Exploring Civil Society

‘If ideas about civil society are to survive the confusion that threatens to submerge them,
we need more books like this—critical, rigorous and respectful of different voices and
traditions. Exploring Civil Society makes a timely and valuable contribution to the
debate.’
Michael Edwards, Director, Governance and Civil Society,
Ford Foundation, and author of Civil Society.
The concept of civil society, which has its origins in early modern West European
thought, was reinvented in Eastern Europe and Latin America in the 1980s and has
subsequently travelled across the globe. This book is about whether and how the concept
of civil society can be translated in different cultural contexts, and the impact of using the
concept on the politics of different regions.
Comparing and contrasting civil society in Latin America and Eastern Europe,
Western Europe and the United States, Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, the contributors
show that there are multiple interpretations of the concept that depend more on the
particular political configuration in different parts of the world than on cultural
predilections. Specific issues discussed include:
• Is the civil society idea simply part of a neoimperialist project of imposing Western
hegemony or is it about the radicalization of democracy and the redistribution of
political power?
• Does the Western bias towards thinking of civil society as secular, and formally
organized, prevent the recognition of local forms of civil society?
• Is it beneficial, finally, to be thinking of a ‘global’ civil society as a normative concept
that embraces notions of non-violence, solidarity and active world citizenship?
Exploring Civil Society is a book for everyone interested in the concept of civil society
and its implications.
Marlies Glasius is Lecturer at the Centre for Civil Society, London School of
Economics and a Research Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Global Governance.
David Lewis is Reader in Social Policy at the London School of Economics. Hakan
Seckinelgin is Lecturer in International Social Policy, the Department of Social Policy,
London School of Economics.
 Exploring Civil Society
Political and cultural contexts

Edited by Marlies Glasius, David Lewis

and Hakan Seckinelgin

LONDON AND NEW YORK

 First published 2004 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Ave, New York,
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© 2004 Marlies Glasius, David Lewis and Hakan Seckinelgin for selection and
editorial matter; individual contributors for their chapters
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or
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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from
the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Exploring civil society: political and cultural
contexts/edited by Marlies Glasius, David Lewis and Hakan Seckinelgin. p. cm. Includes
bibliographical references and index. 1. Civil society. I. Glasius, Marlies. II. Lewis, David, 1960
June 2– III. Seckinelgin, Hakan, 1969– JC337.E97 2004 300–dc22 2004001293

ISBN 0-203-35829-5 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-203-67096-5 (Adobe e-Reader Format)

ISBN 0-415-32545-5 (hbk)
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 Contents

List of contributors ix

PART I Introduction

1 Exploring civil society internationally 3

MARLIES GLASIUS, DAVID LEWIS AND HAKAN SECKINELGIN

PART II Setting out the argument

2 Putting civil society in its place 14

BHIKHU PAREKH
3 The problem with civil society: putting modern European history back into 24
contemporary debate
FRANK TRENTMANN
4 Civil society in multilingual polities 32
NEERA CHANDHOKE
5 In the church of civil society 39
CHRIS HANN

PART III Owning the concept: Latin America and Eastern Europe

6 Civil society in Latin America: uncivil, liberal and participatory models 47

LONARDO AVRITZER
7 Collective action or public participation?: civil society and the public sphere in 54
post-transition Latin America
JENNY PEARCE
8 Civil society in Eastern Europe: growth without engagement 62
JERZY CELICHOWSKI
PART IV Western Europe and the United States: rediscovering the concept

9 Civil society in the United States of America: prototype or exception? An 73

essay on cultural self-understanding
HELMUT ANHEIER
10 In Paris, the global place is no longer Saint Germain des Prés: civil society 82
and the French debate
BERNARD DREANO
11 Western Europe: democratic civil society versus neoliberalism 89
HILARY WAINWRIGHT

PART V Asia: rooted or imported?

