Representation Hybridity and Identity in Colombian Music
Representation Hybridity and Identity in Colombian Music
Introduction
When people see representation in Colombia in the media, usually what shows up is
some image related to violence, the drug trade, or the sexualization of women. This image of
Colombia is something that has been criticized for years, and efforts have been ongoing to push
for a wider, more complete view of Colombia. These efforts have been spearheaded by
musicians, who are able to access a wider media platform more easily and therefore are among
Colombia’s most well-known faces. Of course, with a new audience and larger platform comes
not only the need to adapt the music to new audiences, but a responsibility by the musician to
make sure that the process of changing the music does not lose the musical aspects that tie it to a
musician’s identity. If a musician is able to adapt their music successfully while still finding
ways to establish their Colombian identities, then they will be able to contribute their identity to
making efforts to recognize the Colombian diversity behind their music, and navigating the ways
that different audiences affect their music, both inside Colombia and globally.
Many different styles of Colombian music are discussed in this essay. According to the
responses of a survey I sent out and corroborated by much of the literature cited in this essay,
cumbia, vallenato, and salsa are the styles of music most closely associated with Colombia.
However, due mostly to the Andes mountains providing geographical separation between distinct
regions of Colombia, many other regionally associated forms of music are common. These
include the joropo music of the plains east of the Andes, and bambuco music, which emerged out
of the Central Andes. This essay has an especially large focus on the contributions of
Afro-Colombians, who have had some of the greatest increases in visibility and representation
through music. Afro-Colombians are most heavily concentrated on the Pacific and Caribbean
coast of Colombia, In the Caribbean coast, because of the port cities of Cartagena and
Barranquilla providing greater cultural exchange, Afro-Colombians were essential to the musical
hybridity that spawned styles like cumbia, vallenato, and champeta. The Pacific coast remained
more isolated throughout its history, and Afro-Colombians faced a national landscape where they
academic “canonization” of Colombia compared to countries like Brazil and Cuba, racial
policies that led to an emphasis on whiter faces of Colombia, the exclusion of Afro-Colombians
from any unified sense of cultural nationalism that was already hindered by decades of conflict,
Quintero 2018, 5) As such, greater recognition of Afro-Colombian took much longer to achieve.
Most of the examples in this essay that connect to diversity connect recognition of
Overview of Survey
As part of research for this project, I decided to make an informal, anonymous survey,
asking about the representations of Colombia people see in the media, and what Colombian
musicians they were familiar with. Especially important to me was seeing how music affected
people’s perceptions of Colombia, and what aspects of Colombia they felt were
outside of Colombia. Survey respondents had the option of responding in either English or
Spanish. In this essay, I am using the survey primarily to guide the subjects of the research, to
make some generalizations about people’s opinions about Colombia and its musicians, and as
direct quotes. Direct quotes from survey answers have been translated and/or edited for clarity.
When asking survey respondents about how they see Colombia in the media, a
predictably large proportion of respondents expressed frustration with the heavy focus on more
negative aspects of Colombia such as the drug trade and violence. The other common source of
feeling that “there is more representation of Latinos in general, but the multicultural aspects are
rarely represented.’ (Survey Quote) This state of Colombian media representation can be
Latina/os and between ethnic communities…; all Latina/os are alike, and all ethnics are alike”
(Valdivia 2016, 60) This flattening of difference not only applies to Colombia in relation with
other Latin American cultures, but also between the different identities within Colombian
culture.
audiences and media executives. This ties into the idea that “While Latin American immigrants
may be unwelcome, Latinidad itself is desirable and accessible through sex or consumption.”
(Porras Contreras 2016, 306) Each one of frequently repeated tropes that Colombians are
generally tired of seeing in the media (violence, drugs, oversexualization), is easily consumed
without any regard to the effects of the imagery. The many portrayals of Pablo Escobar and the
drug trade is the clearest example of media designed to be easily consumed in this manner. As
one survey respondent put it, “The representations went from news about Narcotraffic and how
violent and dangerous it was to visit Colombia, to making easy money by making glorifying TV
series about Narcos.” The narratives of fear and the fascination with the drug trade are such
easily consumable concepts that they continue to dominate many people’s perceptions of
Colombia, even as many Colombians try to push the country’s representation in a different
direction. Portrayals of Colombia have to be consumable by the audience, and any new portrayal
of Colombia still needs to have the consumer audience in mind and adjust accordingly.
