Department of Distance and Continuing Education

University of Delhi
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B.A.(Hons.) English/Political Science/Economics/B.Com.(Hons.)

Semester-II
Course Credits-4
Generic Elective (GE) - History
DELHI THROUGH THE AGES:
FROM COLONIAL TO CONTEMPORARY TIMES
As per the UGCF and National Education Policy 2020
Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

Editorial Board
Sh. Prabhat Kumar, Prof. Vipul Singh,
Dr. Rajni Nanda Mathew

Content Writers
Prabhat Kumar
Abhinav Mishra

Academic Coordinator
Deekshant Awasthi

© Department of Distance and Continuing Education

ISBN: 978-81-19169-05-4
Ist edition: 2023
E-mail: [email protected]
[email protected]

Published by:
Department of Distance and Continuing Education under
the aegis of Campus of Open Learning/School of Open Learning,
University of Delhi, Delhi-110007

Printed by:
School of Open Learning, University of Delhi

© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

School of Open Learning, University of Delhi
 B.A. (Hons.) English / Political Science/Economics/B.Com. (Hons.)

• Some of the content of the present study material has been taken from the earlier study material for the
GE Paper for B.A.(Programme) Semester-VI under the CBCS Semester system. However, Unit-I &
Unit-IV have been written afresh.
• Corrections/Modifications/Suggestions proposed by Statutory Body, DU/Stakeholder/s in the Self
Learning Material (SLM) will be incorporated in the next edition. However, these
corrections/modifications/suggestions will be uploaded on the website https://sol.du.ac.in. Any
feedback or suggestions can be sent to the email- [email protected]

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

Table of Contents
Page No.
Unit-I : Delhi in The Nineteenth Century-Mughal Court,
Company Raj, 1857 And Its Aftermath Prabhat Kumar 01
Unit-II : Building New Delhi-Imperial Ideology and
Urban Morphology Abhinav Mishra 15
Unit-III : Delhi in 1947-Partition and its Aftermath Abhinav Mishra 26
Unit-IV : Making of Contemporary Delhi-Spaces, Politics
and Socialites
Prabhat Kumar 34

© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

School of Open Learning, University of Delhi
 B.A. (Hons.) English / Political Science/Economics/B.Com. (Hons.)

Learning Objectives
This Course examines the physical and social transformation of Delhi from Colonial to
contemporary times. Focusing on the ethos of political developments on urban form and
social experience, it aims to explore the historical antecedents of some of the capital’s
contemporary dilemmas.

Learning Outcomes
Upon completion of this course the student shall be able to:
● Analyse the political developments and their legacy for the shaping of the city.
● Discern the importance of ‘local’, social, ecological and cultural processes that shape
and reshape the city.
● Explain the historical roots of the problems of sustainable urbanisation with regard to
Delhi.

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

Unit-I
DELHI IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY-MUGHAL COURT,
COMPANY RAJ, 1857 AND ITS AFTERMATH
Prabhat Kumar

STRUCTURE

1.0 Learning Objectives

1.1 Introduction
1.2 Background
1.2.1 Demography and the urban layout
1.2.2 The Cultural Ethos: A Free-flowing Cosmopolitanism
1.3 The Nerve centre of Delhi Renaissance: The Delhi College
1.4 Simmering Religious Discontent Beneath the Surface
1.5 Adding New Dimensions to the City
1.5.1 Issues of City's Maintenance
1.5.2 Public Health, Drinking Water, and Irrigation
1.6 Delhi during the Revolt
1.7 Conclusion
1.8 Summary
1.9 Practice Questions
1.10 Objective Questions-State True or False
1.11 Answers
1.12 Suggested Readings

1.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

Urban history is not just about buildings, people and geography of the land. It is also about
the spirit that pervades them all. And all this undergoes change over a period of time in ways

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 B.A. (Hons.) Economics/English/B.Com. (Hons.)

both subtle and obvious. After going through this lesson, you will get to know what the
things were and how they changed in the city of Delhi in the Nineteenth Century.

1.1 INTRODUCTION

Delhi in the Nineteenth Century

Delhi in the nineteenth century was in a twilight zone. Everything about it was in a quasi-
state; it was quasi monarchical, quasi-imperialist, quasi urban and so on. It was perched at the
threshold of momentous changes that were soon to take place in a variety of ways.
Shahjahanabad, the city founded by the Mughal emperor Shahjahan, in the early decades of
the seventeenth century, gradually changed colours in the nineteenth century under the
weight of an emerging colonial authority which affected both its soul and appearance. The
story of Delhi of this period is the story of change.

1.2 BACKGROUND

The city that the Company encountered in the nineteenth century was primarily a Mughal city
ruled by a nominal Mughal authority. The decision by Shahjahan to shift the capital of the
Mughal Empire from Agra to Delhi was dictated both by the logic of history and geography.
The insufferable harsh summers of Agra, Shahjahan believed, did not make it the right place
for a king. On the other hand, the long and glorious past of the city of Delhi invested it with a
charm that lured Shahjahan to build a city named after himself on the banks of the river
Yamuna.
The place chosen for the construction of the fort and the city was nestled between a
river and a ridge. While building the city attention was paid to the elementary aspects of
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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

safety and convenience. The river and the Palace coupled with the city wall gave it some
degree of security. The choice of red sandstone added to its architectural magnificence. The
other aspects that were taken care of were an adequate supply of water, an efficient drainage
system and an administration responsive to military and revenue aspects. Nobles, merchants
and men of other professions were settled down on pieces of land. On two of the roads
emanating from the Palace, were located the homes of merchants built of stone and bricks.
The aristocracy owned karkhanas where craftsmen worked. Bernier who visited the newly
built city has given a vivid account of the opulence of the aristocracy and the abject poverty
of the lower class. The entire living space was marked out into Katras, mohallas and kuchas
named after provincial groups, noted figures or the items being sold there. The examples for
this are Kashmiri Katra, Katra Nil, Mohulla Imli, Kucha Nawab Wazir. The beauty of the
city is captured in the poetic words of Mir: ‘The streets of Delhi are not mere streets. They
are like the album of a painter.’
The city that Shahjahan built, and Bernier recorded in his memoirs existed more or
less in the same form for well over two centuries. The incidents of invasion and civil war
made no significant change in its overall physical appearance. Temples, mosques, gardens
and streets built by prominent men dotted the landscape. The city wall did provide a degree
of protection to the inhabitants, though not from the Marathas and Nadir Shah but to a
considerable extent from the Gujars and Mewatis. As the power of the royal authority
declined, that of the Kotwal proportionately increased. The latter exercised his authority
through a network of twelve thanedars.
1.2.1 Demography and the urban layout
Town planning invested the city with a unique aura to a great extent and also defined its
culture. What Bernier noticed in the early seventeenth century continued to echo in the
writings of later travellers take Forbes and Heber. Bernier had spoken of the grandeur of the
homes of noblemen built of brick and stone contrasting sharply with the mud and thatch
homes of the lowly classes that surrounded them. Writing in 1840's Heber attested to their
grandeur and found them to be more magnificent than the ones in Moscow. Forbes too, rated
them higher than the houses of nobility in Europe. The suburbs were more in the form of the
ruins of the old cities or irregular human settlements around wholesale markets or royal
gardens and hunting areas.

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 B.A. (Hons.) Economics/English/B.Com. (Hons.)

19th Century Chandni Chowk

The quickening pace of construction activity is recorded in the Gazetteer of 1815.

This signalled an increase in the value of land which doubled in ten years, as the Gazetteer
indicates. The enumeration of houses in 1843 yielded a total figure of over 23,000 out of
which over 17,000 were made of brick and stone. Delhi then was at the cusp of Maratha and
British control. Even aristocratic dwellings were single storeyed constructions. The most
impressive building was of Bhawani Shankar who was nick-named Namak Haraam for
switching sides from Marathas to the British. The flurry of building activity was fuelled by
the rising population. There is no reliable population data till 1843 though as early as 1806
British officials hypothesised with smugness that the population was rising and attributed this
to the 'security, comfort and impartial justice' of the new regime. Periodic collection of
population figures show a rising trend of 119,860 in 1833, 131,000 in 1843, 131,000 in 1845
and 151,000 in 1853. The building of new houses along the two main roads, Chandni Chowk
and Faiz bazaar, was the direct result of this swelling population. Population grew not only
by more births but also by migration of people from outside, mostly from the Punjab.

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

1.2.2 The Cultural Ethos: A Free flowing Cosmopolitanism

The refined cultural environment of the city drew the attention of the travellers, one of whom
extolled the virtues of Delhi for its refined and urban way of life. In a spirit of self-
glorification and contentment the inhabitants of the city preferred to confine themselves
within the four walls that separated them from the barbarism of outside. Periodic mushairas
and dastan-gois were the order of the day. Basant and Phulwalon ki Sair were annual
festivals celebrated with enthusiasm by both Hindus and Muslims. On festivals the city
remained awake till late at night. Paradoxically, both Islamic mysticism and salons of the
courtesans added to the throbbing cultural nerves of the city.

1.3 THE NERVE CENTRE OF DELHI RENAISSANCE: THE DELHI

COLLEGE

The flowering of literary activity was aided in no small measure by the setting up of the
printing presses. The establishment of educational institutions and the setting up of Persian
and Urdu lithography press went hand in hand. In 1829 a newly formed Committee of Public
Instructions extended financial support to a school which was set up in 1792 matching the
amount given by waqf to the same institution. The subsequent introduction of English classes
on the advice of Charles Trevelyan was suspected by the local people to be a move aimed at
proselytization. Their fears were allayed when Nawab Itmad-ud-daula gave a huge grant to
the college separately. The reputation of Delhi College spread far and wide attracting many
students from outside Delhi. The intellectual efflorescence epitomised by Delhi College has
been famously described by C.F. Andrews as 'the Delhi Renaissance'. It was greater in its
sweep than the Calcutta 'Renaissance' with its preference for scientific learning and a more
broad-based school curriculum over the pursuit of Urdu literature. Interestingly Urdu became
a vehicle for the spread of western knowledge and scientific temper. The Vernacular Society
of the College translated Greek classics and scientific works into Urdu. However, one
important consideration behind learning the English language was the utilitarian one as it was
thought to be helpful for securing a job but not as vital as for getting educated. This explains
why the introduction of English education made no perceptible difference in the thinking and
lifestyle of the elite section of society. Syed Ahmed Khan could never accept the Copernican
view of the universe. The College boasted of a galaxy of widely acclaimed intellectuals as its
alumni: Ram Chandra whose work on differential calculus was known worldwide, Dr.
Mukund Lal, the first allopathic medical practitioner, Maulvi Ziauddin, a noted Arabic
scholar, Maulvi Zakaullah, a historian and, of course, the multi-faceted Syed Ahmad Khan.

