or Lamlash,
where any made was reserved for their own use.
^ Information mainly from the precognitions of witnesses (1898) in the case
regarding the ownership of the Arran foreshores. Ownership was settled in favour of
the estate.
' 'The people here make very little cheese, except some from skimmed milk for

their own use. But they make excellent butter, of a bright yellow colour, and fine
flavour ; which they cure with Irish salt in a very superior style (Headrick, p. 321).
'
198 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
spared for amusement of any kind ; the whole being given
for procuring the means of paying the rent, of laying in their
fuel/ or getting a scanty pittance of meat and clothing.' ^
There were distractions, however, to which the traveller
perhaps did not give proper weight the inhabitants, we are
:

informed by an authority in 1793, attend divine service with

'

great regularity are well acquainted with the Scriptures

; ;

show a good example to their children, and instruct them in

the principles of Christianity.' ^^ And in the past half-century
a healthy population had increased considerably. More-
over, if the climate was frequently unpleasant, Martin found,
a hundred years before, that ' the natives think a dram of
strong waters is a good corrective.' It is always difficult
to gauge the happiness of other people.
If we are to accept implicitly the evidence of Mr. Headrick,
Arran in one respect was a stage beyond the equipment of
the Highlands generally, indeed of much of Scotland, and
that was in its housing. But, compared with other con-
temporary accounts, Headrick' s description seems to be true
only of the very best examples. The houses of the tenants
clustered in little groups somewhere near one end of the
farm, constituting the ' farm-toun and round them
'
;

stretched a piece of pasture land, on which the cattle might

be collected and by which they could be led beyond the
com land. This was the loaning.' The houses, built by
'

the farmers themselves,* were of stone and clay, thatched

' 'There are extensive tracts covered with thick peat in the island of Arran,
mainly on the hijfher plateau-like ground between 700 and 1700 feet above the sea^
but occasionally it is found at lower levels, as on the old raised beaches on either side
the lower part of the Machrie Water. It was formerly much used for fuel all over
the island, and almost everywhere old peat-roads to the hills still exist (Memoirs of
'

Geol. Survey, vol. xxi. pp. 146-7). Peat is still much used on the west side.
' Pennant, p. 176.

' Rev. Gershom Stewart, minister of Kilbride, in Statistical Account.

* Headrick, p. 312. General View of the Agriculture of Bute, by William Alton,
p. 99. Alton remarks: 'The houses, or rather huts, are deplorable hovels, built
without mortar,' p. 79.
 '

THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 199

with straw sometimes, with heather more often, over which

hung the heather ropes weighted with stone as a protection
of the roofing against the wind such a wind as on one
;

occasion, the old folks say on the west side, blew the ripe
grains out of the heads of barley, so that women now old
had then, as little girls, to help in gathering them off the
fields. In every case the dweUing-house held two apartments,
a but and a ben.' Within the doorway of the larger
'
'
'

apartment was a porch formed by a screen of clay-plastered

straw, in which also there was a door. The fireplace, at
the opposite end, was of flat stones sunk in the floor, and had
a free space all round it,^ while the smoke escaped through
a hole in the roof, above which rose a conical chimney-head
lined with clay, supplying a draught. From a cross-beam
hung the crook for the cooking-pots, and a swey or small ' '

crane made it possible to use large boilers.

Often the byre was entered from a door off the hallan,
but not by the cattle, which had their own entry Bums :

in this way refers to the milk cow that, yont the hallan
'

snugly chews her cood.'

Wooden beds or bunks filled up the partition between
the outer and inner apartment, or a clay whitewashed screen,
and there was a passage and door through. This was the
superior room. It was floored with flag-stones or deal
boards and might have also a ceiling of deal, while the walls
were whitewashed or even plastered. A fireplace within
jambs and a chimney in the wall were a further distinction
from the kitchen. Glass windows were not yet universal,
and the outer room had often to do with a shuttered case-
ment, but they were likely to be found in the inner apart-
ment, since on the window alone, as the only opening to the
outside, it depended for its light.
' 'In my was no girdle in use in Shisken. At that
father's father's time there
time the fires were in the middle of the floor, and the bannocks were baked so thick
that they stood up against stones placed round the fire, and were cooked in that way
(Communicated),
200 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Each tenant had a byre, stable, and shed for implements,
some even had a shed for peats. The kiln was usually-
common to the village, in shape like an inverted cone, where
the corn, laid upon straw supported by cross props, got a
perilous and irregular drying from the peat fire at the open-
ing of the level. Whatever assistance in materials they might
get, these buildings were all constructed and repaired by
'

the people themselves which occupies much valuable time

;

during summer and they are arranged without order or

;

symmetry.' ^
Implements were almost solely of wood, and wood had
become a rare material in Arran, owing to the reckless way
in which the plantings had been treated.^ To get new stuff
meant a boat's trip to Ayr or Argyllshire, when it was heard
that the woods were being cut and between time, which ;

might be a fortnight's absence, and labour, the cost would

run pretty high. The wooden plough required two pairs of
horses and often as many men, to lead, direct, and finish
behind with a spade, probably also of wood. The cascrom,
or foot-plough, was at this time unknown in Arran. ^ Much
use was made of the sledge on two poles, into which the horse
was yoked a creel or a wooden back served to contain
;

the manure or peats. At South End, or where there was

level ground or anything like a road, small light carts might
be found, which were imported from Ayrshire a proof :
'

that they are willing to adopt the most improved practices,

were they put into a situation to render it possible.' * But
' Headrick, p. 315.
2 'It being observed that no regard had to growing trees, but that every one
is

cuts and destroys them and in the most barbarous manner cutting
at their pleasure,
oif the verry tops of the growing trees for bedding to their body in place of heather
which is much better, for rigwoodys to their carrs and bindings for their cattle in
place of ropes, which is much better for the purpose/ etc. Follows an intimation of
the legal penalties for cutting growing timber (Burrel, May 1770).
3 Ibid., p. 316.
* Ibid., p. 317. '. . . the inhabitants, though peaceable and willing to become
industrious, are, by the situations in which they have hitherto been placed, doomed to
 THE FIRST OF THE IMPROVERS 201

were only the packhorse

for all cross-country traffic there
and the sure-footed ponies of the island
little sledges even ;

could not find a way over the rough interior or from farm
to farm. The making of roads owed a beginning to the
Duchess Anne, and all the statute-labour regulations had
sufficed to do nothing but keep these poor tracks in repair.
Moreover, going straight on, not round but over a hill, they
were the work of people who thought nothing of wheeled
traffic, which was everywhere in Scotland an exceptional
luxury. A road of this description led through Glen Sherraig
to the other side, and another from Brodick to Lamlash.^
A very steep track went from Shisken to the limestones
of the Clachan Glen, and a track on the north side of this
glen went over to Lamlash. Of stone bridges not a single
example there were only wooden spans.
:

The manner of life depicted above will be found to under-

lie many of the folk anecdotes noted here and there. Joint
farming was bound to give rise to incidents in which friction
would develop between the more energetic and the more
casual workers. Sometimes it is a ridiculing of the former,
as in the case of the Glenree woman, who took advantage of
a fine harvest moon to cut her rig, only to find in the morn-
ing that the reaping she had done was not of her own, but
of a neighbovir's crop, and that, in snatching straps to ' '

bind her sheaves from, as she thought, the standing corn of

another, she had really been encroaching on her own. Much
depended too on the character of the Fear Bhaile, the headman
of the township, the arbiter in disputes, he who fixed the
time to begin any stage of the common work. If he and
his family were easy going, irksome would be the wait which
the rest would have, holding off for the leader to make a
start, since neither planting nor shearing could there be till

poverty and misery, out of which they cannot, while things remain on their present
footing, extricate themselves.' —
Aiton (in 1810), p. 79.
1 Aiton, p. 327.
VOL. II. 2C
202 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
the great one was on the spot. As we have seen, too, in
the previous chapter, the straying of one person's cattle into
another person's corn might divide a township into warring
sections. Or whole townships might be at variance over their
respective rights of pasture, as in October 1779 when Hector
M'AUster, tenant on Moine Choill (Monyquil), petitions for
^

liberty to pasture his cattle in Tornacraig (Tarrnacreige) as

usual, and the Commissioner records Finding that the
:
'

above piece of ground has occasioned a great deal of ill-

humour amongst the tenants of the three contending towns,
i.e. Monnyquile, Glenloig, and Dinnenach, and finding that

the ground itself will only maintain the number of 20 cattle,

therefore agree that, till such time as his Grace shall think
proper to plant that ground, that the tenant of Monnyquile
shall have liberty to pasture 9, the tenant of Glenloig 4,
the tenants of Dinnenach 7 head of cattle, and this settle-
ment to continue till such time as his Grace shall think
proper to alter it.'
One dignified official must not be forgotten ^the Deputy- —
Admiral of Arran. The Commission for this office to Alex-
ander M'Grigor of Knochan,' in 1782, empowers him to
' '

seize and take possession of in his Grace's name the whole

wrecks of ships and boats with their contents, together with
timber or any other articles floated by water, and whatever
seizures you make that you shall have one-fifth part of the
value thereof ; and for your further encouragement pay the
expense you may lie at in making any apparatus for weighing
and bringing to shore the great numbers of anchors lying
in the harbour of Lamlash or in any other harbour in the
said isles, in place of one-fifth of the value thereof you shall
be allowed one-half.' The Duke himself was Admiral with
these rights of flotsam and treasure-trove, which he thus
exercised through a deputy it was not a warlike dignity.
:

I
On Hector M'Alister see further p. 111.
 —

CHAPTER X
IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION
Religious life — the 1812-13— the 'outcrying' and
Revivals of 1804-5,
various opinions thereon — an
Arran communion and church-going
—
renewal of improvement in the island clearances and emigration the —
—
Sannox clearance the occasion of the Canadian Boat Song story of —
—
Megantic settlers condition of the other properties, the Westenra
— —
and Fullarton estates exports of the island population commercial —
directory.

To the prophet on the mountain there came first a great

wind and thereafter an earthquake. Arran in the early
years of the nineteenth century was first profoundly moved
by successive outbursts of religious emotion, then suffered
a social upheaval, in which, over the greater part of the
island, the old order of things and the old landmarks were
finally removed.
For both experiences the island was still almost virgin
soil. Arran, we have seen, had at no time, so far, been
marked by any prominence in religious zeal. The religious
revivals which had spread from district to district of Scotland
in the years after 1742 never touched its shores. A slumber '

of spiritual death '

is the description of the religious state
of the island at the beginning of the nineteenth century.
'
Thirty years ago,' it is written, the state of religion in '

this island was exceedingly bad.' ^ Yet Kirk Sessions had

been pretty wakeful throughout the eighteenth century, nor
had ministers been asleep. The Rev. Gershom Stewart, in
' Revival of Religion in Arran, by Rev. Angus M'Millan, minister of Kilmorie (1830).
203
204 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
his appreciation of the reHgious character of the people/
had, of course, a different measure of judgment, a measure,
too, which has httle in common with the phenomena of
enthusiasm and emotional outpouring which are the grounds
of judgment of the later critics. To these Evangelicals
being moderate was to be in spiritual darkness. It is a
moderate mind who viewed the characteristics of revival
in the following fashion Upwards of twenty years ago,
:
'

owing in a great degree to the encouragement given by the

minister of one of the parishes, a great number of people
were led to believe that their conversion must be instan-
taneous and palpable, and that the operations of the Holy
Spirit should be as manifest now as in the time of the
apostles.' ^ The fuller bearing of this statement will be
made clear presently it is cited in this connection only
:

to help in showing the radical difference in point of view,

and how what is admirable to one side may seem obnoxious
to the other. And it is quite possible to exaggerate either
way neither were the people of Arran so bad before one
:

particular date, nor so good after another, unless we take

a very narrow test of goodness.
Moreover, it is very possible to read wrongly the habits
of a people. For example, in 1800 the brothers Haldane
visited Arran on a preaching tour. Robert and James
Haldane had both resigned promising positions in the Navy
and devoted themselves and their wealth to the propagation
of their own reading of Christian teaching, which finally
brought them into conflict with the Church of Scotland and
resulted in their setting up independent congregations of
worshippers in tabernacles,' as their meeting-houses were
'

called. In the year mentioned these men preached in the

villages and townships of the island, generally, as their habit

' See p. 141.

2 Mr. Paterson's (factor) 'Account of the Island of Arran' in Prize Essays of the
Highland Society, N.S., vol. v. pp. 141-2.
 IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 205

was, in the open air. A record of their impression

runs
thus :The ignorance of the Celtic inhabitants was great,
'

and as an instance of their rude ^ manners, Mr. James

Haldane mentioned, at his Jubilee Meeting in 1849, that on
a sacramental occasion he had been present, in a parish
church, when there was a pause, and none of the people
seemed disposed to approach the Communion tables. On
a sudden he heard the crack of sticks, and looking round
saw one descend on the bald head of a Highlander behind
him. It was the ruling elders driving the poor people
forward to the tables, much in the same manner as they were
accustomed to pen their cattle at a market. Had this
happened in a remote corner of Popish Ireland it would
have been less wonderful, but the Gaelic population of
Presbyterian Arran seemed accustomed to submit to this
rough disciphne without a murmur.' ^
Now any Highlander, or any one familiar with the ex-
ternal forms of Highland religion, will recognise the fallacy
of this interpretation. It was, and to some extent still is,
a mark of Highland piety to be unwilling to go forward to '
'

the Communion table, to delay, to hesitate, to be adjured by

the officiating clergyman, to be pushed and encouraged by
neighbours. Contrasting Highland and Lowland practice,
one well qualified to speak describes how Highlanders from
'
sensitiveness of conscience, shrink from approaching the
table of the Lord, fearing that it is not legitimate nor safe
for them to do so.' ^ What Mr. Haldane saw was a perhaps
extreme and ludicrous instance of this modesty, but what
it certainly was not is the interpretation he puts upon the

incident.
The Haldanes left their deepest impression in the Sannox
1 Rude mannerly sense, primitive rather than impolite.
in the religious not '
'

^ and James Haldane, p. 281.

Lives of Robert
' The Days of the Fathers in Ross-shire, by Dr. Kennedy, p. 139. Many pages are
devoted to a discussion of the Highland and Lowland practices in this connection.
The present writer can speak as an eyewitness of backwardness of this type.
206 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
district, where, in 1834, after all that had happened there,
a congregation of Independents, reduced to not more than
a dozen, survived as a remnant.^ There is still such a
congregation. Otherwise almost the whole population was
of the Established Church.
It is clear, then, that it is with the visit of the Haldanes
that the religious movement in Arran had a beginning.
They it was who sowed the fiery seed.^ So much, too, is
shown by the fact that it was in the north end of the island,
'
about the farms of Sannox and their neighbourhood,'
that the religious activity of 1804-5 had its origin. But its
effects, a kind of reformation,' were most conspicuous in,
'

though not confined to, the parish of Kilmorie, in which

the Rev. Neil M'Bride had been settled since 1802. Mr.
M'Bride had the temperament and manner suited to such
occasions, and with this series his name has come to be
specially associated. The spread of the first wave of revival
was slow, and, in comparison with later occurrences, it may
be described as in no way exceptional. And, as in all cases
of strong emotional experience, relapse or reaction inevitably
followed, and the religious mind of stronger cast judged such
psychological frailties rather hardly. Moreover, the revival
was not in all cases saving as to its effects. Many under
'

it assumed a form of godliness who were altogether destitute

of its power.' ^ This qualification, too, applies to all the

periods of revival.
The reaction went even further ; though possibly there
is over-statement, a blackening of the shadow, In 1810 '

and 1811, many were lower and more abandoned in wicked-

ness than they had been at any former period.' In those
days, however, as we have seen, the possibilities of sin were
1 Paterson's Account, p. 141.
2 But no mention is made of them in the Rev. A. McMillan's tract. Can it be
that he was influenced by the attitude of the Church to these laymen .''

3 Rev. Angus M'Millan. All citations not otherwise placed are from this tract.
Mr. M'Millan was a native of Sannox.
 —

IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 207

numerous, in view of the standard erected. Thus it is

noted here that the breaking out was mostly among the
'
'
'

young, who had been brought under temporary restraint,'

No details are given, but after all the opportunities of serious
evil-doing were surely pretty restricted Arran was not
:

Nineveh or a city of the plain.

Within a year the wave had risen from the hollow to the
crest, and 1812-13 was the time of the Great Revival, in
responding to which the number of old people was small
'

compared with that of the young,' though the ages ranged

'
from nine years or under to that of sixty or upwards.'
This was the time of the outcrying,' at first 'attended with
'

very little bodily agitation but after ... it was generally

;

—
attended with these such as panting, trembling, and other con-
vulsive appearances Those who took part in such demonstra-
.
'

tions confided to Mr. M'Millan that they had not the most
'

remote idea of crying out before they were constrained to do

so.' ^ But it is proper to observe, this judicial commentator
goes on, that the writer is here speaking only of such as
'

were lively exercised Christians previous to this revival.

On examining others, who knew nothing of Christian ex-
perience before the beginning of this work, he found that
the first impressions of many of them were accompanied
with deep convictions of sin, with a painful sense of their
helplessness and misery as sinners, and also with earnest
desires after an interest in Christ which it is to be hoped
;

many of them attained. But it must be acknowledged

that the accounts given by all were not alike satisfactory.
Many were deeply affected externally who could give little
account of the matter. Their affections were moved, but
convictions of sin did not take any deep hold on their hearts
' 'A plain lad, whose heart was filled with joy in believing, was heard praying at
one of these meetings " Lord, pity the people in Kilmorie who are content with
:

tatties and sour milk, when they might have their soul satisfied with fatness."
'

Thirty Years of Spiritual Life in the Island of Arran, by Rev. Andrew A. Bonar, p. 6.
Glasgow, 1889.
208 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
and consciences, and so their awakenings soon passed away ;

at least, it was with some.'

These candid reflections warrant the introduction of an
account from a more unsympathetic mind Almost at :
'

every meeting, when a clergyman or other person, who they

judged to have the Spirit, presided, great numbers, especially
of women and children, were moved in a most extraordinary
manner, uttering strange cries, trembling and falling into
convxilsions, so that the service could not go on with regu-
larity,' ^ The summing-up of this writer is that these con-
'

versions produced no apparent good effects on the people.'

This judgment may be discounted, but even in Mr. M'Millan's
relation there is distinguishable a note of honest disappoint-
ment. Multitudes flocked to the services, they travelled
ten or fifteen miles to attend, they so crowded the building
as to tread on each other services were prolonged into
;

private houses and barns, and some even spent whole nights
in such ecstasy. In the spring of 1813 this awakening '

began to decline and It is doubtless true that, as the

' '

awakening declined, some of those who appeared at one

time much affected, and much engaged in religious pursuits,
began to grow cold like the stony-ground hearers, the
. . .

religious impressions of many were slight and transitory.'

And, he sadly continues, Even in respect of the best of us,
'

the zeal, fervour, and liveliness manifest during the time of

our revival, have suffered some decay and ;instead . . .

of these, coldness, deadness, and formality in religion are

now too prevalent among us.' And so we are back at the

' Paterson's Account, p. 142. From a private contributor ' Clapping of hands
:

and exclamations were common in the congregation among some of the people. It
was disturbing to many who went to church to worship. One member encouraged it
and .another denounced it ; for it was known that a few of those professing were
questionable characterSj though doubtless there were many true Christians among
them. A farmer whom I knew was so much excited at the time that he day after day
mounted his horse and rode through the fieldSj singing aloud with heart and soul the
Psalms of David to the tunes that are usually sung in Church.'
 :

IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 209

point where we started, and the scorned eighteenth century
may have something to say for its religious worth after all.
But undoubtedly these experiences did leave a mark and a
memory of a continuing character in the religious life of the
island.
For one thing, and
no small thing, they probably
it is

determined the attitude of the Arran people in the great

ecclesiastical conflict which was shaping itself by the time
that younger generation had come to maturity.
Some personal notes may here be introduced. The first
comes from a lady's letter of September 6, 1823, to a relative
in Prestonpans, She is evidently a Congregationalist and
residing at Sannox, where the minister of that denomination
there, fruit of the Haldane visit, was the Rev. Alex. Mackay,
'
rather a vague preacher,' the correspondent complains ;

'
much respected here, though as a preacher not so well liked
as a Mr. M'Millan an established minister.'

The people here are remarkably decent and civil, many of them
pious, almost all ofthem have worship twice a day in their families.
I think my mother would like this place very much, it is so mild and
so- retired and the scenery is so beautiful. She would have great
pleasure in going into the cottages which are scattered up and down
the glens and conversing with the people. It is a great source of
—
amusement and interest to us and they are all so civil.^ To-morrow
is the communion here, and though he is but an indifferent preacher,

he has excellent assistants. He takes no part in the duties of to-

' Paterson says of the people :

' They are very polite and insinuating in their

address, and rarely exhibit those awkward and boorish manners so common on the
mainland ' (p. 144). Of the Kilmorie people, in the New Statistical Account, it is
said, ' In their manners they are courteous and affable, having little of the awkward

embarrassment which the Highland peasantry generally manifest in addressing

strangers and superiors.'
For Kilbride, in his very able contribution, the Rev. Dr. M'Naughton writes
'The people exhibit in their manners a curious mixture of the Highlander and Low-
lander, with the bland courtesy of the former . they have learned to blend no
. .

inconsiderable share of the bluff and sturdy independence of the latter. The Highland
character, however, decidedly predominates.'
VOL. II. 2 D
 —

210 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

morrow from the deficiency of his memory he cannot exort
himself,
at the tables without his paper, and does not therefore do any of the
duty. The church is six miles from this, but notwithstanding the
roads hereabouts were covered with people going to church to-day,
some in carts, some on horses, double, and many walking.
The red cloaks ^ and tartan plaids gave vivacity to the scene,
and could we have thought them all animated with a spirit of devotion
the spectacle would have been truly gratifying, but I fear many make
of it too much a ploy and an occasion for the display of new clothes ;

for in many of the houses we found tailors making clothes for the
occasion, and in one house a fine red cloak for the gude-wife (Sabbath
evening). The road to church exhibited to us a novel spectacle
cart after cart in thick succession conveyed the aged and those unable
to walk ^
—many were on horseback, and many on foot—
all seemingly

impressed with the sacredness of the day and the solemnity of the
ordinance about to be celebrated. The common in front of the church
was covered with vehicles, and with the horses which peacefully
waited the return of their owners from the services of the day. Per-
haps, two hundred horses were on the common. In the Church we
had a pious discourse from Dr. Steven. The generality of the people
preferred the gaelic of Mr. M'Millan from the Tent.

From another comes the following piece of

source
personal recollection referring to about the same time or a
little later ; by 1834 the scarlet mantles seem to have gone
out.

The distance from Shisken to Kilmory Kirk across the moor

would be six or seven miles, by the road farther. The people in
ascending the hill going south frequently formed into squads and
got merrily along the lassies clean and tidily dressed would take
;

off their shoes with an eye to economy and skip along, and on
'
'

Bearing the Kirk sat by the Burn-side and put on their White stock-
ings and shoes and then marched into the Church. The elder folk

' mantles were the prevailing fashion for ladies since the later eighteenth
Scai'let
century. They succeeded the plainer brown or tartan plaids, worn over the head,
-which had long been the female fashion in Scotland.
^ ' We get a cart very reasonably, and the roads are just like a gravel walk.'
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IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 211

went on Carts or on horse-back by the road, those who rode having
their wives seated behind them, and with their scarlet mantles they
commonly formed a picturesque sight.

Already, however, the social structure behind such scenes

was in process of dissolution, and greater changes than that
from scarlet mantles to calicoes or muslins and Leghorn
straw hats, were putting their stamp upon the island life.

II

We have viewed Arran in the eighteenth century, its

communities of joint-farmers, its open fields laboriously
yielding what would now be considered very scanty crops,
its waste intervals between the twisting rigs, its potatoes
unsown and unweeded meadow, its pasture
in lazy-beds, its
crowded with stock, for which as the winter drew on there
was but the alternative of death or starvation all things ;

in the grip of the routine of ages, paralysed by the suspicion

that any improvement might tend only to the advantage
—
of others of the other members of the group or of the
owners gathering where they had not strawed.^
On a conservatism so rooted it was hard to exercise any
stimulating influence. Burrel, among the things he had
done, had not allayed suspicion of motives, as we have seen.
1 William Alton, reporting for the Board of Agriculture, writes in 1810 as
follows :
—
'It will no doubt be found, that the inhabitants are blamefully ignorant,
indolent, and wedded to many prejudices and bad habits. But so were those on every
other estate at the beginning, and even till after the middle of last century and it is
;

the fault of the proprietor alone, that those in Arran have not become as intelligent,
industrious, and liberal as people in their rank on the other side of the frith. They
and their forefathers have been always kept, and to this day they are uniformly
placed in a situation that debars all improvement on the soil or their own condition,
intellectual or pecuniary. When any of the inhabitants of Arran are placed in
advantageous circumstances in any other quarter, they are as active and intelligent as
those of any other county : and if the proprietors of land in the neighbouring
counties of Ayr and Renfrew, etc., had managed their estates till now in the way that
that of Arran has been conducted, the inhabitants would have been to this day as
ignorant, indolent, and prejudiced as those of Arran.' General View of the Agriculture
of the County of Bute, by William Alton, Glasgow, 181G, p. 81.
212 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
The peasantry bad failed to appreciate the maxim that the
interests of theowner and of the cultivator were substantially
one, that both stood to profit by a more scientific use and
management of the land. There were unfortunate happenings
in mainland and islands that hindered such appreciation.
But the forces of change were not to be denied. While
the new agriculture was sweeping over the rest of the country
like a reviving flood, even though it sometimes carried away
communities in its improving course, Arran could not long
expect to remain in a backwater. Some principles by which
it was guided required no little independence of mind to

understand. It was not easy to understand why the full

economic use of land should mean the amoimt of produce
and cattle it could raise without reference to the number
of human beings thereby occupied ^ why, indeed, greater
;

productiveness should mean fewer producers why, too, ;

redeeming waste land on the one hand should go along with

turning cultivated land into pasture on the other, so that
the net result should be less under tillage than before the
improvements had begun. For, when all is said and done,
'
apparently more land was formerly cultivated in the olden
times. In the Millstone Point district there were at one
time fourteen families residing at Cock, Cuithe, Lagan, and
Lagantuin, where there are now but a farmer and a shep-
herd. In North Glen Sannox there was once a large popula-
tion where is now but a solitary shepherd's house. Several
deserted farmsteads in the high fields above Corrie, at North
High Corrie, and elsewhere, tell of former cultivation where
all is now pasture land.' ^ The same tale is to tell of other
'There were two economic principles in vogue at the time one was that increase
;

of rent was a cause of improvement, because it was the high-rented farms that were

—
the best worked to pay the rent you had to improve the other that a tax on wages,
;

by lowering returns, produced better work and so greater results. Idleness was
alleged to be a fault of workers both on the land and in factories, in England as in
Scotland.
^ Memoirs ofOeol. Survey (21), p. 150.
 IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 213

parts farther south. The resolution of these discords is

of course possible, but this is not the place for it all that ;

is necessary here is to suggest why such improvement was

feared and resisted by a people neither degenerate nor un-
intelligent, nor, as the sequel will show, averse from labour.
The Arran pioneers of Megantic County, Quebec, were neither
weaklings nor sluggards, yet Arran had thrust them forth.
It was in 1815 that the improvement of the Duke's
property in the island was taken in hand and pursued for
the next twenty years with firmness and system. It does
not need detailed explanation. One has just to picture to
oneself the methods of the time before, as already analysed,
and then turn one's eyes on any modern farm compact, —
singly occupied, fenced, drained, and cleaned, with an
appropriate rotation of crops and the implements of the time
— and the difference is what was given a beginning in 1815.^
Runrig came to a violent end on the Hamilton lands, though
it lingered elsewhere a while longer, and may be said still to
exist at BaUiekine (Banleacain).
Some of the more serious accompaniments are these.
Many smaller farms were appropriated to form larger farms
of 100 to 400 acres arable each, and as no local man had the
capital or experience to handle units of such size, farmers
were introduced from other improved districts on the main-
land. Others of the small holdings, in districts better suited
for the rearing of sheep and cattle, were appropriated to this
end. The rest was divided up for individual small tenants
— —
in a few cases for sets of two who had to build suitable
houses, fence and enclose with ditches and hedges. For
the houses they had timber and lime from the proprietor
and a year's rent ;the plants for the hedges were also
supplied. Regulations were laid down for the rotation of
crops, and waste land in the fields was to be brought under
cultivation. Later, terms were made for extending cultiva-
' Details from Paterson's Account, as cited.
214 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
tion to adjoining parts of the moor by use of the spade.
Wlien these fourteen and nineteen years' leases expired,
the process of increasing the size of farms was taken another
stage upwards, many small possessions being thus amalga-
mated.
Other restrictions imposed were these sheep were pro- :

hibited except on the stock farms goats were banned as

;
'

troublesome and unprofitable,' and so a distinctive feature

of the island life disappeared the herds of swine had their
;

free roaming severely circumscribed. For breaches of such

rules there were fines, but these were exacted in the form of
work upon roads ^ sheep found on unlawful farms seem to
;

have been poinded by estate officials and had to be destroyed

when claimed according to the popular story, they were
;

simply confiscated.
As Burrel's bottom idea was the division of farms, the
idea of the present operations, in addition to carrying out
the division, and as a result of such division, was to increase
the size of the minimum holding, ultimately to bring it up to
what required at least one pair of horses to work. Previous
to 1815 the ducal property had been set in 113 farms, each
having from four to a dozen tenants after that date the ;

division was in 458 farms, of which 53 were pretty large

and the others were from two to forty acres. But during
subsequent years, as has been said, there was further con-
solidation, in order to raise the lower limit of size. Sub-
division was rigorously prohibited.
Obviously such changes could not be carried through
> Road-making. —The Patersons (father and son), who were factors in Arran, used
to compel the Arran people to make roads as fines. Thus my father was fined for
allowing a pig to stray on the road at Blackwaterfoot, and my hrothers Archibald
and John on his behalf had to make two chains of the road connecting Machrie with
the String Road.
Donald MacMaster (deceased), farmer at Bruachbrek (Bruthadh Breac), Shisken,
made a chain of the same road.
Duncan Cook (deceased), farmer at Corriecravie, made part of the road there
between his farm and Blackwaterfoot as a fine. (Communicated.)
 IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 215

without effecting a revolution in the economic system and so

in the social habits and outlook of the people. Every tenant
was now on his own. He was an individual in the eye of
the estate, not a member or representative of a group. He
could be dealt with in isolation the combination of the
;

hamlet community had been dissipated. Moreover, in the

cutting up of farms, in throwing together many small ones,
and particularly in turning certain stretches of land into
sheep and cattle runs, it was inevitable that not a few former
tenants should find themselves unprovided for, and a good
many actually turned off. Particularly the cottars, with
little more than a dwelling-house and their labour, who had
clustered round the hamlets, would find that for them no
place had been provided, except to become the hinds of the
large farmers.^ In the island itself there was no way of fully
absorbing this derelict population some did find settlements
;

in other quarters, others crossed to the mainland a con- ;

siderable number heard more loudly than ever the call of

the West, and emigrated. Bay Chaleur ^ were the words
'
'

of charm.
Glenree was one of the districts in which the people had
to make way for sheep (1825), and from that solemn glen
many found places on the west shore about Slidderie.
Against such compulsory removals the persons affected have
an instinctive revulsion ; it is at least undignified to find
themselves yielding place to the four-footed clan.' Ances-'

tral associations are not rooted up without groans, and the

generality of people do not see their own good as clearly
as those who are imposing it upon them. The first tenant
' '
Besides the conjunct tacksmen of the several farms, who occupy the arable lands
run-rig, and change their possessions every year, there are generally some, and, in
the greatest part of the farms, a great number of cottagers on every farm. On the
farm of Sliddery the inhabitants amount to near 300 souls. But these cottages are,
like the houses occupied by the tenants, extremely mean dirty hovels' (Aiton's
Survey, p. 100).
^ In New Brunswick, Gulf of St. Lawrence.
216 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
of Glenree, a Captain William M'Kirdy, while crossing from
Ardrossan to enter into possession, was knocked overboard by
a swinging boom and drowned. This accident was burdened
with a significance appropriate to the occasion, so sensitive
was the popular mind.
But the clearance which attracted most notice was that
of Glen Sannox, which also was put under sheep. This took
place in 1829, on the expiry of the first leases under the new
system. In one instance twenty-seven families had to make
way for a single farm.^ Of the displaced population, whose
religious enthusiasm and dissent have been dealt with above,
a few drifted to neighbouring spots in the island or mainland,
but the bulk courageously crossed the sea. Bay Chaleur
in New Brunswick, Canada, had for some time been the
land of promise to Arran ears, but now the Duke offered to
secure from the Government, for such as wished to go, lots
in Upper Canada or Ontario, the offer to remain open for
two years. This destination, as we shall see, was changed,
but the majority took advantage of the proposal. It was a
new country, and every head of a household and every man
over twenty-one was to have 100 acres of his own, while the
Duke was to pay half the passage-money.^ Thus, whatever
judgment may be passed on this step as a move of improve-
ment, whether judicious, wise, economic, or not, it was at
least free from the harshness, even direct cruelty, and in-
considerateness exampled in not a few contemporary cases.
But such a striking event as the deporting of a whole
community across the ocean did not pass unnoticed by con-
temporary spectators, who have a point of view of their
own and it is not generally observed how it was the Glen
;

Sannox removal that was the occasion for the composition

of a familiar lyric, which sums up the full pathos of such
' Annals of Megantic, p. 7.
2 Paterson, p. 141 :More than four hundred of the people, principally from
'

Sannox, emigrated to Lower Canada and Chaleur Bay.' Paterson says the grants
were only for families ; the statement of the emigrants is that in the text.
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IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 217

episodes in Highland history. In '
Noctes Ambrosianse ' of
Blackwood's Magazine December 1829, the poem so much
for
discussed makes its first appearance, and follows on an
utterance attributed to the Shepherd (James Hogg) in
' '

these terms :

Weel, if the gentry lose the land, the Highland anes at ony rate,
it will only be the Lord's righteous judgment on them for having
dispossessed the people before them. Ah wae's me, I hear the
!

Duke of Hamilton's cottars are a' gaun away, man and mither's son,
frae the Isle o' Arran. Pity on us was there a bonnier sight in
!

the warld, than to sail by yon green shores on a braw summer's

evening, and see .the smoke risin' frae the puir bodies' bit shielings,
ilk ane wi' its peatstack and its twa three auld donnerd pines, or
saughs, or elms, sugh-sughin' ower the thack in the gloamin' breeze.

These on to the verses, virhich are introduced

reflections lead
by Christopher North (Professor Wilson) as sung by a
' ' '

set of strapping fellows, all born in that country (Canada),'

yet still Gaelic-speaking, who rowed his friend down the
St. Lawrence and sang to him the

CANADIAN BOAT SONG {from the Gaelic)

Listen to me, aswhen ye heard our father

Sing long ago the song of other shores,
Listen to me, and then in chorus gather
All your deep voices, as ye pull your oars

Chorus —Fair these broad meads, these hoary woods are grand ;

But we are exiles from our fathers' land.

From the lone shieling of the misty island

Mountains divide us, and the waste of seas,
Yet still the blood is strong, the heart is Highland,
And we in dreams behold the Hebrides :

Chorus — ^Fair these broad meads, these hoary woods are grand ;

But we from our fathers' land.

are exiles
VOL. II. 2 E
 — —

218 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

We ne'er shall tread the fancy-haunted valley,
Where 'tween
the dark hills crept the small clear stream.
In arms around the patriarch banner rally,
Nor see the moon on royal tombstones gleam :

Chorus —Fair these broad meads, these hoary woods are grand ;

But we are exiles from our fathers' land.

Where the bold kindred, in the time long vanish'd,

Conquer'd the soil and fortified the keep,
No would be banish'd.
seer foretold the children
That a degenerate Lord might boast his sheep :

Chorus —Fair these broad meads, these hoary woods are grand ;

But we are exiles from our fathers' land.

Come foreign rage —

^let Discord burst in slaughter !

O
then for clansmen true, and stern claymore
The hearts that would have given their blood like water.
Beat heavily beyond the Atlantic roar :
Choi-US —Fair these broad meads, these hoary woods are grand ;

But we are exiles from our fathers' land.

Of course the friend and the rowers and the Gaelic are all
feigning the composition as it stands is the original and
:

the immediate occasion as we have seen. Fortunately, in

the excellent work of a descendant of one of the Sannox
emigrants, we are able to follow the fortunes of the exiles
in their new home.^

Ill

Saturday, April 25th, 1829, is a day to be marked in the

calendar of historic days at Lamlash. On the deck of the
brig Caledonia, 196 tons burden, that had called in the bay
while outward bound from Greenock to the St. Lawrence
River, were gathered twelve families of Arran folk, 86 all
told children and adults, the greater part of them from
Sannox, with whom the Rev. A. Mackay held a religious
' Annals of Megantic County, Quebec, by Dugald M'Kenzie M'Killop. Lynn, Mass. ,,
1902.
 IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 219

service, deliveringan address from the text, Casting all your '

care upon Him for He careth for you

; (1 Peter v. 7). '

And so the little company in the little ship sailed hopefully

away to the big, empty land across the ocean.^
Others would have gone at the same time but there was
no room. The brig had her complement of 180 but four ;

families followed from Greenock in a larger vessel, the Albion,

on June 5th, and others came a few years later, as the
squeeze of improvement grew tighter. The Caledonia con-
tingent included four families of M'Killop, three of Kelsos,
two of M'Millans, with M'Kinnons, M'Kenzies, and Brodies
to complete. Unmarried were two Stewarts, a Henry, and
a Cook. A leader for the company was at once assumed in
Archibald M'Killop, a Saul in stature among his fellows,
devout, practical, and commanding. Preparations had been
long making, and everything portable seems to have accom-
panied the emigrants in their great chests, plenty of home-
spun clothes, cooking utensils, some furniture and books.
Gaelic Bibles particularly were no fruit of the backwoods :

of these went a good supply.

Two long months at sea in a tumbling little ship before
— —
on June 25th ^they arrived at Quebec. Renfrew County,
on the river Ottawa, was the destination of the Arran
passengers, and so the ship was towed by a steamer up to
Montreal. Of all the novel sights on the passage up the
river, what stuck in the memories of the new arrivals was
the odd appearance of the tree stumps in the clearings along
the shore. After disembarking at Montreal, a fortnight at
Point St. Charles was devoted to a great wash-up, nothing
of the kind having been possible in the cramped quarters
of the brig. And here the destination of the party was
changed.
The immigration agent at Quebec had advised strongly
against the site in Renfrew County, and while he may have
' The fare was £i a head, but three children under fifteen counted as one.
220 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
had personal interests to serve, on the whole the advice was
good. His recommendation was Megantic County in Lower
Canada, now Quebec, at a place about fifty miles from that
cityon the southern bank of the St. Lawrence, almost half-
way between the river and the frontier of the United States.
Archibald M'Killop and three others set out to spy the land,
and returned with a favourable report. So once more there
was a packing, and a trek back part of the way they had
come, now by barges down the river to Point St. Nicholas
nearly opposite Quebec city.
From this place the journey was inland by the pack-
horses of French- Canadian teamsters, at five dollars per
'
cart-load of passengers or luggage.
'
Thiis in two days
they came to the chosen spot in Inverness township, by a
ford on the river Thames, in the neighbourhood of Lake
Joseph. At this stage there was a wait of six weeks, until
the Government agent should come to allot the lands, well '

watered and well wooded certainly, the forest primeval of

'

maple, hemlock, and spruce reaching backwards from the

stream, trackless and untamed. Arran digging was child's
play to this prospect the experience of the settlers had not
;

included such work with the axe.

Meantime there was the novel life in tents by the ford in
the warm summer weather tents of clustered poles covered
;

with such motley stuffs as served, including the piece of carpet

that marked Archibald M'Killop's wigwam. But there was
some sickness, and two of the younger members of the party
died ;in these and other troubles and needs the new neigh-
bours of the strange countryside were sympathetic and
helpful. While the camp stood at the ford, the contingent
by the Albion arrived.
At last the agent came and lots were apportioned, though
in one detail the original contract was not fulfilled, viz. there
were only for the heads of families
free acres ; but the
acquisition of land by the others was not difficult.
Sca/e ofMiles

BarthoJomow, Ldin,
222 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Thus in the autumn of 1829 the work of clearing was
begun, and the settlers were fortunate in the season. Little
snow came till January of the next year, and on till March
not enough to interfere with the progress of the work. A
road was made, patches were cleared to be ready for sowing,
and log-houses constructed as fast as possible houses with ;

a partition of bark between the two apartments, flooring of

split logs of balsam or spruce, and a bark roof. So far the idea
of the thing was familiar, but alas the old fashion of the
!

peat hearth with the smoke-hole above was not suited for
the burning of green wood. Until stoves were introduced
one had often to choose between being frozen with cold or
suffocated with smoke. Candles, too, were luxuries. The
severity of the frost was a trying experience potatoes were;

frozen to stones, and meantime food had to be bought and

carried considerable distances. No wonder two of the oldest
members among the women succumbed during the first
winter. But day after day, from dawn to dusk, every one
who could do anything was kept busy, and by April 26th
the snow was gone so that the clearances for these first six
;

months averaged four acres each, though Captain M'Killop

had eighteen acres to his credit.^ The name given to the
township was New Hamilton, but that in time gave way
to the usage of calling it the Scotch Settlement.'
'

Strange and hard though their circumstances were, with

ceaseless demands at first upon their wits and powers of
endurance, the colonists showed a quick adaptivity. In the
beginning only the crops were fenced in and the cattle allowed
to stray about the woods, which occasionally meant that
some one lost his Avay for the night in looking for them.
So woodcraft had to be learned, and the art of the canoe
for the lake. The women had to help in the clearing, nurse
their children, cook food, and devote the evenings to the
spinning-wheel. The men had to take to hunting deer and
' M'Killop had received 200 acres, twice the amount of any other settler.
 IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 223
bear, fishing trout,and be able to turn their hands to any-
work in wood Some would go up the Ottawa in
or iron.
the winter to labour in the lumber camps. Till the crops
were properly set agoing everything possible had to be done
to earn money for the supply of necessaries of food and
clothing. Even when the wheat and barley and potatoes
were flourishing in the fertile soil, there was pinching, for
some seasons, between the old and new crops. At such a
time Highland pride had to fence with Highland generosity.
The clothing brought from home gave out, and there had to
be new supplies from the wool of their own sheep, the wool
being put through the processes at home before the erec-
all
tion of carding-mills. Trousers and coats were of a grey
stuff composed, as in Arran, of the mixed black and white
wool; dandier shirts and dresses of checks dyed with hemlock
and butternut bark.
Travelling was hard before the making of roads and to
some degree dangerous also, from the presence of bears and
the chance of losing one's way and there were some mishaps
;

in the forest. On the snow there was the comfort and

grandeur of the ox-sleigh, used mostly in going to church.
Oxen and horses were at first very scarce, but gradually
accumulated. Shopping was no light matter with the
nearest store thirty-six miles away, and no post-office nearer
than Quebec. And at the outset everything had to be
carried by hand or on the back. Women, even, thus bore
their burdens of maple- sugar, butter, cheese, etc., and
—
brought back groceries, crockery, and such like a trip of
seventy-two miles. It is recorded of a John Sillars that he
bought a hundredweight of flour at Quebec, had it ferried
across to St. Nicholas, and then carried the load on his back
for forty miles to his home.
Until a proper clergyman was settled in the district,
marriages were as long-distanced an affair as shopping.
For a time the ceremony meant a trip to Quebec, that is
224 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
for bride and bridegroom, bridesmaid and groomsman, a
walk of forty miles to the crossing and forty miles back, on
a rough highway by forest and clearing. Later, a clergyman
could be found nearer at hand, which reduced the tramp to
fifteen miles each way ; it became a point of honour to cover

the whole distance in one day. Of course the time came

when the settlement had its own minister and church, and
could dispense with the services of a devout layman like
'
Captain M'Killop or a travelling clergyman though the
' ;

first log church had to serve for all varieties, and it was
a bit later ere the predominant Congregationalists had a
tabernacle of their own. So, too, the first teacher went from
house to house till a schoolhouse was provided ; where
brown paper was used for copy-books, pens were made from
quills, and a real lead pencil was a great acquisition.
The new country, too, raised some new religious problems.
We have observed the fragility of the Sabbath in Arran it ;

was broken as easily as a blown egg. Canadian frost made

short work of one scruple. Water for use on Sunday must
be carried in on Saturday ; such had been the rigid home
fashion. But in the hard Megantic winter the supply froze
overnight, and the iron vessels were cracked and marred.
This was an extremely serious sacrifice ; while between the
work necessary to break the ice and that of bringing in fresh
water the difference was not even theologically apparent.
So that particular observance had to be scrapped with the
broken pots. Then in the season of sugar-making the maple
sap flowed into the troughs regardless of days. Monday
morning found the trough as full as usual. Nature, like
St. Paul, esteemeth not one day above another. There was
searching of conscience, until a parallel case suggested itself
in the growing of corn, which, in its season, halts no day of
the week. Thus may our religious prohibitions vary with
the latitude there was no keeping a Sabbath of the old
:

Arran type in Canada.

 IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 225

Meantime some of the settlers had found their particular

patches of ground of poor quality, having cleared the trees
to meet a hidden crop of stones. They moved to fresh
woods farther west. New settlers, too, were coming into
the country, from Ireland and parts of Scotland, and other
bands from Arran, particularly in the year 1831, when
thirteen families arrived, to find things rather easier for them
than they had been for the pioneers. By 1833 the Arran
settlement numbered some 222 souls, made up as follows ^— :

^'amily Name. I

McKillop .

Kelso .

McKinnon .
226 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
was already an inspector of schools (unpaid) and became a
Commissioner of the Peace. He died in 1867.
On September 8th, 1898, a great Arran-Inverness picnic
was held at the Scotch Settlement on Lake Joseph, where
'
'

one hundred people, including eight survivors of the pioneers,

were joyfully reminiscent. 'Mr. Kelso said the pioneers were
godly people without a black sheep among them. He said,
also, that the men were very strong, and as an instance
related that his father had carried three bushels of potatoes
on his back, from the landing they had just left, two miles
into the Settlement.'
For the Reunion two years later, there were but two
representatives of the Caledonia passengers, and one too ill
—
to come ^all women while a FuUerton was the sole re-
;

presentative of those on the Albion.

Where the hills of Arran swell, high above Lochranza's shore.

Few there are that live to tell of the friends they saw no more.
When from Scotia's favoured strand, still unstained by conquering foe.
Sailed that hopeful hardy band, more than forty years ago.

Dark and dense the wild woods lay, gaily green for leagues around.
There the savage beasts of prey undisturbed asylum found ;

Then with pioneering toils, stalwart arms with many a blow,

Felled the woods and burned the Piles more than forty years ago.
' '

So, and in many

other verses, sang the Blind Bard of '

Megantic,' another Archibald M'Killop, in 1872. And now

it is forty more years on, but Arran and Megantic have not
yet forgotten each other nor the memories that link them
though so far apart.

IV

These things were done in the days of Archibald, ninth

Duke Hamilton and twelfth Earl of Arran, who died in
of
1819 and of Alexander, tenth Duke and thirteenth Earl,
;

ambassador at the Court of Russia in 1807, who carried

 IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 227
the crown in the royal procession of August 22nd, 1822, when
George iv. proceeded from Holyrood Palace to the Castle of
Edinburgh. The minor proprietors of the island were not
so forward in their policy. As yet there were two others
besides the Duke. On the west side an encroachment had
been made upon the Hamilton lands, when Douglas, the
eighth Duke (1755-99), conferred certain unentailed portions
upon daughter Anne as a marriage dowry.
his These
extended to about 15,000 imperial acres, and, according to
advertisement, included the farms of 'Altgoloch, South and
North Penrioch, South, Mid, and North Thundergay, Catacol,
Imachar, Dougarie, and Auchingallan.'
The mother of this Anne Douglas was Mrs. Easton, an
actress, and her husband was the Hon. Henry Westenra,
afterwards Lord Rossmore. Duke Douglas, leaving no other
issue, was succeeded by his uncle Archibald, ninth Duke, as
above.
We recognise the lands thus conveyed they are the two :

old holdings of Ranald M'Alister in the fifteenth century,

and afterwards of the Montgomerys of Eglinton. In 1838
they are to be offered for sale at the upset price of £34,000.
The advertisement provides some interesting comments upon
the state of things in this portion of the island. On behalf
of Mr. Westenra it is stated that the property is too far from
his residences and other properties for him to superintend
the improvement which it requires. Further, no other
property in the island is to be had by purchase while the ;

island itself has been very strictly preserved, and all in-
'

trusion carefully prevented. All strangers have been

. . .

sedulously excluded, and Arran is almost a terra incognita

to its very nearest neighbours.' ^ The advantages of pur-
chase at the present stage are then set forth in these words :

' 'The Duke, being desirous of preserving the game in Arran, does not much

—
encourage the residence of strangers.' Sketches of the Coasts and Islands of Scotland,
by Lord Teignmouth (1836), vol. ii. p. 394.
228 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
The property now offered for sale opens to the speculator in land
a most desirable opportunity for profitable investment. No sort of
improvement has ever been attempted upon it by landlord or tenant
in the memory of man, consequently every sixpence laid out on it
must tell and it is evidently much more in that state than property
;

which has been wrought up to its utmost, value, and requiring a

great annual outlay to keep it to its mark. ... To the sportsman it

is invaluable. The abound with grouse, and there is a natural

hills
preserve in the centre of the property which ensures their protection
and food in the most unpropitious seasons. Red deer are becoming
more numerous, and the tenants can vouch for the amazing increase
of the black game, by their annually augmenting inroads on the
cultivated portions of the property.^

In this description there is no exaggeration. For half

a century the only change on these farms had been an in-
crease in the amount of potatoes grown all the old conditions;

—
had continued runrig cultivation, inferior houses, diminutive
cattle and sheep.^ The ten farms had rented at about £50
each to joint occupiers, so that with a total rent of £500
the upset price now asked was 68 years' purchase, a specula-
tive figure, as is admitted. Yet the property does not seem
to have been disposed of at this date, but some half-dozen
years later was reacquired by the Hamiltons and again
added to their estates. Improvement then attacked this
new and promising field, and Dougarie was cleared for ex-
tension in large farms.
The other proprietor is John FuUarton, eldest son of
Dr. Lewis, ex-lieutenant of the Royal Navy, and Commander
of a Revenue cutter. Of his estates Whitefarland, on the
north-west side, was still in the old condition, and its joint
tenants paid a rent of £110. Kilmichael, however, being re-
tained in the owner's hands, had been considerably improved,
and showed increase both in arable and in the amount under

North British Advertiser, Saturday, September 29, 1838.

^ Paterson's Account, p. 14.5.
 IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 229

wood.^ Captain FuUarton's initial difficulty was that of

persuading his tenants of the possibility of sowing before
the usual time, namely April, one of the rigid customs of
a tenancy in common.^
According to an outside observer, much in sympathy
with the new order and impatient of small holdings, The '

produce of Arran has been doubled during the last fourteen

years by the improvement in cultivation, which dates from
that period, and which has taken place chiefly in the en-
largement of farms.' The following is an authoritative
estimate of the yearly exports of the island,^ which may be
compared with earlier data.
900 black cattle at £3, 10s
45 Swine at £l, 10s. .....
......
£3,150
600
Fowls and eggs
Sheep and wool ......
Bigg (barley) 2500 quarters at 26s.
:
2,500
3,250
700

Wheat 700 bolls at 24s

: 840
Beans and pease 900 bolls at 16s.
: . 720
Oats, in grain and meal 3000 quarters at 30s.
: 3,000
Potatoes 3000 bolls at 10s
: 1,500

Butter and cheese ......

Herrings caught by 100 wherries, at £40 per wherry 4,000
1,000
Shellfish
Freestone and limestone .... about 100
500

£21,860

The gross rentals about the same time were (1840) * :

Kilbride. Kilmorie. Total.

Duke of
Fullarton
Hamilton

Hon. Mr. Westenra

... .

.
.

.
£4412
100 (valued)
...
£6000
110
500
£10,412
210
500

Whole island . £11,122

1 I'aterson, pp. 145-0. ^ Teigiiniouth, vol. ii. p. 394.

' Paterson, p. 1.52. * New Statistical Account.
230 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
 ——

IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 231

Academies and Schools. Inns,
Brown, Mary, Brodick. Bannatyne, James, Lamlash.
Craig, Daniel, Balmicheil.
Jamieson, Robert, Brodick.
Currie, John, Shaddog. M'Kenzie, Alexander, Lamlash.
Grey, Robert, Brodick.
Hodge, Daniel, Lamlash.
Masons.
M'Kelvie, John, Drimlarborra.
Parochial School, Kilmory Boyd, James, Lamlash.
William Eaglesham, Master. Hamilton, William, Currie.
Parochial School, Lochranza Nemmo, Thomas, Lamlash.
Alexander M'Bride, Master.
Stewart, John, Whiting Bay. Surgeons.
Wilkinson, John, Sliddre.
Cook, Charles, Lamlash.
Stoddart, Andrew, Brodick.
Blacksmiths.
Stoddart, John, Brodick.
Brown, Alexander, Brodick.
Cook, James, Whiting Bay.
Tailors.
Jones, Richard, Lamlash.
M'Larty, Alexander, Auchonhew. Fullarton, Fergus, Lamlash.
M'Master, Angus, Shaddog. Hamilton, James, Brodick.
M'Millan, Duncan, Benecangan. Shaw, Archibald, Lamlash.

Vintners.

Bannatyne, Ebenezer, Blackwater.

Hamilton, John, Brodick.
Hamilton, William, Currie.
M'Bride, Matthew, Lamlash.
M'Kennon, John, Lagg.
M'Millan, Daniel, Lochranza.
Robertson, Neil, Shaddog.

Wrights (see Carpenters).

Miscellaneous.
Fleek, William, flesher, Brodick.
M'Nicol, Archibald, dyer, Lamlash.
Spiers, Matthew, distiller, Lagg.
 232 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Places of Worship.
Established Church, Clachen . . Rev. Angus M'Millan.
Estabhshed Church, Kilbride Rev. Allan M'Naughton.
Established Church, Kilmory Rev. Angus M'Millan.
Chapel of Ease, Kilmory . Rev. John Stewart.
Independent, Sannox Rev. A. M'Kay.

Conveyance by Water.
To Ardrossan, The Hero steam packet, from Lamlash every afternoon
(Sunday excepted) at half-past two, calling at Brodick.
To Ardrossan and Saltcoats, trading vessels daily.

To Glasgow, steam packets, from Lamlash and Brodick, every Monday

and Thursday.

The County Almanac of Scotland for the year 1835. Oliver and
Boyd, Edinburgh.
Brodick and Lamlash Post Offices are sub-offices to Saltcoats.

There is another side to the 'improvement.' It meant

rather fewer people ; curiously, too, it was followed by an
increase of pauperism. Not that there was waste it is :

hard to see what could be wasted. ' No people,' writes

Dr. M'Naughton in 1837-40, can be more frugal than the '

natives of the parish (Kilbride). They live upon the humblest

fare potatoes are with the majority of them the staff of
;

life and animal food is a luxury in which they rarely in-

;

dulge.' From Kilmorie the account is rather more rosy :

'
Absolute destitution,' it is 'is a thing unknown
remarked,
among the very poorest.' ^ But then, like other Highland
communities, Arran was distinguished by its mutual helpful-
ness. '
The farmers,' writes Lord Teignmouth about the
same date, '
though in poor circumstances, never suffer dis-
tress, as they are much inclined to afford each other mutual
assistance and support.' The Duke, too, maintained a few
1 New Statistical Account.
 ;

IMPROVEMENT AND EMIGRATION 233

pensioners, allowing them cottage and land at a nominal
rent of £l, Is. But it is noted that, as elsewhere, the church
collections, hitherto the main fund for support of the poor,
were decreasing, and that the opinion was gaining ground
here too that the heritors were bound to support the poor.
It is the same writer who is responsible for the information
that the people of Arran are too poor to purchase spirits,
'

and make very general use of tea and it is the custom to

:

prepare it for every visitor, as the dram was offered formerly

this ceremony is sometimes repeated three or four times in
the day, and is said to be productive of idleness.' ^ Men
like Lord Teignmouth are, at this time, seriously concerned
about idleness in many quarters.
A few statistics may give point to these observations.
In 1793 the population of Kilbride was 2545 and the number
on the Poor Roll of the Kirk 12, supported by quarterly
collections and the interest on a £40 investment. At the
same date Kilmorie, with 3259 of a population, had 40 poor
on its roll, for whom the weekly collections did not suffice,
so that there was recognised begging. By 1835 the Kilbride
population had sunk to 2397, yet the number of poor had
gone up to 50, for whose support there was yearly a fund
of £60 plus interest on a nest-egg of £100. In 1831 Kil-
morie's numbers were 3779 and 75 respectively, dependent
on £52 from collections and proclamation dues, with interest
on £60. Then came the Poor Law of 1845, and in 1850 we
find that Kilbride's population of 2786 included 68 on the
Poor Roll, while Kiimorie's 3455 had 78 the former parish ;

expending on these £178, 18s. 7id. and the latter £185, 3s. 6jd.
Since that date expenditure has increased exceedingly.
Whether or not this is a record of advance the reader must
be left to judge. Any way, it is an important element in
the picture presented in this chapter.
' Sketches of the Coasts and Islands of ScMand, by Lord Teignmouth (1836), vol. ii.

pp. 396, 399.

VOL. II. 2 G
234 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
One other change, though somewhat later in date, may
here be noticed. In 1844, on the occasion of the marriage
of Anthony Archibald, eleventh Duke of Hamilton and
fourteenth Earl of Arran, with the Princess Marie of Baden,
the old village of Brodick, which had lain close to the castle
on the north side of the bay, was demolished as a necessary
step in improving the surroundings of the castle. New sites
for houses were provided on the opposite shore at Invercloy,.
which is modern Brodick.
 CHAPTER XI
THE NEW ARllAN
— —
Arran roads short-lived industries the new agriculture the Fairs— —
—
Arran as a health resort the coming of the steam-packets steamboats —
— —
and owners the Lady Mary and the Heather Bell the piers Whiting —
—
Bay and the rival companies the Disruption and the Free Church in
— — —
Arran the Union case the Land Courh rents and game conclusion. —

There could be no greater handicap to the new agriculture

than defective roads. We have seen what like the roads of
the island were under the Duchess Anne, and in what poor
esteem they were held by Burrel how he took in hand to
;

enforce the labour on roads imposed by statute upon each

parish. That was not a satisfactory system of upkeep; it
suffered from both unwillingness and negligence. And such
roads as did exist were of the poorest quality.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century, however,
the roads of the country began to receive the attention which
they had not known since the days of the Romans. In 1810
the first modern road was made in Arran a Parliamentary —
Government and the pro-
road, at the joint expense of the
prietors. It went from Goirtein Alasdair, a little south of
Lamlash, to Brodick. Seven years later it was continued
across the island to the shore at Blackwaterfoot. This road
was maintained by a contractor, and the Duke's annual
charge was from £40 to £80 a year.^
In 1817 the Duke had a branch made to Sannox and, in
' lieport of Commissioners on Public lioads, vol. ii. p. 711.
235
236 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
1821-22, a road across the southern part of the island, from
the Parhamentary road at Lamlash by the Ros and Glen
Scorradale to Beinnecarrigan, and at the same time other
portions at Kilpatrick, Largie Beag, and Achancaim. In
time these detached highways were joined up the Sannox ;

to Loch Ranza piece was constructed in 1843, and there is

no more picturesque stretch in the island from sea to —
sea, through deep-bosomed glens under the brow of the
mountains.
For the maintenance of these privately made roads the
method was still that of statute labour. Every tenant and
cottar had to give six days' free work in the year, or compound
for a money payment at rates fixed by the Justices of the
—
Peace occupiers at £20 a year or under paying 6s., between
£20 and £30, 7s. 6d., and so on up to £100 and over paying
£l, 7s. 6d.i For by-roads, embankments, harbours, etc.,
tenants had to provide three days' additional labour each
year.^ An overseer under the factor attended to this
business, and saw to it that those liable discharged their
obligation, with due consideration for seedtime and harvest.
The judgment of experience was The system is a very
:
'

awkward piece of machinery, and works very badly.' ^ The

conversion money helped to pay the overseer's wages and
the expense of tools. We have seen, too, that fines for
breaking estate regulations were levied in work upon the
roads. Many bridges were constructed by the Duke on the
same terms, but in 1834 there was still no bridge over the
Slidderie Water. In 1878 the whole system of statute
labour, etc., was abolished, and all highways were placed
on the local rates. Bridges are of only a few years ago.
For a brief space the island occupations were diversified
by some minor industries, ere yet they concentrated entirely
upon agriculture and the entertainment of summer visitors,
' Report as cited, p. 711. ' Ibid., p. 71I ; Paterson's Account,
p. 140.
' IMd., p. 712. Evidence of James Paterson, factor for the Duke.
 THE NEW ARRAN 237
Under the old economy the islanders had to provide them-
selves with almost all their food and clothing, besides other
necessaries. By now, however, the number of corn-mills
had been reduced to two, one at Brodick and another at
Shedag. But wool-carding mills at Brodick and Birican,
and a flax-mill also at Lag,i provided a great advantage over
the old hand methods of preparing the material for the
spinner most of the men's clothing and much of the
:

women's was still spun and woven in the cottages. Natur-

ally the women were the first to show a preference for the
daintier stuffs of the mainland. But in time the competition
of the great manufacturing centres was bound to close the
doors of the humbler and more expensive local establish-
ments, handicapped as these were, too, by difficulties of
access. The same thing happened with the distilleries,
which the reputation of the old time Arran Water,' the '

whisky of the smuggling days, could not save. In 1834 there

was one distillery working at Torlin two years later it had
;

closed, and the bulk of the barley for this purpose was going
to Campbeltown. 2 A drain- tile manufactory at Clachaig
died of insufficient clay and expense of cartage.^ Similar
deficiencies killed the manufacture of wooden pirns at '
'

'
Pirnmill.'
It is pretty much the same story with the fishing industry,
of which the palmy days appear to have been the late forties
of last century. In November 1846 the large line fishing on
the grounds between Arran and Ayrshire is worthy of news-
paper notice, while trawling brought in great hauls of flat
—
fish of the usual varieties one boat at a single fishing having
three tons of turbots, soles, and flounders.* Greenock and
Glasgow were the principal markets. In the summer of
1848 white fish are referred to as specially numerous in
' Mr. Brown, the factor, specially encouraged the growth of flax, but the enterprise

was a failure and was shortly discontinued.

2 Teignmouth's Sketches, vol. ii. ' Ileid's Bute, p. 142.
p. 395.
* 'Greenock Advertiser' in Glasgow Herald, November 16, 1846.
 ;

238 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

'
Lamlash Loch one boat on a Saturday took twenty
'
;

stones. Lobsters, too, were an Arran product from the rocks

of the south end. The herring fishing, however, continued
its old primary importance it fitted in most easily with
;

agricultural requirements. In 1847 Arran had 98 boats

devoted to this industry, manned by 380 men 23 boats :

belonging to Lamlash, 9 to Brodick, and 8 to Corrie, where in

each case there was a makeshift of a pier; 12 in Loch Ranza
and 9 in Whiting Bay, neither of which had a pier of any kind
while the remainder were allocated to places on the west
coast.^ Herring catches averaged from 500 to 700 and some-
times double, and they sold in Lamlash at three to four
shillings a hundred the boats of course were not large.
;

Now, save for the herring at Loch Ranza and Pirnmill, the
fishing industry is probably smaller than it has ever been.

On the new lines the island agriculture developed fast.

The introduction by the Duke and the leading farmers of
superior strains of cattle and horses and sheep produced a
marked difference for the better on the size and quality of
the local breeds, while turnip feeding and sown pastures
made all the difference in the world. The smaller tenants,
apparently hampered by insufficient capital, and therefore
more cautious than speculative, did at first lag behind, but
that shortcoming lessened in time. For the encouragement
of all concerned, by means of ploughing-matches and pre-
miums for the best specimens of stock, growing crops,
gardening, etc., there was founded at Brodick on January
19, 1830, the Arran Farmers' Society, with the Marquis of
Douglas as permanent President, John FuUarton, Esq. of
Kilmichael, Vice-President, John Paterson (factor.), Secretary,
and James Robertson, Clerk and Treasurer and this ;

Society had soon a considerable list of members of all ranks.

' '
Report on the State of the Harhours in Scotland ' cited ia Ayr Observer,
January 4, 1848.
 — —

THE NEW ARRAN 239

Statistics of ten years later give the average rent of arable
land in Kilbride parish as £l, 5s., in Kilmorie £l per acre.
Farm-servants had £6 to £8 in the half-year, women £2, 10s.
to £4. Labourers wages averaged Is. 6d. a day. Skilled
labour, such as that of masons and carpenters, could demand
3s. to 3s. 6d. a day. Tailors had Is. 6d. with food, while (as
a reminiscence of bygone days) weavers earned 6d. per yard
for linen, 5d. for yarn, and 4d. for plaiding. Shoemakers
—
amazing to say charged but Is. 3d. with victuals for making
a pair of shoes. Reaping in harvest was 10s. an acre, without
food.i
With all this went the necessity for a ready means of
marketing produce, and, though the harbours were still
miserably deficient, regular steam communication was in
operation between the east side and the opposite shore ;
a steam-packet twice a week to Ardrossan in the winter and
spring months, daily in summer, with an additional service
from another company from June to September. The south
end and west were more indifferently served with the old-
time sailing packets, and there were no proper harbours on
either coast. There was a packet-boat from South End to
Ayr, and another from Blackwater to Campbeltown, each
subsidised by the tenantry paying a sum in addition to their
rent. These ports, with Saltcoats, were the natural termini
as yet for Arran communication.
Then there were the great fairs, at first to be found only
at the mainland market-towns, soon, however, instituted in
the island itself. The following extracts are worth repro-
ducing in full for their pictorial quality :

Glasgow Herald, July 9, 1824.

—
Aye, July 6. Last night a fleet of boats from Arran, equal to
the navy of the Sandwich Isles, arrived here, crowded with passengers,

1 New Statistical Account.

240 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
potatoes, poultry, pigs, pipers, plaiden, eggs,and yarn, to attend our
Midsummer which commences to-day
fair, and in the hurry and
;

bustle of landing some of the hardy islanders fell into the water, to
the great amusement of a vast concourse of people assembled to
witness their arrival. Potatoes met with a ready sale at thirteen
pence per peck, but the poultry being grass-fed, and the freshness
of the eggs being somewhat questionable, buyers were rather shy.
Upon the whole, however, the Arranites were well received and nothing
disconcerted by the indifference with which their hens and eggs were
treated ; they seemed to throw sorrow a day's march behind them.
Availing themselves of the luxury of deal floors, the merry dance
struck up, at an early hour, in several of their favourite hostelries.

Glasgow Herald, July 16, 1824.

Aedkossan, July 8. —At our midsummer fair, which was held on
Monday last, there were nearly twelve score of Highland cattle from
Arran, Cantyre, and Isla, brought forward, besides a few lots of home
bred beasts of the dairy breed. Of the former, several scores were
disposed of at what were considered good prices and more might
;

have found purchasers, had the holders been inclined to yield any-
first demands.
thing of their
Highland cows sold from £4 to £6, stots from £5 to £9, accord-
ing to their age and quality ;
ponies from £10 to £20. A few samples
of Arran wool were exposed, but it has not been ascertained whether
any sales of that article were effected.

The local fair at Lamlash, the Kirktoun of Kilbride,' may

'

be considered as an ancient institution, but it w^as in the forties

no great affair, being at the beginning of winter, vpith little
business to do save in the sale and exchange of horses. The
fair at Brodick was of quite recent origin and fixed at a more
convenient season, in the beginning of June, so that it did
considerable trade in horses, cattle, and wool. description A
of 1847 gives us its leading features in what was, no doubt,
its high day, and it is amusing to observe the note of kindly
patronage which the observer throws into his account for :

all its proximity to some of the busiest and most populous

 THE NEW ARRAN 241

parts of Scotland, Arran's insularity still retained distinctive

and strange features.

The fair occupied about a quarter of a mile of the pubUc road,

and two open fields or commons close by the sea-side. In these
latter were the horses, cattle, and carts of the inhabitants.

The intercourse (in summer daily) with the mainland has greatly
worn off the peculiar traits of the Islanders and every fair they ;

appear less singular, more improved, and better appointed in their

turnout than on the previous one. Their simple carts are being
superseded by properly constructed vehicles. The rude harness of
rope, hair, or rushes, is being replaced with the civilised article.
The home-made dress is giving place to more stylish manufactured
fabrics.
The refreshment tents were very numerous. Teetotalism also
had its representations in coffee tents. Goods stalls were abundant.
The crowd of wooden dishes, cogs, and platters exposed for sale, show
the prudence of old habits and that the cleanly earthenware is too
;

costly and breakable to displace the wooden bowl.

There were crowds of gambling stands. Penny reels absorbed
much spare cash. The hardy and red-faced mountain nymphs footed
it rarely, with stylish partners from the great city of Glasgow.

In the evening the Islanders held their athletic games. There

were four steamers with full freights of pleasure seekers from
—
Ayrshire and Glasgow the most of whom, however, returned in
the afternoon before the more boisterous sports commenced.' ^

In Kilmorie parish there were only horse fairs, one at Lag

and two at Shedag in the rich strath of the Blackwater.

II

One development of the

of the results of the industrial
country, and the consequent expansion of the manufacturing
towns, has been a vast concern about one's health and a
habit of holidaying in distant places. Steam navigation
was to provide the first easy means of satisfying this impulse,
1 Ayr Observe?; June 29, 1847.
VOL. II. 2 H
242 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
and the Firth of Clyde was both the cradle of the steamboat
and magnificently endowed with health resorts. Arran had
already a standing curative reputation, based on its supplies
of goat's milk. An uncommon liquid, like an unusual plant
or a new mineral, is always exploited by scientific medicine.
As early as the middle of the eighteenth century its goats
were doing for Arran what a mineral water has done for
other places. The Glasgow Journal of 12th March 1759
contained this attractive advertisement '
Good goat milk
:

quarters may be had this season in the island of Arran, in

a very commodious slated house, hard by the Castle of
Brodick, consisting of three very good rooms above stairs,
and two below, with a large kitchen, some bedsteads, chairs
and tables. This house will serve two small families, with
garden things at hand.' Follows the information as to the
Thursday packet-boat from Saltcoats, which has already
been quoted.^
But with the methods of travelling of that period any
such trip, either way, was something of an adventure. So
long as there were only sailing-boats, wholly dependent on
the wind, one had to be prepared for emergencies. A
succession of calm days might extend a journey from Brodick
to Renfrew for a week, as is still remembered with a shiver.
In one of the years just about the time steam was making
straight the crooked highways of the wind, a very young
lady, now old, left Brodick at 10 a.m. of a December day
to go to Glasgow for the New Year. The smack drifted
leisurely along under a breath of wind, and by dark was
off Saltcoats, where the passengers spent the night on deck.
A passenger's herrings and the sailors' potatoes boiled in
salt water were the fare on board. Next morning a steamer,
toiling up from Ayr, towed them into the Clyde, where
another night was passed in a river inn, ere at last Glasgow
was reached.
' Page 178, note.
v
 THE NEW ARRAN 243

But the close of such adventures The was at hand.

river steamers of the Clyde came early among such fleets,
and the facilities which this mode of travelling afforded
'
of visiting places formerly deemed inaccessible at once '

attracted the public. On a day at the close of August 1825

the s.s. Helensburgh, with a party consisting of the pro-
prietors and
their friends, opened up a remarkable prospect.
Leaving Greenock at eight in the morning, it proceeded to
Rothesay, thence through the Kyles of Bute to Loch Ranza,
round the west and south coasts of Arran, called at Lamlash,
Brodick, Millport, Fairley, and Largs, and reached Helens-
burgh at 9 P.M., doing all this in a short space of thirteen
'

—
hours through some of the finest scenery in Scotland.' ^
Within a few years Arran had its regular share in a
Royal Mail Steam Packet Service, when, as appears from an
advertisement of 1829, the Toward Castle sailed from Glasgow
every Tuesday for Brodick and Lamlash, and the Inveraray
Castle every Saturday, returning from Arran on Wednesday
and Monday morning respectively.
These steamers were owned by individuals or
earlier
companies, and of the first in use the starting-place was
Glasgow. Some did only a summer or irregular trade.
From 1832 to 1864 the 'M'Kellar' boats, from the Hero and
the Jupiter to the Juno, were familiar on the Arran route.
By the sixties, however, the extension of railways to the
coast towns was setting up new conditions and limits for
the traffic. The steamers, indeed, helped to run the coaches
off the road, but in turn the railways soon encroached upon
the river steamers, and presently began to add these to their
own termini. Ardrossan had always been marked as the
natural port of departure for Arran, and in 1860 an Ardrossan
company had the Earl of Arran constructed for that route.
Her commander was a popular Irishman, Captain Blakeney,
the only Clyde captain of that nationality. In 1868 the
' Glasgow Heriild, September 6, 1825.
 ^

244 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Duke Hamilton entered the business with the Lady Mary
of ;

and her success was such that, in two years, a new and faster
boat was ordered, the Lady Mary being transferred as part
payment. But this craft, the Heather Bell, was a failure,
and in another two years was sold for service in the Bristol
Channel, where she may still be. The Lady Mary was then
chartered for her old service, but the enterprise, for various
reasons, had ceased to be a success, and the Ardrossan-
Arran traffic passed into the hands of Captain Wm. Buchanan
with the Rothesay Castle, in charge of Ronald M'Taggart.
A serious drawback to the Arran traffic was the lack of
proper piers. At Lamlash passengers and goods alike had
to be transferred in small boats, and the place was notorious
for its accidents in the drowning of men and animals. For
long the policy of the estate had been adverse to any popular
exploitation of the island territory. It is understood (in
'

1840) to be the wish of the proprietor, to preserve as much

as possible the present character of the parish (Kilbride)
as a romantic rural retirement.' This exclusiveness was a
matter of complaint in various quarters. Arran as a game
preserve was accounted of more value than as a holiday
resort,and there was also the sentimental interest. But
romance butters no bread, save for the novehsts, and more
material forces triumphed, though late. The island, however,
delayed long behind other such places in being provided with
suitable landing accommodation. The earliest pier, at
Brodick, was not erected till 1872, and the latest, that at
Whiting Bay, was finished only in 1901.
In the late seventies the Buchanan steamer the Scotia
succeeded the Brodick Castle on the Ardrossan-Arran route,
but thereafter passed into the hands of the Glasgow and
South- Western Railway Company, the various amalgamated
railway concerns being now active in this field. Her suc-
cessor was the Glen Sannox. But in 1890 the Caledonian
' The Clyde Passenger Steamer, p. 78.
 THE NEW ARRAN 245

Steam Packet Company invaded this preserve, and with the

Duchess of Hamilton doubled the Arran trade in ten years.^
Much of this was due to an increase of traffic from the south
end of the island, and, as the result of action by the inhabi-
tants of Whiting Bay, the Duchess of Hamilton began sailings
direct to that port from Ardrossan. The suggestion of the
Whiting Bay people had been that the companies should
divide the ports, but as neither would abandon Brodick,
the result was that the rival company followed to Whiting
Bay. A pronounced local preference for the first comer made
the rival service a failure, and it had to be withdrawn. In
the end the competition of these lines has led to an amalgama-
tion of their steamer services. The Glasgow and South
Western new steamer, the Glen Sannox, had a notably skilful
captain in Colin M'Gregor, a native of Shisken, who died in
1901. Meantime the last ostensible restriction on Arran
development on this line, the narrow grounds to which
feuing facilities were confined, has been removed by the
throwing open of the island to such investment (1913).
The results of this step must be waited for.

Ill

Reference has been made to the difference of opinion as

to the degrees of piety credited, at particular periods, to the
Arran people but to the layman observer their disposition
;

of recent times has always seemed strongly religious.^ At

the present moment the island is indulged with three varieties
of Presbyterian ecclesiasticism, besides the Sannox remnant
who continue the local Congregationalism. A number of
Western Highland and Island parishes can exceed the
Presbyterian figure, for the Free Presbyterian secession of
1893 did not affect Arran, and owns no representatives there.
The course of things at the Disruption of 1843 is signifi-
' The Clyde Passenger Steamer, p. 218.
^ Cf. Lord Teignmouth (as cited), vol. ii. pp. 396-7.
246 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
cant in its own way. The principal church in Kilbride parish
was that at Lamlash, the old ecclesiastical centre, but we
have seen the erection of a chapel-of-ease, afterwards
constituting a quoad sacra parish congregation, at Brodick
in 1839.1 Patronage was the root of the trouble which
eventuated in the disruption of the Church of Scotland,
but a broader issue was raised in the theory of the relations
of Church and State as laid down by the law-courts. There
was grave difference over rights of jurisdiction.
When the division came the Rev. Dr. M'Naughton,
minister of Kilbride, remained in the Establishment and
retained with him the congregation of Lamlash, which thus
to-day is still the strongest body in the island adhering to
the Church of Scotland. On the other hand, Brodick and
Whiting Bay followed the Church of Scotland Free,
In Kilmorie the Free Church carried the congregations
out like a flood and, besides the mother church, there was
;

the mission at Loch Ranza, while the old preaching-house

at Clachan had been succeeded in 1805 by a kirk built by
the parishioners. The secession was preponderant. To this
triumph of the Evangelical party the memory and influence
of the revival times no doubt directly contributed while ;

children of that experience, and natives of Kilmorie, like the

Revs. Archibald and Finlay Cook and Rev. John M'Master,
all then Highland ministers, by attaching themselves to the
Free Church, must have similarly directed the minds of
compatriots. But no less efficacious would be the recollec-
tion of Kilmorie's own experience of patronage, when the
estimable Mr. Crawford was intruded upon an unwilling
parish. Therefore the Disruption emptied all three churches.
Not till a few days after the event did the news of what had
happened in Edinburgh reach the western parish, when the
' Brodick was erected into a separate parish in 1864, when an endowment was
provided by joint contributions from the Duke of Hamilton and the Church of
Scotland Endowment Committee.
 THE NEW ARRAN 247

Rev. Angus M'Millan (' Maighisteir Aonghus') preached his

last sermon from the old pulpit on the text And she named
:
'

the child I-chabod, saying, The glory is departed from Israel.'

Provision was made for the self-displaced congregation on
the farm of Clachaig.^
Indeed, Arran Avas free from the difficulties about finding
sites for new churches and manses, such as made things
uncomfortable for some time in other parts of the country.
The chapel at Brodick continued in occupation by the old
congregation until the death of their new minister Mr.
M'Alister in December 1844, when the Duke of Hamilton
found them quarters at an old saw-pit near the Castle. But,
Mr. M'Millan dying in the year of the Disruption and Mr.
M'Alister the year after, the Free Church congregation had
to make shift for a space without the services of an ordained
clergyman.
We taste something of the bitterness of the time in the
fact that in May 1848, at a Sacramental Fast of the Estab-
lished Church in Shisken, it was hailed as a pleasing proof
'

of the better feeling now prevailing that many of those

belonging to the Free Church attended, and obligingly lent
us their tent for the occasion.' ^
Of the Free Church clergymen of the island, the most
distinguished has been the Rev. Alexander Cameron, LL.D.,
of Brodick, conspicuous in the field of Celtic scholarship,
whose work has been collected in two volumes under the
title Beliquae Celticae. His last days, before his death in
1888, were clouded by a quarrel with the Church Courts
regarding an iron church which Dr. Cameron had erected
at Lamlash, when it was proposed to establish a regular
mission in that place. This church he intended for the use
of those members of his congregation who preferred re-
taining their previous connection with Brodick. The con-
' The Church in Arran, by Rev. J. Kennedy Cameron, M.A., p. 114.
' Ayr Observer, May Ifi, 1848.
248 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
demnation of the Assembly he met by offering to transfer
the iron church, if his financial obligations in connection
with it were also taken over, which offer was refused. After
his death the Duke made it a condition of granting a site
for a permanent church that Dr. Cameron's representatives
should be relieved of the expense to which he had gone in
erecting the previous one, and an arbitration fixed this at
two-thirds of the original cost.^
In 1900 the Free Church itself suffered a minor but serious
disruption. After a term of negotiations a formal union
was constituted with the United Presbyterian Church, the
bodies thus joined bearing the common title of the United
Free Church of Scotland. But one main principle of the U.P.
communion was that State establishment was unscriptural
or unwarranted, while the Free Church had originally upheld
the lawfulness of Establishment on her own lines. The
growing unlikelihood of this concession, with nearly sixty
years of existence on a basis of voluntary support, had
weakened the acceptance of the Establishment principle,
and, on this ground of union with a voluntary Church' '

repudiating Establishment, as well as on some theological

differences, the minority claimed to continue the original
denomination with all the rights of property. The Court
of Session gave decisions in favour of the majority, but
appeal to the House of Lords brought a majority verdict in
favour of the objectors, that Court treating the Church as a
'
trust formed at a particular time for particular purposes.
'

This decision transferred the property of the old Free Church

to the minority, but an Act of Parliament passed in 1905,
and a Royal Commission following on it, carried out a dis-
tribution of goods between the contending claimants. Only
in Lamlash did the United Free Church retain the Arran
buildings, and thus seven new churches had to be erected in
the island to supply the displaced supporters of the Union.
' The Church in Arran, p. 141.
 ;

THE NEW ARRAN 249

The most important event of recent years in Arran history
has been the appearance in the island of the new Land Court
and their decisions of reduced rents for the small tenantry
but some of these decisions are still the subject of judicial
process. The great crises of Highland agriculture, of earlier
date, had not the same results in Arran as elsewhere. The
famine of 1846, consequent on the failure of the potato crop,
does not seem to have affected the island to an e:jctent com-
parable with its effects in other parts of Scotland. Such as
it was, however, it induced the Duke of the time to give

liberal abatements of rent for that year, extending to up-

wards of thirty per cent, on the average.^ But twenty
years later there was an all round increase, and so also on
two subsequent occasions. The Crofters Commission of 1883
and the Act of 1885 did not comprehend Arran as a crofting
district, though 281 tenants petitioned Parliament for its
inclusion. A new spirit, too, had arisen regarding game.
In 1834 Mr. Paterson, the factor, notes that there was still
a considerable number of survivors of the ancient red deer
'
in the northern part of the island.' Further, A small'

kind of deer from America, of which a pair was introduced

several years ago in the woods of Arran Castle, has thriven
so well, that there are now more than thirty individuals
grazing at large.' In fact, deer introduced from America
flourished as well in Arran as Arran people did when ex-
ported to America. Even then, too, black and red grouse
were very abundant the former so much so as to be very
:
'

destructive to the corn crops.' Pheasants had been intro-

duced a few years before, and abounded in the Brodick dis-
trict. These conditions have intensified since Paterson's
day, and the destructiveness of game was one of the com-
plaints before the Land Court. Compensation in such cases
is rarely satisfactory to both sides. But the central point
there raised awaits final decision, while illuminating one of
1 Glasgow Herald, March 12, 1847.
VOL. II. 2 I
 :

250 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

the chief economic supports of the smaller Arran tenantry
Is revenue from summer visitors for house accommodation
on a farm to be taken into account in fixing' its rent? With
this query, and with another query dependent on it How —
will free feuing affect the future of the island? the present,
record must close.
Only this it is perhaps safe to say. There is no prospect
that the grimy fingers of industrialism will ever fasten on
the island. Gold or silver it has none to speak of ; and it
will be a hard necessity that will ever find its coal profitable.
But the Highlander instinctively grips to the soil as a home,,
a sentiment overlooked by the calculator ; and city popula-
tions, once in a while, must again touch the unpaved earth
or the unbuilt ocean. Arran has field and mountain and
sea, and on their lap, for much time to come, its destiny-
must lie.
 CHAPTER XII
FOLK LORE
Ossianic legends — faii-y —
tales of monsters — foretellings and
tales
signs —the Evil-eye — witchcraft — cures — customs.
social

Earnest minds have long been devoted to discrediting and

discouraging the age-old beliefs and magical customs of the
folk, and in this work the enlightenment of modern education
has powerfully helped. Thus tales and practices hoary in
their antiquity, but singularly tenacious in simple minds, are
fast fading into oblivion. Just as rapidly, however, these
relics of a former faith have won the scientific and artistic
interest of those to whom nothing of human origin is without
value, in so far as it reveals the human mind at its work of
explaining things or adapting itself to forces mysterious or
misunderstood or beyond its control.
In recording such material, the first concern is to present
it without amplification or mere literary dressing and in ;

the present case, apart from what has been found to be

mechanically necessary, this course has been adopted and
contributions set down in the actual form and language of
the narrator. For convenience the matter has been arranged
in certain main groups.
I

The littlethat Arran has to offer as a contribution to

the Finn saga has been given in the first chapter. The
floating stuff still in existence belongs to a very late stage
in the history of the legend, when the vague memories of
gigantic figures are used to account for what is at once great
251
 —

252 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

and unknown, burial-cairns for example, circles of standing
stones, duns, and such like, Ossian's Mound at Clachaig,
reputed the burial-place of that poet, son of Finn, has proved
to be part natural hillock, part burial-mound.^ The great
cave at Drumadoon, now called the King's Cave,^ once bore
the name of Fingal's Cave,' and was reputed a residence of
'

Finn and the Feinne when hunting in Arran.^ Here runs —

the tale— a son was born to him, and a groove in the side of
the cave is alleged to mark the length of the infant's foot the
day after he was born. The groove is more than two feet
long. From this Mr. Headrick calculates that the childmust
have then been twelve feet high, and his parents of a height
sufficient to make even that large cave a somewhat narrow
dwelling. From this place, too, Finn is declared to have
formed a bridge or set of stepping-stones across to Kintyre.*
On Machrie moor is a circle of stones known as FingaVs
Cauldron Seat,^ the rest for his cooking-pot, an identification
which is known also in the west of Lewis.
Nothing is gained by recapitulating such fancies, for
folk-fancies only they are, belonging to a depraved stage of
the Finn legends, of which similar examples are to be found
elsewhere. Something huge is credited to a giant to begin '
'

with, and the giant in time becomes one of the Feinne such :

appears to be the logic at work.