Anny new media representation that seeks to create a less flattened image of Colombia
has the burden of ‘crossing over’. Art and media that seeks a bigger audience faces the
“historical tension between a popular art and the dynamics of the mass market”, (Garofalo 1996,
231) So any musician or artist that wants to expand the image of Colombia has to figure out how
to make their art appealing in a way where it can still enter the media landscape, while still
making sure not to play into the flattened narratives, so as not to risk losing their ability to
portray a new perspective. A challenge for Colombian artists who seek to ‘cross over’ to a new
audience is the fact that flattening of difference also exists in the way media organizations
market to audiences. Frequently, there is a narrative of the monolithic ‘Latino audience’ that
media companies and politicians want to win over, constructing a supposedly homogenous
marketing demographic that ignores any difference between Latin American cultures. This
makes the idea of ‘crossing over’ even more difficult for the musicians, since the narrow image
that media companies determine to be the most marketable to their homogenous view of ‘Latino
audiences’ ends up excluding many different Latin American identities and leaves no room.
underrepresented groups generally must cross over into more urban and wealthy audiences
within Colombia itself before taking on a multinational audience. Ultimately, the goal to strive
towards is providing a more complete representation of Colombia. However, because of the need
to adapt to new audiences, along with many Colombians having hybrid identities, art will always
be adjusted to new tastes and experiences. This has to be done in a way that creates a wider,
more expansive image of Colombia instead of erasing the unique aspects of Colombian culture,
especially the contributions by underrepresented groups. This essay highlights many examples of
Colombian music adapting itself to new audiences, and shows the different ways this music has
Several months ago, I went on a trip to Colombia, visiting the Eje Cafetero region
(known for being a main hub of coffee growing in Colombia), and nearby attractions such as a
Botanical Garden, the Cocora Valley, the tourist town of Salento, and the coffee-themed
amusement park Parque del Café, which features a live show that showcases many of the distinct
regional styles of music and dance in a mythicized manner. Returning to Colombia and seeing
these tourist sites made it clear to me that in Colombia, there is a push to highlight diversity,
The Colombian government has made more attempts to promote racial diversity and
recognition of marginalized communities. The 1991 constitution, which recognized the rights of
Afro-Colombians and indigenous groups and promised them more visibility and upward
mobility, is usually cited as being the symbolic start of these efforts. This is in contrast with more
common racial notions of mestizo identity, which applies to most Colombians who share mixed
indigenous and European identity. However, historically, the frequent emphasis on mestizo
identity contributed to an ideal national image that “was always at the lighter end of the
spectrum” (Wade 2000, 11), excluding people of solely indigenous and Afro-Colombian identity.
Therefore, in an effort to expand the racial image of Colombia, there has been an uptick in
sponsorship of events, like music festivals, that showcase the country's diverse regions. Although
there is still work that needs to be done, cultural diversity has been recognized much more in
Colombia recently.
Magical realism, where realistic narratives are blended with fantasy, is another aspect of
2005, 207) Magical realism is seen in many portrayals of Colombia, especially in the works of
Gabriel Garcia Marquez, and most recently, in the massively popular Disney film Encanto. The
use of magical realism often creates a unique identity for Colombia, casting the country as
otherworldly and as something that cannot be found anywhere else. It also helps emphasize
Colombia’s natural beauty, something that is frequently cast as Colombia’s greatest asset. Works
like Encanto paint Colombia as a magical place, with stunning scenery, a constant celebration of
various kinds of music, and a respect for all kinds of diversity between people.