12 ‘Old’ and ‘new’ civil societies in Bangladesh 100

DAVID LEWIS
13 Seizing spaces, challenging marginalization and claiming voice: new trends 107
in civil society in China
JUDE HOWELL
14 Central Asian fragmented civil society: communal and neoliberal forms in 115
Tajikistan and Uzbekistan
SABINE FREIZER

PART VI Africa: civil society as neocolonialism?

15 On the evolution of civil society in Nigeria 125

ŞỌLÁ AKÍNRÌNÁDÉ
16 Civil society in South Africa 132
DEBORAH JAMES
17 Civil Society in West Africa: between discourse and reality 136
EBENEZER OBADARE

PART VII The Middle East: civil society as emancipation?

18 Civil society in Iran: past, present and the future 146

ALI PAYA
19 Contractions of a sociocultural reflex: civil society in Turkey 153
HAKAN SECKINELGIN
 20 Unfulfilled aspirations: civil society in Palestine 1993–98 159
SALMA A.SHAWA

PART VIII The case for global civil society

21 Globalization and civil society 168

MARY KALDOR
22 Global civil society and global governmentality 175
RONNIE D.LIPSCHUTZ

Index 184
 Contributors

Şọlá Akínrìnádé is Professor of History in the Department of History, Obafemi

Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria.
Helmut Anheier is Professor in the Department of Social Welfare and Director of the
Center for Civil Society, University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).
Leonardo Avritzer is Professor in Political Science at the School of Liberal Arts of the
Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brazil.
Jerzy Celichowski is Deputy Director of Government-Citizen Communication, Open
Society Institute, Budapest, Hungary.
Neera Chandhoke is Professor of Political Science at the University of Delhi.
Bernard Dreano is Co-chair of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly, and president of the
Centre d’études et d’initiatives de solidarité internationale (CEDETIM), Paris.
Sabine Freizer is a research student in the Department of Social Policy, London School
of Economics and Political Science.
Chris Hann is Professor and Director, Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology,
Halle/Saale, Germany.
Jude Howell is Professor of Social Policy and Director of the Centre for Civil Society at
the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Marlies Glasius is Lecturer at the Centre for Civil Society and Research Fellow at the
Centre for the Study of Global Governance, London School of Economics and
Political Science.
Deborah James is Reader in the Department of Anthropology, London School of
Economics and Political Science.
Mary Kaldor is School Professor and Director of the Centre for the Study of Global
Governance, London School of Economics and Political Science.
David Lewis is Reader in Social Policy, London School of Economics and Political
Science.
Ronnie D.Lipschutz is Professor of Politics in the Department of Politics, University of
California, Santa Cruz.
Ebenezer Obadare is a research student in the Department of Social Policy, London
School of Economics and Political Science.
Bhikhu Parekh is Professor Emeritus of Politics at the University of Hull and a Fellow
of the Royal Society of Arts and of the Academy of the Learned Societies for Social
Sciences. He is a member of the House of Lords.
Ali Paya is a Senior Researcher in the National Research Institute for Science Policy
(Iran) and the Centre for the Study of Democracy, University of Westminster (UK).
Jenny Pearce is Professor of Latin American Politics in the Department of Peace
Studies, University of Bradford.
Hakan Seckinelgin is Lecturer in International Social Policy in the Department of Social
Policy, London School of Economics and Political Science.
Salma A.Shawa recently completed a PhD at the Centre for Civil Society at the London
School of Economics and Political Science and is now a Lecturer at the College of
Southern Europe, Athens.
Frank Trentmann is Senior Lecturer in Modern History, Birkbeck College, University
of London.
Hilary Wainwright is Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Labour Studies,
University of Manchester, and Editor of Red Pepper.
 Part I
Introduction
 1
Exploring civil society internationally
Marlies Glasius, David Lewis and
Hakan Seckinelgin