A particular presentation of some of these stories runs as
follows :

In bygone days it is said a battle had been fought near Slidderie

Water between Fionn's forces and some others. A great rhany were
slain and buried near the field of slaughter.
This had become a dreaded place by the natives, as it was said
to be haunted, owing to the ground having been tilled, which
disturbed the rest of these dead warriors.

1 See vol. i. pp. 101-2. ^ cf_ p. us,

3 See citation in vol. i. p. 218. * Headrick, pp. 160-1.
<•
Vol. i. p. 118.
 FOLK LORE 253
The shades of the dead that traversed these quiet regions in the
lone hours of night were awesome in the extreme, and had evidently
been visible not only to persons but also to animals ; and the follow-
ing instance is related.
A certain man had been on
the road with his horse and cart,
when without warning the still and would proceed no
horse stood
farther. His ears stood up, while he snorted and was sweating from
evident fear. The reason of this soon became known, for there rose
before the man's vision like as it were a small cloud or mist, which
grew larger and larger till it became a great size, but it was not only
a cloud whether in it or of it the cloud had taken an uncanny form
;

of a wraith.
This man had met this unwelcome thing more than once.

A
w^hoUy irresponsible contribution to this section may
here find a place. It is from a satirical poem against
Highlanders, pubhshed in London in 1681, and tells how
'
Finmacowel chased a herd of deer from Lew^is
' :

He chased them so furiouslie,

That they were forced to take the sea,
And swam from Cowel into Arran,
In which soil, though it be but barren.
As learned antiquaries say,
Their offspring lives unto this day.*

In the following custom we have the survival of an old

harvest rite, reaching back to the very beginning of agri-
cultural work :

a' CHAILLEACH —THE OLD WOMAN

At the end of harvest, when all the corn was cut except the last 'wee
pickle,' the glad shearers gathered round to cut the cailleach,' the '

name by which the last few standing stalks were known. Some one,
generally an old man, was chosen to tie the heads of this bunch of
stalks together. Then each was blindfolded, given a sickle, and got
his chance to cut the cailleach.' Some one would succeed at last.
'

' Colville's ' M'higg's Supplication,' cited in Campbell's Popular Tales, iv. p. 76.
 ;

254 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

and would be pleased that the harvest was finished. Some of
all
the men would take the cailleach home and hang it up in the kitchen,
' '

where I suppose it had to stay till the spring cleaning. If a hare

or a rabbit, or a rat or a mouse, or any animal indeed jumped, last
of all, just before the last straw of the corn was cut, I have often
heard them shouting, 'There's the Cailleach!' meaning that the
'
cailleach was escaping as a hare or in a hare or mouse, or what-
'

ever bird or beast it was.

Clearly, as the last item drives home, the final sheaf

symbolises the corn-spirit, the origin of growth and repro-
duction. In other parts of the Highlands the keeping of
the old w^oman was avoided as far as possible. In some
parts of Germany the last sheaf is made up in the form of
a hare or such animal; in other parts, as also in England,
Scotland, and the east of Europe, in the form of a man or
woman whence in England we have its name as the kern
;
'

(corn) baby or the maiden,' in the Highlands also as the

' '

'
harvest-maiden {maighdean bhuan),^ and in Germany as
'

the corn-mother,' etc. An Arab custom is to bury cere-

'

monially a final sheaf of wheat with the words, The old man '

is dead.' ^ The keeping of the cailleach probably meant '

'

its use at the spring festival, at which time, in central Europe,

it is the practice to carry out a straw puppet and burn it or

throw it into a river, as the ceremony of carrying out the '

death.' The dressing up of a sheaf of oats, in the island

of Colonsay on February 2, is held by Martin to symbolise
'
Bride,' the goddess.^

II

The stories about fairies also seem to be based ultimately

upon the mystery of life and death, particularly the latter
fairies, as certain of the tales to follow plainly indicate,
being spirits of the dead, an idea distorted throughout the
1 Campbell's Superstitions of the Scottish Highlands, p. 20.
^ Eraser's Adonis, Attis, Osiris, p. 298. Cf. also Spirits nfthe Corn, etc., i. p. 204 ff.
^ Martin's Western Isles, p. 119 cf. p. 77. ;
 FOLK LORE 255
Highlands, under Christian influences, to the conception of
'
fallen angels who were shut out from heaven and did not
'

enter hell. The English poet Chaucer fairly equates the

Fairy Queen with Proserpine, Queen of the Dead, mistress
of the otherworld. King Arthur, and others of note, did
not die they were carried away to the fairy kingdom.^
;

Birth and death were equally mysterious to the primitive

mind hence a world-wide similarity in the strange tales
:

woven around the two most familiar phenomena of human

life, the puzzled human mind everywhere reasoning on

similar lines.
Other phenomena, physicalin character or external to
the people's own explanation in the invention of
lives, find
giants or monsters of various kinds and tempers. It is the
same sort of reasoning as we find in much later times de-
scribing great works of unknown origin, such as cairns and
standing-stones, as the production of gigantic personages.
A few of these tales form the second class of those here given.

A. FAIRIES

AM FIGHEADAIR CROTACH
Bho chionn fada nan clan bha figheadair beag, crotach a' c6mh-
nuidh an Loch-Raonasa. Latha 's e 'dol do'n bheinn a bhuain
rainich, thainig e gu h-obann air buidheann shithichean 'us iad mu
theinn a' damhsadh ann an lagan uaine, grianach, uaigneach. Lan
ne6nachais laigh e sios aig cM garaidh-balla a chum 's gu'm

1 Cf. ' There be many places called Fairie-hills, which the Mountain People think

impious and dangerous to peel and discover, by taking earth or wood from them ;

superstitiously believing the souls of their predicessors to dwell there (Kirk's-

'

Secret Commonwealth of Elves and Fairies (1691), ed. 1893, p. 28).

' Bot, sen my spreit mon fra my body go,
I recommend it to the Quene of Farye,
Eternallye in tyll hir court to carye.'
Sir D. Lyndsay's Testament of the Papyngo.
There are, of course, other explanations current as to the origin of the fairy faith.
256 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
faiceadh e iad ri'n cleasachd. Bu liighmhor 's bu sgiobalt iad air
an damhsadh, agus b' e am port-a-beul a bh' aca ' Di-Luain, 's
Di-Mairt, Di-Luain 's Di-Mairt.' Cha b' fhada gus an d' fhas e sgith
de 'n phort ghoirid so agus leum e gu 'chasan 'us ghlaodh e mach
'
's Di-c|adain.'
Air faicinn duine an dliiths dhaibh, chlisg na daoine beaga, ach cha
do chuir sin stad air an abhacas lean iad air damhsadh ris a' phort,
;

'
Di-Luain, Di-Mairt, s' Di-ciadain,' agus chunnaic iad gu'm b'fh-
eairrd am port an car a chuir am figheadair ann. Chum an taingea-
lachd a nochdadh dha, thug iad chroit bharr a dhroma 's chuir iad
a'
air muUach a' Chaidh am figheadair dhachaidh gu
gharaidh-balla i.

suigeartach cho aotrom ri iteig 's cho direach ri raite. Thuit gu'n
robh figheadair crotach eile a' cdmhnuidh an Loch-Raonasa aig a'
cheart am so, agus air dha chluinntinn mar fhuair a choimhearsnach
r^idh de 'chroit, chuir e roimhe gu'm feuchadh esan an se61 ceudna
chum faotainn r^idh de 'chroit fhein. Suas gabhar e thun na beinne
far an robh na sithichean, agus fhuair e iad an sin a' damhsadh
cho liighmhor 's a bha iad riamh. Dh' eisd e riu car tiotan, agus an
sin ghlaodh e mach Di-Luain, Di-Mairt, Di-ciadain, Di-'r-daoin,
'

Di-h-aoine, Di-Sathuirne ach an aite gleus a b'fhearr chur air a'

'
;

phort, 's ann a mhill e'muigh 's a mach e. Bha na daoine beaga cho
diombach dheth airson a' phuirt a mhilleadh, 's gu'n do thog iad
croit an fhir eile bharr a' gharaidh, agus sparr iad an dama croit air
muin na croit' eile 's chuir iad dhachaidh e da uair na bu chrotaiche
na bha e roimhe.

THE HUNCHBACKED WEAVER

Ages long ago there was a hunchbacked weaver dwelling in Loch
Ranza. One day as he was going to the hill to cut brackens, he
suddenly came upon a band of fairies as they were actively engaged
at dancing in a green, sunny, secluded hollow. Full of curiosity he
lay down at the back of a turf dyke in order to observe their antics.
Active and nimble were they at the dancing, and the tune they had
was Monday, Tuesday Monday Tuesday.' He soon got tired of
'
;

this short tune, and he jumped to his feet, and shouted out and '

Wednesday.'
On seeing a man near them, the little folk started, but that did
 FOLK LORE 257
not put a stop to their diversion they continued dancing to the
;

tune ' Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday,' and conceived that the
tune was the better of the turn the weaver put in it. In order to
show him their gratitude, they took the hump off his back and placed
it on the top of the turf dyke. The weaver went home rejoicing,
light as a feather and straight as a ramrod. It happened that
another diminutive hunchbacked weaver resided at Loch Ranza at
the very same time, and on hearing how his neighbour got rid of
his hump, he determined that he would try the same plan in order
to get rid of his own hump. Up he goes to the hill where the fairies
were, and he found them there dancing as lively as ever. He listened
for a short time, and then shouted out, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday,
'

Thursday, Friday, Saturday ; but instead of improving on the tune,

'

he spoiled it out and out. The little folk were so displeased at him
for spoiling the tune, that they lifted the other man's hump off the
dyke and placed a second hump on the top of the other, and sent
him home twice as hunched as he was before.
[Told of fairies in Scotland and Ireland, of pixies in Cornwall, of corrigans
in Brittany. In a Japanese version the affliction is not a hump but a wen on

the forehead. In all cases the essential idea is the same.]

NA SITHICHEAN— CLAOINEAD
Bha tuathanach d'am b'ainm MacCfica aon uair a' cdmhnuidh
ann an ClaoLnead. Thug a bhean leanabh thun an t-saoghail,
agus bha na h-ingheanan 's a' choimhearsnachd, mar bu ghnath, a'
faire re na h-oidhche a' frithealadh do'n leanabh 's d'a mhathair.
Aon oidhche chualas iipraid uamhasach anns a' bhathaich, mar gu
'm biodh an crodh 'gan gaorradh gu bas. Leum an luchd-faire gu'n
casan agus chaidh iad do'n bhathaich a dh'fhaicinn d6 b'aobhar
de'n t-straighlich. Cha robh ni cearr ri fhaicinn, bha an crodh gu
samhach, foisneach 'nan laighe a' cnamh an cir. Nuair a thill iad
air an ais cha robh sealladh de bhean-an-taighe ri fhaicinn chaidh —
i as an t-sealladh gu buUeach, agus a reir coslais, air a toirt air falbh
le na daoine beaga. Bha am fear aice gu tdrsach a' caoidh call a
mhnatha, agus air dha aon latha a bhi 'g obair aig beul abhainn na
Slaodraich, chunnaic e sgaoth de na daoine beaga a' dol thar a
VOL. II. 2 K
258 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
chimi, agus thilg e an corran-buana 'bha 'na laimh 'nam measg.
Cha luaithe rinn e sin na co bha bhean
'na seasamh 'na lathair ach a
fhein. Gairdeach 's mar bha iad a' cheile choinneachadh a rithist,
thuirt i ris Fhir mo ghraidh, cha 'n 'eil e 'n comas dhomh a dhol
:
'

leat, ach ma dh'fhagas thu dorus beulaobh agus dorus cfiil au taighe
fosgailte air oidhche araidh, theid mi-fhein agus cuideachd de na
daoine beaga a steach eadar an da dhorus. Bi thusa 'nad shuidhe
a' feitheamh, agus nuair a chi thu 'n cothrom tilgidh tu mo chleoca-

p6sda tharam, agus aisigear mise dhuit.

Bha gach ni mar a thubhairteadh, ach nuair a thainig a bhean
'na shealladh cha robh de mhisnich aig an duine bhochd na thilgeadh
an cleoca thairte. Bha i 'smeideadh gu teann, diirachdach ris, ach
air do na daoine beaga thuigsinn ciod a bu rfm di, spiol iad a' bhean
bhochd air falbh, a dh'aindeoin gach oidheirp a rinn i a saorsa' fhao-
tainn, agus cha 'n fhacas riamh tuilleadh i. Anns a' ch6mhradh a
bh' aice r' a fear dh'innis i dha gu'n robh na Sithichean math dhi,
agus nuair a bhiodh e 'sguabadh na h-atha, gun a sguabadh tur glan,
ach beagan ghrainean fhagail a bhiodh aca gu itheadh

THE FAIRIES OF CLAOINEAD

A
farmer of the name of Cook resided at one time at Claoinead.
His wife gave birth to a child, and the neighbouring maidens, as was
the custom, sat up at night and attended to the child and its mother.
One night a terrible uproar was heard in the byre, as if the cattle
were being gored to death. The attendants jumped to their feet
and went to the byre to see what was the cause of the noise. There
was nothing wrong to be seen, the cattle were quietly and peacefully
lying chewing their cud. When they went back, the housewife was
—
nowhere to be seen she had totally disappeared, and to all appear-
ance was taken away by the little folk.

Her husband was sorely lamenting the loss of his wife, and one
day as he was working at the mouth of Sliddery bum, he saw a
multitude of the little folk going over his head, and he threw the
reaping-hook, which he had in his hand, in their midst. No sooner
had he done so than who was standing in his presence but his own
wife. Glad as they were to have met each other again she said to
him My dear husband, it is not in my power to go with you, but
:
'
 FOLK LORE 259
if front door and back door of the house open on a
you leave the
certain night, Iand a company of the little folk will enter between
the two doors. Be you sitting waiting, and when you see an oppor-
tunity you will throw my wedding-cloak over me, and I shall be re-
stored to you.'
Everything happened as was said, but when his wife had come
in sight, the poor man had not so much courage as to throw the cloak
over her. She earnestly made signs to him, but the little folk, per-
ceiving her intention, snatched the poor woman away in spite of
her efforts to get her freedom, and she was never seen more. In the
conversation she had with her husband, she told him that the fairies
were good to her, and when he would be sweepirig the kiln not to
sweep it altogether clean, but to leave some grains that they would
have to eat.
[The power of the reaping-hook is in its metal. Cold iron is the master
of these beings. In the ballad of the Young Tamlane the lady secures her
changing lover, after many transformations, by casting her green mantle over
him. Women in childbed were particularly open to fairy interference.]

SITHICHEAN DHEUIM-A-GHINEIR
Bho chionn fada bha buidheann shithichean a' comhnuidh ann
an Cnoc 'ic Eoghain an Druim-a-ghineir. Bha iad fhein agus
tuathanach araidh do'm b'ainm Macmhurchaidh an^barrach cairdeil
mu cheile. Bhiodh esan a' dol gu trie air ch^ilidh le6, ach bha
e daonnan a' deanamh brath-ghabhail gu'n sathadh e sgian, no
snathad-mhdr, jio crioman iaruinn de'n t-se6rsa sin, am braigh an
doruis aca a chum an rathaid a bhi reidh dha gu teachd a mach.
Oidhche de na h-oidhchean a chaidh e' choimhead orra, fhuair e iad
uile cruinn air muUach a' chnocain mu theinn ag uUachadh airson
turuis eiginn. Spion gach aon diiibh geodhasdan, agus air dhaibh
facail dhiomhair aithris, chaidh iad casan-g6bhlach air a' gheodhasdan,
agus an aird gabhar iad anns an adhar cho aotrom ri iteig. Rinn
Macmhurchaidh an ni ceudna, spion esan geodhasdan, chaidh e
casan-g6bhlach air, agus ag aithris nam briathran-sithe suas gabhar
e as an deidh cho luath 's cho aotrom ri h-aon diubh fhein. Stifiir

iad an ciirsa nunn thar Maol Chinntire, an rathad a bu ghiorra gu

Eirinn. Ann an iiine ghoirid fhuair Macmhurchaidh e fh6in ann an
 a

260 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

cidsin tuathanaich an Eirinn far an robh bean-an-taighe 'na laighe
ri uchd agus gach scan chailleach 's an ^ite a' frithealadh
a' bhais,
dhi. Ann am priobadh na sWa spiol na sithichean a' bhean bhochd
air falbh, agus dh'fhag iad 'na h-aite ploc fiodha an cruth na mnatha.
An sin thog iad orra thun an dachaidh air a' cheart d6igh anns an d'
fhag iad, 'us Macmhurchaidh agus bean an tuathanaich 'nan cuideachd.
Nuair a rainig iad an cnocan-sithe an Druim-a-ghineir, thug iad a'
bhean do Macmhurchaidh airson gu'n deachaidh e leotha do dh'
Eirinn, 'us dh'fhan i leis mar a bhean-ph6sda.
Seachd bliadhna an deidh so, air feasgar blath samhraidh thainig
deirceach bochd Eirionnach an rathad agus air dha bhi sgith, shuidh
e air a' chloich-chnotaidh ^ ri taobh dorus Mhicmhurchaidh. Bha
bean-an-taighe a' bleoghan nam bd agus gach uair a rachadh i seachad
eadar a' bhathaich 's an taigh-bainne, theireadh an d6irceach Ma tk, :
'

mux bitheadh gu'n do chuir mi mo bhean le mo dha laimh fh^in anns

a' chiste-mhairbh mhionnaichinn gu "m bu tusa i.' B'e deireadh
an sge6il gu'n d'fhalbh a' bhean leis an deirceach Eirionnach —
fear-posda dUgheach.

THE FAIRIES
A long time ago a band of fairies had their abode in Cnoc 'ic
Eoghain in Druimaghineir. They and a certain farmer named
MacMurchie were very friendly with each other. He would often
be going to visit them, but always took the precaution to thrust a
knife, a darning-needle or a piece of iron of that kind above the
door so as to keep the way clear for him to come out. One of the
nights on which he went to visit them, he found them all assembled
on the top of the hillock, busily preparing for some journey. Each
one of them pulled a ragwort, and having repeated some mystic
words they went astride the ragwort, and up they went into the air
as light as a feather. MacMurchie did the same thing, he pulled
a ragwort, went astride on it, and having repeated the fairy words
up he goes after them as swiftly and lightly as any of themselves.
They directed their course over beyond the Mull of Kintyre by the
shortest route to Ireland. In a short time MacMurchie found himself

' Also called ' clach-chnocaidli ' locally.

 FOLK LORE 261

where the housewife was bedfast

in the kitchen of a farmer in Ireland,
and at the bosom of death, and every old woman in the place attend-
ing her. In the twinkling of an eye the fairies snatched the poor
woman away, and left in her place a log of wood of the appearance of
the woman. They then betook themselves home in the same manner
as they left, with MacMurchie and the farmer's wife in their company.
When they reached the fairy mound in Drumaghineir, they bestowed
thewoman on MacMurchie because he accompanied them to Ireland,
and she remained with him as his wife.
Seven years after this, on a warm summer evening, an Irish
beggar came the way, and being tired, he sat down on the husking-
stone^ at the side of MacMurchie's door. The housewife was
milking the cows, and every time she passed between the byre and
milkhouse the beggar would say Well, if I had not placed my wife
:
'

with my own two hands in the coffin, I would swear that thou art
she.' The end of the story was that the woman departed with the
—
Irish beggar ^her lawful husband.

a' bhean-ghluin agus na sibhrich^

Bho chionn fada roimhe so, bha seana chailleach a' comhnuidh
ann am BaUe-mhicheil a bhiodh ri banachas-ghhiin. Air latha
araidh 's i' buain le h-aon de na coimhearsnaich, de thainig trasd
uirre ach losgann m6r, grannda 's i trom le losgainn oga. Tha mi '

'guidhe 's ag aslachadh ort,' ars a' chailleach, 's i 'cur an losgainn
a thaobh le barr a' chorrain ghobhlaich, nach dealaich thu ri do
'

luchd gus am bi mo dha laimh-se timchioll ^ ort.' Cha robh tuilleadh

air aig an am, ach oidhche no dha an deidh sin, cd thainig thun an
doruis aice ach gille air muin eich 'na dheannaibh, agus e 'glaodhaich
uirre i 'dh' eirigh gu luath, luath, a' dheanadh cuideachaidh 'us cobhair
air nmaoi a bha 's a' ghlaodhaich.* Ghreas i uirre, 'us chaidh i air
muin an eich aig ctilthaobh a' ghille, ach an aite crtm an rathaid a
ghleidheadh 's ann a ghabh e a muigh 's a mach rathad ciiil Aird-
bheinn. C'aite fo chromadh nan speur,' ars' a' chailleach,
' am '

^ Hollowed stone into which grain was put and beaten until freed from the husks.
^ Locally pronounced sihhridk,' the ch being silent after i.
'

' Pronounced tiomall locally.

* 'na laidhe-shiubhla, in childbed ('« a ghlaodhaich, literally in the crying).
262 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
bheil an aire dhuit dol, nofhada tha romhad ?
cia 'Se luaths do
' '

theangaidh,' ars an gille, a ghluais do chasan

'
an nochd, chuir thu
ban-righ nan sibhreach beaga fo gheasaibh 's i an riochd losgainn,
's cha 'n fhaigh i f6ir no fuasgladh gus am bi do dha laimh timchioll
uirre, ach air an anam a tha 'nn do chorp feuch nach gabh thu biadh
no deoch no tuarasdal, air neo bithidh thu mar tha mise, fo shileadh
nan lochran, gun chomas tillidh gu taigh no teaghlach.'
Rainig iad uamh Aird-bheinn, agus chaidh iad a steach do shedmar
cho breagh, 's nach fhaichte a leithid 's an domhan. Bha Ban-righ nan
Sibhreach air leabaidh, 'us moran de na sibhrich bheaga a' feitheamh
's a' freasdal uirre. Rinn a' chailleach gach ni a bha feumail, 's cha
robh fada gus an do rugadh mac m6r, meamnach, Nuair a bha 'n
leanabh glan, sgeadaichte, thug iad sabh do'n bhean-ghlfiin a dh-
ungadh a shiiilean, chum 's gu faigheadh e sealladh an da shaoghaiL
Ach thuit gu'n do thachais a' chailleach a mala 's an sabh air a
meuran, 's cha luaithe a thachais na fhuair i sealladh an da shaoghail
'n a leth-shuil agus a nis an se6mar a chitheadh i cho breagh leis
;

an darna siail, chitheadh i leis an t-si!iil eile e 'na tholl dorcha Ian
neadoch an damhan-alluidh. O'n a bha a h-uile ni deas, cha robh
ach biadh 'us dooch a chur air a beulaobh, ach dhiialt i muigh 's a
mach e. B'eiginn leotha 'n sin gu'n gabhadh i paigheadh airson a
saothrach, agus thairig iad dhi Ian an dfiirn de'n dr ach aji t-6r a
;

bha cho buidhe, boidheach do'n darna stiil, cha robh air ach coslas
innearach do 'n t-sCiil eile, agus cha ghabhadh i dubh no dath ^
dheth. O'n a chunnaic^ na sibhrich nach robh math dhaibh a bhi
rithe chuA iad i air druim an eich, agus an sin dh'aithnich i an gille
gu'm b'e mac coimhearsnaich a bh'ann a ghoideadh le na sibhrich,
agus,d{iil aig a mhuinntir gu'n do shiubhail e. Rainig a' chailleach
a bothan fhein mu ghoir a' choilich, 's cha luaithe a ghlaodh e na
chaidh an gille 's an t-each as an t-sealladh, agus cha 'n fhaca i iad gu
brath tuilleadh.

THE MIDWIFE AND THE FAIRIES f

Long before now an old woman dwelt in Balmichael who practised

midwifery. On a certain day as she was reaping with one of the

1 duhh no dath; meaning', in any form or colour = an absolute refusal.

- Locally the final c is not pronounoed.
 FOLK LORE 263

neighbours, what came across her but a big, ugly frog, heavy with
young. '
pray and beseech you,' said the old wife, as she put the
I
frog aside with the point of the sickle, that you will not part with
'

your burden until my two hands be about you.' There was nothing
further at the time, but a night or two thereafter who should oome
to her door but a youth on the back of a horse in hot haste, and
calling to her to arise quickly to give assistance and succour to a
woman in childbed. She hastened and mounted the horse at the
back of the youth, but instead of keeping to the crown of the road,
he kept out and out by way of Aird-bheinn. '
Where, under the bend
of the sky,' said the old wife, do you mean to go, or what distance
'

is before you ? '

It is the quickness of your tongue that moved
'

your feet to-night ;

you put the queen of the fairies under a spell
and she was in the form of a frog, and she will get neither help nor
deliverance until your two hands be about her, but on the soul in
your body see that you take neither food nor drink nor hire, or else
you will be as I am, under the dripping of the torches, without the
power to return to house or family.'
They reached the cave of Aird-bheinn, and they entered a room
so grand that the like could not be seen on earth. The queen of the
fairies was in bed, and many of the little fairies waiting and serving
her. The old wife did all that was necessary, and it was not long
until a big, strong son was born. When the infant was washed and
clothed they gave an ointment to the midwife to anoint his eyes
so that he would get the view of the two worlds. But it happened
that the old wife scratched her eyebrow, with the ointment on her
fingers, and no sooner had she done so than she got a sight of the two
worlds with her one eye ; and now, the room which she would see
so grand with the one eye, she would see it with the other eye a dark
hole full of cobwebs. Since everything was in readiness, food and
drink were set before her, but she refused it out and out. They
must needs, then, that she would accept a hire for her labour, and
they offered her a handful of gold ; but the gold that was so yellow
and beautiful to the one eye, it was but like dung to the other, and
she would not take it at all. When the fairies saw they could not
prevail on her, they set her on the horse's back, and it was then she
—
knew the youth that he was the son of a neighbour who was stolen
by the fairies, and his people thinking he had died. The old wife
264 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
reached her own home about the cock-crowing, and no sooner had
the cock crowed than the youth and horse disappeared, and she saw
them no more.
[A widespread story common in Wales, Ireland, Man, Cornwall, and
Brittany. Usually the eye anointed with the salve is blinded afterwards by
a fairy, who by this means has been recognised. In such a case it is the fairy
midwife who attends a mortal, when the husband thus accidentally acquires
the fairy vision and suffers blinding.]

AN TUATHANACH AGUS NA SIBHRICH ^

Air do thuathanach airidh aig an robh gabhail-fearainn anns an
eilean so anns na laithean a tha seachad, a bhi aon latha an toiseach
an Earraich anns an achadh a leantuinn nan each anns a' chrann-
treabhaidh,^ bhuail mar bu trie an t-acras e. Ars esan ris fhein, 'Na 'n
robh agam ach greim arain, chumadh e suas mi gu am an trathn6in.'
Air dha teachd gu ceann-iomaire an achaidh, mhothaich e faile
taitneach a chuir barrachd geurachaidh air a chail faile bonnaich —
air iiv dheasachadh.^ Ars esan, Bu mhath learn crioman de'n
'

bhoimach sin itheadh,' agus lean e air aghaidh aig ctil nan each anns
a' chrann gus an do thill e rithist gu ceann an iomaire agus de ;

chunnaic e ach bonnach air iir dheasachadh na laighe air an lar fa

chomhair. Chuir so ioghnadh air, ach thog e 'us dh'ith e am bonnach,
agus bonnach a bu mhilse cha d'ith e riamh. Gu dearbh,' ars esan, '

'
Bu mhath leam bolla de 'n mhin o'n d'rinneadh am bonnach sin
fhaotainn.' Thug e car eile le na h-eich, agus air dha teachd a rithist
gus an aite cheudna, faicear bolla mine 'na shuidhe air an lar. Dh'
fhuasgail e na h-eich as a' chrann, agus thug e am bolla mine dhach-
aidh, agus a leithid de mhin cha d'ith e riamh bha i cho mills, —
blasda.
Thoisich e air breithneachadh mu'n chilis, agus thainig e gus a'

chbmh-dhunaidh gu'm be so obair nan sibhreach, agus gu'm b' e a

dhleasdanas an caoimhneas a dhioladh. Nuair a thainig a' mhin

' Sithicheaii.
' Crann treabhaidh, or beairt-threabhaidh, or simply ' beairt' ; hence ' leantuinn
nan each anns a' chrann treabhaidh ' is rendered very briefly locally as :
'
leantuinn
na beairt.'
' fhuinneadh.
 FOLK LORE 265
fhein as a' mhuileann, dh'fhag e bolla dhi aig ceann an iomaire far
an d'fhuair e roimhe so bonnach agus min nan sibhreach agus thug ;

iad-saii leo min an tuathanaich. Uine ghoirid an deidh so thachair

na sibhrich airanns an achadh, agus bha an caoimhneas air tionndadh
gu feirg chionn ghlac iad e, agus ghabh iad air le buailteanan gu math
;

agus gu ro mhath.
Dh'fheoraich iad deth, Carson a thug thu dhuinn min de'n
'

t-seors' ud ? '
Thug mi dhuibh,' ars an tuathanach, min cho math
' '

's a bha agam ach ars iadsan, a' mhin a thug sinne dhuit b' ami
' ;
'

de'n ghraine-muUaich a rinneadh i.' Ma tha sin mar sin,' ars esan,
'

'
bheir mise dhuibh min cho math ris a' mhin a thug sibhse dhomhsa.'
Leis a' ghealladh so leig iad an tuathanch mu sgaoil, agus dachaidh
ghabh e cho luath 's a bheireadh a chasan e, agus bhuail e an graine-
muUaich de'n arbhar, chuir e do'n mhtiileann e, agus dh'fhag e
bolla de'n mhin far am faigheadh na sibhrich i. Bho sin gus an do
shuibhail e bha e-fhein agus na sibhrich 'nan deagh chairdean.

THE FARMER AND THE FAIRIES

The following little tale is told of a certain farmer that had a
lease of land in this island in the days gone by. One day in the be-
ginning of spring, as he was in the field following the horses in the
plough, he was struck, as often happened, with hunger. Said he
to himself, ' If I had but a bit of bread it would keep me up until
noontide.' As he came to the head-rig he felt a pleasant smell
which gave an additional sharpening to his appetite the smell of —
a newly baked bannock. Said he, I would like to eat a piece of that
'

bread,' and followed on behind the horses in the plough until he

again returned to the head-rig, and what did he see but a bannock
newly baked lying on the ground before him. This astonished him,
but he lifted up and ate the bannock, and a sweeter bannock he
never ate. '
Truly,' he said, I would like to get a boll of the meal
'

from which that bannock was made.' He gave another turn with
the horses, and having again come to the same place, he sees a boll
of meal sitting on the ground. He loosened the horses out of the
plough and brought the boll of meal home, and such meal he never
—
ate it was so sweet and well-tasted.
He commenced to think about the matter, and came to the con-
VOL. II. 2 L
266 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
elusion that this was the work of the and that it was his duty
fairies,
to reward their kindness. When his own meal came from the mill
he left a boll of it at the head-rig where he got, before this, the bannock
and meal of the fairies, and they brought with them the meal of the
farmer.
A short time after this the fairies met him in the field and their
kindness was turned into anger, for they seized him and thrashed
him severely with flails. They asked him, Why did you give us '

meal of that kind ? 'I gave you,' said the farmer, as good meal
' '

as I had.' But,' said they,

'
the meal which we gave you, it was
"

from the top-grain that it was made.' If that is so,' said he,
'
I '

will give you meal as good as the meal you gave me.'
With this promise they released the farmer, and home he went
as fast as his legs would take him, and he threshed the top-grain of
the corn, sent it to the mill, and left a boll of the meal where the
fairies would get it. From then until he died, he and the fairies were
good friends.

There was once a wedding and during the night the

at Bennan,
store of whisky got finished. Two men
therefore went off to the
nearest inn for a fresh supply, carrying a jar with them. After com-
pleting their business at the inn they took their way back. As the
two men were coming along the road they saw a hole open in the
ground, the interior of which was lit up, while strains of fine music
were to be heard on going nearer to the hole they saw fairies dancing
;

and making merry. One of the men said he would go in and have
a dance, the other declined and went back to the wedding party.
There he told what had become of his companion. A number of those
present went out to look for him, but on reaching the spot where the
fairy dance had been, no hole was to be seen. A suspicion arose that
the lost man had been killed by his comrade, and the story had been
told to cover the deed. The friends of the missing man went to a
woman of skill for counsel. She told them not to touch the suspected
man for a year and a day and on that day to go to the place
;

where their friend disappeared and they would find it open. They
waited, and on the appointed day they went and found the place
open, and saw the man still dancing with the fairies, and still with
his jar on his back. They told him to come away with them. He.
 FOLK LORE 267
replied, Wait till I have finished my dance.'
'
When he came out
he thought he had only been in for a reel.
[There are many examples and variants of this story involving the super-
natural lapse of time in Fairyland, and these extend from Ireland to Japan.
The most familiar literary example is the tale of Rip Van Winkle. A
parallel to the Arran which also there is the suspicion of murder,
story, in
is typical in Wales. A
version from Dornoch, Sutherlandshire, places the
fairy feasting-hall in the churchyard.]

A WOMAN who was well known as an active housewife became

suddenly very dull and sleepy no amount of rousing would waken
;

her up. Her family were unable to account for the remarkable
change which had taken place, but determined to find out the cause.
As they watched one night, they observed the fairies enter her room,
and saw them turn her into a horse with this steed they kept carting
;

all night. In the morning a careful search revealed the harness hid
in the garden.

[Hugh Miller's delusion before his death was that he was being hag-ridden
in the night or '
dragged through places as ifby some invisible power.']

AN TUATHANACH AGUS A CHAILLEACH

Air la araidh bho chionn fada chaidh tuathanach de mhuinntir
Chille-Phadair do'n Leaca-bhreac a bhuain rainich. Ann an teis-
meadhon na buana thainig diibhradh air an speur, agus air dha
amharc suas, de chunnaic e ach mar gu'm biodh sgaoth tiugh
bheachann eadar e 's a' ghrian. Thilg e an corran a bh'aige 'na
laimh suas anns an adhar, agus cd a thainig a nuas mu na cluasan
aige ach a bhean fhein a dh'fhag e aig an taigh, mar shaoil e, gu tinn
'n a leabaidh. Rug e uirre, cheangail e i agus chuir e tarsuinn air
druim na laire ceanainn^ duibh' i, ^us dh'fhalbh e dhachaidh leatha.
Air dha an taigh a ruigheachd thilg e a bhean ann an ciiil mhosain
's an t-sabhull, agus chaidh e a dh'fhaicinn ciamar bha ciiisean a'

dol anns an taigh. Sheall e mu 'n cuairt, agus de chunnaic e ach

seana chailleach dhubh, ghranda, 'n a laighe anns an leabaidh, agus

' From ceann, head, smd

fionn, white ; ceann-fhionn, white faced ; ceancmn or ceann-
fhionn dvbh, a black animal with white face.
 268 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
i an fhuachd.
air chrith leis Tha thu fuar a chailleach,' ars an
'

tuathanach, Och 's ann fuar a tha mi,' ars ise

'
! tha na crithean-
— '

nam-be6^ a dol tromham.' 'Mata,' ars esan, 'feumaidh sinn gealbhan

a chur air a gharas thu.' Chaidh e gu ciiil na moine agus chuir e tar-
gan^ math gealbhain air a rostadh damh. Nuair a bhris an gealbhan
a mach ann an griosaich theth, rug e air a' chaillich 'us thilg e i an
teis-meadhon na griosaiche. Cha bu luaithe a mhothaich a' chail-
leach an teas 'na ladhran na thug i sgread na dunaich aisde, agus
suas an luidhear gabhar i, 's cha'n fhacas sealladh tuilleadh dhi.
An sin ghabh an tuathanach ceann ropa, us ghabh e air a bhean gu
min,' 's gu garbh, gus an do gheall 's an do bhoidich i nach rachadh
i air an turns cheudna tuilleadh, agus o sin suas rinn i bean mhath

umhal dha.

THE FARMER AND THE OLD WOMAN

On a certain day long ago a Kilpatrick farmer went out to
Leaca-bhreac to cut brackens. In the very middle of his cutting a
darkening came over the sky, and as he looked up, what did he see
but something like a thick swarm of bees between him and the sun.
He threw the reaping-hook which he had in his hand up into the air,
and who came down about his ears but his own wife whom he left
at home, as he thought, ill in bed. He laid hold of her, tied her,
and put her across the back of the black, white-faced mare and went
home with her. When he reached the house he threw his wife into
a chaff comer in the barn, and went to see how matters were going
in the house. He looked around, and what did he see but a black,
ugly old woman lying in bed, shivering with the cold. ' You are
cold, old woman,' said the farmer. '
Och ! it is cold that I am,' said
she, '
the living shiverings are going through me.' ' Well,' said he,
'
we must put on a fire that will heat you.' He went to the peat
comer and put on a good lump of a fire that would roast an ox.
When thebroke out into a heat, he caught the old woman
fire

and threw her into the very middle of the hot fire. No sooner had
the old woman felt the heat about her toes, than she let out a terrible
yell, and up the chimney she went, and never more was seen. Then
' Equivalent to an intensity of trembling. ^ A good heap.
? Min, minute, thorough ; gu min, thoroughly. Similarly garbh, rough ;
gu garhh,
roughly.
 FOLK LORE 269
the farmer took a rope and thrashed his wife thoroughly and
roughly until she promised and vowed that she would never again
go on a like journey, and from then on she made a good obedient
wife to him.
[BeeSj both in England and Scotland, are closely connected with the soul
or which may issue from the mouth of a sleeper in this form. In the
spirit,

Highlands a death must be told to the bees. A case of throwing a supposed

changeling into the fire occurred in Ireland some years ago.]

A MARRIED man fell in love with a fairy, whom he frequently visited

at night. His wife coming to know this was greatly concerned, and
applied for advice to an old woman who was believed to have power
over the fairies. The troubled wife was told to watch when her
husband was preparing to visit the fairy, and, as he was leaving the
house, to sprinkle oatmeal on his back, unknown to him ; this would
have the effect of making him see his second love to be very ugly,
and he would at once leave her. The wife did as she was told, and
had not to complain in future of her husband wandering.

Three men were returning home in a cart, when, at the top of the
hillon the road between Lamlash and Brodick, the horse stood still
and snorted, and showed signs of fear, and as though it saw some-
thing it did not want to pass. After much urging on the part of
the driver, the horse made a bolt forward past a certain spot. The
men looked back to see what had frightened the animal, and saw a
number of small figures, twelve to eighteen inches in height, on the
road behind them. The fairies did them no harm beyond taking
the door off the cart. This occurred within the last fifty years, and
the relater heard it from one of the men who had been in the cart.

A HILL at Corriegills, called Dundubh (Black Mount), was said to have

a cave in which the fairies lived, and this cave was full of treasure.
To this home of the fairies an old man called Fullarton would betake
himself, as often as he felt inclined. He frequently took a stocking
with him and sat knitting and talking with the fairies. But the
fairieswere not always inclined to let any one away if they could
detain him. Fullarton was aware of this fact, and always placed a
darning needle in the collar of his jacket, or took a piece of rowan with
him ; when these precautions were taken by a person, the fairies had
270 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
no power over them. On one occasion, however, he had omitted to
take either of these objects, with the result that the cave nearly closed
before he could escape.
[Iron or steel as a protection against supernatural beings takes us back to
the Stone Age, and the preference in rites affecting the gods, who are always
conservative, for articles of the old-fashioned stone or flint. By similar reasoning
they are adverse to the new things of metal. The rowan is a Celtic sacred tree.]

There is found on the moors a tough and hard grass known by the
name of tasinn air geim (pull of necessity). It grows in circular
patches, about one foot or so in diameter. These patches were said
to be the dancing-places of the fairies.

At a place called Leac a' Chreac (fairy's bed) a good fairy paid an
almost annual visit. The people of the place prepared a bed for
this fairy at a certain "time every year. Should he come and occupy
the bed everything went well, but should he not come ill luck followed.
[In Colonsay, Martin tells us, as already referred to, that the sheaf of oats
dressed in woman's apparel was put in a large basket, 'and this they call
Briide's-bed.' The date was Bride's day, February 2. If an impression was
found in the ashes of the fire, Bride was accounted to have come, which
presaged a prosperous year.]

When corn was dried on a kiln,

was always considered necessary
it

to leave a portion for the fairies. were not done grievous harm
If this
might be wrought by them on the owner of the corn.

When I was an infant parents took me to visit my father's

my
relatives, who Whiting Bay. It was in the month of
lived south of
October, and the short evening was drawing to a close when we got
seated in the gig ready to start for home. The old grandmother
brought out a farl of oatcake and broke it over me as I lay sleeping
in my mother's arms it was to keep the fairies from doing me harm.
;

[Cf. a story above for the sprinkling of oatmeal as a charm against the
fairies.]

THE FAIRY OF TIGH-MEADHONACH

It has been said that the Curries should not leave Tigh-Meadhonach.
A story goes of how a fairy used to visit the farm-house at above
 — —

FOLK LORE 271

place. The farmer's wife had been warned by the fairy not to spill
water at the back door, to which she willingly consented, for as long
as she refrained from spilling water at this particular part of the
premises everything went well. The farmer, his wife, and those able
to work in the fields could go and leave the house with the children
in it under the charge of the good fairy evpn the youngest child in
;

the cradle was good under the influence of its strange protector, who
wrought her magic spell over the place while she crooned the fol-
lowing :

'
'S naomh na paisdean ; 's naomh na paisdean
Cha'n'eil fhios aig bean-an-taighe gur e buidseach raise.'

'
Holy are the children holy are the children
! !

The housewife knows not I am a witch.'

But chanced that the Curries did leave Tigh-Meadhonach, and one
it

of the name of Crawford took their place. The result was that they
did not know the fairy's secret, and water had been spilled at the back
door. This caused everything about the house to go wrong. The
children screamed, the porridge singed, soot came down the chimney,
and such like things went upside down.
But the Crawfords left the place, and it fell once more into the
hands of the Curries, who knew the secret of the fairy.

A BIT OF FOLKLORE
The occupiers of a certain township in the south end of Arran
while reclaiming their holding resolved to break up an old disused
burying-place. This place was reputed to be under the guardianship
of the ' little people,' or the fairies. When stopping for dinner one
of the farmers said by way of joke to the others, '
Surely the little

folks think very little of our worksince they don't think it worth
their while to give us our dinner.' When they came back to resume
their work, they were greatly surprised to find a table spread with
everything on it one could think of. None of them, however,
had the heart to try any of the things laid out, and so offended were
the fairies at this slight on their hospitality that they suffered not
so much as one blade to grow for all the labour.
272 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
THE DEPARTURE OF THE FAIRIES
Many years ago an Arran smack was crossing to Ireland when it
began to sink deeper and deeper into the water. An examination
by the crew revealed no leak in their vessel, but latterly one of them,
who had second sight, observed a small brown figure walking on the
deck. Calling another of the crew to him, he told the latter to stand
on the top of his feet and look along the deck. The latter was
horrified to find that deck, shrouds, and the whole vessel were simply
swarming with brown mannikins and the stowaways
;
'
being '

interrogated as to their presence on board, explained that Arran had

now become so holy that they were unable to get a livelihood in it,
and were accordingly desirous of settling in Ireland.
—
the passing of the fairies. The poet Chaucer has it that
[A familiar story
many holy men in England had banished the fairies from
the blessings of so
that country. The sinking of the boat under its invisible weight may be
compared with the late classical story of how the fishermen of the coast
crossed with a cargo of souls to Britain, geographically identified with the
island otherworld of the Celts. For the conveyance of the second-sight by
contact see story in iii.]

