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Sea Routes and Navigation in the Third Millennium Aegean

Article  in  Oxford Journal of Archaeology · December 2002

DOI: 10.1111/1468-0092.00022

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CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM

AEGEAN

Summary This article discusses evidence for interregional contact by sea in

the Early Bronze Age Aegean. It outlines the relevant environmental
background and changes since that period, and discusses the relationship
between important settlements and preferred routes of movements between
coasts and islands. After discussing some aspects of pilotage and navigational
techniques used in the third millennium, it considers the role of different areas
in reconstructed patterns of contact.

relevant to the study of submerged or risen

ENVIRONMENT
sites. Several of the coastal EBA sites
In order to reconstruct sea trade routes in mentioned in this text have been directly
the prehistoric Aegean, it is necessary to affected by land movements or sea
understand first the important parameters that regressions and transgressions. Sea-level
influenced the maritime environment. The changes are a result of tectonic or isostatic
most important parameters are climate movements of land masses against a
(weather patterns) and geology (distribution generally stable sea-level, or of sea
of land masses, volcanic and earthquake regressions and transgressions. The last two
zones, land forms and sea-level changes, processes are closely linked to the effects of
and minerals and rocks). If these parameters glaciation and deglaciation (eustatism).
could be related to archaeological data such Despite differences of opinion regarding
as distribution of sites and artefacts, and rates and timing of sea-level changes, there
representations of boats, then it would be is a widely acknowledged consensus that the
possible to trace certain sea routes which global sea-level must have been 150 m lower
affected the flow of products and ideas. The than its present level at the last glacial
human factor should always be taken into maximum phase around 20,000 BP (Bird
serious consideration without being and Fabri 1987, 107). Climatic warming
underestimated or overestimated. related to deglaciation during the Holocene
The historically wealthy Aegean has led to worldwide marine transgression with
provided an ideal field for recent efforts to the establishment of present sea-levels
bring together the geomorphological and attained over the last few thousand years.
archaeological disciplines, to exchange and Such a rapid rise slowed down around 7000
combine methods and sources of evidence BC, while over the last 3,000 years the

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

increase has generally been gradual in the clear evidence of large Neolithic settlements
order of several metres at the most. The such as at Marathon (Panos cave with the
archaeo-geological research in the south remarkable matt-painted pottery) and Nea
Aegean shows that in the last 4,000 years Makri (Theocharis 1973, 109).2 The
the sea-level must have been between +3.0 m inhabitants of Attica must have been the
and ÿ5.0 m (Flemming et al. 1973, 1–66). suppliers of obsidian at Franchthi and the
The qualities of obsidian and its quarries Argolid via the islands of the Saronic Gulf or
on Melos might have been known as early as even by land. Later in the EBA with
the end of the glacial maximum at the advances in boat-building techniques and
beginning of the Holocene, when the the attested activity on the islets of the
crossings of straits between the islands would Myrtoon Sea, longer open-sea crossings such
have been shorter (20–35 km), by which time as those between Ermioni and Melos would
boat-building techniques and navigation have been possible, always taking into
skills would have been developed (Cherry consideration the local weather patterns.
1985, 15). Such skills seem quite feasible Another effect of sea-level changes on
since people must have made longer overseas navigation has been the submergence of
trips to enter Australasia 40,000 years ago small islets, which are now reefs 1–3 m
(Johnstone 1988, 56). However, I believe that below the present sea surface. These reefs
deliberate and frequent crossings to Melos were the major cause of shipwrecks in the
for the procurement of obsidian would not Roman and Byzantine periods, for they were
have been possible for the Mesolithic and invisible only a few inches below the surface.
Neolithic people of Franchthi and their small During the EBA, these islets, like the rest of
reed-bundle crafts or dug-out canoes. the rocky islets in the Aegean, would have
Personal experience in the rough Myrtoon served more as important landmarks for the
Sea and the ‘papyrella’ experiment (Tzalas long overseas crossings, though not as
1989, 11–20)1 led me to seek the traces of the shelters since they are mostly too small. A
trade route of Melian obsidian elsewhere. typical example is the reef of Keros or
Furthermore, despite the survey on the small ‘Charos’ (Death) between Lemnos and the
islands between the Ermioni peninsula and Troad.
Melos, which would have served as stepping- The most important factor in seafaring,
stones offering shelter and water as they did however, is weather. Ancient weather
since the EBA, no Palaeolithic or Neolithic patterns are difficult to define except in the
evidence has been found to date (Kyrou most general terms. Lamb (1977, 372–4 and
1990, 54–70). 384–5) has outlined some of the variations in
Although the rise of the sea-level of c.25 m the postglacial European climate. The best
since the Mesolithic era and 10–12 m since we can do in any investigation into weather
the Neolithic era must have submerged all effects in former times is to assume that back
low-lying coastal sites from these periods, we to 1000 BC weather was generally as it is
would expect some evidence on the higher now, and it is widely assumed that the same
spots of these rocky islands. As it would be is valid for the Bronze Age. Further work by
easier for them to reach Melos via the the palaeometeorologists may enable more
Cyclades, it seems likely that the first specific and quantitative assessments to be
seafarers of the Aegean should be traced made.
along the coasts of Attica where we have In the Aegean, as in the rest of the

