A History of The Paper Pattern - Joy Spanabel Emery
A History of The Paper Pattern - Joy Spanabel Emery
Pattern Industry
A History of the Paper
Pattern Industry
The Home Dressmaking Fashion Revolution
www.bloomsbury.com
Joy Spanabel Emery has asserted her right under the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work.
ISBN: 978-1-4725-7745-0
Introduction 1
1 Tailoring and the Birth of the Published Paper Pattern 5
Epilogue 215
Appendix: Pattern Grids Rendered by Susan Hannel 217
Notes 241
Bibliography 245
Index 249
List of Illustrations
Chapter 1
1 The Tailor. 6
2 Cassock of Cloth. 7
3 Directions for Taking Measurements. 9
4 Louis Devere, Handbook of Practical Cutting on the Centre Point System. 10
5 French Fashion Plate. 11
6 Sack Coat Draft. 12
7 British Costume. 13
8 The True Breast Measure Principle. 14
9 Block Pattern Advertisement. 15
10 Illustrations of British Costumes for Autumn and Winter. 16
11 Tailor’s Workroom. 17
Chapter 2
12 Lady’s Day Caps. 20
13 1830s Day Cap. 21
14 Veste Circasienne. 22
15 Misses’ Bodice. 23
16 Misses’ Bodice. 23
17 Boys’ Tunic Dress and Pattern Diagram. 24
18 Tunic Body for a Dress with Two Skirts Pattern Diagram. 25
19 Indoor Jacket. 26
Chapter 3
20 Grover, Baker & Co. Sewing Machine Ad. 30
21 Bartlett’s Sewing Machine. 31
22 Sewing Machine Advertisement after Singer’s Patent Expired. 32
23 Sewing Machine Costume. 33
24 Hall’s Bazar Dress and Skirt Forms Brochure. 35
25 Collapsible, Portable, Full-Figure Form in Two Parts, Torso and Skirt. 35
26 Tartan Dress. 36
viii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Chapter 4
31 French Fashions. 41
32 Boys’ Single-breasted Garibaldi Jacket 488 and Boys’ Pants 1894. 42
33 Ladies’ Costumes. 43
34 Misses’ Costumes. 43
35 Harper’s Bazar. 44
36 Overlay Pattern Sheet (Portion). 45
37 Regina Jacket and Overdress 270; Alberta Polinaise with Cape and Sacque 269; Adelina Polonaise 219;
Lady’s Sacque and Overdress with Sash 134. 45
38 Cloth Pattern. 46
39 Misses’ Gown. 47
40 Boys’ Patterns. 48
41 Corsage à Basque. 49
42 Boys’ Zouave Jacket. 50
43 Cut and Punched Facing. 51
44 Stacked Pattern Tissue Sheets for Cutting. 53
45 Folding Patterns. 53
Chapter 5
46 Ladies’ Costume. 56
47 Ladies’ Cycling Toilet. 57
48 Maternity Gown. 57
49 McCall’s Bazar Glove Fitting Patterns Catalog. 58
50 Chiné Velvet Bodice with Diagram. 58
51 Ladies’ Princess Dress. 59
52 Young Ladies’ Journal. 60
53 Dress Sleeve Diagram. 61
54 Princess Dress $2.25, Sleeve $0.35. 62
55 Evening Toilette. 62
56 Elizabeth Colt. 63
57 Infants’ Dress. 65
58 Ladies’ Outing Toilette. 66
59 Ladies’ Sun Bonnet and Ladies’ Seven-Gored Skirt. 67
60 Blouse or Shirtwaist. 68
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ix
61 Louis XV Jacket. 69
62 Instruction Book. 70
Chapter 6
63 Ladies’ Tucked Shirtwaist. 74
64 Dress for Misses or Small Women. 75
65 Ladies’ Tucked Waist. 76
66 Ladies’ Skirt. 77
67 Ladies’ Nine-Gored Kilt Plaited Skirt. 78
68 Syndicated Pattern Advertisement. 80
69 Rabbit. 81
70 One-Piece Kitchen Apron. 82
71 Ladies’ House Dress. 83
72 Misses’ Frock. 84
73 Guide Chart, Ladies’ Tucked Shirtwaist. 86
74 Ladies’ Skirt Construction Guide. 87
75 Construction Chart. 87
76 Illustrated Instructions for Dress. 88
77 Girls’ and Juniors’ Dress. 89