When the phrase '

is used, it does not mean in the water,
in the burn '

but in the vicinity of the burn,' among the trees in the hollow of the
'

burn or on the banks, or among or on the stones in the burn. Fairies

were often seen in the burn (in Corriegills). G saw the fairies
dancing on a stone in the burn. The top of a granite boulder was
flattened out by the fairies dancing on it. If a baukan was seen
'
'

it was sure to be in the bum, and only the bravest folk would ever

think of going through the burn at night. Several baukans (bocans)

were seen in the bum in my own day, and I can assure you the fear
of going through the burn at night was real and genuine.
There are lots of springs or wells about one place, and it was a
very common practice for sick people to send for a can of water from
some particular well.

THE LOST PIPER

There is an old story of a piper called Currie, who, accompanied
with his dog, went into a cave playing the pipes. The tune he played
 —

FOLK LORE 273

was *
Currie will not return
the calves will be cows before Currie
;

returns,' etc., etc. I never it. He never returned,

heard the rest of
but the dog came out at some place in Cantyre, without its hair.

There is a legend about the King's Caves to the effect that there is

a subterranean passage from the caves to somewhere else in Arran.

An adventurous piper undertook to explore this passage, armed only
with his bagpipe and accompanied by his dog. After he had pro-
ceeded some distance he met with enemies, because the following
wailing words were played loudly upon his pipe, which clearly in-
dicated that he could proceed no farther.
Mo dhith ! Mo dhith ! 's gun tri laimh agam.
Bhiodh da laimh 'sa phiob 'us lamh 'sa chlaidheamh ;

which might be literally rendered in English

Woe 's me, woe is me not having three hands,
Two for the pipe and one for the sword.

He, the piper, never returned ; his dog, however, made his way out,
but bereft of his hair.
[This is a familiar piece of lore, of which perhaps the best -known example
isconnected with an alleged subterranean passage between Edinburgh Castle
and Holyrood. But it has numerous other localities. Descending below the
earth, the piper wanders into Fairyland, the Hades or underworld, and cannot
return.]

B. BOCANS, GIANT, MONSTERS, ETC.

The bocan a hobgoblin usually seen about fords or
is

bridges, or at lonely places on the road. Possibly we have

the same word in bogie and Puck.' In Cornwall the
' ' '

bucca is associated with the sea.

A BOCAN or baukan could not speak to you unless you spoke to

it first, and if you ask a question of it you had better ask it in the '

name of God.' They were always seen about burns or woods, or

along a lonely part of the shore. They were generally known by the
name of the folk who had seen them. Thus there would be Donald's
Bocan, Betty's Bocan, etc.

VOL. II. 2 M
274 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
There is more than one Domhnull-nam-mogan's ^
tale told of '
'

encounter with a bocan.' A bocan is one of those dreaded visitants

'

from another world, sometimes taking human form, sometimes

animal form, and sometimes the form of inanimate things such as
a ship . Domhnull-nam-mogan, a religious man who lived in Tormore,
was returning late from a visit to a friend in Machrie, by way of
Machrie Water and Tormore Moss, when he was met at a spot near
the standing stones by a bocan.' The bocan was of such size that
'

Donald could see all Aird Bheinn between his legs. Quite undaunted
by such huge stature, Donald requested that the bocan assume the '
'

size and appearance he had when living on earth, and the latter
complying, Donald immediately remarked that he now recognised
him. He further remarked that the bocan must be in possession
' '

of the secrets of a good many mysteries. Would he say what had '

happened to Angus Dubh when the latter was lost on a journey from
Lamlash to Shisken by way of the Clachan Glen ? He (the bocan)
in all probability had a hand in doing away with Angus.'
The bocan denied that he had any hand in the crime, but he
' '

knew plenty about it, who did hurl Angus over a certain cliff. Donald
then asked to be shown a treasure, and was told to come to a certain
place in Gleann-an-t-suidhe on the following night, but without the
darning needle in his bonnet, the little dog at his heel, and the ball
of worsted in his pocket. Donald took counsel as to the advisability
of such a course, and as a result did not keep the appointment.

It is also told of Domhnull-nam-mogan that one night

' '
when re-
turning from Brodick through Gleann-an-t-suidhe he was met by a
'
bocan,' who after some conversation invited Donald to return next
night and he would be shown a treasure, but without what he carried.
Donald after getting home repaired to a wise woman in the neigh-
bourhood and told her the news. She strongly advised him to take
with him (what the bocan had expressly forbidden) the darning
'
'

needle, bible, and sword he had carried on the previous night.

Arrived at the place named, he was to describe a circle on the ground
with the point of his sword, and taking his stand in the centre of the
circle await in that manner the coming of the bocan.' This was '

' Mogainn are stockings without feet to them.

 .

FOLK LORE 275

carried out. The bocan on his arrival was much displeased, and
' '

taxed Donald with having consulted a certain person (naming the

wise woman), which Donald admitted he had done. Well, said the '

'
bocan,' departing, had you done as I told you last night, you would
'

never have seen your home again.'

A BEOWNIE had attached himself to a farm and proved as a rule a

most useful member of the household. This brownie had, however,
—
a very bad fault in his character he was very jealous of any stranger
who came to the house. Once the farmer had asked a friend to
have supper with him. The porridge was served, but the guest
could not get on with his meal, for as soon as he lifted a spoonful of
porridge it shpped back into his plate. The farmer observing what
was happening rose from his chair in anger, proceeded to the hearth
and lifted the poker, and flung it with considerable violence into a
corner of the room, saying at the same time, Get out of this.' He '

explained to this friend that it was the brownie at some of his tricks.
The guest concluded his supper in comfort.

THE GIANT OF GLEN SCORRADALE

There was once a giant who lived in this glen who was known by
the nickname Scorri.^ He used to molest the women who went
through the glen to sell their butter and eggs at Lamlash. His rude-
ness got to be so unbearable that the people at last resolved to do
away with him. purpose a number of sturdy resolute
For this
fellows formed themselves into two bands and took up their stations
on either side of the pass where the ridge was steepest. When the
giant appeared those on the one side began to cry out Scorri, Scorri,' '

and to taunt him with his cowardice. In a great rage he ran up the
hillside. When near the top those on the other side appeared and
began to mock and insult him still worse than the first. Relinquish-
ing his first purpose, he now made for the other summit, but by the
time he had arrived he was so much out of breath that he fell an easy
victim to his assailants, and that is, they say, how the glen came by
its name.
' Reference to Appendix D will show the origin of the name, which is a correct
form
276 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
TIGH NA BEISD
Within a mile inland from where the Slidderie Water falls into the
sea is a spot known as Tigh na Beisd, The House of the Monster.'
'

It is in the bed of the last tributary to the Slidderie Water, and

about a furlong from where that burn joins the main stream. There
are huge flag-stones strewn about there, said to have been used in
the building of her house.
This monster was a female of gigantic stature, whether human
or not I cannot tell, but her strength must have been enormous if
she handled the stones referred to. I did not hear anything as to
her mode of life, whether dangerous to the community or not, and
by the present generation she is, I think, entirely forgotten.

NA MfelLEACHAINl
Ann an Arainn fada roimh so bha ri fhaotainn se6rsa de chreu-
tairean gle neonach ris an abradh iad '
Na M^ileachain '
—
cha bu
daoine iad 's cha bu bheathaichean iad.
Thigeadh iad an sealladh gun
iarraidh 's gun fhios cia as a thainig iad, agus nuair a dh'fhalbhadh
iad cha mhotha bha fios c'ait' an deachaidh iad.
Bha aon de'n t-seorsa so re uine fhada aig teaghlach a bha ch6mh-
nuidh aig ceann mu dheas an eilein. Bhiodh e dol a mach 's a steach
leis an eallaidh, agus a' laighe ann am baidheal fhalaimh aig ceann

na bathaiche. Fad na h-tiine a bha e aca cha'n fhacas riamh e ag

itheadh, ach a h-uile oidhche an deidh do bhean-an-taighe an gealbhan
a smaladh, thilgeadh i craglach mine air an t-slabhraidh, agus nuair
a dh'eireadh iad 's a' mhaduinn bhiodh i glan imlichte. Chaidh
ctiisean air an aghaidh mar so re uine fhada gus an do phos mac an
taighe. Aon latha 's e anabarrach fuar, thilg a' bhean 6g seana chota
air a' mheileachan g' a dhion o'n fhuachd, ach 's ann a ghabh an
creutair bochd a leithid de thamailt 's gu'n do thog e air, is dh'fhag
e an taigh a' caoineadh gu dubhach, agus cha 'n fhacas riamli tuilleadh
e. Tha mi coma co dhiu,' arsa seana-bhean-an-taighe, mur innis
' '

e —
da rud de an eifeachd a tha 'nn am bun a' chladain, agus brigh
fallus an uibhe.'

' Supposed to be so called from the bleating sound which they uttered.
 :

FOLK LORE 277

THE BLEATERS
In Arran a long time ago was to be found a kind of curious
creatures called
'
the Bleaters '
—
they were neither man nor beast.
—
They would come unbidden whence, no one knew and when they ;

would take their departure, it was unknown where they went.

A family in the south end of the island had one of this kind for
a long time. He would be going out and in with the cattle, and
lying in a cow-stall at the head of the byre. During the whole time
he was with them he was never seen eating but every night, after ;

the goodwife would smoor the fire, she would throw a handful of
meal on the pot-hanger, and when they arose in the morning it would
be licked clean. Things went on in this way for a long time until
the son of the house married. One day, and it was very cold, the
young wife threw an old coat over the M^ileachan to protect him '
'

from the cold, but the poor creature took such offence that he made
off, and left the house weeping sadly, and he was never seen more.
'
I care not whatever,' said the old wife of the house, if he does not '

tell two things —

^what virtue is in the root of the burr, and what
substance in the sweat of an egg.'

[The Meileachan or ' bleater is really the young one of the Glaistig, a thin
'

grey woman dressed in green, a mortal endowed with the fairy nature, who
is attached to a house. Here, and in the next story, it acts as a sort of
brownie, and is got rid of by a means familiar in many brownie stories, as in
the English one 'The Cauld Lad of Hilton'
' Here 's a cloak and here 's a hood !

The Cauld Lad of Hilton will do no more good.'

A rhyme to the same effect is known of a brownie in the Shetland Isles,

of brownies in the Scottish Lowlands, and of the Giinna in Tiree :

'Triuthas air Gunna

'S Gunna ris bhuachailleachd,
'S na mheal Gunna n triuthas
Ma ni e tuille cuallaich.'

' Trews upon Gunna

Because Gunna does the herding.
But may Gunna never enjoy his trews
If he herds cattle any more.'
(Gregorson Campbell's Superslitioiin of the Scoltish Highlands, p. 189)-]
 — ——

278 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

MfelLEACHAN a' BHEANNAIN
Aon uair thainig Meileachan gusa' Bheannan, 's cha robh fhios
aig heach cia as a thainig Chaidh e an comh-chuideachd le tri de
e.
na tuathanaich a bu mhotha anns an aite, agus bha e gach la a' dol a
mach 's a steach leis a' chrodh. Bha a cheann 's a chorp daonnan
c6mhdaichte, 's cha robh ri fhaicinn deth ach a luirgnean. Bha e"
math air a' mhoch-eirigh, agus moch gach maduinn gheibhteadh
'na sheasamh e air cnocan araidh a' glaodhaich :

' Crodh Mhic-Cbca, Crodh Mhic-Fhionghuin,i

Crodh Mhic-Fhearghais Mh<5ir a' Bheannain
Cuiribh a mach iad.'

Air latha fuar geamhraidh fhuair aon de na mnathan e 'na sheasamh

air He mh<5ir a' caoidh 's a' caoineadh 'us e air chrith mar gu'n robh
e basaehadh leis an fhuachd. Ghabh am boirionnach truas de 'n
chreutair, agus thug i a plaideag fhein bharr a guaillibh agus thilg
i air a' mh^ileachan i. Cha bu luaithe rinn i sin na ghlaodh an
creutair a mach, Is olc an ni a rinn thu orm, agus is trom an t-eallach
'

a leag thu air mo dhruim.' Air so a radh thug e an rathad air a' gul
gu cruaidh, agus cha'n fhacas riamh tuilleadh e.

THE BEANNAN MEILEACHAN

Once upon a time a Meileachan arrived at Beannan and no one
knew whence he came. He associated himself with three of the
largest farmers in the place, and every day he was going out and in
with the cattle. His head and body were always covered, and all
that could be seen of him were his legs. He was an early riser, and
every morning he would be found standing on a certain hillock
shouting :

'
The cattle of Cook, the cattle of Mackinnon,
The cattle of Big Ferguson of Beannan
Turn them out.'

On a cold winterday one of the women found him standing on a

flag-stone,moaning and lamenting, and shivering as if he was perish-
ing with the cold. The woman took pity on the creature, and took

' Local pronunciation of this name is = (.MhicKennain).

 —

FOLK LORE 279

her own plaid off her shoulders and threw it over the M^ileachan.
No sooner had she done this than the creature cried out, ' 111 is the
turn thou hast done me, and heavy is the burden thou hast laid on
me.' So saying he took himself off weeping bitterly, and he was
never seen more.

AN TUATHANACH AGUS AN UAMH-BHEIST

Bha tuathanach aon oidhche a' marcachd dhachaidh gu Clachaig
o Loch-an-Eilein, agus ann an lagan uaigneach de'n rathad ghrad
leum rudeigin air druira an eich air a chfilaobh, agus cho grad leum
e rithist gu lar. Thug an t-each clisgeadh as, agus air falbh ghabh
e 'na dheann ruith ach cha b'fhada gus an robh an rud a bh'ann
;

a rithist air druim an eich, agus air ais gus an lar mu'm b'urrainn
do'n mharcaiche greim a dheanamh air. Chaidh an seorsa cleasachd
so air aghaidh car tacan, ach mu dheireadh rug an tuathanach air
rud-na-cleasachd, agus cheangail e gu diongmhalta e le bann leath-
raich a bh'aige. Nuair a rainig e a dhachaidh de bha 'na chuideachd
ach 6g-bheist, aon de shliochd nan uamh-bheistean a bha tuineachadh
an sud 's an so am measg frogan an eilein, agus a bha 'nan culaidh-
uamhais do'n choimhearsnachd. Cheangail e suas an t-6g-bheist
ri posta gobhlach a bha 'cumail a suas sparran an fharaidh, ach cha

b'fhada gus an do lorgaich an t-seana-bheist a mach a h-al, agus gu

borb 's le bagradh dh'iarr i a shaorsa 'thoirt dha, ag radh :

' Fliuch, fuar m' fheusag,

Cuir a mach mo mhinnseag,i
No 's i 'chlach as kird' ad thaigh
Gu grad a' chlach is Isle.'

Bha an tuathanach toilichte a bhi cuidhte dhiubh araon, agus nuair

a fhuair an t-seana-bheist a h-al 'na gairdeanan, thubhairt i ris,
'
Tha mi an d6chas nach do leig thu ris dhaibh eifeachd uisge uibhe
no bun na feanndaig.'

THE FARMER AND THE MONSTER

A farmer was one night riding home to Clachaig from Lamlash,
and in a lonely hollow of the road something suddenly leaped 'on

' Literally, my little kid, but here used as a term of endearment.

 —

280 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

the horse's back behind him, and as quickly leaped again to the
ground. The horse was startled, and off he went at full speed but it ;

was not long until the thing again was on the back of the horse, and
then on the ground before the rider could lay hold of it. This sort
of caper went on for a while, but at last the farmer seized the intruder
and tied it securely with a leather belt which he had. When he
reached his home, what had he in his company but a young monster,
one of the offspring of the monsters which had their abode here and
there amongst the recesses of the island, and which were a source
of terror to the neighbourhood. He tied up the young monster to
a forked post which was supporting the rafters of the loft, but it
was not long until the old monster tracked out her offspring, and
fiercely and threateningly demanded its release, saying :

' Wet and cold my beard.

Put my darling outside,
Or the highest stone in thy house
Will soon be the lowest.'

The farmer was glad to be rid of them both, and when the old monster
got her young in her arms she said to it, I hope you have not re-
'

vealed to them the virtue of egg-water or of the root of the nettle.'

[This is apparently the Glaistig and her Miileachan, for which see earlier
note on the latter.]

a' bhean chrodhanach

Aig an am de'n bhliadhna anns am biodh na ba air an cur gu airigh
chaidh da nighean 6g a bhuineadh do cheann mu thuath Arainn le
an cuid cruidh air airigh am braigh Loch lorsa. Nuair a bhiodh
cuibhrionn ime agus caise deas aca rachadh te dhiubh dhachaidh
leis, a' tilleadh thun na h-airigh an ath latha, agus an t6 eile air a

f^gail leatha fhein. Aon oidhche nuair a bha aon diubh a' gabhail
mu thamh, thainig bean choimheach gu dorus a' bhothain Airigh ag
iarraidh fardaich car na h-oidhche, is i air call a rathaid. Gu m6r
an aghaidh a toile dh'fhosgail an nighean an dorus, agus a steach
ghabh a' bhan-choigreach. Bha i 'na boirionnach anabarrach ard,
agus cha bu luaithe 'chaidh i steach na theich madadh-chaorach na
h-inghinn le greann gus an oisinn a b'fhaide air falbh de 'n bhothan.
Cha b' fhada gus an deachaidh a' bhean choimheach a laighe, agus
 FOLK LORE 281

bha an nighean dg a' cumail a sMa gu geur uirre, chionn cha robh ach
beagan earbsa aice ann am bana-chompanach na h-oidhche. SMI
d'an d'thug a' chailin faicear i le uamhas, crodhan dubh sinte mach
fo 'n aodach leapa. Ghabh i leithsgeul eiginn gu dol a mach, agus air
dhi taobh a mach a' bhothain a dheanamh, anns na buinn gabhar
i sios le beinn, cho luath 's a bheireadh a casan i, agus am madadh

'na cuideachd
Ach cha b'fhada i farum 'na deidh, agus
ruith dhi nuair a chuala
thuig i an robh a' bhean-chrodhanach air a luirg. Stuig
sin gu'n
i am madadh innte, agus thug e aghaidh dhanarra uirre ach stad cha

do chuir e air a siubhal. Bha 'bhean-chrodhanach a sior dheanamh

suas ris a' chaihn, agus nuair a rainig i taigh a h-athar, a h-anail as
an uchd agus a cridhe 'na sluigean, bha 'chailleach mhor cho dltith
dhi 's nach robh tiine aice ach an dorus a chrannadh air sr6in na
caillich, gun urrad 's am madadh fhaotainn a steach. Fhuaradh am
beathach bochd anns a' mhaduinn 'na mhirean as a' ch6ile, 's gun
aon ribeag fionnaidh air fhagail air.

THE HOOFED WOMAN

At the time of year when the cows were being put to the hill-
pastures,two yotmg maidens belonging to the northern part of Arran
went with their cattle to a shieling on the upper part of Loch lorsa.
When they had a quantity of butter and cheese ready, one of the
girls would go home with it, returning to the shieling the foll6wing
day, and the other was left alone. One night, as one of them was
retiring to rest, a strange woman came to the door of the hut seeking
shelter for the night, as she had lost her way. Much against her
will the maiden opened the door, and in walked the stranger. She
was a very tall woman, and no sooner had she entered than the girl's

sheep-dog, with an angry look, betook himself to the farthest corner

of the hut. It was not long until the strange woman went to bed,
and the young girlwas keeping a watchful eye on her, for she had but
little faith in her companion of the night. As she glanced round,
the girl sees with horror a black hoof stretched out from under the
bed-clothes. She made some excuse to go out, and on reaching the
outside of the hut, she took to her heels and down the hill she went
as fast as her feet would take her, and the dog in her company.
VOL. II. 2 N
 : ;

282 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

But she did not run far when she heard a sound behind her, and
then she understood that the hoofed-woman was on her track. She
spurred the dog at her and he made a bold attack, but her progress
he did not stop. The hoofed-woman was constantly making up on
the girl, and when she reached her father's house, breathless and her
heart in her throat, the big woman was so near to her that she had
but time to bar the door in her face, without as much as getting the
dog inside. The poor beast was found next morning mangled to
pieces, and not a hair left on him.

AN LEANNAN CRODHANACH
Bha cailin 6g ann aon uair aig an robh gille dreachail.mar leannan.
Bhiodh e gu trie a' dol g'a faicinn an uaigneas, ach cha'n innseadh e
'ainm, no far an robh e ch6mhnuidh. Gach uair a rachadh e 'choim-
head uirre gheibheadh e i daonnan ri sniomh. Bha e ro dhe6nach
gu'n ruitheadh i air falbh leis, agus a sior ghuidhe uirre i dhol leis
ach dhiiilt i sin a dheanadh. Uair de na h-uairean a chaidh e g' a
faicinn bha i air ti toiseachadh air sac mor rolag olainn a shniomh.
Thairig e dhi gu'n sniomhadh esan an sac rolaig na'n gealladh i dha
a dhol leis. Bha i sgith de'n obair, agus thug i gealladh dha gu'n
rachadh i leis air chiimhnant gu'm biodh i saor o'n ghealladh na 'm
faigheadh i a mach 'ainm mu'm biodh an sac rolaig sniomhte. 'S e
bh'ann gu'n do thog e 'n sac air a dhruim is ghabh e'n rathad.
Air oidhch' araidh na dheidh sin, air dhi a bhi dol gu taigh caraid,
agus a' dol thairis air allt domhain ann an ait' uaigneach, chual'
i fuaim cuibhle-shniomhaich agus duanag orain ag eirigh a iochdair

an tiillt. Chuir so iongantas air a' chailin agus theann i dltith do'n
aite as an d'thainig an fhuaim. De chunnaic 's a chual' i ach scan
duine crion, criopach, dubh-neulach, 'na shuidhe aig cuibhil mh6ir
a' sniomh gu dian, agus a' seinn gu h-aighearach :

' 'S beag f hies a th'aig mo leannan-sa

Gur " Crodhanach " is ainm dhomh.'

Thuig a' an se6rsa leannain a bh' aice, agus gu'm

chailin a nis
b'ann amfr6gan an dUlt a bha' aite-c6mhnuidh. Nuair a chuir
e crioch air an obair chaidh e a rithist a dh'fhaicinn na cailin,
agus a dh'iarraidh duais a shaothrach. Cho luath 's a chunnaic i e
dh'aithris i na briathran a chual' i
 FOLK LORE 283
' 'S beag fhios a th'aig mo leannan-sa
Gur " Crodhanach " is ainm dhomh.'
Cha luaithe chualaCrodhanach na facail sin, na as an t-sealladh
'
'

gabbar e 'na shradan dearga suas an luidhear, agus tuilleadh dragh

cha do chuir e air a' chaiUn.

THE SECRET NAME

There was once a young girl who had a handsome sweetheart.
He would be often going to see her in secret, but would not tell his
name, nor where he dwelt. Every time he went to visit her he would
always find her spinning. He was very desirous that she should
elope with him and always beseeching her to go with him ; but this
she refused to do. One of the times that he went to see her she was
about to begin to spin a sack of wool. He offered that he would
spin the sack of wool if she would promise to go with him. She was
tired of the work, and gave him a promise that she would go with
him on condition that she would be free from her promise if she found
out his name before the sack of wool was spun. With this he put
the sack on his back and went on his journey. On a certain night
after that, as she was going to a friend's house, and crossing a deep
stream in a lonely place, she heard the sound of a spinning-wheel
and a lilt of a song coming from the bottom of the stream. This
astonished the girl, and she drew near the place whence the sound
came. What did she see and hear but an old, dark, wizened man
sitting at a large wheel, spinning hard and singing cheerfully :

'
Oh ! little does my sweetheart know
That " Crodhanach " is my name.'

The girl now understood what kind of a sweetheart she had, and
that his dwelling was in the deep recesses of the stream. When he
had finished his work he went again to see the girl, and to request
the reward of his labour. As soon as she saw him she repeated the
words she had heard :

'
Oh ! little does my sweetheart know
That " Crodhanach " is my name.'

No sooner had '

Crodhanach ' heard those words than out of sight
 '

284 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

he goes in red sparks up the chimney, and no more did he trouble
the girl.
[On this type of story a book has been written called from the English
version 'Tom, Tit, Tot.' The story is known as of the ' Rumpelstiltskin
class, that being the German name. The Banffshire variant is ' Whuppity
Stoorie.']

URUISG ALLT-UILLIGMDH
Ann an an canar gus an la an duigh,
AUt-Uilligridh tha linne ris
*
Linne-na-Beist.' Tha e air a radh gu'n d'fhuair an linne an t-ainm
so chionn gu'n robh, a reir an t-sean sgeoil, Uruisg uamhasach aon
uair a gabhail c6mhnuidh ann an cosan na linne. Thuit gu'n robh
—
fear 6g aig an Uruisg so M^ileachan a b'ainm dha ^agus air uairean —
dh'fhagadh e bruachan an iiillt agus ghabhadh e cuairt troimh na
h-aehaidhean.

THE URUISG 1 OF ALLT-UILLIGRIDH

In Allt-Uilligridh there is a pool which is called to this day The '

Monster's Pool.' It is said that the pool got this name because that,
according to tradition, a terrible Uruisg at one time dwelt in the
caverns of the pool. It happened that this Uruisg had a young
— —
male one called Meileachan and at times he would leave the banks
of the stream and would take a turn through the fields.

INNIS EABHRA
Tha An Innis Eabhracha, reir beul-aithris, 'na eilean a tha fo
dhruidheachd, agus *na laighe fo 'n fhairge dltith do dh' Eilean-an-
iaruinn a mach o thraigh Choire-chraoibhidh. Air uairean bhitheadh
e an sealladh cho soilleir 's gu'm faicteadh na h-adagan arbhair air
na h-achaidhean, agus na mnathan a' cur an luideagan a mach air
thiormachadh. Tha e nis mu leth-chiad bliadhna bho 'n chunnacas
mu dheireadh e. Aon latha air do thuathanach a bhi mach ag amharc
' The Uruisg was supposed to be a liuge being of solitary habits that haunted
lonely and mountainous places. In it the qualities of man and spirit were curiously
commingled. There were male and female Uruisgs, and the race was said to be the
offspring of unions between mortals and fairies.
 FOLK LORE 285

as d^idh a sprdidh, de chunnaic e ach an t-eilean ag eirigh as an

fhairge dltith do'n chladach, agus a chum 's gu'm faigheadh e sealladh
a b'fhearr dheth ruith e thun a' chladaich. Car tiotan chaill e
sealladh air an fhairge ann an lagan troimh 'm b'eiginn da siubhal,
agus air dha an airde ruigheachd bho 'm faiceadh e 'mhuir, cha
—
robh an t-eilean r' a fhaicinn chaidh e as an t-sealladh gu buileach.
Air do bhata Arannach aon uair a bhi fagail ceadha lonarair,
agus direach mu'n do she61 i, tha e air a radh gu'n d'thainig duine
— —
araidh coigreach le lothag ghlas air taod, ag iarraidh turus-mara.
ISiug an sgiobair air b6rd iad, 's chuireadh am bata mach gu fairge.
Nuair a thainig iad dltith do dh' Eilean-an-iaruinn th6isich an lothag ri
sitrich, agus chualas sitreach eile 'ga freagairt o dhoimhne na fairge.
An sin dh'iarr an coigreach air an sgiobadh a tilgeil thar an taobh, agus
air dhaibh sin a dheanadh thug e cruinn-leum as a deidh agus chaidh
iad, araon, as an t-sealladh. Bliadhna 'na dheidh so, c6 a thachair
air an sgiobair aig margadh lonarair ach an duine ceudna do'n d'
thug e turus-mara. Chunnaic mi thusa roimhe so,' ars' an sgiobair.
'

'
Ma chunnaic,' ars' an duine, cha 'n fhaic thu fear eile gu brath,'
'

agus am priobadh na sWa, thugar sgailc le bhois do'n sgiobair 's an

aodann, 'ga fhagail dubh dall.
Tha e air a radh gu'n cluinneadh na h-iasgairean, 's iad a' feitheamh
an liontan a thogail, air oidhchean ciiiin, samhach, cr6nan tiamhaidh
ciitiil agus ranntachd oran ag eirigh suas a Innis Eabhrach, mar so :

* Cait an d'fhig sibh na fir gheala. Ho ro 's golaidh u le ?

Dh'fhag sinn iad 'san eilean mhara. Ho ro 's golaidh u le.

Cul ri chl 'us iad gun anail, Ho ro 's golaidh u le.'

Ma 's an sgeul, thainig tuathanach a bha an Cillephadair

fior
aon latha maighdean-mhara a Innis Eabhrach agus i 'na suain
air
chadail air an traigh, 's a cochull-druidheachd ri 'taobh. Rinn e
greim air a' chochull agus ghabh e a rathad thun a thaighe, 's cha
robh aic' air ach gu'm b'eiginn dhi dhol leis. Thainig iad a reir a'
ch6ile cho math 's gu'n do phos iad, agus bha mac 'us nighean aice dha.
Seachd bliadhna 'na dheidh sin air dha bhi anns an eaglais air la
sabaid Araidh, agus air tilleadh dhachaidh cha robh a bhean air
thoiseach air. 'Se bh' ann gu'n robh na paisdean ri cleasachd anns
an t-sabhull, agus thainig iad tarsuinn air rud a chuir ioghnadh orra.
'Nan deann-ruith chaidh iad thun am ma thar a' glaodhaich A '
286 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
mhathair A Mhathair thigibh agus faicibh an rud b6idheach a
! !

tha aig m'athair falaichte anns a' chiiil-mhosain.' Is math a thuig

am mathair de an ' rud boidheach,' a bh' ann, agus thuiit i ris a*
chloinn, '
thoiribh a steach an so e agus bheir mise ceapaire math
6rdaig dhuibh.' Rinn na paisdean mar dh'iarradh orra, agus mar
bha dCiil aice, 'se an cochuU druidheachd a bh' ann da rireadh.
Rinn i greim air a' chochuU, 's cha luaithe fliuair i 'na lamhan e na
thugar aisde gus a seann dachaidh anns a' mhuir. Air uairean
thigeadh i gu Rudha'n-ldin a' gairm air a paisdean, agus chunnacas
iad 'na cuideachd 'us i 'cireadh am fuilt agus a' seinn dhuanagan
daibh. Aon latha lean am balachan a mhathair air a' mhuir, agus
cha 'n fhacas sealladh tuilleadh dheth, ach thill a' chaileag dachaidh.
Dh'fhas i suas 'na h-inghinn eireachdail, ph6s i, agus a r6ir an sgedil,
tha cuid d' a sliochd a lathair gus an la an ditigh.

ISLAND EABHRA
Innis Eabhra, according to tradition, is an enchanted island, lying
under the sea, near to the Iron Rock off the Corriecravie shore. At
times it would be seen so distinctly that the corn stooks were visible
in the fields, and the women putting out their clothes to dry. It is
now about fifty years since it was last seen. One day as a farmer was
out looking after his flock, what did he see but the island rising out
of the sea close to the shore, and in order to get a better sight of it
he ran towards the shore. For a short time he lost sight of the sea
in a hollow through which he had to pass, and on reaching the height
from which he could view the sea, the island was nowhere to be seen
— it had entirely disappeared.

An Arran boat at one time was about to leave Ayr quay, and
just before sailing, it is said that a certain man— —
a stranger ^with a
grey filly by the halter came and asked to be taken on board. The
skipper took them on board, and the boat was put off to sea. When
they approached the Iron Rock, the filly began to neigh, and other
neighing was heard in response from the depths of the sea. Then the
stranger asked the crew to throw her over the side, and this being
done, he gave a sudden leap after her and both disappeared. A year
after this, who met the skipper at Ayr market but the same man to
whom he gave the passage on his boat. ' I saw you before now,'
 !

FOLK LORE 287

said the skipper. '
If you did,' said the man,
you will not see '

another for ever,' and in the twinkling of an eye struck the skipper
with his palm a blow on the face, leaving him black blind.
It is said that the fishermen, as they waited to lift their nets
would hear, on calm, still nights, a weird sound of music and snatches
of songs coming up from Innis Eabhra, thus :

'
Where have you left the fair men, Ho ro golaidh u le ?
We left them on the sea-girt isle, Ho ro golaidh u le.
Back to back with no breath in them. Ho ro golaidh u le.'

If true the tale, a Kilpatrick farmer one day came upon a mer-
maiden from Innis Eabhra while she was sound asleep on the shore,
and her magic cloak by her side. He snatched the cloak and went
on his way, to his house, and she had no alternative but to go with
him. They agreed so well together that they got married and she
bore him a son and daughter. Seven years after that he was at
church on a certain Sabbath day, and on returning home his wife
was not before him. It happened that the bairns were diverting
themselves in the barn, and they came across a thing which astonished
them. In hot haste they ran to their mother, shouting, Mother '

mother come and see the beautiful thing my father has hidden in
!

the chaff-comer.' Well did their mother understand what the

'
beautiful thing was, and she said to the children, Bring it in here
'
'

and I will give you a good thumb-piece.' The children did as they
were told, and as she expected, it was the magic cloak indeed.
She laid hold of the cloak, and no sooner did she get it into her
hands, than off she went to her old home in the sea. At times she
would come to Rudha 'n-16in to her children, and they would be seen
in her company, and she combing their hair and singing songs to them.
One day the little boy followed his mother to the sea, and never was
seen again, but the girl returned home. She grew up to be a hand-
some lass. She married, and according to the tale, some of her
offspring ^ are alive to the present day.

[One of the innumerable variants of the Swan Maiden type so called

'
' —
—
because the magic dress is the feathers of that bird in which the possession
of the garment gives power over the supernatural maiden. In Uist the woman

1 Known as Sliochd an Roin (Ron, a seal).

288 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
is a seal-maiden, and the '
MacCodrums of the seals' in North Uist owe their
description to this descent. The item of the boy following his mother is not
general.
The lost or sea-covered island, sometimes a city as in Brittany, is common
to the Celtic peoples.]

Ill

FORETELLINGS AND SiGNS

A cave at Kilpatrick was used for a considerable time as a place of
public worship, and is still known as the Preaching Cave.^ A certain
man with his brother was one day on his way to a service to be held
in the cave when he suddenly stopped, and pointed towards the rocks
on the shore, saying to his brother, Do you see that ?
' The brother '

said, I can see nothing.'

'
Well, place your foot on mine and look
'

again.' ^ This being done, the astonished man beheld his brother's
wraith at the spot pointed out to him. The man who had seen his
own wraith died in the cave.
APPARITIONS
Some thirty-five years ago a shoemaker named Galium went
amissing at Blackwaterfoot. For a short time before his death a
strange light was observed almost nightly to rise at the mouth of the
Blackwater and to float sometimes along the shore. It was seen by
a large number of people, many of whom considered it to be a sign of
the impending death of some one, and that probably by drowning.
Among those who professed to hold this view was S who used to ,

jocularly remark that when So-and-so was drowned they'd have to

take a liberal supply of whisky with them when searching for the
body. It so happened that S was amissing and search for him
went on for many days, during which time the mysterious light was
more or less in evidence. After the finding of his body on the shore
(he had been drowned in the Blackwater) the light was no longer seen.
Several people saw this light rise from the mouth of the burn, float
over to Cleit an Ruithe, a distance of from 200 to 300 yards, and
then fly back. It then disappeared or sank. They described the
1 See p. 145.
2 This was the usual means employed to convey the power of seeing to another.
 FOLK LORE 289
light as appearing to be about the largeness of a horse. The light
was not seen elsewhere than on that part of the shore from Drumadoon
Point to Blackwaterfoot.

riochd nan daoine (=sign, appearance, form,

spirit) of the people

Up to twenty or thirty years ago, in Arran, if people dreamt of

certain animals or birds they were said to have dreamt of certain
families or clans. Foi' instance, a young woman named MacAlister
reported one morning that during the previous night she dreamt that
while walking across the Moine-mor she was followed by a dog, which
jumped on her at last and completely swallowed her. Her mother
laughingly replied that it was evident she was not destined to change
her name when she married, for a MacAlister would carry her off.
Possibly the mother had a shrewd idea where her daughter's affections
lay, as the latter did marry a MacAlister. The parties lived about
one hundred years ago.
A certain person once reported that he had dreamt he was watching
with great interest the flight of a flock of pigeons, which finally landed
on a certain field and appeared to consider themselves at home.
The explanation that was given for the pigeons coming to stay was
that the land on which they had alighted would pass into possession
of the MacKelvies.
On one occasion a woman of the name of Currie and a woman of
the MacGregors got into an argument which finally waxed somewhat
hot, the locality being Lag-na-moine (Shisken), a place where some
families named Currie had at one time held farms which had passed
into the possession of MacGregors, the Curries viewing the instalment
of their successors with rather bitter feelings.
The Currie woman finally made a slighting allusion to the reasons
for the MacGregors coming to Arran, many having come for sanctuary
when the clan was outlawed and hunted like wild beasts from their
native straths. D6 thug na coin-dhubha dh'Arainn ? (What
' '

brought the blood-hounds to Arran ?). Quick as a flash came the

retort of the MacGregor woman Thainig iad a ruagadh na feadagan
:
'

a Lag-na-moine ' (They came to hunt the plovers out of Lag-na-

VOL. II. 2 o
290 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
moine). The riochd
' '
of a Macgregor was the bloodhound, that of
a Currie the plover.

RIOCHD NAN DAOINE—DREAM SIGNS OF THE PEOPLE

MacGregors
 FOLK LORE 291

IV

The Evil-Eye
The belief in the evil effects of the look of certain persons
is and to some extent still prevalent. Some modern
universal
instances, which have come in the way of the writer, were
mainly due to the false logic of coincidence; others were
simple survivals. If a person possessed of the evil-eye wished
to buy an animal to which he or she had taken a fancy, it
was well to close with the offer otherwise the animal would
;

suffer and perhaps die. This is illustrated in a story below.

The ehlas (knowledge) was a charm for sickness, and the
eblas a' chronachaidh {cronaich, a rebuke) a cure for the evil-
eye.

Until quite recently the belief in the evil-eye was very prevalent
in Arran. Even good men could have the evil-eye through no fault
of their own. A minister of Kilmorie always had to invoke the bless-
ing of God on his cattle every time they came under his eye to save
them from its evil effect. Milk was very susceptible, so the churn had
to be hidden from view as much Cattle were protected
as possible.
by tying a twig of rowan one James M'Alister, cottar,
to their tail ;

Kilpatrick, always took this precaution. When oats were sent to

the mill the bags were safe if tied by a straw thumb rope. The
Nicols of Leckymore are said to have been the last who used this
method of tying.

Seventy-six years ago a Druimaghiner man was returning home with

a cart-load of sea-tangle. On the way he met a man who commenced
to bargain with him concerning the mare which was yoked to the cart.
He refused to sell her for the price offered, but no sooner had they
parted than the animal showed signs of being in great pain. She
became so ill that he had to unyoke her, and before he had reached
his house the beast was white with foam, and had kicked her shoes
clean off. The farmer at once sent his son for one Hugh M'Kenzie,
famed for his skill in cures. Hugh came quickly and when he saw
;
292 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
the animal he said to the owner, You met (naming the in-
' '

dividual), who wanted to buy the mare.'

'
The reply was he had.
*
Ha ! said Hugh, many a race he has given my short legs.'
' ' Hugh
got some salt and soot to this he added some secret ingredients he
;

had brought with him, and rolled the mixture into a ball. He gave
a portion of it to the mare, and the balance on being thrown into the
fire by him exploded with a loud report. In a few minutes the beast
got all right.

The use of salt as a '

is illustrated in the case of an
preservative '

Arran woman who was

a strong believer in and much afraid of the
effects of the evil-eye. She had one cow, and it gave her much
discomfort when she saw the cow grazing near the roadside, fearing
that some passer-by might put his eye in her.' To keep the milk
'

right, if she gave any to be carried away, or even to be drunk on '

the premises,' she invariably put salt in it, and that sometimes to
excess. The reciter said, For a while we were getting milk from her
'

for a man staying with us who was seriously annoyed when the milk
was more than ordinarily salt, giving vent to his discontent by saying,
" Why the deuce does she not let us put saut in oor ain milk ? " i '

In Arran, as elsewhere, cronachadh seems to be regarded as hereditary.

One reciter said of a man at Lochranza that it did not matter what he
would look at, his look would cronach it. A lad from another part
of the island went to ask a daughter of this man to marry him, and
when the nearest neighbour heard of his courtship she became ex-
ceedingly angry, and protested against any of that man's daughters
being brought there to cronach everything about the place.' ^
'

An old lady in Arran remembers being told of an older generation

who, desiring not to injure their own or another's beast lest there
should be evil in their eye unknown to themselves, always took the
precaution of blessing the animal before looking at it. The words
they used were Gu'm beannaicheadh tHa am heathach (That God
' '

may bless the beast), or Gu'm beannaicheadh Dia an ni air am

'

bheil mo shuil ag amharc' (May God bless the thing my eye is

regarding).'

' Evil-Eye in the Western Highlands, p. 83. ' Ibid., p. 103. ' Ibid., p. 116.
 FOLK LORE 293

THE VALUE OF A ROWAN KNOT

An Arran farmer who is still alive remembers his father buying
a Highland quey at Dougarie farm. It grew like the ferns and turned
out a splendid cow, so much so that the factor bought it. One
morning early father and son set off with the cow over the hill to
Lamlash. Before setting out they took off the rowan knot that
was always attached to her tail, to ward off the evil eye. The neigh-
bours all turned out to have a look at the factor's cow. They had
not gone very far when she got very sluggish, always getting from bad
to worse, until at last she lay down, stretching out her head and legs.
From entreaties they went to threats, and from threats to blows ;

not a bit of her would she rise, so the son went to the nearest house
for help. He got two men to come, but do what they could she would
not so much as put a hoof under her. After working with her till they
were tired, the sister of those who had come to their aid appeared on
the scene with a vessel filled with a potent and disagreeable liquid
termed in Gaelic, Fual.' She dashed the contents of her vessel over
'

the cow. No sooner did the animal feel this than she shook herself,
then got up, and made for home as light in the step as ever. Next
morning, with the rowan knot securely tied to her tail, they found no
difficulty in reaching Lamlash.