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

Mediterranean Sea, meteorological However, the picture is complicated by the

conditions are the result of the combination general shape of the islands’ coasts, the
of four great continental systems (the narrows where the currents are stronger (due
Atlantic high, the North Atlantic low, the to the Bernuli effect) and the combination of
Mongolian high and the Indo-Persian low). surface currents caused by the predominant
These systems generate successive waves of winds. The result is that all these currents and
pressure, cells and fronts, interacting with the winds sometimes run contrary to each other;
effects of warm water of the sea and the cold it requires great experience and knowledge of
highlands of the mountains, producing the specialised conditions in each specific
complex and variable localised weather area to navigate between the islands of the
systems. There is a predominant north/ Aegean. Wind and sea currents4 are indicated
north-west wind blowing throughout the year in Fig. 2 (summer) and Fig. 3 (winter). Data
in the Aegean which, in combination with for winds, waves and currents in the Aegean
other weather conditions (clear sky on are derived from the Wind and Wave Atlas
summer nights, virtually assured land (WWA 1992), and the Pilots published by the
visibility, temperature), offers favourable Hydrographic Service of the Greek Navy
conditions for navigation. However, because (NGGC 1971 and 1976). The effects of wind
of the general shape of the coastline, high and sea currents would have dramatically
mountains, many narrows, currents and high affected the pre-sail boats of the Aegean (Fig.
but also high-frequency waves (WWA, 4a, b, c, d).5 Better exploitation of the wind’s
B101-5), navigation can be very dangerous. directional pull would have been gained by
The peculiarity of the waves is one of the the use of the sail. Although there is no direct
factors which have dramatically affected the evidence for sail in the Aegean EBA before
boat-building techniques in the Aegean representations on seals in the EM III period
throughout the centuries.3 (c.2100 BC and Fig. 4f), the possibility of
In the Mediterranean basin a general using some kind of sail for propulsion cannot
current runs anti-clockwise as a result of be excluded. Although under different
differences in temperature, evaporation and conditions, its use was already introduced in
the input of river water (Fig. 1). The rivers of Egypt one thousand years earlier (Casson
the main Mediterranean basin (Nile, Po, 1971, 12; and Bass 1972, 26). As is shown by
Rhône) compensate for only about 25% of the Egyptian stone vases found in prepalatial
the loss through evaporation. On the contrary, Crete, contacts between Crete and Egypt may
the Don, Dneiper, Dneister and Danube have been established as early as the FN;
provide the Black Sea with more water than however, there are doubts as to the
is lost through evaporation, which compen- stratigraphic context of these finds (see
sates for a further 4% of the loss through the Manning 1995 for discussion). An early sail
Dardanelles. The remaining 71% of the loss would have more affected the directional
has to be compensated from the Atlantic abilities of a boat, but it would not offer
through the strait of Gibraltar where the much speed. It would also offer the rowers or
inflow of water causes a current which paddlers time to rest.
averages about 6 knots. In the Dardanelles, Special mention must be made of the
current averages about 4 knots and has certain meltemia (Etesian winds), blowing from a
effects on the north Aegean area. On the south north/north-east direction during July and
coast of Crete, current averages about 2 knots. August, which create storms in the central

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

Currents in the Mediterranean basin (after Dalongeville)

Figure 1

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

Figure 2
Currents in the Aegean (winter) (NGGC 1976).

areas of the Aegean. Their effects reach the the afternoon they always abate and then it is
northern coast of Crete and, blowing through possible to travel fast, riding the waves, with
the gorges of Crete’s high mountains, they the wind astern facilitating the efforts of the
strike the south coast of Crete with crew who work the oars or the sail. The clear
considerable force as well. They are a sky of summer nights provides the means for
localised phenomenon due to the unequal celestial navigation.
warming of land and sea, combined with the In the Ionian Sea weather conditions are
high barometric pressure of the Atlantic generally more stable. During summer, winds
which affects the Mediterranean during abate and the current runs northwards
summer and the cold highlands of the Balkan towards the Adriatic.
peninsula. I believe that the exploitation of During winter, northern winds
the meltemia would have been decisive for predominate in the Aegean and in the Ionian.
the early coastal or open-sea journeys in the When they are interacting with southern
Aegean as they blow on a daily circle. During winds, they create cyclones of significant

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

Figure 3
Currents in the Aegean (summer) (NGCC 1976).

However, under certain circumstances like

intensity. However, during the seasons of
those during the Halcyon days, ships could
November and March, southern winds
sail even in winter. With improvements in
predominate, bringing a considerable rise of
ship design and navigational techniques,
temperature but often inadequate
sailing season was gradually extended.
navigational conditions because of huge
squalls and low visibility. It has been
observed that during January, for about three SETTLEMENTS AND SEA ROUTES
weeks, the northern winds abate, the sea is
very calm and visibility perfect. This period A comparison of the maps in Figs 2 and 3,
is known as the ‘Halcyon days’ and offers and the distribution map in Fig. 5 of the EBA
excellent conditions for navigation. It is sites discussed in the text, can give useful
generally known from classical literary insights about the sea routes that have been
sources that sailing was avoided during the most frequented during the third millennium.
season between November and April. However, these maps can give us only a

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

Figure 4b
Figure 4a Longboat on a pot sherd from Orchomenos (after
Longboat on a Keros-Syros frying pan (after Tsountas). Kunze).

Figure 4c
Rock carving from Korfi t’ Aroniou in Naxos (after Doumas).

Figure 4d
Lead boat model from Naxos (after Renfrew).

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

Figure 4e
Clay boat models from Mochlos and Palaikastro (after Figure 4f
Johnstone). Masted ship on EM III seals (after Basch).

general picture about seafaring because the EBA sites so far, but they must have served
local diversities cannot be included. Further as stepping-stones for the way to Pagasitikos
details about each region can be obtained Bay and to the entrance to the north Euboean
from local sailing guides or from local Gulf. The return journey from Skyros to
fishermen. Lemnos seems to be problematic for winds
In the north Aegean the south-west current and currents are not favourable at any time of
originating from the Bosphorus would have year. The site of Palamari, however, shows
facilitated direct contacts between Troy and close relations with the island of Kea (the
Poliochni. Imvros and Tenedos would have technology of talc ware pottery).
had a role, although no archaeological Furthermore, the excavators believe that the
investigations have been conducted so far site must have played an important role in the
on these islands. Sites like Thermi (Lamb diffusion of the Anatolian-style pottery in
1936) on Lesbos and Emporio on Chios sites like Lefkandi (Theochari et al. 1993,
(Hood 1982) would have been easily 195). The open-sea crossing from Skyros to
approachable from the Anatolian coast. south Euboea and the northern Cyclades
Seafaring from Chios and Lesbos to Troy should have been possible if the notorious
and Poliochni would also have been strait of Andros and Cape Kaphireas (Cavo
facilitated by the current running northwards. Doro) could be crossed successfully. Here
Although trans-Aegean crossings directly winds and currents lead directly to the north
from Troy or Poliochni are difficult because coast of Kea. Andros, Tenos, Syros and
of the conflicting currents and the lack of Mykonos are easily approachable from the
small islands as shelters in the area, such north and would have been used as a passage
contacts are now archaeologically confirmed. to the Anatolian coast via Ikaria and Samos
The sites of Pefkakia (Christmann 1994) (25 n.m.). Then the northward current would
near Volos and Palamari on Skyros (Parlama facilitate the journey to Troy.
1987) demonstrate direct contacts with the Some old fishermen in Skyros whom I
Troad, especially during the EB III period personally interviewed informed me that 40
with Anatolianising elements in metalwork, years ago when they did not have diesel
pottery and architectural style. The islands of engines on their kaikia, taking advantage of
the northern Sporades have not revealed any good weather conditions usually during June