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 B.A. (Hons.) Economics/English/B.Com. (Hons.)

The Delhi College

The cultural atmosphere was marked by bonhomie among the British, the Muslim
umara and Hindu kayasthas and Khatris. They were all imbued with the etiquette and
sophistication associated with Urdu culture. The existing institutions like Gubbins' Relief
Society, the Delhi Bank set up by Lala Chunna Mal and an Archaeological Society
established to study the monuments of Delhi were marked by a cosmopolitan spirit. Rigorous
archaeological explorations and intellectual enquiries by Syed Ahmad Khan led to the
publication of his noted work, Aasar-us-Sonaadid, The Ruins of the Cities of Delhi, in 1896.
One of his startling archaeological conclusions based on his readings of the inscriptions of
Qutb Minar was that a part of the monument was built by a Hindu ruler.
A spirit of gaiety marked the perennial mood of the city. Versification and kite flying
were the two principal passions. Debendranath Tagore on his visit to the city before the
Revolt was amused to see a large gathering of people admiring kite flying by the Emperor.
The poetic gatherings, mushairas, at the Court and literature found between Ghalib and Zauq
formed the staple of gossip in the city.

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

1.4 SIMMERING RELIGIOUS DISCONTENT BENEATH THE

SURFACE

The British Resident was liberal enough to allow debates to take place at the historic Jama
Masjid between local maulvis and Christian missionaries. However, some signs of a looming
danger were signalled by the proselytisation activities undertaken by the Baptist Missionary
Society and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. They secured two notable
converts, Master Ram Chandra and Doctor Chiman Lal and it was feared that the perceptible
social discontent might spill out in the form of a riot. But the Reverend Mr. Jennings noted
with satisfaction that despite a huge Hindu crowd gathered at the Church the 'greatest order
and decency prevailed.'
Another likely occasion for the disruption of communal harmony was at the time of
religious processions and during festivals. The potential for communal flare up was not only
between the Hindus and Muslims but at the same time between Hindus and Jains and
between Shias and Sunnis. There were instances of tensions between Jains and Hindus in
1807, 1816 and 1834 triggered by religious processions. In 1837 a proclamation over tazias
in favour of Shias by a British magistrate provoked angry response from Sunnis. Fragile
communal peace was prone to be disturbed during Id and Ram Lila celebrations. There was a
reversal by Thomas Metcalfe of the sensitive policy adopted by the Mughal rulers of not
allowing cow slaughter, a decision that was resented by Bahadur Shah and Hakim
Ahsanullah.
Gujars and Mewatis posed a threat to the peace of the city. The British revived the
Mughal system of Kotwal, thanedars and chowkidars to provide protection and enforce order.
They also succeeded in presenting themselves as an epitome of impartiality and justice. The
professed treatment given to the Muslims in the appointment of Kotwal and other police
officers was discontinued by Magistrate Lindsay. On the eve of the Revolt the Kotwal of
Delhi was Gangadhar Nehru, the father of Motilal Nehru.

1.5 ADDING NEW DIMENSIONS TO THE CITY

Many efforts were made by British Administrators and Princely Rulers in Adding New
Dimensions to the City. The early British administrators saw themselves as integrated with
the existing walled city and not as a part of a separate 'Civil Lines'. This led to the initial
efforts at raising revenues for its administration and 'improvement'. This was announced by
Governor General Amherst in 1823. A committee was formed to administer it. Fortescue's
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report prepared in 1820 helped in the listing of such duties. But before the Committee could
get off the ground it was disbanded by Charles Metcalfe, while Charles Trevelyan criticised
town duties for its dampening impact on trade and business.
Streaks of urban growth beyond the walled city flourished through individual British
efforts aided by Mughal generosity. Thus, Mubarik Bagh sprang up to the north of the city
through the efforts of Ochterlony. The land in subsequent years became a theatre of
conflicting succession claims by begum Mubarik-un-nisa, Begum Samru, her heir David
Ochterlony Dyce Sombre and members of an Italian family Solaroli. Private palaces came up
through individual English efforts. One example of this was the castle built by Ludlow called
Ludlow Castle though nothing of it remains now. Thomas and Charles Metcalfe are credited
with maintaining the Mughal Gardens at Shalimar and the Qutb. A huge Gothic structure was
raised on the Ridge by William Fraser which was later bought by a nobleman named Bara
Hindu Rao, in 1835 and became famous by this name.
The British lived in the city and contributed to its architectural landmarks. This made
Delhi different from other Presidency towns which were marked by racial segregation. A
traveller commented, 'The works of the Europeans at Delhi are confined to a magnificent
canal, an arsenal, a church, a college and a printing press.' Safdarjung's house became a guest
house for travellers. On the south of St James' Church was the arsenal and the post-office.
The architecture of the Church stood out giving the area a Christian look. Rented houses in
Daryaganj and Kashmere Gate accommodated British officials. The haveli of Begum Samru
was bought by the Delhi Bank.
1.5.1 Issues of City's Maintenance
It was a mark of the attachment of the early British administrators to the city that they took
personal care in its maintenance. Thus, Saton planted trees along the famous Chandni Chowk
stretch at personal cost. Trevelyan helped build a suburb outside Lahori Gate on a piece of
land bought by him in 1830. He wrote describing his efforts: ‘The population of Delhi is
crowded within the walls, around which immense fields of ruins extend… A portion of them
I have purchased off the Government to lay out in streets and squares, giving to each person
as much as he will undertake to build good houses upon… My new suburb will soon become
a handsome city…’
The walls of the city were kept in a good order. The encroachments by the
shopkeepers in the bazaar was dealt with firmly. The town committee was entrusted with the
responsibility of the maintenance of drains and bridges. The properties of waqf, taijul, zaft
and nazul were taken from the control of Kotwal and given over to a special daroga. Bishop
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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

Heber reported in 1828 the repairing of the Jama Masjid by a grant from the Government
which was actually waqf fund.
According to the Delhi Gazette only the main roads were well maintained; the back
lanes were in a decrepit state. The Delhi Bank extended a loan to the Local Road Committee
to carry out repair works. The Delhi Gazette lamented the lack of philanthropic zeal among
Hindu residents who were reluctant to contribute to road repair. Only a few prominent men
like Raja Hindu Rao, Ahmad Ali Khan, and the Rajas of Pataudi and Ballabhgarh came
forward to contribute to the public fund. A ganj was founded in the western suburbs with
financial help from Diwan Kishan Lal.
1.5.2 Public Health, Drinking Water and Irrigation
Public health was understandably a major concern in the minds of the administrators. The
issue was intricately linked with drinking water supply and drainage. The brackish water of
wells and ponds was behind the diseases common in Delhi like cholera and malaria. The Ali
Mardan canal which had earlier supplied water to the city had dried up. Attempts were made
by Mr. Mercer to revive it with his own money. Charles Metcalfe inaugurated the refurbished
canal in 1821 which was to provide safe drinking water to the residents. The people were so
euphoric that they worshipped the flowing water with flowers and ghee. The euphoria
however, did not last long as the farmers upstream drew so excessively upon it for irrigation
purposes that the canal soon dried up. In the eighteen twenties and eighteen thirties the
availability of healthy water from the canal led to the neglect of the existing wells. This
resulted in the water of 555 of 607 wells turning brackish. A water tank called Lal Diggi was
constructed at the instance of Lord Ellenborough which was to be connected to the canal and
had to act as a reservoir. However, because of an inept handling the drain malfunctioned, and
this resulted in flooding in the city.
Public health was, of course, a serious concern and various measures were
periodically contemplated for achieving this. Napier reflected, ‘A rigid police force to keep
the town clean, sound sanitary rules about irrigation from the canal, which runs much too
rapidly to produce malaria the banks are kept clean, would perhaps make Delhi as healthy as
any part of India.' The need for setting up a dispensary was also felt. Private contributions
from merchants, bankers and members of the royal court raised up to Rs. 10,000 while Rs.
2500 was added by the Government. The Act of 1850 had empowered the Government to
impose taxes to be spent on public health, though Metcalfe noted that people resisted this
scheme of taxation.

