1
Critical Social Psychologies: Mapping
the Terrain
Brendan Gough
Having co-authored a textbook on Critical Social Psychology, I was delighted
to have the opportunity to build on this by putting together a handbook.
There are of course handbooks of (mainstream) social psychology (e.g. Fiske,
Gilbert, & Lindzey, 2010) and now we also have a handbook of Critical
Psychology (Parker, 2015): this handbook of Critical Social Psychology com-
plements the latter while offering a clear contrast to the former. The handbook
obviously focuses on the terrain of social psychology, although inevitably this
terrain is reconfigured, expanded and transgressed as analyses pull together
elements which appear as discrete and disparate in the mainstream texts and
handbooks. It is also recognised that other critical subdisciplines exist, per-
haps most obviously Critical Health Psychology, which has its own website,
conference and textbooks (see https://ischp.info/; Lyons & Chamberlain,
2006; Murray, 2004). Arguably, Critical Social Psychology can be considered
to be something of a foundational field which has informed the development
of other/related critical psychologies through the promotion of theories and
methodologies applicable to domains such as health, educational and clinical
psychology. Yet, the work of critical social psychologists remains dispersed,
often contributing to more specialist conferences and books focusing on, say,
Feminist Psychology, Qualitative Research or Mental Health. Which is why
B. Gough (*)
Leeds Beckett University, Leeds, UK
© The Author(s) 2017 3
B. Gough (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Critical Social Psychology,
DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-51018-1_1
4 B. Gough
bringing together the rich variety of Critical Social Psychology contributions
‘under one roof ’ will help to further establish and promote this important and
influential field.
This handbook features a range of authors working on key social psycho-
logical issues (e.g. prejudice, identity, intergroup relations) and reflects a
diverse, buoyant and developing commitment to a social psychology which
eschews psychologisation, reductionism and neutrality. The handbook is
structured along familiar lines: theories/methods/topics/applications, so that
it can be read alongside (and in counterpoint to) established mainstream
social psychology texts and handbooks. That is not to promote such a tradi-
tional format which artificially decomposes social psychological phenomena
into discrete topic boxes—as critical psychologists we understand the connec-
tions between theory and methodology, between self and society, and between
social identities and relations—but following the conventional format is a
pragmatic choice which will facilitate critical comparisons with mainstream
work. The handbook also provides insights into some of the most pressing
social issues we face today, including the migrant crisis affecting Europe, the
devaluing of Black lives in the USA, and poverty and ill-health relating to
austerity in the UK.
Critical Perspectives
The theoretical resources which critical social psychologists draw upon
are many and varied. For example, feminist scholarship has exerted great
influence over Critical Social Psychology and provides sophisticated analy-
sis of gender, sexuality, intersectionality and marginalisation from diverse
standpoints, including a critical engagement with ‘post-feminist’ ideologies.
Jeanne Marecek and Eva Magnusson provide a useful overview of femi-
nist work within/on the edges of social psychology, from classic to more
contemporary contributions (Chap. 2). The role of feminist psychologists
in challenging mainstream assumptions and practices, for example, around
sex difference research, and in helping to develop and promote alternative,
qualitative research methods, is highlighted. Less prominent is the influence
of Marxism in Critical Social Psychology, although perhaps many of us have
encountered Marxism in our learning and are at least indirectly influenced
by his work. Michael Arfken provides us with a thoroughgoing Marxist
critique of mainstream social psychology, for example, work on class and
ideology, before offering a version of Critical Social Psychology with a key
focus on political economy, class structure and commodity fetishism (Chap. 3).
1 Critical Social Psychologies: Mapping the Terrain
5
Chapter 4 by Vivien Burr and Penny Dick summarises a social construc-
tionist perspective, emphasising the importance of societal discourses as
well as language use in social interaction. The contrast with a cognitivist
social psychology, where language is treated as a way into the mind and
knowledge presented as the outcome of scientific methods, is marked. To
illustrate, they offer two instances of social constructionist research, one
study of sexual harassment and the other of paranormal activity.