A MAN had been visiting some relations who lived some distance off.
At a hour he started to ride homewards. When he had almost
late
finished his journey, he passed a man on the road whom he thought
he recognised and spoke to. He had not reached home, however,
before his horse became ill, breaking out into a frothing sweat. On
the advice of neighbours, fomentations were applied, but the horse
became worse. After a consultation the conclusion was arrived at that
the horse had been cronachadh (bewitched). Some one possessing a
knowledge of eolas a' chronachaidh (the counter-charms for witchcraft)
was sent for. On his arrival he asked the rider if he had met any
person on the way. He said he had. He was then asked if he had
spoken to him, and he answered Yes.' He was then told that it
'

was well for him he had done so, or he would have suffered and not
his horse, A rite was performed (its nature is not now remembered)

by the person of skill, and the horse jumped up and started to eat.
294 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Itwas customary in meeting any person in the dark of night to address
him as if it might be the devil.

About twenty years back a native of Shisken, who was bed-ridden

for a long time owing to a badly sprained leg,took it into his head
that he was the victim of the evil-eye or else he was bewitched. As
nothing seemed to cure him, he secretly got an old man, John M'Alister,
who used to cure elf-shots ^ in cattle, to perform his incantations,
but he could not say whether he was either better or worse.
So strong a hold had this belief on the south end of the island, it
is only a few years since one Edward Cook died, who was credited

with being able to kill a litter of pigs or a foal by a single glance.

A PINCH of oatmeal sprinkled on a bee-hive protected the bees from

the evil-eye. I have seen it applied.

'
Chuir e do shiiil air '
: —
He put his eye on it. Gaelic expression
used to denote anything bewitched.
Cronachas do shiila art'
'
I do not heed your eye.
: Gaelic ex-—
pression said in order to divert the evil-eye away from an object.

V
Witchcraft
Kilbride Session. June 3, 1705
Robert Stewart foresaid summoned cited and compearing, and
being interrogat if he called Mary Stewart a witch, confessed he
did, and that upon good grounds, in regard that she frequently
used charms, for healing of diseases.
Mary Stewart being asked whether she acknowledged what the
said Robert aledged against her, answered yea, but that she never

1 ' Elf-shots were supposed to be the cause of certain mysterious diseases in cattle.
'

These were believed to be due to penetration by a flint arrow-head or other stone

weapon associated in use with the fairies or elves. Such was the primitive archaeology.
In Ireland peasants wear such articles set in silver as charms against elf-shots, on the
principle of curing or warding off like by like, or more probably trusting to the
efficacy of the metal.
 :

FOLK LORE 295

thought it a fault in regard the words she used for removing the
distemper were in her judgment good; and being desyred to
rehearse the words she used for cureing some one disease, she
proceeded thus
' Togidh Criosd do chnamhan
mar thog Muire a lamhan
nar thuireadh golann faoi nemh
mar chruinnigh corp a chuimigh *
Togidh Peadar, togidh Pol
togidh Micheal, togidh Eoin
togidh Molais is Molinn
cnamhan do chinn suas as an fheoil.' ^

[' Christ will raise thy bones

even as Mary raised her hands

when she raised the wail of lamentation towards heaven
as she gathered the body of the bound One.
Peter will raise, Paul will raise,
Michael will raise, John will raise,
Molais and Moling will raise
the bones of thy head up out of the flesh.']

These words, she says, are used for healing the migrim and other
distempers in the head.
The Session after holding furth to her that all charms proceeded
from the Devil's invention, let the words be never so good, and
that they were expressly forbidden in the word of God, they
appoynt her to make publick confession of her guilt before the
congregation next Lord's Day.

Session at Kilmorie. 9th Dec. 1716

Ferguhar Ferguson forsaid being cited & called at the Church door
Compeared &
being interogate if upon him to cure
he did not take
people that were Elf Shot & used Charms for Effect He answered
that he was desired & sent for by some to search for holes in people

' ? [choimhdhe] choimhidh ; or, better, modern Chitiiigh.

' The Gaelic is written in Irish letters and is For reading and
iu parts obscure.
translation thanks are due to Prof. Mackinnon, Edinburgh, and Rev. MaJcolm
Macleod, Broadford, Skye.
296 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
that were suspected to be shot, which he did, But as for charms that
he used none of them, so far as he knew & being further interogate
if he did find any holes in people when he searched them, he answered

he did & being further interogate what he used for a cure ? he

answered a little Black Soap being further asked if he did not make

use of Herbs for making drink to the sick persons he replied he did,
and being asked what herb it was he used ? he said it was the Herb
Agrimomy & being further questioned how long it was since he
acquired skill he answered it was about a year ago, and being again
;

interogate how he came by it, or if any person taught him, he answered

that none taught him as to searching for holes, but that he saw people
in the Main Land trying if they could find any in people & that many
have tried for & found holes in cattle, & he having a sick child, began
it, and found them & so practice it since, and as to using the herb he

said that a Voice once said to him in his sleep that if he pulled that
Herb in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost & make the
patient drink of it would cure the same Distemper. Being asked
further if he took any money for these cures he answered he took no
more than a shilling Sterling from any, which he thought was little
enough for his pains and being further asked if he always when he
pulled herbs expressed foresaid words audibly. He answered he did.
The Session took his confession to consideration and being straitned
what judgement to make of such a practise they unanimously
agreed to refer same to the Presbytery.

(Sess.) 13th June 1708

Sedr Mr Daniell Mc Lean Modr: Jam Hamilton, Don: Mc Nickoll,
Jam: Mc Nickoll Elders.
After prayer.
It is Delated to the Session Janet Mc Ilpatrick and Effie Mc Kalian
both in Maas (upon the third of this Instant being a day sett apart
for publick thanksgiving) absented from the Church and Spent the
day in using a Counter Charm (as- they term it) for recovering
Margarett Taylor there to health who was sick and pained att the
—
Heart they performed in the manner following viz: they took Lead
and melted it, and being thin they poured it through a sieve into
watter and reduced it to the form of a Heart they gave it to the
 —

FOLK LORE 297

sd Margaret and bid her lye it about her neck, telhng her that it
would certainly and shortly ease her from her pain which the pre-
tended was occasioned by witchcraft.
Wherefore they appointed to be summoned against next Dyett.

Over half a century ago, I went into a byre, where there was a cow
which had calved about a week before. This cow one of the farmer's
daughters was going to milk. I looked into the luggie (a small wooden
vessel) which she carried and saw in the centre of the bottom an
oatmeal bannock, about the size of a five shilling piece. My boyish
curiosity was aroused and I asked what it meant. She told me with
—
much gesticulation and Gaelic that a farmer's wife in the neighbour-
hood had bewitched the cow, so that it would not give its milk, but
she was going to break the spell.

Even as late as thirty years ago, it was not uncommon for fishermen,
when on a trip, to boil pins in a pot to keep away the witches.

If a witch can get the name of a cow or a hair from her tail, and also
see the milk, she can transfer that cow's produce to her own cow.

A MAN in Shisken was once sowing corn, and on resting he noticed

a small beetle taking his seeds of corn from his land to his neigh-
bour's. Knowing it to be witchcraft, he captured the beetle and put
it in his snuff-box. For several days his neighbour's wife was absent
and no one knew where she was. When he opened the snuff-box,
out she sprang.

THE CLACHLANDS W^jtcH

A very old story is told of a witch who lived at the Clach-
lands, and is as follows :

It chanced one day that the natives noticed a ship in full sail
passing up the Firth. It was said to be part of the Spanish Armada.
A certain old woman lived at the Clachlands who, as it is said,
possessed the power of witchcraft.
The natives had no heavy guns or artillery to direct on the ship,
but to this woman they went with all haste in order that she might
YOL. II. 2 p
 ;

298 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

'
cronach '
or play her devilry on it. They found the woman (their
frail bitof artillery) in such an enfeebled state as to be unable to
leave the house, but willing hands carried her out to where she could
get a good view of her enemies. After scanning the Firth and looking
at the object of the consternation for some time, she turned to her
comrades and with an air of satisfaction she remarked Tha air hdrr '

a' chroinn na dW fkbghnas i (There is on the top of the mast that

'

will suffice her).

She had seen the devil at the mast-head in shape of a large cat,
or something of that description, weaving a mystic web to play
destruction with the fleet which was so shortly to reach its doom.

The following extract from the Session Records of Kil-

morie will illustrate one of the superstitious customs of the
Highlands. It was by no means peculiar to this island.

Session at Clachan, September 4, 1709. —Janet Hunter being

formally summoned, and called, compeared, and being questioned
anent the report that was given forth on her, that she used a charm
for the discovery of theft, by turning the riddle, she plainly con-
fessed that she did use and being further interrogate what words
it ;

she used, she replied that she used no words and being asked if
;

she did not say, by Peter, by Paul, it was such a person,' she replied
'

that she did use these words, and none else; and being further
interrogate, if the riddle did turn at the naming of any of those
persons suspected, she replied that it did actually turn at the naming
of one ; and being interrogate farther, who employed her, she re-
plied it was Barbara M'Murchie in the same town, who employed her
and she being farther interrogate, if she had any other body with
her at the said exorcite, she replied that there was one Florence
M'Donald, servitrix to Hector M'Alister here, who was holding the
side of the shears with her. It being farther interrogate, if she
thought there was any fault or sin in it, she replied that she thought
there was none in it, seeing she used no bad words and she being
;

farther interrogate if she knew who it was that turned the riddle,
she answered that she did not know but declared that it was not
;

she, nor the other who held it with her, so far as she knew and it ;

being told her that if neither of them two turned it, that it behoved
 ;

FOLK LORE 299

to be either God or the devil that turned it to which she replied
;

that she did not think it was God, and she hoped it was not the devil
wherefore the minister laboured to convince her of the horrid sin
of this hellish art, and the heinousness of it, and how she had gone
to the devil to get knowledge of secret things, and how she might be
guilty of blaming innocent persons, and exhorting her to lay her sin
to heart and repent, she was removed. And the session taking her
confession into consideration, with the hatefulness of the wicked
practice, and after mature deliberation, having the advice of the
Presbytery, on the like affair, they do unanimously appoint her to
make her compearance before the congregation three several Sabbaths,
to give evidence of her repentance, and for the terror of others that
use such acts, they refer her to the civil magistrate, to be punished
as shall be thought fit by him, either corporally or pecunially ; and
she being called in again this was intimate unto her.'

The last person in the Shisken district who made use of a twig of
mountain ash to protect his cows from witchcraft, or the evil-eye,
was James M'A a cottar, who died about forty years ago. It
,

was his custom to tie a piece of mountain ash to their tails with a
red string.

Once there lived at Beinnecarrigan a famous man of skill whose aid

was very frequently sought when beasts of pasture or horses had
been harmed through witchcraft. On one occasion a horse had
'
'

thus been injured, and a messenger was dispatched to him for a counter-
charm. The man made a mixture and poured it into a bottle, warn-
ing the messenger on no account to withdraw the cork from the bottle
on the way. The daughter of Eve who had gone on the errand was
overcome on the way by an irresistible desire to know what the bottle
contained ; she took out the cork and tasted the contents. The
horse was sprinkled with the compound as directed, but without
any effect. Word was then sent to the cure-maker to come. On
arriving he at once stated that the cure given had been tampered
with ; and proceeded to make up a fresh mixture. When this was
done he passed it nine times round his head and applied it to the
horse, pouring a few drops into the ears what remained of the
;

mixture was thrown into the kitchen fire. In a few minutes the horse
 — —

300 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

was quite well. The preparation was said to be composed of soot,
salt, and water.

As a preventative against witchcraft, it was not uncommon in

Shisken within the last fifty years, to place a sprig of rowan
district,
above the byre-door and also to tie a sprig of the same tree to the
cow's tail.

At Tigh-an-Fhraoich, Shisken, with the same object, some quicksilver

was placed inside a hollow stick (the stick being hollowed out as
boys do to make whistles), and the stick was then placed under one
of the flagstones in the byre.
This was done within the last fifty years.

When a cow was supposed to have been bewitched some soot was
swept down from the chimney on to an ash-tray (the kind made of
calves-skin stretched on a hoop like the side of a drum) and mixed
with salt. This mixture was then made into three little balls which
were administered to the cow inside a kail-blade. The kail-blade
was to give the mixture a relish. Then some salt was put into a
bowl of water along with a gold ring, a sixpenny piece and sometimes
a piece of coal, and the water after being stirred was sprinkled in the
form of a cross on the cow from its head to its tail. Some of the
water was also placed in the cow's ears, and then the remainder
after the ring and the sixpenny piece had been abstracted was cast —
into the cinders at the back of the fireplace.
During the course of these operations, the skilled administrator
uttered a Gaelic rhyme signifying
If they 've eaten you, let them spue you.
I have seen this practised at Feorline within the last sixty years.
I have also —
known the ceremony excluding the eating of the soot
—
and salt mixture practised in Ayr by a Shisken woman upon a
young married woman who was supposed to be unwell, within the
last forty-five years.

AN INCIDENT OF 1868-69
A cow took very ill, and all ordinary remedies failed the farmer's
;

wife was an old lady in the sixties — and her husband was a man apart,
 FOLK LORE 301

who scorned the idea of charms and other preternatural agencies.

His wife longed to call in the aid of the supernatural to save Crummie,' '

but she dare not suggest such a thing. For a time she was at a loss
what to do, but finally her woman's wit came to her aid. She thought
she would go some distance to gather an herb, which was one of the
ordinary household simples.
This managing old lady took me with her for company and we
set forth, climbing a hill and then keeping along the ridge, until we
came to a deep ravine. Then we threaded our way through the
pines to a little thatched cottage, wherein a very old woman lived.
I was told she was A Wise Woman.' She asked a great many
'

questions about me, and gave me a piece and sugar

'
and said in
'
—
Gaelic that I was bonny and clever and so like my
Then the
father.
two old ladies talked softlyand mysteriously, and my old lady gave
the other one something. After a bit The Wise Woman brought
' '

out a black quart bottle, muttered some words and gave it to the
other, telling her to wrap it in her shawl and let no one cast eyes upon
it. We were also told to speak to no one all the way home, and when
we got there the cow was to get the contents of the bottle. We
returned home, avoiding the roads and keeping far from houses,
and the farmer's wife got her own brother and his sons to administer
the dose as a cure they could vouch for. I don't know whether they
knew whence it came or not. However, the cow improved greatly,
and in a few days was completely restored.

foUow^ing story is from a man who, while quite

The
a boy, helped to perform the operation on a horse that had
grown indifferent to food.
After several treatments had been applied, the smith, who was
the specialist in diseases relating to animals diagnosed the disease
as witchcraft, and prescribed eolas-cronach as a cure. This eblas-
cronach was obtainable from an old woman who resided near Whiting
Bay. It was supposed to be a certain cure for witchcraft. It con-
tained water, salt, and a large needle, but whether there had been
more in it or not my informant could not say. The dish that held
it was a wooden ladle. The process consisted of sprinkling this
preparation on both the animal's shoulders, the ribs on both sides,
 ;

302 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

and the hips on both sides. After this was done a lighted candle
was taken and a part of the hair burned at each place sprinkled.
The lighted candle was then passed through under the beast's body
and over its back three times in succession, commencing near the
shoulders and finishing near" the hips. A person stood on each side
of the beast, and the candle was handed from the one to the other,
completing the circle in this way.
It may be stated the beast got over the malady and improved
afterwards. This happened within the last fifty years.

A BOOT tacket or nail was often put in the wood at the mouth of a
churn to keep the witches away or from interfering with the butter-
making. Sometimes the butter took a long time to come on the milk.
This the natives believed to be the doings of witches. When such
was the case, the following is what they did to make the witch loose
her spell." It may be mentioned the churn most in use in those days
was like a narrow barrel placed on end. In this the milk was poured
and churned with a float which was perforated and made to suit the
diameter of the churn to it was attached a long handle for working
;

it up and down.

A person the name of M'Farlane was passing a farm-house one day

and asked for a drink of milk while it was in the half-churned state.
This was refused him. As revenge for this refusal he put some meal
or something into the churn, which prevented the butter from coming
on it. This seems to be the basis of the rhyme and method of spoiling
the witches' spell. When the gudewife got suspicious that the witches
were near, owing to the prolonged absence of the butter, the house-
hold were called in to aid her. (Of course churning in this way, it
was necessary for two or three to be at it, the one to relieve the other.)
First, then, one person took the churn, and while he or she worked
the float, he or she chanted the following :

'
M'Farlane sought a drink of milk (Fither an ninnty nandy)
;

He sought a drink and he got none (Fither an ninnty nandy).

;

Fither an ninnty, ninnty, ninnty, ninnty, ninnty, nandy

'

at thesame time keeping time with the stroke of the churn. When
this personwas finished he dropped off and another took his place
with the same performance. All the while the first person kept
going round the churn chanting the same rhyme. When the second
 FOLK LORE 303
was finished the third took his place, the second catching hands with
the and chanting the same, and so on till a
first circle was formed
round the churn much the same as ging-go-ring.'
'

This was within the last fifty years.

VI

Cures
Cures by Black Art
The art of healing in Arran was practised by two different
kinds of persons—those who could cure illness in animals
caused by evil-eye or witchcraft and who had what was called
in Arran ' Ehlas a' Chronachaidh ^ or the knowledge of re-
' '

proof and those who by unholy art could cure diseases

'
;

beyond the power of the regular doctor. One fatal effect

followed every cure the first living thing on which the eye
:

of the performer alighted fell down dead.

A FAMOUS woman, Seana bhean Thorralin, the old woman of

Torrylin, had been over at Lamlash effecting a cure. On her way
home, no living thing came under her eye. When she reached
Corrychaim in Glen Scorradale, she suddenly came upon a relative
of her own, a William M'Kinnon, who with his son and four horses
were ploughing. On seeing them she cried out, Och William,
'
!

sore, sore is my heart that thou shouldst be the first to come under
my eye.' Her regret was useless, however, as both men with their
horses fell dead. The plough was never touched but left in the un-
finished furrow. It is said that about thirty years ago the irons
of awooden plough were found on the spot where tradition has said
the tragedy occurred. This William M'Kinnon lived about two
hundred years ago.

AN DOTAIR bIn AGUS MAC a' GhAiDSEIR

Bho chionn fada bha Gaidsear araidh a' comhnuidh an Loch
Raonasa aig an robh aon mhac. Thuit gu'n do leagadh sios an gille
so le tinneas trom, agus chleachdadh gach oidheirp a chum a shlan-

' See note on previous section.

 '

304 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

achadh. Bha gach seana chailleach a bha 'comhnuidh aig ceann
mu thuath Arainn a' feuchainn cungaidh-leighis, ach an aite do'n
6ganach a bhi 'dol am feothas 's ann a bha e an sior dhol ni bu mhiosa.
Mu dheireadh, nuair a dh'fhailnich gach meadhon a chleachd iad,
thubhairt iad ri athair a' bhalaich e 'chur fios gu Seideig air an
Dotair Bhan, agus ma tha math an dan, faodaidh e bhi gu'n leighis
e an gille, 's mur leighis cha bhi aobhar criomchaig anns a' chfiis.
Ghabh athair an oganaich an comhairle, agus moch air an la'r-na-
mhaireach chuir e gille 6g a bha'nns a' choimhearsnachd air druim
a' chapuill bhuidhe aige fhein agus air an dearg chuthach gabhar an
gille sios gu Seideig air t6ir an Dotair Bhain. Bha an Dotair ainmeil
mar lighiche agus bha e air aithris uime gu'n d'fhuair e 'fhdghlum
o na sibhrich a bha 'comhnuidh fo th6rr a' chaisteil, agus gu'n
d'fhuair e eolas a' chronachaidh ^ o sheana chailleach mhdr Thorra-
'
'

Hn. Nuair a rainig an gille an Tormor thachair scan duine air a bha 'g
iomain nam bd thun a' mhonaidh, C'aite,' ars' an sean duine am
' '

bheil thu 'dol a nis le leithid a dheifir air maduinn na Sabaide ?

Fhreagair an gille, Tha mac a' Ghaidseir an Loch Raonasa air choslas
'

a bhi dluthachadh air a' bhas, agus tha mi 'dol air t6ir an Dotair
Bhain.' Is duilich leam sin a chluinntinn,' ars' an sean duine, ach
'
'

feumaidh tu an aire 'thoirt dhuit fhein air an turns air am bheil thu.
Chomhairlichinn duit bad caorainn a chur am bun earball a' chapuill
bhuidhe, cleith math calltuinn a bhi agad 'n ad dh6rn, 'us ma
mhothaicheas thu laigse cridhe no cuirp a' tighinn ort, abair cronachas '

do shiila ort 'us bi cinnteach nach leig thu leis an Dotair a' cheud
'
;
'^

sealladh fhaotainn air taigh a' Ghaidseir, air neo ma gheibh, agus
ma leighiseas e a mhac, gheibh thusa bas.' Thug an gille buidheachas
do'n bhodach, gheall e gu'm biodh e air 'fhaicill, 'us ghabh e a rathad.
Fhuair e an Dotair aig baile, agus bha e gle dhe6nach a dhol leis.
—
Dh'fhalbh iad an cuideachd a' cheile an Dotair air gearran beag,
r6ineach, glas, agus an gille air thoiseach a' deanadh an rathaid.
Nuair a rainig iad Bealach-an-iomachairdh'fheuch an Dotair an ceum
toisich fhaotainn, ach thug am balach buille bheag do'n chapull am
bun no cluaise, 'is dh'fhag e an gearran glas air dheireadh. Nuair

1 ' Cronachadh here means incantation or exorcism, and ' eolas a' chronachaidh,'
'

a counter charm against the evil eye.

* Let the evil of thine own be upon thyself. Cronachas means a rebuke.
 FOLK LORE 305
a rainig iad Bealach-a-chro mhothaich an t-6ganach a chridhe 'f^s
fann, agus a chorp a' f^s cho lag ris an luachair. Cronachas do '

shtila ort,' ars an gille, is cha luaithe 'thubhairt na mhothaich e mar

gu'm biodh uallach air a thogail dheth. Air dhaibh abhainn Chatacoil
a ruigheachd thubhairt an Dotair, O'n tha leithid a dheifir anns
'

a' chilis, 'us gun aobhar deifir ortsa, deanamaid malairt each,' Gu'n '

robh math agaibh,' ars' an gille, 'ach 's feumaile mo bheatha fh^in
dhomhsa na beatha neach eile.' ^ Thug e buille eile do'n chapull
bhuidhe, is lean e roimhe gun mhoille gus an robh taigh a' Ghaidseir
an sealladh. Air do'n Dotair an taigh a ruigheachd. Carson,' ars '

esan ris a' Ghaidseir, is e Ian feirge, a chuir thu fios ormsa le neach a
'

—
bha cho e61ach rium fhein ? cha 'n urrainn mi ni sam bith a dheanadh
—
airson do mhic' Mar thubhairt b'fhior shiubhail mac a' Ghaidseir
goirid an dheidh sin.

THE DOCTOR BAN AND THE GAUGEu's SON

A long time ago a certain Ganger lived in Loch Ranza who had
one son. happened that this lad was laid down with a heavy
It
illness, and every means were used towards his healing. Every old
wife that resided in the north end of Arran tried her healing-art, but
instead of the youth getting better, he was continually getting worse.
At last when every means which they had used failed, they said to
the boy's father to send a message to Shedag for the Doctor Ban,
and if good is in store, it may be that he will heal the lad, and if not,
there will be no cause for recrimination in the matter. The youth's
father took their advice, and early next day he sent a young lad who
was in the neighbourhood on the back of his own yellow mare, and in
a mad gallop off went the lad to Shedag in search of the Doctor Ban.
The Doctor was namely as a physician, and it was said of him that
he got his leamiag from the fairies that lived under the castle hill,
and that he obtained the skill of rebuking from the big old wife of
' '

Torlin, When the lad reached Tormore an old man met him who was
putting the cows to the hill. Where,' said the old man, are you
' '

going now in such a hurry on the Sabbath morning ? The lad '

answered, The Gauger's son at Loch Ranza to all appearance is

'

approaching death, and I am going in search of the Doctor Ban.'

' The preservation of my own life is more to me than the life of another.

VOL. n, 2 Q
 —

306 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

'
I am sorry to hear that,' said the old man
but you must take
;
'

heed to yourself on the journey on which you are. I would advise

you to put a bunch of rowans at the root of the yellow mare's tail,
to have a good hazel stick in your fist, and if you feel a weakness of
heart or body coming on you, say, " The evil of thine eye be upon
thee," and be sure you will not allow the Doctor Ban to get the first
sight of the Ganger's house, or else if he will, and that he heals his
son, you will die.'
The lad gave thanks to the old man, promised that he would
be on his guard, and took his way. He found the Doctor at home,
and he was willing enough to go with him. They went in the com-
—
pany of each other- ^the Doctor on a grey shaggy pony, and the lad
leading the way in front. When they reached Bealach-an-iomachair
the Doctor endeavoured to get the lead, but the lad gave a blow to
the mare ab the root of the ear, and left the grey pony behind. When
they reached Bealach-a-chr6 the youth felt his heart getting faint
and his body getting as weak as a rush. The evil of thine eye be
'

upon thee,' said the lad, and no sooner said than he felt as if a load
was lifted off him. Having reached Caticol burn the Doctor said,
Since there is siich haste in the matter, and that you have no cause
'

for haste, let us make an exchange of horses.' Thank you,' said the
'

lad, but my own life is more necessary to myself than the life of
'

another.' He gave another blow to the yellow mare, and continued

on without delay until the Ganger's house was in sight.
On the Doctor arriving at the house, Why,' said he to the Ganger,
'

full of anger, did you send for me by one who was as skilful as
'

myself. I cannot do anything for your son ? True, as he said

'

the Ganger's son died shortly thereafter.

It is who lived nearly two hundred years ago and

said of Dr. M'Larty,
who was famous for his cures, that he got his education from the
fairies. He was born at Corriecravie, and the first day he went to
school he was met by a little green-coated man who took him to a
fairy school underneath Torr a'Chaisteil, a prehistoric mound at
Corriecravie, and there secretly educated him.

A CURE for measlesand whooping-cough was to seek out among the

hills a saucer-shaped stone which held water. With the water thus
 FOLK LORE 307
found the patient sprinkled himself, and in some cases took three
sips of it. It was an essential part of the cure that the stone should
be found and the cure performed at a place from which the sea was
invisible from any part of the compass.

PIuMAN hair cut off the head should be burnt, lest the birds should
get it for their nests, thereby causing headaches to the person whose
hair it was.

Water, salt, and soot were given for sick headaches. Three sips
were taken, and a cross made upon the forehead and also on the back
of the head with the middle finger, which had been dipped in the
compound.

Cure for Rheumatism

It was quite customary in Arran for people prone to rheumatism
to carry a small potato in their pockets as a safeguard against and
cure for that painful trouble. I have known a Shisken man do this
within the last three years.
[This may be said to be still a living superstition. Strictly the potato
should be a stolen one. The association of certain roots with cures is ancient
and universal. The illness is supposed to be the work of evil spirits. The
Bengoes of Africa believe, as the Greeks of Homer did, that 'certain roots
ward off the evil influence of spirits.']

FOLK MEDICINE (OR CUE.ES)

Spider-webs were used to stop haemorrhage. Ash or rowan bark

was used as a poultice in adder bites. The oil made from the liver
of the porpoise was rubbed on sprained joints.
In sty of the eyelid a rub of the cat's tail was supposed to be
' '

efficacious, and the first spittle in the morning was a cure for sore
eyes.
There was a [cure] —but forget what I —
was for possibly thirst
it

—and that was to catch a snail and impale on a thorn in the hedge.
it

I am subject to correction here. Another cure for thirst was to lift

a stone, spit below it, and carefully replace the stone.
Salt water was looked upon as a very good cure for many ailments.
A friend of mine had a sore knee, and he was advised to get some
308 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
frog spawn, fill a bottle with it and bury it in the earth. An old man
I —
knew he was an Irish road-mender, and he cured his sore eyes
by washing them with a decoction of bishop-weed. The fluid was
sprinkled over and across the eyes with a little bunch of the leaves,
sun the while.
the patient gazing steadfastly at the setting
a tooth was extracted it had to be given to the patient
When
to be thrown over his left shoulder. This was very important.
The sacrifice of a live black cock, which must be buried at the spot
where the person had the first fit, is a sure cure for epilepsy.
[Or the cock should be buried below the patient's bed. Among the
Greeks the cock was sacred to Esculapius, the god of medicine, and the
philosopher Socrates at his death desired that a cock should be sacrificed
to that divine healer.]

'
I like to have forgot a valuable curiosity in this isle which they
HAD
call Baul Muluy, i.e. Molingus his stone globe. This saint was chap-
lain to Macdonald of the Isles. His name is celebrated here on the
account of this globe, so much esteemed by the inhabitants. This
stone for its intrinsic value has been carefully transmitted to pos-
terity for several ages. It is a green stone, much like a globe in
figure, about the bigness of a goose egg.
'
The virtue of it is to remove stitches from the side of sick persons,
by laying it close to the place affected and if the patient does not ;

outlive the distemper, they say the stone removes out of the bed of
its own accord, and e contra. The natives use this stone for swearing
decisive oaths upon it.

'
They ascribe another extraordinary virtue to it, and it is this :

The credulous vulgar firmly believe that if this stone is cast among the
front of an enemy they will all run away ^ and that as often as the ;

enemy rallies, if this stone is cast among them, they still lose courage,
and retire. They say that Macdonald of the Isles carried this stone
about him, and that victory was always on his side when he threw it
among the enemy. The custody of this globe is the peculiar privilege
of a little family called Clan-Chattons, alias Macintosh. They were
ancient followers of Macdonald of the Isles. This stone is now in the
custody of Margaret Miller alias Macintosh. She lives in Baell-

' This is the '

victory-stone ' of Scandinavian lore.
 FOLK LORE 309

mianich, and preserves the globe with abundance of care. It is

wrapped up in fair linen cloth, and about that there is a piece of
woollen cloth and she keeps it locked up in her chest, when it is
;

^
not given out to exert its qualities.'

[There were several of these or similar stones in the Highlands. The Clach
a Chrtibain cured diseases of the joints. Pennant says it was a fossil gryphite,
a geologic species of oyster. In Tiree is the Clach a Greimhich, the Gripe
Stone (Campbell's Witchcraft, etc., p. 93). Campbell gives other examples.]

VII

Social Customs
It was common, if any one wanted to be introdviced to a lass that he
had taken a notion of, to take a mutual friend with him to act as
'
go between.' And this mutual friend was termed the blackfoot.' '

It sometimes happened in the case of a backwai'd wooer that the

blackfoot himself found his way to the heart of the fair one, and then
the '
was said to have turned out to be the whitefoot.'
blackfoot '
'

When a girl got engaged to be married, the news spread quickly

around among neighbours and friends, and they used to gather to
the girl's house in the evenings, lads and lasses from all the houses
round about, and help to tease the wool for her blankets. This wool
was afterwards sent to the carding-mill to be carded and made into
'
rowans,' and the rowans were spun into thread by the girl and her
friends, which thread was sent off to the weaver and woven into
blankets. This was quite a common custom in my boyhood, and
may be still.

There one custom to which I think it is worth while to draw

is

attention, namely booking.' Before a marriage could take place

'

a meeting was arranged between the parties to the contract and their
friends. I do not know whether any of the elders or the minister
were there, or whether there was signing of books. But the custom
to which I wish to call attention was this After the party was :

assembled the bride-elect say, or the bridegroom-elect, waited and

1 A Description of the Western Isles qf Scot/and, by Martin Martin (c. 1695),

pp. 226, 226.
310 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
had ever so many of the company taken in to their, his or her, pre-
sence as would-be suitors. Some one, generally a wit of some sort
—the '
blackfoot '
—was chosen to present the suitors, and if it was
the lad who was
waiting he would bring in the lasses and married
—
wives too it didn't matter. The introducer would say something
'
like, Here 's a nice young lass now, will you take her for your wife ?
'

'
No,' the lad would say, I '11 not have her, because
'
then he '

gave his reason she was too fat or too lean, too tall or too short,
;

she had a squint, etc., etc., or any fault he could think of. The fun
was carried on with great good humour and the best of spirits roars ;

of laughter greeting the quaint remarks of the one chosen to do the

introducing, or the awkward excuses which the hard plied and em-
barrassed youth would sometimes give as a reason why he would not
marry each one till the real one was taken before him. This one,
he would say, had all the good looks he would like to see his wife
possessed of, and so he would marry her. The same was gone through
then with regard to the girl, and of course the greatest scope was
given for the exercise of the humour of the introducer, who with less
feeling or less fear of hurting the feelings of the lads, ran over all
their recommendations, mostly invented for the occasion. Each
would be refused in turn till the right lad was brought in at last.

First Footing. —A fair man was not welcome as a first foot

'
' on
the morning of the New Year, neither was a flat-footed man.

—
Baptism. When a child was born the mother was never waiited
in any house until her child had been baptized, as her entry meant
very bad luck for the house so entered.
Regarding people who walked in their sleep, it was said that they
had not had sufficient water applied at baptism and for a cure the
;

water which was left after the christening of an infant was dashed in
the face of the somnambulist.

—
Courtship. When a young man took an unre turned fancy to
a young woman, and his aberration caused him to neglect his daily
tasks, the chemise of the young woman was procured, generally by
a parent, and put upon him, by way of curing him. (An instance of
this being done about ninety years ago is reported.)
 FOLK LORE 311

Agricultueal Customs 1

Ploughing. —
Immediately before beginning the spring labour, just
when the horses were yoked to the plough and on the very spot of
the farm where they were to begin the work of the season, the horses'
harness and plough were three times carefully besprinkled with water
in which some salt had been dissolved, and a little of the same solution
was then poured into the horses' ears. After this last part of the
ceremony had been gone through, the spring labour was considered
to have been duly inaugurated. This ceremony was performed in
the island of Arran within the last ninety years.^

SEAN-FHACAIL MU'n AIMSIR

WEATHER PROVERBS
Ma chuireas gobag * thun an doruis, cuiridh damhag air an t6rran.
If gobag sends to the door, damhag will send to the dunghill.

—
Damhag bheag mathair fhaoilteach * fuar,
'S minig a mharbh i caora 'us uan.
Little damhag —mother of cold and stormy weather
Oft has she killed sheep and lamb.

Ma chuireas gobag dhiot do chdta

Cuiridh damhag air theas thun na beinne.
If gobag puts off your coat
Damhag will send (the cattle) with heat to the hill.

Cha tig fuachd gus an tig Earrach,

Cruas no daor cheannach.
Cold Cometh not until spring,
Hardship or dear buying.

' Folk Lore, vol. xi. (1900); Folklore /mm the Hebrides, part iv. p. 439
2 was an ancient custom to mix salt with the fodder of cattle.
It Isa. xxx. 24,
'
clean provender,' or ' salted food margin of R.V. ' salted.'
' ;

' Gobag was the six' days before St. Patrick's Day, and Damhag the six days
following.
* The last fortnight of winter and the first fortnight of spring.
312 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
'S mairg a chaill a chomh-aois bliadhna 'n ^ Earraich ghr^inde.
Pity on one who lost his co-equal in age in the year of the ill-

favoured spring.

Samhuinn ghiobach,^ 's Bealltuinn Idm

A rough Hallowe'en and a bare May-day.

MOTHER, MOTHER, THE BANNOCK 'S BURNING ^

A girl's game played in Arran. Any number take part, and the
most womanly is generally chosen to be mother.' A house is made
'

by enclosing a space with lines of small stones, and the mother orders
another of the girls to remain in charge of it, while she herself and the
others retire to some little distance. When they are sufficiently far
away the housekeeper shouts, Mother, mother, the bannock 's
'

burning.' The mother answers, Take the spoon and turn it.'
' The '

spoon is broken.' Take the

'
knife.' The knife is broken.'
'
Take '

the fork.' The fork is broken everything in the house is broken.'

'
;

On hearing this the mother and all the rest rush for the house, and the
one last to reach it becomes housekeeper for another game.

It was considered unlucky to let the peat fire go out or to give a

kindling to any person who borrowed the same. But one woman in
particular seemed to brave whatever consequences might come, as
she gave rekindlings to all and sundry who might come her way,
thus being a fire merchant in her own way, and a public benefactress
to her more superstitious neighbours.
It was considered unlucky to borrow salt from a neighbour during
Christmas week.
It was considered unlucky to spill salt if you did so a quantity
;

thrown over the left shoulder was an antidote for the evil that might
come.
It was considered unlucky for a hare to cross your path, and cases
have been known where the person had this misfortune happen to him
to go a long way out of his intended course to avoid this.

'
The saying points to a spring of unusual seventy — probably the plague.
2 Said of those who were not careful of their fodder in early winter.
3 Folklore, vol. xvii. (1906), p. 103.
 FOLK LORE 313

It was, until very recently, considered unlucky to meet some people

when going upon a journey, or about some pursuits. Fishermen
frequently turned home again if they met people of a dark complexion,
or possessors of flat feet, and sometimes those of certain surnames.
To follow their calling, they said, would not only yield them no luck,
but might endanger their lives.

vol-. II, 3 R
 ! ;

CHAPTER XIII
GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN
Arainn Bheag Bhoidheach *

O Arainn bheag bhoidheach

'S grinn do chleoca 's an t-samhradh,
Tha do bhruthain l^n neoinein
'S do mhointeach 14n eeann-dubh.^

Tha do bhric bhallach dhubh-ghorm

Ri cursachd troimh d' aibhne'an
'Sa chuthag riomhach, cuir smtiid dith
A' tigh'nn an dluths air a' bhealtuinn.

Do fhraoch badanach cubhraidh,

'S mil 'na dritichd air gach eeann dheth,
Cnothan abuich, 's iad dubailt
A' Itibadh do challtuinn.

Bonnie Little Auran

O ! Bonnie little Arran,
Grand is thy mantle in summer,
Thy braes full of daisies
And thy moorlands of canach.
Thy trout spotted and dark blue
Sporting briskly in thy waters,
And the bonnie cuckoo letting off its steam
As the summer approached.

' Said to have been composed by Donald Currie '

at the fishing.'
2 '
Ceann-dubh would seem
' to be misapplied here, as the '
Canach '
is pure white
but it is the blaclc head, before the white down grows on it,

314
 GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 315
Thy heather so bunchy and fragrant
With honey in drops on each head,
Ripe nuts and in clusters
Bending the hazel branches.

Maebh-Rann 1
Chaidh an Comunn, chaidh an Comunn, chaidh an Comunn air chul,
'S gur coma gach comunn ach an comunn bhios fior,
Chaidh an comunn o cheile, dh'fhag sud deurach mo shuil,
'S gu 'm b'e luinnsearachd Sheumais bu neo-aoibhneach dhuinn.

B'e do thurus gu He 's a' mhios roimh 'n a' Mhairt

Dh'fhag muladach m'inntinn o nach till thu gu brath,
O 'n a thug iad thu thairis gu eilean Da-bharr,
Is d' fhagail air cladach mar bhradan air traigh.

'Se Seumas MacDhaidhidh a chreach sinn gu brath,

O a thug e thu thairis gu eilean Da-bharr,
'n
'S onach tilleadh e dhachaidh agus aithris mar bha,
Bhiodh na ciadan gun mhailis ^ a mach mu do bhas.

Bha thu foinnidh, deas, direach, 's bu rioghail do chainnt,

Bha do thlachd anns an fhirinn, 's do mhi-thlachd 's a' cheilg,
D' fhalt buidhe 's e amlagach, bachlagach, clann,
Suil bu ghuirme bha daite gle mheallach 'n ad cheann.

'S iomadh ban-tighearn riomhach le siod agus srol,

Eadar Arainn 'us He 'us Cinntire nam b(5,
•A bheireadh an saoghal 's d' fhaotainn-sa beo,
'S iad uile gle thursach o 'n a chaochail thu 6g.

Tha 's do mhathair gach la 's iad fo ghruaim.

d'athair
Gun an t-saoghal a ni' challdach so suas,
ni air
Gus an ruig iad an t-aite 's am fograr gach gruaim,
Far nach inntir deur sarach gu brath air an gruaidh,

' The above verses were composed on the death of a young Arran gentleman who

was drowned in Campbeltown loch about the beginning- of the nineteenth century. It
was suspected that he was thrown overboard by the captain of a cutter in which he
happened to be at the time, in order to obtain possession of the unfortunate man's
sister, who also was on board. Cf. p. 112. ^ Delay.
316 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
O ! mairg nach roghnaicheadh companaich fhior,
's

Air am
biodh eagal an Tighearn air muir 'us air tir,
Bhiodh 'aran dha deimhinn agus 'uisge dha fior,
'S air deireadh a laithean bhiodh aige deagh chrioch

Elegy
The company, the company, the company is dissolved.
Unworthy the company, but the company that 's true.
—
The company has parted that left my eye in tears,
'Twas the heartlessness of James that left us in sorrow.

'Twas thy journey to Islay the month prior to March

That left me so sad, since thou wilt never return.
And since they took thee away to Island Davaar
And left thee stranded like a salmon on the shore.
'Twas James Davidson that for ever deprived us,
Since he took thee away to Island Davaar,
And returned not home to relate how it was.
Hundreds, without delay, would be out about thy death.

Handsome and shapely thy form, and royal thy speech,

In truth was thy pleasure, thy displeasure in deceit,
Thy yellow hair so curly, wavy, and bunchy.
Thy bright blue eye so winning in thy head.
Many a lady dressed in silk and grandeur,
'Twixt Arran and Islay, and Kintyre of the kine.
Would give the world to have thee as their own,
And they all in sorrow, since young thou didst die.
Thy father and mother are each day under grief.
With nought in the world to compensate the loss.
Until they reach the place whence all sorrow is dispelled.
Where no bitter tear will ever moisten their cheek.

O the pity on those who true companions don't choose.

!

Who would fear the Lord on sea or on land,

To him his bread would be sure and his water be pure.
And at the end of his days he happy would be.
 GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 317

Oran Gaoil
Rinneadh an t-oran so le Domhnull MacMhuirich air dha bhi air a ghlacadh
le Maraichean a' Chruin ri am Cogadh na Frainge.

NuAiR thainig mi thairis bha mi 'm barail 's an diiil

Gu 'n deanainn m6r bheairteas mur tachradh droch chuis,
Ach mu 'n d' fhuair mi air astar no mach as an diithaich,
Chuii- iad mi fo ghlasaibh mar ghaduich' no cu.

Chuir iad mi do 'n phress-room, agus ghlais iad mi aun,

Far an robh sinn m6r chuideachd air ar cumail gu teanii,
Le suil 1 ar cur thairis do 'n armailt 's an Fhraing,
'S gun chridh' againn feuchainn am fagail gun taing.

Thoir mo
shoraidh uam thairis gu Arainn nam beann,
Agus do m' leannan mar thachair 's an am,
innis
Gu 'n deachaidh mo ghlacadh le gaisreadh ^ ro theann
Nach eisdeadh uam facal 's gun stath dhomh bhi cainnt.

Ach o n' tha mi gu iosal 's nach leig iad mi 'n aird,
Ni mi litir a sgriobhadh a dh'innseas mar tha,
'S nuair ruigeas i dachaidh cha 'n 'eil ag* nach bi iad
Cho tursach 's a dh'fhaodas iad 's daoine aca slan.

Ma tha 'n dan domh 'dhol dachaidh gu Arainn nam beann,

Gus an dean mi, ghaoil, d' fhaicinn cha chaidil mi ann,
Cha chaidil mi uair 's cha tig suain air mo cheann
Gus am bi mi ri d' thaobh-sa gu siobhalt' a' cainnt.