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1.6 DELHI DURING THE REVOLT

Delhi in 1857

The uprising of 1857 not only soured the relations between the Indians and the British but
also split the society along strange unpredictable lines. The cleavages that the Revolt brought
to the fore were not only between Hindus and Muslims or between the old aristocracy and the
rising bourgeoisie. The alignments were more complex and were driven by considerations of
self-interest and far sightedness. Religious or community feelings did not play a decisive role.
Thus, while Nawab Hamid Ali Khan was with Bahadur Shah, Nawab Amiruddin sided with
the British. Mufti Sadruddin 'Azurda' supported the king but did not approve of the rebels.
The merchants and bankers were similarly divided. Qutbuddin, Husain Baksh, Saligram and
Ramji Das were with the Emperor but many others secretly supported the British.
The fall of the city after the suppression of the uprising unleashed a reign of terror and
all through their encampment on the Ridge the army had fancied filling their coffers with the
loot. An officer noted in November 1857, 'The troops have amassed enormous plunder,
though contrary to orders. There are records detailing the plunder Mrs. Saunders cornered
silver vases and gold embroidered shawls which she sent home. Rare Persian and Arabic
books were destroyed by the troops. Coupled with plunder and desecration was the wanton

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

act of indiscriminate killing. Mrs. Saunders wrote, 'For several days after the assault every
native was killed…, the women and children were spared'. Enraged by the ravaging of his
house by the rebels, Theophilus Metcalfe indulged in wanton killing of the natives. John
Lawrence urged restraint, but it was to no avail.
These gruesome acts triggered mass exodus of people out of the city. Ghalib wrote,
'When the angry lions entered the town, they killed the helpless… and burned houses…
Hordes of men and women, commoners and noblemen, poured out of Delhi from the three
gates and took shelter in small communities and tombs outside the city.' When the troops
entered the city they found old and infirm hiding in taikhanas (basements). They too were
expelled from the city. Many of them died of hunger and disease. General Burn proudly
claimed, 'Delhi is neatly cleared of its inhabitants… I shall let no one back without a parwana
setting forth who he is… All men allowed to return I shall register in the Kotwali.'
The process of letting the people re-enter the city began in December. Thus began the
return of artisans, businessmen, retailers and sweet shop owners. Ten men, women and
children were allowed per street. Gradually their number swelled to 50,000 out of which the
proportion of Hindus was more. Katra Nil which was the most prosperous part of the city had
been severely pillaged. It housed the haveli of Lala Chunna Mal who had supported the
British. Now the guards were posted for their protection as well as for the Hakims of
Ballimaran.
The measures taken by the British after the Revolt affected not only the demography
of the old city but also its physical appearance. The Fort suffered the biggest impact of
colonial anger. The pavilions, gardens, artisan quarters, barracks lost their royal elan and the
whole fort was turned into a military garrison. The next to bear the brunt were the famous
mohallas and bazaars. All this resulted in the displacement of around 10,000-12,000
residents.
More momentous changes were soon to follow. Railway line was laid in the heart of
the city running from east to west cutting a swathe of three hundred yards. A passenger
terminal was created leading to traffic concentration. A freight depot was built in the south-
west. The next to be added to the network of transportation was a series of roadways, some
flanking the railway lines and some encircling the old city. In course of time two colonial
constructions grew on the north and south of the walled city.
The old Mughal aesthetics of the city was cast away to accommodate English
sensibilities. The marble lined canal in the centre was gone and so were the trees. A city hall

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grew in place of a serai (rest-house) built by Jahanara Begum and the character of the garden
behind the serai was changed from the Mughal to an English one.
The graceful Mughal architecture of the Fort, the havelis and the layout of the city
gradually gave way to the rise of a modern commercial hub of a grain market, heavy
machinery and chemicals, paints and auto and truck parts.

1.7 CONCLUSION

In conclusion it can be said that the city we see today has had a very complex history. It saw
the transition from the Mughal to British rule during the nineteenth century. The major
architectural markers of Shahjahanabad suffered heavily during the suppression of the revolt
of 1857.

1.8 SUMMARY

The lesson highlights the following:

● Nineteenth century Delhi saw major change in its urban character.
● Katras, mohallas and kuchas were the living space in Shahjahanabad.
● Faiz bazaar and Chandni Chowk were the major commercial centres.
● The Delhi College made significant contributions to the coming of modernity in
Delhi.

1.9 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the cultural and social life in Delhi during the 19th century.
2. In which ways did the Delhi College contribute towards the making of modern Delhi?
3. Write an essay on the major personalities who shaped the nineteenth century Delhi.

1.10 OBJECTIVE QUESTIONS-STATE TRUE OR FALSE

1. Shahjahanabad city was founded by Mughal emperor Akbar.

2. Red Fort was built with red sandstone.

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Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

3. Katras, mohallas and kuchas were army garrisons.

4. Migration of people to Delhi was mostly from Punjab.
5. Phulwalon ki Sair was a shopping market.
6. Delhi Bank set up by Lala Chunna Mal.
7. Aasar-us-Sonaadid was a book.
8. Ghalib and Zauq were famous poets.
9. Civil Lines was the name of a residential area.
10. Mirza Mughal was the Mughal emperor during the revolt of 1857.
11. The Act of 1850 had empowered the Government to impose taxes to be spent on
public health.
12. Serai were the rest-houses.

1.11 ANSWERS

1. FALSE
2. TRUE
3. FALSE
4. TRUE
5. FALSE
6. TRUE
7. TRUE
8. TRUE
9. TRUE
10. FALSE
11. TRUE
12. TRUE

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1.12 SUGGESTED READINGS

● Gupta, Narayani (1999), Delhi Between the empires 1803-1931, Delhi, OUP, pp. 1-
31, 50-66.
● Farooqui, Amar (2013). Zafar and the Raj: Anglo-Mughal Delhi, 1800-1850, Delhi,
Primus Books, pp. 106-133.
● Farooqui, Mahmood (2006). Gadar, Sarai Reader, pp. 254-270.
● C. M. Naim (2004). ‘Ghalib’s Delhi: A Shamelessly Revisionist Look at Two Popular
Metaphors” in Urdu Texts and Contexts: The Selected Essays of C.M. Naim, Delhi,
Permanent Black, pp. 250-279.
● Gail Minault (2003). “Master Ramchandra of Delhi College: Teacher, Journalist and
Cultural Intermediary” in Annual of Urdu Studies, Vol. 18, pp. 95-104.
● Lahiri, Nayanjot (2003). “Commemorating and Remembering 1857: The Revolt in
Delhi and its Afterlife”, in World Archaeology, Vol 35, No. 1, pp. 35-60.
● Dalrymple, William (2006). The Last Mughal: The Fall of a Dynasty, Delhi,
Penguin/Viking, pp. 193-229, 346-392. Chapter 6, “The Day of Ruin and Riot” and
Chapter 10, “To Shoot Every Soul”.
● Verma, Pavan K. (2008). Ghalib: The Man, the Times, Penguin India.

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

Unit-II
BUILDING NEW DELHI-IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY AND
URBAN MORPHOLOGY
Abhinav Mishra

STRUCTURE

2.0 Introduction
2.1 Shifting of Capital from Calcutta to New Delhi
2.2 Town Planning
2.3 Architecture
2.4 Politics After 1911
2.5 Conclusion
2.6 Summary
2.7 Practice Questions
2.8 Objective Questions-State True or False
2.9 Answers
2.10 Suggested Readings

2.0 INTRODUCTION

New Delhi was made the capital of British India in 1911 at the Coronation Durbar of King
George V. The announcement by King George V to shift the seat of the Government of India
from Calcutta to Delhi represented a complex vision of the colonial state to pacify Indians
and simultaneously bound them more closely to the British Empire. The new capital not only
projected imperial power and permanence but also symbolised the underlying strands
connecting British political reforms with the reaffirmation and reinforcement of British rule.
New Delhi was meant to be a masterpiece in colonial town planning and colonial
architecture. Its exact location, structure, and design to link both the ‘Old’ and the ‘New’
Delhi and meticulously controlled roads were skilfully combined to make the capital a new
sanctuary of the British Empire.

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2.1 SHIFTING OF CAPITAL FROM CALCUTTA TO NEW DELHI

The decision to move the seat of the Government of India from Calcutta to Delhi was closely
tied to both the partition of Bengal and to its revocation. The Bengal Presidency included the
whole of North India. It comprises sub-provinces of Assam, Bihar, and Orissa. The province
was perceived by the Central Government to be ungovernable. (Frykenberg, 1986, p. 371) Sir
Andrew Fraser, the Lieutenant-Governor, suggested allocating Bengal districts of Chittagong,
Dacca, and Mymensingh to Assam (McLane, 1965, p. 224). The plan was made public in
December 1903 by Lord Curzon. Fear aroused in the Bhadralok of these districts. To
alleviate the Bhadralok’s fear and counter the local European opposition, Curzon planned to
split Bengal (Broomfield, 1960, pp. 15-16). His plans were approved in June 1905. The new
province created was called ‘Eastern Bengal and Assam’ with Dacca as its capital. This
resulted in massive protests throughout the country, which lasted for five years (Frykenberg,
1986, p. 372).
The revoking of the Bengal partition, redrawing the provincial boundaries, and the
transfer of the imperial capital to Delhi were proposed by Sir James Jenkins in his letter of 17
June 1911 to Lord Hardinge, the Governor-General. Jenkins reasoned that to bring peace to
the two Bengals, it was necessary to remove what all Bengalis regarded as an act of injustice.
There was also the expectation that something would be done to remove this injustice at the
Durbar (Frykenberg, 1986, p. 375).
During the Durbar of 1911, Delhi underwent miraculous changes as a result of which
electricity and tramways, and railway lines transformed acres of fields into a settlement that
was many times greater than London. The Coronation Durbar was held on 12 December 1911
at the King’s Camp, north of ‘Old’ Delhi. The announcement of the transfer of the seat of the
Government of India from Calcutta to Delhi by King George V came as a surprise to many,
as the Official Gazette was secretly printed and tightly guarded at the durbar camp
(Frykenberg, 1986, p. 379).
In Bengal, the moderates were satisfied with this decision. Their rejection of cries for
immediate self-rule and of terrorist violence seemed to have paid off. However, the Calcutta
gentry was not so enthusiastic (Frykenberg, 1986, p. 381). The Europeans of Calcutta
experienced the loss even more deeply. Loss of privilege and hurt pride caused much
indignation. The merchants and notables of Calcutta had long been accustomed to direct
access to power. For them, the Delhi Durbar announcement brought shock and anger
(McLane, 1965, pp. 228-30).

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

The factors to shift the capital of India were complex. For the structural balance and
efficient functioning, a balance was required between the local and the imperial government.
It meant the shifting of imperial government from the excessive influence of local opinion
(Frykenberg, 1986, p. 385). The immediate political concern about the public opinion in
Bengal also had a role to play. There was a need for a remedy for the opposition to the
partition by the Hindus, the reaction of the Muslims and Europeans. The public opinion and
the political excitement which could be aroused was enough to daunt the government.