Perhaps Feminism, Marxism and Social Constructionism are the most
obvious influences on Critical Social Psychology, but other perspectives
and movements are also becoming influential. In Chap. 5, Tom Goodwin
underlines the radical dimensions of psychoanalytic theory, lamenting the
uptake and sanitisation of Freudian concepts within North America. The
power of psychoanalytic concepts to destabilise the familiar and present
provocative analyses of sociopsychological phenomena is emphasised—a
power that has in fact long been recognised outside psychology (e.g. in cul-
tural and media studies) and in particular regions (e.g. Latin America). In
a different way, Chap. 6 on Queer Theory also prioritises deconstruction
and otherness; indeed, the influence of psychoanalytic theorists (especially
Lacanian) is noted. Here, Damien Riggs and Gareth Treharne summarise
the contribution of Judith Butler to Queer Theory, highlighting the socially
embedded, transitory and incomplete nature of gender and sexual identities
and the explosion in gendered categories in recent years beyond the tradi-
tional male–female and straight–gay binaries. The contingency and fluid-
ity of identities are illustrated with recent research examples focusing on
(trans)gender categories. In Chap. 7 by Phia Salter and Andrea Haugen, the
focus shifts from gender/sexuality to race, where a Critical Race Psychology
is articulated. In critiquing mainstream social psychology for its cognitive
treatment of race and racism, they present a social perspective which locates
race/racism within social institutions, structures and discourses, with a par-
ticular focus on legal spaces. Instead of focusing on a minority of racist indi-
viduals, a Critical Race Psychology advocates awareness of and challenges
to pervasive cultural and material forces which privilege Whiteness while
marginalising Black identities. In the final chapter (Chap. 8) of this sec-
tion, Maritza Montero focuses on the lives of disadvantaged minorities in
Latin America using the lens of Liberation Psychology. Here she documents
how psychologists in collaboration with other professionals and community
members work to improve the lives of communities in need, promoting a
participatory action research approach present across critical (social) psy-
chology domains and prominent in the Critical Applications section of this
handbook.
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Critical Methodologies
The diversity of theoretical resources for critical social psychologists is
matched by the range of methodologies available. Although critical work
can involve experiments, surveys and statistics—for example, highlighting
pay differentials between men and women or linking an increasing suicide
rate to austerity measures—for the most part, critical social psychologists use
qualitative research methods to progress their projects. There is now a wealth
of qualitative research methods available which can be used for a variety of
purposes. While data collection often involves individual interviews or focus
groups, these can be re-imagined and expanded to add other dimensions, for
example, visual techniques and materials (e.g. photo-elicitation). At the same
time, we are witnessing a blossoming of fresh methods, often facilitated by
digital technology, which provide new opportunities for gathering data from
diverse spaces such as social media, blogs and online discussion forums (see
Gough & Lyons, 2016). There is also a wide repertoire of analytic methods,
ranging from phenomenological and narrative approaches to discursive and
psychosocial orientations. More broadly, the methodologies which underpin
specific method choices encompass both constructionist and (critical) realist
philosophies.
In Chap. 9, Darren Langdridge argues for the power of phenomenology to
capture, respect and promote the experiences of research participants, includ-
ing those who have been excluded, marginalised or dispossessed: one exam-
ple cited in the chapter considers the voices of mental health service users.
Moreover, the traditional focus on individual accounts within phenomenol-
ogy can be complemented by a simultaneous focus on the ‘lifeworld’ which
situates and constrains lived experiences: for the mental health service users,
their concerns and choices are seen to be undermined by an institutional
culture in which medication and incarceration were prioritised. In Chap. 10
by Michael Murray on narrative, this connection between the personal and
societal is again foregrounded, with individual stories viewed and shaped by
prominent community and cultural narratives. Murray also notes that narra-
tive can be construed as a guide to action, citing the work of feminist psychol-
ogists, including work with survivors of domestic violence which challenges
dominant patriarchal narratives of heterosexual relationships. He also refer-
ences his own research with community groups, which connects everyday
stories with the development of a narrative of community change wherein
residents assume more control to institute new ways of living within the com-
munity. Something which both Langdridge and Murray point out is that
phenomenology and narrative share certain assumptions, origins and agen-
1 Critical Social Psychologies: Mapping the Terrain
7
das; more generally, it makes little sense to speak of entirely discrete method-
ologies in light of the overlap between approaches and the different versions
of particular methods which have developed over the years (see Madill &
Gough, 2008).