78 The Dress of Patriotism: “Saving Wool for ‘Over There.’ ” 91
79 Official Yeowoman’s Costume of the U.S. Navy. 92
80 Ladies’ Work Suit. 93
81 Hoover Apron. 94
82 Hoover Apron Made by Roberta Hale. 95
83 Red Cross Surgeon’s and Nurse’s Operating Gown. 96
84 Shirtwaist and Skirt. 97
85 Wedding Dress on Mannequin and Seated Woman in Wedding Dress. 98
Chapter 7
86 McCall Printed Pattern Announcement. 100
87 Printo Gravure. 101
88 Boys’ Suit. 102
89 Men’s and Boys’ Windbreaker or Lumber Jacket. 103
90 Ladies’ Hat with Transfer Design. 104
91 Ladies’ and Misses’ Evening Dress. 105
92 Ladies’ and Misses’ One-Piece Dress. 106
93 Misses’ and Women’s One-Piece Frock. 107
94 Straight Cape for Women and Young Girls. 108
95 Apron. 110
x LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Chapter 8
98 Men’s Bathrobe and Smoking Jacket. 115
99 Misses’ Suit. 116
100 Misses’ Sleeves. 117
101 Collars and Cuffs. 117
102 Evening Wrap and Dinner Frock. 118
103 Model Wearing Dinner Frock. 119
104 Top Coat in Three Styles. 120
105 Misses’ Ensemble, Frock, and Jacket. 121
106 Misses’ Dress with Cape Sleeves. 123
107 Child’s Frock and Panties. 124
108 Misses’ Overalls. 125
109 Bette Davis’s Bathing Suit from The Working Man. 126
110 Frock for Shorter Women of Larger Hip. 128
111 Ladies’ and Misses’ Two-Piece Evening Dress and Slip. 129
112 Misses’ Frock. 130
113 Ladies’ and Misses’ Tuck-In Blouse, Shorts, and Skirt. 131
Chapter 9
114 Jumper Dress. 134
115 Jumper Dress. 135
116 Optional List of Advance Patterns Selected as Types for the American Red Cross. 138
117 Women’s and Misses’ Frock or Nurses’ Uniform. 139
118 American Red Cross Volunteer Special Service Corps Uniform. 140
119 Misses’ and Women’s Slack-Suit or Coverall. 141
120 Misses’ Blouse and Jumper Slacks. 142
121 Ladies’ and Misses’ Victory Apron. 143
122 “V for Victory Dress” in Women’s and Misses’ Sizes. 144
123 Doll’s Outfit. 145
124 Peggy, the Modern Fashion Model. 146
125 “War-Plant Hat Is Made of One Bandanna.” 147
126 “There’s Life in the Old Girl Yet.” 148
127 Layout 3 Jacket and Skirt. 149
128 Makeover Suit. 150
129 Junior Miss Princess Jumper, Beach or Sports Frock. 151
130 Misses’ and Women’s Blouse and Skirt. 152
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xi
Chapter 10
135 Apron and Potholder. 160
136 Women’s and Misses’ Reversible Holiday Apron. 161
137 Mr. and Mrs. Aprons. 162
138 Junior Two-Piece Suit. 163
139 Junior Miss and Misses’ Two-Piece Dress. 164
140 Set of Yoke, Flares, and Flounces for Skirts. 165
141 Misses’ Dress with Halter or Yoke Top. 166
142 Dress or Jumper, Blouse, and Cape. 167
143 One-Piece Dress. 168
144 Misses’ Bra, Blouse, and Skirt. 169
145 Misses’ Dress. 170
146 Afternoon Dress. 171
147 Spadea with Duke and Duchess of Windsor. 172
148 “Daytime Wear.” 173
149 Women’s Dress. 174
150 Misses’ Coat Dress. 175
151 Misses’ Coat Dress. 176
152 Junior Miss and Misses’ Tapered Pants, Boxy Tops. 177
Chapter 11
153 Misses’ Shirt-Jacket or Shirt, Top, Skirt, and Pants. 180
154 Fabric Swatch, Psychedelic Colors. 181
155 Misses’ Skirts in Four Lengths: Mini, Regular, Midi, and Ankle. 182
156 Men’s Body Shirt and Bell-Bottom Hip-Hugger Pants. 183
157 Men’s or Boys’ Nehru Jacket or Shirt and Versatile Nehru Shirt. 184