2.2 TOWN PLANNING

In the early years of the twentieth century, the Delhi Municipality was grappling with
problems created by the Imperial Government in three respects- the railway expansion, the
army’s requirements, and the exigencies of two Durbars within a short period. There was not
enough revenue for the rapid pace of public health and environmental improvement
measures. The shifting of the Capital to Delhi further imposed strains on the municipal
services (Gupta, 1981, p. 176).
For Delhi, the transfer had social and political implications and financial and
engineering requirements. The shift of bureaucratic and legislative machinery was bound to
be followed by an influx of the political pressure groups active in Bengal, the United
Provinces, and Punjab. To meet these requirements, the Government assigned areas intended
for the new city and the Cantonment and reserved a large part of the Delhi Province. The
Delhi Enclave, later known as Province, was 1290 sq. miles and included Delhi District and
part of the territory of United Provinces across the Yamuna (Gupta, 1981, p. 177). The Town
Planning Committee recommended acquiring a large area for the extension of the city and
Civil Lines and firm control over building activity in the environs of New Delhi. The Town
Planning Committee, headed by Edwin Lutyens, had complete freedom to choose the site for
the new capital. The Committee saw the site south of Shahjahanabad as the most suitable site
for the new city. It was possible to acquire ten square miles for the city and fifteen square
miles for the new Cantonment. The site near the Raisina village was deemed suitable for
health reasons, for its proximity to the river, its undulating land, and many archaeological
sites. Naraina was chosen as the site for the Cantonment as the cost of land was low, and no
business interests would have to be moved (Gupta, 1981, pp. 178-9).
The officials considered the planning of the new city extravagant classical
architecture, an attempt to compensate for the dismal political front. Hardinge was appalled
by the grand plan. Others like Harcourt Butler and Patrick Geddes sympathised with the town

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planners (Gupta, 1981, p. 179).

Paharganj was incorporated in the capital; the new railway station was to be built
there. The unplanned growth of Delhi became evident. There were discussions whether to
remedy the uneven development of Delhi by drastic town-planning measures or by
improvements are to be limited to those areas of the existing city impinging the new city
(Gupta, 1981, p. 180).The combined fear of the old town encroaching on and spoiling the
symmetry of the new and the Indian town polluting the imperial one led to the first serious
attempt at long-term town-planning for the urban area. Good roads between the Civil Lines
and Raisina were regarded as necessary. The settled areas near these roads should not be ugly
and congested; therefore, the room had to be provided for expansion. These imperial
considerations led the Government to take up the suggestions Col. Cracroft had made forty
years earlier for utilizing the nazul lands intelligently (Gupta, 1981, pp. 181-2).
Two reports by H.V. Lanchester detail the schemes to settle the families of workers
employed in construction, those displaced by acquisitions, and immigrants. The area west and
south-west of Sadar Bazar, near Karol Bagh, was selected. Later known as Western
Extension Area, the site was approved by the Town Planning Committee and India and
European traders in Delhi. The Western Extension Area began to be built after 1926 bore the
mark of earlier planning in the aligned roads. However, the proposal of the style of
architecture was not implemented (Gupta, 1981, pp. 182-3). The area between the Western
Extension and the city was to be ‘improved’ with a wide road linking the Civil Lines and the
new city, through Sadar Bazar and Jhandewalan. The city wall from Kabul to Ajmeri Gates
was to be demolished and the ditch filled (Gupta, 1981, p. 191).
The town-planning schemes slowed down during World War. The development of the
southern and western extension took time due to the realignment of the Agra- Delhi Chord
Railways. The Imperial Government took this task. MacNabb in 1917 suggested bringing
nazullands under the Imperial Government, which was carried out in 1924. Gupta opines that
the expansion from 1912 to 1919 was artificially stimulated (Gupta, 1981, p. 191).
The class distinction evident in the separation of the Civil Lines from the ‘India City’
resurfaced. The mutiny Memorial Road was to be used by ‘superior people and high-grade
vehicles,’ and the new Mundhewalan Road by the ‘city folks’ (Gupta, 1981, p. 192). For the
improvement of Daryaganj, the cost had to be borne by the Municipality. In 1916 the plots in
erstwhile Cantonment were acquired and sold for shops and residences, and a large number
was reserved for schools.

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

2.3 ARCHITECTURE

New Delhi consists of buildings embodying the essence of the north Indian tradition of
imperial architecture, as historians argue, seeking to capture the authority of the British. The
use of red sandstone for buildings, pierced stone screens, the decorative turrets, porticoes, and
chhatris, together with the location of the new city flanking the Mughal capital of
Shahjahanabad, have been considered as an indication of the British attempt to create for
themselves an imperial capital in the Mughal manner.
The new city was charged with symbolic meaning from the outset, and the two
architects- Edwin Lutyens and Herbert Baker- had a thought-out set of objectives in their
design. Thomas Metcalf is of the view that although Lutyens was the chief designer and
architect, the designs of Baker are central to the understanding of the architecture of New
Delhi (Metcalf, 1986, p. 392).
Baker left South Africa in 1912 on an invitation from Edwin Lutyens to join the
building of New Delhi. Lutyens took charge for the overall layout of the new city and the
design of the Viceroy’s House. Baker was given the charge of the Secretariat blocks. Before
the arrival of Baker in 1913, several decisions had already been made. The new city was to be
built south of the old city, the Viceroy’s House on the citadel of the Raisina Hills was to be
the plan’s focus, and the Indian style of architecture was inappropriate to the British imperial
capital. Baker agreed to many of these. However, Baker insisted upon one alteration that the
secretariats be moved up with the Viceroy’s House (Metcalf, 1986, p. 395).
Lutyens, Baker, and Lord Hardinge agreed that New Delhi, a manifestation of British
imperial position in India, should have an imperial architecture. Hardinge urged the use of an
‘Eastern’ style, preferably Indo- Saracenic, due to its historical association with Delhi and its
neighbourhood. He insisted that the architects incorporate the pointed Mughal arch in their
designs. Hardinge desired to make the new imperial capital acceptable to Indian subjects
(Hussey, 1953, pp.252-274).
Lutyens, on the other hand, adhered to European classicism. He believed there was no
authentic Indian architecture or any great tradition. The Indian buildings were picturesque
and decorative but lacked basic principles of architecture. (Hussey, 1953, pp. 277-9) For
Baker, imperial architecture had to be nothing but imperial (Metcalf, 1986, p. 396). At its
heart must be a political objective to capture the spirit of the British Indian Empire in stone.
The new capital must be a sculptural monument of the good government and unity India had
enjoyed for the first time under British rule. The new city had to embody synthesis in its style
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of building (Baker, 1944, pp. 219-22). he argued that the European buildings in southern
lands had to be adapted to the needs of the tropical climate. Therefore, Baker’s work in New
Delhi incorporated features such as open verandas, colonnades, overhanging eaves, and small
high window openings. These structural devices limited the sunlight and increased the
circulation of air. Metcalf indicates that all these features were the standard elements of
indigenous architecture, apart from the classically-inspired colonnades. By incorporating
such features into his design, Baker adapted his buildings to the extreme climate and
enhanced their Indic appearance (Metcalf, 1986, p. 396).
As construction proceeded, Lutyens’ Viceroy House incorporated several Indian
features too. The strong horizontal lines of the building are reinforced by a cornice with
a chajja, while sunken chhatris punctuate the roofline, and elephant sculptures mark the
entrance gateway. The Viceroy’s House was plain, austere, massive with Indian detail
transformed by Lutyens’ imaginations. The secretariat of Baker shows a more direct grafting
of the Indian motifs onto its classical surface (Metcalf, 1986, p. 397).
The buildings of New Delhi were meant to connect British rule with India’s imperial
past and at the same time evoke a sense of pride in the accomplishment of the British Raj.
The British chose a classical style for New Delhi to connect their monuments to the ideals,
and empires of classical antiquity, to enhance the moral worth of their political handiwork.
This is why Metcalf suggests the imperial architecture was not tied to any particular
geographic setting.

2.4 POLITICS AFTER 1911

Delhi had been a political blackwater before 1911. After the transfer of the capital, gradually,
the inhabitants began to take an interest in politics, especially with the contact of the
politicians of all-India reputation. Slogans and ideologies formed as part of nationalist
politics started to be used in local grievances. The political fervour of 1906-09 revived in
1912 when an attempt to assassinate Hardinge was made during the State Entry. This was the
reply to the decision of the transfer of the capital by the extremists. Formal expressions of
grief were made by the traditional loyalists as well as many religious and social groups,
including men like Mohammad Ali (Gupta, 1981, p. 196). However, the involvement of
Delhi was negligible.
The Delhi-Lahore Conspiracy of 1914 sparked off great indignation when harsh
punishments were pronounced. Amir Chand, a local man who enjoyed much popularity, was
condemned to death. Very few men were implicated in this incident also. Extremist
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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

nationalism did not find much support in Delhi as it had in Bengal. More and more politically
active Bengalis started coming to Delhi in 1912 (Gupta, 1981, p.197).
The Khilafat Movement, in contrast to the poor response to extreme nationalism,
received a huge response from Delhi’s people. This was chiefly due to the patronage of the
Ali Brothers, who had situated themselves in Delhi in 1912. The Comrade, newspaper by
Mohammad Ali, along with Urdu Hamdard, gained much popularity. Shaukat Ali’s
Anjuman-i-Kuddam-i- Kaaba, an association formed to sympathise with Turkey at the times
of the Balkan Wars of 1913, had a fairly large membership. Dr Ansari’s house in Daryaganj,
Dar-us-Salam, became the venue for many Congress meetings (Gupta, 1981, p. 197). All
these leaders were helped financially by the local leather merchants, who had been supporters
of Turkey since the 1870s.
The reason why the young men in Delhi did not turn to extremist nationalism was due
to the influence of constitutional agitators like Mohammad Ali. He was able to raise the alarm
when Beadon, the Deputy Commissioner, prepared two lists of shrines, one to be preserved
and the other to be destroyed.
With the shifting of the capital to Delhi, the Prakash of Lahore wanted to shift the
headquarters of the Arya Samaj in Delhi, and the Pratinidhi Sabha thought to start a branch of
Gurukul Kangri. The influence of the Arya Samaj increased in the city, especially the Jats. A
close connection between the Gurukul Kangri and some members of St Stephen’s College
developed due to the friendship between Munshi Ram (popularly known as Swami
Shraddhanand) and C.F. Andrews. The students of this college have been sympathetic to the
Arya Samaj since the 1890s (Gupta, 1981, p. 200).
Between 1915 to 1917, when Ali Brothers were imprisoned, political activity in Delhi
was at its lowest. In 1917, in anticipation of the visit of Montagu, Secretary of State, a large
number of political meetings were held in the city. During this time, some people got
interested in the Home Rule League and the National Education Movement of Annie Besant.
Those involved were Miss G’Meiner, the Principal of Indraprastha School, doctors like
Ansari and A.C. Sen, lawyers like R.S. Pearey Lal, Asaf Ali, Abdul Rahman, Abdul Aziz,
S.N. Bose, and Shiv Narain, and some bankers and merchants (Gupta, 1981, p. 201).
The first political organisation with nationalistic characteristics originating in 1917
was the Indian Association by two lawyers. It was used by Ajmal Khan to present the views
of the moderates to Montagu (Gupta, 1981, p. 201). The association put forth demands
specific to Delhi Province. They demanded to make Delhi a Governor’s province, with a
Council, since it had no representation either in Provincial Council or in the Imperial Council.
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Delhi should have its own court as well as a separate university.