The concept of civil society, which has its origins in early modern West European
thought, was reinvented in Eastern Europe and Latin America in the 1980s and found its
way into the policy language of international development agencies during the 1990s.
Subsequently, the concept of civil society has travelled to all corners of the globe,
through intellectual exchange, activist discourse, and the official policies of development
donors and politicians. Taking a wide range of local, national and regional contexts from
around the world this book considers the questions of whether and how the concept of
civil society is being translated into different political and cultural contexts, and the
impact of using the concept on the political development of different regions. Other
important sub-questions and debates follow from this central concern. Is the civil society
idea simply part of a neoimperialist project of imposing Western hegemony? Or does the
ever-increasing talk of civil society instead reflect important and progressive trends in the
radicalization of democracy and the redistribution of political power? Does the Western
bias implied in the formulation of the civil society idea as secular and formally organized
prevent recognition of local but different forms of civil society? Is it beneficial, finally, to
be thinking of a ‘global’ civil society as a normative concept that embraces notions of
non-violence, solidarity and active world citizenship?
We have organized the presentation of the contributions on a geographical basis.
Beginning with an overview section that picks up key strands of the history of the civil
society debate, we then move on to the contexts of Eastern Europe and Latin America,
which can in a sense claim ‘ownership’ of the revival of the civil society idea in the
1980s. The focus then moves on to Europe and North America where there has been a
process of rediscovery of the home-grown but long forgotten concept of civil society (cf
Comaroff and Comaroff 1999). From there we move on to Asia and Africa where there is
an uneasy coexistence between local and imported or imposed versions of civil society,
ending our global tour in the Middle East, where the ‘desired’ nature and role of civil
society are particularly contested at present. The volume concludes by pulling away from
national and regional discussions with a section on the idea of global civil society.
Three sets of interrelated issues emerge from the papers presented in this book. The
first is the exploration of the politics of civil society across different contexts in the light
of the shifting interrelationships and blurred boundaries between civil society and state.
The second is the challenge of examining the relationships that link civil societies with
wider institutional contexts and the dynamics of power embodied in such relationships.
 Exploring civil society 4

The third is the importance of place and recognition of a need for an empirical and
theoretical engagement with the various forms taken by civil society in different contexts.

Civil society and politics

Politics is clearly central to discussions of civil society and is discussed here in many
forms. Some chapters directly address the issue of political participation, while others
focus on the importance of political context in the analysis of civil society. It is possible
to discern two main trends. For some authors, it is clear that the impact of existing
political institutions in a given country context has played an important role in framing
the space that exists for civil society. For others, it is equally or more important to pay
attention to the fact that civil society itself is a political agent. While civil society is
constituted within a particular political discourse, it also in return influences the way this
discourse is transformed.
One way of dealing with this paradox is by identifying different ‘ideal-types’ that
show the ways in which civil society and political context have developed symbiotically.
Avritzer (this volume) identifies liberal, participatory and ‘uncivil’ forms of civil society,
which he locates predominantly in Argentina and Chile, in Brazil, and in Peru and
Colombia respectively. The liberal form ‘is related to the reconstruction of a rights
structure and to forms of collective action aiming to secure accountability and the rule of
law… civil society triggers social action only when the political system fails to fulfil its
proper role within the liberal order’. The participatory form ‘challenged a central aspect
of the process of mediation between political society and the state’. In the uncivil model,
‘civil society constitutes itself without the guarantees that are part of the pacification of
the political space’ and ‘the many forms of collective action that exist in the region are
subordinated to the destructive dynamics of state politics’—or, Avritzer adds, market
politics. Many of the categories he uses resonate with those of other authors. Anheier
(this volume), for instance, identifies the United States of America as the homeland of the
liberal prototype but points out that this is not a very explicit self-identification, and is so
ingrained in the fabric of social and political life that it makes it difficult for Americans to
see that this is but one of several possible manifestations of civil society.
Pearce (this volume) distinguishes between a liberal and a radical view of civil society
in Latin America (or ‘builders’ and ‘critics’ of democracy), but her radicals appear to be
close to Avritzer’s participatory model (see also Howell and Pearce 2001). Rather than
locate either type in particular countries, she sees an unhelpful polarization between the
two across Latin America, arguing that both are needed in order to counter ‘the growth of
the authoritarian and populist impulses that remain strong throughout the region’.
Wainwright (this volume) describes how Western social movements such as the women’s
movement have also engaged—albeit without much theorization and with limited
success—in developing more participatory models of relations between civil society and
the state.
Avritzer describes his model of ‘uncivil society’ primarily in terms of citizen ‘self-
help’ in the absence of state provision of public goods such as personal and social
security. Despite the use of the term ‘uncivil’, he does not condemn civil society self-
help, but deplores the circumstances that have forced this defensive form of collective
 Exploring civil society internationally 5