Ach ma bhios thusa cordte 'us posda fo 'n chleir

Mu 'n ruigmise dhachaidh 's gu 'm faighinn air sgeul,
Cha 'n fhaicear mi 'n Arainn no 'm fagus do m' dhaoin'
'S a chaoidh fhad 's is boo mi cha phos mi aon te.

Lan mulaid 'us tiamhachd ni mi triall feadh an t-saoghail,

Gus an caith mi mo bhliadhnan am fiabhrus do ghaoil,
'S nuair theid iad uil' thairis bi'dh na rannan so fhein
Aig daoine 'g an gabhail 's a' gal as mo dheidh.

' With a view. ^ Troops, meauing here the press-gang.

2 Uoubt.
318 ^ THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Tha do ghruaidh mar an caorann 's do mhala chaol mar it' coin,
Suil mheallach boidhch' sealladh rinn mo mhealladh 'n am oig',
's

O'n' fhuair mi ort sealladh 'n am gearradh na moin'

Cha deach thu as m' aire 's gu'm b' aighearach sud dhomhs'.
Tha mi 'm barail nach bi thu fo mhi-ghean no t^ir,
Ged a thu'irt mi ruit leannan 's nach gabh thu dheth nair',
Nach gabh thu dheth doilgheas 's nach tog thu mi cearr
Oir aig laigse na feola bu bhosd leam a radh.

Na bi thusa fo shraonais, a ghaoil, ged tha mi

Air ro bheagan de *n t-saoghal gun chaoraich gun mhaoin,
Oir chualas mar fhirinn mu ar sinnsir o thus
Nach d' fhuair iad mar thrusgan ach duilleach 's iad ruisgt'.
Ach ged ni iad mo ehumail, 's mo chur thun nam blar,
'S ged 's eiginn domh fulang 'us m' fhuil thoirt gu lar,
Cha dean mi ort di-chuimhn', 's cha siolaidh mo ghradh,
'S a chaoidh fhad 's is beo mi gu'r math leam thu slan.

Love Song
by d. currie
Literal translation by J. Craig

When first I came over I hoped and expected

To gather great riches should no evil thing happen,
But before I had travelled or had got out of the country,
They put me in ward like a, thief or a dog.
They put me into the press-room, and locked me there,
Where we were a great company held by force.
Intending to draft us into the army in France,
And we durst not try to escape in spite of them.
Carry my compliments over to Arran of the bens.
And tell my sweetheart how it all happened.
That I have been captured and closely held by a crew
Who would not listen to a word, my speech unavailing.
Since I am laid low and they won't let me rise,
I shall write a letter to tell how I fare.
When it reaches home no doubt they will be

Sorrowful enough, and their own folk in health.

 ; ;

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 319

If itbe my fate to go home to Arran of the bens,
Until I see thee, my love, no sleep shall I take
I shall not sleep for an hour, nor my eyes close in slumber
Until I am beside thee, sweetly conversing.

But thou be betrothed and lawfully married

if

Before I reach home, and I come to hear of it,

I shall not be seen in Arran, nor near my people.
And while I live I shall never marry another.
Full of sorrow and melancholy I shall wander through the world,
Till I spend my years in the fever of thy love.
And when all is over, these verses of mine
Will be sung by the people who will mourn for me.

Thy cheek like the rowan, thine eyebrows so slender,

Winning, lovely eyes which beguiled me when young;
Since I first saw thee at peat-cutting time
I have never forgotten thee, and glad was the vision to me.

Ibelieve thou shalt neither be displeased nor disdainful

Although I have called thee sweetheart, nor think it a shame,
That thou shalt neither repent it nor take me up wrong.
For thro' the weakness of the flesh I 'd be proud to say it.

Do not be offended, my love, though my possessions are few,

Though I have neither sheep nor herds
For we have heard as a truth of our ancestors of old,
That no garment they had but a covering of leaves.

Although I be detained and sent to the war.

And though I must suffer and shed my blood on the ground,
I shall never forget thee nor my love get cold,
And while life remains, I shall wish thee well.

Oran Eile
A rinneadh le Domhnull MacMhurich, Baile-Mhicheil, 's an t-Seasgnnn, air
dha bhi air ghlacadh le Cuideachd luingeas Chogaidh an Grianaig aig am
Cogadh na Frainge.

LX 's mi sraideas ann an Grianaig

'S gun mo smaointean air na biastan

320 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
'S ann a thiinig iad mar mhial-choin
'Us spiol iad mi gun tr6cair.
Ha u rillean agus ho !

Ha u rillean agus ho !

I rillean agus hog i o

Mo chridhe trom 's mi bronach.
Th^inig fear dhiubh air gach taobh dhiom
'S iad le 'n lannan biorach geur led
'Us thain' an treas fear as mo dheidh
'S e feitheamh ri mo leonadh.
Ha u, etc.

'S o na chunnaic Bennie 'chuideaehd

' '

'Ga mo
shlaodadh led air mhuineal
'S ann a ghlaodh e math na curaidh 'an
'

Cuireamaid air bord .e.'

Ha u, etc.

Chuir iad mi do 'n gheola chaoil

'S dh'iomar iad mi gus an taobh
Is nach robh fear dhiubh air mo thaobh
'S e b'eiginn dhomh dol leotha.*
Ha u, etc.

Nuair a r^inig sinn a guallainn

'S ann a ghlaodh iad rium dhol suas innt'
Air m' fhirinn-sa gu 'm b' e bu chruaidhe
Na bhi buain na mdine.
Ha u, etc.

Nuair a r^inig sinn air b6rd

Cha robh truas ac' do m' dhe6ir
Aeh 's ann a mhionnaich iad mo shedrs'
Gu 'n robh Dedrsa gann dhiubh.
Ha u, etc.

Thug iad sios mi do na 'phress-room,'

'Sbha gach aon dhiubh feorachd ceist dhiom
'N do ghabh mi bunndaist, no 'n dd list mi, ' '

No 'n e 'm press thug Ie6 mi.

'
'

Ha u, etc.

' Locally pronounced ledcha.

 GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 321

Ach dh'innis raise dhaibh an fhirinn

Air dol le6 nach robh m6 smaointean
'S ged a fhuair iad mi 'n an iongan
Nach robh mir do dhe6in orm.
Ha u, etc.

'S ged a fhuair mi deoeh 'us biadh ann

'S nach robh ttirn agam r'a dhianadh
B' annsa leam bhi gu mo shliasaid
Ann an sliabh na moine.
Ha u, etc.
Thoir mo shoraidh bhuam jgu RaonuU
Agus innis mar
a tha mi
'S na 'n do ghabh mi' chomhairle trath
Nach robh mi 'n drisd cho bronach.
Ha u, etc.

Translation

BY JAMES CRAIG, KILPATEICK, ARRAN

Song composed by Donald Currie, Balmichael, Shisken, on his being
pressed at Greenock during the French War.

One day as I through Greenock strolled

With careless heart and free,
The cruel press-gang came like hounds
And sorely worried me.

One came on either side of me

With sharp and pointed sword.
The third behind me ready came
To stab me at a word.
When Captain Bennie saw his crew
Thus seize me by the throat,
He cried, Well done, my bully boys.
'

Let 's heave him in the boat.'

They placed me in the narrow yawl

And rowed me o'er the tide,
I had perforce to go with them
Since none were on my side.

VOL. II. 2 a
322 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
When to the ship's lee bow we came,
'
Come, jump on board,' they cried,
'Twas harder, faith, than cutting peats
The task which then I tried.
On deck they cared not for my tears.
But cursed my tribe, and swore
King George had need of all my sort.
And many thousands more.
They questioned me both one and all.

When to the press-room brought.

Had I the bounty ta'en, or had
Been by the press-gang caught.
Howe'er, I told the honest truth
To they did inquire,
all
Although they got me in their grips
Yet small was my desire.

And though I got both meat and drink.

And had no work to do.
Thigh deep I 'd rather work in bogs
Than sail with such a crew.
To Ronald* take my love, I pray,
And tell him how I fare,
Had I ta'en his advice in time.
Less grief were now my share.

An Saoghal
le iain macfhionghuin ^

A SHAOGHAiL bhrcugaich nam bradag, 's neo-chneasda leam thu,

Am fear an diugh aig am bi thu bheir thu 'n tiota ris cul.
Mar speicibh na cartach 'nan deann ruith gun sgios.
Am fear a nis th' air uachdair air an uairs' bi' e shios.

^ Ronald M'Master, a neighbour, who had advised him not to go to Greenock on

account of the presence of the press-gang.
2 John MacKinnon, the author of the two hymns Am Bas ' and An Saoghal,'
' '

was a school-teacher by profession, and lived in Birchburn, Shisken, about the middle
of the eighteenth century. He was known as an ' T-iarla' (the Earl), for what reason
is not now known. The local Gaelic pronunciation of the name is ' MacKennan.'
 ; ! ;

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 323

Ni an seilean gu seolta a stor a chur cruinn,
A' tional a storais feadh fhrogan 'us ghlinn,
Cha dean puinnsean a shorbadh, ach deoghlaidh e 'mhil
Mar sin deanadh an t-6glach 's gach comhdhail 's an tig.

An aitim a leanas gun mhailis an t-Uan,

Troimh thiugh 'us tro' thana gu c6rsaibh na h-uaighe,
Bi' an oibribh 'g an leantuinn le toradh 'us buaidh,
'S bi' an solus a' dearrsadh 's iad a' cnamh anns an uaigh.

'Na bhaidealaibh lasrach ged rachadh an saogh'l,

'S gach caisteal 'us daighneach air am baitreadh le aol.
An aitim a naisg riut an anam 's an gaol,
Cha bhi iad sud b^ite ann an gabhadh no baogh'l.

O 'n am
chaidh an reite a dheanadh le los',
Tha carbad a ghraidh ruith gach la gun aon sgios,
Ag aiseag a chairdean gu sabhailt gu Tir
Far nach bi iad 'n an traillibh fo mhal no fo chis.

Am feadh bhios mi air f^rdail am f asach an t-saoghail,

Cuir f al de do ghradh gu mo dhion o gach beum,
'Us coimhid mi tearuint'le do ghras a tha saor
O innleachdaibh Shatain, dubh namhaid nan daoin'.

The World
by john mackinnon
Thou lying and deceitful world, impious thou art
Him who is with you to-day thou suddenly forsakest
As the spokes of a cart-wheel quickly running untired.
The one uppermost now, the next moment below.

The bee with all diligence his store puts together.

Gathering his supplies 'mongst nooks and glens.
Not polluted by poison, but sucking the honey
Thus the young man does in his worldly course.

The people who follow without faltering the Lamb,

Through thick and through thin to the borders of death.
Their works follow them with reward and victory.
And their light shines, though they are crumbling in the dust.
 — ; ; ;; — ;

324 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Though in fiery clouds the world should go,
And every castle and tower that are well bound with lime
The people who gave you their souls and their love
These will not perish by peril or hurt.

From the time when by Christ reconciled

The chariot of his love runs daily untiring,
Bringing his loved ones safely to the land
Where from oppression and bondage they 're free.

While I am delayed in this world's wilderness,

Put the wall of thy love to protect me from harm.
And keep me in safety by Thy grace so free
From the devices of Satan, the black enemy of man.

Am Bas^
le iain macfhionghuin
Tha mise air mo bhuaireadh 'us truas orm fhein,
Tha am b^s mu ar bruachan a' bualadh gu treun
An sean 'us an t-6g 'us gach seorsa fo 'n ghrein,
An t-iosal 's an t-uasal cha truagh leis an aog.

Cha toir e aon urram do fhear a chinn leith,

Ach bheir e dha turrag a chuireas e thaobh
A' mhaighdeann as brionnaiche 's as iolapaich' ceum,
Grad sathaidh e gath innte, 's cha 'n amhairc 'n a dheidh.

An t-6ganach uallach a ghluaiseas gu reidh

Le siubhal deas, socrach nach dochainn am feur
Grad cuiridh e acaid an aisnein a chleibh,
'Us tilgidh e thairis e a sealladh na greine.

Tha am agus kit aig gach ciiise fo 'n ghrein,

Ach uUachadh b^is tha so ghnith chum ar feum
Tha sud air a raitinn ri each 'us ruim fhein,
'Bhi daonnan ri faire mu'n glac sinn an t-aog.

' This hymu is iucomplete.

 ; ; ;

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 325

Death
by john mackinnon
I AM troubled and full of compassion,
For death is around our borders striking heavily
Old and young of every rank under the sun,
The low and high, for them no pity has death.

No respect does he show to him of the hoary head,

But gives him a blow which knocks him aside
The comeliest maiden of lightsome step
He suddenly pierces with his arrow and looks not behind.
The cheerful youth who gently treads.
With quiet, easy step that injures not the grass.
Quickly he wounds through the chest,
And throws him over out of sight.
There is a time and place for everything under the sun,
But preparation for death is always needful
It is told to others and to me
To be always watchful ere death overtakes us.

FUADACH a' GhOBHA BhIG

Rinneadh an t'oran so leis a' Ghobha Bheag (Iain MacMhuirichj Tormdr) air
dha bhi air a chur as an Eilean airson meirle-shithiiin (poaching).

Air maduinn chiuin shamhraidh mu'n eireadh a' ghrian,

'S mu'n nochdadh i blaths air aon aite no fiamh,
Bhiodh mise tigh'nn dachaidh le m' bhata 's le m' lion,
Gu dubhradh a' Chaisteil, gun airsneal, le m' iasg.
Nuair ruiginn an comhnard as b6idhehe fo 'n ghrein,
Bhiodh m' inntinn aig solas leis na h-eoin air gach geig.
An druideag 's an smeorach gu ceolmhor a' seinn,
'S an uiseag 'g am freagairt thar leacainn na beinn.'

'S i sud a' bheinn bhoidheach 's mi 'chomhnuidh r' a sail,

Far an d'fhuair mise m' arach 's mo thogail le b^igh,
'S trie a bha mi air m'uilinn m'a muUach 's m'a traigh,
A' feitheamh nan tunnag 's mo ghunna 'n am l^imh.
 —

326 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

'S boidheach, badanach, dualach am fraoch uaine a' tks.

Air aodann na guallainn far an gluaiseadh an t-kl,

'Smo mh^thair tigh'nn o'n bhuaile 's gach cuach aice Ian,

Bu mhilis an fhuarag * dheanta suas leis a' bhlath.

Cha 'n 'eil aite air thalamh mar Bhealach-nam-Meann,

—
Far an robh mi re tamuill ^mi-fhein 'us mo chlann,
Ach b'fheudar dhomh gluasad 's an uair sin gun taing,
O'n a thuit do 'n a' chilis mi bhi dliith do na Laing.

Chuir am Baillidh mach paipeir 's gach cearna mu'n cuairt,

Gun iad thabhairt dhomh ^itc no f^rdach car uair,
'S na 'n toireadh, gu 'n iochdadh iad cis a bhiodh cruaidh,
'S gu 'n rachadh da-rireadh am piosan ^ thoirt uap.'

'N sin thog mi mo bhata fo m' ascaill 's an am,

'Us thug mi mo chiil ris gach Ifichairt a bh' ann,
'Us leag mi mo chtirsa gu duthaich nan Gall,
'S bha soitheach na smiiide 'g am ghiWan a nail.

'Dol seachad air a' Choire —bu chorrach a c6m,

Caoir gheal fo a toiseach 'si sgoltadh nan tonn.

Bha mise 'n am laighe gu h-airsnealach sgith,

'S gu 'm b'fhearr learn na m'fharadh bhi 'n Arainn air tir.

Bha gaoth agus gaillionn 'n ar deidh a bha trom,

Bha 'n fhairg' ag eirigh 's a' leum thar na croinn,
Ach dh'fhalbh gu h-uallach nuair fhuair i muir lorn,
i

'Us thug i sinn stibhailt gu caladh nan long.

Nuair rainig mi Grianaig bha fiamh air mo ghniiis,

'Dhol a steach do'n each-iarruinn 's na ciadan ann diiint',
Bu sgalanta 'sheideadh e air a Railway glan ixv,
'S cha b'e gearran na srein' chumadh ceum ri a chiil.

'Us thug e mi 'Ghlascho —gu baile nan Gall

'Us thuiginn an c^nain ged nach b'i Gh^idhlig a bh' ann
Bha mise oho teom' ruitha fein air a cainnt,
'S gu 'n tuiginn 'g a leughadh an sgevil a bhiodh ann.

' Meal and milk mixed together, crowdie. ^ Pieces of land.

 GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 327
Tha raise an drasd ann an diithaich nan Gall,
'S cha mh6r nach do sgoilt iad le 'n obair mo cheann,
Tha gach aon diubh clio liighmhor le 6rd anns gach laimh,
'S gur cosmhuil a' chilis ri Waterloo anns an Fhraing.

Ach bi'dh 'nihuinntir a dh'fhogair mi 'n aghaidh mo mhiann

Gun chaora, gun ghobhar, gun bh(5 air an t-sliabh,
Nuair bhios mis' anns an Todhar * gu foghainteach, flal,

Ag 61 as mo chopan, 's a' gabhail mo bhiadh.

Translation

BY JAMES CRAIG, KILPATRICK, ARRAN

Song composed by John Currie, Tormore, on his beings expelled from An'an
for poaching.

In the calm summer mom ere the sun with its rays
Would awaken in beauty our valleys and braes,
With my take in my skiff I so gaily would come
To the shade of the castle where nestled my home.

On reaching my refuge my heart would rebound

With joy to the chorus which echoed around,
To the merle's thrilUng love-notes the lark would reply
From the lift o'er the hilltop far hid from the eye.

Oh, were the braes by the cabin I loved,

fair
^^^lere early I played,where in manhood I roved,
AATiere often I crouched with my gmi on my knee,
Awaiting the mallard that seldom got free.

And green was the heather which covered yon hill

Where cows in the summer would wander at wll,
When the maids brought their pails reaming full from the fold,
Our drink was then sweeter than nectar of old.

Dear Beallach nam Meann how my heartstrings were torn,

^Vhen banished the spot where my darlings were born.
'Tis my fate in the lowlands to nourish my wrongs.
Since fortune once placed me too near to the Long-s.-

' Tor-mdr called also in Arran Aji Todhar. ''

The informers.
 — ;

328 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

The power
factor ordained in the pride of his
My kin should disown me, an hour
if e'en for
They 'd shelter or aid me, his ire they would feel,
Be stripped of their farms and crushed by his heel.

With my stick in my hand — it was all I possessed

I steered for the lowlands with grief in my breast,
My back to my home and the Isle of my birth,
While the swift steamer bore me soon over the Firth.

'Twas out from the Corrie she knelt to the breeze.

With foam 'neath her prow as she ploughed o'er the seas,
While I in her lee, lying sorry and sore,
Would forfeit my fare to be safely ashore.

The gale on our quarter hard after us roared.

The waves in their anger came dashing on board,
But swiftly she sailed when the Garroch she passed.
And brought us all safe to our haven at last.

At Greenock the iron horse filled me with fear.

As it sped o'er the rails in its rapid career.
Far heard was its neigh and unrivalled its pace.
The fleetest of steeds were soon left in the race.

It brought me to Glasgow 'mid strangers to dwell,

Where the language was strange and their manners as well
But I soon grew expert in that alien tongue,
Though dearer the Gaelic I lisped when young.

I now with strangers and far from my kin.

live
With my head nearly
split with the tumult and din,
So quickly his hammer each riveter plies,
Waterloo never equalled the clanging and noise.

But those who expelled me from Arran shall be

Without sheep on the moorland or cow on the lea,
While I open-handed shall live in Tormore,
To drink from my cup yet and eat of my store.
 GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 329

Oran na Dibhe
A rinneadh leis a' Ghobha Bheag, Iain MacMhuirich,

Air maduinn Di-luain 'nuair ghluais mi do 'n Abhainn.i

'Us mise gun chuarain, 's am fuachd 'ga mo dhathadh,
Bha caraid dhomh shios, 's e gu siobhalt le Brathar,
Bha gloin' ac' air bdrd, 'us an comhradh mu mhnathan.
Mo ghille donn 6g.
'N sin tharruing mi suas gu luath chum mo gharaidh,
'O'n thachair 's an uair gu 'n do ghluais mi nan rathad,

'Us fhuair mise cuach o 'n duin'-uasal 's o m' charaid,

A dh' fhogair gach smuairean 's am fuachd as mo chasan.
Mo ghille donn 6g.

'N sin labhair cha b'e chomhradh mo roghainn,

an t-Osdair ^ 's

Cha dean thu dhomh dioladh cha 'n iochd thu dhomh peighinn,
's

Bha mo chreideas cho suarach, 's nach cualas a leithid,

'S rinn Iain an uair sin gluasad gu Seideag.
Mo ghille donn 6g.

'N sin ruithinn 'us leumainn gu h-aotrom 's gu beathail,

Cha 'n fhaicteadh mo chul leis an stur 'bha o m' chasan,
Gad robh agam-sa triiiir, cha bhiodh ciiram 's an rathad
Nach ruiginn an t-4ite far am b' ^bhaist dhomh fanachd.
Mo ghille donn 6g.
—
'Nuair a rainig mi Fldiridh^ 'bhean choir 'us a h-ighnean
Ghlac i 'm botull air sgornan 'us dhol i air Iain,

Thu'irt i theid thu do 'n chlosaid 'us olaidh thu rithist'

'

'
Oir 's e do luchd-seorsa 'chuir sord air an t-snidhe.
Mo ghille donn 6g.

Shuidh mise sios cho siobhalt 's a b'aithne,

'Us tharruing mi 'n sioman 'bha sint 'ris a' bhalla,
'S nuair tharruing mi 'n sioman th^inig nigh'nag le cabhaig.
Is fhuair mi mo dhiol de fhior Uisg'-na-bracha.
O'n chailin donn 6g,

' Also known as Bun na dubh-abhainn = Blackwaterfoot.

2 The late Ebenezer Bannatyne : he had the honour of entertaining such
distinguished guests as the late Duke of Hamilton and Louis Napoleon.
3 Big Flora ; the innkeeper's wife.
VOL. II. 2 T
330 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
'S a mhaduinn 'niiair dhuisg mi, bu shiubhlach mo chridhe,
Mo mhuineal air riisgadh, 'us mo shiiilean a' sileadh,
Mo bhrii mar an fhWrneis le ubraid na dibhe
'S mo bhilean a' taomadh 'mach faoileachd mo chridhe.
Mo ghille donn 6g.

Och ! mo mhollachd le diirachd air tighdar na dibhe,

'S trie a dhWn e mo shuilean 's a dhiiblaich e'n t-slighe,
'S a dh'fh^g e mo sheorsa a' pogadh na dige,
'Nan laighe 'nan orraisg 's an comhradh ri spioraid.
Mo ghille donn 6g.

Song on Drinking
Composed by John Currie, an Gobha Beag ; translated by James Craig.

Last Monday and old,

in footgear tattered
by the cold.
I steered for the village half singed
Where talking of women with their glass by the fire,

I met with a friend and a fellow Macbriar.

Hard drinking, my boy.

So to warm me I sat then with little delay.

Since fortune had sent me for once in their way.
Each gave me a flagon which banished and beat
The care from my heart and the cold from my feet.
My fair-haired boy.

But the landlord began then to talk of the way

My kind drank his liquor but never would pay,
How my credit was lower than credit e'er stood,
So I sheered off for Shedag as hard as I could.
My fair-haired boy.

Icould leap then so lightly and race on the green,

With such dust from my heels that my back was not seen,
Had I but three glasses I 'd manage my way
To the snug little shelter where often I lay.
My fair-haired boy.
 GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 331

When I got to Big Flora, good woman, she quaffed

My health in a bumper, and gave me a draught,
Said, ' In to the taproom and drink once again,

'Tis your sort made my roof so long proof to the rain.'

My fair-haired boy.

So I gladly sat down in the room I loved well,

Caught the cord by the wall, softly tinkled the bell.
Then the girl at my call quickly came to the door,
And I got of good liquor what filled me and more. —
From the fair maid, my boy.

In the morning I woke to my heart's fast career,

With raw-feeling throat and eyes dropping the tear,
My breast like a furnace all glowing with fire.
And my lips fast ejecting my bosom's desire.'
'

My fair-haired boy.
Och My curse on the drink that has darkened my way.
I

And blinded mine eyes till I 've oft gone astray.

Often laid in the ditch those who shared in my revels.
To wallow in vomit and talk with blue devils.
My fair-haired boy.

A' Bhanais Ainmeil

'Se Seocan agus Se6naid

A rinn a' bhanais ainmeil,
'S mur e 'n aois a dh'fhag iad gorach,
Cha 'n e 'n oige dh'fhag iad meanmnach.

'S ann suas am Baile-meadhonach

Bha brataichean nach b'ainmig,
'S mur bitheadh daorsa 'n fhudair
Chuir Uisdean Muillear deann riuth'.

Bha 'n d^ chuid plob 'us fiodhuU leo,

'S cha robh an dibhe gann ac',
Bha Iain Glic 's a bhiodag aig'
A' mireag 'us a' damhsadh.
332 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Dh' eirich e as a leine,
'S chuir e aodach ann an canbhais,
'S ruig e Achachairn
Roimh bhriscadh latha Samhraidh.

Bha cuid de rudan mills ann,

Bha milsean anns a' phrainseig,
'S bha '
raisins '
anns a' bhrot ac'
Chuir spread am fear-na-bainnse.

Chuir an gobha coileach ann,

Chuir Seonaid Toiseach meann ann,
Chuir Paruig Sheumais tunnag ann,-
'S am Bodach fear d' a ghamhna.

Chuir Beataidh peic a' mhuilinn ann,

'Us chuir am muillear dram ann,
Chuir Eigi bheag d^ sgillinn ann,
'Us Donnachadh pigc cabhraich.

Marbh-Rann D'a Mhnaoi

le iain carra, ann an arainn
NuAiK. a chaidh mi mar b'abhaist
A dh' amharc ^ na spreidh, airigh
Cha robh sud ach mar fhasach,
Cha robh aird air no gleus ;

Thuit am balla gu l^r ann,

'S chaidh na blarari o fheum,
Thuit ^ mo chridhe gu m' sh^iltean,
'S cha tog mi cl^rsach no tend.

Cha 'n an robh mise

'ail ait' 's

'S mo ghradh
anns a' ghleann,
Nach bithinn ag amharc
Dh'fheuch am faicinn thu ann ;

' Shielings.
2 My heart fell to my heels ; an expression used to denote despondency.
 ; ;

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 333

Ach bha sud dhomh cho diomhain
Ri sneachd 'g a shibeadh feadh bheann,
'S ann a gheibhinn thu sinte
Far ^ an eirich gach clann.
Cha 'n 'eil sinne 's an t-saoghal so,
Ach mar osag gaoithe air cnoc
A theid seachad air t-aodann,
'S nach fhaic thu 'n taobh thig i ort
Mar sin tha 'm b^ am measg dhaoine
Le 'ghath le 'fhaobhar 'g an lot,
''s

S g an sgaradh o cheile,
'S cha 'n urrainn aon diubh a stad.

Fasaidh feur air na leantaich

Le fearthuinn bl^iths as na neoil,
Duisgidh inntinn nan eunlaith
Bhi faicinn bhlath air a' choill ;

Thig gach aon ni gu nadurr'

Le teas 'us blaths as a' ghrunnd
Ach cha 'n fhaic mise mo ghrMh geal
Teachd gu brath gu mo shunnd,
Thig a' chuthag mu Bhealtain
'S gug-gdg aic' air geig,
Bithidh feur anns na gleanntan
Le teas an t-samhraidh 's na grein' ;

Bi'dh fluran 'us seamrag

A' fas gu lurach le cheil',
Ach cha 'n fhaic mis' fath mo mhulaid
Gu brath an cuideachd leam fhein.
O '. tha mise fo mhulad,
Fo thursa 's fo bhron

Bhi 'n cuimhne do chaidreabh

Agus aidmheil do bhedil
'S ged gheibhinn an saoghal
Thoirt ^ air thaod dhomh le coir,
O gu 'm b'annsa leam agam
!

Thu 'm chaidreabh na 'n t-6r.

' Referring to the resurrection.
''
The world handed to me on a rope or halter. The expression is curious, but not
inconeistent with Celtic thought or imagination.
 ——; ;; ; ;

334 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Cha ioghnadh mi liathadh,
'n
'Us mo
chiabhan bhi glas,
Gur e 's ceol agus biadh dhomh
Bhi 'n aite diomhair gun neach
'S a bhi tathaich anns an ait
Am bheil do ch^m 'us do leac
B'e an solas am bas learn,
'S bhi sinte laimh riut gun stad.

Gur trie mi dol thairis

Gu Sannaig ud thall.
Far an d'fhuair mi mo leannan.
Bean a b'fharasda cainnt
Bu mhath a leughadh tu 'm Biobull
'S a sgriobhadh le peann
Sgeula duilich 's thu sinte,
Far^ nach tinn leat do cheann.

Elegy to his Wife

by john kerr, arran
When I went as was my custom
To view the cattle grazings on the hill,

Itwas nought but a wilderness

Without order or cheer
The walls levelled to the ground,
And the green spots a waste.
My heart sank so low
Neither harp nor tune can I raise.

There no place where I

is

And my love traversed the glen,

But I 'd earnestly look
For a sight of thee there
But to me 'twas as fruitless
As the snowdrift on the hill.
For there thou art lying
Whence all the race shall arise.
' Where thy head suffers no pain.
 — ;; ; —

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 335

We are in this world
But as a blast of wind on the hill,
That quickly rushes past us
Not seeing whence it came
Thus is death amongst mankind
With his sting and edge wounding them.
And dividing them asunder,
And no one can stay him.

Grass will grow on the plains

With genial showers from the clouds,
The birds will awake to tunefulness
As they see the blossoming woods ;

Everything shall spring according to its nature,

With heat and warmth from the ground,
But my fair love I shall never see
Coming to meet me with cheer.

The cuckoo will come in spring-time

With her call from the branch tops,
Grass will grow in the glens
By the heat of summer's sun
The flowers and the clover
Will grow luxuriantly together,
But the cause of my grief
Shall never again keep me company.

O but I am in sorrow.
!

In sadness and woe.

When I remember thy companionship
And thy love from thy lips
Though the world I would possess
Given to me as my right
O ! how much would I prefer
Thy loving embraces than gold.

Little I am ageing,
wonder
And my locks growing grey,
'Tis food and music to my soul
To be alone with my thoughts.
 — ; —

336 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

And frequenting the place
Where thy grave and cairn are ;

Death to me would be a solace.

And to be laid by thy side for ever.
Oft do I pay a visit
To Sannox beyond,
Where my beloved I got
She of most kindly speech
Well the Bible could she read,
And well could she use the pen :

Sad is the tale that thou liest

Where suffering comes not near thee.

MOLADH MhAIDHSIE ^
LE IAIN MACMHUIRICH, TORMOR
BiTHEADH fonn, fonn, fonn,
'S bitheadh fonn air a' bhanarach,
'S bitheadh fonn oirre daonnan,
'S gur aoibheach a' bhanarach.
Is aithne dhomh Clann Mhuirich
Cha ach na clabagan,
d' fhuair iad
An coimeas ris an 6g-bhean
Fhuair Domhnull gu bhi maille ris.
Is aithne dhomh do sheorsa,
Gu sdnraichte Clann Alasdair,
Stoc ro rioghail, suairceil
Far an do bhuaineadh ^ d'athraiche.
Cha 'n iongantach learn do cheile
'Thoirt speise dhuit thar banaraich,
Tha gliocas ann ad aodann,
'Us gaol ann ad anail-sa.

'Us a Mhaidhsie thug thu buaidh

Air gach gruagach anns an eilean so
Bu mhath thu air an fhuaigheal,
Bu lughmhor anns an fhoghar thu.
A phuithar-cheile. ^ Descended from.
 — —

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 337

Ma bhios a h-ighean a' feoraich
C(5 rinn an ceol an ceileireachd,
's

'S e m' ainm-sa fear an drain,

'S mi chdmhnuidh fo na creagan so.

Oran Do 'N T-Saoghal

le fionnladh carra, ann an arainn
A Shaoghail tha thu cunnartach !

Do dhaoine bhi furan riut,

Tha d' aodann cho brionnagach,
'S gun aom thu gach duine leat.

Tha thu carach, caochlaideach,

'S cosmhuil ris a' ghaoith thu,
'S an taobh a ni thu aomadh
Tha draoidheachd an cuideachd leat.

Tha thu measail, ciatach,

An suilibh nan ciadan,
'Sgur iomadh mile pian
Bhi 'g ad iarraidh 's na h-uil' aite.

'S minig thug thu codhail dhomh

Mochthrath Di-domhnaich:
Mu 'n d' fhuair mi dhol an ordugh
Chum comhradh a chumail riut.
Cha 'n 'eil seol rifhaotainn
Leis am faighear buaidh ort,
Ach claidheamh a' chreidimh daonnan
Le 'fhaobhar a chumail riut.

Chaidh thu leis na h-uaislean,

'Us shuidh thu air an guaillean,
'Us tharruing sud an truaighe
Air an t-sluagh anns a' chumantas.

Chaidh thu 'n cridhe Dhemais

Chum an t-Abstol Pol a threigsinn,
'S o 'n bha e air bheagan ceille
Gheill e gu buileach dhuit.
VOL. "li, 2 u
 — —

338 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Chaidh thu le Righ Pharo,
'Us shuidh thu ann a Pharlamaid,
'Us tharruing sud Clann lacoib
'Nan traillean gu buileaeh dha,

Cha b' iongantach ged bu chianail dhaibh,

Re ^ireamh mhdir de bhliadhnaibh
'G an caitheamh ann an criadh * leis,

'S 'g am pianadh gu muladach.

Ach nuair thainig ^m am fuasglaidh,

a fhuaradh ceannard sluaigh' dhaibh,
'S
Thug e troimh 'n Mhuir Ruadh iad
Gun chruadal 'us gun chunnart dhaibh.

Ach nuair ch^irear sios fo 'n fhoid ^ sinn,

Cha toir sinn leinn de storas
Ach leineag agus bordan
'S neo-sporsail a' chulaidh iad.

Leagar sinn gu h-iosal

Air leabaidh chumhann dhiblidh,
'S a shaoghail cha toir thu nios sinn,.
!

'S cha dion thu sinn o chunnartan.

Theid thu leinn gu sSolta

Do 'n eaglais Dl-domhnuich,
A chumail cath 'us comhraig ruinn
'S bronach am fear cuideachd thu.

Tha smuaintean bochd an t-Saoghail

An lorg a' chinne-daonna,
'G an tarruing an km baothlachd,^
'S 'g an aomadh gu dubhailcean.

Tha breugan agus tuaileas

Gu trie a' deanadh buairidh,*
Tha iad sin a' ruith cho luath
Ri gaoith tuath air na mullaichean.

' In the clay-fields making bricks. ^ Under the sod.

^ In the time of foolishness, * Temptation.
 —— —

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 339

Nuair ghabhas thu do sgiathan
'S a dh'fhalbhas thu 'ad dheann-ruith,
'S mairg a bhfos 'g ad iarraidh
Tha 'm fiabhrus an cuideachd leat.

Theid sibh do 'n taigh-osda

'Us glaodhaidh sibh air stopan,
T6isichidh 'n sin a' chomhstri,
'S bi' dornan 'us buillean ann.

Air leam gur bochd ^ an sgeul e

Do dhaoin' a fhuair an ceud-fathan,^
Bhi 'g 61 air falbh an ceille
'S mi fhein nach 'eil buidheach dhiubh.

Ach mo mhile beannachd bhuan

Do gach neach a dh'fhanas uatha,
'Sa sheachnas an sluagh ud
Cha bhi 'm buaireadh^ an cuideachd riu.

Ach 's iomadh teagasg bhoidheach

Fhuair sinn o Mhaighstir Domhnull
'S an eaglais Dl-domhnuich,
'G ar seoladh o na dubhailcean.

Theagaisg e gu leoir dhuinn

A' leabhar Dheutoronomi,
'S mur fan sinn aig ordugh-san
Gur bronach ar turns dhuinn.

Theagaisg e gu firinneach
Mar gheibhear anns a' Bhiobull,
Gu 'm bi sinn 'n ar cloinn * dhiolain
Na 'n striochdamaid uile dhuit.
Ach na 'm faighinn-s' ann an eideadh,
'Us airm a' chogaidh gleusd' agam,
Bheirinn buille 's beum dhuit,
'Us bhithinn fhein gu suigeartach.^

' Sad is the tale. ^ Senses^ faculties.

' Temptation shall not be in their company. * Bastards. ^ Leaping with joy.
 —— —

340 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

'S am fear a rinn an t-6ran so,
Mur d' rinn e mar bu choir dha,
Na deanaibh culaidh-spors dheth,
'S ann is coir dhuibh a chuideachadh.

To THE World
A SONG BY riNLAY KERR, ARRAN
WORLD thou art dangerous
!

For man to make a friend of thee.

Thy face is so flattering
That thou drawest all towards thee.

Thou art cunning and changeable,

Like thou art unto the wind,
Whichever way thou inclinest
Magic is in thy company.

Thou art respected and pleasant

In the eyes of hundreds.
And many a thousand pang
To those who go in search of thee.
Oft dost thou come to meet me
Early on Sabbath
Ere I got in order
To hold converse with thee.
No means can be found
With which to overcome thee.
But the sword of faith always
With its edge kept towards thee.
Thou didst go with the gentry,
Aiid didst sit upon their shoulders
That brought distress
On the people generally.

Thou didst enter into the heart of Demas

So that the Apostle Paul he might forsake,
And having but little wisdom
He yielded to thee wholly.
 — — ———

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 341

Thou didst go with King Pharaoh,
And didst sit in his parliament
That brought Israel's children
To be his abject slaves.

No wonder they were in sadness

During a great many years,
He consuming them in the clay,
And tormenting them sadly.

But when the time of deliverance came.

And a leader of the people was found,
He brought them through the Red Sea
Without hardship or danger.

But when we are consigned to the grave,

No wealth can we bring
But a shroud and coffin
Humble are those coverings.

Low we are laid

In a mean, narrow bed.
And, O World thou canst not raise us up
!

Nor protect us from danger.

Cunningly thou goest with us

To church on the Sabbath,
To contend with and trouble us
A sad companion thou art.

The wretched thoughts of the world

Do follow all mankind.
Drawing them away in foolishness
And inclining them to wickedness.

Falsehood and slander

Oft do assail us
These swiftly run
As the north wind on the heights.

When thou takest to wing

And speedest oft in thy haste
 —— ——

342 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Pity on him who seeks thee,
Fever is in thy company.

To the change-house you will go

And loudly call for measures,
Then begins the strife
Fists and blows freely used.

Sad it is to relate,
That men with faculties possessed
Should drink away their senses
'Tis I who am displeased at them.

But my thousand lasting blessings

To all who shun them
And avoid that class
Temptation comes not near them.

But many a beautiful lesson

Have we received from Mr. Donald
In the church on Sabbath,
Guiding us away from evil.

Much has he taught us

From the book of Deuteronomy,
And if we stay not by his teaching,
Sad to us is our journey.

Faithful teaching has he given

As contained in the Bible,
That outcasts we shall be
If unto thee we yield.

But should I be fully equipped,

With my armour well prepared,
I would smite and cleave thee.
And I would exceedingly rejoice.

Now, he who made this song

Ifhe has not done as he ought.
Make no laughing-stock of him.
But rather should you help him.
GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 343

MXiRi 6g
OiRiNN o na ho i u,
Oirinn o na ho i u,
Oirinn o na ho i u,
'S e mo riin a rinn m' aicheadh.

Fhir nan ciabhagan donna.

Is nan gorm-shuilean soilleir,
'S trie a chum mi riut coinneamh
Ann am bothan glinn Mrigh.
Oirinn o na ho i u, etc.

'Snuair a ehithinn thu tighinn

'
As a' bheinn le d' chuid sithinn,
Riut gu 'n eireadh mo ehridhe
Gun f hios do mo mlithair.
Oirinn o na ho i u, etc.

Ach ma chuir thu nis ciil rium,

'S gu 'n d' rinn thu mo dhiultadh,
'S i mo ghuidhe 's mo dhiirachd
Nigh 'n an Ditic a bhi 'm aite.
Oirinn o na ho i u, etc.

'S mur an leannan dhuit mise

Cuireadh am fortan bean ghlic ort
Is cha mhisde do phiseach
Gu 'm bheil mis' ann 'n gradh leat.
Oirinn o na ho i u, etc.

Tha mo chiabhan air glasadh

'S le mo shuilean cha 'n fhaic mi
O na dh'fhag mise 'n caisteal
'S an Aich ^ a tha laimh ris.
Oirinn o na ho i u, etc.

O cha de dh' athchuing

'n iarrainn
Ach do m' anam,
trocair
'Sa bhi 'n aite do mhnatha
'S mi 'g altrum do ph^isdean.
Oirinn o na ho i u, etc.

' Aich, the burn by Loch Ranza Castle.

 *

344 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Young Mary
! thou of the auburn locks
And bright blue eyes,
Oft have I met thee
In the shieling of the glen.

And when with thy venison

1 would see thee coming from the ben,
My heart would arise to thee
Unknown to my mother.

But if thou didst reject me.

And my suit hast denied.
My wish and prayer are
That the Duke's daughter be in my place.

And if thou be not my lover

Let fortune a wise wife give you,
And thy good-luck be none the worse
That I have given you my love.

My locks are getting grey

And my eyes growing dim.
Since I left the castle
And the wee burnie by it.
No other wish would I ask
But mercy to my soul.
And to be thy lawful wife
Nursing thy children.

Faidhir an T-Seasgainn
le iain carra, loch raonasa
Ho-RO gur toigh leinn drama,
Hi-ri gur toigh 's gur math leinn,
Ho-ro gur toigh leinn drama,
'S iomadh fear tha 'n geall air.

' As a rejected lover.

 GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 345
Chaidh mi siar gu faidhir an t-Seasgainn,
Thug mi leam deagh ghearran deas ann,
'S truagh nach robh mi anns an teasaich,
'S breisleach ann mo cheann-sa.

Nuair a rainig mise 'n f haidhir,

Bha gach duine rium a' labhairt,
'
So, ma reiceas tu do ghearran,
Thalia 's bheir mi dram dhuit.'

Ach cha robh mi ann an deifir,

'S diiil am gu'n robh raargadh deas dhomh,
'Us Domh'll Ruadh
a bhi mar sheis * leam,
Gu 'm beatamaid gu 'n taing iad.

'N sin thachair ormsa giullan gleusd'

'S e airur theachd nail a Eirinn
Bhruidh'nn e rium 's a' chanain Bheurla,
'S bha mi fhein an call deth.

Thug e suas mi cul a' mhuilinn,

'S leig e fhaicinn gearran dubh dhomh,
Thuirt e rium gu 'n robh e subhaidh ^

Laighe muigh 's a' gheamhradh.