Compared to phenomenological and narrative approaches, discourse ana-
lytic approaches are often regarded as more explicitly critical and social—
although not all discursive work is critical, and as Langdridge and Murray
clearly demonstrate in this handbook, phenomenology and narrative can eas-
ily be deployed towards critical ends. Certainly, although discourse analysis
(DA) has been developed in different disciplines, leading to many versions,
traditions and labels (see Wetherell, Taylor, & Yates, 2001), its emergence
within UK social psychology in the late 1980s and early 1990s has been
well documented (e.g. Potter & Wetherell, 1987; Burman & Parker, 1993).
Martha Augoustinous in Chap. 11 does a wonderful job of recounting the
origins and development of different discursive approaches within social psy-
chology, highlighting key issues and debates, and identifying current trends.
She provides a great example of discursive analysis which highlights how dis-
crimination can be skilfully accomplished by focusing on a televised debate on
the subject of same-sex marriage between the Australian prime minister and
a father whose son is gay. Although this focus on language/discourse within
DA and Critical Social Psychology more generally is important, some authors
have complained about the disappearance of a subject inscribed by dominant
discourses. The emergence of Psychosocial Studies, an interdisciplinary field
which has become prominent in the UK and beyond, can be viewed as an
attempt to recover the subject but without lapsing into essentialist accounts.
Chapter 12 by Stephanie Taylor charts the development of Psychosocial
Studies and focuses on three key concepts: in-betweenness, the extra-rational
and affect. The psychoanalytic strands of Psychosocial Studies are explicated
(and critiqued)—there is clearly a debate between advocates and critics of psy-
choanalytic theory within this field. Three examples of psychosocial research
projects are presented on girlhood, migrant mother–daughter relationships
and transitions to fatherhood—showcasing the diversity and richness of work
in this area.
The final method chapter (Chap. 13) by Virginia Braun, Victoria Clarke
and Debra Gray introduces critical social psychologists to a selection of
fresh and exciting methods, with a primary focus on data collection. Trends
towards online digital research (e.g. focusing on blogs, discussion forums and
social media materials) and multimodal research designs (e.g. incorporat-
ing visual data and material objects) are presented as positive alternatives to
(mainstream) qualitative research using interviews and focus groups. In addi-
8 B. Gough
tion, some traditionally quantitative methods are reworked to give us qualita-
tive surveys and story completion tasks, and the critical potential for these
methods is also demonstrated. Three main research examples are presented:
visual–spatial methods for understanding young people’s negotiation of urban
spaces, a qualitative survey work on orgasm and a story completion study of
sexual fidelity. The authors challenge us to think creatively about the design of
our critical research projects and offer a variety of tools to do so.
Rethinking Social Cognition
The critical traditions and methodologies noted above have been variously
harnessed to deconstruct the cognitivist research paradigms and assumptions
which dominate mainstream social psychology—and to showcase alternative
ways of understanding and exploring ‘classic’ textbook topics such as preju-
dice, altruism and obedience to authority. This section features five chapters
which respecify such topics as phenomena which are context-bound, negoti-
ated and fluid. In Chap. 14, Chris McVittie and Andy McKinlay focus on
how we make sense of the world (attitudes and attributions), presenting a
critique of mainstream methods and concepts and arguing (as subsequent
chapters do) for a more socially embedded approach which is sensitive to
complexity, function and fluctuations in everyday accounts and explanations.
