V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

The study was commissioned by:Jamii Thabiti.

It interrogates issues underlying the continued promotion of
VAWG in various cultures.

Landline: +254 20 2710484/5

Ground Floor, Prosperity House, Westlands Road, Nairobi, Kenya
P. O. Box 4320, 00100, Nairobi
www.jamiithabiti.co.ke
Twitter: @jamiithabiti

Collaborative Centre for Gender and Development

Muguga Green Road, House 331, Westlands. P.O. Box 27559-00506,
Nairobi-Kenya. Telephone:+254 20 529 6488;
Email: [email protected], [email protected]
Website: www.ccgdcentregd.org

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 V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

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ABBREVIATIONS
ACERWC African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child
AIDS Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
ASFR Age Specific Fertility Rate
AWSC African Women’s Studies Centre
BPFA Beijing Platform for Action
CCGD Collaborative Centre for Gender and Development
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
CoK Constitution of Kenya
CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child
ET Elim Trust
FGM Female Genital Mutilation
GBV Gender Based Violence
HIV Human Immunodeficiency Virus
HPV Human Papilloma Virus
IEC Information, Education and Communication
KDHS Kenya Demographic and Health Survey
KNBS Kenya National Bureau of Statistics
KNCHR Kenya National Commission on Human Rights
MDGs Millennium Development Goals
NASCOP National AIDS and STI Control Programme
NCCS National Council for Children’s Services
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
PRB Population Reference Bureau
PSRI Population Studies and Research Institute
SDGs Sustainable Development Goals
SRH Sexual and Reproductive Health
SRHR Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights
STIs Sexually Transmitted Infections
TB Tuberculosis
TFR Total Fertility Rate
UN United Nations
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNFPA United Nations Fund for Population Activities
UNICEF United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund.
UoN University of Nairobi
VAWG Violence Against women and Girls
WHO World Health Organization

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... 3
Abbreviations .................................................................................................................... 4
Introduction....................................................................................................................... 6

Violence Against Women And Girls In Kenya: Adopting A

Human Rights Based Approach by Caroline Nyakinyua Wambugu................................... 12

Reproductive And Sexual Health Rights In Kenya In Relation To

Early Child Marriage by Wanjiru Gichuhi.......................................................................29

Impact Of Female Genital Mutilation Practice On Women And

Girls Empowerment by Josephine Wanjiru Kagucia......................................................... 46

The Crisis Facing Kenyan Universities In Addressing Emerging Patterns Of

Violence Against University Female Students
by Kagunda, Julia & Bikeri, Cathy........................................................................................ 61

Violence By Omission: Disabling Silences Culturally

Imposed On Girls And Women by Joseph Muleka........................................................... 75

The Impact Of The Negative Portrayal Of Women In Chinua Achebe’s

Things Fall Apart And Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s The River Between
On Female Socio-Cultural Empowerment by Lucy Loice Nabukonde (Rev.Sr.).............. 87

Violence Against Women And Girls: Transformation

Through Literature by Dr Selline Oketch........................................................................ 113

Socio-Cultural Transformation: The Key To Ending Violence

Against Women And Girls by Mary Wambui Kanyi ....................................................... 129
The Contributors’ Bio-Data .......................................................................................... 145
Editors ..............................................................................................................................146

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Introduction

Violence against women and girls is widespread across all cultures though in varying degrees
and forms. The United Nations General Assembly (1993) defines violence against women as
“any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or
psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary
deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life”, (General Assembly
Resolution 48/104, 19931). The most common forms of violence against women and girls
include domestic violence, sexual violence, female genital mutilation (FGM), early and forced
marriages, sex trafficking and honour killings. Most of these forms of violence are rooted in
the unequal power relations between men and women and perpetuated by cultural norms and
practices.

Various interventions have been adopted both at global and national levels with the aim to
address any form of violence against women and girls. Among these are international
instruments such as The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women (CEDAW), adopted in 1979 by the UN General Assembly, which is often referred to
as the International Bill of Rights for Women and Girls. Other international instruments on
violence against women and girls include the United Nations Security Council Resolutions
(UNSCR) 1325 and 1820 on Women, Peace and Security which, among other things, reject
violence against women as the latter impedes the advancement of women and maintains their
subordinate status. Furthermore, these instruments demand security forces and systems to
protect women and girls from gender-based violence in times of conflict. The Beijing Platform
for Action (BPFA) also addresses the issue on violence against women in one of its twelve
critical areas of concern.

Kenya is a signatory to most of the above key international instruments such as CEDAW, the
Beijing Platform for Action, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs), among others. In an effort to fulfil her international obligations
and commitment to end gender based violence, Kenya has enacted various national policies
such as the Sexual Offenses Act; the Children’s Act; the Sexual Offenses Act 2006; the

1
Reference
General Assembly Resolution 48/104 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, 1993

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Prohibition of FGM Act and the Kenya National Action Plan (KNAP) on Peace and Security.
Moreover, in an effort to promote primary prevention of the numerous forms of violence
against women and girls (VAWGs), all the relevant provisions have been embedded in the
Constitution of Kenya 2010. All these instruments aim to promote the enjoyment of human
rights, including the right of Kenyan women and girls to be free from violence. Unfortunately,
despite all these interventions, women and girls’ enjoyment of the right to be free from violence
remains a mirage. This is because violence against women and girls remains widespread across
all social categories.

It is within this context that the African Women Studies Centre (AWSC) of the University of
Nairobi, in collaboration with Jamii Thabiti, organized a one-day Colloquium on violence
against women and girls. The objectives of the Colloquium were to:

 provide an opportunity for researchers from diverse disciplines to disseminate research

findings on violence against women and girls among stakeholders;
 provide an opportunity for the Collaborative Centre for Gender and Development
(CCGD) to share research findings on “The status of SGBV Policies and Laws”;
 Come up with recommendations for bridging existing gaps in promoting primary
prevention of violence against women and girls (VAWG).
The Colloquium was held on Thursday, September 22nd 2016 at the University of Nairobi.
Sixty-seven participants drawn from diverse fields, including academia and civil society,
attended the colloquium.

Prior to the Colloquium, in mid-July 2016, AWSC sent out a call for research papers on primary
prevention of violence against women and girls which were to be presented at the Colloquium
and published into a publication at a later date. There were two broad sub-themes that allowed
a wide range of research as follows:

Impact of social, cultural, economic and political violence against women and girls (VAWG)
on women’s empowerment

Challenges, opportunities and progress made by various stakeholders such as the civil society,
judiciary, state agents (police), Legislature and the academia in addressing the selected form of
VAWGs.

Following the call for papers a number of researchers expressed interest in participating and
making presentations at the Colloquium. Altogether eleven researchers developed and

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presented research papers. The papers covered diverse disciplines, including education,
literature, social anthropology, psychology and sociology, among others. The researchers had
applied diverse research methodologies, including but not limited to:

 Desk review of existing literature was predominantly used to collect data by most
writers such as Dr Muleka, Dr Gichuhi and Kanyi.
 Critique of literary writers’ depiction of women was the choice of Dr. Selline Oketch
who critiqued Aminata by Francis Imbuga and Dr. Sr Lucy who chose to critique Ngugi
wa Thing’o’s The River Between.
 Participant observation as a primary data source was applied by Kanyi.
In exploring the various aspects on violence against women and girls (VAWG), the researchers
employed manly descriptive data analysis techniques, as Sister Lucy notes, the “methodology
of this research design was qualitative and descriptive in nature”. The findings are presented
in sections which generally have an abstract, introduction, methodology, main findings and
conclusion.

After peer review and editing, eight of the eleven papers presented at the Colloquium are
published here. The papers reflect the individual authors’ views and opinions on VAWG and
are largely influenced by the diverse disciplines the writers belong to. They mainly focus on
four broad thematic areas, namely: cultural norms and values, education, psychological
violence and, literary criticism.

In her paper titled Early/Child Marriage and Reproductive & Sexual Health Rights in Kenya,
Dr Gichuhi of the Population Research Institute (PRI), argues that although most countries may
have laws against early/child marriage as violation of human rights, their implementation and
enforcement are weak. This makes it difficult to eliminate violence against women and girls.

According to Dr Seline Oketch, there are widespread forms of domestic violence and
incestuous rape sometimes resulting in the death of the victims, stripping and intimidating
women in the streets for not complying with arbitrarily imposed dress codes and, corrective
rape in South Africa, among many forms of violence. She hopes that literature can shed light
on these troubling matters and suggests transformative approaches which will heal societies
torn apart by these incidents. Male violence inflicted on women is rooted in male privileged
societies where men feel threatened by women’s increasing visibility and their claiming of their
rights as equal human beings. She finds that Francis Imbuga, a Kenyan male writer, exhibits
similar concerns in his works. He is aware of cultural and historical issues underlying present

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ambivalent situations where women are increasingly powerful yet so victimized. Her paper
looks closely at Imbuga’s selected texts as he explores literary possibilities which nurture
attitudes that allow men and women to recognize and affirm the other’s humanity. Dr Oketch
poses the question whether Imbuga’s vision is a realizable model in the modern African world.

Nabukonde notes that literature is the mirror of a society as well as a rare revelation of human
existence on earth. Sr Nabukonde’s study sought to establish how the earlier male writers who
wrote before and soon after independence perceived and presented the image of women. In her
paper, she critiques Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi wa Thiongo’s The River Between
and investigates how reading Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s The River
Between has curtailed the positive experiences of the African women, preventing their socio-
cultural empowerment. According to Nabukonde, both Achebe and Ngugi discuss culture and
colonialism; both patriarch authors portray women negatively and hence readership of their
works has a significant negative bearing on the socio-cultural empowerment of women. The
researcher concludes that male writers who wrote before and in the early sixties were said to
be a product of patriarchal ideologies and these have continued to be so in the world of readers
and critics, thereby perpetuating a reduced image of women. Women constitute the majority of
the black population, yet violence against women and girls remains widespread not only in
books but in the real world as well. Nabukonde concludes that “there is need to write many
texts depicting gender balance”.

Dr Muleka’s paper is titled Violence by Omission: Disabling Silences Culturally Imposed on

Girls and Women. The writer creatively uses the narratives, songs, proverbs and day to day
conversations of the Abakhayo, a sub-ethnic group of the larger Luhya community of Western
Kenya to demonstrate how communities have used silence as a tool of suppression, oppression
and/or intimidation of girls and women. The Abakhayo, he argues, impose silence on women
and girls at three levels: first, by controlling or restricting their expression which is an attempt
to minimize the ability, capacity and spaces for girls and women to express themselves.
Secondly, the society also attempts to silence girls and women by totally denying them
expression, in what could be seen as actualizing the principle of “women should be here to be
seen but not to be heard”. And thirdly, the society also often uses the element of “blacking
out” which means denying women and girls knowledge of some issues, often in the belief that
they have no capacity to handle such information. After analysing these situations, the paper
concludes that the silences, to a large extent, attempt to disable, deprive or cause emotional

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anguish, which then amounts to psychological violence, for the victims suffer loss of self-
esteem and/or denial of empowerment to live full and meaningful lives.

In her paper, Violence against Women and Girls in Kenya: Adopting a Human Rights Based
Approach, Wambugu attributes VAWG to cultural ideologies/norms, sexual/stereotypes,
traditions and state ambivalence and argues that violence against women and girls is not only
a consequence of gender inequality, but reinforces women’s low status in society and the
multiple disparities between women and men. And, although a number of stakeholders have
for a long time tried to address the issue through legislation, the same is scattered across various
statutes; thus, not guaranteeing the protection of women. This paper evaluates the issue
including Kenya’s statutory regime against the prescription of international legal instruments
and seeks to establish how best a human-rights-based approach would address this
phenomenon.

In her paper, Sociocultural Transformation: Key to Ending Violence against Women and Girls
(VAWG) Kanyi argues that violence against women and girls is a sociocultural phenomenon.
And, as a sociocultural phenomenon VAWG can most effectively be eliminated through the
change of societal norms, values and practices that perpetuate violence to norms, values and
practices that promote peace and peaceful resolution of conflicts among individuals and
institutions. Through the socialization process the males and females in such a society will
learn the new norms and values and gradually eliminate VAWG. Therefore, the various agents
of directed social change should target the institutions of socialization such as the family, the
learning/academic institutions, the media and opinion shapers to promote primary prevention
of VAWGs through the promotion of a culture of peace.

In her paper, titled, Towards Comprehensive Integration of Psycho-Social Crisis Facing

Kenyan Universities in Addressing Emerging Patterns of Violence against University Female
Students, Kagunda argues that, according to a recent research by Elim Trust (ET), there is a
culture developing of normalizing violence in relationships or transactional sex which make
survivors feel helpless and due to stigmatization, they are forced to conceal their experience.
Kagunda identifies economic challenges, peer pressure and alcoholism as some of the key
drivers contributing to relationship based VAWG, among others. Kagunda proposes three
interventions to address the vice, namely: establish student structures to equip the leaders with
tools and skills to transform the emerging culture of normalizing VAWG; raise and equip a
group of foot soldiers to act as peer mentors in addressing the issue of sexual and gender based

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violence SGBV, HIV/AIDS and sexual reproductive health in their respective campuses and,
finally, promote awareness and sensitization through art and other functions.

In conclusion, the various authors contend that there is widespread violence against women
and girls across all sectors of the Kenyan society despite the many efforts by the various
stakeholders and legislations to address the vice. Therefore, there is need for a multifaceted
approach to promote primary prevention of violence against women and girls. While there is
no single bullet to eliminate the vice, most authors are of the opinion that transforming the
norms, values and cultural practices that promote VAWG, would be a step in the right direction.

Mary Wambui Kanyi,

University of Nairobi – African Women Studies Centre (AWSC)

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Violence Against Women And Girls In

Kenya: Adopting A Human Rights Based
Approach
By Caroline Nyakinyua Wambugu

Contents
1.0 Introduction ....................................................................................................................13

2.0 Violence against Women and Girls in Kenya ...............................................................15

2.1 Legal Framework ....................................................................................................... 16

2.2 Kenyan Legislation ......................................................................................................18

3.0 Adopting Human Rights Based Approach: A Proposal ............................................. 20

3.1 Duty Bearers and Rights Holders ............................................................................... 23

3.2 Challenges of Adopting a Human Rights Based Approach ........................................25

3.3 The Way Forward .........................................................................................................26

Conclusion .............................................................................................................................27

References .............................................................................................................................28

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1.0 Introduction
Violence against women and girls in Kenya became a national issue in 1998 with the case of
Betty Kavata, a woman who succumbed to the beatings of her police officer husband. As
activists rose up, seeking an end to violence against women, local and international media
extensively and sensationally covered the news. Since then Kenya has adopted/enacted a
number of International Treaties and Conventions in her strive to address the menace. The
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is
one of the most widely accepted conventions. However, cases of violence against women and
girls are still hitting the headlines with severe cases reported in the recent past. The term
violence can be defined as any harmful act that is perpetrated against one person’s will and that
is based on socially ascribed (gender) differences between males and females. This violence
could be physical, sexual, verbal or psychological. These forms of violence are both subtle and
blatant, impacting quite negatively on the economic development and the most anticipated
desire of all nations - to eliminate all forms of discrimination.

Kenyan legislation such as the Sexual Offences Act, the Penal Code, the Children’s Act and
other policy frameworks make provisions that safeguard women and girls from all forms of
violence. The Constitution of Kenya, too, under the Chapter on the Bill of Rights has
recognized several related rights as human rights, thus recognizing a human-rights based
approach to violence against women and girls. This approach is, however, proving hard to
implement owing to a number of factors which seem embedded in our society, making it hard
to change the status quo.

A number of stakeholders have for a long time tried to address the issue of violence against
women and girls with legislation on the same being scattered across various statutes; thus, not
guaranteeing the protection of women.

Thus, the objective of this paper is to evaluate the phenomenon of violence against women and
girls. It gives a background of how the issue has evolved overtime, highlighting the different
forms of violence that affect women and girls in Kenya, emphasizing the impact it has on the
society at large and showing how it is of interest to policy makers.

The paper also highlights Kenya’s statutory regime against the prescription of International
legal instruments. A proposal is later given on adopting a Human Rights based approach as a
more effective way of addressing the phenomenon.

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Violence has been given different definitions such as the use of physical force to harm someone,
damage property, etc.; great destructive force or energy; actions or words which are intended
to hurt people. Black’s Law Dictionary defines it as “unjust or unwarranted exercise of force,
usually with accompaniment of vehemence, outrage or fury”.

The World Health Organization defines it as “the intentional use of physical force or power,
threatened or actual, against oneself, another person or against a group or a community which
either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological
maldevelopment or deprivation”.

The United Nations thus defines violence against women as “any act of gender-based violence
that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to
women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether
occurring in public or in private life.” According to the UN General Assembly, 2006 the
perpetrators of violence may include the State and its agents, family members (including
husbands), friends, intimate partners or other familiar individuals, and strangers.

Violence against women and girls encompasses, but is not limited to, “physical, sexual and
psychological violence occurring in the family, including battering, sexual abuse of female
children in the household, dowry related violence, marital rape, female genital mutilation and
other traditional practices harmful to women, non-spousal violence and violence related to
exploitation; physical, sexual and psychological violence occurring within the general
community, including rape, sexual abuse, sexual harassment and intimidation at work, in
educational institutions and elsewhere; trafficking in women and forced prostitution; and
physical, sexual and psychological violence perpetrated or condoned by the state, wherever it
occurs.”

Particular groups of women and girls, such as members of racial, ethnic and sexual minorities;
HIV-positive women; migrants and undocumented workers; women with disabilities; women
in detention and women affected by armed conflict or in emergency settings, may be more
vulnerable to violence and may experience multiple forms of violence on account of
compounded forms of discrimination and socio-economic exclusion.

Violence against women occurs throughout their life cycle with some being subjected to
violence before birth through sex-selective abortions or the effects of battering during
pregnancy on birth outcomes. In later stages of their life, violence among women and girls
occurs in different forms, too. At infancy, there is female infanticide as well as physical, sexual

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and psychological abuse. During girlhood, girls are exposed to child marriage; female genital
mutilation; physical, sexual and psychological abuse; incest; child prostitution and
pornography. At adolescence, they face dating and courtship violence such as acid attacks and
date rape; economically coerced sex (e.g. school girls having sex with ‘sugar daddies’ in return
for school fees) or even incest. During adulthood women face sexual abuse in the workplace;
rape; sexual harassment; forced prostitution and pornography; trafficking in women; partner
violence; marital rape; dowry abuse and murders; partner homicide; psychological abuse; abuse
of women with disabilities or forced pregnancy. Among the elderly there are incidences of
forced ‘suicide’ or homicide of widows for economic reasons and even sexual, physical and
psychological abuse.

The above forms of violence are attributable to cultural ideologies/norms,

sexuality/stereotypes, traditions and the state ambivalence. Violence against women and girls
is not only a consequence of gender inequality, but it also reinforces women’s low status in
society and the multiple disparities between women and men.

Violence against women and girls has a lot of consequences to the individual and also to the
society at large. Its effect may be immediate, long-term or even intergenerational. There could
be multiple consequences for women and girls, such as physical, sexual, mental and even death.
Violence against women and girls may include but is not limited to homicide, serious injuries,
mental/emotional illness, sexual and reproductive problems, poor social function, low
productivity and income and low education and political participation. At societal level, the
consequences are mostly financial due to the high cost of healing the affected and loss of
productivity. The UN Millennium Project Task Force on Gender Equality recognized that
ending violence against women and girls is one of seven strategic priorities needed to achieve
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

2.0 Violence against Women and Girls in Kenya

While welcoming the enactment of the 2006 Sexual Offences Act, at its forty-eighth session
the Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women reiterates its concern at the
high prevalence of violence against women and girls and widespread incidents of sexual
violence, including rape, in both the private and public spheres. The Committee is also
concerned that such violence appears to be socially legitimized and accompanied by a culture
of silence and impunity and cases of violence are thus underreported. This underreporting is
possibly encouraged by Section 38 of the Sexual Offences Act which exposes the victims to

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prosecution in certain circumstances. The Committee notes with concern that marital rape is
not recognized as a criminal offence in either the Sexual Offences Act or in the Family
Protection Bill 2007. The International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women,
marked on 25th November 2015 was a sixteen-day campaign calling for action to prevent
violence against women and girls.

On his recent visit to Kenya Pope Francis condemned violence against women. He emphasized
the need to curb all practices that violate women’s rights “in obedience to God’s word, we are
called to resist practices that demean women and threaten the life of the unborn.”

The UN Women, on its global data base on violence against women, gives a statistical data on
different forms of violence against women aged 15-49 in Kenya. The statistics and forms of
violence vary depending on the kind of relationship the women are in. According to the 2014
Kenya Demographic and Health Survey of Kenya, four out of every ten Kenyan women
undergo some form of violence, whether physical or sexual.

Moreover, violence against women and girls in Kenya was highly escalated by the post-election
hostilities. During that period women and girls experienced very humiliating forms of violence.
For instance, they had to exchange sex for food and also for their own security as they shared
shelter with men who were not their relatives.

2.1 Legal Framework

Kenya has ratified the International Covenants on the Civil and Political Rights and the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. It is also Party to the African
Charter on Human and Peoples Rights and the African Charter on the Rights of the Child.
Kenya has also ratified the Conventions on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
and on the Rights of the Child.

Furthermore, there are a number of Legal instruments which relate to the issue of violence
against women and girls. These Instruments have guided the drafting of relevant legislation by
individual countries, including Kenya. The following is a brief overview of some of these
Instruments.

2.1.1 The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
was adopted in 1979; entered into force in 1981 while its Optional Protocol was enforced in
2000. It was the first International human rights treaty devoted to the rights of women. The
Convention defines discrimination against women identifying different forms of violence and

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their effects. It establishes an agenda for national action to end all forms of discrimination
against women. State Parties to this International Treaty are obligated to undertake all measures
necessary to protect and maintain women’s human rights and end all forms of discrimination
against them (due diligence standard), as well as submit national reports periodically on
measures taken to comply with their treaty obligations. The original Convention had not
expressly addressed the issue of violence. However, General Recommendations Nos. 12 and
19 clarified that the Convention includes violence against women and makes detailed
recommendations to States Parties. The Convention obliges all States Parties to take
appropriate measures, legislative and non-legislative, to prohibit all forms of discrimination
against women where "discrimination against women shall mean any distinction, exclusion or
restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying
the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a basis
of equality of men and women, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political,
economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field.”

General Recommendation No.12 makes it a requirement that States Parties should act to protect
women against violence of any kind occurring within the family, at the work place or in any
other social area of life. While General Recommendation No.19 highlights most of the Articles
in the convention such as the one on definition of gender based violence and how it can express
itself and also the rights that women, too, should enjoy. It further discusses the likely causes of
discrimination, how these can be avoided and the role the state should play.

2.1.2 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women

The landmark Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women was adopted in 1993.
Although it is not legally binding, it provides a framework for analysis and action at the
National and International levels. Article 1 of the declaration defines violence against women
as “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual or
psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary
deprivation of liberty whether owing in public or private life”.

2.1.3 Convention on the Rights of the Child

The Convention on the Rights of the Child or CRC was adopted in 1989 and entered into force
in 1990. The Convention is legally binding and obligates States Parties to recognize and uphold
children’s basic human rights and protections, without discrimination, including with respect
to abuse-protection from all forms of violence by parents or other caretakers (Article 19),
Sexual Exploitation (Article 34) and Trafficking.

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2.1.4 Beijing Platform for Action

In response to violence against women and girls in 1995 the Fourth World Conference on
Women identified specific areas of action that governments should take to prevent such
violence. The issue of violence against women features as a chapter, and is one of the twelve
areas for priority action with an expansive definition of forms of violence.

2.1.5 The African Charter on Human and People’s Rights

The Organization of African Unity, through the African Charter on Human and People’s
Rights, in Article 18 (3) makes provisions for States to ensure the elimination of all
discrimination against women and to ensure the protection of the rights of the woman and the
child as stipulated in International Declarations and Conventions. States thus should eliminate
all forms of discrimination against women which thus can be construed to include
discrimination in the form of violence against women.

2.1.6 The African Charter on the Rights of the Child

The African Charter on the Rights of the Child in Articles XVI on Protection against Child
Abuse and Torture, XXI on Protection against Harmful Social and Cultural Practices, XXII on
Armed Conflicts Situation, XXVII on Sexual Exploitation and XXIX on the Sale, Trafficking
and Abduction, all constitute legal provisions protecting the child against violent acts or
practices.

2.2 Kenyan Legislation

Kenya has drafted and passed a number of Legislation acts that directly or indirectly address
the issue of violence against women. Some of these include but are not limited to the following.

2.2.1 The Constitution of Kenya, 2010

The Bill of Rights in the Constitution of Kenya 2010 under Chapter 4 stipulates a wide range
of rights and fundamental freedoms. The Constitution further recognizes a number of important
general principles that are of importance to gender equality.

Article 10 (2) (b) sets out the national values and principles of governance to include, among
others, human dignity, equity, social justice, inclusiveness, equality, human rights, non-
discrimination and protection of the marginalized. Article 19 (2) states the purpose of
recognising and protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms as being to preserve the
dignity of individuals and communities and to promote social justice and the realization of the
potential of all human beings. The Constitution has further recognized human rights that can
be construed to protect women and girls from all forms of violence. Article 53(d) provides that
every child has the right to be protected from abuse, neglect, harmful cultural practices, all

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forms of violence, inhuman treatment and punishment and hazardous or exploitative labour.
Article 25 stipulates fundamental Rights and freedoms that may not be limited. These are
freedom from torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and freedom
from slavery and servitude. Article 29 provides that every person has a right not to be subjected
to any form of violence.

2.2.2 Sexual Offences Act No 3 of 2006

The Sexual Offences Act was enacted in response to the escalating sexual violence. Its primary
objective was to define, amend and consolidate laws on sexual offences. It also redefined
particular issues, especially those related to rape, bringing in newer sexual offences that exist
in modern society. It also served to bring stiffer and enhanced penalties and also provided for
easier reporting. One shortcoming of the sexual offences Act is that it did not criminalize
marital rape.

2.2.3 The Penal Code, Cap 63, Laws of Kenya

In its provisions, the Penal Code prohibits all acts of violence. It, however, does not sufficiently
address Sexual Gender Based Violence which is prevalent within the Kenyan society. Sexual
Gender Based Violence, for instance, is only inferred by virtue of interpreting the vice as an
assault as provided for under section 250 and 251. There is no specific offence such as wife
battery/husband battery. The inadequacies in addressing Sexual Gender Based Violence
present challenges to the fight against the vices.

2.2.4 Children’s Act, Cap 141, Laws of Kenya

The Children’s Act makes provisions for the safeguarding of the rights and welfare of the child.
The Act stipulates that all activities done on behalf of children should be in the best interest of
the child. Violence meted against children, therefore, does not constitute best interest of the
child. Section 13 guarantees children (both girls and boys) the right to protection from physical
and psychological abuse, neglect and any other form of exploitation including sale, trafficking
or abduction. Under Section 14 children are protected from female circumcision, early
marriage or other cultural rites, customs, or traditional practices which are harmful to the
child’s development. The Act also explicitly prohibits sexual exploitation of children as well
as actions that expose children to torture or cruel or inhuman treatment such as circumcision or
child marriages.

2.2.5 National Policy Guidelines on the Management of Sexual Violence

This guiding policy framework is critical as it spells out the essential procedures and services
for the management of survivors of sexual violence and explicitly recognizes sexual violence

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References
Bunch, Charlotte. "The Intolerable Status Quo: Violence against Women and Girls." The
Progress of Nations 1 (1997): 41-45.see abstract

http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/

http://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/dictionary/english/

http://thelawdictionary.org/violence

http://thelawdictionary.org/violence/

http://www.who.int/violenceprevention/approach/definition/en/

General Assembly Resolution 48/104 Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against

Women, 1993.

http://www.un.org/documents/ga

CEDAW/C/KEN/CO/7.

http://www.unicef.org/policyanalysis/rights/index_62012.html

Political Rights of Women in Islam, October 30, 2014 by Dr Milena Rampondi. A translation
of the work of Prof Abdulhamid al-Ansali

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Reproductive and Sexual Health Rights in Kenya in

Relation to Early Child Marriage

By Wanjiru Gichuhi

Contents

Abstract ................................................................................................................................30

1.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 30

2.0 Legal Framework .......................................................................................................... 31

2.1 International Standards on Child Marriage ....................................................... 31

2.2 Legal Frameworks Governing (Child) Marriage in Kenya ............................... 33

3.0 Child Marriage and Reproductive and Sexual Health Rights ...................................36

3.1 Girls’ Physiological Immaturity to Give Birth ................................................... 36

3.2 Risks for HIV and Other Sexually Transmitted Diseases .................................. 37

3.3 Sexual Debut, Contraception and Fertility ......................................................... 39

3.4 Harmful Practices ................................................................................................ 41

4.0 Conclusion and Recommendations .............................................................................. 42

References .............................................................................................................................44

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Abstract
According to Mathur et al. (2003) while in 2002 over 52 million girls under 18 years of age
were married, over 25,000 girls of the same age get married daily and an estimated over 100
million were projected to be married by 2012. Studies show that child marriages occur most
frequently in South Asia and Africa, where 48 per cent and 42 per cent respectively of women
aged 15–24 were married before the age of 18 (UNICEF, 2005). Although the definition of
child marriage includes boys, most children married at under 18 years of age are girls. For
instance, in Kenya the girl: boy ratio of marriage before age 18 is 21:1 (PRB, 2006).
Interestingly, though laws against early/child marriage exist and the practice is viewed as a
violation of human rights, in many countries the implementation and enforcement of such laws,
if at all they exist, is weak. Moreover, Bruce (2007) laments that social and health policies have
paid minimal attention to child brides as a separate category. Though experts and researchers
argue that awareness of reproductive and sexual health rights in developing nations is growing
(Nour, 2006), these rights are among the most sensitive and controversial in international
human rights law, though guaranteed in various treaty documents and clearly delineated
government obligations to protect them (KNCHR, 2012). This study undertakes to explore
through a review of literature, how early child marriage for girls affects their reproductive and
sexual health rights and provides recommendations for policy.