Chaidh an sin sinn do 'n taigh-osda,

'S ghlaodh an t-Eirionnach air stopa,
Bheireadh e na mionnan mdr ks
Gu 'n robh a 6g 'us meamnach.
Chuir mi m' lamh am poc' mo bhriogais,
Fhuair mi 'n sin ann aon 's da sgillinn,
Chuir mi sud 's an stopa rithist,
O 'n bha ar cridh' an geall air.
Thuirt e rium ma bha mi 'g iarraidh
Og each 'dheanadh cur no cliathaidh,
Nach robh coimeas sear no siar,
D' a ghearran ciatach, gallda.

' A companion ; also a match or equal = he was in no hurry for a sale, as he and his
friend would be a match to any one.
^ Subhaidh — in good condition and easily kept.
VOL. II. 2 X
346 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Cha do chuir mi ag 'na chomhradh,
Chionn bha aogas duine coir air,
Rinn sinn malairt agus chord sinn,
'S cha robh an stopa gann oirnn.

Dh'fhas an oidhche dorcha, dobhaidh,

Cha bu leir dhuit fad do bhroige,
'S iomadh fear a chluinnte grocail,
'G iarraidh oirleach coinnle.*

Thog mi orm 'us dh'fhag mi 'n fhaidhir,

'Us mi 'n duil gu 'n d' fhuair mi gearran,
Ach mu 'n robh mi leathach rathaid,
Dh'fheumainn cabar calltuinn.

Bha 'dhruim cho geur ri cul an t-saibhe

Cha mh(5r nach sgoltadh e mo mh^san
Ach fhuair mi peallag o Iain Ban
'Us shabhail sud gun thaing mi.

Bha mi 'g imeachd mar a dh'fhaodainn,

Treis 'ga mliarcachd, 's treis 'ga shlaodadh,
Ach cha ghearanainn mo shaothair,
Mur biodh mar ghaoir a' chlann rium.

Fhuair mi dhachaidh 'n sin ri iiine,

'S chuir mi seachad ann an cuil e,

'S nuair a thainig an la ur,
Bha iomadh suil 'ga shealltuinn.

Thug mi 'n sin a mach air blar e,

'S chuir mi Iain air g'a fheuchainn,
'S ged bhiodh spuirean air a sh;\iltean,
Dh'fh^gainn fhein gun thaing e.

Nuair a chuir mi anns an fheun e,

'S ann a bhuiceadh e 's a leumadh,
Mar a chunnacas boc feidh,
Air feadh nan sliabh 's nam beanntan.

1 As the fair was held at night, the horses for sale were inspected by candle-light.
 ;

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 347

Nuair a chuir mi anns a' chliath e,
Shiiibhladh e cho luath 's a dh'iarrainn,
Fhuair mi corr 'us obair bliadhn' as,
'Us rinn a bhian dhomh barb-skin.^

NOTES ON 'FAIDHIR AN T-SEASGAINN'

Shisken fair was at one time perhaps the most popular fair on the island. From
the circumstance of its being held at night, it easily lent itself to a great deal of
roguery, many stories of which are still current. There was far more business done by
way of swopping than selling for hard cash.
There is a story told of a Shisken farmer who, being pressed for money, went to
the fair to dispose of his horse. He returned home, after a series of exchanges, with
his own animal and five pounds in his pocket besides. Owing to various circumstances
the fair latterly began to dwindle, and was finally discontinued about fifty years ago.
The Irishman referred to in the song was one Duncan Kane, who had to leave his
native land for some political offence. He wooed and won the daughter of a Torbeg
farmer, promising to make her Lady Ballylochy, a district somewhere in the north of
Ireland, where his descendants by a previous marriage lived quite recently. After
settling in Arran he did a little horse-dealing. Evidently from having his pony
behind the mill, instead of along with the rest, in the vicinity of the public-house, he
intended to take advantage of any one whose simplicity allowed himself to be taken in.
Iain Ban was John Sillars, a Tormore farmer.
lain Carra, the composer of the song, was a Loch Ranza crofter ; he also performed
the duties of local gamekeeper, and, being a weaver by profession, this explains why
he used the horse's skin as an apron, ' barb-skin being another term for weaver's
'

apron.

Oran a Rinneadh le Domhnull Macmhuirich^

turus do irbhinn le uisge-beatha
Chaidh ughdar an orain so Drobhair agus Raonall an sgiobair aou
le Alasdair
uair gu Irbhinn nach do phaigheadh cis, agus a chionn
le uisge-beatha air
gu'n robh an t-Sabaid ann nuair a rainig iad dh'fhalaich iad na buideil
anns a' ghainmhich gus an rachadh an Domhnach tharta. Nuair a thill
MacMhuirich agus ap sgiobair gus an aite-fallaich cha robh buideal no
bathar ri fhaotainn, agus bha iad a' cur na braide air Alasdair Drobhair.

An dill a chaidh mi thun na marachd

Le Alasdair an Drobhair,
Sheid a' ghaoth 'n iar 'na srannaibh,
'S chuir i car 's an t-seol oirnn

' Weaver's apron. See note at end.

2 In Arran the Jf of the Mac is not pronounced (i.e. 'acMhuirich), and the final ch
also is silent.
 ; ; —

348 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

'S nuair thug i heel do 'n bhata,
Cha robh cutter 'dh'fhaodadh feuchainu
Teachd a nios ruinn air an t-snamh ud,
'S i mar eun 's na neoil againn.

Bu lurach i a' gearradh uisg',

'Us sruth 'dol o a bordaibh,
Cha robh I6ng mhdr 's na h-uisgeachan
A chumadh rithe seoladh
Laigh i nunn fo Ian a h-aodaich
Cursa direach 's 'n oidhche reubach,
Gaoth 'n iar-thuath teachd fuar thar Gaoid-bheinn,^
'S cha do gheill i oirleach.

'S ann mar sothu'irt Raonall an sgiobair,

'S mithich dhiiinne deorum ^
A ghabhail as a' bhuideal bhiorach
A mhisneachadh ar dochais ;

'S nuair a fhuair sinn sud 'nar buadhan

Cha robh de luchd-righ mu'n cuairt dhuinn
'Chuireadh eagal oirnn no cluadan,
'Us cuaillean ann ar dornaibh.

Bhuailemaid gach neach a thigeadh,

'S mhilleamaid an dochas,
Bhiodh gach ceann dhiubh aca briste,
'Us silteach fal' o 'n sronaibh ;

Ach dh'eirich suas a nis MacGrabhan,

'Us air an aihn thug e tarruing,
Stiuiridh mis' ' ars esan,' a' chailinn
Than na gaineimh chomhnaird.
'S o na fhuair sinn e fo 'n ghaineimh,
Falaicht' mar bu choir dha,
Ghluais sinn le cheil' gu baile,
'S cadal trom 'g ar leonadh
'S mo thruaigh nach do rinn mi faire,
Ged robh mi gun chadal fhathast,
' Gaoid-bheinn, Goatfell.
2 Deorum (jorum) is abvays associated with a big drink of whisky. The etymology
is uncertaiiij unless it be from deur, a drop of drink, deuran, a small drop, and deorum,
a big drink ; or it may be a corruption of deagh dhram, a good drink.
 ; ;

GAELIC SONGS OF ARRAN 349

Mu 'n do leig sinn leis a' ghaisreadh
E roimh la Di-domhnuich.
Bu lurach iad a' slaodadh bhuideal,
'S Luidein ag an seoladh,
Clootie 'togail orra 'n ultaich,
'S e 'gan cur an ordugh ;

'S dh'innseadh esan dhaibh gu beurra

Gu 'n robh iad 'n an daoine feumail,
'S ged a ghoideadh iad dheth taoman
Nach biodh h-aon an toir orra.

Gu'm b' e fhein ard-righ a' pheacaidh,

'Us nach b'eagal d 'an luchd-seorsa
'S nach biodh ciiram dhaibh no gealtachd
Fhad 's bhiodh esan leotha
Ach 's cinnteach leam gu'm faigh iad fhathast
Ladhran loisgte anns an teallaich,
Mur an sguir, 's mur toir iad thairis
Leantuinn air an spors 'ud.

T7-anslatioH

BY J. CRAIG
The trip I went a-sailoring
With Alister the Drover,
The squally west wind caught our sails
Our boat went nearly over.
Then heeling to the breeze that blew,
'Twas vain for cutters to pursue
As faster than a bird e'er flew
Through smoking drift we drove her.

'Twas rare to see her snowy wake

As snarling billows maul'd her.
The fastest frigate, on the seas
Could ne'er have overhaul'd her
Unreefed, unyielding on she passed
Through darkening night and strengthening blast.
While nor- west showers came scourging fast
From Goatfell's craggy shoulder.
 ;

350 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Our skipper Ronald then arose
And said, My jolly quorum,
To raise our hopes we '11 broach a cask
And drink a hearty joruna.
When through our veins we felt the heat
King's men would ne'er make us retreat,
But stick in hand, would boldly meet
And well with cudgels claur 'em.
We 'd dash the hopes of all who came
Intending to oppose us,
And pack them oft with bleeding crests.
And torn and bloody noses.
Long-legged Crawford then got up
And caught the tiller in his grip.
Quoth he, I '11 steer our trusty ship
To land e'er morning shows us.
We hid our stuff beneath the sand,
Though little that avail'd us.
Then went our weary way to town
While sorely sleep assail'd us.
Would that a better watch we set.
Though we should ne'er have slumbered yet.
Ere we allowed such rogues to get
Our store ere morning hail'd us.

Oh, rare to see the rascals run

With kegs that ne'er paid duty,
'Twas Luidein laid their burdens on.
The orders came from Clootie.
His lies he glibly would relate,
How useful they were to the State,
And though they stole, 'twas to abate
Their thirst with lawful booty.
That he was aye the sinner's friend,
Their kind need never fear him.
Nor need they care what might befall
So long as he was near them
But much I fear they need not boast,
Some later day they '11 count the cost
When at his hearth their toes he '11 toast,
And for their labour jeer them.
 APPENDIX A
SELECTED CHARTERS RELATING TO ARRAN IN THE REGISTER
OF THE GREAT SEAL OF THE KINGS OF SCOTLAND
(Translated)

Registek of David II,

Confirmation of the Charters of the Monastery ofKilwinnin

David, by the grace of God King of the Scots, ... to all loyal men. . . .

Know that we have inspected and truly understood two charters, one
of John of Meneteeth Lord of Aran and of Knapdale not erased,
. . .

not abolished, not cancelled, nor in any part of them vitiated, to the
religious men, the Abbot and monks of Kylwinnine.
The charter of John of Menteth follows :

'
To all the sons of Holy Mother Church who may see or hear this
present writing . John De Menethet {sic) Lord of Aran and of Knapdall
. .

eternal salvation in the Lord. Know ye that for the salvation of my

own soul and that of Katherine my late spouse, and for the salvation
of the souls of our ancestors and successors, I have granted, bestowed, and
by this present charter confirmed to God and to the Blessed Virgin Mary
and to Saint Winnin and to the monastery of Kilwinnin in Conynghjeme,
to the Abbot and monks serving God there, and their successors serving
there unto all time, the right of patronage and advowson of the Churches
of Saint Mary and Saint Bridget in the island of Arran with chapels and
with all other profits pertaining to the said churches, with the chapels
and lands any
rightfully belonging or in future times possible to belong in
way thereto. To be held and had by the and the monks
said monastery
aforesaid for ever, with its just pertinents in free, pure and perpetual
alms, as free, pure, honourable as any alms in the kingdom of Scotland
may possibly be granted or bestowed on any monastery or holy place,
saying the rights of the Rectors of the said churches who now are, until
they yield up office or die. ... In testimony of which I have placed mj'
seal to the present charter. Witnesses :
—
Sir Bean Rector of the Church
351
 352 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
of St. Mary (Kilmorie) of Arran William de Foularton
: Christian :

McNawych(ton) Comedin Leech Hugh John's son Buan Were Robert

: : : :

Boiman, Thomas de Infirmitorio, and many others. Given in the monas-

tery aforesaid on 12th October 1357.'

Edinburgh, 22 Mmj
16 Jac. II. The King has granted Lord Montgomery, and to his
to Alexander
*" * heirs, for his faithful service, Kendloeh of Raynsay,
&c., the lands of
Cathaydill, the two Turregeys, Altgoulach, Auchegallane, Tymoquhare,
Dougarre, Penreoch, lying in Arran in the Sheriffdom of Bute Service, :

three suits in the chief courts held in Bute.

At Edinburgh, 26 April
7 Jac. III. —
The King on account of singular favour, &c. granted to Thomas —
*'°'
Earl of Arran and to Mary his wife the King's sister, the lands of —
the island of Arran, in the sheriffdom of Bute which the King :
—
erected into a free barony of Arran : —
To be held by the said Thomas
and Mary and whichever of the two lives the longer, and by the heirs
legitimately got between them, whom failing, to revert freely to the King
and his heirs and successors. —Reddendo, to the King for 20 marcates of
the property of the said lands lying next the principal messuage of the
same,* one silver penny, by name blench ferm, and for all the other lands,
the services due and accustomed.

At Edinburgh, llth Aug.

16 Jac. IV. The King, on account of blood-relationship between him and James
A.D. io03.
Lord Hamilton, and for his gratuitous service and great labours and ex-
penses incurred for the honour of the King and Queen at the time of the
celebration of the marriage of the King, solemnized at the Abbey of Holy
—
Rood-near Edinburgh, and with the advice of the Council and the Three
—
Estates of the Realm, has granted to the said James Lord Hammyltoun,
— the lands and Earldom of Arran in the Sheriffdom of Bute, with the
tenants, &c., advowson and donation of churches and chapels of the same,
with castles, fortalices, mills, and fisheries in a free Barony To be held : —
by the said James and his heirs male of the body legitimately begotten,
whom failing, to revert freely to the King and his successors Reddendo, :
—
annually one silver penny, by name blench ferm —
^Further, he promised
:

to ratify the said donation in the next parliament, with a new donation
' Brodick.
 — —

APPENDIX A 353
of the same if need were, by annulling the annexation of the said Earldom
to the Crown formerly made. Witnesses as in preceding charters,

Edinburgh, 1 Jan.

The King, having with the Lords of his Council inspected the evidences 20 Jac iv.
*°'
produced by David, Bishop of Lismore, concerning certain lands of the
Abbey of Sagadull "svithin the domain of Kintire, which were granted in
pure almoigne, confirmed by the Kings Alexander, Robert, David, &
Robert, viz. :
—
(1) Charter of Ranald MacSorlet who called himself King
of the Isles, Lord of Ergile and Kintire, founder of the said monastery,
— of the lands of GlensagaduU and of 12 marcates of Battebeam in the said
—
domain (2) another charter of the same, of 20 mark lands of Ceskene
:

in the island of Arran : (3) . . .

... (8) Charter of Duncajti Campbele of Lochquhou, of one oblate of —

land called Barrandayb & Blaimatibrade, in the domain of Knapdale :

and because the said abbey has been joined by the Pope with the Bishopric
of Lismore, therefore (the King) as Tutor and Governor of James Prince
of Scotland and of the Isles, has, for renewal of the said evidences and
strengthening of the said union, and for special affection, ratified and
admortized (granted in mortmain) to the said David Bishop of Lismore,
and his successors, the aforesaid evidences, and incorporated the afore-
written lands in a free barony of Sagadull, with the power of building
castles, towers, and fortresses within the said lands for the custody thereof.

Oxford, 12 Apr.

The King, recalhng the many and excellent services rendered to himself 19 Car. i.

*''• ^^'^^'
and to his forebears by James Marquis of Hammiltoun, Earl of Arran and
Cambridge, Lord of Aven and Innerdale, and his ancestors, in affairs of
the greatest moment committed to their singular fidelity, not only within
—
the realm of Scotland but also abroad, and weighing and considering
well that the said James belongs to the blood royal in close relationship,
and from his earliest infancy has applied himself with the highest vigour
and affection to promoting the service of the King, performing very many
matters of state entrusted to him by the King, with extreme fidehty
—
and industry, has created the said James Duke of Hamilton, Marquis of
Clidisdalia, Earl of Arran, and of Cambridge, Lord of Aven, and Innerdale,
by giving to him and his heirs male of the body, failing whom, to William
Earl of Lanark, his brother, the King's Secretary, and his heirs male of the
body, failing whom, to the oldest heir female of the body of the said James,
without division, and to her heirs male of the body, bearing the name and
YOL. II. 2 Y
354 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
the arms of the family of Hamiltoun, failing whom, to the said James and
his heirs whomsoever, the title and dignity of Duke, with which he has
invested them, in the tenour of these presents Besides, the King has
:

willed that these letters should be as vahd as if the said James had been
inaugurated with all the solemnities used of old time.

Charters of Knigi-itslands, and other lands in Arran, acquired

FROM THE Stewarts of Bute, 1357-1549
[Historical MSS. Commission, Eleventh Report, Appendix, Part VI.)

Charter by Robert Stewart of Scotland, granting to Sir Adam of

Folartoun, knight, heir of the late Reginald of Folartoun, Lord of that
ilk, for his homage and service, the granter's whole lands of Knycht-
island, with pertinents in Arran, and within the sheriffdom of Bute to ;

be held to Adam and his heirs of the granter and his heirs in fee and
heritage for ever, for performance of common suit of court at the Castle
of Bradwok (Brodick) and for ward and relief as they happen. With
clause of warrandice. Witnesses, SirJohn Lindissay, Lord of Turris- '

crag ' (Craigie ?), Gilbert of Cunningham, precentor of the church of

Glasgow, John Stewart, son of Sir Alan Stewart, Nigel of Carrutheris,
the granter's chancellor, and Ranulph of Crawford, [No date ; 1356-
1371.] Fine seal attached ; the Scottish lion surrounded by the royal
tressure. Above the shield is a small coronet with three points like
trefoil or strawberry leaves, legend not decipherable.
Retour made at Rothesay in Bute in presence of Ninian Stewart,
sheriff of Bute and Arran, by the following jurors, Robert Bannatin,
Ninian Bannatin of Camys, John Glas of Ascok, John Spens of Camys,
James Stewart of Kilcattan, John Stewart of Neilston-side, Robert
McVille, Rankin Fullarton, Patrick McGilpatrick, Robert Jamesone,
Morice McEwen (Eugenii), Robert Stewart, William Bannatin of
Dunawlat, John Jameson of Meknach, Archibald Bannatin of Quogach,
Donald McKyrdaw, Alexander Glas, declaring that John Fullarton was
lawful and nearest heir of his father the late John Fullarton in nine merk
lands in the island of Arran, and sheriffdom of the same, the lands being
now valued at nine merks Scots yearly and nine bolls of barley in time
of peace, held of the King in chief, and in his hands by reason of ward
from the death of the late John Fullarton, for twenty years, and two
years in default of the heir's entry. Retour dated 6th November 1515.
[Sasine given on 3 November 1516, of the nine merk lands of Dummden
in the Isle of Arran to John Fullarton of that ilk bailie, Adam Stewart,
;
 APPENDIX A 355
deputy for Ninian Stewart. Witnesses, Alexander Coningham, younger,
of Colzein, John Patecru, John Fullarton, John McCharchar, and John
Neilson. Another sasine of the same lands was given by Ninian Stewart as
baiUe depute of Bute and Arran, on 22 May 1539, to John Fullarton of
that ilk, as heir of his father, who had died ten years before 16 May 1538, the
lands having been in the King's hands by reason of ward, the yearly rental
being 6i!. Scots. Witnesses to sasine David Blair of Adamtoun, Ninian
Bannatyne of Cames, Mr. John Dunbar, John Crauford, and James Tait.]
Procuratory of Resignation by John Fullarton of that ilk, Lord of
Corsby, by which he resigns the lands of Drumrudyr or Knightslands,
in the King's hands, in favour of James Stewart, sheriff of Bute and
Arran, and his heirs. Dated at Irvine, 7th November 1541. Witnesses :

WiUiam Conyngham of Conynghamhead, John Mure, provost of Irvine,

Robert Stewart of Killecroye, William Stirhng, burgess of Bute, George
Abbymethe, Malcolm Makewin, and Robert Makgilnowe. Seal appended.
Charges three branches of a tree, two and one. Legend S. Ihohannis
FOVLARTOVNE.
Charter by James Stewart, sheriff of Bute, granting to his son
Alexander Stewart and the lawful heirs male of his body, etc., the nine
merk land of Knychtisland, alias Tonreddyr, in the parish of Kilmorre, in
the Isle of Arran. To be held for a penny yearly of blench farm. Dated
at the parish church of Largs, 16 May 1548. Witnesses Alexander
:

Stewart of Kildonan, John Stewart of Kyllecroye, John Fresall of Knok,

Robert Stewart in Neilstown-syde, James M^Weryte, Fynlaw M'=Werite,
John Jameson, and David Neill, notary public.
Charter by John Stewart of Ardgowan, granting to Ninian Stewart,
sheriff of Bute, the forty pound land of old extent, called the ten penny
lands, Kildonan, Twa furlongs, Dupenny-lands, with the three Largs, two
Keskedelis, Glenascasdale, and Clachane, in the Isle of Arran, and sheriff-
dom of Bute, inexchange for the grantee's twenty pound land of old ex-
tent called Baloch, Scheane, and Auchinquhame, with an annual rent of
24 merks Scots, to be uplifted from the barony of Abemethy, in the sheriff-
dom of Perth To be held to Ninian Stewart and his heirs and assignees,
:

of the King and his successors for the services due and wont. Dated at
Edinburgh, 24 February 1502-3. Witnesses Archibald Earl of Argyll,
:

etc., Mathew Earl of Lennox, etc., John Elphinstone of Airth, David

Betone, Alexander Bannatyne, Morice Maknachtan, John Paterson, John
Gray, and James Young. The seal of the granter is gone from this writ,
but a precept of sasine granted by him on the following day has his seal
appended, bearing a lion rampant surmounted by the Stewart fess.
Legend S. Iohanis Steuart.
356 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Extract registered Contract betwixt James Earl of Arran, etc.,
Governor of Scotland, and James Hamilton, his eldest son and apparent heir
on one part, and James Stewart, sheriff of Bute, on the other part, to the
effect that James Stewart shall inf eft the Earl in frank tenement and liferent
for all the days of his life, and James Hamilton his son in fee, in all lands
and others within the Isle of Arran and sheriffdom of Bute in which
Stewart is infeft or in which his father the late Ninian Stewart died seised,
reserving the office of sheriff of Arran and Bute. In return the Earl shall
pay to Stewart four thousand merks, under certain conditions, and shall
also cause Stewart to obtain feu infeftment of the office of the chamber-
lainry of Bute, he finding security to the Queen for payment of the rents
and duties. The Earl Stewart to obtain infeftment
shall further cause
in feu farm of his steading of the lands of Cumbray extending to ten pound
land of old extent, he paying therefor the yearly dues owing to the Castle
of Dumbarton ;
providing, however, that the Earl shall not be obliged
to wan-ant the lands and office to Stewart at the Queen's hands. It is
also agreed that Arran shall do his diligence ' to reconcile the Earl of
'

Argyll and Stewart, and that he shall stand a good friend to the sheriff
in time coming, and shall help him to his kirks of Bute which he had
previously. From this contract the five mark land of Corrygills is excepted
to the sheriff, as pertaining to his office of sheriffship. Dated at Edinburgh,
28 May 1549 in presence of John [Hamilton], bishop of Dunkeld, Neil
Layng, Master Andro OUphant, notaries public, Robert Stewart in Neilson-
syde, John Hamilton of Nelisland, and Robert, master of Semple. Re-
gistered in the books of council, 29th May 1549.
Charter by James Stewart, sheriff of Bute, in terms of the preceding
contract, granting and alienating to James, Earl of Arran, etc., in liferent
and to James Hamilton his eldest son and heir-apparent, his heirs and
assignees, the forty-pound lands of old extent, called the ten penny
lands [as described supra], also the nine merk land of Tonrydder alias
Knychtislands, with the island of Pladow, and with towers, fortalices, etc.,
patronage of chapels, etc., lying in the island of Arran, and sheriffdom of
Bute to be held of the queen and her successors for service due and wont.
;

Dated at Edinburgh, 4th July 1549 witnesses, John [Hamilton], Arch-

;

bishop of St. Andrews, primate of Scotland, legate, etc., Robert, Master

of Semple, Mr. Gawin Hamilton Dean of Glasgow, William Hamilton of
Humby, John Hamilton of Nelisland, Mr. Alexander Forrous, provost of
Fowlis, Robert Stewart in Neilstown side, and Mr. Andrew Oliphant,
notary public, who leads the sheriff's hand at the pen, he being unable to
write. Seal appended quarterly, 1 and 4 a lion rampant
; 2 and 3 the ;

Stewart fess cheque. Legend S. Iacobi Stevart.

 APPENDIX B
The Island of Arran for the Year 1766
Farms
358 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Farms Principle Tenants Farms Principle Tenants
Names. Names. Names. Names.
Westbennan Jno. Miller Kilbride Mill Wm. Mcalastar
East Bennan Gm. Stuart Blairmore & 1 Wm. Gershome
Lopping-chorrochTh. Taylor MargnahaglishJ Stuart
Auchinhew Hec. McNeill W'. Clauchland Rt. McBride
Marganish Jno. McCurdie Easter Do. Jno. Mcnish
Ballaminoich Jno. McGraffan Strath Wellan Jno. Miller
Drumlaborrow McGraffan Maish Dd. Fullarton
Ditto Milln McLoy Glencloy McLoy
Dipping Arch. McCook Mossend Ch. Hamilton
Largiebeg Wm. Hamilton Glensharrig Ch. Hamilton
Largiemenoich Jas. Schaw Glenrosie Robt. Hendry
Largiemore & \ Glenshant Thos. Brown
Hector Mcalastar
Ashdale Milln. / Knockan Aw. Fullarton
So. Kiskadale Jno. Murphy Brodick Milln A. Millar
Mid Ditto Axil. Stuart Dykehead &\ Mr Boyd
North Do. Ax°. Stuart Markland / Robertson
Knockankilly A^^ Hamilton Arrantoun Houses
Auchencairn Pt. McBride Bayhead House Jas. Adams
Kings Cross Jno. Hamilton Millhill Houses)
Mr Walker
Cordon Wm. Schaw & Grass /
Monnymore Jno. Mcbride Claddach Cottors
Wauk Mill Dfl. Torry
Glenkill Jno. McBridan
Palaster & \ SuPERioEiTY Lands.
William Wilson
Heigh Letter/ Kilmichael
White House Mr Walker Whitefarland
Lamblash Island Do. Kilconnon
Laigh Letter Wm. Wilson South & North
Blairbeg Jno. Stirling Corry gills

The Island of Arran according to the new

Divisions now Made for 1773
Number of
Divisions New
Farms made on Tacksmen's
Names. each Farm. Names.
So. Farm 1
Corry Mid Ditto Jno. Robertson
[
North Do.;
APPENDIX B 359
360 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Number of

Farms
Names.

Banlikan

Dougary

Auchachar

Auchengallon

Machray

Tormore

Torbeg

Drummadoon
Glaustar

Monny Quill

Ballamichael

Peen
 APPENDIX B 861
Number of
Divisions New
Farms made on Tacksmen's
Names. each Farm. Names.
(Under Farm
Sheddag Upper Do.
Jno. Mcgraffan
MiU, £36.
Glebe, £17. ;

J Under Farm
Dd. Mcalastar
Ballygowan
\ Upper Do. Ch. Mc.Cook

Feorling
/Heigh Farm'
ll-aigh Do. Memaster &
Drummaginar JHeigh Farm Bannantine
\Laigh Do. .

{North Farm"!
Kilpatrick Mid Do. Alexander Mcalaster
[
South Do. J
,West Farm
\
Mid Do. below
the road.
East Do. below Humphry Stuart
Corricravie \
the road. & 4 others
North Et Do.
above Do.
'
North Farm
rNorth Farm
2 No. Do.
No. W. Do. above the Rd.
Slidry
No. E. Do. above Do.
So. E. Do. below Do.
So. W. Do. below Do.
(South Farm Wm. Mckinnon
Margarioch Mid Do. Wm. Stuart
North Do. Jno. Stuart
South Farm Patk. Mckinnon
Birrican J
\North Do. Jno. Meninch
Corryhainy Alexr. Mcnicol

Glenscordal
Loop
Gargadale Jas. Hamilton
VOL. II. 2z
362 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
 APPENDIX B 363
Number of
Divisions New
Farms made on Tacksmen's
Names. each Farm. Names.
TMill glebe { Jn. Mcdonald
The millnj
Tory Linn
Mid Farm Dd. Mckinnon
East Do, Rob. Hamilton
rWest Farm Ar. Ferguson
Kilbride
East ditto Ad. Cook
Bennan I
iNorth do. Dd. Wright
{South Farm Jn. McCook
N.W. ditto John Kerr
Shanochy
N.E. ditto Wm. Jameson
No. ditto Jn. McKenzie

fS.W. Farm John Kerr

S.E. ditto Jn. McBridan
W. Bennan N.W. ditto Ths. Miller
N.E. ditto Rt. McKenzie
North Do. Jn. McKenzie
S.W. Farm
S.E. ditto

East Bennan N.E. ditto Mr Stuart

N.W. ditto
Midle ditto

rW. Farm
Lepencorraeh iMidle Do. Ths. Taylor
[East ditto
fW. Farm
Auchenhew Middle Hectr, McNeil
]
lEast ditto
Marganish Js. McCurdie
rW. Farm Dd. McCurdie
Ballimenoch JEr. ditto Pk. Hamilton
iNorth do. Jn. McCurdie

fW. Farm Js. Jameson

Drumlabarrow Mid. do. Al. Craufurd
I
lEast do. Al. McNiel

Do. Mill & Glebe Pk. McAlister

364 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Number of
Divisions New
Fai-ms made on Tacksmen's
Names. each Farm. Names.
rWest Farm Dn. McKelvie
Dippin Mid do. and
[East ditto Jn. Bannatyne
Lergiebeg Js. Hamilton
/So. Farm")
Lergiemenoch Wm. Stuart
\No. ditto/
Lergiemore
& Jn. Stuart
Asdle mill
(Under Farm"!
South Kiscadle Mid do. Hect. McAUster
[
Upr. do. I

So. Farm")
Mid Kiscadle J ditto
iNo. do. J
North do. Axr. Stuart
So. Farm Di Broun
Knokankelly J
\No. do. Ard. Hamilton
TEt. Farm Pk. McBride
Auchencairn
I
Wt. ditto Dd Kennedy
Ino. ditto "Wm. McMillar
("W. Farm Ard. Hamilton
IE. do. Jn. Hamilton
King's Cross
I2 E. do. Jn. McKinnon
Ino. do. Dd. Black
Gortonalister Fr. McBride
Cordon
/E. Farm
Monnymore
\W. Farm
Wauk mill & 10 acres Dad. Tory
(S.W. Farm Js. McBride
Glenkill ]n.W. ditto Dd. McBride
lEr. ditto Mw. McBride
/West Farm Air. Hunter
Pallaster
iEt. ditto Jn. McKinzie
 APPENDIX B 365

Farms
Names.
366 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
Number of
Divisions New
Farms made on Tacksmen's
Names. each Farm. Names.
rW. Farm D". FuUarton
Easter Clauchland Mid do. Fergie do.
[East do. Jn. Fullarton

f S.E. Farm D<i Fullarton

Strathwellan
[n.W. farm Mrs Kennedy
("East Farm'^
Maysh Mid ditto Hector Mcalister
[
IWest do. )

So. Farm Do.

W. do. Al.McBride
Glencloy
Mid do. AUn. Fullarton
lEast do. Pk. McBride
Mossend
(So. Farm Js. Davie
Glensharig Wr. do. Jn. Fullarton
East do. Chs. Broun

J
So. Farm Peter Davie
Glenrosie
iNo. do. Rt. Hendry
/So. Farm \ Jn. Broun
Glenshant
iNo. do. J

rW. Farm \ Adm. Fullarton

Knockan
\East do. I
Brodick Mill Ax. McGregor
Dykehead Do,
Merkland Do.
Cladoch Cottars
Hance Bannatyne's Glebe
APPENDIX C
 ;

APPENDIX D
NORSE PLACE-NAMES OF ARRAN, GROUPED UNDER THEIR
OLD NORSE, i.e. ICELANDIC DERIVATIVES.
By Robert L. Bremner, M.A., B.L.

O.-N. Stem. Modern Name. Ancient Spellings. Derivation and Meaning.

A = rivei-(pro- lorsa. Blaeu's Map (pub. HjiJrsn = sword river

nounced aw in; inAmsterdam, 1654 (Hjorr, gen. hjarar and
Mod. Icel.jOw). founded on Timothy hjors, sword). There is
Font's description no Hjbrsd in Iceland ;
and representing but there is a little is-
name-sounds circa land in the west, Hjiir-
1600). Versa. Pen- sey, where lived Oddny,
nant (1772) Jorsa. 'Isle-candle,' the maiden
whom Bjorn the Hitdale
champion loved and lost.
Her father Thorkell was
son of Dufgus the Rich,
and therefore, like many
Iceland settlers, had
Celtic blood in his veins.
A possible alternative
is Thjorsa = bull river
{t>j6rr, a bull), the name
of a well-known river
in South Iceland. Dr.
Currie says there is a
word jor which means
a horse, and suggests
'horse-river.' This is
a mistake. There is no
such word. The word
jor is used poetically for
a stallion ; but its geni-
tive is not j6rs butyo*, and
could not produce lorsa.
It is not found in com-
position with d in lee-
laud.
36ti
 ;

APPENDIX D 369

O.-N. Stem. Modern Name. Ancient Spellings. Derivation and Meaning.

Loch Ranza. 1433 Lochrans-ay. Reynis-d = rowan-tree

1452 Locherayn- river (reynir, gen. reynis,
say. rowan-tree). C'f. Key-
1628 Locharane- nisfjall, Reynisnes, etc.,
say. in Iceland.
1549(Mom-o)iocA-
renasy.
1600(Blaeu)7Jan.sa
and Rensa.

Glen Rosa. 1450 Glen Rossy. = horse river,

//(•oss-a
1600 (Blaeu) Glen (from Hross, a horse).
Rosy. Cf. Hrossholt, Hrossavik,
etc., in Iceland.

Dalr = dale, Ashdale. Old form in Orig. Ask-dalr or Asks-dalr

glen. Paroch. , Glenasdas- = the glen of the ash-
dale. tree (askr, gen. asks,
ash-tree). An alterna-
tive is Fos-dalr = ihe glen
of the the
waterfall —
initial disappearing
' f'
as it often does on the
West coast; e.g. it is
elided almost everywhere
in fjordr, which is repre-
sented by ort, art, etc.,
as in Snizort, old form
Snesfurd = Sneisfjoritr
Knoydart = Knuts^oritr,
etc.^
Ass-dalr, the glen of
one of the old gods (more
commonly used in the
plur. Aesir), or the glen
of the rocky ridge {ass),
are also possible but un-
likely alternatives. Glen
has as usual been added
by the Gael when the
meaning of dalr was for-
gotten.

Chalmadale or Blaeu, Qten Ghalla- Prob.Hjdlmund-dalr

Halmadale. del. forHjdlmundardalr , i.e.
Hjalmund's glen {Hjdl-
mundr, gen. Hjdlmundar,
a proper name, whence
M'Calman, M'Calmont).
Helmsdale is Hjalmundal
in the Orkneyinga Saga.

VOL. II.
3a
 —

370 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

O.-N. Stem. Modern Name. Ancient Spellings. Derivation and Meaning.

The 'u' would readily

be lost before the dental.
The objection I have to
the usual derivation from
Kalman, also a proper
name, is that the ' s of '

the genitive is never lost

iu composition where the
name occurs in Iceland ;
e.g. Kalmansa, Kalman-
sarvik, and, still more
notably, Kalmanstunga.
Blaeu's form, however,
certainly suggests Kol- :

ladalr = KoUi's glen

(Kolli, a proper name
frequent in the Sagas,
but possibly of Celtic
origin). Cp. Kollabiillir,
KollafprUr , etc., freq.
in Iceland. The hard
guttural would in Gaelic
phonetics be softened to
' ch after Glen.
'

Garvadale. Garpadair {garpr. gen.

pi. garpa) 'the warlike
men's dale.'

Gargadak. (High up on the left

bank of Slidderie Water,
O.S. map).

Kiscadale. Blaeu, Kiskidel. Kistudalr, chest-glen

Orig. Parooh.^ A'u- or coffin-glen ; or kistu-
Iceditis. gil, chest-gully or coffin-
gully (kis-ta, gen.
kistu, 'kist,' chest or
coffin). The latter form
is suggested because the
easy metathesis of the
guttural and dental
would explain the loss
of the second '
K and '

also because we have a

Kistugil in Iceland ; as
also Kistufell and Kis-
tugertfi.
 ,

APPENDIX D 371

O.-N. Stem. Modern Name. Ancient Spellings. Derivation and Meaning.

Ormidale. 1446-7 Ormysdill. Ormsdalr = 0vm'a glen

1450 Ormadill. or Ormadalr = snake-glen
1690 Glennorma- {Ormr, gen. Orms, a
dell. well-known proper name,
really a nickname from
ormr, a snake). Cp.Orms-
dah; etc., in Iceland. As
the old spelling shows,
the second syllable does
not represent A, a river :

' snake-river-dale would '

be ormsdrdalr.

Scorrodale. Blaeu, Sckoradel. Skorradalr = Skorri's

glen (Skorri, gen. Skorra,
a proper name). Cp.
Skorradalr, Skorradals-
hals, and Skorradals-
vatn.

Enni = brow, Craig-na-hannie The crag of the preci-

precipice. pice.

£^i/ = island. Pludda. 1649 Flada. Flat-ey - flat isle {fiatr,

1685 Pladu. fem. flat, neut. flatt =
1609 Ptadow. flat). Flatey is a place-
Blaeu, Pladda. name, with many com-
pounds, e.g. Flatey ardalr
etc., in Iceland. It
appears again and again
among the Sudreyar or
Hebrides ; e.g. Fladda,
Bladda, etc.

Fell = hill; Goatfell. Blaeu, Keadefelt Geita-fell= gout hill or

JJall = moun- mi. Geita-fjall = goat moun-
tain. tain {geit, gen. geitar,
gen. geita ; freq.
pi. in
composition = goat). A
wild species of small
black goat still survives
in Arran, now chiefly
removed to Holy Isle.
There is a Geita-fjall in
Iceland ; also Geitav'ik,
Geitaskartt, etc. A few
miles east of Reykjavik
there is a place called
Geithals (pron. Gate-
house), which is the
obvious prototype of
372 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
O.-N. Stem. Modern Name. Ancient Spellings. Derivation and Meaning.

Gatehouse of Fleet.
(Fijot = swift
stream.)
According to Thomas
and Macbain, fell and
Jjall are represented on
the West Coast and
especially the Outer Isles
by -bhal, -mheall, -val,
and even -hall, e.g.
Roinebhal, Stacashall,
etc. It seems incredible,
however, that Norsemen
would have applied the
word 'fjall' = mountain
(which in Iceland they
reserved for real moun-
tains), even to the higher
hills of the Forest of
Harris. It is certainly
out of the question that
either 'fjall' or 'fell'
could have been applied
to tiny eminences of 200
or 300 feet like Blas-
haval, Oreval, Skeal-
traval, and Cringraval in
North Uist. The name
given to such small
eminences in Iceland was
and is -hviill/ i. e. a small
'

rising ground, higher

than a ' hoW or knoll;
but less than a 'fell.'
In the present writer's
opinion, 'hvall' accounts
for most if not all of the
' -bhals ' or ' -vals,' as
they are often spelled.
The hill in South Uist,
however, now called Ben
More (1994 feet) and
formerly known as Keit-
val, is obviously = Geita-
fjall, Goat-mountain.

For - hndi = North Feor- Orig. Paroch.jTuja For-tendi = the land

land between line, South Feor- furlangU: BlaeUj between the sea and the
sea and hills. line. Forling. hills.

Whitefarland. 1366 Quhit/orland. Evitt-forlendi {Hvitr,

fern. hvH, neut. hvitt.
 ,

APPENDIX D 373

O.-N. Stem. Modern Name. Ancient Spellinga. Derivation and Meaning.

white), often found in

composition of Iceland
place-names.

Gil= aravine, Catacol. 1433 Catagil. = the wild

Kattu-gil
gully. 1462 Cathuydill. cats' gully {Kiittr, a cat,
1600 Blaeu, Catti gen. Kuttar, gen. pi.
del. Kutta). Cp. Kattardalr,
Kattamef, Kattarhi'ifUi
in Iceland. So Capt.
Thomas, ' Islay Place-
Names' in Proc. of Soc.
of Antiq., vol. iv. , New
Series, 1881-82, p. 260.
In favour of the Kati
( = small ship) theory,
there is a local legend
that Magnus Berfaettr
and his men came here
in their ships to avenge
an insult by Fionn.

Corrygills or 1558 Gorriglis. According to Professor

Corriegilh. 1561 Corregelleii: Olsen this is quite clearly
1690 Corrigills. korfa - gil = raven - gully
1600 Blaeu, Cor;/- {korfr, gen. pi. korfa, a
gil and Corigil. raven) ; cp. Modern Nor-
wegian, korv ; Scottish,
' corbie,' a raven or crow

(Orkney, etc.).
So high an authority
as the late Dr. Macbain
regarded this as a hybrid,
viz. Corrie (Gaelic, cotVe),
a ravine, and git, a ravine,
i.e. two words of prac-
tically identical mean-
ing. As we have seen,
such redundancy is com-
mon enough where the
Norse meaning has been
lost, e.g. Glen Scorro-
dale, Ben Roinebhal,
etc., etc. But this
almost always occurs in
compound woi-ds. Ab-
solute duplications like
Craignish ( = creag nes)
are extremely rare. I
venture to suggest, how-
ever, as a possible
 ; ; ,

374 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

O.-N. Stem. Modern Name. Ancient Spellings. Derivation and Meaning.

alternative to Korfa-gil,
Kdragil, i.e. Kari's gil
(Kdri, a proper name,
pron. Kawri, gen. Kara).
Cp. Karagerii, Karas-
tatfir, Karavatn, etc.
etc., in Iceland.

Scaftigil. Skaptagil = shaft - gully

or Skapti's gully (or
Shaft-rivergully). (Skapt,
gen. Shapts, gen. plur.
skapta = a shaft, arrow ;
or Skapti, a proper name,
derived from the fore-
going gen. Skapta or
; ;

Skapta, gen. Skaptdr =

shaft-river).
The last alternative
seems at first sight the
likeliest in sense, hut
in derivation the least
likely, the difficulty
being how the ' r' in
Skapt-ar-gil should have
been got rid of. In
Iceland, however, the
elimination has taken
—
place some of the de-
rivatives of the Skapta,
e.g. Skaptar-fell being
pronounced and now
spelled Skaptafell (cp.
Shap-fell in Westmore-
land), while in others,
e.g.Skaptartunga, Skap-
taross, and Skaptar
Jokull, it has been re-
tained.

Klettr = cM. Gleiteadh (Two instances^ Klettr = cliff plur.

Buidhe, one near Dougarie Klettar ; buidhe = Gaelic
the other near Kil- for yellow.
morie).