More and more people were involved in politics from the end of 1918. This was
because of an unprecedented rise in the prices between 1918 and 1921, high rentals, a slump
in the cloth market, the imposition of income-tax and super-tax, and the influenza epidemic
of October 1918.
The Rowlatt Satyagraha movement gathered momentum after a meeting addressed by
Gandhiji on 07 March 1919. The Satyagraha pledge was signed by one hundred and twenty
people in Delhi. The Satyagraha in Delhi was carried out under the leadership of Swami
Shraddhananda (Gupta, 1981, p. 204).
The Non-Cooperation activities began in August 1920. Pearey Lal, Ajmal Khan, gave
up their titles, and Gidwani, the Principal of Hindu College, resigned. The movement was
characterised by the abandonment of cow-slaughter by the Muslims and both the Hindus and
Muslims boycotting the Gulfaroshan at Mehrauli. Local grievances were not completely
forgotten in these years. In August 1920, Morning Post complained that the leader of
Satyagraha and Non-Cooperation had neglected the issues of tenants in Delhi (Gupta, 1981,
pp. 2011-2).
New Delhi Municipality was set up in 1916; it became an effective body in 1925.
Delhi Deputy Commissioner was given the charge of developing the city and managing
the nazul properties, but this responsibility of the Deputy Commissioner ended in 1928.
By 1931 the implications of the transfer of the capital had become clear. The urban
government of Delhi was more concerned with the maintenance of the capital than with the
upkeep of the ‘old city’. The most well-developed municipal service, the water supply
system, was turned to the benefit of the new city at the cost of the old (Gupta, 1981, p. 221).

2.5 CONCLUSION

Political activities became a constant after the transfer of the seat of the Indian Government.
On occasions, when connected with local problems, it affected the local inhabitants. The ‘old
city’ became the political heart of the urban area. The officials became more conscious than
ever before to maintain a balance between the two communities and between various political
groups.
The transfer of the imperial capital to New Delhi exemplifies the ways in which the
British attempted to redefine its imperial mission in India in response to the dynamic and
diverse all-India independence movement. This redefinition permitted colonial policymakers
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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

to assert that Britain’s imperial position had not become weakened in India. Subsequently, it
also ended Delhi’s political and ethnic isolation. Delhi increasingly became part of India with
more and more people getting involved in national politics.

2.6 SUMMARY

In this chapter you have read

● Political activities became continuous after the transfer of the capital
● Britain's imperial position in India did not weaken
● Delhi increasingly became a part of India as more and more people became involved
in national politics.

2.7 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the reasons for the shifting of Capital from Calcutta to New Delhi.
2. Explain the Town Planning of the New Imperial Capital
3. Write Short Notes on:
(A) Lutyen
(B) Herbert Baker

2.8 OBJECTIVE QUESTIONS-STATE TRUE OR FALSE

1. New Delhi was made the capital of British India in 1931.

2. The announcement was made by King George V to shift the seat of the Government
of India from Calcutta to Delhi.
3. The revoking of the Bengal partition, redrawing the provincial boundaries, and the
transfer of the imperial capital to Delhi were proposed by Sir James Jenkins.
4. The Coronation Durbar was held on 12 December 1911 at the King’s Camp, north of
‘Old’ Delhi.
5. The Town Planning Committee was not headed by Edwin Lutyens.
6. The city wall from Kabul to Ajmeri Gates was demolished and the ditch filled.

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7. The town-planning schemes went ahead with great speed during World War.
8. Baker left South Africa in 1912.
9. Lord Hardinge desired to make the new imperial capital acceptable to Indian
subjects.
10. Metcalf suggests the imperial architecture was not tied to any particular geographic
setting.
11. The Delhi-Lahore Conspiracy was in 1914.
12. Munshi Ram was popularly known as Swami Shraddhanand.

2.9 ANSWERS

1. FALSE
2. TRUE
3. TRUE
4. TRUE
5. FALSE
6. TRUE
7. FALSE
8. TRUE
9. TRUE
10. TRUE
11. TRUE
12. TRUE

2.10 SUGGESTED READINGS

● Baker, H. (1944) Architecture and Personalities. London: Country Life limited.

● Broomfield, J. (1960) ‘The Partition of Bengal: A Problem in British Administration,
1803-1912’. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. Vol. 23. pp. 13-24.

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Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

● Frykenberg, R. E. (1986) ‘The Coronation Durbar of 1911: Some Implications’. In

Delhi Through the Ages, ed. Frykenberg, R. E. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
● Gupta, N. (1981) Delhi Between Empires 1803-1931: Society, Government and Urban
Growth. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
● Hussey, C. (1953) The Life of Sir Edward Lutyens. London: Country Life.
● McLane, J.R. (July 1965) ‘The Decision to Partition Bengal in 1905’. Indian Economic
and Social History Review. Vol. II. pp. 221-37.
● Metcalf, T.R. (1986) ‘Architecture and Empire: Sir Herbert Baker and the Building of
New Delhi’. In Delhi Through the Ages, ed. Frykenberg, R. E. Delhi: Oxford University
Press.

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Unit-III
DELHI IN 1947-PARTITION AND ITS AFTERMATH
Abhinav Mishra

STRUCTURE

3.0 Introduction
3.1 Restructuring Delhi
3.2 Efforts to Re-settle
3.3 Conclusion
3.4 Summary
3.5 Practice Questions
3.6 Objective Questions-State True or False
3.7 Answers
3.8 Suggested Readings

3.0 INTRODUCTION

Delhi had served as the capital for ages, and it was beyond doubt that Delhi was going to be
the capital of post-independence India. August 1947 was a landmark in Indian history. India
gained independence and emerged on the world stage as a democratic nation. With
independence also came partition. India was divided into two countries: India and Pakistan. It
was a moment of happiness and sorrow. Independence Day was marked by chaos and
violence in many parts of both the countries. Due to the lack of communication, lots of
misinformation was spread which became a breeding ground for communal hatred. Such was
the scale of violence that the common people in far-flung places could only realise that India
gained freedom when communal violence broke out in those regions. (Pandey, 1997, p. 2262)
It has been understood by the historians that the division of India and Pakistan (East and
West) based on religion was not well-received by the Indians. The primary reason behind this
ferment was that India became a secular nation, whereas Pakistan (both east and west) had a
state religion, i.e., Islam. The conservative section among the Indians thought that there has
been a nation for Muslim people, i.e., Pakistan and therefore India should be left for non-

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

Muslims. Over-night, the Muslims born and raised in the same culture as Hindus became
Pakistanis. Even the Muslims who wanted to stay in India, were seen with suspicion.

3.1 RESTRUCTURING DELHI

Delhi was the city that suffered the most during this turmoil. Delhi was flooded with
immigrants, migrants and refugees. Hindus, Sikhs, Parsis and other minor communities
suffered a lot in Pakistan. By late August 1947, the situation was aggravated as the capital
came to be flooded with Hindu and Sikh refugees from Punjab, looking for safety, shelter,
rehabilitation and, in many cases, revenge. (Tan and Kudaisya, 2005, p. 191) Sikh and Hindu
refugees from Pakistan flooded Delhi before migrating to other places. Hindus and Sikhs
arrived from distant places, including the NWFP, Dera Ghazi Khan, Dera Ismail Khan,
Peshawar, Kohat, Chinyot. The Peshawari salwarkameez and the unique Afghan male
headgear with its golden peak were not uncommon in the streets of Delhi till as late as the
mid-1960s. They found shelter in far-flung areas and built thatched huts in localities like
Nabi Kareem. They moved into refugee camps at Kingsway, Hudson Line, Outram Lines and
Reeds Lines, the last being the site of the Khalsa College in Delhi University today. Some
were later shifted to Haqeeqat Nagar. They started building houses on the lands allotted to
refugees. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, a few moved to Mukherjee Nagar, while others
were assigned houses in Rajinder Nagar. A large population of Sikhs had settled in Inderpuri,
a settlement that came up on agricultural land acquired from villagers of Dus-Ghara. (The
Wire, 2017)
Minorities like Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan had suffered a lot of violence and
antagonism. India people from these religions had anger in their eyes and revenge in their
minds. Muslims were made an easy target for they wanted to settle the score with them and
also driving them away would make room for them. Muslims were targeted all over India.
Muslims came to Delhi from rural hinterlands like Gurgaon, Rohtak and Meerut to escape
violence and leave for Pakistan.The population of Delhi increased by 90 per cent within a
decade from 1941 to 1951. (Pandey, 1997, p. 2263) Delhi was turned into a refugee-istan.
Needless to say that the city witnessed major reshuffling due to communal tension, which
was a tangible reality of partition. Almost two-thirds of Muslim inhabitants abandoned the
city—an estimated 329,000 Muslims left Delhi following partition—and in 1951, when a
census was taken, the city had 99,000 Muslim residents. Delhi’s Muslim population had
declined from 33.22 per cent in 1941 to 5.71 per cent by 1951. (Tan and Kudaisya, 2005,
p.193)