1.0 Introduction
Early/child marriage, a situation where girls or boys are married before the age of 18 years, is
a violation of human rights (UNFPA, 2016) and a cultural practice that interferes with life
course opportunities for many young individuals in a society. Many children in the world,
especially girls, are deprived of the chance to advance to their full potential and to a bigger
extent are exposed to life threatening health consequences by merely being subjected to early
marriage. Despite international laws against the practice, it’s still widespread, often due to
persistent poverty and gender inequality (UNFPA, 2016; UNESCO, 2013; WHO, 2012;
Population Reference Bureau, 2010; UNICEF, 2012; 2005). Global statistics continue to show
an increasing trend where currently in a single day, about 39,000 girls became child brides,
especially to older men and every year about 13.5 million are married before age 18. According
to estimates this number will increase to 16.5 million girls per annum by 2030.

Even more disheartening about these figures is the fact that for every 9 girls, one will be married
before her fifteenth birthday (Equality Now, 2014). Studies agree that child marriages take

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place most frequently in South Asia and Africa (UNICEF, 2005) and disproportionately affect
the girl child (Equality Now, 2014; UNICEF, 2012; 2005), though with diverse regional
variations. For instance, in Kenya, according to the Population Reference Bureau (2006), the
girl/boy ratio of marriage before age 18 is 21:1. As broadly argued, the consequences of child
marriage are severe and long-lasting, affecting the girl’s education, health, and physical and
emotional well-being (UNESCO, 2013; WHO, 2012). When girls marry, they are often forced
to drop out of school (UNESCO, 2013) so they can assume household responsibilities and thus
the vicious cycle of poverty and other problems starts early (Council on Foreign Relations,
2013). In most low- and middle-income countries, complications of early pregnancy and
childbirth are the leading causes of death in girls aged 15–19 years (WHO, 2012; UNFPA,
2016). Moreover, studies reveal that girls who are married may also be exposed to sexually
transmitted infections, including HIV (UNFPA, 2016). The main objective of this paper is to
explore, through a review of literature, how early/child marriage for girls affects their
reproductive and sexual health rights. Specifically, it examines the legal framework on child
marriage with reference to international standards and within the Kenyan context. It further
describes the relationship between early/child marriage for girls and their reproductive and
sexual health rights and identifies a number of mechanisms that could be extended towards
recommendations for policy.

2.0 Legal Framework

With efforts of the United Nations and partners, international initiatives to address
discrimination and violence against the vulnerable exist. Many countries, though not all, have
ratified these conventions and guidelines. Some of these frameworks include the 1979
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and
the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) just to mention a few.

2.1 International Standards on Child Marriage

The specific right of the child (a person under 18 years old) and the girl-child in particular to
enjoy her human rights to the fullest extent, and therefore, not to be married off, has been
addressed by several major UN treaties and their corresponding treaty monitoring bodies. The
1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW), ratified by 187 countries (excluding, Iran, Palau, Somalia, Sudan, Tonga and the
United States), has the clearest and strongest language on this issue:

Article 16 (2)

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Article 16 (2) stipulates in Part IV, page 6 that the betrothal and the marriage of a child shall
have no legal effect, and all necessary action, including legislation, shall be taken to specify a
minimum age for marriage and to make the registration of marriages in an official registry
compulsory. In addition, Article 16 (1) (b) of CEDAW stipulates that women shall have the
same right as men “freely to choose a spouse and to enter into marriage only with their free and
full consent.” (p. 6).

In the light to CEDAW, it is evident that international law clearly defines child marriage as a
human rights violation through provisions in several instruments. Similarly, Article 24 (3) of
the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), requires States to “take all effective and
appropriate measures with a view to abolishing traditional practices prejudicial to the health
of children,” (p 7). In its General Comment No 13 (United Nations, 2011), the CRC Committee
includes child marriage in a list of acts that are considered as falling within the category of
“traditional practices” referred to in Article 24.

In addition to prohibiting marriage under the age of 18 years, international law requires that the
minimum age of marriage should be the same for both men and women. In General
Recommendation no. 21, the CEDAW Committee called on States to abolish provisions that
establish different ages for marriage on the basis of sex, which are founded on discriminatory
ideas about gender. Further, in its General Comment No. 4 (United Nations, 2003), the CRC
Committee elaborates that Article 2 of the CRC (which prohibits discrimination) should be
interpreted as requiring specifically that the minimum age for marriage should be the same for
both men and women.

Coram Children’s Legal Centre (2016) pronounce in their combined General Comment on
harmful practices, the CRC Committee and CEDAW Committee, that child marriages that
include dowry payments could constitute a type of “sale of children”, which is prohibited under
article 2(a) of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of
children, child prostitution and child pornography. The CEDAW Committee has also
repeatedly emphasized that the institution of dowry may violate the right to freely choose a
spouse. However, we have to assess such issues contextually and culturally. In some cultures,
dowry is replaced by bride price or wealth which might have similar implications but different
arrangements. For instance, in Kenya bride price/wealth which is provided for by the man to
the bride’s family is prevalent. Nevertheless, while both may have some cultural merits to the
specific society in question, they are known to be consequential not only on the possibility of
the choice of a spouse but also may contribute to violence mainly against women.

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2.2 Legal Frameworks Governing (Child) Marriage in Kenya

In legal terms, Kenya has a plural legal system. A plural legal system is one where two or more
systems for redress exist in the same nation (African Child Policy Forum, 2013). These may be
based on formal laws, religious laws and traditional systems based on customary laws. The
formal legal system is put in place by the government and comprises statutory laws, judicial
institutions as well as related systems and mechanisms. A religious legal system is based on
the beliefs of a particular religion. The traditional legal system is based on non-legal forms of
normative social ordering, that have existed in communities for a long time (African Child
Policy Forum, 2014). These traditional systems often vary from community to community and
comprise tribunals presided over by traditional and community leaders who have no legal
training but are well versed in traditional norms.

Within some plural legal systems in Africa, customary laws are given Constitutional
recognition as part of the State’s law. In relation to marriage, the Constitutions in Africa
recognize customary marriages. Of these, Kenya’s Constitution (2010) mandates the
government to enact a law that recognizes marriage concluded in the religion and tradition of
the spouses (Article 45(4)). In most instances, the Constitution expressly indicates its
supremacy in relation to any other law, as seen in the Constitution of Kenya (Section 2). Thus,
the set minimum age of marriage or any other condition for the capacity of marriage which is
sanctioned by law or customary practice will be deemed void to the extent of its inconsistency
with the Constitution.

The minimum age of marriage can be construed from the Constitution of Kenya (2010) as 18
years for both girls and boys. In addition, the Child Act (2001) provides for a non-
discriminatory minimum age of marriage which is set at 18 years for both boys and girls and
further provides that children subjected to early marriage are entitled to measures of special
protection. Child marriage is punishable by a term of imprisonment not exceeding twelve
months, or a fine not exceeding fifty thousand shillings or by both such imprisonment and fine.

According to the African Child Policy Forum (2013), Kenya has adopted a strong legal
framework to protect children from early marriage by setting the minimum age at 18 years and
criminalizing child marriages. Experts cite Kenya as one of the best systems in terms of having
a strong legal and policy framework to prevent child marriage. Kenya has ratified most of the
core instruments related to child rights, including the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare
of the Child, the CRC and its first two Optional Protocols, the ILO Conventions on the
Minimum age of Employment and on the Worst forms of Child Labour, and in the case of

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Kenya, the African Women’s Protocol (African Child Policy Forum, 2014). It has also made
good progress in harmonizing child-related laws with international standards as it was one of
the first countries in Africa to come up with a consolidated children’s statute (African Child
Policy Forum, 2013).

By establishing Children’s Courts, Kenya is also one of the few countries in Africa to have a
separate and specialized justice system for children, where measures specifically applicable to
children apply. To follow up on the implementation of child-related laws, Kenya also
established an independent coordinating organ for children’s rights, the National Council for
Children’s Services (NCCS). There is also the National Commission for Human Rights, which
is responsible for monitoring the implementation of human rights, including children’s rights.
In terms of its obligations to submit periodic reports to treaty bodies, Kenya has demonstrated
good practice by submitting reports to both the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child and
the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (only 17 African
countries have submitted reports to the African Committee).

But it’s often argued that one of the major challenges in enforcing minimum age of marriage
legislation is that this is a practice embedded in beliefs associated with cultural and sometimes
religious norms, which are not easy to change. In addition, sometimes this is also perpetuated
by the prevalence of plural legal systems pertaining to marriage, of which many societies tend
to opt for the traditional system as traditional norms relate to the lives of the citizens. This
challenge has often been cited by the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child
(UN Committee) and the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child
(ACERWC), as a major challenge in the fight against child marriages. In very recent times,
there have been some arguments in favour of lowering the global legal age at marriage
(consent) from 18 to 16 years. Although a few countries in the world have the lower age as the
minimum consent age, such an undertaking would be unfair, especially for women. This is
because of diverse cultural beliefs and practices. Thus, against all odds, the two years
difference, have significant implications for many girls in many parts of the world and would
undermine many gains for the girl child.

According to the Government of Kenya (2010) adolescents aged 10-19 years constitute about
24 per cent of the country’s total population (9.2 million). Adolescents face severe challenges
to their lives and general well-being. For instance, they are vulnerable to unsafe abortion,
sexual violence, malnutrition, reproductive tract infections (including sexually transmitted
infections (STIs)), female genital mutilation (FGM), as well as early/child marriages and early

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and unintended pregnancy. Muganda-Onyando & Omondi (2008) add that the consequences of
unintended pregnancies among girls in Kenya include termination of education, child marriage
and unsafe abortion. It is estimated that about 13,000 girls drop out of school annually in Kenya
due to early and unintended pregnancy and evidence from the Kenya Demographic and Health
Survey (KDHS 2008-2009 shows that among adolescent girls who had started childbearing by
age 18 in Kenya, 98 per cent were out of school (KNBS and ICF Macro, 2010). It’s also evident
from the same study that child marriage is still rampant in Kenya, especially among the rural
communities, despite the enactment of laws prohibiting the practice.

In addition to the challenges of early/child marriages, married children have less access to
sexual and reproductive health (SRH) information and services (Muganda-Onyando &
Omondi, 2008). Although experts and researchers argue that awareness of reproductive and
sexual health issues in developing nations is growing (Nour, 2006), these rights are among the
most sensitive and controversial in international human rights law (Centre for Reproductive
Rights) though guaranteed in various treaty documents, and clearly delineate government
obligations to protect them (KNCHR, 2012). Thus, protecting sexual and reproductive health
and rights (SRHR) of girls not only saves lives and empowers the whole community, but it can
also lead to significant economic gains for individuals, families, and nations. However,
universal access to SRHR is still not fully realized in many parts of the world such as Kenya
(KNBS and ICF Macro, 2010), despite the potential benefits to human wellbeing and
economics (FCI, 2005). Universal access to comprehensive sexual and reproductive health
services would enable girls to lead healthier lives and to contribute towards the realization of
the Medium Term Plan (2013-2017), Vision 2030, and Post-2015 Development Agenda of the
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Kenya.

First pregnancy at an early age is risky. WHO (2012) shows that although births among
adolescents account for 11 per cent of all births worldwide, they account for 23 per cent of the
overall burden of disease due to pregnancy and childbirth among women of all ages. In low-
and middle-income countries, complications of pregnancy and childbirth are the leading cause
of death in women aged 15–19 years. Early, unwanted pregnancies are associated with
increased levels of induced abortion, which when carried out in unsafe conditions. carries
severe health risks, including death (Equality Now, 2014). According to WHO (2012) in 2008,
there were an estimated three million unsafe abortions in developing countries among 15–19-
year-olds. Up to 65% of women with obstetric fistula developed this during adolescence, with
dire consequences for their lives, physically and socially. UNFPA (2004) share similar

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sentiments by stipulating that girls are not physically suited for giving birth, and when this is
combined with a lack of power, information and access to services, married girls experience
much higher rates of maternal mortality and morbidity than women who give birth. Girls
younger than 15 are five times more likely to die in childbirth than women in their 20s, and
pregnancy is the leading cause of death worldwide for women age 15 to 19 (UNFPA, 2004a).
In Kenya, maternal mortality remains high at 488 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births
(KNBS and ICF Macro, 2010). While this is below the Sub-Saharan average of 640 deaths per
100,000, Kenya experiences a very slow progression in maternal health.

3.0 Child Marriage and Reproductive and Sexual Health Rights

It’s very unfortunate that children are entered into early marriages by the same adults who are
supposed to protect them. Apart from the fact that these practices are violation to human rights
for such children, the long-life implications among the children are often immeasurable. The
section below highlights some of the risks and consequences that most of these children, mainly
girls go through.

3.1 Girls’ Physiological Immaturity to Give Birth

CDC (2002) posits that because the bodies of underage girls are still underdeveloped, this can
lead to complications during childbirth and the death of the child. It’s further argued that infants
born to adolescent mothers are much more likely to die than those born to women in their 20s.
Moreover, extensive research supports the fact that “adolescents may face greater adverse
complications during pregnancy compared to women of high age due to their gynaecological
immaturity and incomplete pelvic growth,” (Kalanda et al., 2006). This is why the prevention
of adolescent pregnancy is an effective intervention that is globally recognized including in the
SDGs, goal 3 of ensuring improved health for all.

Adolescent girls may be disadvantaged in maintaining a healthy pregnancy due to poor health
education, inadequate access to antenatal care and skilled birth attendance among other
healthcare services, or the inability to afford costs of pregnancy and childbirth (Republic of
Kenya, 2015). Adolescent pregnancy, whether intended or unintended, increases the risk of
maternal mortality and morbidity, including complications of unsafe abortion, prolonged
labour, delivery and post-natal period (KNBS and ICF Macro, 2010). Researchers and experts
concede that adolescent pregnancy is dangerous for the new-born child: in low- and middle-
income countries stillbirths and death in the first week and first month of life are 50 per cent
higher among babies born to mothers younger than 20 years than those born to mothers aged

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20–29 years, and the younger the mother, the higher the risk (WHO, 2012). The rates of preterm
birth, low birth weight and asphyxia are higher among the children of adolescent girls; all these
conditions increase the chances of death or future health problems for the baby.

In addition, delays in receiving medical attention or emergency obstetric care at a health facility
contribute to the high rates of obstetric fistula among adolescents (Nour, 2006). More than 2
million adolescents are living with fistulas, and each year fistulas develop in 100,000 more
adolescent girls. Girls aged 10–15 years are especially vulnerable because their pelvic bones
are not ready for childbearing and delivery. Their risk for fistula is as high as 88% (UNFPA,
2006). Once a fistula is formed, faecal or urinary incontinence and perineal nerve palsy may
result and may lead to humiliation, ostracism, and resultant depression (UNFPA, 2004). An
assessment by UNFPA (2004) on obstetric fistula showed there was a lack of accurate
prevalence data in Kenya. However, studies in Africa indicate that 58 per cent to 80 per cent
of women with obstetric fistula are under the age of 20. According to the KDHS 2008-2009,
nearly half (47 per cent) of pregnancies among adolescents were unintended and less than half
of girls aged below 20 reported that they delivered in a public or private health facility or with
the help of a skilled birth attendant (KNBS and ICF Macro, 2010). Unless the fistula is
surgically repaired, these girls have limited chances of living a normal life and bearing children.
More often than not, such women live a miserable life of discrimination and stigma. This is a
violation of human rights because the same society which provides an environment for the early
marriage that results in such negative outcomes fails to safeguard the safety of those who are
not lucky enough to overcome the tremendously encumbering circumstances.

3.2 Risks for HIV and Other Sexually Transmitted Diseases

Growing evidence from sub-Saharan Africa shows that married girls in the region are at a
greater risk of HIV infection than sexually active, unmarried girls. For instance, a study from
Johns Hopkins University found higher HIV rates among married women in rural Uganda (18
per cent) than young unmarried women (15 per cent) (Kelly, et al., 2004). A study in Kenya
and Zambia by the University of Chicago researchers found that among 15 to 19-year-old girls
who are sexually active, being married increased their chances of having HIV by more than 75
per cent (Clark, 2004). Study by McKinnon et al. (2014) found out that adolescents between
the ages of 10 and 19 years represented about nine per cent of persons living with HIV and 13
per cent of all HIV-related deaths in Kenya. They further reported that HIV testing rates for
Kenya are lowest among adolescents between 15-19 years (49.8 per cent), with only 23.5 per
cent reporting awareness of their status. NASCOP (2014) found out that among never-married

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adolescents, girls were less likely to have used a condom during their last sexual encounter (42
per cent) compared to their male counterparts (55 per cent).

A common belief is that child marriage protects girls from promiscuity and, therefore, disease;
the reality is quite different. Married girls are more likely than unmarried girls to become
infected with STDs, in particular HIV and human papilloma virus (HPV) (Laga et al., 2001).
Nour (2006) evidenced that child marriage and polygamy play an important role in another
deadly disease, cervical cancer. HPV infection has become endemic to sub-Saharan Africa (22–
24). Although many African nations do not have the capacity to adequately or effectively screen
for cervical cancer or HPV, the incidence of cervical cancer in Africa is estimated to be
extremely high. Common risks for cervical cancer are child marriage, low socioeconomic
status, poor access to health care, and husbands who have multiple sex partners.

In sub-Saharan Africa, girls aged 15–19 years are 2–8 times more likely than boys of the same
age to become infected with HIV (Laga et al., 2001). The risk of acquiring HIV from a single
act of unprotected vaginal intercourse is 2–3 times greater for women than men. Globally, the
prevalence of HIV infections among women is highest from ages 15 to 24; the risk for men
peaks 5–10 years later (Laga et al., 2001). In Kenya, HIV prevalence has decreased
significantly among young people aged 15 to 19 years, declining from about 3.0 per cent in
2003 to 1.1 per cent in 2012. The HIV prevalence rate for adolescents aged 15-19 was almost
similar for young women (1.1 per cent) and young men (0.9 per cent), while adolescents living
in urban areas had higher HIV prevalence rates (2.2 per cent) compared to their rural
counterparts (0.5 per cent) (NASCOP, 2014). According to (KNBS and ICF Macro, 2010) HIV
prevalence was 5.3 per cent among young women and 0.3 per cent among young men for
adolescents who report first sex before 15 years, Young mothers’ babies are also at high risk
of acquiring HIV at delivery and during breastfeeding.

The National Research Council and Institute of Medicine (2005) evidenced that young married
girls can be at risk of contracting HIV and AIDS if their husbands are significantly older and
therefore, more likely to have contracted HIV or AIDS in their lifetime. Large age gaps between
husband and wife are common in some regions of the world. In central and western Africa,
one-third of young women in their first marriages report having a partner that is at least 11
years their senior. In addition, a large age difference between the spouses is particularly
prevalent in polygamous unions, where adolescent girls can be the second or third wife of an
older man. There is evidence that the earlier a girl marries, the more likely her husband is to be

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significantly older than her (The National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, 2005).
Ending child marriage will eliminate a significant source of health risks for girls.

Sexually transmitted infections (STIs), especially those that are ulcerative, present an increased
risk of HIV infection and have significant implications for reproductive health outcomes
(Bruce, 2007). Among Kenyan adolescents aged 15-19, only one per cent of girls and 0.3 per
cent of boys self-reported an STI. Among those aged 20-24, 1.9 per cent of girls and 1.9 per
cent of boys self-reported an STI (KNBS and ICF Macro, 2010). However, these estimates are
likely to be underreported due to lack of knowledge of the common symptoms of these
conditions as well as routine clinical monitoring of STIs, especially among young people.

3.3 Sexual Debut, Contraception and Fertility

WHO (2012) stipulates that rates of use of contraception by adolescents are often low. The
global use of any contraceptive method by women aged 15–49 years who are married or in-
unions has risen from 55 per cent in 1990 to 63 per cent in 2007. Among adolescents it is lower,
but with large regional and country differences. A study of contraceptive use by married and
unmarried adolescents in Latin American, European and Asian countries showed rates ranging
between 42 per cent and 68 per cent. African countries have the lowest rates, ranging from 3
per cent to 49 per cent (WHO, 2012).

According to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (2010), the median age at first sexual
intercourse in Kenya is 18.2 years for women and 17.6 years for men. However, though the
median age at first sexual intercourse has shown some upward trends (from 16 in 1993 to 18 in
2008-2009), about 12 per cent of girls and 22 per cent of boys reported to have had sex by the
age of 15. In their study, Obare & Birungi (2011) found out that 37 per cent of girls and 44 per
cent of boys aged 15 to 19 years have had sex and that among married adolescent women aged
15-19, 40 per cent were currently using any method of contraception and 37 per cent were using
a modern method. In addition, although contraceptive use among adolescents varies with
region, residence, education, household wealth and marital status, notably, one in three
adolescent married girls (30 per cent) had an unmet need for family planning (KNBS, 2010;
and Obare & Birungi, 2011).

Several studies demonstrate that child marriage is linked to higher and less controlled fertility
among young women, reducing contraception early in marriage, increasing fertility rates, and
inflating poor fertility outcomes, including unwanted, rapid repeat and terminated pregnancies
(Raj et al., 2009). Studies by the International Council for Research on Women (2007) confirm

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that possible mechanisms related to the social context of child marriage include lower
contraception knowledge and access to family planning services among adolescent wives,
reduced family planning decision making control in marriages to older male partners, as well
as heightened control by in-laws.

KNBS (2010) explain that the Age Specific Fertility Rate (ASFR) for women in Kenya aged
15-19 is 96 births per 1,000 women and most recently it is estimated to have increased to 121
births per 1,000 women. Since 1975, the contribution of these age groups to the national Total
Fertility Rate (TFR) has increased from 32 per cent to 37 per cent in 2008 (KNBS, 2010). Even
though the ASFR for adolescents has declined over the years, the contribution of a large pool
of young women to total fertility rate is significant and increasing because of their absolute
numbers, early child bearing and marriage at a young age (KNCHR, 2012). Approximately 18
per cent of adolescents (15-19 years) had begun childbearing, ranging from 10 per cent among
girls with secondary education to 32 per cent among girls with no education. Among women
aged 20-24, one out of four (26 per cent) had begun childbearing by age 18 (Government of
Kenya, 2010).

Although country-specific adolescent mortality data may be limited in many countries in the
world (Mayor (2004), estimates from developing countries indicate that pregnancy and delivery
complications, including unsafe abortion, are the second leading causes of death for girls below
20 years. A recent study conducted on the incidence and magnitude of abortions showed that
girls below the age of 19 accounted for 17 per cent of all women seeking post-abortion care
services and about 45 per cent of all severe abortion-related admissions in Kenyan hospitals in
2012 (APHRC, 2013). Early pregnancies are also associated with higher overall fertility rates
(WHO, 2012). Reducing the number of early pregnancies and promoting adequate birth
spacing, contribute to lower total fertility rates. Lower total fertility rates, in turn, are associated
with a better health status of children.

Literature reveals that a number of factors have been associated with adolescent pregnancies.
While many adolescents may choose to get pregnant, many pregnancies occur in the context of
human rights violations such as child marriage, coerced sex or sexual abuse (Bruce, 2007).
Chandra-Mouli et al. (2014) adds that broader socio-economic factors such as poverty, lack of
education and limited economic opportunities among girls may also contribute to adolescent
pregnancy rates. In addition, the lack of reproductive healthcare services for adolescents,
particularly a lack of contraceptive education and affordable, available contraceptive

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 V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

commodities means contraceptive use among married and unmarried adolescents is generally
low in developing regions (Chandra-Mouli et al., 2013).

There is also evidence of association between adolescence and adverse neonatal outcomes such
as infant mortality, pre-term birth, low birth weight and malformations among the new-borns
of adolescent mothers. For example, the maternal mortality rates are higher at 260 per 100,000
among younger adolescents (15-19 years) as compared to 190 per 100,000 among older
adolescents (20-24 years) (Mallé, Ross, & Campbell, 1994). According to WHO (2012)
reproductive and maternal health agendas emphasize the right of all couples to have access to
safe, effective, affordable and acceptable methods of fertility regulation and the right of women
to access appropriate health-care services that enable them to go safely through pregnancy and
childbirth. However, adolescents face unique barriers to health services. Many countries have
laws that prohibit people less than 18 years of age from accessing sexual and reproductive
health services without parental or spousal consent, effectively denying many sexually-active
adolescents access to those services. Evidence suggests that training health workers, making
small changes in facilities to make them more responsive to adolescents, and sensitizing the
community are needed to reduce barriers and increase use of services by adolescents.

3.4 Harmful Practices

KNBS (2010) posits that a number of social and cultural practices, some rooted in traditional
attitudes and others evolving around modern times, have a direct impact on the reproductive
health activities and status of adolescents and young people. These include: Female Genital
Mutilation (FGM), sexual abuse and violence, drug and substance abuse as well as child
marriage. FGM is a deeply rooted cultural practice that remains prevalent in Kenya, despite
being outlawed in 2001 by the Children’s Act and Prohibition of FGM Act 2011, and being a
violation of rights (NCPD, 2013). FGM is associated with immediate and long term social,
physical, psychological and health consequences. Among young girls aged 15-19, FGM
declined from 15 per cent in 2008 to 11 per cent in 2014 (KNBS and ICF Macro, 2010). These
levels are still quite high considering the numerous adverse consequences of FGM and that in
some communities the practice is nearly universal, for example, the North-Eastern region (98
per cent). Literature shows that girls who have undergone FGM as a rite of passage are likely
to drop out of school, enter into child marriage and early childbearing (NCPD, 2013; KNBS
and ICF Macro, 2010; and Population Reference Bureau, 2010).

Sexual abuse and violence are also of great concern when it comes to child marriage. A study
by UNICEF (2012) on violence against children in Kenya reveals that adolescent girls aged 13-

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 V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

17 were more likely to have experienced sexual violence in the previous 12 months (10.7 per
cent) compared to a similar age group of boys (4.2 per cent). In addition, in this UNICEF study,
nearly half of both adolescent girls and boys reported experiencing physical violence in the 12
months preceding the survey. Researchers and experts lament that adolescents who suffer
sexual abuse are more likely to be exposed to unintended pregnancy, unsafe abortion and STIs,
including HIV (Hindan, 2008; and Population Reference Bureau, 2010).

Studies have also shown that pregnant adolescent girls are more likely than older women to
smoke and drink alcohol, practices that can contribute to stillbirth, low birth weight and other
health problems in the new-born (WHO, 2012). By lowering child mortality, interventions to
prevent early pregnancies also contribute to the attainment of the Sustainable Development
Goal to “Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages,” for targets 1 and 2
on reduced maternal and childhood mortality. Teenage pregnancy is also likely to contribute to
higher school drop-out for girls. A recent media report (2016) in Kenya highlighted a high
number of girls in schools in some counties who were pregnant between the ages of 12-17 and
were found to be in class 5 to 8. In communities, especially where early marriage is prevalent,
such girls end up being married and their pursuit of education terminated.

4.0 Conclusion and Recommendations

It is evident from the literature that child marriage in Kenya has far-reaching health, social,
economic, and political implications for the girl child and her community. It truncates a girl’s
childhood, creates grave physical and psychological health risks, and robs her of recognized
human rights. Kenya has a favourable policy and legal context on early/child marriage and
Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights. However, there is need to address other aspects that
have a bearing on the health of young people. Income and social status are linked to living
conditions (physical environment) that include aspects such as safe water and clean air among
others. Other factors are social support systems, individual make up and gender related factors
(male and female adolescents and young people suffer from different conditions at different
ages). Undoubtedly, child marriage threatens girls’ lives and health, and it limits their future
prospects.

The specific right of the child (a person under 18 years old), and the girl-child in particular, to
enjoy her human rights to the fullest extent, and therefore, not to be married off, has been
addressed by several major UN treaties and their corresponding treaty monitoring bodies, as
well as the legal frameworks governing (child) marriage in Kenya. However, child marriage is

42
 V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

still rampant in the country, especially among the rural communities. Challenges still remain
in enforcing minimum age of marriage legislation. It is not easy to change a practice embedded
in beliefs associated with cultural and sometimes religious norms. In addition, Kenya has plural
legal systems pertaining to marriage and some communities practicing early/child marriage
tend to opt to uphold the traditional system.

Adolescents comprise about 24 per cent of Kenya’s population. This large adolescent
population has implications on the country’s health and development agenda as it is likely to
put increasing demands on the provision of services. Thus, adolescent girls require priority
attention from all sectors of both the government and development partners. The age of consent
(above 18 years); educational efforts to keep girls in school and help for those who get pregnant
in school to go back to and complete secondary education, play a key role in the health of
adolescents and young people.

Poor education is associated with stress as well as low self-confidence and ultimately poor
choices. Moreover, broader efforts to address health issues should incorporate comprehensive
sexual and reproductive health services and ensure the right for all to access those services and
to make decisions about their sexual and reproductive health. Undoubtedly, the provision and
access to universal sexual and reproductive health and rights may contribute significantly
towards improved maternal, new-born, and child health and a reduction of HIV/AIDS. In most
cases, care for these health issues can be delivered by the same personnel and facilities.

In summary, child marriage requires a multifaceted approach, focused on the girls, their
families, the community, and the government. Culturally appropriate programmes that provide
families and communities with information, education and communication (IEC), including
reproductive health services, can help stop child marriage, early pregnancies as well as illness
and death in young girls/mothers and their children.

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 V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

Impact Of Female Genital Mutilation

Practice On Women And Girls
Empowerment

By Josephine Wanjiru Kagucia

Contents

Abstract .................................................................................................................................47

1.0 Introduction ....................................................................................................................47

1.1 Background ..............................................................................................................48

1.2 FGM Definition ........................................................................................................49

1.3 Reasons for Practicing FGM in Kenya ..................................................................51

1.4 Emerging trends of FGM ........................................................................................51

1.5 FGM prevalence .......................................................................................................51

1.6 Methodology .............................................................................................................53

2.0 Complications of FGM .................................................................................................. 54

2.1 Physical Complications of FGM ............................................................................54

2.2 Psychological Complications of FGM ....................................................................55

2.3 Social Complications of FGM ................................................................................55

2.4 Sexual Complications of FGM ...............................................................................57

3.0 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................57

4.0 Recommendations ..........................................................................................................59

References .............................................................................................................................60

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Abstract
Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) commonly referred to as female circumcision or female
genital cutting is a cultural ritual widely practised with aiming at economic returns in the form
of bride price. The practice constitutes a human rights violation as it causes a lot of suffering
to women and girls which is compounded by the fact that it has no health benefits. One of the
reasons used to perpetuate the FGM practice is culture which views this action mainly as a rite
of passage that will lead to marriage. The practice has been identified as a human rights
violation and a violation against women and girls by a number of international treaties and
conventions which have been ratified by many countries, including Kenya. In line with this,
Kenya outlawed the practice under the Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act, 2011.
The decision to carry out FGM is usually made by the parents of the girl child without
consulting her. The practice can be done at any age from a new born through to an adolescent.
Using a mixed methodology, the paper outlines a myriad of complications associated with the
practice of FGM. The complications may have physical, psychological, social and sexual
effects. These can be encountered on a multitude of levels: as youth, as women and as potential
child brides. This, in turn, impacts negatively on women and girls' empowerment, both socially
and economically.