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

or September, they used to go out fishing eastern Attica has provided the earliest
with oars and a small triangular sail to Piperi definite evidence for EH mining (Spitaels
(23 n.m.), Gioura (+7 n.m.) and Psathoura 1984). On the west coast of Attica stands the
(+4 n.m.). These rocky islands in the northern site of Agios Kosmas. Its material culture
Sporades are sometimes visible from the shows clear affinities with the Cycladic
north-east coast of Skyros where lies the site Keros-Syros culture. The excavator con-
of Palamari. They also used to sail as far as sidered the site to be a Cycladic colony; on
the Mount Athos peninsula, and would use the other hand, he stressed the Helladic
the harbour of Porto Koufo in Sithonia as character of the EC finds as well as the
shelter while waiting for favourable weather mixture of Cycladic and Helladic customs
condition to return to Skyros. (On the other (Mylonas 1959, 155 and 163). Furthermore,
hand, I know of someone who during one his Doumas noted that although the site is not
fishing expeditions was drifted south and even in the Cyclades, it provides some of the
washed ashore after a storm on the east coast best examples of Cycladic material culture
of Andros.) (1976, 77).
We know from literary sources (Iliad) and Although access to the Cyclades from
Tim Severin’s account of his experience with south Euboea and Attica during summer
the Argo (1985, 77)6 that later, by the end of can be facilitated by the meltemia, landfall
the Bronze Age, the journey from the north can be very difficult due to drift and leeway
Euboean Gulf to Troy was carried across the caused by strong winds and currents. On the
north Aegean, showing that such voyages are contrary, during winter the crossing would
possible for boats propelled by oars in case of have been facilitated by the currents
unfavourable winds. Because of the sweeping into the northern Cyclades and
inhospitable east coast of Euboea, the most via these islands into the southern Cyclades.
preferable route from the north to Attica, In the Cyclades the patterns of winds and
Cyclades and back would likely have been currents are very complicated and sea routes
via the Euboean Gulf. Here tides generate a can only be reconstructed in general terms.
current which changes every six hours and Contacts between the islands are confirmed
always facilitates navigation northwards and as early as the fifth millennium BC. These
southwards. The key EBA sites of Manika contacts would have been much facilitated by
north of Chalkis (Sampson 1988) and the introduction of the sail. However, it
Lefkandi south of Chalkis (Popham and seems likely that the islanders knew very
Sackett 1968) confirm the importance of the well the seasonal changes and local
passage of the Evripus Strait on the sea route diversities, and could make the crossings
of the Euboean Gulf.7 even with oared or paddled vessels. They
Further south the site of Styra, which could always wait for favourable conditions
yielded Cycladic marble figurines, confirms which they could probably predict after long-
the contacts with the Cyclades (Sakellaraki term observation and experience.
1990, 9). On the opposite coast of Attica are The Cycladic islands were very important
the major EH II sites of Askitario and Rafina, mid-way stopping places for both north-south
where Cycladic contacts are represented by and east-west Aegean navigation. The long
Cycladic ‘frying pans’ and the Korakou open-sea crossing from the southern Cyclades
culture of the mainland by the sauce-boats to Crete (c.60 n.m.) would not have been
(Theocharis 1953–4). Thorikos in south- difficult as winds blow predominantly south-

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

Distribution map of EBA sites mentioned in the text and sea routes proposed.
Figure 5

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

1 = Troy wards and sailing is facilitated by south-

2 = Poliochni
3 = Palamari easterly-bound currents. During the meltemia,
4 = Thermi however, landing would have been problem-
5 = Pefkakia atic on the north Cretan coast. The prosperous
6 = Manika
7 = Lefkandi EM II settlement on the small island of Pseira,
8 = Emporio a couple of miles off the north Cretan coast
9 = Agio Gala and close to Mochlos, with the bay well
10 = Tigani
11 = Marathon protected from north winds, and its continu-
12 = Rafina ous record of habitation during the BA, shows
13 = Askitario exactly how BA mariners tackled the problem
14 = Thorikos
15 = Agios Kosmas of meltemia (Betancourt et al. 1991).
16 = Thebes The EM I–II cemetery at Agia Fotia in
17 = Eutresis Siteia yielded material culture with very
18 = Perachora
19 = Korakou strong Cycladic influences proving direct
20 = Kolona contacts between the Cyclades and Crete
21 = Dokos early in the third millennium (Davaras 1976,
22 = Agia Marina
23 = Franchthi 128–9). The rich EM II–III settlement and
24 = Tiryns cemetery on the island of Mochlos yielded
25 = Lerna evidence (pottery, stone vases, bronzework
26 = Tyros
27 = Epidavros Limera and jewellery) of purely Cretan character, but
28 = Agios Phokas the raw materials used point to an inflow of
29 = Pavlopetri materials from the Cyclades (silver, lead and
30 = Kastri (Kythera)
31 = Agios Stefanos copper/bronze), Euboea or Macedonia (gold)
32 = Akovitika or even the Near East and Egypt (tin, ivory,
33 = Schiza stone vases, carnelian, faience and perhaps
34 = Phinikous
35 = Voidokilkia chalcedony). The wealth of Mochlos led
36 = Agios Demetrios Branigan to speak of it as a ‘gateway
37 = Klidhi community’ (1991, 103). On the eastern
38 = Strefi
39 = Olympia coast of Crete stands the site of Palaikastro
40 = Pheia investigated by the British School since the
41 = Teichos Dymaion beginning of the century. All these sites are
42 = Aigion
43 = Kirrha clearly oriented to the east and point to the
44 = Platigiali very important crossroads of the south-east
45 = Pelikata Aegean, where the sea routes of the Near
46 = Steno
47 = Knossos East meet those of western Anatolia and the
48 = Mochlos Aegean.
49 = Agia Photia The return journey from Crete to the
50 = Palaikastro
51 = Agia Irini Cyclades would have been made through
52 = Kastri (Syros) the islands of Kasos, Karpathos, Rhodes,
53 = Panormos Chalki, Nisyros, Cos, Kalymnos and the
54 = Phylakopi
55 = Styra islands of Levitha, Kinaros and Liadhi. Here
56 = Daskalio-Kavos (Keros) must be stressed the importance of Amorgos
as an articulating point of the Cyclades,
SITE KEY FOR FIGURE 5. western Anatolia and Crete. The crossing