action. This phenomenon turns out to be by no means exclusive to Latin America. In

Bangladesh, a mosque-organized ‘community initiative’ in Dhaka successfully reduced
organized crime by violent means (Lewis, this volume). James (this volume) describes
how vigilante groups in South Africa have sprung up in response to inadequate policing,
but makes it clear that the methods and membership of these private ‘crime-fighting’
initiatives all too easily become criminal themselves. Echoing Avritzer’s contradictory
label ‘uncivil civil society’ she wonders whether one can speak of a ‘civil society’ in the
face of such a basic lack of functioning of the state.
Since the attacks of 11 September 2001, a new political challenge has emerged for
civil society at global and domestic levels in the form of the so-called ‘war on terror’,
which is, among other things, undermining progress achieved with the entrenchment of
human rights and weakening the effectiveness of UN processes and institutions. This
process is refocusing some elements within civil society to question anew what
‘protection of human rights’ may or may not license states to do, including the unfettered
claims made to justify unilateral intervention in the international arena to protect people
through violent means. As Kaldor (this volume) warns, the new policy environment may
contribute to a ‘roll-back’ of gains made by global civil society processes during the
1990s.

Civil society linkages and relationships

The accounts given by authors in this volume of relations between local civil society
actors and the wider world mainly fall into two groups. The first group comprises those
describing horizontal contacts, dialogues and experiences that have had an inspirational
or emancipatory effect. The second group focuses on vertical relations, arguing that all
too often there has been an unhelpful imposition of a particular external view of an
‘appropriate’ vision of civil society, which is one based on neoliberal policies, sweetened
by the provision of funding, but without regard for local conditions.
In the first group, Paya (this volume) describes how, as early as 1906, when Iran
experienced the Constitutional Revolution, ‘greater exposure of the Iranian society to
Western ideas or models resulted in greater demand for sociopolitical reforms’. While he
emphasizes that civil society, conceptualized as a buffer and breathing space between the
individual and powerful social institutions, has deep roots in Iran, he conceives of outside
influences on Iranian civil society primarily as benign. He concludes that, due to the
permeation of new ideas through globalization in general and the fall of the Ba’ath
regime in Iraq in particular, Iran is on the way ‘towards emergence of a more robust and
effective “civil society”’. Freizer (this volume) describes how, in the early years of
glasnost, the emergence of an environmental movement in Central Asia (and elsewhere in
the former Soviet sphere of influence) was influenced and strengthened by the global
environmental movement. In China, the Beijing Women’s Conference spurred the growth
of autonomous women’s organizations, tolerated by the Chinese government (Howell,
this volume).
However, most of the instances of ‘positive influence’ cited here did not travel West-
East or North-South, but through more complex trajectories. Dreano (this volume) argues
that the political heritage of migrant intellectuals has had an energizing and
 Exploring civil society 6