Key words: FGM; violence against women and girls; complications; impact

1.0 Introduction
In many African societies, Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) commonly referred to as female
circumcision or female genital cutting is a cultural ritual, performed as a prerequisite for
marriage. The practice has been carried out with the aim of getting economic returns for the
girl's family in the form of bride price which has been normally higher than that of an uncut
girl. FGM has also been used politically in some communities claiming that a man cannot be
elected in a leadership position if he is married to an uncut woman or if his mother was not cut.
Consequently, it is a societal expectation for girls to undergo FGM. The decision to carry out
FGM on girls is usually made by the parents or other relatives without consulting the girls.
FGM has no health benefits; in fact, it is a public health issue that has often given rise to
complications which sometimes lead to death. Hence, the FGM practice qualifies as a form of
social, cultural, economic, and political violence against women and girls.

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1.1 Background
Although Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is carried out globally, teenage girls in Africa, the
Middle East and Asia2 are the predominant victims of this outlawed practice, mostly carried
out as a way to control a woman's sexuality and prepare her for marriage. While there are no
health benefits to the procedure, the risks can be devastating and even life-threatening. FGM is
a public health issue and constitutes violence against women and girls and often contributes to
women and girl-child disempowerment. The practice has been identified as a human rights
violation and a violation against women and girls by a number of international treaties and
conventions which have been ratified by many countries. Key among them is the UN
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and
the Convention on the Rights of the Child since most FGM cases are performed on children.

Violence against women and girls (VAWGs) refers to any act of gender-based cruelty that
results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering to girls and
women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether
occurring in public or in private life3. VAWGs consists of violent behaviour, including by an
intimate partner and rape/sexual assault and other forms of sexual violence perpetrated by
someone other than a partner, including honour killings, female genital mutilation and women
trafficking4. Although violence against women and girls takes place across all socio-economic
and cultural backgrounds in many societies across the world, it is a symptom of underlying
gender inequalities and power imbalances.

With FGM considered as a form of violence against women, the UN Convention on the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) can be invoked. In the
same way, defining FGM as a form of torture brings it under the rubric of the Convention
against Torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment 5. The practice of FGM is
perpetuated by an entrenched sense of social obligation and is culturally supported because of
perceived economic, political and social benefits. The decision to carry out FGM is usually
made by the parents of the child, in consideration of their future prospects, especially marriage,
family and economic benefits. The child can either be a new born all through to an adolescent,
and they are never consulted. These young girls can be vulnerable on a multitude of levels: as
youths, as females, as potential child brides, and as a socially and economically disadvantaged

2
UNICEF. 2016. Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A global concern, UNICEF, New York, 2016.
3
http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs239/en/
4
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/85239/1/9789241564625_eng.pdf?ua=1
5
WHO. An interagency statement on FGM/C, issued by 10 UN organizations, was issued in 2008

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population owing to limited access to education, exposure and opportunities. In Kenya, FGM
was mainly performed on teenage girls as a rite of passage from childhood to adulthood, a stage
that prepared girls for marriage.

1.2 FGM Definition

Female genital mutilation comprises all procedures that involve partial or total removal of the
external female genitalia, or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons6.
The WHO has documented FGM into different categories depending on the extent of the
genitalia cut7 as shown in Table 1.

Table 1: FGM Classification

Type I — Partial or total removal of the clitoris and/or the prepuce (clitoridectomy).

o Type Ia, removal of the clitoral hood or prepuce only;

o Type Ib, removal of the clitoris with the prepuce.
Type II — Partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without
excision of the labia majora (excision).
o Type IIa, removal of the labia minora only;
o Type IIb, partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora;
o Type IIc, partial or total removal of the clitoris, the labia minora and the labia
majora.
Type III — Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and
appositioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris
(infibulation).
o Type IIIa, removal and apposition of the labia minora;
o Type IIIb, removal and apposition of the labia majora.
Type IV — All other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes,
for example: pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and cauterization.

Normal female genitalia, is as shown in Figure 1 below, while the pictorial presentation of the
four different types of FGM are as shown in Figure 2.

6
http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs241/en/
7
WHO. Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation: Interagency Statement (Geneva: World Health
Organization, 2008).

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 V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

Figure 1: A normal female genitalia

Source: World Health Organization, 2008.

Figure 2: Pictorial presentation of FGM types

Source: World Health Organization Classification of Female Genital Mutilation, 2008.

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 V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

1.3 Reasons for Practicing FGM in Kenya

Traditional reasons have been used to perpetrate FGM practice in Kenya. These reasons include
the following: a rite of passage enabling girls to transit from childhood to womanhood and to
be eligible for marriage which enables families to get wealth through bride price payment.
FGM is also practised as a cultural tradition that all women should undergo. Other reasons are:
FGM ensures cleanliness, sanitation and reduces women's sexual desires thus making them
faithful in their marriages. Community acceptance that allows cut girls to attend traditional
ceremonies and be respected in the society as well as the belief that these women will become
responsible and able to care for their families and give birth easily8 are among the reasons used
to perpetuate the FGM practice. FGM is also believed to be a religious requirement, especially
associated with Islam and supported by reasons such as hygiene, virginity and chastity, a
reduction of sexual desires and conferment of family honour9.

1.4 Emerging trends of FGM

After the enactment of the prohibition of FGM Act, 2011 that prohibits the practice of FGM
nationwide, coupled with a lot of awareness creation in the communities, there have been some
shifts in trends with regards to the practice, among them being a drop in the age at which the
practice is carried out. When this happens, girls as young as nine years are subjected to the cut
and for communities that practice FGM for marriage purposes, these girls are married off
immediately. Another emerging trend has been to cut girls individually and in secret as opposed
to cutting many girls at the same time and place. This has led to a separation between the
practice and the training and other rituals that followed the cut. The practice has also become
dangerous as girls are cut hurriedly and in darkness which in the process can lead to unintended
cutting of other parts of the genitalia. Girls are also not given enough time to heal. The type of
FGM is also being reduced from the more extensive types to lesser ones. Men are also marrying
uncut women but when giving birth, the men request the traditional birth attendants to cut them
during delivery without their knowledge, further violating their rights.

1.5 FGM prevalence

Although the exact number of women and girls who have undergone FGM globally is not
known, UNICEF estimates at least 200 million girls and women in 30 countries that have
nationally representative data on FGM prevalence to have been cut, with over half of these

8
ACCAF. 2016. Combined baseline survey in five counties (Baringo, Elgeyo Marakwet, Samburu, Narok and
West Pokot).
9
Jaldesa et al. 2005. Female Genital Cutting among the Somali of Kenya and Management of its complications.
Population Council

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 V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

residing in only three countries, namely: Indonesia, Egypt, and Ethiopia10. Another 3 million
girls and women are at risk of the cut each year, especially between birth and 15 years of age11.
FGM is mainly practised in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia and among immigrant
communities in Western countries, mostly when they have taken return home trips to their
country of origin. There are some cases of FGM being carried out in Western countries12.

In Africa, FGM is practiced in 28 countries, extending from Senegal to Somalia as shown in

Figure 3.

Figure 3: FGM/C prevalence among women 15-49 years across countries in Africa

Source: UNICEF global databases, 2016, based on DHS, MICS and other nationally
representative surveys, 2004-2015.

10
United Nations Children's Fund, Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A global concern, UNICEF, New York,
2016.
11
United Nations Children's Fund, Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A global concern, UNICEF, New York,
2016.
12
Berg et al. 2013. Interventions to reduce the prevalence of female genital mutilation/cutting in African countries.
Systematic Review 009. London: The International Initiative for Impact Evaluation (3ie)

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 V A W G: Exploring Some Unrecognized Causes

In Kenya, out of the 42 ethnic communities, only five do not practice FGM, namely the Luhya,
Luo, Turkana, Teso and Pokomo. Although the national FGM prevalence rate in Kenya has
declined to 21% according to Kenya Demographic and Health Surveys (KDHS) 2014, from
27% in 2008/09 and 32% in 2003, the rate can be deceiving as there are regional variations,
with North Eastern leading at 97.5% while Western region has the lowest prevalence at 0.8%.
FGM also varies across ethnic groups, with the Somali community having the highest
prevalence of 94%, followed by Samburu (86%), Kisii (84%) and Maasai (78%). Those who
live in the rural areas have higher probabilities of undergoing FGM (26%) compared to those
from the urban (14%) areas. Muslims are also more likely to undergo the cut (51%) compared
to any other religion1314.

FGM is practised mainly by traditional circumcisers (83%)15. These traditional circumcisers

are mostly elderly women who have learnt the art over time. They usually learn from their
mothers or other close relatives and practise with their daughters before carrying out the
procedures on other women. Because of the roles they play in the communities and sometimes
doubling out as traditional birth attendants, they are usually a respected group and are rewarded
with monetary or other material wealth such as goats 16. Medical professionals such as nurses
and midwives have also been reported as FGM perpetrators (15%)17.

1.6 Methodology
This paper used a mixed method approach. Firstly, I used data I gathered over time through my
interactions with communities during anti FGM campaigns. The method of data collection
involved discussions with different audiences, including women and girls survivors of FGM;
civil society organizations working in the field of FGM; health care providers offering care
services to women and girls affected by the practice of FGM; local administrators and
community members, including men and women. In addition, ethnographic methods that
included observations and note taking were also used. Some quantitative data was obtained
through reviews of available secondary information.

13
Kenya Demographic Health Survey, 2014
14
15
Ibid
16
ACCAF. 2016. West Pokot County baseline survey findings
17
Kenya Demographic Health Survey, 2014

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2.0 Complications of FGM

Despite FGM practice having no health benefits, the social and economic costs of FGM are
enormous and have ripple effects in the society. The WHO18 has documented a myriad of
serious complications spanning from short term to long term complications including physical,
psychological, social, and sexual effects on women and girls.

2.1 Physical Complications of FGM

The practice of FGM impacts greatly on the health of the victims. Among the complications
experienced are: Haemorrhage/bleeding immediately a girl undergoes the cut, which could lead
to anaemia in cases of much blood being lost; extreme pain, since the practice is carried out
without anaesthesia; difficulty in passing urine due to fear of urinating as a result of pain and/or
tissue destruction which causes urinary retention; acute infections mostly as a result of
unhygienic conditions and use of unsterile instruments for the procedure; failure of the wound
to heal as a result of sepsis; injury to the adjacent tissue of the urethra, vagina, perineum and
rectum; recurrent urinary tract and pelvic infections and fracture or dislocation resulting from
forceful holding down of girls, while they struggle due to the resultant pain. In some cases, the
FGM practice leads to death, which is then culturally attributed to lack of experience by the
practitioners or seen as an accident, although it can occur as a result of shock, excess bleeding
or as a result of multiple complications. Women also experience backaches resulting from
inflammation of the pelvis as a result of FGM. FGM can also cause infertility. The wound
sometimes results in keloids, cysts and abscess on the vulva. Women who have undergone the
worst form of FGM (infibulation) experience difficulties in menstrual flow. Owing to the
problems experienced during child birth such as obstructed or prolonged labour, some women
experience vesico-vaginal fistula (VVF) or recto-vaginal fistula (RVF). Most women who have
been infibulated, when giving birth at home end up being opened up in order to give birth and
later sown up again to close the genitalia. These women experience excruciating pain due to
the procedure being repeated.19 In some communities such as the Pokot20, cut women have
difficulties in peeing as a result of the covering seal created and they urinate as if the urine is
from the anus.

18
WHO. An interagency statement on FGM/C, issued by 10 UN organizations, was issued in 2008
19
ACCAF. 2016. Baringo County Baseline Survey Findings.
20
ACCAF. 2016. West Pokot County Baseline Survey Findings

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2.2 Psychological Complications of FGM

The experience of genital mutilation has been associated with mental and psychosomatic
disorders. The disorders include: shock as a result of pain and bleeding, trauma due to the
horrifying experience, resulting to fear and being bothered due to the cut status, which can lead
to poor performance in schools for girls and depression among some women. Others include
disturbances in eating and sleeping habits, mood and cognition, submission, inhibition and
suppression of feelings. The experience is a vivid 'landmark' in their mental development, the
memory of which never leaves them. The cut also makes the survivors feel humiliated and fear
becomes part of their lives as a result of enduring the consequences of genital mutilation. Others
find it difficult or impossible to talk about their personal experience, but their obvious anxiety
and sometimes tearfulness reflect the depth of their emotional pain. Girls suffer feelings of
betrayal, bitterness and anger that causes a crisis of confidence and trust in family and friends
and this may affect one's ability to form intimate relationships in the future, even perhaps with
her own children. For some girls and women, the experience of genital mutilation and its effect
on them psychologically are comparable to the experience of rape. As they grow older, women
may develop feelings of incompleteness, loss of self-esteem, depression, chronic anxiety,
phobias, panic attacks or even psychotic disorders.

2.3 Social Complications of FGM

FGM is of particular social concern when the practice limits a girl’s or a woman's future owing
to dropping out of school and being forced into early child marriages, especially when
performed as a rite of passage and for the purpose of marriage. When girls marry young, they
are expected to start families even though they are still young, leading to child/early
pregnancies hence exacerbating the situation already caused by FGM. As a result of the early
pregnancies, to the girls who most of the time have not yet fully developed to carry a pregnancy
to term, and their bodies often are not ready to handle the immense stress of childbirth are
unable to deliver without difficulties. This results into complications during childbirth which
is the leading cause of death for young girls aged 15 to 19 years which is not the case with older
women21. These child brides are disempowered in many ways, including since their economic
activities are limited as they cannot easily participate in farming, domestic work or rearing
animals which are most likely the main economic activity of the community. This contributes
to a continuation of the FGM practice and the cycle of poverty among such women further
exacerbating gender inequalities. Moreover, it further exposes such women to domestic

21
https://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/MarryingTooYoung.pdf

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violence due to their limited decision-making powers and makes them over dependent on their
husbands who are in many cases much older than the girls. Many girls continue to experience
health-related challenges of teenage pregnancies, including mortality and morbidity due to birth
related complications. The maternal mortality rates for women and girls in sub-Saharan Africa
are as high as those experienced by women in 19th-century England22. In many developing
nations, Kenya being among them, teenage girls remain vulnerable in terms of their
reproductive health even now. The Kenya Demographic and Health Survey (2014) indicates
that one in every five girls aged between 15-19 years has begun child bearing while about
13,000 teenage girls drop out of school every year due to pregnancy. Early child bearing is an
underlying factor in the rapid population growth and teenage pregnancy rates have remained
unchanged in Kenya since 2008 with many girls experiencing unsafe abortions, forced early
marriages and health related complications among other issues. This situation, however, varies
in different counties with some counties being much more affected than others23. In some
counties, this situation is exacerbated by FGM, especially if the practice is carried out as a rite
of passage to womanhood which is taken to mean that girls can engage in sex since they are
now grown-ups and can do what is expected of adults24. This exposes them to more dangers
such as HIV/AIDS infections that impact negatively on the individual, the family and the
country’s welfare in general.

In communities that still value the practice of FGM, girls who fail to undergo the practice are
discriminated against and are not allowed to interact with those who are cut as they are
considered children regardless of their age even when they get married and have families of
their own. Such women are also not allowed to attend traditional/cultural ceremonies. Some
communities stigmatize uncut women as they are considered unclean and should not be assisted
by the traditional birth attendants while giving birth since they are a bad omen. Women who
have not undergone FGM are also considered to be a disgrace to their families and their bride
price upon marriage is usually lower than for those who have undergone the cut. Parents of
such girls are also not regarded in the same way as the parents of those who have undergone
FGM. Moreover, in some cases, they are not even allowed to attend circumcision ceremonies
for other girls and to some extent even for boys until their daughters are cut. On the other hand,
girls who undergo FGM and later go to school in communities that do not practice FGM, they
become the minority and may feel shy interacting with other girls hence feeling stigmatized.

22
https://www.un.org/youthenvoy/2015/04/10-things-didn’t-know-worlds-population/.
23
Kenya Demographic Health Survey, 2014
24
ACCAF. 2016. West Pokot County Baseline Survey findings

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Following FGM complications, a woman may become unable to work which may lead to loss
of income and no participation in regular activities thus wasting her active years and limiting
her ability to care for herself and her family.

2.4 Sexual Complications of FGM

FGM also results in sexual complications such as: reduced sexual desires/libido due to the
cutting of the sensitive parts of the female genitalia which leads to lack of sexual satisfaction
and not reaching orgasm during sexual intercourse. Others are fearful of having sexual
intercourse due to the pain they underwent during the cut. Women also experience sexual
complications in the form of difficulties in penile penetration that can lead to tears during sexual
intercourse. In some communities especially, where women undergo the worst form of FGM
practice known as infibulation, first sexual intercourse is usually painful since the penis cannot
penetrate the small vaginal opening left after sealing the female genitalia. In some instances,
instruments such as a cattle's horn are used to forcefully open up the genitalia and a man is
expected to penetrate immediately. This is usually so painful and traumatic to go through and
women who undergo such, lose their sexual urge resulting in having sex for procreation
purposes only. In some instances, men who fail to penetrate their wives in order to consummate
their marriages usually call upon fellow men/friends perceived to be having stronger penis to
penetrate their wives hence opening them up for their husbands. This is degrading, humiliating
and a violence against women and girls, as they are seen to belong to men and therefore cannot
have any opinion for themselves and have to comply with decisions made by the husbands on
their behalf.

3.0 Conclusion
The paper reveals that FGM may lead to health complications such as psychological or physical
complications, as well as have negative social and sexual effects. These complications have a
lasting impact on the girls themselves, their families, the communities they hail from and the
whole country at large.

The practice of FGM impacts negatively on the health of its victims. This hinders them from
attaining their maximum potential both socially and economically. It also leads to economic
disempowerment where resources which would have been used for social development are
either spent on medication or supporting physically injured women and girls. FGM
complications such as fistula lead to the withdrawal of the victims from the work force and

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inability to participate in regular activities which results into loss of income and active
participation in social matters including family affairs.

The experience of genital mutilation has also been associated with mental disorders. Such
disorders inhibit women and girls from achieving their potential and leading healthy lives. For
example, mentally disturbed school girls are unlikely to perform well at school which may limit
the level of their education and consequently their future earnings. Girls who undergo FGM
and later go to school in a different community from their own, especially a community where
they do not practice FGM, will be in the minority and may feel stigmatized due to their cut
status. Mental problems that include shock as a result of the pain the girl suffered and trauma
due to the horrifying experience may result into fear and depression among some women. This
may also affect the girl’s and women's ability to form intimate relationships in the future due
to the feelings of betrayal, bitterness and anger that causes a crisis of confidence and trust in
family and friends.

The FGM becomes of particular concern when the practice limits a girl’s or a woman's future
due to school drop outs and early/child/forced marriages. School dropout is a big injustice to
such girls and their future empowerment is limited to a communities' source of livelihood which
in most cases is subsistence farming, pastoralism and domestic work. Starting a family at an
early age is disadvantageous to girls because they are unable to care for their families let alone
carrying pregnancies to term and giving birth normally. Such girls are also denied the chance
to choose whom they would like to be married to and when.

The sexual complications of FGM lead to sexual disempowerment as the girl’s libido is reduced
which leads to lack of sexual satisfaction. Fear of having sexual intercourse due to the pain a
girl undergoes during the cut coupled with pain and tears during sexual intercourse also lead to
disempowerment. Women who are opened up by their husbands' friends perceived to be having
a stronger penis to penetrate their infibulated wives feel humiliated as they are not even
consulted and are expected to comply with decisions made on their behalf by their men.

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4.0 Recommendations
The impact of FGM on women and girls' empowerment throughout their lifetime cannot be
overlooked. Women's lives are greatly improved due to empowerment that comes with
education and an income hence, they become able to control their own reproductive health 25.
Where violence against women and girls in forms such as FGM is a daily occurrence, it
becomes hard for them to develop in such an environment. It is therefore important to empower
women and girls to be able to resist FGM for its many limitations over one's lifetime.
Addressing the issue of FGM therefore should target all the dimensions of the practice with a
focus on improving the rights of women and girls who are the vulnerable population.

https://www.guttmacher.org/report/social-and-economic-benefits-womens-ability-determine-whether-and-when-have-
25

children

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References
UNICEF. 2016. Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A global concern, UNICEF, New York,
2016.
http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs239/en/
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/85239/1/9789241564625_eng.pdf?ua=1
WHO. An interagency statement on FGM/C, issued by 10 UN organizations, was issued in
2008
http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs241/en/
WHO. Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation: Interagency Statement (Geneva: World Health
Organization, 2008).
ACCAF. 2016. Combined baseline survey in five counties (Baringo, Elgeyo Marakwet,
Samburu, Narok and West Pokot).
Jaldesa et al. 2005. Female Genital Cutting among the Somali of Kenya and Management of
its complications. Population Council
United Nations Children's Fund, Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A global concern,
UNICEF, New York, 2016.
United Nations Children's Fund, Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A global concern,
UNICEF, New York, 2016.
Berg et al. 2013. Interventions to reduce the prevalence of female genital mutilation/cutting in
African countries. Systematic Review 009. London: The International Initiative for Impact
Evaluation (3ie)
Kenya Demographic Health Survey, 2014
ACCAF. 2016. West Pokot County baseline survey findings
Kenya Demographic Health Survey, 2014
WHO. An interagency statement on FGM/C, issued by 10 UN organizations, was issued in
2008
ACCAF. 2016. Baringo County Baseline Survey Findings.
ACCAF. 2016. West Pokot County Baseline Survey Findings
https://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/MarryingTooYoung.pdf
https://www.un.org/youthenvoy/2015/04/10-things-didn’t-know-worlds-population/.
Kenya Demographic Health Survey, 2014
ACCAF. 2016. West Pokot County Baseline Survey findings
https://www.guttmacher.org/report/social-and-economic-benefits-womens-ability-determine-
whether-and-when-have-children

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The Crisis Facing Kenyan Universities in Addressing

Emerging Patterns of Violence against University
Female Students

By Kagunda, Julia & Bikeri, Cathy

Contents

Abstract .................................................................................................................................62

1.0 Introduction ...................................................................................................................62

1.1 Background Information................................................................................................62

1.2 Intimate Partner Violence against Women in Universities .........................................63

1.3 Study on the Nature of Violence Directed at Female Students

in Kenyan Universities ...................................................................................................65

1.4 Methodology ..................................................................................................................65

2.0 Key Issues Emerging from the Study ...........................................................................66

2.1 Knowledge on Violence against Women .......................................................................66

2.2 Triggers of Sexual and Gender Based Violence Affecting

Female Students in Kenyan Universities ............................................................................66

2.3 Kenyan Universities Intervention Programs: Vunja Kimya

Campus Program (VKCP) ............................................................................................70

3.0 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................72

References .............................................................................................................................74

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Abstract
The purpose of the study was to investigate whether Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) was
happening amongst female students in the Kenyan universities. The findings indicated that
violence towards female students was not only rampant in both private and public universities
but different forms of violence existed, including physical, emotional, economic and sexual
abuse and they normally take place at dating set ups, ‘sponsor’/‘sponsoree’ relationships (trans-
generational/transactional relationships), ‘sexually transmitted degrees’ (STD) and ‘coupling’
relationships. It also emerged that there is a close link between IPV and ADA and the lack of
sexual reproduction education, including on HIV/AIDs. The Elim Trust model, through the
Vunja Kimya Campus Project, which heavily borrows from the ecological and health belief
models, contributes significantly to the reduction of VAW where art based and digital media
platforms, including peer mentorship programs, are used while creating linkages for secondary
and tertiary access to care and lobbying for the adoption of policies that are protective to
women.

1.0 Introduction
Psychological distress among Kenyan university female students is of increasing concern and
it is likely to interfere with their mental well-being. A study carried out by Elim Trust, an
organisation that provides psychosocial support for universities, shows emerging patterns of
violence against university female students which includes sexual, physical, emotional and
economic violence. Furthermore, the study shows an interlink that exists between increased
consumption of alcohol and drug abuse among the youth in Kenya and violence directed at
women. However, students do not realize that the poor education performance is related to
sexual and gender based violence. The high proportion of distressed female students not
receiving professional help calls for an inclusive approach that will see collaborative networks
between organizations involved in youth related issues. Using an ecological and health belief
model, Elim Trust - a faith based organization, has taken the lead in addressing psychosocial
crises facing university students

1.1 Background Information

“Violence against women is the most pervasive human rights violation in the world. It is a
profound health problem that saps women’s energy, compromises their physical and mental
health and erodes their self-esteem. In addition to causing injury, violence increases women’s
long-term risk of a number of other health problems, including chronic pain, physical disability,

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drug and alcohol abuse and depression. Women with a history of physical or sexual abuse are
also at increased risk for unintended pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections and
miscarriages” (Ellsberg and Heise, 2005).

The World Health Organization (WHO) indicates that globally, about 1 in 3 (35%) women
worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-
partner sexual violence in their lifetime (WHO, 2016). In Kenya, the prevalence of violence
against women between the ages of 15-49 years is 41% (Kenya Bureau of Statistics: KDHS,
2014).

There are different forms of violence that are directed towards women, which include: sexual,
emotional, physical, economic and other harmful traditional practices. Gender based violence
against women also occurs at different levels such as in intimate relationships, at both family
and at societal level. Women in universities and colleges are vulnerable to different forms of
violence, including Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). IPV is defined as any act of physical,
psychological, or sexual aggression or any controlling behaviour, for example, restriction of
access to assistance, perpetrated by the woman's current or past intimate partner and sexual
violence (can either be from known friends and acquaintances within or outside the campus or
people unknown to them).

A report on estimates of intimate partner violence (IPV) based on data from 81 countries shows
that the lifetime prevalence of physical and/or sexual IPV among ever-partnered girls (15–
19 years) is 29.4% and 31.6% among young women (20–24 years). In some countries, violence
affects as much as half of 15- to 24-year-old girls/women (WHO, 2013).

1.2 Intimate Partner Violence against Women in Universities

Large concentrations of young women come into contact with young men in a variety of public
and private settings at various times on college campuses. Fisher et al (2000) says that women
in universities, especially first years, are at a greater risk for rape and other forms of violence
than women in the general population or in a comparable age group, due to several factors. One
key factor is that it is at around that age that the young adults are getting out of their adolescence
with the absence of or little parental control. Additionally, there are increased opportunities for
accessing drugs and alcohol and also peer influence.

According to studies by Straus (2006) IPV among college students is more common than in
marital relationships with rates of physical aggression in dating relationships ranging from 25%
to 40% while one in six (16%) college women has been sexually abused in a dating relationship.

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In a US based study, 27.7 per 1,000 female college students have gone through various forms
of sexual abuse (Fisher et al, 2000).

The predominant assumptions regarding motivation in IPV is that men use IPV to gain power
and control over their partners and that women use IPV in the context of self-defence. In the
reviewed literature, studies showed that men’s common reported reasons for perpetrating
aggression are jealousy, anger and retaliation for being hit first, retaliation for emotional hurt,
poor communication and getting control over the other person. Similarly, psychological
aggression has been identified as the strongest predictor for physical abuse among college
students (Leisring, 2013). Other studies explore the role of cyber and social media in IPV. In
the US, about one in three (36%) dating college students have given a dating partner their
computer, email or social network passwords and these students are more likely to experience
digital dating abuse (Dating Abuse Statistics).

Studies done in Africa indicate that sexual exploitation of young people is frequently facilitated
by their lack of economic power and job opportunities. In Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia, for example,
an estimated 30 per cent (about 30,000) of sex workers are women ranging from 12-26 years
of age with the numbers of those engaged in informal prostitution feared to be far greater
(Bohmer, 1995). Young women are vulnerable to coercion into sexual relationships with older
men. ‘Sugar daddies/sponsors’ take advantage of the girl's lack of economic resources by
promising to help with their expenses and lifestyles in exchange for sex; these unequal power
relations thus put these women at a greater risk of IPV (Sellix, 1996).

Prevention of IPV and SV depends on the knowledge and skills level of the victims and their
close confidants’ ability to assist them to identify the violence and seek help for intervention.
College students are not equipped to deal with dating abuse according to a US based
organization, which cites that 57% of college students say that it is difficult to identify dating
abuse and 58% say they don’t know how to help someone who’s experiencing it (Fisher et al,
2000).

Models for the prevention of intimate partner sexual violence include micro-finance programs
for women, combined with gender-equality education; efforts to reduce access to harmful use
of alcohol; and changing social and cultural gender norms. Many more strategies appear to
have potential, either on theoretical grounds or because they target known risk factors, but most
of these have never been systematically implemented – let alone evaluated. An example of a
successful strategy are some sexual violence prevention programs for school and college

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populations. Implemented and evaluated in the US, these programs show the highest success
rate in improving knowledge and building skills for the prevention of IPV and SV (Center for
Disease Control and Prevention, 2014)

1.3 Study on the Nature of Violence Directed at Female Students in Kenyan

Universities
Most of the literature available on IPV and SV occurring on the campus is from high-income
countries (HIC), and it is unclear whether factors identified in HIC also apply to low and
middle-income countries (LMIC) owing to differences in economies, ecologies, histories,
politics and cultures (WHO, 2010). However, based on cross-cutting similarities between
college women in HIC and LMIC, there is room for assumption that some of the information
on IPV and SV would apply to Kenyan universities.

With this background, Elim Trust set out to find whit the situation with IPV and SV is in
Kenyan universities. Elim Trust is a Faith based trust that is registered in Kenya and addresses
psychosocial crises in Africa such as sexual and gender based violence in primary schools and
universities and colleges. Under its university outreach program, called Vunja Kimya Campus
project, Elim Trust has an outreach in 12 public and private universities and its intervention
approach is shared towards the end of this paper.

1.4 Methodology
The methodology used for the study was qualitative in nature where Focus Group Discussions
(FGD) were carried out amongst university student leaders and other university students. The
sample population consisted of 10 universities based in Nairobi, where 5 FGDs were
administered each constituting of an average of 10 to 15 students. About 50% of the participants
were student’ leaders and both public and private universities formed part of the population
interviewed. The universities represented included the University of Nairobi, Kenyatta
University, Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture & Technology (JKUAT), Daystar
University, St. Paul’s University, Egerton University, Moi University, Maseno University,
United States International University (USIU) and Nazarene University. The research was
carried out from January to August, 2016. The data was analysed thematically.