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

from Amorgos to Kalymnos and the occupation the island was used as a
Anatolian coast involves sea voyages of only meeting-point for smugglers. The mariners
10, 5 and 20 n.m. (total c.35 n.m.) facilitated from Spetses with their small boats, a single
by the winter currents. small sail for propulsion and in case of dead
One of the most frequented sea routes was calm their oars, would set out early in the
that between the Saronic Gulf and the morning with the prevailing maistros (north-
Argolid. The flourishing EH II centres of west wind) and would meet at Velopoula
Lerna, Tiryns (which was a coastal site other larger kaikia from Attica or the
during the BA) and Asine used this sea route Cyclades which were on their way to Kythera
for their contacts with the centres of Attica and Crete. After the delivery of goods they
and the northern Cyclades. To facilitate these would wait for the afternoon boukadoura
contacts they created a dense network of sites (south-east wind) to take them back to
on the islands situated along that sea route. Spetses. From Spetses they would distribute
Hydra, Dhokos, Trikeri, Spetses, Stestopoula the smuggled goods to the small harbour of
and Velopoula were settled during that period Myloi, close to the prehistoric site of Lerna
(Kyrou 1990, 73). The settlements on these and to Leonidion on the east coast of the
islands share certain common features. They Peloponnese, close to the EH site of Tyros.
are located on the low promontories in Further south and just before the notorious
sheltered bays for beaching small boats, with Cape Maleas stands the village of Velanidi
water supplies and a few fertile valleys for where people have traditionally made their
farming and keeping animals. Most of them living out of smuggling. Therefore, they are
face north-north-east, on the north-east- inhospitable and unfriendly to tourists (Greek
bound winds and currents which predominate visitors included). The village stands on the
in the region. cliffs of the rocky shore, a few hundred
In the EB II the major site on Spetses was metres from the sea where another EH site
at the bay of Agia Marina. Theocharis, in his (Agios Phokas) has been located with a
report discussing the character of the site, considerable quantity of obsidian cores and
argued that Ag. Marina seems more likely to blades, EH II pottery and a defensive wall
have been a harbour involved in the trade (Kyrou 1990, 61). Unfortunately, the site has
with the Cyclades (obsidian in abundance been badly damaged from erosion by the sea
and imported Cycladic vases) than a major and by human activity. However, the
centre like those of the opposite Argolid character of the site is curious as there is no
coast (Theocharis 1971, 92). hinterland for agricultural activities that
Special mention must be made of the island would support life at the settlement. It seems
of Velopoula (or Parapola) between Spetses likely that Ag. Phokas, like other sites on the
and Melos, right in the middle of the rough east Laconian coast between Lerna and Cape
Myrtoon Sea. In addition to the important role Maleas (Tyros, Ag. Georgios, Kremidi and
this island should have played as a landing Epidavros Limera), were small anchorages
place on the crossing to Melos, it was possibly involved in marine communication between
a source of metals. The recent survey of the the Argolid and southern Peloponnese, also
island and its settlement revealed slags of lead supplying the mountainous hinterland with
spread everywhere, products of extraction by the necessary goods. Nowadays the wealthy
cupellation (Kyrou 1990, 75–6). Four inhabitants of Velanidi have constructed a
thousand years later during the German road on the mountain connecting their village

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

with Neapolis, a very well-protected harbour Venetiko with a Venetian fortress, Schiza
in the gulf of Laconia (close to the EB II site and Sapienza, known from the Roman wreck
of Pavlopetri) where they shelter their large with Greek marble sarcophagoi. A coastal
fishing boats. For their smaller kaikia for EH site on the island of Schiza was
their everyday activities (fishing and discovered last year during a survey of the
smuggling), they use slipways on the rocky Department of Underwater Antiquities
shore (near Ag. Phokas) to pull them out (Spondylis pers. comm. and forthcoming).
when meltemi strikes the western coast of the The very striking discovery that, although the
Peloponnese. rock of the island is limestone, the
Access from the Argolid to the southern foundations of the buildings were built of
Peloponnese is facilitated in all seasons by large blocks of sandstone shipped from the
the northbound currents. The only difficulty Messinian coast shows how important this
is encountered at the turning point of the site would have been as a stop-over before
notorious Cape Maleas. After the Cape lies the exit to the Ionian Sea. Its importance is
the submerged site of Pavlopetri between further stressed by the fact that on the
Elafonisos and the Laconian coast. The opposite Messinian coast several other EH
excavators stressed its maritime character, sites have been located: Phoinikous
the possible connections between the (Gazetteer, 151), Karasoumani and Barkaraki
cemetery on the shore and Manika, and the (Spondylis pers. comm. and forthcoming).
links with the pottery of the Keros-Syros Furthermore, on the south coast of the island
culture. They suggested that the first settlers a cave with fresh water and numerous EH
came by sea, perhaps from the Cyclades sherds has been located (Papakonstantinou
(Harding et al. 1969, 139–42). 1981, 148), showing that EH mariners used
The sea route from Crete to the southern the island for shelter and water supplies
Peloponnese and to the Ionian opened during before venturing from the Aegean in the
the EB II with the colonisation of the site of Ionian Sea or vice versa.
Kastri on Kythera (Coldstream et al. 1972). The cemetery of circular tumuli at Steno
From there, later in the MBA, the Minoans on the island of Levkas provided rich and
had probably landed in the Laconian Gulf for intriguing evidence in terms of cultural
the acquisition of lapis lacedœmonius where contacts between the Ionian and the Aegean
Agios Stefanos stands, a site of Helladic Seas. The material culture of the burials was
character but with strong Minoan influences found to have influences from the mainland
in its pottery (Taylour 1972, 262; Rutter and (sauce-boats), Troy IIg (silver and gold
Rutter 1976, 3). jewellery), the Cyclades (spearheads and
The site of Akovitika of purely Helladic daggers) and to a lesser extent EM II–III
character, with remains of EH tiles and Crete (daggers, other weapons and tools)
corridor houses, is in the Messinian Gulf (Branigan 1975, 37–8). Clear Minoan
(Karagiorga 1971, 126–9). The site should influences are also detected in the finds from
have been a centre of organisation for the Pelikata on Ithaka (ibid., 41). These
south Peloponnese taking into account the influences, the lack of metal sources in
rich hinterland of the Messinian plain. western Greece, and some controversial
After the most southerly point of Messinia similarities between the cemeteries of Steno
(Cape Akritas) there are three islands in Lefkas and Li Muri in Sardinia, led
controlling the passage to the Ionian Sea: Branigan to suggest that Minoan contacts