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By the end of August and the start of September 1947, the conditions deteriorated.
Delhi moved beyond stabbings and looting to the systematic marking out of ‘enemy’ houses
and shops and concerted attempts to drive out Muslims from every part of the city.It was not
people alone but the very clothes they wore that were now pronounced as being ‘Hindu’ and
‘Muslim’. The police too became partisan. (Pandey, 2003, p. 137) There is an incident noted
in Connaught Place, near Odeon movie theatre where goons were looting shops and police
were inert. Noticing this incident, Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, got
impatient and himself took the task of dispersing the goons. This reflects the bias that had
crept in the police as they too came from the same society where communal hatred was
spewing its venom.
The localities struck by the bloodiest violence in early September 1947 were the three
‘mixed localities’ of Karol Bagh, Subzi Mandi, and Paharganj. The diverse nature of their
inhabitants rendered their Muslim populations especially vulnerable since they could not set
up gates and other forms of protection, as did Muslims in Muslim-majority neighbourhoods.
(Geva, 2017, p. 773) The massive killings in these areas pushed the Muslims outside of these
areas. Thousands had become refugees in their own homes and mohallas before they escaped
to the refugee camps. The Old Fort refugee camp had 80,000 people crowded into the
grounds, with a handful of tents; one tap with running water; no provision for lights, toilets or
bathrooms.
Partition not only altered the city sizes and functions but also turned upside down the
urban hierarchies. The rich overnight turned into the poor. Individual observations and
memoirs are replete with examples of the disbelief experienced by one person after another at
discovering their acquaintances and peers, privileged, protected people too, among the hunted
refugees. Krishna Sobhti recalls the tears of humiliation in the eyes of a middle-class Muslim
neighbour when people from her home went to see him in the Purana Qila camp and speaks
of the touchiness of the Hindu and Sikh refugees from Punjab in her father’s bungalow, for
the change from privileged and proud - even haughty- backgrounds to the wretched status of
‘refugees’ was not easy to accept. (Pandey, 2003, 132)
A massive exodus took place within less than two months, as indicated by the
demographic data for the two Muslim camps, which peaked in mid-September. Purana Qila
and Humayun’s Tomb jointly hosted roughly 164,000 Muslim refugees. A month and a half
later, on 22nd October, Purana Qila closed down, and the remaining 2,000 refugees were
shifted to Humayun’s Tomb, whose population had also drastically declined to 4,000. (Geva,
2017, p. 773) The Criminal Investigation Department’s reports indicated that about 30,500
Muslims left Delhi for Pakistan via the camp during January and February. While this is not
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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

stated explicitly in the reports, it is quite clear that most of them left the Muslim zones,
whether they were originally inhabitants of these areas or had settled there after having been
uprooted from the mixed localities in earlier waves of violence.

3.2 EFFORTS TO RE-SETTLE

It appears that most of the occupants of these camps left for Pakistan. But it was their love
and belongingness to the city that despite the unprecedented violence thousands returned to
the city. Their return was the fruit of intense efforts by nationalist Muslim and Gandhian
leaders and volunteers to convince the Muslims that they belonged to India and would be safe
in Delhi. Congress Muslim leader and Education Minister Maulana Azad’s speech at the
Jama Masjid after the Friday prayer on 24thOctober was reportedly a critical moment that
convinced many Muslims to return from the camps. (Geva, 2017, p. 773) Most of Delhi's
Muslims were by this time returning to Delhi from Pakistan, having heard of the restoration
of peace. But there were no houses left for them. Hindu and Sikh refugees from Pakistan
occupied many of the deserted lands. A significant conflict arose when the local Hindus and
Muslims sought to return to the re-establishment of peace.
The key state institution responsible for regularising Muslims’ dispossession was the
Custodian of Evacuee Property. (Geva, 2017, p. 774) It should be emphasised that some of
the Muslims whose houses were declared evacuee property—which were allotted or whose
occupation was confirmed by the Custodian—had never left Delhi or had left and returned. In
other words, their houses were declared evacuee property, although they lived in the city.
Where did they go? Most of them flocked to the Muslim-majority localities, now considered
the only safe place for Muslims in the city. One of the complainants, for example, claims that
the house where he and his family once resided was forcibly taken from him in order to clear
space for the local Custodian’s office. (Geva, 2017, p. 788) On11thOctober, Delhi's Chief
Commissioner Khurshid Ahmad Khan noted that “Muslims no longer feel safe in mixed
localities of Karol Bagh, Subzimandi and Paharganj, and it is suggested that they should be
rehabilitated in predominantly Muslim areas.” By late November, Nehru reluctantly admitted
“Very few Muslims can find houses or any security in predominantly non-Muslim areas' ' and
became a chief advocate of turning the Muslim-majority areas into ‘Muslim zones’ that could
provide safe haven for the city’s Muslims. (Geva, 2017, p. 777)
Gandhi was very hurt seeing the communal tension. Seeing the plight of Muslims,
Gandhi wondered whether Delhi had become the ‘City of Dead’. In his evening prayers, he
repeatedly said that he is on a mission to ‘Do or Die’ to bring peace upon the city. Perhaps

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Gandhi's arrival in Delhi was the turning point; perhaps his intervention gave to secular
nationalist elements the moral strength they needed to renew the fight for the composite India
that so many had dreamed of; perhaps his very presence stunned the government and an army
of stupefied Congress workers into gathering their wits about them, recognising their duty,
and initiating moves for the restoration of peaceful conditions. (Pandey, 1997, p. 2265) He
fasted for communal harmony. It worked miraculously but only briefly. People for the first
time since 1946 began to re-build their city and lives. But his assassination in 1948 changed
the whole scenario. Gandhi achieved through his death even more than he had achieved
through his fast. The assassination of Gandhi wiped out the blaze of Hindu-Muslim violence
in such a way that “the world veritably changed”. The fire of sectarian strife that had raged
for months, or rather years, died down as if such strife had never occurred. (Pandey, 1997, p.
2266)
Starting in March 1948, thousands of Muslims who had fled to Pakistan returned to
Delhi and either reoccupied their old houses in the Muslim zones or occupied other vacant
houses in these areas. This return caused great frustration and anger among the homeless
refugees, mostly the Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan. The papers published panicky reports
on the arrival of Pakistani ‘spies’. (Geva, 2017, p. 792) The returnees were projected as
Leagui, meaning that they had connections with Muslim League, and they were spies of
Pakistan. Most of these prejudices were untrue. It was made as an opportunity to harass their
foes and quench their jealousy. One such incident happened at Chawri Bazar where Haji
Imamuddin, who rented a printing press, was charged with printing insidious propaganda.
The investigation by the Criminal Investigation Department, found that Haji Imamuddin
occupied the place legally, and that he had duly paid rent to the landlord. It was later found
out that the informant had a business dispute with the accused. (Geva, 2017, p. 795-6)
Nevertheless, violent incidents were again on the rise, and rumours spread in June 1948 that
another serious wave of communal riots were imminent. The Administration and police were
also alarmed and reported on the infiltration of Pakistani spies and other ‘undesirable
elements’ sent from Pakistan to create trouble in Delhi. (Geva, 2017, p. 792) Some Muslims,
too, complained that they had to bribe the Custodian to unseal houses that had been seized
and sealed unjustly. There were cases where people were declared non-evacuees and yet their
property was seized, or where the district judge had ordered the Custodian to restore the
property to its rightful owner, yet the Custodian had failed to do so. (Geva, 2017, p. 813)

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

3.3 CONCLUSION

August 1947 was celebrated by many regions to mark independence while for some it was
only partition. For some people it brought about only the pain of partition. Delhi was troubled
due to partition which had accompanied independence. The transfer of power was not
smooth. It led to ghettoisation of communities based on religion. Muslims became the targets
of communal hatred in India. It is true that a similar fate was met to the Sikhs, Hindus and
other minority communities in Pakistan (both east and west). However, what happened in
Delhi needs to be discussed because it changed the landscape of the city of Delhi. It took
almost 30 years for Delhi to get over the trauma of what it endured during the 1940s and
1950s. Writing about partition and Delhi in the 2020s gives the impression that it happened a
millennium ago, but that is the beauty of Delhi that it's forgiving in nature but not forgetful.

3.4 SUMMARY

In this lesson you learnt that:

● Independence of India was marked by chaos and violence.
● Delhi suffered the most due to partition and refugee migrations.
● Purana Qila and Humayun’s Tomb hosted large number of refugees.

3.5 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the efforts towards the Restructuring of Delhi.

2. How were the migrants and refugees resettled in Delhi?
3. Write Short Notes on:
(i) Refugee Camps
(ii) New Settlement Colonies

3.6 OBJECTIVE QUESTIONS-STATE TRUE OR FALSE

1. Delhi was proposed to be the capital of post-independence India.

2. Independence Day was not marked by any chaos and violence.

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 B.A. (Hons.) Economics/English/B.Com. (Hons.)

3. It has been understood by the historians that the division of India and Pakistan (East
and West) based on religion was not well-received by the Indians.
4. Delhi suffered the most due to partition and refugee migrations.
5. Localities like Nabi Kareem were shelters for the refugees.
6. Kingsway, Hudson Line, Outram Lines, Reeds Lines, the site of the Khalsa College
in Delhi University, Haqeeqat Nagar were all associated with the resettlement of
migrants and refugees.
7. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Mukherjee Nagar and Rajinder Nagar emerged as
planned settlements.
8. A large population of Sikhs had settled in Inderpuri.
9. Karol Bagh, Subzi Mandi, and Paharganj were worst affected by the bloodiest
violence in early September 1947.
10. Congress leader Maulana Azad’s speech at the Jama Masjid could not convince
Muslims to return from the camps.
11. Seeing the plight of refugees, Gandhi wondered whether Delhi had become the ‘City
of Dead’.
12. Gandhi fasted for communal harmony.