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2.0 Key Issues Emerging from the Study

2.1 Knowledge on Violence against Women
The study showed that violence against women in the Kenyan universities is high, yet the
majority of students remain largely ignorant of the different forms of violence and its impact
on their health, social life and learning. The majority of the students could not define the term
‘gender based violence’ and had little knowledge of different forms of SGBV as much as
emotional, physical, and sexual violence directed at female students is rampant. For example,
emotional violence was reported as high. However, it was not perceived as a form of violence
yet the findings show psychological concerns related to it such as depression. A high level of
secrecy and fear of being judged harshly surround issues to do with sexual matters and it is
even worse when it occurs in circumstances perceived as abnormal such as rape. The fear of
gossip emerged as a real concern that leads to a number of female students suffering in silence
when any form of violence directed at them occurs.

2.2 Triggers of Sexual and Gender Based Violence Affecting Female Students in Kenyan
Universities

2.2.1 Real Financial Challenges and Self-Induced Financial Challenges

Unlike in the past when university students received cash allowances every month (boom) and
free meals, the realities facing university students today are different with financial challenges
being linked to risky behaviours. The findings showed that financial challenges are two-phased:
on one hand university students from a disadvantaged background, face economic hardships as
they struggle to pay for accommodation and their upkeep. However, on the other hand, there
are self-induced financial challenges born out of peer pressure to conform to a flashy lifestyle.
Regardless of the trigger, financial pressure has resulted in some female students getting into
abusive relationships.

One of the emerging patterns where violence against female students occurs is ‘Coupling’
relationships in which male and female students cohabit mainly to consolidate resources. The
majority of the young women in these relationships end up being survivors of emotional and
physical violence. First, the study showed that most of the university female students in
coupling relationships are from rural, poor backgrounds who are lured into such relationships
to access basic needs such as accommodation, food and the basic necessities of life. But those
female students end up serving the traditional role of wives, and skip classes to attend to
household chores while their male partners continue to pursue their academic ambitions.
Thirdly, with time most of those relationships turn ugly as male students subject their partners

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to emotional and physical violence after getting into other relationships. It emerged that some
of the female students are physically assaulted and thrown out of rooms in the middle of the
night.

Financial lifestyle and peer pressure are also linked to transactional sex, which has emerged as
a silent epidemic where money, gifts or grades are used in exchange for a sexual relationship.
Such relationships are characterized by unequal power dynamics across differences of wealth,
age and status. Unequal power dynamics have resulted in young female university students
being subjected to emotional, physical and sexual abuse.

2.2.2 Special Sexual Favours to get through University

The findings from the study indicate that female students face sexual exploitation where sex is
being used as a tool in exchange for special favours; ‘with sexual favours being the newest
currency’, said one of the female students who is in her fourth year. This has gone to the extent
of the formulation of the acronym, STDs which stands for Sexually Transmitted Degrees. In
order for students to get ahead in grades, booking of rooms and other services, they are enticed
to give sex in exchange for what should be their right. Consequently, female class
representatives get subjected to sexual harassment as some male lecturers ‘get into their space’
as they interact over class matters. Unfortunately, such cases tend to be covered up to maintain
institutional reputations while survivors suffer in silence.

The concept of ‘Sponsor’ is almost becoming an acceptable norm in the Kenyan society yet the
power dynamics in those relationships activate S&GBV. However, such relationships are
highly controlled by the sponsors and they are characterized by intimidation, threats, sexual
and physical abuse. Female students in such relationships are at the “beck and call of the
sponsors and their movements and interactions tend to be restricted,” said one of the university
student leaders during one of the FGDs held at the Elim offices. Further it emerged that deaths
resulting from such relationships are on the increase, including those caused by unsafe abortion
as female students are abandoned in case of pregnancy. During an FGD the university student
leaders said that cases of physical assault in ‘sponsorship’ relationships are reported to them
but they lack knowledge on how to address those issues, especially where the university
administration is involved. It was reported that physical assault is high, especially when
sponsors suspect cases of being cheated or when female students ‘act busy’ and not available
when they are needed. Further, a lot of control takes place where female students in such
relationships are monitored closely and their phones scrutinized to closely watch their
conversations. Female students go to the extent of buying cheap phones which they hide for

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purposes of maintaining relationships with other significant people in their lives. “It is like a
prison,” said one of the students from a private university as they described those ‘sponsor’
relationships, where it was also revealed that there is a cartel of students who target first year
students and introduce them to sponsors. On the other hand, cases of depression were described
as common when such relationships turn sour and the affected female student’s lifestyle
changes all of a sudden.

Adolescent girls lack the ability to negotiate safe sexual practices, especially in transactional
sex characterized by unequal balance in age, gender, economic status, self-esteem and power.
And, as noted by WHO 2014 (2015), globally complications linked to pregnancy and childbirth
are the second cause of death for adolescent young girls.

According to the Kenya Medical Research Institute (KEMRI) and the United States of
America’s Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), (2011):

In Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) a female predominance in all-cause mortality is most evident in

15-19-year olds; adolescent girls are excessively burdened by sexual and reproductive threats,
resulting in early sexual debut, STIs including HIV, unwanted pregnancy, clandestine abortions
and poor maternal and infant outcomes, as well as inequity from lost schooling.

2.2.3 SGBV and its Link to Alcoholism and Drug Abuse (ADA) in Universities
The inter-relationship between S&GBV, alcohol and drug abuse (ADA), and lack of knowledge
about sexual reproductive health amongst university students emerged as close. Further, it is
critical to note that University students lie in the range of 17-22 years, and according to the
National Aids Control Council (2015), the age between 15-24 years has been proved to
contribute to very many new HIV infections (21%) in Kenya, especially among young women.
On the other hand, the study showed that male university students use alcohol as an excuse of
subjecting women to violence. “Just forgive me, I was drunk,” was shared as a common line
that male students use after hitting their girlfriends. On the other hand, some female students
tolerate that behaviour arguing that “men are just like that”.

Further, alcohol and drugs are easily accessible and affordable in universities and although
institutional bodies dealing with ADA exist in some institutions, they tend to be dormant. In
one public university, it was reported that there are 21 wines and spirits shops found outside
one of the gates and there are 10 places where beer is sold. Consumption of marijuana emerged
as almost normal, and in one of the universities there are more than 100 peddlers, known as
‘pizza deliverers’.

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Further, it was found out that binge drinking at parties is not only high but screams are usually
heard during these parties, indicative of physical fights. And many windows are found broken
after such parties. Sex related fights, including rape of female students, are also reported as
rampant at those parties. Lack of life skills has resulted in a sharp increase of risky behaviours
and topping the list is a high prevalence of alcohol and drug abuse despite the national control
mechanisms put in place. Lukoye et al. (2010) highlighted the link between ADA and S&GBV
resulting in regretted and unprotected sex, loss and damage of property and medical problems.
The Ministry of Health (2015) further notes that health concerns that relate to the youth in
Kenya is high risks of S&GBV and the resultant new HIV infections and sexual & reproductive
health ailments.

2.2.4 Date Rape

Furthermore, the study showed that university students, especially first year students, face
adjustment problems and are ill-equipped to navigate the murky waters of sexual relationships.
The perceived low risk of infection, coupled with little knowledge of sexual reproductive health
matters, expose students to all kinds of relationships, with a significant number resulting to
S&GBV. For instance, first year students are easily trapped by third and fourth year male
students who invite them into their rooms for meals but end up raping them. But the culture of
silence surrounding S&GBV contributes to the low reporting of such cases.

It has also emerged that first years, in their naivety, get coerced into participating in risky
behaviours such as binge drinking, groupies, betting and sex orgies. Further interrogation
showed that, groupies are practised in a number of universities where a male student gets for
himself a group of female students, about five of them and takes turns having sex with each of
them. On the other hand, betting is when either male or female students spot a person of the
opposite sex whom they consider particularly striking and they bet on them. “Whoever wins is
prized with cash and when one is through with the lady or man, he or she is passed to the next
person and they get ratings” explained one of the student leaders from one of the private
universities. Although not so common, the student leaders shared a few cases that had been
brought to their attention where female students are abducted by male students and locked up
in their houses or taken to some resort and exposed to sexual assault.

Additionally, date rape emerges as quite rampant amongst female students in universities.
However, most students do not view it as sexual abuse and hardly report it as a crime. Physical
violence resulting after relationships go sour emerged as another way that female students are

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subjected to violence. “Recently we had one female university student brutally beaten by her
former boyfriend when she decided to break their relationship. It is also very common to see
female students walking into classes with bruises on their faces,” said a student leader from
one of the public leading universities. Unfortunately, it emerged cultural beliefs that reflected
“it is normal to be hit by a guy” still exist amongst students, making S&GBV to be normal.

Consequently, suicide cases connected to emotional distress, emerging from relationships,

were reported with one particular university reporting that they had a suicide case every
semester. The findings of this research concur with a study done by Maithya, Okinda &
Mung’atu (2015) that university student leaders are unable to handle ADA, S&GBV and other
issues like sexual and reproductive health education due to lack of exposure to those areas.
Without youth friendly impactful interventions to address the links between S&GBV and ADA
in Kenyan universities, potential graduates’ ability to achieve their economic and social goals
will be curtailed, which in turn, will affect the country’s long-term development.

2.3 Kenyan Universities Intervention Programs: Vunja Kimya Campus Program

(VKCP)
When members of a community own a problem, it leads to collective action and solutions to
the problems are easily generated. Gaining ownership with a core of local champions works
well in driving the development agenda. In view of that, Elim Trust approach is community
centred and driven by an identified core of champions whom the organisation works with, and
the work is expanded with and through them.

It is critical to note that Kenyan universities form a large community that has the potential to
influence the larger Kenya as students represent different social and ethnic communities. As of
June 2016, there were 23 Commission for University Education (CUE) accredited public
universities with 10 constituent colleges; 17 CUE accredited private universities with 5
constituent colleges; and 14 non-accredited institutions with letters of interim authority; and 1
registered institution. That is a total of 70 university campuses. These form vibrant learning
communities where minds are shaped and the future of the country defined. Influencing these
minds will change the way society will manage itself in future and multiply opportunities for
more zealous members of our society. It is for this reason that Elim Trust has chosen to make
the campus community a key target of their programs.

A study to assess the counselling needs among students in Kenyan Universities showed that
the students face two critical challenges, namely: Career/Educational needs and Personal and

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Life skills needs. However, it emerged that students are in need of more help in their personal
and life skills as compared to career/educational needs (Karimi et al, 2014). But, youth-friendly
impactful interventions are critical in addressing youth related activities, especially in
universities where students value their freedom.

The development of student leadership skills is not part of the academic curriculum but
relegated to ‘extra-curricular’ activities. Yet, with good leadership, students are better
positioned to act as champions and peer mentors within their environment. Under Elim Trust,
the Vunja Kimya Campus Project (VKCP) builds the leadership and mentorship skills of
student leaders, who open platforms for S&GBV to be addressed from both the administrative
and students’ side. The student leaders are trained on how to carry art based campaigns, which
involves using drama, paintings, music, poetry and other kind of arts. The leaders who become
peer mentors also use social media platforms, support groups and sensitization training and
other kind of media to tackle the psycho-social issues in their environment and beyond. The
peer mentors are enlightened on how to tackle ADA and its link to sexual reproductive health
in universities and other tertiary institutions. The goal is to raise leaders who are selfless,
passionate about their community issues, and driven to promote social change.

The implementation framework is through training workshops, mentorship programs, peer

support structures, survivors support, digital and art-based approaches and lobbying for
necessary institutional change. Through the program we seek not only to raise awareness and
knowledge on psychosocial issues on the campus but also to equip these leaders with the
necessary skills to address the existing issues on campus. We provide backing for them to set
up necessary support structures, lobby for the needed institutional policy changes, and
implement programs towards the reduction of these psychosocial challenges. The objectives of
the program are to develop peer-mentor support structures amongst university students;
influence institutional policy to strengthen the reduction of ADA and SGBV amongst other
psychosocial challenges in universities; establish linkages and referral systems for survivors
and use art based strategy for adequate prevention and response of S&GBV.

The first and foremost intervention is through established student leadership structures. It is
generally accepted that as the leader goes, so goes the community. If the leaders do not embrace
the cause, the cause is as good as dead. With this in mind, ET works with leaders from every
university to sensitize them on the psychosocial needs on campus, equip them with leadership
tools necessary for social impact and motivate and support them to lead the necessary change.

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The Social Impact Leadership program includes training, mentoring, and support structures for
social impact.

The second intervention is developing foot soldiers. The leaders may buy into the vision, but
they have too many demands on their time to effectively translate that vision into action on the
ground. It is, therefore, necessary to raise and equip a small army of foot soldiers who will
support the leaders in the execution of the strategy – taking necessary actions to make the vision
a reality. In this regard key students are equipped as peer mentors in every campus who start
tackling issues of S&GBV, HIV/AIDS and sexual reproduction health.

The third intervention involves working with student leaders and peer mentors. We encourage
them to develop and implement a community outreach strategy that involves training and
awareness creation through events that use art and other interest-drawing activities while at the
same time social media is highly used. We work with them to implement the strategy even as
we mentor them and continually equip them to be effective peer mentors.

3.0 Conclusion
The findings from the study indicate that violence against female students is taking place in
Kenyan universities. The different forms of violence include physical, emotional, economic
and sexual abuse and they normally take place at dating set ups, ‘sponsor’/‘sponsoree’
relationships (trans-generational/transactional relationships), ‘sexually transmitted degrees’
(STD) and ‘coupling’ relationships. However, the study also showed that there is an interlink
between S&GBV and ADA and the lack of sexual reproduction education, including on
HIV/AIDs. In view of that, it is critical to have intervention inclusive programs that will seek
to address all the issues. One way is for the different stakeholders to form consortiums that will
see inclusive intervention approaches.

Further, at Elim Trust, through the Vunja Kimya Campus Project, there is a realization that the
model for addressing VAW in universities, which heavily borrows from the ecological and
health belief models, contributes significantly to the reduction of VAW. Using art based and
digital media platforms, including peer mentorship programs, there is an increased knowledge
levels and skills among individuals, creating linkages for secondary and tertiary access to care
and lobby for the adoption of policies that are protective to women. With proper training,
exposure and mentorship, student leaders are strong forces for positive change on the campus.

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Additionally, we appreciate that violence against women cannot be addressed in isolation of

other psychosocial crises facing the youth in academic institutions, thus other contributing and
related issues (e.g. drug and alcohol abuse, HIV) must be interwoven in the prevention
messages.

Thirdly, it is critical that policy on sexual and gender based violence in institutions of learning
address comprehensively the emerging trends that are exposing female students to violence of
whatever nature.

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References
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Policies and Programs. Los Angeles, CA: Pacific Institute of Women's Health.
Ellsberg M. and Heise L. (2005). Researching Violence against Women. A Practical Guide for
Researchers and Activists. Washington DC, United States: WHO, PATH.
Fisher, B., Cullen, C. & Turner, M. (2000). The Sexual Victimization of College Women. Research
Report. Department of Justice, Washington, DC. National Institute of Justice. Bureau of Justice
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Karimi J et.al. (2014). Assessment of Counseling Needs among Students in Kenyan Universities.
Journal of Education and Practice Vol.5, No.12, 2014
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KEMRI/CDC Research and Public Health Collaboration project with national and international
partners. An adolescent-young people’s health platform in western Kenya to develop preventive
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adolescent-young-peoples-health-platform-in-western-kenya-to-develop-preventive-and-
treatment-programmes-for-africa.pdf
Kenya Bureau of Statistics (2014). Kenya Demographic and Health Survey (KDHS).
Laserson, K, (Eds). 2011. An Adolescent-Young People’s Health Platform in Western Kenya to
Develop Preventive and Treatment Programmes for Africa. www.cph.org.uk
Leisring, P. (2013). Physical and Emotional Abuse in Romantic Relationships
Motivation for Perpetration among College Women. Journal of Interpersonal Violence,
http://journals.sagepub.com.
Lukoye A et.al. (2011). Prevalence of Substance Use among College Students in Eldoret, Western
Kenya. BMC Psychiatry http://bmcpsychiatry.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/1471-
244X-11-34
Maithya, R, Okinda, R & Mung’atu, F. (2015). A Baseline Survey on Effects of Drug and Substance
Abuse on Academic Participation among Students in Technical Institutions in Kenya.
International Journal of Education and Research Vol. 3 No. 1.
http://www.ijern.com/journal/2015/January-2015/52.pdf.
Moore K, Rogow D (1994), ed. Family Planning and Reproductive Health: Briefing Sheets for Gender
Analysis. New York, NY: Population Council
National Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health Policy. Kenya, 2015
http://www.fidakenya.org/dr7/sites/default/files/2015STEPUP_KenyaNationalAdolSRHPolic
y.pdf
Sellix T. (1996). An Investigation into the Relationship between Older Males and Adolescent Females
in Africa: Deconstructing the "Sugar Daddy." Submitted in partial fulfilment of the
requirements for Master of Arts in International Development. Washington, DC: American
University, 1996.
Sinozich S. et.al. (2014). Rape and Sexual Assault Victimization among College-Age Females, 1995-
2013. Special Report, US. Department of Justice. Office of Justice Programs. Bureau of Justice
Statistics.
Straus, M. A. (2006). Prevalence of Violence against Dating Partners by Male and Female University
Students Worldwide. Violence against Women, 10,790-811.
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Violence by Omission: Disabling Silences Culturally

Imposed on Girls and Women

By Joseph Muleka

Contents

Abstract .................................................................................................................................76

1.Introduction .......................................................................................................................77

1.1 Controlled/Restricted Expression ...........................................................................77

1.2 Denying Expression ..................................................................................................79

1.3 Blacking Out .............................................................................................................81

2.0 Silence and Violence against Women and Girls ...........................................................83

3.0 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................85

References .............................................................................................................................86

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Abstract
This paper defines ‘disabling silences’ as the non-verbal communication between a
communicator and a receiver of the communication in which the receiver’s expressions are
frozen through prohibitions, injunctions and/or impediments. Silence may also occur in the
form of omission and absence of communication as the target receiver is kept in the dark
intentionally so as to render them disempowered through ignorance. The greatest strength of
silence lies in the ‘mysterious silence’ which makes it difficult to grasp the exact meaning, or
to quantify its possible impact. Sometimes the receiver could overestimate the intention of the
silence or the actual capacity of its damage, thus making silence the most intimidating and most
feared communication. Since time immemorial communities have used silence as a tool of
suppression, oppression and/or intimidation of girls and women. The silences are often
culturally imposed and since they are spontaneously embedded in the community’s avenues of
communication such as oral performances and day to day conversations, they are taken to be
the norm. This paper analyses oral works: narratives, songs, proverbs and day to day
conversations, so as to identify instances of silence in them and point out how these silences,
in effect, violate the rights and liberties of girls and women.

Using the Abakhayo, a sub-ethnic group of the larger Luhya community of Western Kenya as
a case study, the research demonstrates that the society imposes silence on women and girls at
three levels. The first one is by controlling or restricting their expression which is an attempt
to minimize the ability, capacity and spaces for girls and women to express themselves.
Secondly, the society also attempts to silence girls and women by totally denying them
expression, in what could be seen as actualizing the principle of ‘women should be here to be
seen but not to be heard’. And thirdly, the society also often uses the element of ‘blacking out’
which means denying women and girls knowledge of some issues, often in the belief that they
have no capacity to handle such information. After analysing these situations, the paper
concludes that the silences, to a large extent, attempt to disable, deprive or cause emotional
anguish, which then amounts to psychological violence, for the victims suffer loss of self-
esteem and/or denial of empowerment to live full and meaningful lives.

Key words: silence, violence, suppression, oppression, intimidation, oral performances, girls,
women.

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1.Introduction
Adetayo Alabi (1998:25) observes that the patriarchal society aims at creating a “virtuous
woman” out of the girl child, describing this type of woman as: “not aggressive but coy; not
boisterous but quiet; not assertive but compromising”. This means that the patriarchal society
prefers a ‘silent’ woman. It has the effect that the patriarchal society tries to curtail the girl
child’s self-expression, perhaps preferring that she remains silent or simply submits to male
subjugation. Sylvia Tamale (1999), though commenting in relation to women’s writings,
appears to corroborate Alabi’s assertion when she echoes the patriarchal legacy which relegates
women to the lower rung of the social ladder and denies them space to talk or participate in
public activities. By employing the metaphor of “the hen that is prohibited from crowing”,
Tamale points out the inherent enforced silence that the female gender experiences.

While violence against women and girls tends to be more realistically seen and defined in terms
of battery, child labour, verbal abuse, rape and a score of other commissions, whether physical
or psychological, focus on silence as a form of violence is not given much consideration. This
perhaps is because of the fact that silence occurs as an omission for which there is no
enforceable action. The potential, therefore, of silence to cause harm is not immediately
observable, but as this paper is going to demonstrate, silence carries considerable harm to those
whom the said silence targets.

Given the subtle nature of silent abuse, one needs to search for it and its potential harm in
depths that may sometimes reside beyond the obvious. This paper discusses silence, identifying
three separate but related motifs described as: controlling/restricting expression; denying
expression; and blacking out to avoid expression. Of course, these are terms used in this paper
only to explain the different shades of silence. Each of the motifs may be culturally perpetrated,
but given the spontaneity and depth of one’s culture, and the difficulty in drawing the line
between one’s culture and one’s identity, the method of conveying the silences and the
outcomes of the very silences may be seen as the norm, and thus, not questioned.

1.1 Controlled/Restricted Expression

The society often wants to control, suppress, or at least minimize the ability, capacity and
spaces within which women and girls can express themselves. Controlling or limiting one’s
expression is in itself a kind of imposing silence because in such a situation one only expresses
a fraction of what they would wish to say while remaining silent on the rest. The logic of
controlling or limiting one’s expression is perhaps to ensure that one only speaks what certain

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people want to hear and one cannot speak outside certain confines and stipulations. It is, in a
sense, as if to say that the less they are allowed to talk, or the less they are allowed to express
themselves, the better. Reduced, restricted, or controlled expression for women and girls is
often enforced first by creating the impression that there is something wrong with a woman
who talks much, which then, perhaps, makes it desirous for her expression to be curtailed.
Indeed, as one blogger notes in a 2015 posting:

When people don’t like our ideas and opinions – when they don’t like the reality we tell them
that we experience – they use words that attempt to reduce what we say to the ranting of some
irrational creature whose emotions somehow suck all meaning from what she says and who, by
the way, cannot appreciate humour.

The blogger lists some of the words that are directed at women and girls in order to keep them
silent such as emotional, crazy, drama queen, defensive, feminazi, opinionated, over-reactive,
sexist, slut/whore, among others. This observation relates closely with what one observes
among some traditional patriarchal societies. Among the Abakhayo (one of the Luhya sub-
ethnic communities in Western Kenya), for example, enforcement of silence on women and
girls often starts with the negation of attributes that the society traditionally associates with
women. The negation of the said attributes then has the effect of imposing silence on those
targeted as they attempt to dissociate themselves from the said attributes to avoid being
branded. Effectively, the avoidance ends up restricting their self-expression. A common
instrument of negation among the Abakhayo is the mouth. In one song Aliya Mulamu Wange
(My Sister-in-law), formerly commonly sung on different occasions in the community to praise
a befitting sister-in-law, all that a good woman should not be is enumerated as: omukhasi
womunwa, (a woman with a mouth - a mouthy woman); omukhasi orakwisia omunwa, (a
woman whose mouth does not drop - a woman who always answers back); omukhasi womunwa
murambi, (a woman with a long mouth - a woman who intrudes in others’ affairs); omukhasi
mubacha, (a rumour monger); omukhasi wokhwechekheresia or khwechekhiachekhia, (a
woman who keeps laugh-laughing - a woman who laughs all the time); omukhasi
wokhwerulirisia, (a woman who pushes herself forward - an outgoing woman); omukhasi
wokhwadulukhana, (a thunderous woman - a woman who raises her voice); among others.

It is notable that most of the cited references – of course considered the worst a woman can be
– are attributes that are directly linked to the mouth, thereby directing a lot of focus on a
woman’s speech. The references appear to criticize being talkative, or any kind of free self-
expression. A woman who wants to express herself freely will be termed ‘mouthy; a rumour

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monger; intrusive; self-serving; and/or loud mouthed’. Culturally, these are negative attributes
for a woman. The ‘virtuous woman’ that Alabi presents above should:

“not be aggressive but coy; not boisterous but quiet; not assertive but compromising. A woman
who is outgoing, or answers back, particularly where men are concerned, therefore, apparently
fails the test of coyness that is, so to say, the expected virtue of a woman. She is obviously
going to come out as aggressive or self-asserting – attributes that will, considering the society’s
cultural expectations, be seen as repugnant in a “proper woman” (p.3).

Besides, a talkative woman, described here as “mouthy” and “loud mouthed” fails to meet the
standards of a quiet woman. She will be categorized as boisterous, therefore, unwomanly. Such
a woman – we hypothesize – seems to threaten the position of the men, who perhaps expect a
yielding woman that will not answer them back so as to qualify to be seen as a real virtuous
woman.

It is logical to argue that these references are, in fact, meant to either intimidate women and
girls into silence or at least restrict their free will at self-expression. This way, society ensures
that the voices of women and girls are not heard.

1.2 Denying Expression

Imposing silences on women and girls often extends beyond mere minimizing of expression to
denying them expression all together. This paper sees denied expression as an attempt to
actualise the principle of “a woman is here to be seen but not to be heard”. Among the
Abakhayo, for example, women and girls – at least up to the recent past – would traditionally
be expected to be silent in the presence of men, particularly elders. Unless called upon to speak,
they wouldn’t just do so. Even when a woman is in love she is expected to conceal this and to
allow the man to take charge, perhaps as the measure of satisfying the demand for coyness on
her part as suggested by Alabi, above. Even if this expectation appears to be loosening, it is to
quite a large extent still considered as good nurture for a woman to keep her opinion to herself.
Of course, such an expectation is not unique to the Abakhayo alone. I recall retired President
Moi’s comment about Wangari Maathai, when the latter opposed the plan to use up Uhuru Park
for buildings. What apparently seemed to rile the president was not that someone was opposing
his plans, but that it was a woman doing so. In anger he remarked: “Huyu ni mwanamke aina
gani? Mmwambie akumbuke kwamba yeye ni mwanamke tu” (What kind of woman is this? Go
and tell her to remember that she is a mere woman).

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Moi’s question: What kind of woman is this? indicates that he considered what Maathai was
doing to be ‘unfeminine’. To him Wangari Maathai was, so to say, not a ‘proper’ woman. In
the patriarchal African context, it would perhaps not be expected that a proper woman may be
vocal the way Wangari Maathai was. To make matters even worse was that she was standing
up against Moi – a man. Apparently according to Moi, Wangari Maathai seemed to be
forgetting that she was ‘just a woman’, who should only ‘be seen but not heard’. Since former
President Moi is quite religious, one might think that he was reading straight from Timothy 1
in the Bible, which seems to reinforce silence for women as it says: Do not permit a woman to
teach or to assume authority over a man; she must be quiet. Indeed, some cultures do not even
allow a woman to be seen, leave alone being heard. For instance, in some Islamic cultures, a
woman has to cover herself completely, only allowing partly hidden eyes – perhaps just to
enable her see where she is going lest she goes hitting herself against objects as she walks. In
such a scenario, one guesses that a woman will both not be seen as well as heard. Of course,
what would be the use of speaking if people can’t see the face of the one speaking? One also
guesses that in the same scenario, a woman has no identity, for how does society assign identity
to one it doesn’t know how she even looks like?

At a different level, society often issues subtle threats that force women and girls into both
silence and non-action. Among the Abakhayo, as in many other patriarchal setups, a common
way of stifling the voices of women and girls is by imposing ‘outsiderness’ on them. As
expressed in the community’s nuptial song, Khuli barende (We are foreigners), women and
girls are considered as ‘outsiders’ or ‘foreigners’ in their ancestral homes. Being ‘outsiders’, (a
tag that they again come to carry in their marital homes), they have no voice in what happens
here as they have no stake and they have no rights. As ‘outsiders’ – it seems – they can only
either remain silent on what concerns the ‘insiders’, or waste time commenting (waste time
because their views will not be taken into account, anyway).

Given this kind of scenario, the women’s voices can only be heard through the males in the
home who will be mandated to speak on their behalf, which then spells the danger of distortion,
under-representation, or even non-representation. I recall a case where we visited a community
to talk about the welfare of girl children. The arrangement was that we talk to both men and
women in the community. Only the men assembled. When we asked where the mothers of the
girls were, the leader of the men’s group told us that they (the men) knew what the mothers
thought about the issue, therefore, they would talk on their behalf. Of course, the truth was that
women in that community could not speak where men were. The impact of all this is that the

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women and girls cannot live a full life as long as they remain in their ancestral homes, which
then begins to suggest marriage as an escape from this ‘out sidedness’. In fact, getting married
is not an option but a mandatory undertaking, yet marriage also seems to impose on them
another type of ‘out sidedness’, one that sees them only as people who came from someplace
else.

Incidentally, inasmuch as the girl’s choice is not if, but when she will get married, instances
abound of the marriage partner, too, being chosen for her. Of course, with the passing years,
girls have been getting more leeway to choose whom they want to get married to, but this does
not mean that coercion to marry certain individuals, if not the exertion of undue influence may
be a thing of the past. Subtle threats to ‘unhearing’ girls are still carried in some of the narratives
the girls listen to as they grow up. One such story is that of Simbi, the girl who insisted on
making her own choice of husband, a decision that she came to regret, as it landed her in the
hands of the ogre. By the time Simbi was being delivered from the jaws of the ogre, she was
already a humbled girl ready to listen. A similar fate awaited Nsalala, the beautiful girl from
the Soga of Uganda. In this narrative, Nsalala is made to regret after escaping death in the home
of the suitor she herself had chosen:

Nsalala returned to her home and apologized to her parents… She became a less conceited girl
and her parents selected a nice young man from her village for her to marry, (Makila, 1986: p.
106-108).

Aspects of attempting to stifle the voice of women and girls, even in matters affecting them
directly, may also be found in situations and narrations that make the men act for them. In the
Abakhayo Nasio narrative, for instance, Nasio’s security is entirely entrusted in the hands of
her brother. In the absence of her brother, Nasio is totally vulnerable. Indeed, once her brother
leaves for the grazing fields, the Ogre takes this advantage to eat her up. It takes the brother’s
bravery, strength and fighting acumen to subdue the ogre for Nasio to live again. We may argue
that this is an indirect way of imposing silence on the girl. She is may be in awe of her brother’s
heroic image, thereby allocating to him all the rights and responsibilities to act on her behalf.
On her part, Nasio accepts a position that is dependant and subordinate. She has already been
intimidated into silence as she has no mastery over her own life.