158 Misses’ Jacket or Vest, Blouse, Skirt, and Pants or Shorts. 184
159 Mary Quant One-Piece Dress. 185
160 Rudi Gernreich Misses’ Dress. 186
161 The Dashiki. 187
162 Misses’ Bodysuit. 188
163 Burda Overlay Supplement Pattern Sheet. 189
164 Smart Trouser Suit. 190
165 One-Piece Dress. 191
xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Chapter 12
168 Misses’ Jackets. 195
169 Misses’ Blouse and Skirt. 196
170 Misses’ Dress. 197
171 Sets of Shoulder Pads and Couture Shoulder Pads. 198
172 Misses’, Men’s, or Teen Boys’ Tops, Cardigan, Pants, Shorts, and Multicolor Transfer. 199
173 Misses’ Dress or Top, Skirt, and Scarf. 200
174 Misses’ Jacket, Dress, and Belt. 202
175 Misses’/Misses’ Petite Jacket. 203
176 Misses’ Dress and Petticoat. 204
177 Misses’ Jacket, Blouse, and Skirt. 205
178 Misses’ Bridal or Bridesmaids’ Dress. 207
179 Medieval Gown. 208
180 Japonais Shirt and Vest. 210
181 Lotus Skirt. 211
182 Misses’ Dress or Tunic. 213
Appendix
183 Demorest Basque. 218
184 Pattern in the Style of Basque 1854. 219
185 Misses’ Dress. 220
186 Pattern in the Style of Misses’ dress 1890. 221
187 Shirtwaist. 222
188 Pattern in the Style of Shirtwaist 1912. 224
189 Seven-Gored Skirt. 225
190 Pattern in the Style of Seven-Gored Skirt 1912. 226
191 Misses’ and Women’s One-Piece Frock. 227
192 Pattern in the Style of Misses’ and Women’s One-Piece Frock 1929. 229
193 Misses’ and Women’s Blouse. 230
194 Pattern in the Style of Misses’ and Women’s Blouse 1937. 231
195 Misses’ and Women’s Slack-Suit or Coverall. 232
196 Pattern in the Style of Misses’ and Women’s Slack-Suit 1942. 234
197 Misses’ Dress with Cowl Neckline. 235
198 Pattern in the Style of Misses’ Dress with Cowl Neckline 1952. 237
199 Nehru Jacket. 238
200 Pattern in the Style of Nehru Jacket 1968. 240
List of Tables
Chapter 6
1 Major American Pattern Companies in 1900 73
Chapter 9
2 Major Pattern Company Standard Prices 1940–1946 134
3 Size Comparison: Teen, Misses, and Junior Miss, Simplicity 1943 156
Chapter 11
4 New Sizing Sample Chart 180
Acknowledgments
T his book is the result of many years of searching though dusty pattern catalogs, fashion maga-
zines, and thousands of patterns. The work was pioneered by Betty Williams, who began labo-
riously piecing together the history of the numerous pattern companies started in the nineteenth
century. She attracted other researchers in her quest, most notably Kevin L. Seligman and me,
encouraging us to augment the work she had begun.
A large number of people have contributed to the work in a variety of ways: Kevin Seligman,
author, with his expertise on men’s tailoring and English pattern companies; from the University of
Rhode Island, Sarina Rodrigues, Special Collections, with guidance and support; and Linda Welters
and Margaret Ordoñez, Department of Textiles, Fashion Merchandising and Design, with photo-
graphic assistance and editorial support. I am grateful as well to Susan Hannel of the Department
of Textiles, Fashion Merchandising and Design for taking on the challenge of revising and render-
ing the patterns in the appendix, and to Claire Shaeffer, freelance author and teacher, for providing
important information through her research on pattern company practices over the last forty years.