In other words, attitudes and attributions should not be thought of as reflect-
ing internal entities but rather as social accomplishments tied to interactions,
relationships and wider cultural norms. This respecification is heavily influ-
enced by DA and discursive psychology, and here illustrated with respect to
data extracts from research on family mealtimes, chronic fatigue syndrome,
sport and conflict. Chapter 15 by Stephen Gibson and Codet Smart tackles
what is arguably the quintessential social psychology topic: social influence
(obedience/conformity/compliance). Some of the most famous (notorious)
experiments in this area are problematised before critical discursive work
is described. The authors point to work on how claims about being influ-
enced are made in practice, for example, how those suffering from chronic
fatigue syndrome are positioned as ‘jumping on the bandwagon’, implying
that such formulations operate to undermine illness accounts. Work on how
social influence can be achieved during social interactions is also considered,
for example, how parents may persuade their children to eat their meals. So,
in contrast to mainstream laboratory research, critical social psychologists
study social influence in action, across diverse contexts. Work on attitudes,
attributions and social influence segues nicely into theory and research on
1 Critical Social Psychologies: Mapping the Terrain
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prejudice, the focus of Chap. 16 by Keith Tuffin. Conventional explanations
based on perception, personality and group behaviour are critiqued before
critical qualitative research concerning racism against Maori people in New
Zealand is presented. For example, research is cited which focuses on how
Maori participants understand and resist racism in the context of a changing,
bicultural society.
Another classic topic for social psychology relates to altruism, or prosocial
behaviour. In Chap. 17, Bruna Seu provides a critical review of mainstream
cognitive–experimental work in this area, with a focus mainly on charitable
giving. She proceeds to highlight recent work in Bulgarian, Irish and UK con-
texts, illustrating how issues of historical and national identity are dawn upon
in participant rationalisations for responding to particular charitable pleas
while glossing over other requests. In discussing her own work, she draws on
Billig et al.’s (1988) notion of ideological dilemmas to underline multiple and
contradictory constructions of the ‘others’ who might benefit from charitable
donations. The final chapter (Chap. 18) in this section, by Simon Watts, simi-
larly critiques the individualism and scientism of social psychology (cf. Harre,
1989) as manifested in the study of interpersonal relationships. Here, domi-
nant theories, for example, based on cost–benefit analysis (social exchange
theories) or evolution (attachment theories), are exposed as reductionist and
mechanistic. Citing his own work with Paul Stenner, Watts highlights a range
of constructions that people use when talking about love and relationships,
and while some accounts do foreground individualistic notions, many do not,
most obviously when love is conceived as the connection between two peo-
ple. As with all chapters, it is the social dimensions in which individual lives
are embedded which, missing from mainstream social psychology, are revivi-
fied and inextricably linked to the personal within Critical Social Psychology
research projects.
Social Identities/Relations/Conflicts
In this section, specific identity categories, and the ways in which these are
understood and deployed, are discussed. A range of major categories are cov-
ered: gender, race, class, sexual orientation and dis/ability, bookended by chap-
ters on ‘the self ’ and ‘intersectionality’, the latter an increasingly important
concept in the social sciences which links together patterns of relations and
inequalities, rejecting a preoccupation with one particular identity or cause.
In Chap. 19, Chris McVittie and Andy McKinlay point to the proliferation of
self-related constructs in the social psychological literature, ranging from self-
10 B. Gough
actualisation to self-esteem and self-efficacy, noting that the self at the centre
of these states and processes remains undertheorised. They also note flaws in
an ostensibly social account of the self—Social Identity Theory—a European
perspective that perpetuates cognitivist assumptions about the individual. A
critical focus on how individuals themselves construct identities in practice is
advocated, with the functions which particular versions of self serve in social
interactions studied closely. And, as they point out, the construction of self
online is an obvious and rich source of increasing (critical) social psychologi-
cal research.
The next two chapters focus on gender and sexuality, offering critiques of
mainstream theories and showcasing some of the latest research from criti-
cal, feminist and queer psychologists. In both chapters, essentialist accounts
which present men and women as fundamentally/naturally different are
deconstructed, for example, psychobiological notions that men are naturally
more active and aggressive than women—accounts which can be used to jus-
tify, say, men’s greater success and renumeration in the workplace, or men’s
sexual violence towards women. In Chap. 20, Sarah Riley and Adrienne Evans
chart changes and continuities in representations and evaluations of gendered
practices and identities, ranging from the ‘new man’ to ‘bromance’ between
(straight) men, and ‘girl power’ and post-feminist positions for women.
Drawing on a range of theories and studies, they, the authors, take care to
notice power plays in gendered interactions and to undermine claims about
gender equality which are promoted in neo-liberal, mediated and consumer-
ist spaces. Chapter 21 by Majella McFadden similarly engages critically with
post-feminist, sexualised femininities, for example, discussing research on
‘poledancing’, highlighting the oscillations between liberatory and objectified
perceptions and practices. She also reflects on recent claims about the declin-
ing significance of homophobia for straight men, juxtaposing this research
with other work on lad culture, sexism and anti-gay talk at university.