1.3 Blacking Out

I use the expression ‘blacking out’ to explain the type of silence that occurs because there is a
kind of vacuum or lack of knowledge about the existence of something. In patriarchal setups,

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the society often ensures that women and girls remain silent about certain matters by keeping
them in the dark about the issues. There are, for example, certain types of information coded
as, say, family secrets, which a daughter in a home may be blocked from, or a woman married
in a particular home is denied knowledge of. Those targeted then remain silent because they
lack any kind of information and they are not aware that such information exists. Silence here,
therefore, is by exclusion. Blacking out – we may argue – seems to adhere to the Kiswahili
saying: “Ukimwamsha aliyelala utalala wewe”, which could be the equivalent of the English:
“Let sleeping dogs lie”. In effect, this is supposed to keep women and girls in the dark, or to be
more to the point, leave them ignorant.

While one may want to argue that what you don’t know about shouldn’t bother you, this type
of ignorance imposed on one could be disastrous since it denies the victim the opportunity to
exercise due caution. Consequently, when the ‘bursting out’ of the secret or secrets happens –
as it is always bound to do – the hapless victim is completely unprepared and helpless. The
damage that follows the said bursting out is then always likely to carry far worse consequences
than if the victim had been put in the know.

There may be an attempt to justify the blocking out of women and girls from crucial knowledge
with the argument that they are being protected from unnecessary or perhaps harmful
information, but the truth may sometimes have something to do with the oft touted perception
that women and girls cannot be trusted. Common instances of mistrust are particularly
observable in a woman’s marital home where, she is often seen as an outsider who only came;
a stranger with whom ‘we cannot share our family’s deep secrets’, she is completely excluded
from the family ‘insider’ issues. On the other hand, the girl may also be denied similar secrets
in her ancestral home for the fear that she will go away with the family’s secrets, or more
absurdly, the belief that a girl just cannot keep a secret.

The intention to keep women and girls in the dark is well exemplified in the irumbi ceremony
among the Luhya, particularly the Bukusu and Tiriki. This is the ceremony that involves the
circumcision of boys – a ceremony that initiates them into adulthood and which involves
periods of exclusion of the initiates for special counselling and training on adult roles. During
the entire period of exclusion, women and girls are barred from involving themselves in the
activities. This is a ‘men’s only’ affair and nothing discussed, or secrets revealed are supposed
to be divulged to the women and girls. Apparently, the target is to keep the women in the dark
about the world of men, perhaps as a way of preventing them from commenting on that world.
This standard is often observed on oath, which then raises the question: Why should the women

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and girls be excluded from the secrets that concern the men’s adult world yet these same women
are going to share a lifetime with these very men. What issues are so special that they are
beyond the comprehension of the women? Whichever answers correspond to these questions,
the aggregate is that society is attempting to impose silence on women and girls by keeping
them in the dark about what happens during this crucial stage in the lives of their future
husbands. Isn’t this perhaps another way of instituting advantage for men over women?

Sometimes the language of exclusionist silence may come close to what one might see as
testing a woman’s patience. A Kisii friend of mine, in an argument about the rights of a woman
to protect her marriage, commented to the effect that, ‘when a woman sees her husband come
home with another woman, it should be obvious that he is marrying another wife and the man
should not waste words explaining. On her part, the women should be silent about it.’ Indeed.
this expectation gives one a hint on the extent to which a woman can be frustrated.

2.0 Silence and Violence against Women and Girls

How can silence possibly contribute to violence or, in fact, itself constitute violence against
women and girls? As I have already observed, disabling silence is a language of
communication. It is non-verbal communication between a communicator and the receiver of
the communication in which the receiver’s expression is frozen through prohibitions,
injunctions and/or impediments. Silence may also occur in the form of omission and absence
of communication when the target receiver is kept in the dark through intentional secrecy so as
to render them disempowered through ignorance. I wish to reiterate that the mysterious nature
of silence makes it difficult to grasp its exact meaning and impact, a situation that could greatly
distress the victims of the silence as they remain guessing the possible outcomes. And given
the power of silence to intimidate, disable, deprive or, as pointed out, cause emotional anguish,
silence may amount to psychological violence as the victim suffers loss of self-esteem and/or
denial of empowerment to live a full and meaningful life.

To start with, the very fact that one is denied the space to express their thoughts, to release
bottled up feelings of hurt, or pent-up emotions, can be – to say the least – very frustrating. In
explaining the concept of catharsis, Aristotle in Poetics, points out that when human beings
interact in situations of life, whether presented as art works or real life, strong emotions of
anger, pity, fear, hate, among others are evoked. Indeed, these emotions may cause torture and
anguish to the victim, thereby making it necessary to provide outlets of release for normal life
to resume. I would argue that one of the most effective ways of releasing pent-up emotions is

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by expressing them by talking them out. Yet, as I have already pointed out, a woman is not
expected to speak out or even answer the man back. Of course, the woman will want to keep
silent to avoid being branded as omukhasi womunwa, (a mouthy woman); omukhasi orakwisia
omunwa, (a woman who always answers back); or omukhasi wokhwadulukhana, (a woman
who raises her voice). These are epithets that have the potential of causing the woman to be
ostracised by the society. Therefore, for the sake of gaining acceptance, the woman remains
silent even when she is subjected to battery and other kinds of abuse.

I can guess the anger, frustration, intimidation and anguish a woman is likely to feel when her
husband arrives home with another woman, only for her to realize that he has, in fact, taken
another wife. Yet, it is expected that a ‘respectful’ woman shouldn’t question her husband’s
actions. Of course, it may also be possible that the very man married her against her own will
– perhaps either chosen for her or pushed into the marriage by some unfortunate or unavoidable
circumstances. This then means that the woman is living in a loveless marriage already,
whereby imposing a co-wife adds insult to injury. It is my own view that silence in such
circumstances may be worse than having a part of one’s body cut off. Indeed, I have on many
occasions heard this expression: ‘I would rather be beaten than insulted so’. This is a statement
which confirms that verbal abuse that causes psychological and emotional pain is worse than
physical abuse such as battery. It underscores the violation women and girls suffer when
subjected to psychological and emotional abuse about which they are expected to remain silent.

Moreover, the torture and anguish that goes with the ‘othering’ that women and girls face could
only be estimated if one understands the pain of rejection. When a girl is treated as the ‘other’
in her ancestral home or the woman as the ‘other’ in her marital home, this can be equated to
rejection, accompanied by all misgivings that go with such a condition. First, one is bound to
suffer the voicelessness that society tends to prescribe for those considered as outsiders. This
means that the women will remain unexplained, misunderstood, misrepresented or under-
represented, for as the English say, only the wearer of the shoe best knows where it pinches.
Secondly, when treated as an outsider, whether in her ancestral or marital home, this could
occasion an identity crisis. In both cases the woman’s or girl’s self-image and esteem, self-
actualisation and sense of belonging may suffer, thereby causing psychological and emotional
pain and anguish comparable to, or worse than that suffered in instances of physical violence.

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3.0 Conclusion
This paper has attempted to posit silence as hidden violence against women and girls. I insist
that much as silence may be seen as omission or at times considered as non-action, it is
nonetheless a strong language that communities have often used to suppress, subjugate, oppress
and/or intimidate women and girls. Indeed, while there is the tendency to talk about violence
against women and girls in terms of battery, child labour, sexual abuse and the like, imposing
silence on them to curtail their self-expression is far worse violence. This inflicts on them not
only psychological and emotional torture, pain and anguish but a sense of rejection as well,
caused by the fact that they can’t express what ails them. Silence is capable of causing great
psychological and emotional violence.

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References
Alabi, A. “Gender Issues in Zainab Alkali’s Novels” in Childhood in African Literature. Ed.
E. Jones. Oxford: James Currey Ltd. 1998.
Alkali, Z. The Virtuous Woman. Nigeria: Longman. 1987.
Blog at WordPress. Com 2016.
https://youngwomenrisingct.com
Kiyimba, A. Male Identity and Female Space in The Fiction of Ugandan Women
Writers. Journal of International Women’s Studies. 2008, 9(3), 19-222
Makila, F. The Bukusu Folktale. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers. 1986.
Tamale, Sylvia R. 1999: When Hens Begin To Crow: Gender and Parliamentary Politics in
Uganda
1 Timothy 2:12. The Holy Bible.
Uwakweh, P. A. “Carving a Niche: Visions of Gendered Childhood” in Childhood in African
Literature. Ed. E. Jones. Oxford: James Currey Ltd. 1998.

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The Impact Of The Negative Portrayal

Of Women In Chinua Achebe’s Things
Fall Apart And Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s The
River Between On Female
Socio-cultural Empowerment
By Lucy Loice Nabukonde (Rev.Sr.)

Contents

ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................................... 88

1.0 Introduction and Background to the Study ................................................................88

1.1 Statement of the Problem ......................................................................................90

1.2 Research Objectives ...............................................................................................90

1.3 Justification .............................................................................................................91

1.4 Scope and Limitation .............................................................................................91

1.5 Literature Review ...................................................................................................91

1.6 Theoretical Framework .........................................................................................96

1.7 Hypothesis .............................................................................................................101

1.8 Research Design and Methodology .....................................................................101

2. 0 Presentation, Analysis and Discussion of the Findings ...........................................101

3.0 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................111

References ...........................................................................................................................112

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ABSTRACT
This study sought to establish whether or not the image of women is upheld by earlier male
writers who wrote before the 1960s and in the 1960s, at the dawn of independence. Three
objectives guided the study: firstly, to compare and contrast the classic novels in African
Literature by the earlier authors from East and West Africa; secondly, to investigate how
female characters are portrayed in Achebe‘s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s The
River Between; and thirdly, to investigate how reading Achebe‘s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi
Wa Thiongo’s The River Between has negatively affected the positive experiences of African
women thus preventing their socio-cultural empowerment. The study reviewed Aristotle’s
classical literary theory aided by feminist reading. The major methodology of the study was
descriptive in nature, encompassing a qualitative research design suitable for the humanities. I
undertook a critical reading of the primary texts followed by content analysis of relevant
secondary sources. This critical process yielded the following major findings of the study:
Ngugi’s The River Between compared with Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and they both stand
out as typically colonial literature with Achebe remaining faithful to oral tradition. Both
Achebe and Ngugi discuss culture and colonialism; both patriarch writers portray women
negatively and hence reading their works has a significant bearing on the socio-cultural
empowerment of women. In my research, I concluded that male writers who wrote before the
1960s and in the early sixties were products of patriarchal ideologies. Readers who have not
seen these shortcomings have perpetuated a negative image of women. This is despite the fact
that African women are an integral part of literary readers and therefore, violence against
women and girls (VAWGs) remains widespread not just in the socio-cultural setting but also
in books.

1.0 Introduction and Background to the Study

Before the beginning of the women movement at the dawn of the 20th century, the condition of
women all over the world was in an appalling state so much so that a good number of authors
started questioning the image women held in society. African traditional communities had
tended to classify African women as “others” or as “invalids”. Subsequently, traditional
cynical attitudes from the African traditional society kept women dependent upon men as their
fathers, husbands, brothers or as their representatives. The woman’s voice was almost silenced
in African written literature, let alone in other spheres of life. An example is given of the first
South African female literary writer who deliberately published her book A Story of An African

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Farm under the pseudonym “Ralph Irons” because of the prejudice against women writers in
the early twentieth century. Aristotle, the Greek philosopher’s impression that women were
‘deformed males’ might have influenced African classical literary writers. The thoughts of
these earlier male writers might continue to impact on the global village negatively, not only
in what happens around but also in what is read in African literary books. At the inception of
the African literary writing those who topped the list of writers were mainly men. Therefore, it
would not be surprising to discover that in earlier writing men, not women, were the centre of
attention. Women seemingly existed at their own risk, playing marginalized roles defined only
in relation to the main male characters. An African woman, whether married or not, tolerates a
lot in her childhood, youth, adulthood and old age. The African woman’s condition is more
severe than that of a white woman. Some communities in Africa still believe that a woman’s
proper place is that room called “kitchen”. Thanks to the enlightenment brought forth by
education, a lot more is changing for the African woman in the right direction these days.

For more than two centuries now, women rights movements have concentrated on improving
the socio-cultural, political and economic status of women. These days women rights have been
supported by feminist political establishments and literary perspectives which came up and
developed into a complete radical movement in the 1970s. In Women Rights Movements dated
2014 scholars accurately observe that African women are generally dealing with problems
springing from a long history of patriarchal foundations from both Western and indigenous
systems. The issue that arises from the focus of this context interrogates the influence of local
socio-cultural customs and organizations on women’s political involvement and apparent
solutions workable in both short and long-term plans. The reality on the ground is that the
continent is not completely independent unless African women muster themselves to assume
full control of their own lives. The full affirmation of women will only be grasped when all
factors of their development are checked, physically, academically, politically culturally and
socially. It has been noted that women have played a significant role in the production and
transmission of oral literature in the past. However, regarding written African literature, it was
the male writers who established themselves first while female writers emerged later. Thus, the
majority of female readers were initially exposed predominantly to male dominated writing.
Most of these male writers modelled their texts on the patriarchal system of the African society
that subordinates women to men. A close study of Things Fall Apart and The River Between
reassures the reader that the image of women is undoubtedly diminished in these pioneering
male writers from both West and East Africa. Published in 1965 Ngugi’s The River Between

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elucidates a mythical legend of an expected male “Messiah” (a last one in line of seers) who
was said to be destined to cause a mythic unity between Kameno and Makuyu. In the initial
pages of his book, Ngugi employs a masculine metaphor to describe the landscape: “the two
ridges lay side by side like two sleeping lions.” “Lions”! Why not “lionesses”? Under normal
circumstances ‘mother earth’ is regarded in feminine terms. Similarly, in Achebe’s Things Fall
Apart women are opaque. Moreover, their identities and framework only become meaningful
when they are emblematically bound to motherhood, nation and patriarchy. When Ezinma
demonstrated responsible leadership skills for the family, Okonkwo, her father redefined her
gender saying: “she should have been born a boy.” It is quite clear that these authors phase
women out in their texts.

1.1 Statement of the Problem

The principal problem of this research is that the African woman continues to suffer silently
despite the women’s movement and the feminists’ struggle in the modern world. By now almost
all African states have gained their independence from imperial governments. However,
African women have not yet gained Uhuru, independence from forms of violence within the
continent owing to forced painful marriages, denied ownership of lawful property as well as
denied right to read freely, speak and be heard in earlier African literary writing. The pioneering
African literary classics from both West and East Africa deny women a chance for a positive
reading about themselves. As women of all seasons, levels, ages and generations continue to
read African classics that draw a circle against them, their esteem is affected. Despite literature
being regarded as a mirror of society and a rare revolution challenging human existence, there
is not enough critical reading pertaining to the topic of discussion on the two texts.
Consequently, this study sought the impact of negative portrayal of women in Chinua Achebe’s
Things Fall Apart and Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s The River Between on female socio-cultural
empowerment.

1.2 Research Objectives

The objectives of the study were to:
i. compare and contrast the classic novels in African Literature by the earlier authors from
East and West Africa;
ii. investigate how female characters are portrayed in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi
Wa Thiongo’s The River Between;

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iii. investigate how the readership of Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s
The River Between have impinged on the positive experiences of the African women
preventing their socio-cultural empowerment.

1.3 Justification
The study on the impact of negative portrayal of women in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart
and Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s The River Between on female socio-cultural empowerment will
inform of some elements in African Literature by early male writers vis-a-vis the reading rights
of African women in regard to their socio-cultural empowerment. This information might draw
the attention of curriculum developers when deciding on literary set books and other gender
agendas.

1.4 Scope and Limitation

The study limited itself to African pioneering classic novels, one from East and the other from
West Africa. To produce evidence about the topic of discussion, the study analysed Ngugi wa
Thiongo’s The River Between from East and Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart from West
Africa.

1.5 Literature Review

There is evidence that many critics often highly regard both Things Fall Apart and The River
Between as defining master pieces of African fiction. Scholars argue that Achebe’s Things Fall
Apart is an excellent description of the typical dilemma African culture has undergone since
the dawn of modernity and its challenge of change as well as pertinent cultural development of
Africa. Fiorenzo Conte in When Two Worlds Collide: A Review of “The River Between” argues
that Ngugi’s classic narrows down to a realistic representation of colonialism, economic
grabbing of resources, education, language and Christian ideals as well as the rifts between two
groups of the Kikuyu people, one being Christian and the other traditional. Fiorenzo seems to
suggest that literary books provide a fascinating perspective on the internal divisions that
emerged among African families in the wake of colonialism. Consequently, scholars argue that
these books present the problems of society in the form of two things splitting or two things
falling apart. However, the perspective of the impact of a negative portrayal of women on
female socio-cultural empowerment has not been done exhaustively. Therefore, this study
sought relevant related literature on the devalued image of women in Chinua Achebe’s Things
Fall Apart and Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s The River Between on female socio-cultural
empowerment.

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In her book Drivers of Violence Male Disempowerment in the African context, Anetze Were
captures the possible socio-cultural circumstances implicating women in Achebe’s Things Fall
Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between:

African women are primarily (but not exclusively) disempowered in material terms and in
access to opportunities. This means that African women do not have sufficient access to
important resources, such as land in comparison to men. There are insufficient or insufficiently
implemented polices and laws and this puts African women at a disadvantage. African women
are often underpaid and they are not as educated as men because of the discrimination the girl
child faces in circumstances where the boy child is often the preferred candidate for
education… African women are subject to deviant social behaviour in form of rape,
harassment, beatings and other forms of societal as well as domestic violence. (Anetze: 6)

Anetze Were, a woman writing about both men and women observes that there is no way a
man’s discrimination compares with that of women and girls in an African context. Anetze
Were’s views are clearly seen when presenting the way in which women are treated in Achebe’s
Things Fall Apart and in Ngugi’s The River Between. Consequently, she proposes male
disempowerment as way of levelling gender disparity in Africa. Moreover, Were is of the view
that if the society considers male disempowerment then it will, in turn, emancipate women and
permanently end violence against women and girls.

Similarly, both Ngugi and Achebe seem to be reminiscent of the patriarchal story tellers of the
African narrative. Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between both
discuss the turmoil, changes and confusion that arose in Africa following the introduction of
modernity. Booker in The Chinua Achebe Encyclopedia claims that Achebe’s Things Fall
Apart paralleled Ngugi’s The River Between, which is a defining master-piece of post-colonial
literature right in the wake of the Mau Mau rebellion. While Achebe’s Things Fall Apart
remains a seminal and prominent African novel written in English greatly influencing not only
African literature, but also that around the whole world. These authors assert that Chinua
Achebe is writing not only to update the outside world about Ibo cultural traditions, but also to
remind his own people about their past; affirming that their culture had contained considerable
value. Achebe’s most outstanding feature was to create a multifaceted and a sensitive portrait
of a traditional village culture in Africa. At the time of his writing, many Africans were copy
typists of foreign cultures. They had been too receptive to the Western verdicts claiming that
Africa had no history or culture worth of scholarship.

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Ngugi’s The River Between presents two sub-communities of the Agikuyu people of Kenya,
one Christian and the other traditional, struggling with self-identity. The Christian group tries
to outlaw female circumcision, which they believe to be a pagan practice but the traditionalists
being distrustful of the invasion of the country remain focused on their traditional ways.
Ngugi’s The River Between seems to capture the context of recent and bitter memories Kenya
has gone through. The River Between presents colonialism as an economic grab of resources,
while education, language and Christianity are subordinate to that aim. Intellectuals praise
Ngugi’s characterization in The River Between and assert that it works perfectly well in two
major ways. Firstly, Ngugi accords the land and characters equal importance in detail
description and development. Secondly, he shifts the narrator’s view point so that, when the
story is told from the omniscient point of view, it replicates predominantly the responsiveness
of Waiyaki, the most important character in the novel. By shifting the point of view to an evenly
sustained omniscience, Ngugi allows his characters great sensibilities to dominate from scene
to scene hence succeeds in relaying more fully and barely the entire motives and moral choices
made. Ngugi, therefore, seems to reserve his neutral point of view to serve a more effective
communication. It seems Ngugi’s detailed descriptions of the ridges, the river, the sacred grove,
the sacred tree and the riverbank on which the circumcision rituals are held, are all used to draw
attention to the fact that the Kikuyu people’s identity is inseparably bound to the landscape
which predominantly constitutes the setting of the novel. Scholars agree that though Ngugi is
a cult figure, highly admired for his relentless critique of colonial and neo-colonial practices in
Africa, his representation of women in The River Between tends to be generally negative. Evans
Mwangi, in his article Kenya: Scholars Focus on Women in Ngugi's Fiction argues that Ngugi
seems to suggest women occupy a low place in the social hierarchy of the Gikuyu society. In
his The River Between Ngugi proposes that women are assigned demeaning jobs such as caring
for children and cooking for the family. Scholars contend that in his The River Between, Ngugi
basically narrates a tale of the divisions brought on a Kenyan community as a result of
introducing colonialism and Christianity among its people. The rift grows worse as each of the
major divisions solidifies their positions regarding the invasion of the country. However, this
rift in The River Between seems unique, as the focus of the battle is between the Kenyans
themselves rather than with the invaders. This situation is therefore, reminiscent of how in the
Diaspora, the frustration of communities often gets turned on to itself rather than the wider
system that creates and sustains those kinds of divisions. Ngugi argues that whenever there is
war in a community, both sides suffer guilt. Therefore, Ngugi employs the symbolism of
shedding blood during circumcision to effectively portray the people’s human longing for

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redemption and that is why his characters struggle with different visions of where that
redemption ought to come from. Will it come through keeping the purity of the old tribal rituals
(including circumcision of both the males and the females)? Or will it come through embracing
education, Christianity and a modern life style?

Macharia Kerugia in his work How Does a Girl Grow into a Woman? Girlhood in Ngugi wa
Thiong'o argues that Ngugi’s The River Between focuses on the lost heritage of Eastern
Africans as portrayed in the characters, especially Waiyaki, Muthoni and the elders of the tribe.
Ngugi was among the first English-educated African writers to develop fiction portraying the
Kikuyu view of the colonial war, the Mau Mau Rebellion, a violent uprising by the Kikuyu
people against British control. This event put the region in a state of emergency from 1952 to
1960. However, Ngugi’s novel focuses on the conflict between Christian missionaries and the
indigenous tribes, not external war necessarily. It also explores the long-lasting effects of
colonialism and the consequences of the struggle for independence. In The River Between and
in his other works, Ngugi attempts to correct the western literature image of Africa, by
offsetting the perspective of writers such as Joseph Conrad, the author of Heart of Darkness.
Ngugi’s work occupies the category of contemporary African fiction that began with Amos
Tutuola’s Palm Wine Drunkard and Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart.
Similarly, Achebe’s Things Fall Apart analyses the destruction of African culture by the
appearance of the white man in terms of the annihilation of the bonds between individuals and
their society. Achebe not only employs myths and proverbs to communicate to the world the
importance of Ibo culture in that society but also discusses the role of women in pre-colonial
Africa. Scholars contend that Things Fall Apart portrays Africa, particularly the Ibo society,
right before the arrival of the white man and after his arrival. Achebe’s Things Fall Apart traces
the trials and troubles of a tragic hero, Okonkwo, whose character flaw came as a result of the
fact that his whole life was dominated by fear. Achebe created Okonkwo in such a way that he
could not stand failure and weakness. Unoka, Okonkwo’s father embodied the essence of
failure and weakness. Other children often taunted Okonkwo when he was a child referring to
him as a descendant of Agbala. Agbala meant a man who had taken no title or a woman.
Authors argue that Achebe observes Nigeria accurately after the British turned political control
of Nigeria back to the Nigerian people in 1960, while power struggles were rampant among
different groups of Nigerians themselves concerning different religious beliefs, languages, and
traditions. Therefore, Achebe’s Things Fall Apart is an early narrative about the European
colonization of Africa told from the point of view of the colonized people. Like Ngugi’s The

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River Between this novel, too falls in the typography of colonial literature. Okonkwo was born
into poverty, with a squanderer for a father. Driven by ambition, he works tirelessly to gain the
prosperity of many fields and wives, and prestige in his village. Even though Okonkwo was
harsh he was quite diligent. As he sees the traditions of his people eroded by white missionaries
and government officials, he lashes out in anger. Okonkwo, driven by blinding ambition, finally
overcomes his father’s legacy of shame. In the Ibo village of Umuofia at a time when the tribe
was intact, the gods were respected, and the planting of yams was a man’s principal
responsibility. Therefore, in his Things Fall Apart Achebe tells a man’s story. Like Okonkwo’s
life, it is clean, hard and beautiful, but finally became painful when the orderly, peaceful village
life comes crashing into Christianity. Perhaps Peter Francis James’s bass voice resonates
perfectly with the elevated diction and multiple voices of Achebe’s novel. Although the
powerful Okonkwo may also boom with a furious voice when speaking, yet he is also yielding
and playful with his daughter, Ezinma. Achebe weaves folk tales into the fabric of his stories,
illuminating community values in both the content and the form of the storytelling. The tale
about the Earth and Sky in Things Fall Apart, for example, emphasizes the interdependency of
the masculine and the feminine. Although Nwoye enjoys hearing his mother tell the tale,
Okonkwo's dislike for it is evidence of his imbalance. The gender roles of men and women, as
well as the society perception of the associated concepts are frequent themes in Achebe's
writing. Achebe has been criticised as a sexist author in what many call an uncritical depiction
of the traditionally patriarchal Igbo society, where the most masculine men take numerous
wives, and women are beaten regularly. Igbo society immensely values individual achievement
but also sees the ownership of or the acquisition of women as a signifier of success. As seen in
Things Fall Apart the Igbo society condemns violence but Okonkwo’s ability to control ‘his’
women is inextricably connected to his dignity. Just like the image of Africa in Heart of
Darkness, Achebe’s novel continues to perpetuate the damaging stereotypes of black peoples
by its inclusion in the literary canon of the modern Western world. Achebe’s Things Fall Apart
presents the world with a searing critique which is sometimes taught side-by-side with Conrad's
work. Therefore, it is regularly included in critical editions of his text. However, Achebe is of
the view that Conrad refuses to bestow expression on the Africans hence he is uncharacteristic
of him.

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1.6 Theoretical Framework

A literary theoretical framework could be defined as an ideal complex parameter of different
lenses through which critics view and discuss literary works grounding them on certain
assumptions and literary aspects, a given school of thought suggests. While talking about theory
Krieger argues that a theory must be bendable enough to house the outbreak of the next poetic
experience, and yet be constricted enough to provide the standards by means of which the new
experience could be alleged or weathered. He strongly recommends that a given theory must
provide grounds for judgement while avoiding the narrowing dogmas that prejudge and
preclude its tenets. Krieger basically speculates that, though theory limits our power to
perceive, one can never do without one or more: one can never do with one or without one and
yet again one can neither rest in theory nor abandon it altogether. Therefore, this study on the
diminished image of women in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between
and its impact on female socio-cultural empowerment is informed by feminism and Aristotelian
thought.

The feminism literary theory used interchangeably with feminist criticism essentially implies
a theory of literary angle in literature whereby women ought to be depicted in a dignified
manner. The tenets selected in this critical review are those championed by the first wave
feminist scholars, including Mary Ellman's Thinking about Women (1968); Kate
Millet's Sexual Politics (1969) and Germaine Greer's The Female Eunuch (1970). Given
the nature of the study, feminism may not be found suitable for critical investigation on the
diminished image of Women in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s
The River Between and their impact on female socio-cultural empowerment. However, before
dismissing feminism, it is paramount that this study should briefly examine it.

Feminist criticism uses feminist principles and ideologies to analyse the language and subject
of literature in texts. The Feminist school of thought, especially that of the late first and second
wave of the 1960s’, scrutinizes and describes the ways in which literature portrays the narrative
of male domination: economically, socially, culturally, politically, historically and
psychologically. Feminist literary theory dates back to medieval times. However, a serious
theory concerning women’s authorship, image and representation of the condition of women
in literature is quite current. There have been several prominent schools of thought and different
waves in modern feminist literary criticism that inform the way women are portrayed in
literature. (Greer, 1970; Ellman, 1968; Millet, 1969). This study on the negative portrayal of
women in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between and its impact on female

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socio-cultural empowerment benefits from feminism. The study, however, reviews the more
traditionally central feminist perspective concerned with the portrayal of women, politics of
women's lives as well as the depiction of fictional female characters that have continued to play
an active pivotal role in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between. Modern
feminist criticism could easily support perceived issues deliberately and accidentally
highlighting women and girl characters negatively portrayed in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart
and Ngugi’s The River Between.

To reveal the portrayal of women and girls in fiction works modern critics recommend and tend
to dissociate literary scrutiny from intellectual expression-based arguments to more concrete
components, especially the plot and characterization. Views on how women and girls are
portrayed in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between affirm the efforts by
modern feminists who are aggressively embarking on the employment of anti-patriarchal
themes to protest the historical censorship of literature written by both men and women. This
is in line with the feminist literature of the 1990s that directly aimed at challenging the sexual
politics of the patriarchy. Since this theory is reviewed and dismissed, the study revisits
Aristotle’s original approach to literature in relation to the image of women to fill the glaring
lacuna in literary criticism on the diminished image of women in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall
Apart and Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s The River Between and its negative impact on female socio-
cultural empowerment.

Aristotle (384 B.C. - 322 BC) was a good student of Plato and an intelligent teacher of
Alexander the Great. He is deemed by modernists as one of the most important philosophical
scholars of all time. Alongside with his teacher and patriarch Plato, Aristotle is the most revered
philosopher of Greek antiquity. The Aristotelian thought has had great influence on Arab and
Jewish thinkers, the Christian philosophers of the Middle Ages and on the African literary
writers. Aristotle not only tutored Alexander the Great and initiated the unique Peripatetic
School at Lyceum Athens but also significantly contributed to all areas of philosophy, the arts
and natural sciences. According to Aristotle the goodness of a thing lies in the realization of its
ultimate nature. Therefore, with this same principle in mind he attempted to elucidate the nature
of a woman. According to Tumolty’s Aristotle, Feminism and Natural Law Theory New
Scholasticism, it is quite surprising to learn that Aristotle firmly believed that a woman was, in
fact, an incomplete or a mutilated man. Aristotle, therefore, viewed a male as the ultimate
realization of humanity and implied that the female automatically tailed as an inferior being.
Despite his negative view of womankind, Aristotle depended on women and he secretly

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conserved the dignity of individual women reserving some respect, kindness and compassion
for them.