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

were established in the period c.2500–2000 A couple of years later, near the ancient
BC and that the Ionian islands were used as site of Elis and 22 km from the coast,
stepping-stones on the route across the Yalouris excavated a cist grave dated to the
Adriatic. Although this theory is not end of the EH II or to the transitional EH III
supported by direct archaeological evidence, period which provided interesting evidence
the picture seems to be clear, at least with concerning interregional contacts between
regard to links between the Aegean and the Aegean, the west coast of the Greek
Ionian Seas. Contacts were established in the mainland and south-east Europe. Its
EH II period; they were made by sea and on architectural type was purely Cycladic, like
two main axes: one north-south from the west those found in many Cycladic islands or
coast of the Peloponnese and mainland Manika. On the other hand, the pottery was
Greece, and a second west-east through the found to share elements from the Cyclades,
Corinthian Gulf. the Greek mainland and the Baden culture in
On the sea route from Messinia to the Serbia (Koumouzelis 1981, 271).
mouth of the Corinthian Gulf there are On the west coast of Akarnania, in the
several key sites which verify the former protected bay of Astakos is the site of
axis. The first is Voidokoilia (Prophetis Platigiali, now submerged. Its material
Elias) near Pylos, on a promontory culture and evidence for the burial habits
dominating a sheltered bay, with remains of (intra muros and pithos burials) find their
an EH settlement and cemetery (Korres 1990, closest parallels at Strefi and Olympia in Elis,
2–5 and 1993, 232). Similarities of EH and at Kirrha in Phokis (Delaporta and
‘Urfirnis’ sauce-boat sherds with others from Spondylis 1990, 44–6).
Elafonisos were noted by the first surveyors The sea route of the Corinthian Gulf can be
of the area (McDonald and Hope Simpson traced from the sites so far excavated either
1961, 243). Further north are the sites of on the coasts of Aitolia and Phokis or on the
Agios Demetrios (Zachos 1981 and 1987) north coast of the Peloponnese. Teichos
and Klidhi (Kato Samiko or Derveni) with Dymaion (Hope Simpson and Dickinson,
material culture comparable to that of Skala 195), Aigion (ibid., 258), Galaxidi (ibid.,
Plain in Laconia (McDonald and Hope 102) and Kirrha (ibid., 258) were settlements
Simpson 1961, 230–2). founded in EH II with continuous habitation
At the cape of Katakolon lies the important until the LH II period.
and strategic harbour of ancient Pheia Two sites of great significance would have
(contemporary Agios Andreas), now been Korakou (Blegen 1921) which provided
submerged. The site mentioned by the the first reliable guide for the sub-division of
ancient authors (Odyssey XV 297–8, Iliad the EH period of the mainland and Perachora
VII 135 and Thucydides II 25, 3) was (Vouliagmeni Lake) with material culture
surveyed by N. Yalouris in 1957. Among closely related to the Keros-Syros culture of
the classical architectural remains raised the Cyclades (Fossey 1969, 53–69;
from the sea-bed, two marble folded-arm Chatzipouliou-Kaliri 1983, 369–75). Both
figurines found in the area were published by sites would have served as landing places
the excavator, showing direct contacts with for the mariners of Boeotia and Corinthia,
the Cyclades (Yalouris 1957, 43 and pl. 12). and were subject to influences from all the
Their provenance and context, however, is great centres of the period. They would have
rather obscure. been important articulating points of the

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Aegean and the Ionian networks, through the the great voyages in history were
centres of Manika, Thebes, Eutresis and the accomplished without compass, sextants,
centres of Attica and the Argolid Agios chronometers or electronic devices. Pytheas
Kosmas, Lerna, Tiryns and Zygouries. of Massalia, for instance, in his account of his
To sum up, as we can see in Fig. 5, there is legendary voyage during the fourth century
a dense network of sites on the islands and BC from the Mediterranean to Scotland and
the mainland which are directly or indirectly Thule, the land of the midnight sun, left no
connected to each other through sea routes, information about the use of navigational
often facilitated by winds and currents. If we equipment. Norsemen and Polynesians, great
compare the sea routes proposed above with seafaring people, left nothing more than
the pattern of currents, we see that in most of conflicting traditions of their navigational
the cases they coincide. It seems that the methods. However, the impressive results of
most difficult crossings, hampered by their voyages suggest that maritime people
unfavourable winds and currents, were — had developed their powers of perception to
as they are nowadays — those between such an extent that navigation to them was a
Lemnos and the northern Sporades (Skyros highly advanced art. As an art based on their
and Psathoura), the southern Cyclades and personal experience and inherited knowledge,
Crete, and between Crete and Kythera. In it became a part of their culture.
other cases, such as in the straits of The earliest evidence for the use of
Mykonos–Ikaria and Amorgos–Kalymnos, instruments of navigation is the sounding
currents seem to be more favourable in lead and line known from the Middle
winter than in summer. Kingdom Egypt (c.2000 BC), depicted in
Although we do not have enough evidence use on a boat from the tomb of Meket-re
to reconstruct in any detail the boats of the (Bass 1974, 29, fig. 18) and described later in
EBA Aegean (Fig. 4), it seems likely that the sixth century BC by Herodotus, 2.5.2.
they must have been structures durable Prior to these periods, people would have
enough to cope with difficult and developed other techniques to find their way
unpredictable weather conditions, often across the sea, always adapted to the maritime
involved in open-sea crossings of more than environment. In the Aegean, which is an
60 n.m. (e.g. Thera–Crete) — the latter archipelago, navigational techniques of the
implying night voyages. third millennium would not differ from those
practically used nowadays. The numerous
scattered islands and high mountains of the
PILOTAGE AND NAVIGATION
mainland would have provided ideal
Navigation is the process of directing the navigational aids, as it is possible to navigate
movement of a craft from one point to with land almost always in sight. In such
another. Nowadays it is commonly thought conditions, pilotage techniques are used and
that to do this safely one must have a chart to the seaman progresses according to seamarks
determine the course and distance, a compass and landmarks. Tim Severin, in his account of
to steer one’s course and a means to determine Ulysses’ Voyage with the Argo,8 identifies
the position of one’s ship. This shows how key landmarks such as bold headlands, tall
dependent the modern navigator has become mountain peaks and distinctively shaped
upon the achievements of science. Navigation islands which served as valuable signs to BA
today is nearly a science. However, many of sailors (1987, 62).