Attention moves from gender and sexuality to race categories in Chap. 22
by Simon Goodman. The notion of race as a straightforward, biologically
based entity is deconstructed with reference to recent genetic research; not-
withstanding this science, the persistence of race as a variable within social
psychological studies is noted. Instead of treating race as something discrete
and fixed, the author advocates a broadly social constructionist, discursive
approach where race-related categorisations are studied in situ—how race
related claims are made and the functions they serve in practice. For example, he
cites research on how disclaimers work in race-related talk to dispel accusations
of prejudice, and his own research on how race is sometimes de-emphasised
in talk about asylum seekers and immigration (‘discursive deracialisation’).
1 Critical Social Psychologies: Mapping the Terrain
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Chapter 23 by Katy Day, Bridgette Rickett and Maxine Woolhouse focuses
on social class—a category which has received much less attention than, say,
race and gender, as if social psychologists have left the study of class to soci-
ologists. In reviewing those efforts to consider class by mainstream social
psychologists, they highlight the promotion of meritocracy and individual
‘choice’ and, relatedly, a failure to analyse how class-related discourses and
structures impact on individual lives; for example, children from poorer back-
grounds may be blamed for their lack of success at school (failures in moti-
vation, ability, etc.) without the middle-class nature of educational cultures
taken into account nor the constraints and values under which the child is
operating. They point to recent research which interrogates class representa-
tions on popular TV programmes, foregrounding assumptions and images
which work to devalue and demean working-class lives. The focus of Chap.
24 turns to disability which, like social class, has not enjoyed much social
psychological attention. Dan Goodley, Rebecca Lawthom, Kirsty Liddiard
and Katherine Runswick-Cole challenge the critical social psychological
community to connect with disability politics and activism, highlighting the
contributions of disability scholars to understandings of self-other relations,
care and dependency which undermine neo-liberal, self-governing images of
humanity. One illustration cited relates to sexual practices and pleasure: while
desiring intimacy and experience like everybody else, sexuality for many dis-
abled people is disrupted, expanded and transformed by the deployment of
assistants, prosthetics and technologies, so inviting us to rethink conventional
sexed ideas and practices.
Finally, we arrive at the topic of intersectionality, perhaps one of the defin-
ing concepts in critical social science work today, one which ties multiple
identity categories together to enable us to understand the complexities and
contradictions inherent in social psychological phenomena. In Chap. 25, Lisa
Bowleg notes the move away from ‘single-axis’ thinking in critical work (e.g. a
sole focus on gender or race or class) towards a ‘matrix’ level of analysis where
various points of difference and inequality are regarded as interlocking and
mutually constituitive. In other words, to understand, say, gendered identities
and experiences as fully as possible, one must also consider how such identities
are intersected by other relevant identities. Critical social psychologists then
are especially interested in illuminating the experiences of the multiply stig-
matised and disadvantaged (e.g. poor Black lesbian women; young Hispanic
trans men) and the intersecting discourses and institutions which perpetuate
discrimination and constrain opportunities. Bowleg recognises that (critical)
social psychologists have been slow to take up an intersectional lens, that this
important work is mostly located outside psychology (e.g. in queer, anti-racist
12 B. Gough
and feminist scholarship and activism). She points to recent protests and ini-
tiatives in the USA, such as the Black Lives Matter movement, to highlight
the impact of invidious intersections on particular communities and invite
critical social psychologists to contribute to such important projects.
Critical Applications
In many ways, the preceding chapters have illustrated applications of critical
(social) psychology in diverse settings. In this section, five different (but, again,
related) contexts are considered in-depth—health, clinical, educational, occu-
pational and environmental—where particular efforts have been made by crit-
ical social psychologists to intervene and improve well-being, broadly defined.