democratizing effect on French civil society. Wainwright (this volume) describes how
Central East European dissidents provided a theory to fit the existing practices of West
European activists. She then discusses how this theorizing was weakened by the
neoliberal interpretation of the fall of the Berlin wall, how the ‘language of civil society’
was instrumentalized by ‘third way’ governments such as New Labour in the UK, and
finally how certain local political initiatives in Western Europe are inspired anew by
Brazilian examples of participatory politics. James (this volume) suggests that
postapartheid South African activists are successfully counterposing a newer, global
struggle to the ANC reproach that they were not part of ‘the national struggle’. This goes
beyond rhetoric, and indeed beyond urbanized civil society: the landless movement in
South Africa has allied itself to the same movements in Brazil and Palestine. Moreover,
the World Conference Against Racism and the Earth Summit provided opportunities to
raise the profile of this new South African civil society internationally.
In the second group of accounts, it is useful to differentiate neoliberal perspectives on
civil society from liberal perspectives. At one level there are obvious similarities, such as
an emphasis on voluntaristic self-organization outside formal political circles. However,
liberal perspectives on civil society are primarily concerned with increasing the
responsiveness of political institutions, while neoliberal approaches to civil society are
more focused on the reorganization of political space in order to minimize the role of the
state.
The impact of neoliberal policies on civil society is seen by many authors as strongly
conditioned by the manner in which such policies have been introduced by international
policy-makers since the 1980s. A ‘blueprint’ model of civil society based on the
construction or support of certain organizational forms can be observed throughout the
world.
Some authors are concerned about particular neoliberal policy prescriptions such as
privatization and decentralization, while others object primarily to the introduction of
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) within such policy frameworks, considering
them as unwarranted foreign interventions into their sociopolitical context. Hann’s
contribution (this volume) for instance points out that much of so-called civil society in
Eastern Europe is simply the result of international aid funds channelled to a set of
Western-style NGOs and is associated with modern managerialist values and a close
familiarity with the English language.
This provides us with a further analytical possibility by differentiating the existence of
NGOs in general from the ways they are incorporated into a particular agenda within
international neoliberal frameworks. Although some observers suggest a close link
between particular international policies and the increased number of NGOs as well as
expansion of a particular form of civil society, NGOs per se do not represent a
perspective that is naturally neoliberal. There is no doubt that as actors in civil society
NGOs of all kinds take part in numerous political debates, but this needs to be
distinguished from the instrumentalized use of NGO forms, which has led some to
suggest the abbreviation is better understood as standing for ‘not grass-roots
organizations’.
Although many proponents of neoliberal policies would consider their interventions
less political and more social (in other words, as interventions in support of the social
institutions of a given country) their position is underpinned by an implicit vision about
 Exploring civil society internationally 7

the relationship between the social and the political (Seckinelgin 2002). Furthermore, in
considering the mechanisms that are used in introducing these policies, the authors
identify an international political context that is influencing political debates in individual
countries. This influence is not only related to the main political actors in a given context
but is also closely linked to existing forms of traditional, or already existing, civil
societies (Lewis 2002). Tensions between civil society motivated by the neoliberal
formulations and that based on more ‘traditional’ structures and resources therefore
constitute an important political problem in many countries. Freizer, writing in this
volume about Central Asia, identifies two further ideal-types, which have much
resonance elsewhere in this volume: the communal and the neoliberal forms of civil
society.
The question of culture and tradition is considered by some authors here, but there is
little support for arguments that the civil society concept is culturally alien to non-
Western societies. The oft-cited position of the anthropologist Ernest Gellner (1994)—
who argued in his analysis of Islamic contexts that civil society is an essentially Western
concept, which cannot apply elsewhere in the world—finds few supporters among the
contributors to this volume. Chandhoke’s chapter (this volume), which explores aspects
of the forms of linguistic exclusion within civil society that disadvantage India’s
indigenous people, might be used to lend support to such a view in its argument that only
the language of ‘legal and political modernity constitutes the modern domain of the state
and civil society in India’. But what emerges from most of the contributions in this
volume is the surprising extent to which both the concept and the actually existing forms
of civil society are evolving and adapting in ways that are both diverse and unpredictable.
The construction of civil society ‘others’ appears to be proceeding apace.