Of course, the new emphasis on magical realism does have commercial influences. These
are most clearly seen in pushes to increase tourism in Colombia. News articles with titles like
“Where to Find Disney's Inspiration for 'Encanto' in Real Life” display a promise that the fantasy
Colombia. These articles, along with information on Colombian tourist websites, explain where
tourists can see natural beauty, biodiversity, and the cultural and musical diversity, casting all of
these as being mythological in origin and magical in nature. This appeal to magical realism is an
effective one, judging by how I was partially inspired to visit the Eje Cafetero after finding out
that the region was the basis for Encanto’s stunning visuals. Colombian tourist sites are quick to
point out the diversity of the country, emphasizing how many distinct musical rhythms and
species of plants and birds exist in the country. However, the inclusion of music and culture in
this new image of Colombia is something to be analyzed. Not only does this emphasis on
cultural diversity foreground notions of foreign discovery, but it shows how ““culture as
2019, 218) Care must be taken to make sure that pushes to showcase diversity show respect for
the cultures they are celebrating, and that the diverse groups that are used in the new image of
So how should these representations be analyzed? Angharad Valdivia and Esteban Del
Río offer a framework for the analysis of media representation through their work in Latin Media
Studies. They advocate for analyzing representation through a comparative approach, saying that
since Representation cannot always be classified as positive and negative binary, many times
context is the subject of analysis. (Del Rio 2017, 12) They argue that a perfect utopian
in context where “in the mainstream, the profit motive reigns supreme, though not without
irrational elements of amnesia and exclusions.” (Valdivia 2017, 69) Representations in media
have to be analyzed with the understanding that the media often lacks nuance in marketing to
audiences, that audiences shape the media itself, and that Latin American identity constantly has
to be rediscovered and repackaged for new audiences. Analyzing Encanto and the emphasis on
magical realism and diversity it represents shows the influences of commercialization and some
been beneficial to Colombia’s image. Additionally, the emphasis on diversity by nature will
make sure that more aspects of Colombia are shown in the media. Therefore, this emphasis on
diversity through magical realism can be seen as one of the most effective ways for Colombians
Cumbia, being one of the musical styles most associated with Colombia (based on my
survey and other research), is an example of how Colombian music adapts to reflect hybrid
identities and changing audiences. Cumbia, having emerged out of the Magdalena River delta
near the cities of Cartagena and Barranquilla, is generally understood as being a convergence of
various African and Indigenous music and dance influences, and is defined by its distinctive
rhythm, generally played on a scraper instrument called a guacharaca. Cumbia is a clear case of
the effects of urbanization compelling musicians to adjust their music to new audiences.
Popular big band musicians like Lucho Bermudez adapted cumbia by incorporating more
sophisticated arrangements and big band instrumentation, as heard in his well-known song
“Colombia Tierra Querida”. “Retaining the music’s local character by employing the rich
costeño vernacular in song lyrics, the sophisticated and modern-sounding arrangements of these
band- leaders were highly regarded by coastal elites, who hired them to play in the region’s most
exclusive venues.” (Pacini Hernandez 2010, 113) This urban-rural class split is a difficult one to
navigate for many Colombian musicians, as Will Holland describes in his liner notes to the
music compilation Original Sound of Cumbia, at the time of cumbia’s earliest popularity, the
social roles and traditions of the rural regions conflicted with the musicians who sought to find
success in urban centers, and many people in the more conservative cities like Bogotá felt as if
the rural, lower-class musicians shouldn’t have as much influence. However, with the help of the
evolution in its instrumentation and therefore shifts in its audience demographics, cumbia
Eventually, cumbia became so popular and easily adaptable, that Mexican musicians
started to obtain great success in Mexico by making their own interpretations of cumbia, and the
cumbia rhythm influenced other Latin American styles such as Peruvian chicha. With cumbia’s
place in Colombia’s image of itself, musicians who perform cumbia more in line with the
original rural traditions, such as Toto La Momposina, have been able to reassert themselves as
being part of the origins behind Colombia’s most recognizable and adaptable rhythm, performing
traditional songs like “El Pescador”. Artists like this did not originally have the space to do this
in front of wider Colombian audiences, but had to wait for their music to receive urban
“validation through visibility.” (Cepeda 2010, 126) Cumbia is perhaps the clearest example of
Colombian music adjusting itself to new audiences and highlights the urban-rural class divide
multinational influences in Cartagena. It first started gaining popularity in the 1980s among the
lower class in Cartagena, especially the Afro-Colombian community. Champeta (heard in “El
Lobo'' by Wganda Kenya) is primarily characterized by its rhythmically dense drums, driving
guitar melodies, and frequent use of electronic drums and instruments. Champeta’s development
and innovation was primarily driven by the popularization of pico sound systems in Cartagena,
leading to a scene where DJs would look for new music suitable for their sound system’s large
speaker, and ended up turning to imported music, especially music from Africa and its diaspora,
to give new “original” music to their audiences. The usage of African music was especially
popular, and as people heard and imitated these sounds, champeta emerged as a new style.