3.7 ANSWERS

1. TRUE
2. FALSE
3. TRUE
4. TRUE
5. TRUE
6. TRUE
7. TRUE
8. TRUE
9. TRUE

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Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

10. FALSE
11. TRUE
12. TRUE

3.8 SUGGESTED READINGS

● Geva, Rotem. ‘The Scramble for Houses: Violence, a factionalized state, and
informal economy in post-partition Delhi.’ Modern Asian Studies 51,3 (2017) pp.
769–824.
● Hashmi, Sohail. ‘The Role of Partition in Making Delhi What It Is Today’, The
Wire, 15th August 2017.
● Pandey, Gyanendra. ‘Partition and Independence in Delhi: 1947-48’, Economic and
Political Weekly, Vol. 32, No. 36 (1997), pp. 2261-2272.
● Remembering Partition:Violence, Nationalism and History in India. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2003.
● Tan, Tai Yong and Gyanesh Kudaisya. The Aftermath of Partition in South Asia.
London: Routledge, 2005.

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Unit-IV
MAKING OF CONTEMPORARY DELHI-SPACES, POLITICS
AND SOCIALITES
Prabhat Kumar

STRUCTURE

4.0 Learning Objectives

4.1 Introduction
4.2 Delhi in Independent India: How the spaces grew?
4.3 The Influx of Refugees
4.4 Coming up of New Colonies
4.5 Occupational Patterns
4.5.1 Expanding Geographical Boundaries and the New Landscape
4.6 Forms of Socialisation: Institutional and Informal
4.7 Political Upheavals in Contemporary Times
4.8 Conclusion
4.9 Summary
4.10 Practice Questions
4.11 Objective Questions-State True or False
4.12 Answers
4.13 Suggested Readings

4.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

Events of contemporary times impinge upon the present in more direct ways. They have a
degree of immediacy about them. For this reason, its study opens up the present before us in
all its variegated colours. Reading this lesson will help you know your city better.

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

4.1 INTRODUCTION

Contemporary Delhi broadly refers to Delhi after Independence. As urban history takes in its
fold both the appearance and the spirit and the changes that come about in them, sometimes
slow and subtle and sometimes tumultuous and quick paced, any attempt at recording them
has to be attentive to such aspects.
The Delhi under study during this period changed beyond recognition. It was no
longer the stately Shahjehanabad where a refined urbane etiquette and way of life prevailed
over a limited physical space demarcated for urban dwellings by the Mughal emperors. It had
also grown far beyond the colonial moorings of the emerging imperial authority and the
Indian social classes and economic groups appended to it and drew sustenance from it. It was
now a robust and unruly metropolis riding upon freshly grown democratic aspirations, visions
of a new millennia, lunging for the goodness of material life and turning reflective politically
and poetically, aided in no small measure by the new forms of social conviviality. We will
cover in this lesson the broad contours of this kaleidoscope.

4.2 DELHI IN INDEPENDENT INDIA: HOW THE SPACES GREW?

Delhi's demographic details in the years following Independence are an eye opener. It is a
trite to ascribe the ballooning of Delhi to the influx of refugees after Independence, but this is
not the true picture. It is only partly correct. The coming in of the refugees continued for
around five years since Independence. Of the 475 lakhs refugees coming to India 495, 391
took shelter in Delhi. In 1951 the refugees constituted 28.4 percent of Delhi's population.
Similar to the political turmoil of the partition days, the momentous changes during the
Second World War that had opened up avenues for growth in commerce and industry had
seen a population growth of over 30 per cent in the decade leading to the War. Likewise, the
transfer of capital from Calcutta to Delhi had triggered a population growth of over 18 per
cent in the decade preceding 1921. These figures put the population changes in Delhi in the
right perspective and tend to balance the lopsided emphasis on refugee influx. By the same
token one can argue that the rhythmic patterns of change in the population index of Delhi
continued well into the 1960s and 1970s. In the decades leading to 1961 and 1971
respectively the population of Delhi swelled by 5244 per cent and 52.92 per cent. The bulk of
them were migrants from the four corners of the country– Rajasthan, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh
and even Kerala.

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4.3 THE INFLUX OF REFUGEES

The refugees too came to Delhi in waves, first settling down in other parts of the country like
Uttar Pradesh and east Punjab as if testing waters there. They finally came round to the view
that the right place for them was in the capital city. As a refugee interviewed in 1979 by a
bookdealer of Connaught Place so aptly put it, 'Where else could we go? Amritsar was
sulking on the border. Ludhiana had not developed. Ambala had no water supply. Delhi was
the only obvious choice because it was both the capital and commercial centre.' Besides,
many of them had their friends and relatives living here and felt safe and comfortable.

A Refugee Camp in Delhi

The drain on the resources of the city was immense. Every nook and corner of the
city, camps, temples, gurudwaras, schools, colleges and even open spaces like streets,
platforms and gardens were filled with refugees. Providing for them was a huge task. Nehru's
vision alleviated their sufferings through a timely intervention. A Ministry of Rehabilitation
came into being and carried out the task of distribution of essential items like food and
clothing and providing them shelter at Kingsway Camp, the Tibbia College in Karol Bagh
and Shahdara.

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

The attempt was to provide them temporary accommodation before settling them in
permanent accommodation of houses vacated by Muslims or in freshly built houses. The
respective figures for these accommodations in 1950 were 190,000 and 100,000. After
arranging for housing the focus shifted on arranging for gainful employment and educational
institutions. Thus came into existence scores of primary, middle and high schools and a
'Camp' college which was affiliated to Punjab University.

4.4 COMING UP OF NEW COLONIES

The estimated cost of the new houses to be built was Rs. 12,427,000 for 3200 homes in New
Delhi North Extremer, plots in Shadipur at Rs. 23,063,000 and Rs. 2.5 crore for building
material. All this resulted in the expansion of the urban horizon of the city. New colonies
started taking shape. If we classify the newly emerging colonies direction-wise we find
Malviya Nagar in the south, the three Patel Nagars, Ramesh Nagar, Moti Nagar and Tilak
Nagar in the West and Gandhi Nagar in the east. The Old Delhi areas of Chandni Chowk,
Sadar Bazar, Subzi Mandi, Bara Hindu Rao, Jhandewalan and Paharganj became more
crowded. The areas which were never considered part of Delhi a century ago in late Mughal
times like Faridabad, Gurgaon and Najafgargh became part of it now. One indication of this
can be the urban area under the Municipal corporation of Delhi, New Delhi and the
Cantonment growing from 198 square kilometres in 1951 to 323 square kilometres in 1961.
These colonies formed a nucleus, a kind of self-contained residential settlement with a
marketplace, places of worship, a police station, a cinema hall, a school and a bus depot.
Many of these colonies looked like the colonies of Lahore that they had left behind. With
growing prosperity, the stage was set for the emergence of more refined colonies like Vasant
Vihar, Golf Lines, Greater Kailash, Defence Colony and New Friends Colony.

4.5 OCCUPATIONAL PATTERNS

The urban population of Delhi in post-Independent India was more inclined towards trade
and commerce and government jobs and less towards industry. Setting up industries required
capital which they did not have. There is an important work by Rao and Desai on the
evolving employment pattern in post-Independent Delhi. There was a decline in the number
of people engaged in agriculture from 6.2 to 0.04 per cent. In comparison the rise in
manufacture, service, transport and construction was from 15.2, 27.1, 7.4 and 2.7 to 20.8,
31.4, 9.6 and 3.3 respectively. If we look at the occupation difference between the refugees
and the pre-partition residents of Delhi, we find that 31.9 and 36.3 of the refugees were
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engaged in trade and services respectively while the corresponding figures for the same
categories for the residents were 25.2 and 33.0 per cent.
The business being run by original residents were gradually taken over by the
refugees. In Katra Nawab of Chandni Chowk, for example, whereas ninety per cent of the
shops belonged to original residents, their share had now dwindled to ten percent, the
remaining ones now being controlled by the refugees. Many of the refugees started doing the
same business which they did in Pakistan. Madan Lamba, for example, whose family ran a
Volga Restaurant in Lahore and a Kwality Restaurant in Simla took over the Volga in Delhi
for 90,000 rupees in 1952, a restaurant that became a landmark in Delhi in subsequent years.
Two other eateries in Connaught Place, Piccadilly and Devicos, earlier being run by the
foreigners, were taken over by the refugees. Retail shops and repair works sprang up in
Connaught Place, Ajmal Khan Road, Rajendra Nagar, South Extension and Lajpat Nagar.
New business enclaves grew in old established markets, like Lajpat Rai Market in Chandni
Chowk, Shankar Market in Connaught Place and Gaffar Market in Karol Bagh.
4.5.1 Expanding Geographical Boundaries and the New Landscape
In course of time new satellite towers emerged on the outskirts of Delhi – Ghaziabad, Sonipat
and Ballabgarh. Okhla Industrial Area and Faridabad also came up in course of time. The
new additions in this list of growing urban centres surrounding Delhi are Noida, Gurgoan and
Greater Noida. Their rise was propelled both as a spill over of the rising urban population of
Delhi and as an extension of its service sector and industrial activity.
The growth of malls and the metro services over the last two decades have added
another dimension to the consumer culture of Delhi, and to new forms of socialisation and
entertainment and new ways of transport. Both the developments are vitally linked to the
larger processes of globalisation and liberalisation. All these are vital also to the changing
cultural and social horizon of the metropolis.