For assistance in obtaining permissions from the pattern companies, I thank Patricia DeSimone
of Wilton Brands LLC for Simplicity and Burda and Kathleen Wiktor for McCall, Butterick, Vogue,
and Kwik Sew. I am indebted to Roberta Hale, master seamstress, for numerous volunteer hours
in the archive and reproductions of small-scale garments from a variety of patterns included in the
illustrations. I have special thanks for Whitney Blausen for patiently reading through many versions
of the text and challenging me for clarification.
Finally thanks to the editorial team at Bloomsbury: Anna Wright, editor, and Hannah Crump, publish-
ing assistant, for fielding an endless string of e-mails, and Abbie Sharman, editorial assistant, design.
Copyright Disclaimer
The author and publishers gratefully acknowledge the permissions granted to reproduce the third-
party copyright materials contained in this book.
Every reasonable effort has been made to trace copyright holders and to obtain their written
permission for the use of copyright material. The author and publisher apologize for any errors or
omissions in the copyright acknowledgments contained in this book and would be grateful if noti-
fied of any corrections that should be incorporated in future reprints or editions of this book.
Introduction
Significance
W hen Western clothing began to reveal the shape of the body in the twelfth century, cloth
needed to be cut into shapes and the shapes became more complex in each century, thus
requiring guides or patterns to form appropriate shapes to fit the body. The paper pattern ultimately
became that guide; however, as Frieda Sorber observed in the exhibition catalog Patterns from the
MoMu in Antwerp, “The history of the paper pattern is almost as elusive as the ephemeral nature
of the object itself” (Heavens 2003: 23).
This book is intended to dispel much of the mystery of the history of patterns and the compa-
nies that produced them, with a brief history covering both. The research is based upon publica-
tions and tissue patterns primarily from the United States and the United Kingdom. There are
numerous cultural facets open for further research and analysis. This introduction is a challenge for
further exploration.
It is a fascinating story. The struggles and maneuvers are a microcosm of late nineteenth- and
twentieth-century business practices. Beginning with antecedents from the Renaissance with
the rise of tailoring, the story traces the history of patterns and the pattern companies from the
introduction of dressmaker patterns in the 1840s to the present.
The study of patterns belies two persistent myths about dress patterns. One is the concern
about how fragile the patterns are. By and large the tissue paper patterns are not as fragile as they
appear primarily because the tissue is usually acid-free paper like that used to wrap fruit (Williams
and Emery 1996). Therefore, many patterns have survived, providing excellent historical documen-
tation. Another myth is the concept that the patterns are out of date by the time they reach the
customer. Repeated evidence shows that the latest styles were available in a very timely manner.
For example, the introduction of Mary Quant’s miniskirt in 1965 spurred a bit of a crisis as pattern
companies and ready-to-wear retailers alike scrambled to determine where hem length would set-
tle. Pattern companies stayed up to date with the style and met the demand.
With easy and rapid distribution of the latest styles, a skilled needlewoman could aspire to
produce the latest styles. With the aid of such fashion magazines as Godey’s, Peterson’s, and
Leslie’s, the sewing machine, and greater accessibility to dress patterns by such entrepreneurs as
Mme Demorest, Ebenezer Butterick, and James McCall, women could make fashionable as well
2 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
as serviceable garments. Thus, patterns are credited with the democratization of fashion (Walsh
1979; Paoletti 1980).
Patterns evoke an intimate picture of popular culture and social history, the most immediate
being the evolution of fashionable styles primarily for women and children. The styles are for
everyday wear. Garments that are saved and preserved in museum collections are primarily high
fashion or special occasion garments for an elite few. Patterns provide a detailed, unique record of
the evolution of everyday styles from the 1840s to the present. They follow the evolution of fabrics
for clothing, revealing the popularity and influence of new synthetics, such as rayon in the 1930s
or polyester knits in the 1970s.