Civil society and place

While civil society is discussed by most authors here in relation to the state, the
rediscovery of the term took place in a late twentieth-century context that involved
broader processes of urbanization, migration, democratization, state disintegration,
privatization and globalization. It should come as no surprise therefore to find that the
connections and conflicts of civil society with other actors are much more complex and
multifaceted than any simple national state/national society dichotomy would suggest.
A purely abstract political analysis of civil society can only take us so far and it is
clear that ‘place matters’. The volume therefore takes a geographical rather than a
thematic or political-theoretical approach to the subject. However, it has attempted to
avoid the ‘stamp-collecting’ tendency (Shaw 2003) of comparative politics, which would
be to compare the situation in country A to that in country B to that in country C, as if
each country and its society were discrete and homogeneous entities. While the authors in
this volume do typically take particular geographical locations as their point of departure,
these include not only nation-states (Akínrìnádé, Anheier, Freizer, James, Lewis, Paya,
Seckinelgin), but also provincial towns (Hann), global cities (Dreano), subnational
regions (Chandhoke), supranational regions (Celichowsky, Hann, Obadare, Trentmann
and Wainwright), entire continents (Avritzer, Pearce), and not-quite-state entities (Shawa
 Exploring civil society 8

on Palestine). They all consider outside influences, whether these have been
emancipatory, problematic or downright destructive.
Naturally, a volume with a global remit of this kind must make difficult choices, and
will necessarily exclude whole areas of the globe. In making our choices, we have tried to
privilege relatively unknown regions and perspectives over those which have already
received attention in the literature. We have, for instance, given relatively little attention
to the oft-told story of the rediscovery of civil society in Eastern Europe and Latin
America, with just one contribution from the former region and two from the latter, all of
which concentrate on how civil society has fared since the celebrated triumphs over
authoritarianism. We have ignored the whole of Southeast Asia and focused instead on
China and Central Asia, and devoted a whole section to the Middle East. Unlike some
earlier works focusing on ‘non-Western’ contexts, we have explicitly included Western
Europe and the United States in our explorations.
The rise of civil society is often associated with urbanization. In the Western historical
context, it is linked with ideas about ‘civil’, ‘polite’ behaviour, including norms of
toleration and non-violence, which were necessary for relative strangers, possibly of
different religions, to live side by side in an urban setting (Elias 1994; Keane 1996). In
his historical contribution, Trentmann (this volume) makes the point that understandings
of civil society often did not go much beyond religious toleration, and did not carry any
of the present-day deliberative or activist connotations. Moreover, such toleration was
firmly anchored in a Christian, rather than a secular, tradition.
Beyond its Western origins, Mamdani (1996) has famously described civil society in a
colonial setting as being the reserve of a small urban middle-class population, and
permanently excluding rural populations. Authors in this volume provide a rather
different and more complex picture by tracing how forms of associational life emerged in
various local settings. Interestingly, they do associate this with urbanization, but not in
the form of gatherings of ‘polite strangers’. Akínrìnádé (discussing Nigeria), Freizer
(Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) and Seckinelgin (Turkey), all this volume, each describe the
ways in which people (generally men) arrive in the city and then begin to form mutual
support networks based on their ethnicity or region of origin. These forms of association
were new and voluntary, but based on earlier rural relations. Such observation updates
longstanding anthropological interest in these themes (such as Banton 1968; Little 1965).
James (this volume) shows how, while Mamdani’s differential treatment of the urban and
the rural realm was indeed the intended policy of colonial rule and, later, apartheid, it
never entirely succeeded, due to labour migration: ‘Africans who were “subjects” at the
rural pole of their existence were more like “citizens” in an urban setting as a result of
their experiences as members of the unionized workforce, supporters of political parties,
Christian town dwellers, and the like’. Naturally, they took their political experiences
back to the countryside with them, which had an emancipatory effect on politics there.
Such urban-rural movements of people were never just a national phenomenon, but
now more than ever borders and, often enough, continents are also crossed. Akínrìnádé
(this volume) describes how, even in the colonial era, Yoruba, Ibibio and Ibo
communities in Nigeria organized to send students to the UK, Ireland and the USA,
which ‘made nonsense of the position of the colonial government that there was no real
need for the provision of higher education in the country’. While deprivation at home and
opportunities abroad are usually the driving factors behind migration, they also contribute
 Exploring civil society internationally 9