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TABLE 1 TABLE 2
THEORETICAL VISIBILITY DISTANCES FROM SEA-LEVEL ISLANDS DISCUSSED IN THE TEXT AND MAJOR HEIGHT OF
THEIR LAND MASSES
Height of land Height of land Distance in
in metres in feet nautical miles Islands Height of land
in metres
15 50 8.1
30.3 100 11.4 Lesvos 968
60.6 200 16.2 Lemnos 319
91 300 19.8 Ag. Efstratios 243
121.2 400 22.9 Gioura 570
151.5 500 25.6 Skyros 793
181.8 600 28 970 (N)
212 700 30.3 Euboea 1,417 (C)
242.4 800 32.4 886 (S)
227.7 900 34.3 Andros 672
303 1,000 36.2 Kea 547
606 2,000 51.2 Thera 564
909 3,000 62.7 Kythera 489
1,000 3,300 65.7 Velopoula 227
1,212 4,000 72.4 Melos 748
1,515 5,000 80.9 2,117 (W)
3,030 10,000 114.4 Crete 2,209 (C)
1,238 (E)
Source: APN 1958, table 8, p. 1254. Naxos 999

Source: Maps of the Hydrographic Service of the Greek

In Homer’s Odyssey, the use of such Navy.
landmarks as a means of navigation is very
well illustrated; Odysseus identifies his the Achaian warriors, heaped a great and
hometown Ithaka when approaching from handsome tomb on the jutting promontory
the sea: over the flat Hellespont, to be visible from
far out at sea by those men who are now
I live in sunny Ithaka. There is a mountain alive and those that will be hereafter (ibid.
on it, Neriton, covered with shaking XXIV, 80–85).
leaves, that stands out. Around are many
islands situated quite close to one another: Thus, it seems likely that the range of
Doulichion and Same, and wooded visibility was very important for early
Zakynthos. Ithaka itself is low-lying and Aegean navigation. Visibility depends on
is placed in the sea furthest out towards meteorological conditions (weather, winds,
the darkness, while the others are away refraction, evaporation, spray, dust, etc.). The
from it, towards the Dawn and Sun coastline, especially where there are
(Odyssey IX, 21–35; Dawe 1993). prominent headlands or high ground, can be
seen at considerable distances. Theoretically,
In the same epic poem we also find
as we see in Tables 1 and 2, a seaman in the
examples of man-made landmarks in sites
Aegean is able to travel always with land in
where probably the configuration of the coast
sight. In practice this is not the norm: Crete’s
could not provide sufficient signs for
high mountains are not always visible from
identification: the bones of Achilles,
the Cyclades or Kythera; the coast of Euboea
Patroclos and Antilochos were buried
cannot always be seen from Skyros; the small
together at the Troad.
rocky islands of Piperi, Gioura9 and
Then around them we, the holy army of Psathoura appear quite often in the horizon

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

from the north coast of Skyros. On the other forced to steer their course in the dark using
hand, in meteorological conditions of the stars as navigational aids.
refraction, high ground may be seen at more Some representations on rocks and pebbles
than the theoretical distance: from Skyros the found in Naxos are interpreted by Bardanis, a
islands of Ag. Efstratios and Lemnos in the local mathematician, as symbols of
north and Lesvos in the east, although constellations (Doumas 1990, 84 and 158–
theoretically out of range of visibility, may 9), implying progress in astronomical
be seen occasionally. Local old fishermen observations during the third millennium.
remember exactly when, under which Ethnographic parallels from the Pacific and
conditions and how many times this the Caribbean show that celestial navigation
phenomenon happened in their lives; they was a common skill among the islanders
are very few indeed (personally, I have seen involved in open-sea crossings with their
it only once). canoes.
However, when the night falls or there is In daylight, although with less precision,
poor visibility, pilotage techniques are direction can be related to the position of the
inappropriate and navigational techniques sun. Other physical phenomena that would
become essential. At night when the sky is have aided navigation in conditions of
clear, direction can be related to reduced visibility include winds (steady or
constellations, especially the celestial pole ‘trade’ winds), sky, swell (undulation of the
about which the heavens appear to rotate. sea surface), tides, currents, temperature,
Once the position of the Pole star or Polaris colour of the water, reefs, orographic clouds,
had been established, it would have been smoke from coastal fires, the sound of surf or
possible to divide the horizon into sectors and other sounds, odours and birds.
estimate approximately changes in latitude. By establishing on their ‘mental chart’
In Homer again, we find examples of (McGrail 1991, 87) the position of the coast
navigation by the stars: which occasionally breaks the horizon,
seamen would not have hesitated to venture
Happily the divine Odysseus spread his
towards islands or coasts that could not be
sails out before the wind. He steered the
seen. They could use other ‘signs’ on their
ship with the rudder expertly, sitting down;
way, like those mentioned above, until they
sleep did not fall on his eyes as he looked at
made a landfall or sighted land. It seems
the Pleiads and Bootes (Arcturus), late to
likely that Aegean seamen had a perfect
set, and the Bear, which people also call by
knowledge of their space (sea and land),
the name ‘Wain’, which circles where it is
although conceived from a different
and keeps watching for Orion, and alone
perspective. Our concept of the Aegean is a
has no part in the streams of Ocean
plan-view as we know it from charts or air
(Odyssey V, 270–5).
photographs. Prehistoric seamen would have
The intensive involvement of the Aegean perceived their space as a lateral view.
people with the sea during the EBA would Therefore, the shape of the coastline of their
have stimulated observations and discoveries intended destination would have been of
concerning the position and movement of major importance.
heavenly bodies. The mariners who ventured A practical method to recognise coasts
far away from their islands would have often when approaching from the open sea is to
spent the night on the open sea and been give them names of animals or other figures