Patterns offer an excellent visual resource for defining garment terminology. For example, it is
possible to view a nineteenth-century redingote, see the pattern shapes, and compare that to the
twentieth-century variations of a redingote. A nineteenth-century sacque can be identified as a
woman’s jacket for street-wear or intimate undress.
The date of issue for most of the patterns can be determined, which provides an accurate
means of dating fashions. Since actual garments rarely come with information as to when they
were made, it is very difficult to establish an accurate time frame for a garment. The patterns offer
researchers a valuable guide for dating garments, not just by the assessment of the overall style
but also by the study and comparison of the shapes of the garment pieces and its construction
techniques. The method for dating patterns includes:
● Style of garment,
● Style of pattern company logo,
● Pattern number,
● Price.
In general, the pattern numbers, usually four digits between 1000 and 9999, are recycled. Re-
cycling is not influenced by calendar year; consequently, the lower numbers can overlap higher
numbers in the same year. Betty Williams identified several pattern dating specifics in “On the
Dating of Tissue Paper Patterns” (1996, 1996–1997). Additionally, some companies use multiple
number series to identify different pattern lines. At one point, Vogue had five simultaneous series:
regular, special, children, couturier, and Paris Original. Emery (1997–1998) details the complexity
of sorting the numbering system in “Dating Vogue Designer Patterns 1958–1988.”
Dating patterns produced by syndicates, such as Reader Mail and Famous Features, to be sold
by newspapers and specialty periodicals such as farm journals cannot be dated with the above cri-
teria since the pattern styles and numbers were designed to be long-lasting styles useful for sev-
eral years. Similarly, independent companies often specialize in timeless styles and their patterns
are carried in their catalogs for a number of years, making a specific year of issue less relevant.
were an invaluable resource for her work on shows set in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
She became an expert in men’s and women’s tailoring and the drafting systems so essential for
creating authentic men’s costumes. For most women’s outfits, she looked to the commercially
produced patterns from companies such as Butterick, McCall, Simplicity, and Vogue. Initially, she
thought the pattern numbers would be sufficient for dating the patterns. She learned quickly that
this was not the case. The numbers were sequential but they were recycled regularly. So while
the numbers were indeed necessary for ascertaining the year a pattern was issued, there are
several other factors in addition to the garment style that need to be identified. These include the
company’s logo style, envelope design, and price. Betty began to compile a comprehensive list of
pattern numbers by year from pattern company catalogs and magazines. On one occasion, I was
working with her in the stacks of the Library of Congress (they were still open to the public at that
time), collecting the low and high pattern numbers from magazines when we realized that the
library had closed while we were working; we were locked in. Fortunately, the Library of Congress
is housed in several buildings, all connected by tunnels, and not all the buildings had closed, so we
were able to find our way through the maze and leave the building.
The research Betty and her cohorts conducted over a period of several years resulted in a
method for dating patterns. She also compiled a supplemental pattern company history. Betty’s
pattern collection grew during this time; she developed a network of like-minded individuals from
around North America who found and donated patterns and related publications.
In 1995, Betty and Jimmy Newcomer, a Fashion Institute of Technology (FIT) faculty member,
put together a proposal for an exhibition at the Museum at FIT. The proposal was accepted and
Dreams on Paper: Home Sewing in America was scheduled to open in 1997. Because Betty’s col-
lection had a cut-off date of 1959, Newcomer was to curate the section of the exhibit covering the
1960s to the present. Meanwhile, Betty suffered a recurrence of cancer and was weak but deter-
mined. I became her alternate, serving as the consultant for the exhibit, and Whitney Blausen was
the exhibit coordinator. Unfortunately, Betty did not live to see the exhibit, but her enthusiasm and
spirit were a constant presence.
Throughout her illness, she composed a blueprint for the exhibit and began compiling a history
of pattern making including tailoring and commercial patterns. Her papers are a major informant
for chapters 1 through 9. Material in each of those chapters has been expanded and augmented
as new information has been found. Betty’s expansive collection of books, journals, and patterns—
now at the University of Rhode Island (URI) libraries—is the cornerstone of the Commercial Pattern
Archive. Other collections in the archive include the URI Theatre Department and Joy Spanable
Emery collections. Major collection donations include the Butterick Archive, Susan Ward, Linda
Sarver, and Elizabeth Brown collections. Patterns in the archive are international, including those
from the United States, England, France, Germany, and Spain, creating an international view of
everyday wear and allowing the researcher to make valuable comparisons.