soukous music) and local Afro-Colombian influences (especially percussion from the historic
Afro-Colombian town San Basilio de Palenque, known for having a surviving local creole
language and for being the oldest town in Colombia founded by escaped slaves). Eventually, new
champeta recordings began to integrate distinct Yamaha drum pads and Casio keyboards (heard
in “Busco Alguien Que Me Quiera” by El Afinaito), producing “a battery of sounds that are
ladled liberally over champeta arrangements” (Berinbaum Quintero 2018, 13). The usage of
electronic drums and foreign records was primarily driven by the sound system DJs wanting to
curate and create their own distinct and exclusive sound driven by the music brought into
Cartagena. All these external hybrid influences ended up combining into a new distinct
Colombian sound.
But how did champeta establish itself as a distinctly Colombian sound with its significant foreign
influences? Deborah Pacini Hernandez’s article on the Cartagena sound system scene provides
an explanation:
“Cartageneros, in contrast, incorporated records that had been produced throughout the
diaspora into new local practices, and invested them with local meanings. In short, they
transformed mass-mediated consumer goods into a local "folk" music culture (i.e., one
that is vernacular and community based)— turning on its head the common belief that
folk culture is destroyed when it substitutes mass-mediated consumer goods for its own
traditional forms of expression.” (Pacini Hernandez 1996, 461)
It is important to recognize that the external hybrid influences such as the African records played
over the sound systems had entirely new musical practices created from them in champeta music.
Champeta did receive some backlash from some people from the upper class in Cartagena, who
thought that Champeta’s association with the lower class and its foreign influences would
degrade other more well-established music in Cartagena. (Cueto Quintero 2016, 653) However,
instead, the new distinctly Colombian musical culture was built around the African records and
influences, and a whole new style of music emerged out of this culture. Champeta was able to
establish itself at a time of massive popularity for other Colombian styles like cumbia and
vallenato, and it provided an alternate vision of Cartagena’s music that recognized its
Afro-Colombian influences and also revered the other music that is so important in Africa and its
diaspora. Champeta is one of many examples worldwide of a new musical style arising from
diverse hybrid influences, but still being able to tie itself to its location and serve as a way of
expressing local identity. Ultimately, because of its emphasis on African tradition, champeta
served as a way of expanding the representation of African roots in the Caribbean coast of
Colombia.
The music of the Pacific coast of Colombia has recently received more attention in efforts
to promote the diversity within Colombia. Having been frequently excluded from the mestizo
ideal of Colombian, Afro-Colombians were recognized as a distinct cultural group by the 1991
Colombian Constitution, and as part of the increased efforts to include Afro-Colombians, their
role in the formation of Colombian music began to gain greater visibility. This is especially true
to the Afro-Colombians living in the Pacific Coast of Colombia, which due to geographical and
socioeconomic factors, has historically been culturally cut off from the rest of Colombia. As the
Pacific Coast of Colombia has gained greater recognition, the musicians there have begun to
embrace their role in establishing local identity. Herencia de Timbiqui and ChocQuibTown are
two examples of musical groups that embrace hybridity and navigate new audiences, all while
Herencia de Timbiqui, one of the most widely known groups from the Pacific coast of
Colombia, makes music which features the traditional currulao instrumentation of the South
Pacific coast of Colombia, where their hometown of Timbiqui is located. However, in addition to
their local instruments such as the marimba de chonta, they also include instruments traditionally
seen in salsa bands, with the horn section being the most obvious example of this. One of the
on more local regional sounds. And in Herencia de Timbiqui’s case, they are closely linked to
Cali, which although it still has some geographic isolation from the Pacific coast, has been
positioning itself as a link to the Pacific with its celebration of its music. Cali, a city best known
for being a hub for salsa music, also hosts the annual Petronio Alvarez Festival for Pacific music
which Herencia de Timbiqui is a frequent fixture, having won the competitive portion of the
hecho en Cali”. (Colombian folklore created in Cali) (Teleantioquia 2015) This is most apparent
in “Caleño”, their debut album’s ode to Cali and its people, culture, and music festivals that draw
people from all over Colombia Featuring currulao drums and marimba as its rhythmic base,
“Caleño” integrates salsa horns and piano, and features a chorus of “Baile Caleño, mi currulao”,
an invitation to the Cali audience to dance to the currulao music. During the montuno section,
this appeal to the audience expands to include the people of other Pacific cities and towns like