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

that might resemble them and easily be 24–5); rules of thumb, fist or arm and the
remembered. A couple of miles north of the Arabic Kamal for measuring the altitude of a
small fishing harbour of Skyros, for instance, star (McGrail 1987, 278–9).
there are two rocks known as Camels, as they The performance of EBA Aegean boats is
have the distinctive shape of the animal’s very difficult to assess as evidence is limited
back. Furthermore, by naming the space it and schematic, and it is wrong to take
becomes more familiar and friendly. In representations as working drawings.
Homer again: However, experimental archaeology,
calculations from remains of similar types
There is a harbour, of Phorkys, the old
of boats excavated elsewhere and
man of the sea, in the settled part of
ethnographic parallels can provide useful
Ithaka, and two projecting headlands of
insights. Concerning the performance of the
broken cliff over it, low-lying, out from
Cycladic many-paddled longboat, Broodbank
the harbour, which provide shelter from
suggested on the basis of ethnographic data
the great waves, while on the inside well-
from the Pacific and the Caribbean that its
constructed ships rest without cables when
daily range could be in the order of 30 miles
they come to their mooring-point. At the
(c.45 km). It thus seems likely that the greater
head of the harbour is an olive with long
part of the Aegean could be well within the
leaves, and close by it a lovely misty cave,
range of a longboat voyage of two weeks
a holy place of the Nymphs which are
(Broodbank 1989, 333). But as discussed
called Naiads (Odyssey XIII, 95–110).
above, the evidence suggests clearly that
However, the shape of the coastline differs there was a variety of boat types used in the
as the position of the observer changes. third millennium Aegean and everyday
Therefore, even in such visual conditions, it trading expeditions were probably carried
needs great experience to navigate in the out with the less impressive ones. The
Aegean archipelago as sightings have to be depiction of the longboat on the frying pans
combined with every other ‘sign’ possible. (most found in burials) in association with
Drift and leeway due to wind and sea should sea, sun, stars and vulva gives a symbolic and
also be estimated and allowed for. ideological dimension to the scene, and
Speed and time are very difficult to stresses the special role that it should have
estimate without aids. However, experienced played in certain maritime communities of
seamen would have been able to establish the Aegean.
certain standards by using practical methods
and then speeds or distances could be
PATTERNS OF CONTACT
estimated as deviations from the norm
(McGrail 1991, 87). From architecture (settlement location and
Despite the lack of evidence concerning planning, cemeteries, graves and
the use of navigational instruments during the fortifications), material culture, technology
BA, mention should be made of some and social habits, we can recognise an EB
practical methods used in later times which Aegean ‘koine’, especially in the second part
could be applicable at any time: the cross- of the period. However, in all expressions of
staff for estimating the altitude of a celestial the Aegean cultures there is a strong element
body and distance (APN, 41, 661); the of localism which survives until nowadays
Dutchman’s log for estimating speed (ibid., and distinguishes one area from the other.

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

Environment in this case plays a vital role in Kythera.

the sense that culture is very often inversely 4. The Cyclades as an area is the most
proportional to proximity. Two islands important crossroads and melting-pot of
separated by a few miles of rough sea look Aegean cultures. Ag. Irini on Kea, Kastri
close to each other only on the map. Besides on Syros, Daskalio-Kavos on Keros and
cultural developments introduced Phylakopi on Melos stand out as key
independently in each area, there is at the sites. However, because of the landscape
same time an infiltration of new ideas from and the special relation with the sea, each
cultures beyond the Aegean (Anatolia, south- site has its independence and its
east Europe). The process is slow and particularities. Furthermore, patterns of
uniform, although fragmentary information contact within the Cyclades and beyond
creates gaps which are usually filled with are very difficult to reconstruct, as they
progress of archaeological research. are determined both by geographical and
Geographically and culturally, six main social factors.
areas can be distinguished in the EBA 5. In Crete, Knossos stands out as an
Aegean. However, it should be noted that important centre of organisation.
this distinction is not sharp and has no sense Contacts are made on the one hand with
of frontiers. Each area is characterised by the the Cyclades, Anatolia, Near East and
‘radiation’ or sphere of influence of an ultimately Egypt, through the ‘gate’ of
outstanding centre or centres of organisation. Mochlos and the coastal sites on the
eastern part of Crete; on the other hand
1. In the north-east Aegean there are two the ‘gate’ of Kastri opened the way to the
important key sites with attributes of Peloponnese and the West.
early urbanisation: Troy on the strategic 6. In the West there are several sites on the
passage of the Dardanelles and Poliochni Ionian coast (Platygiali in the bay of
on Lemnos, both receiving materials and Astakos stands out) and the Ionian
ideas from north and east, funnelled to islands (Ithaka and Lefkas) receiving
the south through the north Aegean influences from East, North and South
(Skyros and Manika) or the islands of through contacts made on two main axes:
the east Aegean which are more closely east-west through the Corinthian Gulf
related to the Anatolian coast. and north-south along the Ionian coast
2. In central Greece the key sites of Euboea (see in the sea routes section).
(Manika) and Attica (Askitrio, Ag.
Kosmas) stand out as being in close Between these key sites discussed briefly
contact with the Cyclades, the Argolid above, there was created a dense network of
and the Ionian Sea through the other less important sites (mainly coastal)
Corinthian Gulf. serving as links to the larger ones. This was
3. In the Peloponnese the centres of the facilitated by the configuration of the coast
Argolid (Lerna and Tiryns) are and it was imposed by the constraints of boat
dominant, and Akovitika at the coast of technology. Although the main aim would
the Messinian plain. Contacts with the have been the cooperation of all the areas
Cyclades are made through the islands of involved, because of the conspicuous benefit
the Argosaronic region, and with Crete from contact, relations were both necessary
through the Minoan colony of Kastri on at the same time also competitive. The

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 SEA ROUTES AND NAVIGATION IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM AEGEAN

fortifications around most of the key sites Acknowledgements

mentioned above express the certainty of a I would like to express my gratitude to Andrew and
forthcoming danger. The threat comes most Susan Sherratt for the support, encouragement and help
probably from the well-known neighbour and they offered during my studies at Oxford. Special
not from an uncertain and distant enemy. thanks are due to Prof. Sean McGrail for his valuable
help in maritime matters. I am grateful to my good
However, hostility does not always have the friends Cyprian Broodbank, Lucy Blue, Yiannis Vichos
character of systematic warfare. Occasional and Elias Spondylis for supplying valuable comments
raids imposed by everyday needs were a and fruitful discussions. I am sincerely indebted to Mr
more common practice. In this complicated Adonis Kyrou for the chance he offered me to sail with
network of relations, trading and raiding are him on board ‘Kalokyra’ and share with me his
historical knowledge and maritime experience. Finally,
often the two sides of the same coin. I must also thank Claire Calcagno for correcting an
Short-distance contacts within this network early draft of this paper.
were the norm in everyday activities and
were undertaken by all communities. On the Dept of Palaeoanthropology – Speleology
other hand, long-distance contacts were more Ardettou 34B
rare and in the hands of specialised seafarers, GR-11636 Athens
probably the islanders, as they had special Greece
skills in shipbuilding and navigation from
their intensive involvement with the sea.
Future research will define more precisely
the nature and extent of this network.