Tumolty observes that Aristotle was happily married, and following the death of his dear wife,
opted to seize her former handmaid as a concubine. It is re-counted that he was blessed with
one legitimate daughter and one illegitimate son whom he fully embraced and to whom he left
his real estate as was the custom in his days. It was very unfortunate that Aristotle never
believed in the idea of an heiress and that’s why he preferred to bequeath his property to a
foster son rather than to his biological daughter. Aristotle described a woman as one who was
more compassionate than man; one who was more easily stirred to tears, one who was at the
same time more jealous; one who was more querulous, one who was more apt to scold and to
strike than man. Furthermore, he continued to argue that woman was less hopeful than man;
woman was avoider of shame or self-respect, woman was more false of speech, woman was
more deceptive, and woman was more of retentive memory than was man. In Achebe’s Things
Fall Apart male characters control the story, overshadowing most women characters.

Not only are the female characters depicted negatively but they assume minor and demeaning
roles. This is true in the portrayal of priestess Chielo, Ezinma, Ekwefi, Ojiugo, the virgin and
the wives of men in the entire story. Similarly, Ngugi in his The River Between portrays
Miriamu the mother of Nyambura and Muthoni as hopeless characters who are blamed for all
the problems in Joshua’s homestead, exactly as in the mind of Aristotle.

Moreover, Njeri the aunt of Nyambura and Muthoni, is not only barren but also widowed. The
girls Muthoni and Nyambura are portrayed as troubled children without hope and identity. In
writing his The River Between Ngugi demonstrates that he is an Aristotelian, especially when
he ironically claims that the art of child rearing among Kikuyu women made them obsolete as
far as authority and societal roles are concerned. Aristotle must have influenced the manner in
which Achebe and Ngugi created and positioned female characters as compared to male
characters in their novels.

Therefore, theorization of Aristotle concerning women is implied in his poetics where he argues
that in order to create a good tragedy, the artist should maintain the unity of plot. The two
novels: Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between fit in the Aristotelian
thought because they are tragedies whose plots demonstrate organic unity in the portrayal of
women characters. Both texts, Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between are
tragedies in that, in the case of Okonkwo it is “real’ but in the case of Waiyaki it is a delusion

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of a prophecy. Moreover, Aristotle suggests that character is not only secondary to the plot but
it is that which must be four things: good, appropriate, realistic, and consistent. In both novels,
the tragic characters Okonkwo and Waiyaki are very significant to understanding the nature of
patriarchal works of literature. Okonkwo’s sole desire was to outdistance his father’s past so as
to reign greatly but then he fatefully misappropriated power losing it all. Similarly, Waiyaki,
the expected Messiah for the mythic unity of Kameno and Makuyu was as obsessed with
education as a visionaries’ tool to be achieved that he forgot the actual unity. He miscalculated
the goal and worsened that huge split causing uproar in the ridges. In both novels, female
characters are not only left out of the significant roles but any females who attempt to assert
themselves are diminished in the process.

Consequently, the study concentrates on how women are portrayed in Achebe’s Things Fall
Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between so as to establish the extent to which their negative
portrayal impacts on female socio-cultural empowerment. In his book (Aristotle, 1981)
Tumulty observes that Aristotle’s four principles of a character in literature demand that first
and fore most the character ought to be good. It is argued that a play (and by extension a novel)
will show character if there are choices to be made and the character will be good, if the choice
is good. When this principle is applied to Ngugi’s The River Between, especially in the case of
Muthoni who chooses to undergo FGM, and thereafter dies in the process, Ngugi seems to
portray the Kikuyu girl in a dark light. The same incident happens in Achebe’s Things Fall
Apart when Mbaino elders decide to negotiate a peace deal with Umuofians only by subjecting
a young virgin to defilement by the widower.

Moreover, Aristotle is not committed when he says that even a woman is good and so is, a
slave, that while it might be said that a woman is an inferior thing, a slave is beneath
consideration. In their portrayal of women and girls Achebe and Ngugi are also not committed
at all. They both group women and children together like nameless slaves. In these two novels
women and children lack individual dignity and identity. Though thought to be better than
slaves, Aristotle’s stand on women is negative, hence demonstrating that his theory might have
influenced Achebe and Ngugi to author their works which disempower women, not only in
their portrayal but also in their socio-cultural disposition. Aristotle’s second point concerning
character is that it has to be appropriate. He argues that a character may be manly; nonetheless
it is not appropriate for a woman to be manly or clever. Compare and contrast this thinking by
Aristotle and Achebe’s where Okonkwo turns down the offer by Ezinma to bear his chair during
a wrestling match. “That is a man’s job, he retorted”. These words of Okonkwo were followed

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by a secret wish that Ezinma should have been born a boy. The same thing happens in Ngugi’s
The River Between when Muthoni’s wound refuses to heal and the two elders gossip about her,
claiming that her wound would not heal while the boys had all healed without any incidents.
This advocacy by Aristotle is too demeaning to the socio-cultural empowerment of women. In
these two novels, there is not even one woman who goes to school lest she would be accused
of wanting to become clever. Achebe and Ngugi are staunch Aristotelian patriarchs who had
probably read and understood Aristotle’s literary theory and philosophy which they set forth to
champion in their writing. This is the reason this study assumed that in Achebe’s Things Fall
Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between women who try to rise up to the task of doing courageous
things just the way men do are put to their proper place and this experience becomes too
demeaning. Thirdly, the Aristotelian character should correspond to the role assigned to it. The
role assigned is different from creating the character to be good or appropriate in the sense of
the word as used above. For instance, in Things Fall Apart girls were not allowed to touch or
carry a warrior’s seat, no matter how fond the relationship was. Ezinma was Okonkwo’s
favourite daughter but when it came to his traditional symbol of championship, she was not
part of it, lest because she is a girl, she may cause a bad omen to occur. Miriam in The River
Between was a Christian and a lawfully wedded wife of Joshua but Joshua never stopped
belittling her in his mind because she was once circumcised when still in ‘Egypt’ (while
unbaptized). Therefore, Aristotle theorized that women were to retain the positions traditional
society had assigned to them from time immemorial and it did not matter if some of those
positions reduced their image. Fourthly and finally, Aristotle argues that the character was to
be consistent even if the original was inconsistent and it offered such a character to the poet for
representation. Still she ought to be consistently inconsistent. To have said this meant that
Aristotle wanted women to suppress what they truly feel and to live that which men wish for
or assign them such as in the case of Miriam and Ezinma. Once a woman, one was condemned
to certain order for ever so as to retain consistence in one’s life. Aristotle’s views ignored the
dynamic nature of a human being in a woman.

In this way, Aristotle passed rules regulating character depiction where he argues that just as
much as in the organization of the episodes in the plot, one should always seek what is
inevitable or probable, so as to make it inevitable or probable that such and such a person should
say or do such and such; and inevitable or probable that one thing should follow another. This
view point of Aristotle implies that women conditioned by society should not speak or report
some abuses so as to remain consistent to their status quo. In Achebe’s Things Fall Apart the

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young virgin was given to a much older man without her consent and in Ngugi’s The River
Between Miriam is scolded for the behaviour of Muthoni as if she is a sole parent of Muthoni.

1.7 Hypothesis
The study assumes that Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between being
novels written by earlier authors from East and West Africa are similar. The second assumption
is that there is a negative depiction of women and girls in both novels. Thirdly, that the African
woman is adversely affected as a result of bearing a diminished image in the readerships of
Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s The River Between and fourthly that
there is a significant negative effect that the reading of these two novels may cause on the socio-
cultural empowerment of the African woman and girl child.

1.8 Research Design and Methodology

The methodology of this research design deemed appropriate was to observe the community
and to analyse the image of the African woman in the selected novels in a qualitative and a
descriptive manner. The entire research encompassed a critical observation and a library based
component. I focused on relevant reading materials such as books, journals, magazines,
unpublished materials and sources from real life experiences that addressed the issue of
violence against women and girls. Through close reading of the primary texts and critical
analysis of relevant materials on the topic under discussion, data was amassed, compared,
synthesized and evaluated to yield the findings from which a general overview of the image of
the African women was created in the two novels.

2. 0 Presentation, Analysis and Discussion of the Findings

My analysis of the diminished image of women in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s
The River Between on female socio-cultural empowerment starts off with brief synopses of
each author’s work, followed by the output of critical reading process of each text
consecutively. This section mainly focuses on the analysis and discussion of the portrayal of
female characters. Male characters are also discussed appropriately. The order of presentation
is that Chinua Achebe is discussed before Ngugi wa Thiong’o followed by a general
conclusion.

Chinua Achebe, a famed writer and educator was born in Eastern Nigeria on 16th November
1930. After completing high school, Achebe attended the University of Ibadan where he
graduated with a Bachelor’s degree in English Literature. Thereafter, Achebe joined the
Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation as Director of external broadcasting correspondence, a

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position he maintained until 1966. After attaining his highest qualification in literature and 24
honorary degrees, Achebe served as professor at David and Marianna Fisher University and as
professor of Africana Studies at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island. Sadly, he died
on March 21st the year 2013, at the age of 82 while still serving in Boston, Massachusetts
University. Things Fall Apart is Achebe’s ground-breaking novel which was published in 1958.
Immediately it was published, it sold over 12 million copies within three months. Achebe’s
Things Fall Apart has been translated into more than 50 languages. It is this tragic novel which
has immortalized Achebe as patriarch of the African novel for he not only portrayed a
traditional village culture in Africa, he also informed the outside world about Ibo cultural
traditions that reminded the Ibo people of their past values and vices.

Thing Fall Apart is the life story of Okonkwo, a warrior and village hero who is affluent and
respectable in the Umuofia clan in Nigeria. Umuofia is part of a group of nine associated
villages. Okonkwo happens to be so haunted by the actions of his cowardly and improvident
father Unoka that he even does not want to remember him. As a result of being wasteful, Unoka
had died in disgrace, leaving many debts unsorted. Therefore, in order to silently counter him,
Okonkwo models for himself behaviour contrary to his father’s. He becomes a reputable
clansman, combatant, farmer, and family provider extraordinaire. However, he has a teenage
son named Nwoye whom he finds lazy and whose behaviour reminds him of his own father
who was by then dead and buried. Unfortunately, in the neighbouring village, called Mbaino,
a daughter of Umuofia has been killed and instead of going to war, the guilty party negotiates
an alternative peace settlement in which Umuofia is given a young virgin to replace Ogbuefi
Udo’s murdered wife and a fifteen-year-old boy, called Ikemefuna, who was given to the entire
clan. Ikemefuna is given to Okonkwo’s patronage who later finds an ideal son in him. Nwoye,
Okonkwo’s real son, also loves Ikemefuna and looks up to him for guidance. Ikemefuna stays
with Okonkwo’s family for three years, a period through which he becomes a true son to
Okonkwo and true elder brother to Nwoye. One-day Obierika, a respected village elder,
informs Okonkwo that the oracle of the hills demands Ikemefuna to be put to death, however,
Okonkwo was not to take part in that murder given that he was foster parent to the lad.
Okonkwo seems to hear these words but he does not listen because his pride lies in keeping a
masculine attitude throughout even if it meant the shedding of blood. Despite this caution and
words of wisdom, Okonkwo not only participates in Ikemefuna’s murder but also gives the last
blow that kills the boy. Sinking into depression ever since the death of Ikemefuna, Okonkwo

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starts making many mistakes, including murdering a white man’s head messenger with his
machete, an action which finally saw Okonkwo’s suicidal end.

In Achebe’s Things Fall Apart male characters dominate the story, making most women
become type characters. Only a few characters are assigned names and minor roles: priestess
Chielo, Ezinma, Ekwefi, Ojiugo, virgin and wives. Consequently, Achebe’s Things Fall Apart
presents women as a forlornly oppressed crowd with little power.
Ezinma is the only child of her mother and she is a favourite daughter of Okonkwo. Achebe
portrays her as a true beauty. However, according to her father’s culture she is very much the
antithesis of the societal expectations of a woman. Consequently, Okonkwo routinely remarks
that she would have made a much better boy than a girl. Okonkwo forgot that Ezinma had
repeatedly won his adoration, affection, and respect just because she challenged him and
contradicted some commands unlike some women who bowed to his might unquestioningly.
In this way Ezinma proved very similar qualities to her father. This is what made her stand out
among others. When Ezinma matured into a beautiful young lady, she refused to be married
off during her family's exile and decided to remain by her father’s side helping him to regain
his respect within the society. Achebe argues that Ezinma is the only girl child portrayed in a
light colour; however, she had born difficult childhood and been a burden to the mother. As a
child Ezinma had always been sickly, sometimes causing Ekwefi serious fears that she too,
would die like the rest. Achebe observes:

Ekwefi had suffered a good deal in her life. She had borne ten children and nine of them had
died in infancy usually before the age of three. As she buried one child after another her sorrow
gave way to despair and then to grim resignation. The birth of her children which should be a
woman’s crowning glory became for Ekwefi mere physical agony. Devoid of promise.
(Achebe: 72)

In his Things Fall Apart Achebe uses Ezinma and Ekwefi, her mother, to demonstrate how
women are victims of worry and circumstances and how these attitudes diminish their image,
overshadowing their socio-cultural empowerment. Achebe portrays Ekwefi negatively when
he assigns her the position of second wife in Okonkwo’s home. Having met with the grave
misfortunes of the deaths of her first nine children, she was totally diminished in all aspects.
Achebe continues:

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By the time Onwumbiko died, Ekwefi had become a very bitter woman…. Ekwefi had nothing
but good wishes for her…. But she had grown so bitter about her own chi that she could not
rejoice with others over their good fortune. (Achebe :72)

Consequently, Achebe singles out Ekwefi as a centre of feminine suffering in his entire book:

Ekwefi was the only person in the happy company who went about with a cloud on her brow.
Her husband’s wives were won’t to. How could she know that Ekwefi ‘s bitterness did not flow
outwards to others but inwards into her own soul; that she did not blame others for their good
fortune but her own evil chi who denied her any … Ekwefi was re assured. But such was her
anxiety for her daughter that she could not rid herself completely of her fear. (Achebe: 75-76)

Achebe portrays Ojiugo as a victim of wife battering. In Things Fall Apart, Okonkwo’s fiery
temperament leads to the beating of his second wife during the Week of Peace. Okonkwo even
shoots at her with his gun, but luckily, he missed her and she narrowly escaped death. This only
illustrates the magnitude of the diminished image of women in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and
its implication on their female socio-cultural empowerment

In Achebe’s story Okonkwo had three wives and though this was seen as a great triumph for a
man in African culture it was a demeaning experience to the women. Okonkwo was obsessed
with his masculinity, and felt that any slight compromise on this would suddenly destroy him.
Consequently, he was rough with his three wives. Women are human beings and not just wives
of a single man Okonkwo. The portrayal of wives in Achebe’s writing has a negative
implication on their socio-cultural empowerment and demonstrates the low image of women.

Achebe portrays Nwoye’s mother as a voiceless woman who was supposed to do as she was
told without asking any questions. In Things Fall Apart, Achebe comments that when Nwoye
asks the mother “Why do they always go for one’s ears? When he was a child his mother had
told him a story about it. But it was as silly as all women’s stories. Mosquito, she said had
asked Ear to marry him”. (Achebe: 17).

Achebe also portrays women as dependent on men. Talking of Okonkwo’s father, he remarks
that “he borrowed and lost money, and neglected his wife and children”.

Even though most women in Things Fall Apart are negatively portrayed, they are regarded as
primary educators of children. Through storytelling and other forms of discourse, women
educate and socialize the children, inspiring their intellectual curiosity about values, and
relationships. The stories the women tell also develop the artistic consciousness of the children,

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in addition to entertaining them. The women bear children, cook and take care of the household
in many other ways. Through their labour, they are an important pillar of the society. The
presence of Chielo, the priestess in Things Fall Apart is instructive. She is a spiritual leader;
whose authority is unquestioned. Igbo women have ritualistic power and vision: when
Okonkwo is banished to his mother’s homeland, his uncle Uchendu welcomes him, saying:
A man belongs to his fatherland when things are good and life is sweet. But when there is
sorrow and bitterness he finds refuge in his motherland. Your mother is there to protect you.
She is buried there. And that is why we say that mother is supreme. (Achebe: 94-95)

The ritualistic function of women emanated from the belief in the ritual essence of women as
progenitors of the society. The idea is that women know the secret of life since they are the
source of life. Because of their biological function in the life-giving process, the society looks
on them to safeguard life. Thus, it is the biological role of women that influences belief in their
power. There is a memorable question that old Uchendu asks, which emphasizes the position
of women in a dramatic way. In Things Fall Apart patriarchy intrudes oppressively into every
sphere of existence. It is an androcentric world where the man is everything and the woman
nothing. In some way Mezu is correct in saying that the man is everything and the woman
nothing. The man holds the highest importance of the family and it is he who holds the titles.
In Things Fall Apart, Achebe reveals the troubles of the main character Okonkwo being likened
to a woman for Okonkwo’s father Unoka was the essence of failure and weakness. Okonkwo
was taunted as a child by other children when they called his father Unoka Agbala. Agbala
could either mean a man who had taken no title or a woman. Achebe observes that Okonkwo
hated anything weak or frail, and his descriptions of his tribe and the members of his family
show that in Igbo society anything strong was likened to man and anything weak to woman.
Thus, Achebe closely follows the vision and mentality of Aristotle.

While Chinua Achebe was born in West Africa, Ngugi wa Thiong'o was born in East Africa,
(Limuru, Kenya) in 1938 and was educated at the Alliance High School before proceeding to
Makerere University in Uganda where he earned a Bachelor’s degree in literature. Thereafter
he read in the UK at the University of Leeds. After publishing his first novel Weep Not Child
in 1964, he published his classic The River Between in 1965. Ngugi is a literary activist for
African languages and their importance on the continent. He is particular about decolonization
of the mind. As a global author, Ngugi continues to write, travel and lecture expansively on his
favourite themes and on various topics related to Africa. His works are well known throughout
the world and they have made powerful impact on people both at home and abroad.

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The River Between is the story of Waiyaki, a special youth. Right from his childhood it had
been said that the legends of a magician, a seer and a warrior were ingrained in him as handed
down by Mumbi and Gikuyu. The fellow children of the tribe, living on either bank of the river
Honia, were largely untouched by the outside influences. Waiyaki was unique because he
descends directly from a line of seers and he was said to be the very last prophet destined to
bring salvation and unity between the two ridges in the hills. The two ridges, Kameno and
Makuyu, lay side by side like two sleeping lions with the Honia flowing between them. The
river was so strong that it kept on running even in the dry seasons. No wonder its name was
“Honia” meaning “cure.” One day, Waiyaki found two young boys (Kamau and Kinuthia)
fighting but he was able to stop them despite the fact that he was the youngest of them all. He
reminded them of their slogan that boys of the hills had sworn not to fight among themselves.
These three boys are destined to study at the Siriana Mission School to become teachers. Before
Waiyaki was to start school at Siriana Mission, his father (Chege) embarks on a journey to take
him to a sacred grove where he reveals the fact that Waiyaki was destined to become saviour
of their people. Chege also informs his son that through education he would prevail against the
settlers. Waiyaki believes that education is the key to survival for his people hence establishes
schools but Kabonyi is jealous of his success and respected position. Meanwhile, Joshua has
come to believe Christianity is the truth rather than the traditional lore of the tribe.
Unfortunately, one of his daughters, Muthoni, runs away from home because her father refuses
to allow her to undergo circumcision, an important ritual of the tribe. Muthoni dies following
this circumcision and her death creates a greater division between those who believe in
Christianity and those who believe in the traditional ways. Fortunately, Waiyaki and Nyambura
fall in love yet this does not heal the rift as the two are kept apart because Joshua would never
allow Nyambura to marry a pagan.

Through the character of Muthoni Ngugi wa Thiong'o proposes that a girl’s circumcision meant
that she was now able to participate in marriage and bear children. However, this is not true.
What is more it has even been proven on medical grounds that a circumcised girl is likely to
suffer maternal complications such as a fistula and others during childbirth. Ngugi’s argument,
therefore, is that girl circumcision is a menace and it should have never been mentioned in such
sweet terms by Muthoni:

Father and mother, look please, I – I want to be a woman. I want to be a real girl, a real woman.
Knowing all the ways of the hills and ridges … But Father, remember him. Why are we fools?

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She shook Nyambura. Father and mother are circumcised are they not Christian? Circumcision
did not prevent them from being Christians. (Ngugi: 26)

Kikuyu boys’ initiation into adulthood made an individual a full participant in society as a
whole, beyond the scope of the village. Male circumcision among the Kikuyu carried a social
consequence because it meant that a man would now become a warrior, defending them and
protecting them from attacks by the neighbouring tribes. For the Kikuyus, an uncircumcised
man remained a boy forever and would never be allowed to play a social role in the community.
Unlike female circumcision, female genital mutilation (FGM) or clitoridectomy is not required
at all for admission into full membership of the Kikuyu society. No wonder, after learning the
truth about FGM from the Missionaries who pitched their tents at Siriana Mission, many people
did not expect women to be circumcised and that’s why they questioned the attitude of Muthoni
rather than that of Joshua. Ngugi says:

Muthoni’s revolt had rung from hill to hill as if the news were passed by wind and the drums.
Her name was whispered from hearth to hearth. Waiyaki had seen her the day before in the
house where he had gone for a dance... When one of the candidates had pinched him on the
back and pointed to a young girl, jumping and swinging her hips from side to side in the midst
of a group of dancing women. (Ngugi: 40)

By killing Muthoni, Ngugi seems to highlight the grave dangers of FGM. Therefore, Ngugi
argues that Muthoni should have not been involved with the dangerous act. Her refusal to listen
to her father then tarnishes not only her own image but also that of all women. In the voice of
the main character Ngugi amplifies people's alarm at Muthoni to have identified herself with
such a risky and non-profitable practice;

“That is Muthoni.”

“Which Muthoni?”

“Joshua’s daughter of course.”

Joshua’s daughter! Joshua’s daughter.

He had known Muthoni when she was small (Ngugi: 40).

Ngugi foreshadows that FGM is not good for Muthoni and she will sooner or later weep as he
chooses what Waiyaki should recall about her, “He and Kinuthia and Kamau had made
Muthoni scream with terror when they had ambushed her at Honia”. (p. 40) Ngugi argues that

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though Waiyaki loves and secretly admires Muthoni’s courage, he himself would be haunted
by her reduced image.

The image of his sister, that of Muthoni and many others followed each other across his mind
in quick succession, shadows that had no concrete form: shadows that came and went;
sometimes merging, forming nothing. Then for one moment, his life became one white blur.
(Ngugi: 72)

Ngugi continues to portray the image of Muthoni in a negative manner in the mind of almost
all the major characters. For instance, Joshua, Muthoni’s father does not care about a Christian
who rebels through FGM: “If Muthoni’s rebellion and death put him off he did not show it. He
had in case disowned her. To him she never existed. What had a man of God to do with the
children of the evil one?” (Ngugi: 84) Furthermore, Ngugi demonstrates that even Nyambura,
Muthoni’s one and only loved sister and the only person who understands her, seems to
disapprove of FGM:

“Why did you do it? Why did ... she would ask, her love for her sister mingling with bitterness.
Muthoni would try to smile and say ‘I wanted to be a woman. One day, Nyambura you will
know”

“Let me never know, let me…” (Ngugt: 50)

Ngugi expresses how quickly Nyambura seems to back off even though she had supported
Muthoni to seek refuge at her aunt’s place. In The River between FGM does not only weaken
women’s health, it kills them altogether. Ngugi paints the wasting life flame very well:
“…Muthoni became worse… Muthoni was wasting away so fast …. Muthoni should go to the
hospital …. Muthoni was in a bad state”. (Ngugi: 50). Ngugi suggests that Waiyaki as an
educated man has a point in resorting to medical treatment for Muthoni. Perhaps Muthoni
needed to see a gynaecologist. At least Muthoni had Waiyaki and her sister Nyambura to ensure
this but Ngugi cautions how her going to the hospital affects her mother:

On the day Muthoni was taken to the hospital Nyambura broke the news to Mariam. She and
Muthoni had agreed to keep their mother ignorant for fear of brining misery to her. But the case
had reached a crisis. Mariam broke down weeping and cried, why didn’t you tell me before?
Oh, Muthoni… But life was not kind to her. Muthoni was now dead. (Ngugi: 51 -52)

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Ngugi ensures that Chege gets an opportunity to air out his views on FGM. This happens when
he is expressing his satisfaction about his son’s discipline during circumcision. In an interview
with his equal mate Chege is confronted to comment:

“And the girls?” the elder from Gathana asked.

“All … all….?”

“Yes?” the elder queried. He saw that Chege was hesitant.

“There is a girl... she is not well!”

“Who is she?”

“Muthoni” …

“Oh, Joshua’s daughter? We heard about her. Strange case for a girl he continued.” (Ngugi :47)

Ngugi argues that the case of Muthoni’s death made Chege to conclude that it was the
consequence of Joshua’s betrayal of the tribe. The contrast in the views that both groups possess
regarding Muthoni’s death further deepens the division between the two groups.

Ngugi portrays Martha as a critical and sensitive human being. She is a woman who works with
Reverend Livingstone, and is one of the biggest critics of Livingstone’s policies. When
Muthoni died after circumcision and that brutal mutilation of her body, Martha questioned
Reverend Livingstone “did you know the girl who died? In this way Ngugi clarifies that the
death of Muthoni did not augur well for the future because people thought that it might bring
further strife between the ridges.

Ngugi portrays Miriamu as a woman with a suffering heart but despite all her troubles, she
remains steadfast as Joshua’s wife and loving mother of Nyambura and Muthoni. Miriamu is a
peace-loving character and is Christian.

Njeri is the middle-aged and widowed aunt of Nyambura and Muthoni. She has no children of
her own but provides a home for Muthoni in preparation for her rite of circumcision. Njeri is a
symbol of the diminished image of women in Ngugi’s The River Between and its implication
on female socio-cultural empowerment. Ngugi portrays Njeri as a suffering and defeated
woman. Worst of all, Muthoni’s death has exposed her badly as a woman without a name. This
is quite evident when Ngugi says: “Oh no. She stays with her aunt. Her wound we hear is
getting bigger and worse’ (Ngugi: 47)

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Ngugi portrays Nyambura as a delicate woman and at the same time as one who is vulnerable
but very loving:

After Muthoni died, Nyambura and her mother wept without speaking without sign ever, only
tears flowed down continuously. She had died clinging to that image, to that obsession which
led her from Makuyu to Kameno who knew what it was? Muthoni herself had assured:
“Waiyaki, tell Nyambura I see Jesus. And I am a woman, beautiful in the tribe.” (Ngugi: 53).

With the above words, Ngugi documents Muthoni’s parting speech for Nyambura to reveal that
she served as a confidant for her late sister. Through the character of Nyambura, Ngugi
continues to demonstrate that women are gentile, vulnerable, loving and they are quite
dependent on men for emotional support and other material needs. Ngugi uses the meeting of
Nyambura and Waiyaki, to comment on this other side of women:

She was waiting for him at the next valley. Her heart beat as she saw him approach. She did
not know what to tell him for she felt guilt at her failure to go to Marioshoni on the day she had
promised to see him. She had wanted to go but it would have been a big risk. Her father had
been at home at the time. She did not come. And he did not wait any more…. For the first
time, he thought that she might be the conceited girl Kamau had painted her in their talks.
(Ngugi. :78)

Nyambura reciprocates Waiyaki’s love but rejects his first proposal because of her obligation
of obedience to her father and her realization that marriage will raise antagonisms that will
destroy them. Her father disowns her for immorality, yet as his daughter, she is too Christian
for the traditionalist, especially in the manner in which she shunned the circumcision ritual that
killed her sister. However, Waiyaki’s continuing love for her is the cause of his tragic downfall
in the way he sought to cross over to Christian marriage yet remain faithful to the tribe. Ngugi
seems to suggest that though women genuinely love men and seek their support and friendship,
some of them are badly treated by men and others despised by society.

Nyambura split into two, love of father and lover of Waiyaki. Nyambura was also called a
rebel. “You! You! How can you know that, little rebel?” Joshua fumed with fury and he would
not let her finish. (Ngugi:138)

Again, Ngugi argues that after “Muthoni died Nyambura was so disintegrated were it not for
Waiyaki. Joshua could control her body he could not control her heart.” (Ngugi: 134)

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In his novel The River Between Ngugi has demonstrated that FGM was an abhorrent practice,
especially among the Christian followers who strongly opposed it because it demeans women
and girls. This was well illustrated in the case of Joshua’s daughter so as to teach tough lessons
to those who had not yet realized its dangers. Muthoni, too ambitious a girl wanted to be a
woman through circumcision but she died due to the wounds of the operation. Therefore,
Ngugi’s women in The River Between assume negative roles.

3.0 Conclusion
Achebe’s Things Fall Apart and Ngugi’s The River Between are defining master-pieces of
African classical prose works which articulately describe the typical dilemma African culture
has undergone since the dawn of modernity and its challenge of change pertinent to cultural
development. Both works are patriarchal in nature where women are misrepresented. This
negative portrayal has a negative impact on female socio-cultural empowerment. Therefore,
Achebe and Ngugi are mere remittance of Aristotle hence the study recommends that more
gender balanced writers should emerge to challenge these good but arch African patriarchs.