Guapi and Buenaventura, emphasizing the people just like them in Cali that left their Pacific
hometowns for Cali. Herencia de Timbiqui’s embrace of Cali, its sounds, and its people, makes
Pacific music more accessible to wider Colombian audiences, somewhat similar to how Lucho
well, although Herencia de Timbiqui approach their music from their rural hometown context
first and foremost. Herencia de Timbiqui uses the musical hybridization to emphasize the way
their Pacific identities relate to Cali, but also successfully uses the hybridization to carve out a
So how has Herencia de Timbiqui been able to embrace wider audiences while avoiding a
flattened representation of themselves and their music? Much of this has to do with the way they
use the space they carved out for themselves to emphasize their Pacific roots. An example of this
is their project Villancicos Negros, where in a more stripped-down context that primarily features
currulao instrumentation, they present several traditional Christmas songs from the South Pacific
coast of Colombia. This includes songs like “San Antonio” a traditional arrullo, which is a style
of Pacific song meant to praise Catholic saints. By presenting their own region’s villancicos
(Christmas carols), Herencia de Timbiqui is adding the Pacific culture to the overall Colombian
culture surrounding the most important holiday in Colombia. Herencia de Timbiqui also
frequently makes their songs as an appeal to broader sense of Afro-Colombian identity, such as
writing an ode to black identity with their song “Negrito”. (Barrera Mosquera 2019, 38) They
also pay homage to other important Afro-Colombian cultures, as seen in the way they paid
tribute to the historic town of San Basilio de Palenque in “I a Kelé Kandá, a song that features a
guitar reminiscent of champeta music, and a chorus in the Palenque creole language. Herencia de
Timbiqui are one of the clearest examples of a group making a space for themselves by making
their sound appeal to wider audience, receiving critical acclaim, and using their platform to give
ChocQuibTown is another group from the Pacific that similarly uses hybridized sounds to
establish a sense of local identity. ChocQuibTown uses hip-hop to express their identity, and
make sure to use their lyrics to talk about their experiences as Afro-Colombians. Songs like “De
Donde Vengo Yo”, (Where I Come From) seek to paint a more nuanced picture of life in the
Pacific, with lyrics discussing daily life in the Pacific, but also discussing some of the difficulties
with life in their home, mentioning the displacement of people from their land and the general
invisibility of their people. With lyrics such as “La cosa no es fácil pero siempre igual
sobrevivimos” (It isn’t easy but we survive nonetheless), ChocQuibTown makes sure they tell the
full story of their people, raising awareness of the issues and making sure people know the joys
of the Pacific as well. ChocQuibTown has also frequently employed sampling, one of the
defining characteristics of a lot of hip-hop music, to establish their local identity and celebrate
their collective memory. Examples of this can be found in the way they interpolate “Arrullo San
Antonio” in their own song “San Antonio”, or they the sample the marimba from currulao group
Grupo Naidy’s “Mirando” in their song “Macru”. These samples are common in multinational
hip-hop, where samples are often used to pay tribute to the local music that forms the local
These samples also serve to establish their music as being distinctly Afro-Colombian.
ChocQuibTown is a group that believes that if they were to only sound like American hip-hop
groups, their expressions of Afro-Colombian identity would be flattened as a result. Instead, they
subscribe to a notion of authenticity in hip-hop that “is largely determined according to an artist’s
ability to act on previous forms in order to produce something different and original.” (Dennis
2012, 110) The usage of samples like these gives ChocQuibTown credibility as hip-hop
innovators, while making sure they don’t get detached from their Afro-Colombian roots. In
a Colombian group that applied their region’s music to a new sound to give themselves a greater
Audiences
Notions of cultural flattening and commercialization become even more salient once
Colombian music meets global audiences, especially in relation to the United States. Not only
are racial dynamics different outside of Colombia, but the flattened representations of
drug-related violence are even more prevalent outside of Colombia. And with the tendency by
the media to flatten all Latin American into a monolithic ‘Latin Audience’, Colombian artists
face even greater difficulty establishing their distinct Colombian identities. Additionally, the role
of musical hybridity and adapting music to new audiences is complicated when the global music
flattens Latin American music and audiences. With the Colombian push to promote diversity as a
national image, and an increased desire to recognize the multicultural hybrid roots of the music
they perform, musicians who attain global success are faced with finding ways of expressing
their own Colombian identities while making sure they create better representation for a diverse
Colombia.