Greece, pp. 347–50.

NOTES 3. Boat builders in the Aegean insisted for at least
twenty-five centuries on using the complicated and
1. In 1988, H. Tzalas and members of the Hellenic heavy technique of mortise and tenon joinery held in
Institute for the Preservation of Nautical Tradition built place with wooden pegs, as they knew that the forces
a 5.25 m long, double-prow, reed-boat, propelled by six exercised on the hull by the Aegean swell have the
pairs of oars and undertook trials between Lavrion and tendency to loosen the joins of the planks.
Melos. The experiment was based on the parallel 4. The first attempt to correlate the patterns of wind
example of the Egyptian papyrus boats and mainly on and sea currents with the patterns of cultural contacts in
the existence, until 1987, of a small papyrus vessel, the the Aegean was made by V. McGeehan Liritzis (1988).
‘papyrella’ in Corfu. The aim was to show that the 5. The corpus of representations of Aegean boats
crossing of the straits between the Cycladic islands comprises two- and three-dimensional examples:
10,000 years ago, for the procurement of the valuable thirteen illustrations of the so-called longboats incised
obsidian, could have been made with such wash- on the Keros-Syros frying pans (Coleman 1986, ill. 5), a
through craft. Papyrella covered the distance in seven similar boat incised on a sherd from Orchomenos
days. However, because of bad weather conditions the (Kunze 1934, pl. 29.3), a boat with a long steering oar at
whole experiment lasted 15 days, including the days in its high stern incised on a sherd from Philakopi I
harbour. Although the structure has proved to be (Renfrew 1972, pl. 28), two rock carvings from Korphi
durable enough to cope with rough sea and wind t’Aroniou on Naxos (Doumas 1965, fig. 4), four lead
intensity up to 6 Beaufort, the experiment faced serious boat models from Naxos (Renfrew 1967, 5, pls 1, 3) and
problems: paddlers’ exhaustion, leeway up to 1.5 n.m. two clay models from Crete, one from the site of
every 10 n.m., speed only 1–2 knots with the wind Mochlos (Johnston 1985, 18–23) and one from the site
astern, no progress against the wind (it was a one-way of Palaikastro (Marinatos 1933, 173, 19). From the
voyage). above examples it is clear that a variety of types of
2. For the corpus of the Neolithic sites in Attica, see boats were built and used for different purposes
M. Theochari, in D. Theocharis (ed.), 1973, Neolithic

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 CHRISTOS AGOURIDIS

(warfare, transportation, fishing). flat. Nowadays, the tallest lighthouse in the Aegean
6. Tim Severin undertook two experimental voyages stands on the island.
in the Aegean with the Argo, an oared galley built in
Iolkos near the BA site of Pefkakia. With the first (The ABBREVIATIONS
Jason Voyage) he tried to trace the sea route that Jason
and the Argonauts followed across the north Aegean, AAA Athens Annals of Archaeology
the Dardanelles, Bosporus and the Black Sea; with the AD Archaiologikon Deltion
second (Ulysses’ Voyage) he tried to identify ‘reality’ in AE Archaiologiki Ephimeris
the legendary voyage of Odysseus described by Homer. AEM Archeion Evoikon Meleton
Both projects seem to have a quite strong theoretical AJA American Journal of Archaeology
background: purposes and aims of the experiments were APN American Practical Navigator. US Navy
clarified from the beginning, authentic methods and Hydrographic Office, Washington 1958
materials were used, tests of raw materials used have BAR British Archaeological Reports
been undertaken and a naval architect (Colin Mudie) BSA Annual of the British School at Athens
was involved by designing rigging and hull, plotting Gazetteer R. Hope Simpson and O.T.P.K. Dickinson
hydrostatic curves and building a small-scale model. 1979: A Gazetteer of Aegean Civilisation in the Bronze
The contribution of Vassilis Delimitros, a traditional Age I: The Mainland and the Islands. SIMA 52,
shipwright from Spetses was very decisive. It seems Göteborg
also that in some cases cost/benefit factors were taken IJNA International Journal of Nautical Archaeology
into consideration. The vulnerable point of these JMA Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology
projects seems to be the application of the relevant NGGC Nautical Guide to Greek Coasts — Pilot.
evidence to the theoretical reconstruction: e.g. using Hydrographic Service of the Greek Navy. Volume I,
later iconographical evidence to reconstruct a BA ship. Eastern Coasts 1971 and Volume II, Western Coasts
7. Recent geoarchaeological research (Kambouroglou 1976
et al. 1988 and 1989) supports the theory that the OJA Oxford Journal of Archaeology
Evripus strait opened around 5–6000 years BP. The PAE Praktika tis en Athinais Archaiologikis Etairias
authors, however, leave a possibility of the strait being SIMA Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
closed during the EB I–II period and the current not WWA G.A. Athanassoulis and E.K. Skarsoulis 1992
being active (Kambouroglou pers. comm.). In this case
the entrance to the south Euboean Gulf would have been
very difficult because of the predominant north wind. REFERENCES
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and Cyclades) would have been possible through the Age Aegean (unpublished MSt. dissertation thesis,
north Euboean Gulf and the important role of the site of Oxford).
Manika would appear further reinforced (Corinth of the
EBA). However, more geological research should be AMERICAN PRACTICAL NAVIGATOR 1958: US Navy
carried out in the area before any conclusions might be Hydrographic Office, Washington.
drawn. ATHANASSOULIS, G.A. and SKARSOULIS, E.K. 1992: Wind
8. Supra n. 6. and Wave Atlas of Northeastern Mediterranean Sea
9. This small, rocky, uninhabited island with no safe (Athens, National Technical University of Athens,
anchorage would have served as a very important Dept. of Naval Architecture and Marine Engineering,
landmark for navigation in the north Aegean because of Laboratory of Ship and Marine Hydrodynamics;
its height (see Table 2) and distinctive shape. In this Director: Prof. T.A. Loukakis. Prepared under the
respect, I think, human presence on the island since the authority of the Hellenic Navy).
Mesolithic period can be understood. Recent excavation
in ‘Cyclops’ cave on the island yielded evidence of BASCH, L. 1987: Le Musée Imaginaire de la Marine
human presence and activity from 7800–7000 BC until Antique (Athens).
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