to the release of civil societies from the restraints states placed on them (Kaldor 2003;
Keck and Sikkink 1998).
States, of course, have not given up trying to control their civil societies, even after
migration. Seckinelgin (this volume) cites a Turkish general who suggested that Turkish
diaspora groups should set up an umbrella group in order to coordinate policies to defend
Turkish national interests. A recent Bangladeshi newspaper article carried a discussion of
roles that could be played in the country’s development by ‘non-resident Bangladeshi
non-governmental organizations’ (NRBNGOs).
Dreano (this volume) on the other hand provides a picture of the effect of migration on
a host city, Paris. He does not take up the familiar, depressing theme of cultural,
economic and political conflicts between indigenous and migrant populations. Rather, he
shows how the influx of migrants, particularly African, with their own fresh experiences
of civil society, has popularized and re-energized the idea of civil society in France,
which was traditionally populated by intellectuals with a preference for statist solutions to
social problems.

Conclusion

The contributions to the book show that here are multiple interpretations of civil society
and that these depend more on political configurations in different parts of the world than
on cultural predilections. To return to our opening questions, there is plenty of evidence
for the idea that civil society is an idea imposed by Western institutions in many parts of
the world (the term ‘westoxification’ used by conservatives in Iran is an extreme version
of this view: Ali Paya, this volume) but there is also plenty of evidence that shows links
between civil society and political radicalization. For example, many contributors
differentiate the notion of civil society as a ground of political contestation from a
different, though often coexisting, depoliticized, neoliberal definition of civil society as
simply the realm of ‘non-governmental’ or ‘non-profit’ organizations. Indeed Lipschutz
(this volume) emphasizes the need for ‘bringing politics back in’, in his concluding
chapter on global civil society.
By moving away from the ‘either/or’ forms of analysis that characterize much of the
international civil society debates we hope to show in this book the need to recognize
civil society as a site of struggle, multivocality and paradox. One of the important
messages from the multiple voices collected here in this volume is that the power of the
concept of civil society depends less on abstract definitions than on the extent to which it
is grounded in actual experiences from around the world and embedded in local realities.
The relationship between authoritarian regimes and the rediscovery of civil society has
now been commonly accepted. However, the end of most authoritarian regimes did not
mean the end of history: civil society continues to respond to new threats from the
dominant institutions that are now mostly located at the international level. As Obadare
and James both point out, it is precisely in those countries most severely affected by
neoliberal interventions that civil society is refocusing its energy on challenging this
ideology. The fight against privatization of public services, campaigns to define the
provision of medicine as public good, and the agendas of the Social Forums are all
manifestations of this new focus of an increasingly global civil society.
 Exploring civil society 10

At the same time, the boundaries between civil society and state have always been
blurred. In Eastern Europe, South Africa and the Philippines, a number of civil society
activists and NGO leaders found themselves moving into government positions, after the
velvet revolutions, the end of the apart-heid regime and the fall of the Marcos
dictatorship respectively. More widely, the permeability of these boundaries and the
wider embeddedness of civil society actors are increasingly highlighted within recent
work (such as Hilhorst 2003; Lewis 2004 forthcoming) and may be a more prominent
feature of the institutional landscape in years to come.

References

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Elias, N. (1994 [1939]) The Civilizing Process: State Formation and Civilization, Oxford:
Blackwell.
Gellner, N.Y. (1994) Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and its Rivals, London: Hamish
Hamilton.
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