The opening chapter (Chap. 26), by Antonia Lyons and Kerry Chamberlain,
elaborates a Critical Health Psychology movement which is now well estab-
lished and international in reach. Employing some of the critical theories and
methodologies featured in this handbook, they present a challenge to medical
and ‘biopsychosocial’ paradigms which privilege ‘expert’ professionals, biolog-
ical processes and rational systems over the messy, embodied subjectivities of
‘naïve’ service users and consumers. In addition, they cast a critical spotlight on
the pervasive individualism which constructs health, well-being and lifestyle
as matters of individual choice and responsibility, irrespective of contextual or
cultural constraints. Critical health psychologists often work with vulnerable
groups and communities (e.g. those with HIV; sex workers; LGBTQ groups),
frequently using qualitative participatory approaches, to address particular
health issues and improve service access and delivery. An allied group of criti-
cal psychologists focus on mental health issues under the umbrella of ‘critical
clinical psychology’. As Steven Coles and Aisling Mannion note in Chap. 27,
clinical psychology is informed by ‘scientific’ methods and individual-centred
therapeutic interventions which neglect the impact of social problems and
institutions on personal well-being. They also point out that in the UK at
least, psychological programmes are aligned with government policies which
seek to return people to work and out of the benefits system—ironically into
jobs which are often low paid and detrimental to health. They advocate a dual
focus on discourse and materialism to understand and challenge psychiatric
practices and their embodied impacts. Further, they argue that psychologists
working with clients in distress need to be mindful of pertinent contextual
and structural issues, for example, around housing, education and employ-
ment, in order to fully appreciate and respond to the problems at hand. As
with critical health psychologists, they suggest working with groups and com-
1 Critical Social Psychologies: Mapping the Terrain
13
munities to co-ordinate action-oriented research to make a difference in the
well-being of individuals.
The educational domain is another focus for critical social psychological
attention. In Chap. 28, China Mills documents the alignment of educational
psychology with scientific–medical practices of assessment, diagnosis and
treatment, focusing on ‘problem’ children while failing to address problem-
atic environments. She focuses particularly on poverty in austerity Britain
and its impact on the educational experience and performance of children
from deprived communities. A ‘psychopolitical’ analysis is proposed, which
links other emancipatory projects to education, including psychiatric survi-
vorship literature, critical disability studies and feminist scholarship and activ-
ism. In sum, critical educational psychologists pay attention to forces which
directly impact on the educational experiences of many children from poor
and working-class backgrounds, including debilitating environments and
the stigma associated with being ‘other’ in middle-class school settings. In
Chap. 29 by Matthew McDonald and David Bubna-Litic, the focus shifts
to the world of work, where psychologists have influenced the behaviour
and policies of organisations since the early twentieth century. As with other
chapters, they lament the impoverished nature of psychological theoris-
ing and the impact of theory-driven practices on workers—in the interests
of corporations (to increase productivity and profit) rather than employees
(well-being; working conditions). They look outside psychology, mainly to
sociology (Marx; Ritzer), and deploy concepts such as ‘commodified self ’ and
‘McDonalidisation’ to help understand the forces at work which bear upon
labour in a globalised consumerist economy. As critical organisational psy-
chologists, the importance of analysing the operation of power within com-
panies and against workers is emphasised.
Chapter 30 focuses not so much on a specific site or institution but on
something much bigger: the natural environment. Here, Matthew Adams
presents the now familiar critique of psychological approaches to ‘green’ issues
as restricted to an emphasis on individual behaviour change—even when social
contexts and barriers are highlighted, these are invariably reduced to measure-
able variables and therefore stripped of meaning and power. An alternative
critical perspective would take the social seriously and adopt a transformative
agenda to social relations. As with other critical applications, DA could be
used to interrogate taken-for-granted knowledge about the environment and
the various ‘solutions’ to environmental problems; there are also spaces for
psychoanalytically informed analyses. Other critical approaches might take
the form of collaborative protest against corporations and polluters, a more
physical or material intervention.
14 B. Gough
In the end, there is no one, unified Critical Social Psychology. This hand-
book emphasises the diversity and debates within the field, and different
possibilities for action and social change. It is an interdisciplinary endeavour
which borrows from allied disciplines while sitting on the periphery of (social)
psychology. Critical social psychologists inhabit liminal spaces where there is
not only uncertainty and anxiety but also hope and collaboration.
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