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References
Achebe, Chinua. Things Fall Apart. New York, Anchor Books, 1994.
-------------------- Things Fall Apart: Nairobi, Heinemann Education Publishers, 1965.
Anezetse, Were. Drivers of Violence Male Disempowerment in the African context. Nairobi.
Mvule Africa Publishers, 2008.
Aristotle C. Aristotle in 23 Volumes, Vol. 23, translated by W.H. Fyfe., (384 B.C.-324 B.C.)
Baldwin, Gordon. Strange Peoples and Stranger Customs. New York, W. W. Norton and
Company Inc, 1967.
Booker, M. K. The Chinua Achebe Encyclopaedia. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 2003.
Clark.S. Aristotle’s Woman, History of Political Thought. London, William Heinemann Ltd,
1982
Dworkin. A. Feminism, Art, and My Mother Sylvia. London, William Heinemann Ltd, 1974.
Ellman, Mary. Thinking About Women. Harcourt, Brace & World, 1968.
Fiorenzo, Conte. When Two Worlds Collide: A Review of “The River Between” Ngugi,
London: Longman, 2012.
Greer, Germaine. The Female Eunuch. Britain, MacGibbon and Kee, 1970.
Horowitz. M. Aristotle and Journal of the History of Biology. William Heinemann Ltd,
London, 1970.
Krieger, Murray. Formalising the Difference: Murray Krieger's Literary Theory. California,
Irvine. Library, 1946
Macharia. Kerugia. “How does a Girl Grow into a Woman?” Girlhood in Ngugi wa Thiong'o,
Nairobi, Press Indiana, 2012.
Millet, Kate. Sexual Politics. Garden City, New York, Doubleday, 1969
Mwangi, Evans. Kenya: Scholars Focus On Women in Ngugi's Fiction; an article from the All
Africa archive All Africa Global Media (allAfrica.com) retrieved 20/12/2016
Ngugi Wa Thiong’o. The River Between. Heinemann Education publishers, Nairobi, 1965
Paul, Brians: Department of English, Washington State University Notes, Pullman, 1994.
Rhoads, Diana Akers "Culture in Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart". African Studies Review.
Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd, 1994
Roberts, J.M. A Short History of the World. New York, Oxford University Press, 1993.
Rosenberg, Donna. World Mythology: An Anthology of the Great Myths and Epics.
Lincolnwood, Illinois: NTC Publishing Group,
Tumolty, P. Aristotle, Feminism and Natural Law Theory New Scholasticism, London,
William Heinemann Ltd, 1981.
Women rights Movements Grolier Multimedia Encyclopedia,
http://gme.grolier.com/article?assetid=0314735-0. Retrieved 12/12/2016
Women's Liberation: “A Catholic View", Marilyn Bowers 1971
Conflicts of Gender in Things Fall Apart by Chinua Achebe.
"123HelpMe.com <http://www.123HelpMe.com/view.asp?id=96434>Retrieved 21
July 2016

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Violence against Women and Girls: Transformation

through Literature

By Dr Selline Oketch

Contents

Abstract .............................................................................................................................. 114

1.0 Introduction .................................................................................................................114

2.0 Theoretical Approach: The Transformative Role of Literature ..............................115

3.0 Contextualizing Women’s Struggles against Male Violence .....................................118

3.1 Aminata ..................................................................................................................118

3.2 Shrine of Tears and Miracle of Remera .............................................................121

4.0 The Return of Mgofu: Subverting Hegemony of Dominance ..................................122

5.0 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................126

References ...........................................................................................................................128

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Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the transformative possibilities that literature offers
in the struggle to end violence against women and girls. African nations have made significant
strides towards elevating women’s status and increasing their participation in various national
spheres. However, women are inevitably concerned by the daily news reports of domestic
violence and incestuous rape sometimes resulting in the victims’ deaths. They hear that for
example, women have lately been stripped and intimidated on the streets of Kenya for not
complying with arbitrarily imposed dress codes. They hear of programmes documenting
“corrective rape” in South Africa. I seek to discuss the ways in which literature can shine a
light on these troubling matters. Francis Impugn, a Kenyan male writer, exhibits similar
concerns in his works. My discussion looks closely at Imbuga’s selected plays as he explores
cultural and historical issues underlying the current ambivalent situations where women are
increasingly powerful yet so victimised. I submit that male violence inflicted on women is
rooted in male privilege as men feel threatened by women’s increasing visibility and their
demand for their rights as equal human beings. My conclusion is that Imbuga’s texts present
literary possibilities which nurture attitudes that allow men and women to recognise and affirm
the other’s humanity. It recommends Imbuga’s vision as a realisable model in the modern
African world.

Keywords: Gender; African literature; violence against women; patriarchy; transformation;

societal change.

1.0 Introduction
The status of women is an emerging issue in various disciplines and general global politics. In
Africa the lives of women and girls, even as young as three years old, have been curtailed by
men after subjecting them to brutal acts. Violence against women and girls takes various forms
and it is a phenomenon that has continued to escalate globally. In Kenya for instance, the media
are awash with women and girls being assaulted by male strangers, relatives, mentors or
intimate partners. Amidst all the excitement in the media, what should be remembered is that
these women and girls are real human beings, not objects. Fortunately, various women’s
organizations provide the platform to fight such injustices.

These organizations work towards the promotion and protection of women’s rights.
Most states have passed anti-discriminatory laws, but the laws are frequently side-stepped as

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patriarchal programming still continues to assert itself in channels such as movies, television
shows, books, magazines and advertisements (Smith: 85-86). I want to argue that violence
against women and girls should be addressed by a cross section of institutions and agents of
socialisation. It is a matter that must be of concern to both men and women. In this regard,
literature can be used to challenge injustices and affirm the basic principles of feminism,
namely, humanism, justice and fairness for all. As social, cultural and political conditions of
African societies continue to change and women increasingly take on new roles, it is imperative
to re-assess the contribution of African literature in addressing violence against women and
girls.

Literature can influence attitude change. Francis Imbuga (1947-2012), a Professor of Literature
at Kenyatta University and Kenya’s most prolific and prominent playwright, shows a genuine
concern for Kenya in particular and Africa in general, in his plays. Besides political leadership
and bad governance, Imbuga’s other concerns include cultural issues, the dichotomy between
tradition and modernity, human rights as well as the family unit and peer pressure.

We can view female characters in a literary text as voices that communicate to us the status of
women in the society. I examine the literary strategies that Imbuga adopts and highlight the
ways in which specific textual features show the writer’s response to victimization of women
and girls. I look closely at Aminata (1988), Shrine of Tears (1992), Miracle of Remera (2004)
and The Return of Mgofu (2011) and argue that these plays contextualize challenges that
African women face in the struggle for their rights, particularly against the backdrop of
traditionally defined roles and the socio-economic and political realities of the contemporary
African societies. Ultimately, I recognize Imbuga’s concern for respect for women and girls
within a broader social and attitudinal change involving both genders as he envisions
possibilities that nurture attitudes that allow men and women to recognise and affirm the other’s
humanity.

2.0 Theoretical Approach: The Transformative Role of Literature

African Literature has a close relationship with the social and political structures of the African
societies. Asserting the role of art and artists in the society, Imbuga draws attention to the
traditional African oral artists who used their narratives to educate and correct society through
persuasion and not through threats of punishment (Imbuga cited in Ruganda xxi). Through a
play-within-a-play technique in Man of Kafira, Osman tells his fellow artists charged with the
responsibility of improvising a play to entertain Boss:

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This play has been specifically written for a specific audience. Now we do not want to preach
to them because other people have tried elsewhere and failed. Our target is the subconscious
mind, that part of our brain that refuses to be cheated. And our primary weapons are symbols
and images, not swear words (Imbuga: 8).

Literary depictions can demonstrate an alternative approach to ending violence against women
and girls. The author creates the text within a specific socio-historical context and this
influences the text itself. A criticism of violence against women and girls in the literary texts
must be linked to social reality because the origins of literary works of the African writers are
grounded in the landscapes, languages, cultures and imaginative worlds of the African peoples
(Smith 20, 188; Woolf in Humm 3).

Various literary scholars attribute violence against women to African mythology and the
patriarchal system in which some societies are deeply rooted, and which relegate women to a
very low social status (Chesaina: 10). Some critics have called on women writers to correct the
negative female stereotypes in African literature (Fonchingong; Okereke; Ogundipe-Leslie).
Ogundipe-Leslie elaborates that the female writer must know the reality of the African woman
and the truth about African women and womanhood (Ogundipe-Leslie 8).

Owomoyela proposes a more “progressive attitude” towards gender relations (4).

Fonchingong makes this claim more vivid in his view that increasing attention is being
accorded to the mediation of gender relations in contemporary African literature, hence the
questions that should be asked include how the battered image of the female gender is being
redeemed and the kind of reading being given to gendered power structures in texts by earlier
male writers (136). Thus, gender can be understood as an aspect of social conditioning linked
to expectations of the roles of men and women in different cultures. Tyson succinctly states:

Feminists observe that the belief that men are superior to women has been used to justify and
maintain the male monopoly of positions of economic, political and social power [...] to keep
women powerless by denying them education and occupational means of acquiring economic,
political and social power (86).

Patriarchy is deeply rooted in African societal structures and contributes to the devaluation of
women (Strong-Leek 4). The traditional African society puts more value on boys than on girls.
Boys are provided education before girls and boys are expected to be greater achievers than
girls (Maathai 139). This socialisation process indoctrinates men to believe that they are
materially superior to women.

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The process of emancipation of women in a patriarchal society brings forth anxieties among
some men resulting in acrimony and tension in the community. A man’s failure to provide for
his family is considered the most humiliating failure a man can experience (Tyson 87). Men
resort to anger and other violent emotions as ways of blocking out fear and pain (88). For
instance, following women’s economic liberation in Senegal, men in rural Wolof, began to
generate a “discourse of impotence and frustration, different from the confident displays of
authority earlier” (Perry 209). Writing on the post-apartheid era, Walker observes that some
men’s response to the shifts in gender power relations have been violent, ruthless and
reactionary, especially since the 1996 Constitution and Bill of Rights (225).

Frantz Fanon describes decolonization as a violent event that involves “the substitution of one
‘species’ of mankind by another” (1). He suggests:

In a [developing] country the mobilization of men and women should be undertaken as quickly
as possible. [It] must take precaution not to perpetuate feudal traditions that give priority to
men over women...The consciousness of the younger generation must be elevated and
enlightened because they represent one of the most important sectors (141-2).

I agree with Coetzee that attempts to stop violence against women and girls in any society may
not succeed without first identifying deep rooted structures of domination that serve to
perpetuate the ideology of patriarchy (304). In Africa patriarchy is perpetuated by traditions
and colonial structures. Kabira states:

I feel that women of Africa have a bond that ties them together. We are tied together by our
experiences of oppression, by a patriarchal system that has relegated women to second-class
citizens. We are tied together by colonial and other foreign rules. We are tied together by our
common experiences in marriage. Religion [...] oppresses women. Traditions also oppress
women. We are tied together by subservient roles that societies have given us. We have
common experiences as mothers, as wives and as daughters of Africa (29).

In literature, the marginalisation of women is manifested through the oppression and ill-
treatment of a female character, discrimination against a female character, violence against a
female character and the restriction of the role of a female character to taking care of the
extended family (Mojalefa and Makgato 148). In particular, Imbuga’s plays that I analyse
present different forms of violence against women attributed to the patriarchal nature of the
African societies.

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drunk and an irresponsible man who believes that tradition gives him authority to beat his wife
as he pleases. He does not provide his family with the basic needs, including food and money
for the children’s education.

Misiah represents the silenced and undermined women who are victims of the socio-economic
and cultural conditions of the African societies that contribute to the disempowering of women.
She has no voice even in situations that concern her and her suffering is only voiced by other
characters. Her reliance on Aminata, Ababio’s sister, for both emotional and material support
reveals economic dependency as a factor in some female characters’ passivity to violence
against them.

But Membe represents an African society in transition and whose equilibrium has been
shattered by a new and foreign doctrine of Christianity that attacks the traditional elements and
institutions that have so far placed men in a privileged position. The Christian teachings
threaten to erode the people’s traditional way of life. Ngoya becomes one of the initial converts
who break away from tradition. He denounces tradition by encouraging women to eat chicken,
starting with his daughter Aminata, in defiance of the taboo associated with it. He educates his
daughter Aminata and bequeaths to her a three-acre piece of land in his will.

Through Aminata, therefore, Imbuga poses a challenge to the contemporary African society by
creating conflict over the possibility of a woman inheriting land from her deceased father.
Aminata surmounts patriarchal oppression through her education and material success as a
professional lawyer. She plays a significant moral role through the development projects that
she initiates in the community. A female character like Aminata is certainly a new phenomenon
in her community; and she encounters a lot of resistance and antagonism mostly from her
brother Ababio and uncle Jumba. Aminata’s experience exposes verbal abuse as a type of
violence against women.

Ababio and Jumba feel that Aminata’s achievements jeopardise their own status as men. They
feel threatened by Aminata’s status and aggrieved by Pastor Ngoya’s decision to bequeath to
her a piece of land. Jumba feels that Pastor Ngoya has undermined his authority as village
headman. They display deep hatred for Aminata to the extent that each has devised his own
coping strategy to assert authority and dominance.

Jumba uses animal imagery to characterize Aminata as evil (13-15, 29), robbing her of her
feminine qualities and distancing her from what is perceived as the “masculine” world that her
father has propelled her to. Thus, Jumba’s abusive language depicts Aminata as something

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weird, not human. Likewise, Ababio feels threatened that Aminata seems to have usurped what
he believes is his position in the family as the eldest son: she took their father to hospital and
took care of him until he died; she bought the coffin and now pays school fees for Ababio's
children. He, too, equates Aminata with animals such as “a beast, a she elephant” and “a
serpent” (50, 54). As pressure to hand over the piece of land to Aminata mounts and becomes
unbearable for Ababio, he decides to boycott the handing over ceremony.

Ababio grumbles over Aminata’s education, dismissing it as inconsequential saying: “They can
collect all the degrees in the world [...] but let nobody touch my land [...] no woman will touch
my father’s land because that is my land [...] what is a will? Zero!” (23). The syndrome that
Ababio displays is frustration because of failure to provide adequate economic support for his
family.

We can argue that violence against women and girls can be directly linked to women’s
increasing visibility. Through Aminata, the playwright also suggests that the patriarchy can be
dismantled because not all men characters react violently towards women. I can argue that men
who reject violence against women and girls should be seen as women’s allies in the struggle
to end this sort of violence. Ababio wonders why Aminata’s husband does not tame her by
beating her. In his assessment Mulemi is not a true African man. Yet, as an educated
professional male character, Mulemi represents the writer’s vision of men who are pace-setters
in the campaign to end violence against women. His marriage to Aminata is based on love and
mutual understanding that the play envisions as instrumental in dismantling structures that have
perpetuated the oppression of women for centuries. Fortunately, there is a rise in the number
of pro-feminists who support “women’s equality and other men’s efforts to live ethically
consistent and more emotionally resonant lives” (Kimmel729, 731).

The play, Aminata, demonstrates that education is a very strong strategy of creative positive
attitudes that can nurture respect between men and women in society. Societies that have
thrived on violence against women and girls also require conscious efforts at educating their
men and women. There should also be intensive programmes to help individual members of
the community understand the implication of change on culture. The Elders’ responsiveness to
Aminata inheriting her father’s piece of land is already a step in the right direction. Aminata
herself envisages a future where her daughter will grow up in a more gender inclusive
environment. Aminata and her husband, Mulemi, look forward to a healthy nation for their
children and grandchildren, a nation where their daughter would not be barred from inheriting
her parents’ property (42). In the context of our discussion, girls such as Aminata’s daughter

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would not be subjected to male violence. Imbuga presents a glimpse into that future in his
novel, Shrine of Tears.

3.2 Shrine of Tears and Miracle of Remera

Shrine of Tears which mainly focuses on cultural erosion is set in a fictitious African country
called Kilima while Miracle of Remera explores, among other themes, the challenges
associated with peer pressure that the youth encounter including the pandemic of HIV and
AIDS. Shrine of Tears bids farewell to ogres, an image that equates all acts of impunity to the
weird, mysterious and devastating being in the African folktales. This imagery recurs in
Imbuga’s The Return of Mgofu in relation to the perpetrators of ethnic violence and all those
who violate the rights of others. The symbolism of the ogre in these contexts suggests that
violence and other acts of impunity are strange behaviours and those engaged in them negate
their humanity.

In Shrine of Tears, the writer recognises that violence against women must be fought right at
the beginning of the girl-child’s socialization within the family. The media are replete with
reports of children raped by male relations. Imbuga denounces this by presenting male
characters that play significant roles in the girl-child’s positive socialisation process, as
demonstrated by university dons, Headmaster and Boge. They accord Headmaster’s toddler
Kadidi tremendous support instrumental in creating an enabling environment for girls to exploit
all their potentials as they grow into adult women.

Other forms of violence against girls that Imbuga condemns through literature are sexual
exploitation, violation of the girls’ right to education and early marriages. In the first place, in
Shrine of Tears, Imbuga condemns sexual exploitation of girls. This is a serious form of
violence against girls that exposes them to immorality which also demeans their dignity as
human beings. At the Hell’s Gate Bar and Restaurant, young female characters of school-going
age are barmaids and cluster around male patrons for money and drinks. In particular, Mr
Silverspoon and Mr Gaylord confuse girls, including one in uniform, with money, buy for them
alcohol and photograph them in the nude under the guise of creating “employment” for them.
Boge confronts these men and in particular reprimands Mr Silverspoon, a white man, and warns
him against doing that to any other Kiliman girl. He implores the men to show respect and
regard the girls as their sisters (90).

In Miracle of Remera, Brenda is sedated and raped by an Ethiopian teenager-guest on transit at

a tourist hotel where she worked after dropping out of school owing to lack of fees. This

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traumatic ordeal also leaves her HIV positive. In the same novel, Brenda of the firewood, a
name referring to the menial jobs she performs, has had to drop out of school and enter an early
marriage life with her teacher who had impregnated her (72). Through this particular case,
Imbuga highlights the plight of numerous girls in Kenya who fall easy prey to paedophiles or
men otherwise charged with the social responsibilities of moulding them into responsible
members of society.

The examples of violence that the female characters in these works by Imbuga experience are
the same ones that women in Kenya and other African countries also struggle against. Depicting
such acts of violence in literature significantly serves to show that literature can be a powerful
platform to fight violence against women and girls. Strategies to curb this phenomenon that
the writer supports include education, sensitization on detrimental cultural practices, attitude
change towards male superiority and positive socialisation right from childhood.

In Shrine of Tears, Headmaster expresses views that are very pertinent to the struggle to end
violence against women and girls. The character stresses the need to decolonise people’s
“entire spirit and social environment” because the worm that causes this violence and lack of
self-esteem is “already in our blood” (177). This task, he argues, should not be left to a handful
of people. Everyone at home and many institutions such as the performing arts should be
involved in positive socialisation. In this regard, we can argue that Imbuga uses his literary
works to underscore the critical roles of educated men and the youth of both genders in
sensitising society to nurture positive attitudes towards women and girls. This approach is
demonstrated in the play, The Return of Mgofu.

4.0 The Return of Mgofu: Subverting Hegemony of Dominance

The optimism at the end of Aminata gains full import in Imbuga’s literary trajectory twenty-
three years later with the publication of The Return of Mgofu. As a Visiting Professor at the
Kigali Institute of Education in Rwanda from 2000 to 2005, Imbuga conducted several writing
workshops and participated in a film production reliving the Rwandan genocide of 1994, which
provides the basis for this play. The Return of Mgofu condemns ethnic animosity and
intolerance that continue to plague most African countries. The play demonstrates a conviction
that literature can offer approaches that can educate society on possible strategies to adopt in
efforts to end violence against women and girls.

Set in Mndika, a fictional African nation healing from a form of genocide, The Return of Mgofu
addresses the entire African continent and is dedicated to “all those who have fallen in major

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and minor forms of genocide in Africa and beyond [and to] lovers of peace.” As indicated
earlier, the perpetrators of violence are equated to ogres, and this distances them from normal
human beings since human beings have the ability to create peaceful relations among
themselves, irrespective of their gender. Even here the ogres are rejected in symbolic ways.
Priestess Kadesa’s Shrine of Kitigali that offers refuge to the people of Mndika in exile after
genocide is also referred to as “Farewell to Ogres”.

The play subverts male dominance and the culture of impunity through female characters that
play prominent roles in a society that recognises them as human beings. For example, Priestess
Kadesa is hospitable and knowledgeable in her people’s history and admirably offers spiritual
guidance to the Mndikan exiles in Nderema. Mgofu is born and bred in her shrine. Mgofu’s
daughter, Norah Ulivaho, whose surname means “the one who will be there” signifies change
and continuity and can be regarded as the epitome of that future generation that Aminata had
envisaged. Ulivaho positions herself to assume a key role in the leadership of the new nation
of Mndika.

The play explores the quest for moral order in the society to herald an end to all forms of
violence against fellow human beings. In this endeavour, a return to the values of the African
oral tradition to enhance peaceful relations between individuals in the society is vital. Mgofu is
a Luhya name that embodies old age, wisdom, goodness and human values such as respect,
hospitality, tolerance, kindness and forgiveness, associated with African traditions. These
values express the play’s overriding message. Thus, in the context of the play, Mgofu is both
an ideology and a character.

The human values are displayed in the wisdom of Mgofu and the humaneness of characters
such as Mgofu, Mhando, priestess Kadesa and Ulivaho. These characters can be regarded as
ideal characters entrusted with the role of spearheading the transformation in their society. For
this reason, Mgofu’s return implies a “return” to the re-assessment of the role of African
traditions in the oppression of women and the possibility of transforming the roles of female
characters in order to integrate them into the mainstream social and political activities of the
society.

Ulivaho, the daughter of Mgofu the second, is prominently placed in the play to embody the
three-pronged structure of the play. She belongs to the third generation from the period of the
last exile. Also, she has roots in the past through her first name after her grandmother, the wife
of the Great Blind Seer. She is also the one who accompanies her father in the symbolic return

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journey to Mndika. As we have pointed out, Ulivaho which means, “the one who will be there”
signifies her role in the future. Ulivaho actually outlives her old and dying father, and as the
denouement of the play suggests, she is poised to take on his mantle through her pledge to
return and probably assume a leadership position in Mndika.

The need to look for values in the African traditions can be viewed as one of the writer’s
significant transformative strategies. The play also appeals to those with a moral conscience to
actively play their role in guiding the society in the process of change of attitudes as a character
called Thori states: “The only thing necessary for evil to triumph is for good people to do
nothing” (5). The overriding message of the play is contained in the virtues of respect, tolerance
and forgiveness. Mgofu is the nation’s legend, regarded as “Mndika’s symbol of well-being”
(46). Odhiambo highlights the relevance of the play to Kenya today and to the African
continent:

The Return of Mgofu is a most pressing didactic note on the state of our nation, region and
continent. Imbuga is quite clear, in this play, about the need to stop the name calling, blame
games, prejudices and unfounded claims to superiority and exceptionalism that characterise our
society today (Sunday Nation, January 6.)

The play’s underlying message is that women’s status can positively change through
participatory and inclusive leadership. Female characters are included in the new model of
political leadership, recognised as “good leadership” (28). Mgofu champions change and a
break with retrogressive tradition that does not help the nation improve the human conditions
of “its people” (58). His strong message of “respect for human blood” (69) is double-pronged:
firstly, it provides a framework for equality of men and women. Secondly, it is a means to solve
the vice of impunity that creates violence in society. Hence, Mgofu’s return brings to the people
of Mndika a message of peaceful relations between men and women, regardless of their
diversities. This message can also be read as Imbuga’s optimism that human beings possess
redemptive qualities.

Mgofu, the seer, demonstrates his message through his attitude to his daughter, Nora Ulivaho,
who accompanies him on his return journey to his motherland. Nora is the epitome of the
African woman who has surmounted male violence. She is self-assured, has power to represent
herself (68) and receives overwhelming applause from the crowd. This is the writer’s technique
of showing that through intensive and appropriate strategies, the vice of violence against
women and girls can be stopped.

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Explicitly, Mgofu the seer exemplifies that tranquillity that societies seek must first start within
the family. While in Aminata Ngoya uses Aminata to fight tradition, Mgofu demonstrates that
only good tradition promotes respect for all human beings and tradition that paves way for
violence against women should be discarded. Specifically, Mgofu’s viewpoint voices the vision
in these works which systematically progresses towards concern for woman and man as
individual human beings in the society. Aminata had faced abuse from her brother and uncle
because in their view, she had subverted the norm of the patriarchal order. On the other hand,
Ulivaho’s society is more responsive to her changing role because her transformation is integral
to that of the whole society. It is possible for her to address a crowd that responds with
“repeated wild clapping and ululation” (68), an indication that the writer urges societies to
reject prejudice on the basis of gender and instead embrace respect as a cardinal principle in
human relationships.

Imbuga’s message of respect and tolerance in The Return of Mgofu is reminiscent of the
restorative approach to justice and the philosophy of Ubuntu that became the motif of the
guiding principle in the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in the
wake of Apartheid. Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who chaired the Commission, explains that
Ubuntu-an abbreviation of a Xhosa term refers to the “very essence of being human” (Fox105).
He elaborates that Ubuntu is an African worldview based on human values of respect,
compassion, kindness, and hospitality and those who possess these virtues live in harmony with
fellow human beings. Achebe, too, revisits the same philosophy and emphasises the need to
learn to recognize one another’s presence and of being ready to accord human respect to all
people because our humanity “is contingent on the humanity of our fellows” (123, 166).

Thus, in this endeavour to transform society through literature, the ideal society that Imbuga
envisions is one in which both men and women have equal opportunities to make a
contribution. It is also a society inspired by human values of understanding, tolerance,
reciprocity and respect. Imbuga consequently champions gender co-operation in aspects that
can transform society such as education and research. Furthermore, Imbuga contends that real
change in attitude has to be inculcated quite early in a child’s life through the socialisation
agents such as homes, educational institutions and the performing arts. His criticism of violence
against women and girls and the evolving characterisation of women that began with Aminata
during the 1985 United Nation’s Decade for Women’s World Conference, culminates in the
creation of new female characters in a more gender sensitive and inclusive spaces.

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The future society that Imbuga visualizes at the end of Aminata is a society in which both men
and women combine efforts to play positive roles in order to realize their overall progress. They
are, at the same time, concerned with the well-being of fellow citizens. Education and
awareness are essential tools in the transformation towards the ideal society; hence the younger
generation in these works have the potential to actualize that revolution. These texts challenge
patriarchal hegemonic ideology but firmly underscore the role of the female character as an
ideal figure in the redemptive process of society.

5.0 Conclusion
I have demonstrated that literature can provide an alternative approach to the interrogation of
violence against women and girls. The experiences of female characters presented in the works
that I have examined mirror those of women and girls in our societies. Using the transformative
nature of literature as a framework of analysis reiterates Tyson’s argument that it is important
to be able to recognize when a literary work depicts patriarchal ideology in order to criticise it
or invite us to criticise it (118). The four plays examined in this paper condemn violence against
women and girls and reaffirm the need to appreciate their new and more positive roles.
Moreover, they encourage women to take control of their own destinies by rejecting oppressive
practices.

The treatment of the plight of female characters in Imbuga’s works establishes that African
societies are deeply patriarchal and biased against women. Female characters are victimized
and a closer analysis of the dramatic strategies used reveals a writer with a moral message.
Imbuga favours equality between males and females, rather than females’ superiority over male
characters. But he also denounces male hegemony and the socialisation of female characters to
internalize peripheral and oppressive positions.

In this regard, we can conclude that fighting violence against women and girls requires a gender
approach. The Return of Mgofu envisions a society that has the potential to learn from the
traumatic effects of violence and instead recognize the virtue of respect for fellow human
beings that is vital for a more harmonious co-existence among individuals, regardless of
ethnicity and gender. Considering Smith’s definition of envisioning as the imagining of a future
in which people rise above the present-day situations (153), Imbuga demonstrates through the
plays analysed in this paper that African literature is didactic and the writer can guide the
readers and the society to recognize new ways of addressing the challenges facing African
nations. Through the characters that he creates and the themes that he explores, Imbuga actively

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participates in a search for solutions to the myriad problems that bedevil the contemporary
African society, including violence against women and girls. His vision systematically
progresses towards respect for men and women as individual human beings.

Imbuga views the transformation of female characters in literary texts as part of the broader
social change that is desirable in the society. Ultimately, this vision involves shifting focus
from the preoccupation with gender inequalities to concern for the welfare and dignity of the
human person. The progressive female characters in these texts recognize that the struggle is
no longer about the rights of female characters but that of the human person. Their moral and
aesthetic roles are geared towards changing society for a harmonious co-existence between
male and female characters. The female characters in the later plays embrace human values
that served to create harmony in the African traditional societies.

The writer advocates change in perception right from the socialisation process in the family to
the leadership of the nation. In this way, attention will shift from regarding women as objects
that can be misused to the concern for the welfare and dignity of both men and women. In this
venture men are challenged to embrace positive attitude change. The writer is optimistic that
this is possible because not all male characters in these works are violent towards women. The
educated male characters and the youth have a more positive attitude towards women. We are
invited to recognize such male characters as models that literature suggests as instrumental in
the fight to stop violence against women and girls.