4.6 FORMS OF SOCIALISATION: INSTITUTIONAL AND

INFORMAL

In the fast-changing cultural landscape forms of socialisation, both formal and informal,
played an important role. The historically vital role played by salons and coffeehouses in
Europe is well known and comprehensively documented. In a similar manner the addas of the
bhadralok in colonial and post-colonial Calcutta added richness to the cultural canvas of the
city and were not just an imitation of the coffee culture of Paris or London or of Berlin or

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

Prague. There was a good measure of native Bengali customs and practices thrown in
between. The coffee house in Delhi grew along similar lines as a space for literary gatherings
and new forms of socialisation. Locating the Delhi Teahouse in the larger global intellectual
environment Baldev Vansi a teacher in Delhi University describes it in following words:
'With metropolises came tea and coffee houses or houses that soon became a meeting
place for litterateurs. In the West-France, Germany, England, etc – such places emerged with
the first flush of modernity. These places have played a key role in shaping serious debates
and literary movements. In post-Independence India, the coffee and teahouse cultures
developed in cities such as Delhi, Calcutta, Bombay, Allahabad, Lucknow, Jaipur, etc.
A whole generation of brilliant writers like Vishnu Prabhakar, Kamleshwar, Mohan
Rakesh and Maheep Singh was nurtured in the smoky environments of the coffee houses of
Delhi. Some described it in the home-grown metaphor of a ‘chaupal’. This was the place
where noted Pakistani writers, Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Intezar Husain, met their Indian
counterparts and exchanged views. It was a small bridge covering a yawning gap between the
two countries. The coffee house was also the place where young writers learned norms of
social etiquette and were trained in the use of the right words. One did not find many women
writers visiting the eatery frequently. The ones with a more refined taste like Krishna Sobti
preferred Wengers or United Coffee house.
With the arrival of Barista and Café Coffee Day in the liberalised environs of 1990s
the old coffee houses were left behind in a time frozen, sepia toned picture frames, to be
recollected in later years in nostalgic anecdotal accounts.
Among the elite social clubs in Delhi mention may be made of Delhi's Gymkhana
club. It was founded in 1913 with Spencer Harcourt Butler as its first president. It has among
its members the high-ranking officials of the bureaucracy, army, the judiciary and the
corporate world. India International Centre is a non-governmental organisation providing a
platform for intellectual and cultural happenings. India Habitat Centre, a brainchild of
Santosh Sharma, too aims to bring people from diverse fields on a single platform and act as
a bridge between individuals and institutions.

4.7 POLITICAL UPHEAVALS IN CONTEMPORARY TIMES

Cow Protection Movement

There were three major tragic socio-political developments in contemporary times in
Delhi Though the nation was deeply distraught by Gandhi's assassination this tragic episode
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is not being included here as it was an individual maverick act. The other three with wider
social and political reunifications were the massive crew protection agitation of November
1966, the anti-Sikh riots in the wake of the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in
1984 and the anti Mandal agitation of 1990.
Cow Protection Movement in Delhi
The cow protection movement has a long history and can be traced back to the times
even before Dayanand Saraswati. The movement received a new fillip in 1965 when the
leading right-wing organisations of the country, Ramrajya Parishad, Hindu Mahasabha, the
RSS, Bharat Sadhus Samaj and the VHP expressed their inclination to carry forward the
movement. A meeting of these diverse groups in late 1965 in Delhi was attended by the three
Shankaracharyas, several mahamandaleshwars, MS Golwalkar and a vice-president of
Hindus Mahasabha. A learned ascetic from Banaras, Swami Karpatriji Maharaj, was given
the charge of leading the movement. He planned demonstrations in Delhi in November 1966.

Karpatriji Maharaj- the Saint who spearheaded the 1966 Cow Protection Movement

The Shankaracharya of Puri, Swami Niranjan Dev Teerth, and Swami Prabhudatta
Brahmacharis Suggested fasting as a method of protest. On the fateful day, 7th November
1966, by some newspaper accounts, over 1,20,000 people gathered in the vast open space
outside the Parliamentary complex. A majority of them consisted of ash-smeared, trident
wielding sadhus. Delhi had not been a witness to such a mammoth political gathering before.
In a tragic denouement of this massive religio-political protest there was a firing resulting in

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

the killing of eight sadhus, as per official figures. This was followed by the arrest of 500
leaders of the movement. A curfew was imposed in the city. The voluntrers of the movement
reacted by courting arrest. Swami Niranjan Dev Teerth and Prabhudutt Brahmachari began
their hunger strike. By 3rd January 1967, a thousand protesters had been arrested, including
Karpatriji Maharaj. Prabhudutt Brahmachari was put under house arrest and Shankaracharya
was flown to Pondicherry where he continued with his fast.
Anti-Reservation Stir of 1990
The decision by Prime Minister VP Singh in August 1990 to implement the
recommendations of the Mandal Commission set up by Morarji Desai in 1979 to redress caste
discrimination by reserving 27% seats in government jobs and educational institutions led to
a wave of protests by the anti-reservationists across the country. Delhi was one of the
important centres of such protests. The principal participants were the students. The forms of
protest included dharna, disrupting transportation, affecting businesses and government
services and closing schools and colleges. The protests reached a peak in a self-immolation
bid by a student of Deshbandhu College of Delhi University, Rajiv Goswami in October 1990
He won the post of the president of Delhi University Students Union. With a Supreme Court
verdict finally validating the government decision of reservation of seats for the other
backward classes the protests petered out.

Anti-Mandal Agitation

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The Anti-Sikh Riots of 1989

The assassination of Indira Gandhi by her Sikh guards in 1984 in the aftermath of
Operation Bluestar, a military action ordered by her in Harmandir Sahib, resulted in an
organised pogrom of Sikhs in Delhi. The government figures put the toll at 2800 in Delhi and
3350 across the country. Many Sikhs were displaced. The areas that were affected the most in
Delhi were Mangolpuri, Sultanpuri, Trilokpuri and the trans-Yamuna areas. An eyewitness
account given by Time magazine describes that Delhi Police was a mute witness as ‘rioters
murdered and raped, having gotten access to voter records that allowed them to mark Sikh
homes with large Xs, and large mobs bussed into large Sikh settlements.’

Anti- Sikh Riots of 1984

The Nanavati Commission established in 2000 on the basis of a resolution passed in

the Rajya Sabha submitted its report in February 2004. Basing its report on eyewitness
accounts the Commission noted the involvement of Congress leaders and workers in the
organised crimes against the Sikhs. It also remarked that the Delhi Police 'remained passive
and did not provide protection to the people' during the riots.
In all the details of Contemporary Delhi given above we see a new city taking shape
spurred on by new dreams and riddled with new anxieties. One good thing about reading
history is that it helps us come to terms with both.

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 Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

4.8 CONCLUSION

Thus, we find that the city of Delhi has a very interesting and long journey from the colonial
times to the present. No doubt there were phases of challenges, but the city accommodated
the diversities and emerged as the home for all.

4.9 SUMMARY

In this Lesson you learnt about:

● The Processes of the development of Delhi in Independent India.
● emergence of New Colonies.
● Occupational Patterns in Delhi after Independence.
● Patterns of urbanisation in post-independence Delhi.

4.10 PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the Processes of the development of Delhi in Independent India.

2. Write Short Notes on:
(i) emergence of New Colonies
(ii) Occupational Patterns in Delhi after Independence.
3. Discuss the role played by urbanisation in promoting various forms of socialisation.

4.11 OBJECTIVE QUESTIONS-STATE TRUE OR FALSE

1. The coming in of the refugees continued for around five years since Independence.
2. Delhi was the choice of migrants and refugees because it was both the capital and
commercial centre.
3. The Ministry of Rehabilitation carried out the task of distribution of essential items
like food and clothing and provided shelter.
4. With growing prosperity, the stage was set for the emergence of more refined
colonies like Vasant Vihar, Golf Lines, Greater Kailash, Defence Colony and New
Friends Colony.
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5. Ramesh Nagar, Moti Nagar and Tilak Nagar existed during the fourteenth century.
6. New business enclaves grew in old established markets, like Lajpat Rai Market in
Chandni Chowk, Shankar Market in Connaught Place and Gaffar Market in Karol
Bagh.
7. The coffee house in Delhi grew as a space for literary gatherings and new forms of
socialisation.
8. A whole generation of brilliant writers like Vishnu Prabhakar, Kamleshwar, Mohan
Rakesh and Maheep Singh was nurtured in the smoky environments of the coffee
houses of Delhi.
9. Barista and Café Coffee Day in the 1990s did not erode the popularity of the old
coffee houses.
10. Delhi's Gymkhana club was founded in 1913.
11. Spencer Harcourt Butler was the second president of Delhi's Gymkhana club.
12. India Habitat Centre was the brainchild of Santosh Sharma.

4.12 ANSWERS

1. TRUE
2. TRUE
3. TRUE
4. TRUE
5. FALSE
6. TRUE
7. TRUE
8. TRUE
9. FALSE
10. TRUE
11. FALSE
12. TRUE

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School of Open Learning, University of Delhi
Delhi Through the Ages: From Colonial to Contemporary Times

4.13 SUGGESTED READINGS

● Emma Tarlo. (2000), “Welcome to History: A Resettlement Colony in the Making” in

Veronique Dupont et al ed. Delhi: Urban Spaces and Human Destinies, Delhi,
Manohar, pp. 51-74.
● Soni, Anita. (2000), “Urban Conquest of Outer Delhi: Beneficiaries, Intermediaries
and Victims, in Veronique Dupont et al ed. Delhi: Urban Spaces and Human
Destinies, Delhi, Manohar, pp. 75-94.
● Ghosh, Amitabh. (1985), ‘The Ghosts of Mrs. Gandhi’, The New Yorker, available
online: https://www.amitavghosh.com/essays/ghost.html.
● Beg, Mirza Farhatullah. (2012), Bahadur Shah and the festival of Flower-Sellers,
translated by Mohammad Zakir, Hyderabad, Orient Blackswan.
● Basu, Aparna. (1986), “The Foundations and Early History of Delhi University” in
Robert Frykenberg ed. Delhi Through the Ages: Essays in Urban History, Culture and
Society, Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 401-430.
● Gupta, Narayani. (1994), ‘From Kingsway to Rajpath-the Democratization of
Lutyen’s New Delhi’ in C. Asher and T.R. Metcalf, eds. Perceptions of South Asia’s
Visual Past,Delhi: Oxford University Press.
● Sharma, Ravikant. (2016), “Architecture of Intellectual Sociality: Tea and
Coffeehouses in Post-Colonial Delhi” in City, Culture and Society, Vol. 7, pp. 275-
78.

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School of Open Learning, University of Delhi
978-81-19169-05-4

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