KMtr-cUff. Gleiteadh 'nan Skarfaklettar = cormor-

Sgarbh. ant cliffs (skarfr, pi.
skarfar, gen. skarfa pi.
= cormorant. Klettar =
cliffs). Gaelic has bor-
rowed both words from
 APPENDIX D 375

O.-N. Stem. Modern Name. Ancient Spellings. Derivation and Meaning.

the Norsemen. Scarf is

used for cormorant in
Orkney and Shetland
also.

Cleiteadh Diibh. Klettr with Gaelic

dubh = h\ac\i, added. If
the name were found
with the adjective fore-
most, it might be Djiip-
Iclettar = deep cliffs on the
analogy of Djiipfirdingar,
deep firths, and Djupi-
dalr, in Iceland.

Kru --

a fold Craw. Kru = a small pen. Dr.

or pen. Macbain says that Cro
is used in Shetland for
small enclosures that
would be called Quoy in
Orkney.

7rwi = a sheep- C'uithe. Kvi, sheep-fold (in

fold. composition, kvia, pi.
kviar). Cp. Quoyfreq. in
Orkney and the Outer
Isles.

Ouidhe Mead- Kvi = io\A, with Gaelic

honach = mid- meadhonach, added. The
fold. middle folds or the mid-
fold. Capt. Thomas says
that in Orkney ' quoy
is a subsidiary enclosure
to the principal farm,
and is the only exception
I know to the rule which
governs Scandinavian
names by being used as
a substantive prefix.'
Quoy, however, doubt-
less represents the form
used in composition, viz.
Kvia, in ' Quoy-birstane,'
etc., etc. There is a
Kviar-miU in Landnama-
bok.

Penningr — a Dippin] Orig. Paroch. , Du- Tvi - penninga land =

pennyj a vari- Duppen. pennylandis. two - penny land {pen-
able fraction of ningr, plur. penningar,
376 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
O.-N. Stem.
 ;
:

APPENDIX D 37T

O.-N. Stem. Modern Name. Ancient Spellings. Derivation and Meaning.

1590 Braidwick. There are at least four

1600 Blaeu, Brod- places called Breidavik
wicJc. in Iceland. Both parts
1778 Brodovk-k. of thename are extremely
common in the composi-
tion of place-names.

Sannox (pro- Blaeu, Sennoc. Sandvik =

Sand - bay
perly Sannaig). (Sandr, in composition
Sand- and Sanda- = sani,
and vik). Cp. Sandvik,
Sandfell, Sandgil, Sand-
vatn, etc., etc., in Ice-
land. Sannaig in Islay,
Jura, and Knoydart.

Glen Shiirig. 1450 Glenservaig. Professor Olsen of

1590 Glen Sherwik. Christiania suggests
Hjarit-vik = herd bay
(hjorct, fem., herd). Cp
Hj altland, no w Shetland
Norweg. place - name
Hjard-kinn (herd-slope),
now pronounced with
Sh-.
—
Note. The fact that
the old sea-line at this
part of Arran was con-
siderably higher than at
present makes it certain
that a few centuries ago,
at the inner end of
Brodick Bay, there would
be a distinct smaller bay
indenting the land just
where the Rosa and
Shurig waters join.

3 B
VOL. II.
 :

LIST OF WORKS ON THE ISLAND OF ARRAN

Aiton (Wm.), General View of the Agriculture of the County of Bute. . . .

Glasgow, 1816. 8°.

Balfour (Prof.), Account of Botanical Excursions made in Arran during
August and September 1869. Edinburgh, printed for private circula-
tion [1870]. 12°, p-ph. [32 pp.], ill.

Beckett (James), Tourist's Guide to Arran. Glasgow [1871]. 12°, pph.

3rd ed., Glasgow, 1874. III.
Bonar (Andrew A.), Thirty Years of Spiritual Life in the Island of Arran.
Pp. 15. Glasgow, 1889.
Brown (James), Craw (Allan), Gaelic Poems, edited by Rev. John
Kennedy. Inverness, 1894.
IiTyce{Ja.mes), Geology of Clydesdale and Arran. . . . London and Glasgow
R. Griffin and Co., 1859. 8°, ill.
Geology of Arran . . . with Account of the Botany, Natural
History, and Antiquities. 4th ed. Glasgow and London : Wm.
Collins, Sons, and Co., 1872. 12°, ill.

Buchanan's Tour round Arran. Glasgow, 1883. III. [Steamer Guide.]

Cameron (Rev. J. Kennedy), The Church in Arran, xvi., 188 pp. (map).
Edinburgh, John Grant, 1912. 8vo.
Ferguson (James), Four Views in the Island of Arran. Edinburgh, 1842,
Fo. [No Letterpress.]
Guide Book to West of Arran and Campbeltown, by Turbine Steamer
King Edward.' Glasgow [1901]. 12°, pph., ill.
'

Headrick (James), View of the Mineralogy, Agriculture, Manufactures, and

Fisheries of Arran, with notices of Antiquities.
. , . Edinburgh, . . .

1807. 8°.

Jameson (Robt.), Outline of the Mineralogy of the Shetland Islands and the
Island of Arran. . . . Edinburgh, 1798. La. 8°.

Journal of a Trip to Arran in 178S, written by a Glasgow Merchant. Kil-

marnock, 1901. 12°, pph. [25 copies reprinted from the Kilmarnock
Standard.^
378
 : ;
'

LIST OF WORKS ON THE ISLAND OF ARRAN 379

Landsborough (Dav.), Arran : a Poem in Six Cantos and Excursions to ;

Arran with Reference to the Natural History of the Island. Edinburgh,

1847. 12°.

to Arran [etc.].
Excursions 2nd Series. Edinburgh, 1852. 12°.
Arran and How to See It. Ardrossan Arthur Guthrie, 1871. :

12°, fph. 2nd ed. 1872, p-ph., ill. 4th ed. 1896, pph., ill.
Landsboroughs (Father and Son), Arran, its Topography, Natural History,
and Antiquities. Ardrossan Arthur Guthrie, 1875. 8°.
:

MacArthur (John), Antiquities of Arran. Glasgow, 1861. 8°, ill. 2nd

ed., Edinburgh, 1873.
M'Neilage (Arch.), jun., 'Agriculture of Bute and Arran,' in Transactions
of the H. and A. Soc, 4th Series, vol. xiii. Edinburgh Wm. Black- :

wood and Sons, 1881, Pp. 1-52.

Memoirs of the Geological Survey, Scotland. '
Geology of North Arran
[etc.]. 1903. La. 8°.To be purchased from J. Menzies and Co.,
Rose Street, Edinburgh E. Stanford, 12 Long Acre, London
;

Hodges, Figgis and Co., Ltd., Grafton Street, Dublin.

Milner (Geo.), Studies of Nature on the Coast of Arran. London : Long-
mans, Green and Co., 1894. 12°, ill.

Mitchell (W.), A Fortnight in Arran. Glasgow [1874]. 12°, pph.

Printed for private circulation.
New Statistical Account of Scotland, The. Vol. 5, Ayr, Bute. Edinburgh,
1845.
Paterson (John), Factor to Duke of Hamilton. 'Account of the Island
of Arran,' in Prize Essays and Transactions of the Highland and Agri-
cultural Society of Scotland, New Series, vol. v. Edinburgh, 1837.
Pp. 125-154.
Ramsay (Sir Andrew C), Geology of the Island of Arran from the Original
Survey. Glasgow, 1841. 8°.

StatisticalAccount of Scotland, The, Parish of Kilbride, Vol. viii. Parish

of Kilmory, Vol. ix. Edinburgh, 1793.
The Isle of Arran : a Poem. Cantos i. and ii. Edinburgh, 1848. 8°.

Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness —

Arran Place-Names,' Rev. Dr. Cameron, Brodick. Vol. xv., 1888-9.
'

Arran Gaelic Dialects,' Rev. John Kennedy, Arran. Vol. xx., 1894-6.
'

Gaelic Dialect of Arran, The,' Rev. C. N. Robertson, Inverness.

'

Vol. xxi., 1896-7.

 '

LIST OF THOSE WHO CONTRIBUTED MATERIAL OR IN-

FORMATION IN CONNECTION WITH THE ' BOOK OF

ARRAN

Mr. Robert Bannatyne (Tarrnacreige), Mr. Alex. M'Alister, Torbeg.

Glasgow. Mr. John M'Bride, Shennachie.
Mr. Archibald Bannatyne (Tighna- Mr. Charles MacBride, Shedag.
leac)^ Garelochhead. Mrs. M'Donald, Saltcoats.
Mrs. Cochrane, Dubhgharadh. Mr. Charles M'Hardy, Kilpatrick.
Mr. D. CoUj Loch Ranza. Rev. A. Macintyre, Edinburgh.
Mr. Archibald Cook, Corriegills. Mr. Angus M'Kelvie, Kilpatrick.
Mr. John Cook, Corriecravie. Mr. Archibald M'Kelvie, Kildonan.
Mr. Donald Cook, Jordanhill. Mr. Charles M'Kelvie, Slidderie.
Mrs. Donald Cook, Jordanhill. Mr. Charles M'Kelvie, Claynod.
Mr. Neil Cook, Pirnmill. Mr. Mackenzie, Lamlash.
Mr. Donald Crawford, Feorline. Mr. P. Mackenzie, Tormore.
Mrs. Donald Crawford (late), Feorline. Mr. John Mackinnon, AchalefFen.
Mr. Colin Currie, Shedag. Miss K. M'Lardy, Torbeg.
Mr. Donald Currie, Ayr. Mr. John Macleod, Whitefarland.
Mr. John Currie, Ton-ri-gaoith. Mr. James Macmillan, Blackwaterfoot.
Rev. D. Currie, Dunoon. Mr. John M'Millan, Achamor.
Miss Marion Currie, Tormore. Mr. Alex. N. M'Neil, Kildonan.
Mr. Wm. Davidson, Glen Rosa. Mr. RobertM'NeilljBaile Meadhonach.
Mr. Alexander Cook FuUarton, Glas- Mr. John Miller, Whiting Bay.
gow. Capt. Robert Morrison, Lamlash.
Mr. James C. Inglis, Invercloy, Brodick. Mr. Malcolm Murchie, Loch Ranza.
Mrs. James Kelso, Alma, Brodick. Miss Catherine Robertson, Blackwater-
Mr. Tom Kelso, Corrie. foot.
Mr. Alexander Kerr, Pirnmill. Mr. Samuel Robertson, Feorline.
Mr. Malcolm Kerr, Narachan, Loch Dr. Joseph Sillars, Kii-riemuir.
Ranza. Mr. John Sillars, Tormore.
Mr. John Kerr, Lamlash. Mr. Neil Sillars, Leacamor.
Mr. Charles Kerr, Whitefarland. Mr. Donald Stewart, Corriecravie.
Mrs. Donald M'Alister (late), Millfield. Miss Stoddart, Strathwhillan.
Mr. Donald M'Alister (late), Druma- Mr. James Taylor, Strathwhillan.
ghiner. Mr. John R. Thomson, Lamlash.
Miss Jean M'Alister (late), Kilpatrick. Mr. Alex. Wood, Saltcoats.
Mr. John M'Alister, Kilpatrick. Mrs. Jane Young (late), Shedag.

380
 INDEX
Abercorn, Earl of (Hamilton), 94, 96, 109. Arnele, 38.
Aberdeen, 37 ; Bishop of, 37 ; Assembly Arran, Earl of Boyd, 46 James Hamil-
: ;

at, 94. ton of Arran, 53, 57, 59, 356; 61; Hamil-
A' Bhanais Ainmeil, 131. ton, first Earl, 65 James Stewart, 66, 67,
;

A' Bhean Chrodhanach, 280. assassinated, 67 Lord John, 67 Duke

; ;

A' Bhean-Ghluin agus na Sibhrich, 261. of Chatelherault, 86, 87 Earl of, 89 ; ;

Accounts, Miscellaneous (1773), 190-4. James, no; twelfth Earl, 226; thir-
Admiral of Arran, 202 deputy, 202. ; teenth Earl, 226.
Agricola, 8. '
Arran Water,' 237.
Agricultural Customs, 311. Arthur, King, 3, 9.
Aidan of Dalriada, 70, 71. AthoU, Earl of, 26.
Ailioll ofArran, 3. Australia, 135.
Alba, II, 12, 19. Ayr, 27, 66 Arran merchants at, 91
; ;

Albion, the, 219, 220, 226. circuit court at, 96 134 communica- ; ;

Alcluyd, 12. (See Dumbarton.) tion from, 178, 180-1, 239.

Ale tents, the, 165. Ayrshire, i, 6, 92, 129 smuggling to, 137 ; ;

Alexander 11., 19, 20, 21, 26; Alexander woods in, 200 carts from, 200 237.
; ;

III., 20, 21.

Am Bas, 324. Balliol, John, 26, 30.
America, emigration to, 177. Balloch, Donald, 47, 52.
Am Figheadair Crotach, 255. Bannatyne, Hans, 178, 180, 181.
Anderson, Mr. Boyd, 194. Bannatynes in Arran, 114.
An Dotair Bhn, 303. Baptism, 310.
Angus MacSomerled, 17, 18, 20. Baron-bailie, 96, 97 baron courts, 177. ;

Angus of Islay, 21. '

Barons,' baron-lairds,' 51, 113, 117 ff. in
' ;

An Leannan Crodhanach, 282. Bute, 117-18 in Cowal and Argyll, 118.

;

Anna, Anne, Duchess, 104 (see Hamilton) ;

Baul Muluy, the, 308.
and roads, 201, 235. Bay Chaleur, 215.
An Saoghal, 322. Bean, Sir, rector of St. Mary's, 81, 351:
An Tuathanach agus a' Chailleach, 267. John's-son, rector, 82, 84.
An Tuathanach agus na Sibhrich, 264. Bede's Ecclesiastical History (cited) ,74.
An Tuathanach agus an Uamh-Bheist, 279. Benedict, Sir, rector of Arran, 80.
Arainn Bheag Bhoidheach, 314. Benedictine monks, 80, 86.
'
Ard Echdi,' 8. Bennan, chapel at, 77; merchant from, 91.
Ardrossan, 136, 239 steamers from, 242 ff.
; Birican, carding mill at, 237.
Argyll : shire, 9 ; Oirir-Gaidheal,' 10 ;
' Bishop, Thomas, exploits in Arran, 90.
kingdom of, 17, 18 CoHn, Earl of, 48 ; ;
Bisset, '
Abacuch '
(Habakkuk), 99-100.
'
barons in, 51'
Earl of, 61 ; Andrew, ; Blackwaterfoot, school at, 161 road to, ;

Bishop of, 87 Marquis of, scares Arran,

; 235-
104 ; woods in, 200. Blakeney, Captain, 243.
Arkinholm, battle of, 47. Bloomeries, 124 ; sites in Arran, 124-5.
381
 ;

382 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Blues in Arran, 115. Carlisle, 28, 93.
Bocans (baukans), 273 ff. Carts in Arran, 200.
Booldng, the, 309. Cascrom, the, 200.
Boyd, Sir Robert, 29, 32. Celtic Church, 11, 69, 73, 76; saints of,
Boyd, Thomas, Earl of Arran, 48, 63. 72, 75-
Brandon, Duke of (Hamilton), no. Census returns, 125. (See Appendix C.)

Brian, son of Brigit, 76. Chalmadale, Glen, 14.

Bridges, 201, 236. Charity of Session, 163.
Britons, of Strathclyde, 10. Charles 11., 88, 94, 139.
Brodick, 14. Charters relating to Arran, 351 ff.

Brodick, Castle of, 30, 55, 90, 354 English ; Cinel Gabhran, 10.
garrison in, 107 deforcement of officer,
; Cistercians of Saddell, 86.
g^ ;Lithgow at, 103 ; holds out for Clachaig, manufactory at, 237.
Charles 11., 106 income of keeper of ; Clachan, preaching-house at, 154.
Castle, 53, 97-8 ; siege of Castle, 66, by Clachlands Witch, the, 297.
Cromwell's soldiers, 107 ; destruction '
Clan-Chattons in Arran, 308.
'

of Castle, 42, 94; lands

47, 61, 90, Clearances in Arran, 212, 215 ff., 228. (See
wasted, 47; new church at, 141 change ; Emigrants.)
of site, 234; smugglers from, 136; wool- Cleats, the, 14; keep at, 196.
carding mill at, 237 fair at, 239-40 ; Clyde, Firth of, i, 6, 8, 9, 15, 18, 27, 93,
pier at, 244 Free Church in, 247.
; j8i, 242.
Brodies, Emigrants, 219. Coal in Arran, 183.
Brownie, story of, 275. Columba, 69, 70, 71, 76.
Browns in Arran, 114. Commonwealth, the, 103, 108.
Bruce, Robert, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 37, 38, Comyns, 28 Earl Walter, 36.
;

64; and Fullartons, 113 ; and Druma- Cooks, 116 emigrants, 219 ; Revs. Archi-
;

doon Cave, 113 Edward, 33 171. ; ; bald and Finlay, 246.

Buchanan, Captain Wm., 244. Coroners of Arran, 56, 57-8.
Burrel, James, Commissioner of Arran, 112; Corrie, ironstone at, 124.
Journal or Diary of, 173 ff. general ;
Corriegills, 40, 59, 61, 62, 63 tenant in, ;

remarks on island, 187-9, 211, 214, 235. 177; five-mark land, 356.
Bute, 10, 19, 20, 21, 27, 35, 37, 40, 42, 46, Cottars, 215, 217.
64, 117; 'barons of,' 51, 117-18; Mar- Courtship, 310.
quis of, 62 sheriffdom of, 59, 65
; sons ; Covenant, Covenanters, 88, 89 ; Solemn
of sheriff, 90 shire, 95 ; sheriffs of, 95, ; League and, 103 ; National, 103.
355-6; head court of shire, 96. Cowal, 15, 34, 37; raid from, 113; 114;
Byssets, the, 25 Walter, 26 ; John, 26 ; ;
barons in, 118.
' '

Thomas, 26, 27 ; Hugh, 27. Crawford, Rev. Mr., drowned, 145 246. ;

Crawfords in Arran, 117.

Caeilte, 3 ; song of, 5. Crime in Arran, 95.
Caledonia, 9. Crofters Commission, 249.
Caledonia, the brig, 218, 219, 226. Cromwell, 106 ; soldiers in Arran, 106-8.
Cameron, Rev. Alexander, 247. Cumbraes, i, 10, 21, 37 Cumbrae, 61, 145,
;

Campbell, Gillespie, 36. 356 ; Earl of Sussex in tempest at, 90.

Campbells; raid Arran, 104-6; 113, 121. Cures, 303 ff. ; for rheumatism, 307.
Campbeltown, 239, 241. Currie, the name, 116; in Tigh-Mead-
Canadian Boat Song, 217-18. honach, 270.
Captain of Arran, 97-8, 100, 102-3. (See Cuthbert, Bruce's man, 32, 33.
Keeper of Brodick Castle.)
Cardross, 34. Dalir, 15, 17.
 ;

INDEX 383
Dalriada, 9, 10 ; Scots of, 11 ; 25 ; Chris- Fairies, 254 &. ; departure of, 272.
tianity in, 69. Fairs, 239 ff.

Danes, 11, 12. Fairy of Tigh-Meadonach, the, 270.

David n., 41. Falkirk, battle of, 27.
Death signs, 290. Farmers' Society, 238.
Directory of Arran (1837), 230-2. Farms, King's, in Arran, 38-39 ; wasted,
Diseart of Celtic saints, 72. 43 losses, 44.
;

Disruption, the, 162, 245-6. Farthing-lands, 50.

Distilleries,129 in Arran, 134, 136, 237.
; Fast Day, infringing on, 153.
Dominies, 161, 162, 163. Fear Bhaile, the, 201.
Dougarie (Dubhgharadh), 10, 46, 122, 227, Fergus MacErc, 10.
352 ; cleared, 228. Feuar, 51.
Douglas, James, 29, 30, 31, 32 ; William, Fiatach Finn, King of Erin, 70.
marriage with Duchess Anne, 109. Fines, Session, 150.
Douglases, 60 ; Hamilton feud, 89. Finn ; the Feinne ; the Fianna, 4, 7, 15 ;

Dream signs, 290. 68, 113 ; saga, 251-3.

Drumadoon, Bay, 29 ; Cave, 113, 252 ;
Finn-gall, the, 11.
tale of coal at, 125. Fire-raising, case of, 99.
Drumrudyr, 55; 'Dumruden,' 354, 355. Firmarii, 49.
(See Tonredder.) First footing, 310.
Dubh-gall, the, 11. Fishing, 169-70, 183; herring, 169, 170;
Dublin, 12. 237-8.
'
Dubrock,' Dowbrowach, 47. Flax, 170; mill, 237.
DugaU, 17, 18 King, 21 Clan, 21.
; ;
Fordun (cited), 69.
Dumbarton, 12, 13, 41 ; Castle, 61, 93. ForetelUngs and Signs, 288 &.
Forty-Five, the, and Arran, 111-12, 115,
Eachann Og, III, 115.
166-7.
Easton, Mrs., 227.
France, 41 imports from, 91.
;
Edinburgh, 40, 139.
Free Church, 247, 248 United, 248 ; ; law
Education in Arran, 155 ff.
case, 248.
Edward i., 26, 28.
Fuadach a' Ghobha Bhig, 325.
EgUnton, Hugh, first Earl of, 52 ; Countess
FuUarton, Sir Adam of, 37, 55 FuUartons, ;
of, 92 Alexander, Earl of, 92.
;
origin of, 53 ff. ; in Knightslands, 55, 56,
Eilean Molaisi, 14.
354 ; in StrathwhiUan, Glen Cloy, Kirk-
Emhain Abhlach, 2, 3.
michael and Whitefarland, 56 ff. ;
Emigrants, Megantic ; names, 219, and
Johns, 56 Alan Makcloy, 57 Fergus,
; ;
numbers, 225 ; 226.
56, 57 arms of, 67 ; Sir William de,
;

Enclosing in Arran, 175 only enclosure ;

81; FuUartons, the, and Bruce, 113;
at Castle, 185 ; Burrel and, 195 213. ;
117 118, 120-1
; heir, 121 Dr. Lewis, ; ;

England, 12 Norse in, 13, 15 25, 41.

; ;
128 John, Lieutenant R.N., 128
;
Eblas a Chronachaidh, 291, 303.
James, 128; Archibald, Major, 128; last
Epidii, 8.
of male line, 128.
Erin, 2.
' Erqwhonnyne,' 56.
Gabhra, Battle of, 4.
Erskine, Sir Thomas, 36, 37.
Gaelic in Arran, 8, 158, 159, 210; Erse or
Evangelicals, 204.
Irish, 173; Gaelic songs, 314 ff.
Evil-eye, the, 291 ff., 303.
Gall-Gael, 11, 15.
Ewen, King, 21.
Galloway, Scots in, Norse in, 13, 15.
9 ;

Exports of Arran, 170, 229.

Game, 189-90, 244, 249.
Faidhir an t-Seasgainn, 344. Game, a girl's, 312.
 ;

384 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Gemma. (See Maithgemm.) Hamiltons, in Sannox and Loch Ranza,
General Assembly, the, 139. 53 ; the, 57 ; and FuUartons, 57 and ;

Ghosts, 290. Lennox Stewarts, 59 and rise ; origin

Giant, story of, 275. of, 64-5 cinquefoils of, 67 and ecclesi-
; ;

Gildas, 3. astical lands, 86; Protestant, 88; and

Glasgow, 28; Cathedral, 46, 76, 83, 135; Douglases, 89 surname wasted, 89 ; ;

237 steamers from, 243.

; and Montrose, 92 for Knockfergus, 93 ; ;

Glen Cloy, 31, 54, 76 hidden heir in, 121. ; and Commonwealth, 108 name, 117. ;

Glen lorsa, hidden heir in, 121. Harvest rite, 253-4.

Glenree, clearance in, 215, 216. Hastings, Sir John de, 30, 35.
Glen Sannox, clearance in, 216 ff. Headrick, Rev. James (cited), 123; on
'
Glenskordill (Glen Scorradale),
' mer- same, 190 ; on enclosing, 195 ; and rents,
chant from, 91 ;
giant in, 275. 195-6; and housing, 198, 252.
Goat Fell, 14. Heather Bell, the, 244.
Goats in Arran, 214 ; milk, 242. Hebrides, 15.
Godred the Black, 17. Helensburgh s.s., trip of, 243.
Gofraith MacFergus, 11. Hendersons in Arran, 115.
Grassum, 38, 49. Henrys, emigrant, 219, 225.
Greenock, 134, 180, 218, 219, 237, 243. Herrey or Hersey, 14.
Griffin, the name, 116. Hibernia, 9.
Gule (corn-marigold), 176. High Steward, Alexander the, 19.
Holy Isle, 12, 21, 23 St. Molaise ; in, 69,
Hakon, King, 20, 21, 22, 23, 90. 70, 71, 72, 73 ; friars in, 74 ; burials in,
Haldane, brothers in Arran, 204-5 in : 75 monastic property in, 85, 120
; ; 196.
Sannox, 205-6, 209. Housing in Arran, 198-9.
Hamilton, James, Duke of Chatelherault, Hunter, John, forester of Arran, 66 ; name
53; Duke of, 63, 86, 103; first Lord, 64; Hunter, 117 Hunters, 119. ;

Lord John, 67 ; Marquis of, 67 ; first

IMACHAR, ferry to Saddell, 45 packet- ;
Lord, grant of Arran churches to, 81 ;
boat at, 180; 'Tymoquhare,' 352.
Bishop James, 86 Duke William ;
Improvements in 1815, 213 fi. 228. ;
(Douglas) of, and William of Orange,
Innis Eabhra, 284.
89, 109 Sir James of Finnart slays Earl
;
Innse-Gall, 15.
of Lennox, 89 Marquis of, 94 ; second
;
Inverkip harried, 47.
Duke of, 94 Marquis of, non-resident,
;
Inverness, township (Canada), 220.
96 ;Duke of, claims compensation for lona, 12 burial at, 75.
;
justiciarship, 97 ; Lord, contract with
Ireland, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12 ; Norse in, 15 ;
keeper of Brodick Castle, 97-8 Lord ;
25, 28 ; Church dedications in, 77 93, ;
John and Patrick, 99-100 ; Paul, 100, Megantic emigrants from, 225.
163 ;
102-3; Marquis of, loo-i, 353; Marquis
Iron industry in Arran, 123 ff. (See
made a Duke, 103, 104 Duchess Anne, ;
Bloomeries.)
104-5, 108-10 first Duke's debts, 108
;
Irvine, 134.
Duke James, of Brandon, 110; James, Islay, 18 ;
'
good John of,' 75.
fifth Duke, III sixth Duke and the ;
Ivar the Boneless, 12, 13.
Forty-Five, iii; Duke and Brodick
Church, 141 seventh Duke as a minor,
; Jacobites in Arran, 111-12.
173; Archibald, ninth Duke, 226, 227; James, church of, 77.
Alexander, tenth Duke, 226 Douglas, ; James, Prince, capture of, 41 James 11., ;

eighth Duke, 227 ; in steamboat business, 45, 46 James iii., 63

; James IV., 51, ;

243-4 Duke of, and Free Church, 247,

; at Arran, 66 117 James v., 52, 89
; ; ;

248 Charters, 352, 353.

;
James vi., 57, 66, and Irish troubles, 93.
 ; ; ;

INDEX 385
Jamieson, Neil, of Bute, 42. Lag, kelp at, 196 flax-mill at, 237. ;

Justiciarship, 58, 96 ; hereditary in Hamil- Lag-nan-Sassunnach, 108.

tons, 97.
Lake St. Joseph, 220, 226.
Lamlash, 10 grave-mound at, 12
; ; bay,
Kblp, 196-7. 21, 24, 60, 182, 183, auctions in, 202 ;

Kelso, 80, 81. Mellache,' 60

'
; Castle, 40 ;
'
Almo-
Kelso (name), 81, 117 emigrants, 219.
;
lach,' 66 69 ; ;
'
Helantinlaysche,'
Kendloch of Raynsay, 352. '
Almeslache,' 69 saint of,
;
73 ; 77,
Kenneth MacAlpin, 11. pier no;
79; 109; village, at,
Kerrs, 81, 117. green, 120; meeting at, 181; 'poor's
Kilbride, 36, 78 '
kirktoun of,' 70, 79, asylum at, 183
; '
settlement of fisher- ;

239 ; burial at church, 75, 79 parish, men, new church at, 186
;
183 ;

77, 79, 138 ; sailors from, 125 ; church, departure of emigrants from, 218 ;

186, 351 ; churchyard, 81, 103 ; ministers fair at, 239 pier at, drownings, ;

of, 139-141 ; Session Records, 147 ff.,

244 ; United Free Church in, 248.
166, 294-5 ; schools in, 161 charity in, ;
Lanark, Earl of (Hamilton), 94, 104, 353.
163-4 fi-, 166 frugality in, 232
; poor ; Land Court, 249.
in, 233 rent in, 239 Disruption in, 246.
; ;
Largs, 22 battle of, 22.
;

Kildonan, 55, 59, 62, 77. Lasrian. (See St. Molaise.)

Kilmorie parish, 77, 79, 138
: church, ; Leac Sheumais, 120.
77, 78, 79, 82 new church, 186 elders ; ; Lennox, 22 Earl of, 60, 61, slain by a
;

in, 115 income of, 82 rectors of, 82-5,

; ; Hamilton, 89 Earl of, 90. ;

351; vicar, 83; Session Records of, 130, L6r (Lear), 2, 3, 68.
138, 147 fi., 295-7, 298-9 ministers of, ; Letter (1823) from Sannox, 209.
141-5 manse burned, 142 patronage
;
; Lewis, 14, 252, 253.
case, 143-4; collections in, 164, 233; Libraries: in Arran, 163; in Megantic, 163.
bad money in, 166 ; charity in, 232-3 Limestone in Arran, 183-4, 201.
rent in, 239 fair, 241 Disruption in,
; ;
Lithgow, WiUiam (cited), 103.
246; grant of church, 351. Loch Long, 22.
Kilns, 200. Loch Lomond, 22.
Kilpatrick Cave, as schoolroom, 162. Loch Ranza, 14, 92, 96, 117; '
Loch-
Kilwinning, 36 Abbey, 80, grant ; of ranisay,' twenty-pound land of, 52 ; old
Arran churches to, 80-1, 351. churchyard, 81; Castle, loi, 102;
Kindly tenants (see Rentallers), 170; chapel at, no; and Sir Walter Scott,
kindly tenancies, 172. 113; fishing at, 238.
King's Cave, 113 ; Session meetings in, '
Lochede,' Loch-head, 36.
147 Fingal's Cave,' 252.
; '
Lords of the Isles, 42, 48 Lordship, 61. ;

King's Cross, burial at, 13, 23. Lost Piper, the, 272.
Kinlochranza, 36, 44. Lothian, 19.
Kintyre, i, 6, 7, 18, 20, 21, 29, 45, 114, 115, Loup, 45, III.
163, 252 ; MuU of, 8, 20, invaders
21 ;

from, 42, 44, 46 ; Earl of Sussex burns, MacAlister Reginald, Ranald, 44 ff.
:

90 and Ireland, 93.

; farms 227 ; lessee of Arran, 47
of, 44, ;

Knapdale, 35, 36, 45 ; invaders from, 42. dies in debt, 48; 'Angus M'Rannald
Knightslands, 62, 354-6 FuUartons in, ; Moir, 86-7 Allaster,' loi ; Hector (2)
;
'

55 acquisition by Hamiltons, 62, 356.

; and Forty-Five, 111-12; Hector in
'
Knokransay,' house of, loi. Moine Choile, 202.
Knox, Bishop (cited), u8. MacAUsters, the, 42, loi, and Hamiltons,
100, 102 of Loup, loi, III, and
;

hady Mary, the, 244. Tarbert, in in Arran, 114. ;

VOL. II. 3 c
386 THE BOOK OF ARRAN
M'Braynes in Arran, 115. Maurice, Sir, vicar of Arran, 78, 79.
M'Bride, Rev. Neil, 144, 159, 206. Megantic County, 213, 220 ff.
M'Brides, M'Bridan, 117. MeiUachan a' Bheannain, 278.
M'Callum, Peter, story of, 122. '
Melansay,' 14.
M'Cooks, name, Ii6. Menteith, John de, 27, 28, 30, 80 ;and the
MacDonalds, 17 Angus, 29 Lords of tlie
; ; Isles, Earldom of, 35 ; Sir John (the
Isles, 42, 48, 308 James of Dunyveg, ;
last), 36, 37.

53, 60, 61, 62; and Shisken, 85; of Michael, Archangel, 76 ; Michael-Brian,
Sanda, 62 Allaster of Dunyveg, 92
; '
' ; 77 ; 'of the white steed,' 77.
and Irish rebels, 93 in Arran, 114 121. ; ; Mihtia in Arran, 126, 128.
M'Duffy, NeU, tenant in Glen Sherraig, 52. Moladh Mhaidhsie, 336.
M'Gregor, Captain Colin, 245. Molaise. (See St. Molaise.)
MacGregors in Arran, 115. Monro, Dean (cited), 59, 60, 74.
Machrie, 29. Monsters, stories of, 276.
Macintosh in Arran, 308. Montgomerys, in Sannox, 40, 46, 87 ; in
M'KeUar steamboats, 243. MacAUster's farms, 46 in Loch Ranza ;

MacKelvies in Arran, 115. and Catacol, 48 George, in Sannox,

;

Mackenzies in Arran, 115, 122 emigrants, ; 52 ; Hugh, first Earl of Eghnton, 52 ;

219, 225 Sir George and Arran, 63.

; 64 ; Protestants, 88 Thomas of Skel-
;

M'KiUop, Archibald, 219, 220, 222, 224 ;

morlie. Justiciar, 96 Robert of Skel-
;

Colonel, 225, 226 Megantic bard, 226. ; morlie, loo-i ; 227.

M'Killops, 117 ; emigrants, 219, 225. Montreal, 219.
MacKinnons, 117; emigrants, 219, 225. Montrose, Marquis of, 92.
M'Kirdys, M'Curdy, 126. '
MuUones,' 40.
Macleans and Irish rebels, 93. Murchie, Murphy, 116.
MacMasters in Arran, 117. Murray, Earl of assassin; of, kept in
M'Millan, Rev. Angus, 144, 145 cited on ; Arran, 94.
revivals, 207 ff., ; and Disruption, 247. Mynwy, 3.
MacMiUans in Arran, 114, 117 emigrants, ;

219, 225. Na MHleachain, 276.

Macraes in Arran, 115. Na Sithichean — Claoinead, 257.
M'Taggart, Captain Ronald, 244. Navy, Arran men in, 126-7 quota for,i28. J

MacTavish in Arran, 115. Nets, manufacture of, 170, 197.

Mairi bg, 343. New Hamilton, 222.
Maithgemm, mother of St. Molaise, 70, 73. Norse, 10, 11, 13 names, 14; 19, 22, 23, ;

Malcolm 11., 19. 25 units of land, 50

; place-names. ;

'M.a.Q,lsleoi,3,8{Monaoeda,Monarina); and Appendix D.

the Isles, 17 18, 19, 20 Magnus of, 21.
; ; Northumbria, 13.
Manannan MacLir, 2, 68. Norway, 15, 19, 20 ; the Annual, 23.
Marbh-Rann, 315.
Marbh-Rann d'a Mhnaoi, 332. Oath of Pdrgation, 151-2.
Margad, 21, 22. Oban Bay, 20.
Markland, 14. Olaf the White, 12 Olaf(r), 23.;

Martin, Martin (cited), 8, 53, 57, 58, 113, Oran a Rinneadh, 347.
118,254; on fishing, 169-70 ; on people, Oran do 'n T-Saoghal, 337.
173 on drinking, 198 on Baul Muluy,
; ; Oran Eile, 319.
308-9. Oyan Gaoil, 317.
'
Mary of the Gael," 77. Oran na Dibhe, 329.
Mary, Queen, 59, 66 ; Hamiltons and, 89, Orkney, 23.
102 ; 93. Ormidale, 14.
 ; ;

INDEX 387
Ospak, son of Dugall, 20. Riada, Renda, 9.
Ossian, 4; Macpherson's, 146; Mound, Road money, 186.
252. Roads, 186-7, 200-1, 210, 235 fl. statute ;

Ottawa, 219. labour on, 236 fines, 214, 236.

;

Ounce-land, 50. Robert i. (see Bruce) ; Robert 11., 55, 58

Robert iii., 55, 58, 81.
Packet-boat, 178-181, 239, 242 ; steam, Robertsons in Arran, 117.
232. (See Steamers.) Rogue money, 186.
Parishes, the, 78-9 ;
properties of, 85. Rossmore, Lord, 227.
Pennant, Thomas (cited), 113, 118, 123; Rothesay, 20 ; Excise court at, 134
on people, 173 ; on game, 190 ; on Arran Tolbooth, 178.
dejection, 197-8. Rowan knot, the, 293, 299.
Pentland Firth, the, 19. Rudri, 20.
Perthshire, lo. Run-rig, 171, 213, 228.
Physician in Arran, 167, 187.
Pictland, 4. Sabbath-breaking, 149, 152 fi., 166 ; in
Picts, Pictish, 8, 9, 10, 11 ; pirates, 71. Canada, 224.
Piers, 238, 244. Saddell, Abbey of, 40; lands of, 45, 62,
Pimmill, 237 herring at, 238.
; 85, 86, 87, 353.
Pladda, 14, 133 ; Pladow,' Hamiltons '
St. Blaise of Pladda, 76, 77.
acquire, 62, 356 76; 196. ; St. Brigit, Bridget, Bride, church of, 36;
Plague in Arran, 181. 76, 77, 254, 351 ; day of, in schools,
Plough, the wooden, 200. 163.
Point St. Charles, 219, 220. St. Fintan, 71, 73.
Poor in Arran, 232-3. St. James, church of, 77.
Pope, the, Kilmorie cases with, 82, 84. St. Lawrence, river, 218.
Portincross, 38. St. Mary, church of, 36, 78, 351 ; income
Potato crop, failure of, 249. of, 82 (see Kilmorie) ; at Slidderie, 77.
Preaching Cave, the, 145, 288. St. Michael, 76.
Presbjrterianism in Arran, 245. St. Molaise, 23, 69 ff. ; miracles of, 71 ; in
Press-gang in Arran, 127-8. Holy 71
Isle,73. ;

Ptolemy, map by, 8. St. Nicholas (Quebec), 223.

St. Ninian, 68.
Quebec, emigrants at, 219 ; 220, 223, St. Patrick, 4, 76.
225. Salt Tax, 129.
Saltcoats, 134, 136 ; communication from,
Rack-renting, 87. 178, 180, 239, 242.
Ranald, Reginald, 17 ; of the Isles, 18 ;
Sannox, 14, 46, 52, 53 ; Church land in,
of Man, 19 ; 20 ; King of Isles, 74, 85 87; 92, 96, 117; Independents in, 206,
MacSorlet, 353. 209, 245.
Rathlin, 12 ; Rauchl6, 27 ; 29. Satiri (Kin tyre), 15.
Red cloaks (scarlet mantles), 210-11. Schools in Arran, 155 flf.
; Assembly, ;

Reformation, the, 84, 85, 86, 88. 160 ;in Kjlmorie, i6i in Shisken, ;

Renfrew County, Quebec, 219. 161 at Blackwaterfoot, 161

; accident ;

Rentallers, 51, 52, 170. in, 162; in Megantic, 224.

Rents of Arran, 39-40 ; abatements, etc., Scotch Settlement, the, 222 picnic at, 226. ;

43-4. 45 ff- ; 249-50- Scotia,kingdom of, 18, 19.

Revivals, 203 ff. Sean-Fhacail mu'n Aimsir, 311.
Revolution of i688, the, 88, 139 ; Restora- Shaw, Rev. William, 145-7.
tion, the, 109, 175; in 1840, 229. Sheep in Arran, 195, 213, 214, 215, 216.
 ;
;

388 THE BOOK OF ARRAN

Sheriffdom of Bute and Arran, 59. Thames, river (Quebec), 220.
Shetland, 23. Thomson (see MacTavish), Lachlan,
Shisken, 40, 52 lands of, S5, 87, 353
;
veteran, 127.
MacAlisters in, 114; 127; schools in, Tigh na Beisd, 276.
161, 162 vale of, 165; 247.
;
Tighenrach, annalist (cited), 70.
Shorter Catechism, the, 155. Tonredder, Tonereachar,' 55, 62, 355-6.
'

SiUars, the name, 116. See Knightslands.

Sith Eamhna, 18. Toward, 38.
Sithichean Dhruim-a-Ghineir, 259. Tuatha De Danann, 3.

Skene (cited), 8. Turnberry, 31 ; Castle of, 32.

SkuUs, 7. Turnbull, Bishop, and Arran, 46, 47.
Sledges, 200-1. Tyrone, Earl of, 93.
Mary's of, 77 battle at, 252.
Slidderie, St. ;

Smugglers, smuggHng, 126, 129-37. Ulster, 26, 70.

Social Customs, 309 fi. Ultan of Arbreccan (cited), 72.
Somerled, 17, 18, 19. Union, of the Crowns, 95 of Parlia- ;

Spanish Ambassador, report of, 93. ments and Duke of Hamilton, no;
Steamers, Arran, 232, 243 ff. and railway ; of Churches, 248.
companies, 244-5. Uruisg Allt-UilUgyidh, 284.
Steward, Walter the, 36 ; Robert the,

37, 55 James the, 54.

;
Veterans in Arran, 126-7.
Stewart, Rev. Gershom, 141, 142, 143, 203. Vigleikr, 23.
Stewarts, the, 35, 37, 58; of Bute, 40, Vikings, the, 13, 14 ;
'
Viking,' 17 ; West-
52 (WilUam), 59, and fire-raising, 99 ;
ern, 17.
of Ardgowan 59 (John), 62 Ninian, ; Villages, proposed, 183.
Sheriff of Bute, 59, 64, 354-5 James, ;
Visitors in Arran, 237, 250.
of Kildonan, 59, 61 Lennox, 59 of ; ;

KUquhilly, 62 Lady Mary marries

; Wages, 239.
Boyd, 63, marries Lord Hamilton, 65 Wales, Norse in, 13.
of Arran as Protestants, 88 in Arran, ; Wallace, William, 26, 27 ; The Wallace,
115, 116, 119; emigrants, 219, 225; 26; 28.
charters by, 355-6. Weather proverbs, 311.
Stirling, 38, 40. Westenra, Hon. Henry, 227.
Strabane (' Strawband '), boats laid up at, '
Whitehouse,' tower at, 60.
182. Whiting Bay, 31 ; pier at, 244 ; steamer
Strathclyde, 10, 19. competition, 245.
Stycas, a, at King's Cross, 13. Wilham and Mary, 109, no.
Surgeon. (See Physician.) WiUiam the Lion, 19, 30.
Sussex, Earl of, burns Arran, 90. Witchcraft, 149, 294 ff., 303.
Wood in Arran, 123, 184-5, 200.
Tarbert, 15 constable of, 34.
; Worcester, battle of, 94, 104.
Tea in Arran, 233.
Teignmouth, Lord (cited), 232, 233. York, Archbishop of, 13.
Tenpenny lands, 59. Youngson, Rev. Robert, 94.

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at the Edinburgh University Press