When navigating global audiences, it is essential to discuss the role of reggaeton in Latin
American music. Reggaeton is primarily responsible for the significant increase in Latin
American representation in United States popular music, with musicians like Bad Bunny
becoming some of the biggest global stars today. However, as is the nature with massively
popular styles of music, reggaeton is polarizing. The responses to my survey show this
polarization, with many respondents listing reggaeton musicians as their favorites, but others
criticizing it for its perceived lack of quality and originality. Reggaeton also has been criticized
for the way it frequently features lyrics objectifying women. (Diez-Gutiérrez 2022, 70) Some
reggaeton artists have emerged to challenge these representations in reggaeton music, such as
Another issue that some people see in reggaeton is the amount of space it takes up in the Latin
American music industry. Andrea Echeverri of Colombian rock group Aterciopelados is quoted
as saying “En Colombia, el que no hace reggaeton no existe” (In Colombia, those who don’t
make reggaeton don’t exist.) (El Murcurio de Chile 2017) Reggaeton can be seen as flattening
stylistic differences in the most popular Latin American music, since the biggest hits today are
generally made by reggaeton stars. Those who seek to provide an expanded view of Colombian
Bomba Estereo, a group best known for their music that hybridizes electronic music with
Colombian rhythms such as cumbia, is an example of a Colombian group that has found
alternative spaces for global success. The global audience that Bomba Estereo has sought to
appeal to the most is a more “indie” alternative audience as opposed to the generalized ‘Latin
audience’. Their electronic and experimental sound provides a familiar sound to the alternative
crowd, and they present their usage of Colombian rhythms as a fresh take on the electronic
alternative styles. Their invocation of mystical nature tropes and references to indigenous and
natural roots in their imagery also helps evoke a sense of magical realist discovery in the listener.
These appeals to the alternative music listener have brought them frequent coverage in media
Once they found a niche in these alternative spaces, they followed familiar patterns of
this is shown in their song “Que Bonito”, a tribute to the champeta that lead singer Li Saumet
heard growing up in Santa Marta (on Colombia’s Caribbean coast), down to the guitar and
specific drum samples. Along with this invocation of local identity, they have also used their
position as an alternative group to push an alternate view of Colombian femininity in the popular
music video for their song “Soy Yo” (Cepeda 2020, 326); they also frequently appeal to
Colombia’s natural beauty (O’Connor 2018), in songs like “Agua”. It is also important to note
that with their increased platform, they haven’t limited themselves to just these alternative
spaces, having high profile collaborations with Bad Bunny and reggaeton producer Tainy.
Carlos Vives is an example of a Colombian star who has attained great success and has
positioned himself as a sort of ambassador for Colombian music. He is best known for his work
in vallenato music, a style he aligned himself with after he gained popularity for portraying
vallenato musician Rafael Escalona in a TV series and recording music for the soundtrack of that
TV series. His music primarily grounds itself in vallenato but has heavy influences from other
Latin Rock and Pop, and frequently uses traditional cumbia instruments like the gaita flute as a
regional signifier. Both Carlos Vives and vallenato music are often regarded as a symbol of
Colombia, especially outside of Colombia. The success of Carlos Vives’ music helped push
vallenato music into being one of the most popular styles of music in Colombia by the 1990s.