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References
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Chesaina, Ciarunji. Women in African Drama: Representation and Role. Leeds: Ph.D. Thesis, 1987.
www.etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/914/1/uk-bl_ethos-511682.pdf. Accessed 2 July 2012
Coetzee, Daniella. “South African Education and the Ideology of Patriarchy.” South African Journal of
Education, 2001, 21(4).
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Fanon, Frantz & Philcox, Richard. The Wretched of the Earth /Frantz Fanon; Translated from the French by
Richard Philcox; with Commentary by Jean-Paul Sartre and Homi K. Bhabha (1st ed.). New York:
Grove Press, 2004. Original: 1961. Les damnes de la terre. Paris: Francois Maspero.
Fonchingong, Charles. “Unbending Narratives in African Literature.” Journal of International Women’s
Studies. Vol.8 No1, 2006, pp.135-147.
Fox, Graham. “Remembering Ubuntu: Memory, Sovereignty and Reconciliation in Post-Apartheid South
Africa.”Platforum, 2011. journals.uvic.ca/…hp/platforum/article/download/...Accessed Jan. 2012.
Humm, Maggie (ed.). A Reader’s Guide to Contemporary Feminist Literary Criticism. London: Harvester
Wheatsheaf, 1994.
Imbuga, Francis. Man of Kafira. Nairobi: Heinemann Educational Books, 1984.
Aminata. Nairobi: Heinemann Educational Books, 1988.
Shrine of Tears. Nairobi: Longman Kenya, 1992.
Miracle of Remera. Nairobi: Africa Wide Network, 2004.
The Return of Mgofu. Nairobi: Longhorn, 2011.
Kabira, Wanjiku. A Letter to Mariama Ba. Nairobi. University of Nairobi Press, 2005.
Kimmel, Michael. “Real Men Join the Movement.” Shaw Susan and Janet Lee (eds.). Women’s Voices,
Feminist Visions: Classic and Contemporary Readings. New York: McGraw Hill, 2009.
Maathai, Wangari. Unbowed: A Memoir. London: William Heinemann, 2006.
Mojalefa, Mawatle J and Mary Makgato M. “Classification of Setswana Short Stories.” Journal of Literary
Criticism, Comparative Linguistics and Literary Studies, 28 (2) 2007, pp.145 – 165.
Odhiambo, Tom. “Why The Return of Mgofu is Imbuga’s Best Legacy to Kenya. “Sunday Nation: Nairobi,
6 January 2013.
Ogundipe-Leslie, Molara. Re-creating Ourselves: African Women and Critical Transformations. Trenton,
New Jersey: African World Press, Inc. 1994.
Okereke, Grace. “Raising Women’s Consciousness towards Transformation in Nigeria: The Role of
Literature.” Issue. 25 (2), 1997, pp. 28-30.
Owomwoyela, Oyekan (ed). A History of Twentieth Century African Literature. New York: University of
Nebraska Press, 1993.
Perry, Dona. “Wolof Women Economic Liberalization and the Crisis of Masculinity in Rural Senegal.
Ethnology. University of Pittsburgh.44 (3), 2005.
Ruganda, John. Telling the Truth Laughingly: The Politics of Francis Imbuga’s Drama. Nairobi: East
African Educational Publishers, 1992.
Smith, Linda T. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. London & New York: Zed
Books, 2012.
Strong-Leek, Linda. “Reading as a Woman: Chinua Achebe’s ‘Things Fall Apart’ and Feminist Criticism.”
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Tyson, Lois. Critical Theory Today: A User-friendly Guide. New York & London: Rutledge, 2006.
Walby, Sylvia. Theorizing Patriarchy. Oxford: Oxford Blackwell, 1990.
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Socio-cultural Transformation: The

Key To Ending Violence Against Women
And Girls
By Mary Wambui Kanyi

Contents

Abstract ...............................................................................................................................130
1.0 Introduction .................................................................................................................130
2.0 Theoretical Framework ..............................................................................................133
3.0 Methodology ................................................................................................................134
4.0 Violence against Women and Girls in Kenya .............................................................134
5.0 Understanding Violence against Women and Girls from Socio-Cultural Theoretical
Perspective....................................................................................................................136
5.1 The Family ...........................................................................................................137
5.2 The Media ............................................................................................................137
5.3 Learning Institutions ..........................................................................................138
5.4 Leadership Institutions .......................................................................................139
6.0 Socio-Cultural Transformation: The Key to Ending Violence against Women and
Girls...............................................................................................................................140
7.0 Conclusion and Recommendations ............................................................................142
References ...........................................................................................................................143
Bibliography .......................................................................................................................144

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Abstract
This paper is written from a socio-cultural theoretical perspective closely linked to Lev
Semenovich Vygotsky, who argued that, “The social dimension of consciousness is primary in
time and in fact…. From this perspective, mental functioning of the individual is not simply
derived from social interaction; rather, the specific structures and processes revealed by
individuals can be traced to their interactions with others.” Basing the argument on this
theoretical perspective, the writer proposes that violence against women and girls is a socio-
cultural rather than a natural phenomenon. As such, it is learnt through the socialization
process. Unfortunately, most of the interventions adopted to address VAWGs have not sought
to deconstruct the cultural norms, values and practices that encourage it. The application of
laws/policies to eliminate it leads to its metamorphosis and its continuation despite the various
legislations and policies. This paper argues that the most effective approach to ending VAWGs
is the deconstruction of the culture of violence that characterizes most Kenyan communities by
transforming their norms, values and practices that perpetuate VAWGs to a culture that abhors
any form of violence against any category of its members. The agents of change should,
therefore, strategically target the institutions of socialization, including the family, learning
institutions, the media, religious institutions and institutions of governance/leadership, among
others. All these institutions must be involved in the campaign for the elimination of all forms
of violence, including VAWGs. Otherwise, we all remain vulnerable to violence of one form
or another.

Key words: agents of change, interphysical category, patriarchal, socio-cultural, social norms,
social values, violence

1.0 Introduction
Violence against women and girls is a widespread phenomenon that cuts across culture, socio-
economic status as well as ethnic and other demographic diversities around the globe. Violence
against women and girls (VAWGs) takes different forms among different communities, such
as sexual violence, economic violence, female genital mutilation, spousal abuse, forced
displacement of widows and unmarried women, among many others. This diversity among
different communities proves that VAWGs is not a natural but a socio-cultural phenomenon
which is learnt and inherited from traditional practices. According to the UN Declaration on
the Elimination of Violence against Women (UNDEVAW) violence against women is defined
as:

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… any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or
psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary
deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.

According to Abebe, (2016) violence against women and girls is:

increasingly recognized as a threat to democracy, a barrier to lasting peace, a burden on national

economies, an impediment to sustainable development and an appalling human rights violation
(and) is the manifestation of structural inequalities embedded in social and cultural norms and
practices.

In Kenya, women and girls are subjected to many forms of socially and culturally justified
forms of violence in the name of religion and traditional practices. These may range from
spouse beating and female discrimination, both in private and in public places, to female genital
mutilation and ritual killings. For example, female genital mutilation is almost a universal
traditional practice among Muslim communities in Northern Kenya, among the communities
from West Pokot and the Kisiis in Nyanza parts of Kenya; it is non-existent among the
traditional Luo community living around Lake Victoria. This brings us to the conclusion that
VAWGs is a socio-cultural rather than a natural phenomenon. As a socio-cultural
phenomenon, VAWGs continue to be perpetuated through societal norms, values and practices
that are learnt by the members of the particular community/society through the socialization
process.

According to the Kenya Demographic and Health Survey of Kenya (KDHS), “4 out of every
10 Kenyan women, regardless of ethnic group, age or class, experience some form of violence,
whether physical or sexual in their lifetime” (KDHS 2014). This is because social and cultural
norms continue to undermine on-going legal and administrative efforts, helping to sustain
gender inequalities, which hinder women and girls from fully exercising their rights and make
them vulnerable to preventable death and disability. Violence against women and girls vary
from one community to another. In Wajir and Marsabit, for example, Female Genital
Mutilation (FGM) prevalence is as high as 97 per cent while Nakuru County is one of the
counties with high levels of gender based violence with a 38 per cent lifetime prevalence of
gender based violence (NCRC: 46).

VAWGs is widespread, particularly within the marriage institution and partners, but most cases
go unreported. According to a survey conducted by the KDHS, thirty-seven per cent (37%) of
ever-married women reported experiencing physical violence of which the most commonly

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reported perpetrator at fifty-seven per cent (57%) was the current or recent husband or partner,
(KDHS: 2014, p 296). Thirty-two per cent (32%) of women who reported having experienced
spousal physical or sexual violence suffered cuts, bruises, or aches; 18 per cent had eye injuries,
sprains, dislocations, or burns; and 10 per cent had deep wounds, broken bones, broken teeth,
or other serious injuries (p. 316). In the year 2016 some extreme cases of violence meted to
women by their spouses were highlighted in the media. Some of these included the case of
Fatuma Ibrahim, 32-year-old woman from Wajir County, who in early January 2016 was
airlifted to Kenyatta National Hospital with a 10-inch blade stuck in her face (Nation, Jan 2016)
having been stabbed by her husband Mohamed Deeq. The other case was that of 27-year-old
Jackline Mwende, from Machakos County, who in July 2016, was slashed on the head several
times and both her arms were chopped off by her estranged husband because she had not birthed
him any children.

In other instances, women have experienced violence by men from an institution that should
be protecting them as illustrated by the case of Ms Monica Wamweru, who in July 2016, was
dragged from her maternity bed by “a male nurse, male police officer and her male employee
after she had just given birth who alleged that she had stolen sh 90,000 from an M-pesa shop”,
(Makundi, Nation 9, p 16).

This paper is written from a socio-cultural perspective and looks at the societal norms, values
and traditional practices that are reinforced by institutionalized violence, of which violence
against women and girls is just one of the many forms of violence, tolerated and perpetuated
by the society. As a socio-cultural phenomenon VAWGs can most effectively be eliminated
through the change of societal norms, values and practices that perpetuate violence to norms,
values and practices that promote peace and peaceful resolution of conflicts among individuals
and institutions. Through the socialization process the males and females in such a society will
learn the new norms and values and gradually eliminate VAWGs.

The main objectives of this research are to:

i. Contribute to the body of knowledge on primary prevention of violence against women
and girls;
ii. Identify key challenges, opportunities and strategies to end violence against women and
girls.
The paper is divided into four sections. Section 1 is the introduction, Section 2 presents the
theoretical framework that informs the development of this paper; Section 3 outlines the context
of VAWGs in Kenya while Section 4 is on the application of the socio-cultural theory based

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on Vygotsky’s "genetic law of development” in understanding the prevalent violence against

women and girls. Finally, the last part presents the conclusion and recommendations.

2.0 Theoretical Framework

This paper relies heavily of socio-cultural anthropology which is one of the four main branches
of anthropology: socio-cultural, biological, archaeological and linguistic. Socio-cultural
anthropologists focus on the study of society and culture, while interested in both cultural
diversity and universalism. Additionally, socio-cultural anthropology is often split into social
anthropology and cultural anthropology. Socio-cultural anthropology is primarily the study of
anthropology in North America; social anthropology tends to be the study of anthropology in
Europe and Britain. While there are many important theorists on culture such as Franz Boas,
Emile Durkheim, Ruth Benedict, and Clifford Geertz, this paper focuses on socio-cultural
theory closely linked to Lev Semenovich Vygotsky.

Vygotsky’s socio-cultural theory of human learning describes learning as a social process and
the origination of human intelligence in society or culture. The major theme of Vygotsky’s
theoretical framework is that social interaction plays a fundamental role in the development of
cognition. Vygotsky believed everything is learned on two levels. First, it is learnt through
interaction with others, and then through integration into the individual’s mental structure.

Every function in the child’s cultural development appears twice: first, on the social level, and
later, on the individual level; first, between people (interpsychological) and then inside the
child (intrapsychological). This applies equally to voluntary attention, to logical memory, and
to the formation of concepts. All the higher functions originate as actual relationships between
individuals. (Vygotsky, 1978, p.57)

A second aspect of Vygotsky’s theory is the idea that the potential for cognitive development
is limited to a ‘zone of proximal development’ (ZPD). This ‘zone’ is the area of exploration for
which the student is cognitively prepared, but requires help and social interaction to fully
develop (Briner, 1999). A teacher or more experienced peer is able to provide the learner with
‘scaffolding’ to support the student’s evolving understanding of knowledge domains or
development of complex skills. Collaborative learning, discourse, modelling, and scaffolding
are strategies for supporting the intellectual knowledge and skills of learners and facilitating
intentional learning.

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3.0 Methodology
This study is based on both secondary and primary data. The secondary data which forms the
bulk of the study was collected through desk review of published and unpublished reports,
newspaper articles and internet sources, including reports and articles by various stakeholders
involved in the field of violence against women and girls. Under the section on theoretical
framework, the author has heavily relied on references to the works of Lev Semenovich
Vygotsky. The other source of data includes primary sources which are based on personal
observation on issues relating to socialization and violence against women and girls within the
Kenya context.

4.0 Violence against Women and Girls in Kenya

There have been various efforts aimed at promoting primary prevention of violence against
women and girls. Different actors are engaged in interventions aimed at eliminating violence
against women and girls. Some of the strategies adopted include the legal route and several
legislations have been enacted at international, regional and national levels. Kenya is a
signatory to international treaties and conventions such as the Convention on Elimination of all
forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the Beijing Platform for Action (BPFA),
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs),
among others, aimed at preventing violence against women and girls.

At the national level, there are many legislative acts such as the Children’s Act 2001, the Sexual
Offenses Act 2006 and the Prohibition of FGM Act. The Constitution of Kenya (2010), which
is the hallmark of all legislations, has various provisions, such as Articles 28, 45(2), 53:1(d)
and, 55 d) whose aim is to address gender based violence. However, despite multiple
legislations, including the Constitution, the phenomenon seems to undergo metamorphosis and
to continue with vigour and velocity before the very agents working towards its elimination.
For example, on the issue of Female Genital Mutilation, (FGM), Nkaranga, notes that the
practice, ‘has been made appealing to the young girls, who even demand to be cut … Despite
the crackdown by law enforcers, the practice and all the other ceremonies tied to it have not
stopped; they have only gone underground’ (Nation Aug 9, 2016, p 18). Perpetrators may be
arrested and booked in but others emerge and perpetuate the crime. Therefore, despite these
policy interventions, freedom from VAWGs remains a mirage for more than a third of Kenyan
women and girls from all walks of life and social classes who experience some form of violence
in their lifetime.

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Some other actors focus on awareness creation and capacity building for women and girls to
speak out on VAWGs. Unfortunately, the patriarchal culture that socializes girls and women
that they should be seen but not heard deprives them of the voice to speak out. Therefore, the
majority of women and girls continue to suffer from VAWGs in silence. The following example
of Joy, (not her real name) is based on the real-life experience of a thirty-four-year old Kenyan
woman.

Joy is a 34-year-old mother of three, two boys and a girl. She was a good wife and happily
married. She was regularly beaten by her husband even in front of her children. This was meant
to discipline her and make her obedient to her husband. She was forbidden from joining and
talking to other women. Whenever Joy was being beaten, she could not scream or call for help
from neighbours. She could not share with anybody about her abusive spouse. She bore it as a
woman, “Mutumia”. This is because she did not want herself and/her family to become a
laughing stock in the village. After living in this abusive marriage relationship for several years,
Joy became so traumatized that she could not effectively engage in a healthy verbal dialogue
with other women or anyone else. Worst of all she did not want to hear other people talking so
much as this caused her constant headaches.

Who is to blame for Joy’s problems?

The society is responsible for Joy’s woes for socializing her husband that it is his responsibility
to discipline his wife. The same society, has socialized Joy, through the cultural language,
accumulated by her predecessors’ overtime, that she is a “mutumia (silent one) and so she
should bear her husband’s violence in silence.

Joy and her husband are victims of their socialization process. As such they can only be
liberated through the deconstruction of the existing patriarchal cultural norms and values that
perpetuate VAWGs. This paper argues that VAWGs is a cultural construction, is culturally
perpetuated and can only be effectively addressed through deconstruction of current norms and
values that perpetuate the vice and the construction of a peaceful culture that respects all its
females and males. Such a culture will see the transformation of cultural norms, values and
practices that perpetuate VAWGs to a culture that abhors violence against the various
categories of its males and females.

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5.0 Understanding Violence against Women and Girls from

Socio-Cultural Theoretical Perspective
An individual male or female is born with a capacity to learn and develop within a specific
historical social and cultural context. The individual is, therefore, the product or outcome of
the interaction of his/her biological potential and the social context within a particular socio-
cultural environment. That is, the individual and the society interact on the cultural plane.
Culture is taken to be the accumulated knowledge from our predecessors, including language,
tools (a knife or a gun), symbols and forms of conventional signs. Others include tools such as
the paint brush, the computer, television broadcasts and symbol systems that are central to the
appropriation of knowledge through representational activity by the developing individual. An
individual’s development is thus the accumulation of the two stages or planes of Vygotsky’s
‘genetic law of cultural development which are the social, then the psychological, first between
people as an interphysical category, then within the child as an intraphysical category’.
(Vygotsky, 1931/1997, pp. 105–106). Thus, if an individual develops/grows up within a society
whose cultural norms, values and practices tolerate violence against certain categories of its
members including women and girls, that individual will most likely perpetuate and/or endure
violence against women and girls. The males learn that they are the heads of their household
and they have the right to discipline their female partner(s) who are part of their property
acquired through the payment of bride-price to her people. Females, on the other hand, learn
that it is okay to endure whatever form of violence they are subjected to by other members of
society and so they bear it in silence.

However, an individual, a man/boy or a woman/girl, who develops/grows up in a society where

the cultural norms, values and practices do not tolerate violence against other beings, including
women and girls, then the highest probability is that such an individual will abhor all forms of
violence against women and girls. And, women and girls from such a society will not tolerate
any form of violence against them. Through observation and participation in the social life of
their communities through the assistive learning institutions which include the family, the
school, religious institution, the media and use of available tools, including language, handed
down from previous generations, both males and females learn that violence against any being
is a crime. A male developing in such a society will not perpetuate violence and the female will
not tolerate any form of violence. They will not keep silent about it but will use all available
means to seek redress.

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At the ‘intramental/intrapsyhical’ level humans have the potential to learn through the various
forms of learning what the environmental interphysical offers. Among most Kenyan
communities, individuals learn to tolerate VAWGs through the various socialization
institutions. These institutions are highly, though not wholly, responsible for shaping the
perceptions on violence both in the private and public arena. These institutions either implicitly
or explicitly legitimize the various forms of violence against certain members of its society,
including violence against women and girls. The key institutions of socialization include the
family, the schools/learning institutions, the media, and the religious and political institutions.
These institutions, according to my observation, have been agents for perpetuating a culture of
violence against women and girls (VAWGs). The following are a few examples of how these
institutions have been perpetuating a culture of violence which have greatly contributed to
VAWGs:

5.1 The Family

The family is the most basic institution for socialization. It is at this level that the child learns
to interact with its caregivers. Unfortunately, domestic violence is practised in most families.
Domestic violence is any form of intimidation or act intended to make one feel inferior. It takes
different forms such as physical beating, verbal abuse, sexual abuse or psychological abuse.
While most domestic violence cases go unreported, as they are viewed as normal among most
communities, a study conducted at the Nairobi Women’s Hospital in 2008, found that ‘38% of
the participants aged between 15-49 years had experienced domestic violence’, (Wambua
2015). Sometimes the husbands torture their wives in front of the children. On the other hand,
children themselves are victims of domestic violence at the family level. Through experience
and observation, the children then realize violence is a normal behaviour. The boy child,
therefore, grows up knowing it is right to beat, abuse and/or psychologically torture the female
partners. On the other hand, the girl/woman grows up knowing that females have to tolerate all
forms of violence from their male partners. The cycle of violence then is continually repeated.

5.2 The Media

Through the electronic media, boys and girls of all ages are continuously exposed to soaps and
movies that are full of violence and betrayal and the news we watch daily is no better. We see
horrible murders, rape and all forms of violence. Cultural programs celebrating our diversity
often show violence against children such as the circumcision rites of the Bukusu boy child
normally taking place in the month of August each year. There are various studies on both the
positive and negative effects that the television has on society, particularly on children and

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adolescents. According to an article on the impact of the media on children and youth, ‘The
amount of violence on television is on the rise. The average child sees 12,000 violent acts on
television annually, including many depictions of murder and rape. More than 1,000 studies
confirm that exposure to heavy doses of television violence increases aggressive behaviour,
particularly in boys. Other studies link television or newspaper publicity of suicides to an
increased suicide risk’, (Paediatric Child Health. 2003 May-Jun; 8(5): 301–306). According to
Mwema, ‘Media sources often include programs that portray risky behaviours-such as
violence, sex and substance abuse-as cool, fun and exciting. Children can easily copy what
people do who inspire them on programs and movies’.

Although the media should be a useful tool for promoting peace in the society by delivering
positive messages to men and boys and the wider community about gender equity and the social
and developmental significance for ensuring women and girls live free from violence, the many
programmes/movies portraying violence only inculcate a culture of violence.

5.3 Learning Institutions

In the contemporary society education plays a significant role as a socialization agent for
inculcating social norms and values. Unfortunately, the system has not inculcated norms and
values that promote the right of women and girls to be free from gender-based violence. Girls
and women are subjected to various forms of violence in the learning institutions at all levels.
VAWGs in institutions of learning range from beatings, rape to Sexually Transmitted Grades
(STGs) where some students sleep with teachers/lecturers in exchange for top grades in
institutions of higher learning. According to Mwongera, when a ‘lady gets to the university
after 1st semester she realizes the education life is not simple and she discovers ways of getting
excellent grades. Call them Sexually Transmitted Grades (STGs) if you like’, (2014). Female
students also experience many other forms of violence ranging from rape, physical beating to
sexual harassment from both male teachers and fellow students.

Although some Universities such as Kenyatta University have come up with a policy to curb
the various forms of violence against women and girls, more needs to be done to address it
throughout the entire academic cycle. Until then, our academic institutions will continue to
perpetuate a culture of violence against women and girls.

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5.4 Leadership Institutions

5.4.1 Religious Institutions

Religious institutions have for many years been the custodians for social morality. Many
religions have value frameworks regarding personal behavior meant to guide adherents in
determining between right and wrong. Peace, which is the negation of violence, is one of the
cornerstones of the Christian Church to which more than 80% of Kenyans profess.
Unfortunately, there are many cases of violence involving the leaders of the flock. Sometimes
the violence takes the form of physical brawls which are exchanged before glaring media
cameras and are watched not just by the small flock but by the entire nation and the world as
illustrated in the following excerpt:

The confrontation escalated from insults between the Migori pastors to a physical fight where
the warring groups hurled plastic chairs at each

There are some other religious leaders, particularly those from non-mainstream Christian
Churches, who have been exploiting women sexually; including having sexual intercourse
under the guise of making them conceive. Others have been practicing economic violence by
asking them to plant seeds through financial contributions so that their prayers can be answered.
Such behaviours send negative messages to the faithful and other citizens in regard to violence
and peaceful coexistence and conflict resolution by normalizing violence within the religious
institutions. Consequently, women, both in and outside these religious institutions, cannot be
free from VAWGs.

5.4.2 Political Leadership

Political campaigns and rallies are characterized by violence. And even after the electioneering
period, Kenyan politicians are known to exchange blows as citizens watch in disbelief. And
members of the national assembly and county assemblies such as Nyeri County, Kisumu and
Migori Counties have been seen severally involved in physical brawls in front of media
cameras. Also, examples abound of such brawls among senior politicians such as the exchange
of ‘punches as a physical fight erupted between lawmaker Mike Sonko and Nairobi governor
Evans Kidero at a Senate Public Accounts committee’, (James: 2016). And, during a debate on
changing the electoral laws to allow manual vote-counting for 2017’s presidential elections,
the initial debate also saw rival MPs exchange punches. Kenyan politics is known to be highly
partisan and this is not the first time MPs have fought in parliament. In 2014, four lawmakers
were assaulted and one had his shirt torn. “Kenyans have soundly criticized their lawmakers
this week, dubbing parliament a ‘House of Chaos’ as insults were traded and fistfights ensued

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over proposed amendments to election laws” (Kacungira: 2016). Such physical brawls among
politicians often send a negative message, justifying physical fight as a normal way of resolving
conflicts. This easily translates into a culture that condones violence, including violence against
women and girls, both in the private and in the public arena.

6.0 Socio-Cultural Transformation: The Key to Ending Violence

against Women and Girls
As I have illustrated in the foregoing, VAWG is deeply rooted in the patriarchal socio-cultural
norms, values and practices that justify and tolerate violence against certain categories of
society. Therefore, it will require a paradigm shift in the interventions aimed at eliminating it.
A socio-cultural approach aimed at deconstructing existing norms, values and traditional
practices that perpetuate violence against any category of the society, including women and
girls, is the most effective intervention. This requires strategically targeting the agents of
socialization, including the family, the religious institutions, the learning institutions and the
media and taking up the campaign for the elimination of all forms of violence, including
violence against women and girls. This will see a sustained reduction and the ultimate
elimination of the various forms of violence in the society.

Agents of social norms change should initiate a cultural revolution to bring about new norms
and values that promote a peaceful conflicts resolution in both private and public spaces. There
should be a heightened campaign to entrench peaceful co-existence and peaceful conflict
resolution among men and women, boys and girls, as a social norm in the society etched in its
values. The cost for any defiant behaviour should be very high so as to deter others from such
behaviours. The campaign should challenge any traditional practices that enhance VAWGs
and/or dis-empower them including access, ownership and control of productive resources,
education and skills development in non-tradition disciplines, among many others. In addition,
women and girls should be socialized not to tolerate violence whether in private or public
spaces, whether the perpetrator is the spouse or the boss or anybody else. They should be
socialized to speak out and break the silence whenever they are subjected to any form of
VAWGs. This would be a departure from the current socialization where girls and women are
socialized to be silent in the face of the various forms of VAWGs.

For best results, all the members of the community should be targeted for sensitization and
awareness creation on the impact of VAWGs and the significance for eliminating the vice. The
community opinion shapers should be targeted to specifically be accountable to women and

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girls on matters relating to protecting them by enforcing the various legislations aimed at
protecting them against any form of VAWGs. Such a targeted campaign will contribute towards
transforming the gender power relations and reducing violence against women and girls and
gradually give rise to peaceful communities and societies.

With the implementation of the Constitution of Kenya (2010) provisions, including the gender
rule and the affirmative action quotas, there is an increased number of women leaders at all
levels. For example, the last general elections saw the largest number of females in the political
arena in Kenyan history. For example, out of a total of 2,247 MCAs, 787 (about 35%) are
females of whom 680 (89%) are nominated members in line with article 177:1(b) of the
Constitution of Kenya 2010. In the national assembly 47 women were elected under the
affirmative action quota that set aside the county as a single electoral unit for women only seats,
while 18 female Senators were nominated under the affirmative action provisions in article 98:
b, c & d on the membership of the Senate. The increased number of women in leadership,
particularly in the policy making institutions, will bring about social transformation through
enactment and implementation of women friendly policies and programmes aimed at
promoting primary prevention of VAWGs.

Finally, as Jatfors (2017), notes, ‘VAW and Women’s Economic Empowerment (WEE) are
closely interlinked’. This is because most poor women lack bargaining power to negotiate for
their rights both in the private and in the public sphere. They are also not able to get out of
abusive relationships. However, with increased opportunities, for example, in education and in
the job market and business, women are becoming more economically empowered. Therefore,
the various actors should put in place interventions to address women’s and girls’ economic
exclusion at all levels. Economically empowered women and girls will be able to negotiate
their rights and seek redress, including through the justice system, when their rights have been
violated. This is because they will be able to pay for lawyers and/or separate from violent
partners.

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7.0 Conclusion and Recommendations

As illustrated throughout the discussion above, violence against women and girls is a socio-
cultural phenomenon. Therefore, it will require a socio-cultural transformation of norms, values
and traditional practices that perpetuate gender inequalities at both the family and public
spaces, to eliminate it. As such, it is a collective responsibility that cannot be left alone to
women and/or the agents involved to address violence against women and girls one-sidedly.
All socialization and change agents must be involved in the campaign.

It is important that we all get involved in promoting a culture of peace and end all forms of
violence against women and girls. Otherwise, the following poem on the society’s inaction
when Hitler was eliminating the Jews, could one day apply to any category of society including
you and me:

First, they came for the Jews and I did not speak out because I was not a Jew.

Then they came for the Communists and I did not speak out because I was not a Communist.
Then they came for the trade unionists and I did not speak out because I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for me and there was no one left to speak out for me. (Niemöller, Pastor).

Creating a conducive socio-cultural environment that is free from VAWGs will not only be
good for women and girls but it will promote peaceful communities and societies for all
humanity and the consequent sustainable peace and development.

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The Contributors’ bio-data

1. Lucy Loice Nabukonde (Rev. Sr.) hails from Uganda and is a holder of a Doctor of
philosophy (PhD) from the University of Nairobi, M.A from Makerere University,
Uganda and, Dip Justice and Peace at the (Catholic University of East Africa (CUEA),
Dip in Education and Theology at Christ the Teacher Institute for Education, a
constituent College of Catholic University of Eastern Africa and St. Mary’s University
of Minnesota. She is currently the Chair & Lecturer in the Department of English
Catholic University of Eastern Africa.
Email contact: [email protected]

2. Dr Selline Oketch is a Senior Lecturer at the Catholic University of Eastern Africa.

Email contact: [email protected]
3. Dr Wanjiru Gichuhi is a holder of a PhD in a dual degree in Rural Sociology and
Demography The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA. She is currently
a lecturer at the Population Studies and Research Institute (PSRI) at the University of
Nairobi, Kenya.
Email contact address: [email protected]

4. JOSEPH MULEKA
Joseph Muleka is a holder of a PhD in Literature from the
University of Nairobi (UON), Kenya. He is currently a senior
lecturer in the Department of Literature at the University of
Nairobi. Dr Muleka has published in numerous local and
international journals, on subjects of literature, culture, theory
and gender.
E-mail contact address: [email protected]

5. Mary Wambui Kanyi

Mary Wambui Kanyi is a holder of a Master’s degree in
Sociocultural Anthropology from Ball State University, USA
and a gender and development specialist. She has worked in
Kenya's Civil Society Organizations. She is currently working
as a Research Associate with the African Women’s Studies
Centre (AWSC) at the University of Nairobi, Kenya.

Email contact address: [email protected]

6. Caroline Nyakinyua Wambugu. LLb Hons (Nairobi); PG Diploma in Law (Kenya

School of Law); HND Food Science (Technical University of Kenya); Advocate of the
High Court of Kenya.
E-mail address: [email protected]

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7. Julia Kagunda holds a BA in Communication Studies and, MA in Communication

Studies from Daystar University and another MA in Counselling Psychology from
USIU_Kenya. Kagunda is pursuing her PhD in Communication for Development in Moi
University, Kenya. She is a lecturer at Daystar University & Director- Elim Trust.
E-mail address: [email protected] or [email protected].

8. Josephine Kagucia is a holder of a Masters of Arts degree in Population Studies from the
University of Nairobi (UoN), Kenya. Kagucia has been working as programmes
coordinator at the Africa Coordinating Centre for the Abandonment of Female Genital
Mutilation (ACCAF), University of Nairobi.
Email address: [email protected]

Editors

1. Dr Jane Oduor – Paper Reviewer

Dr Jane Nala Akinyi Oduor holds a Doctor of Philosophy Degree in Linguistics from
the University of Nairobi. She is a lecturer in the Department of Linguistic tics and
Languages; she is also the coordinator for the Korean Studies Programme at the
University of Nairobi, Kenya.
E-mail: [email protected]

2. Professor Henry Indangasi - General Editing

Prof Henry Indangasi holds a PhD from the University of California - Santa Cruz. He
is currently a senior lecturer in the Department of Literature, University of Nairobi.
E-mail address: [email protected].

3. Mrs. Mwangi, Anna Petkova - Technical and Copy Editor

MA (Engl. Lang. & Lit.), PGD Ed., Sofia University, Bulgaria
Lecturer, Department of Literature, University of Nairobi
Co-ordinator: Academic and Research of the African Women Studies Centre,
Editor: African Women Studies Centre
E-mail: [email protected]

4. Design and Layout

Milka Kariuki - Collaborative Centre for Gender and Development
Email:[email protected]
Moses Thuku Njenga - Fortune Printers & Stationers Ltd
E-mail: [email protected]

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