The increase in vallenato’s popularity coincided with a rise in Colombian migration to the United
States, and because of Carlos Vives making music that is popular and accessible, “he helped
regardless of their region of origin and class background.” (Pacini Hernandez 2010, 132)
Vallenato remains a popular and distinct symbol of Colombia because its regional distinctiveness
serves as a stylistic contrast to the popular music that is usually marketed to the monolithic
Of course, with Carlos Vives being a whiter and more urban face of a music made by
whether “the cultural capital that is apparently accessible to all really belongs only to those who
possess the material means to acquire it.” (Cepeda 2010, 127) In contrast to the Pacific
Afro-Colombian musicians mentioned earlier, Carlos Vives’ musical hybridity isn’t approached
from the perspective of the Afro-Colombian and Indigenous roots of the music. Because of these
cultural dynamics and Carlos Vives still having a wide reach and multinational audience, he has
taken on a role as more of an ambassador of Colombian music. To his credit, a lot of his most
popular music, such as his champeta, vallenato, and rock inspired song “Pa’ Mayte”,
acknowledges the African and Indigenous roots of the music, and no matter the song, Vives
always makes sure to emphasize his love of Colombia and its culture. He has also leaned into the
push for greater recognition of Colombia diversity, showcasing a diverse group of musicians of
different racial and stylistic backgrounds in his touring band (something that I saw when I
attended a 2022 Carlos Vives concert). In the context of the same concert tour, he also sought to
highlight the importance of maintaining Colombia’s biodiversity and natural beauty, (Barandela
2022, 1) which he cites as being the “only way to save folklore”.(PRI 2020) This is clearly Vives
supporting natural beauty being a greater part of Colombia’s representations, in conjunction with
recognizing Colombia’s cultural diversity. Oftentimes, when musicians gain massive popularity,
they have to figure out how to navigate the limited space afforded to the music they represent,
discussing Shakira. More so than any other Colombian musician, Shakira has had to adapt her
identity and music to the global market. Shakira has a well-known multicultural identity, being
tied closely to her Lebanese-Colombian identity, her Caribbean coastal identity, and eventually
her identity as a multinational symbol of Colombia for abroad. Her multicultural background and
general unwillingness to tie herself to one style following her global success has given her a
“chameleonic ability to change with the postmodern times.” (Cepeda 2010, 154) She has most
recently tied herself to reggaeton and urban artists like Karol G and Bizzarap to give herself a
large platform within the massively powerful reggaeton scene (netting her multiple top 10
Billboard hits in the United States), but she has always adjusted her music depending on the
audience she wants to target, having a long history of releasing different versions of songs in
different languages.
Shakira’s universal recognizability, and ambiguous sound have made her identity as a
global multicultural artist almost supersede her image as a Colombian artist. An example of this
was when she was called on to act as a de facto ambassador for the 2010 FIFA World Cup in
South Africa through the creation of her song “Waka Waka (This Time for Africa)” for the
tournament. She faced some backlash for taking the space of African performers, but ultimately
succeeded in the goal of “coupling her international star status with the multicultural image they
This song for the World Cup is not the only time she has decided to take the role of
showcasing diverse identities on the biggest stage. Shakira's performance in the 2020 Super
Bowl halftime show was designed around celebrating as many influences on her identity as she
could fit into the limited time she had. The joint performance with Jennifer Lopez, which took
place in Miami, was clearly themed around Latinidad and had themes of celebrating diverse
identities that are common in more expansive portrayals of Colombia. The performance
highlighted Shakira’s Latin rock roots, her middle eastern roots, and most importantly,
highlighted her Caribbean Colombian roots. This showcase of the Caribbean roots was
punctuated by Shakira dancing to Congolese soukous song “Icha” by Syran Mbenza as a tribute
to champeta and the sound system scene in coastal Colombia. By embracing all aspects of her
identity, Shakira demonstrated how musicians can use their influence to promote a more
expanded and diverse representation of Colombia. Shakira was well aware that she was
performing to an audience that likely had little awareness of Colombia’s diverse music, and
through invoking her diverse background, she used her platform to push representations of a
diverse Colombia.
Conclusion
and they do this by appreciating diversity and magical realism, using hybridity in music to
emphasize their identities, and by being cognizant of the audiences that shape their music. The
work done by these musicians is helping push Colombia into a new media era where the
global position is constantly evolving, it remains to see what the effects of these representational
developments will be. Many of the musicians mentioned in this paper hit the scene relatively
recently, and are still actively making music, so they will still have an ongoing role in shaping
Colombia’s music for years to come. Hopefully, with the support of increased media
representation, these musicians will continue to support the creation of a more nuanced, diverse,
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