The materials in the archive are the major reference resource for this book. The archive has
three components:
2 Printed matter including sewing manuals, professional journals, fashion periodicals, and
pattern trade catalogs;
The patterns are made specifically for commercial use to be sold to individuals over the counter or
by mail order. A digital catalog of the patterns with images of the designs and schematic of the pat-
tern pieces is available in the Commercial Pattern Archive database, CoPA. The URI library catalog,
Helin, lists the printed matter, and finding aids for personal papers and research materials are on
the URI Library Special Collections home page.
Patterns produced for retail by major companies, detailed in the text, can now generally be
dated as to when they were first issued. This data is available in the compiled research materials
in the archive and CoPA. Furthermore, the database contains catalogs of other pattern collections
in North America and the United Kingdom. These collections include the Kevin L. Seligman collec-
tion at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art and the Fashion Museum in Bath, England, among
others.2
Long considered to be of little significance, patterns have been seen as merely disposable
tools, intended primarily for women. Fortunately, this perception is changing as the subject is
explored in publications such as The Culture of Sewing, Forties Fashion and the New Look, Janet
Arnold’s (1972) Patterns of Fashion series, exhibition catalogs such as Patterns (2003), and a number
of international museum exhibitions. As tools, they are necessary for creating all kinds of clothing
from intimate apparel and everyday wear to special occasion garments. A 1916 advertisement in
The Designer best sums up the impact of dressmaker patterns: “There is nothing so cheap & yet
so valuable; so common & yet so little realized; so unappreciated & yet so beneficial as the paper
dress pattern. Truly one of the great elemental inventions in the world’s history—The Tissue of
Dreams” (Designer, October: 37).3
1
Tailoring and the Birth
of the Published Paper Pattern
T he earliest surviving published work on patterns is Juan de Alcega’s ([1580] 1979) Libro de
geometria practia y traca (Book of the Practice of Tailoring, Measuring and Marking Out), first
published in 1580. In the preface, Alcega states he has accomplished “something quite new and
never before seen in Spain.” The book’s purpose was to instruct tailors on methods of cutting out
pattern pieces so as to get the most garment from the least amount of fabric. Since all fabric in
the sixteenth century was hand-loomed and very expensive, wasting the least amount was of su-
preme importance (see Figure 1). The pattern pieces are presented as small diagrams drawn more
or less to scale (see Figure 2). Few measurements are given. The book contains pattern layouts for
men’s and women’s garments.
In 1588, another Spaniard, Diego de Freyle, wrote Geometria y tracia para el oficio de los sas-
tres. It is similar to Alcega’s book in content and layout, as is Geometria y traca perteneciente al
oficio de sastres by Francisco de la Rocha Burguen (1618) and Geometria y trazas pertenecientes
al oficio de sastres by Martin de Anduxar (1640). Fashions had changed considerably since 1580
so the shapes of the pattern pieces are appreciably different in each.
The oldest surviving French pattern book is Le Tailleur Sincere by Benoit Boullay published in
1671. Francois Alexandre Garasualt, also a Frenchman, authored a multivolume work, Descriptions
des artes et métiers: L’Arte du tailleur (1769) and L’arte de lingerie (1771). Denis Diderot and Jean
le Rond D’Alembert’s Encyclopedie (1776) is a major resource for decorative arts and fashion in the
eighteenth century, with a large section devoted to patterns and tailoring.
The Tailor’s Complete Guide (1769), “the whole concerted and devised by a Society of Adepts,”
is the oldest known work on cutting in English. Edward B. Giles, a working tailor and one of the
most respected tailoring writers of his time, wrote The History of the Art of Cutting in England
(1887), in which he summarized his low opinion of the work:
Any method more simple or rudimentary than this one published by “A Society of Adepts” can
scarcely be conceived. It is really the result of experience and differed scarcely but in name
from the plan of cutting by “rock of eye.” It must be regarded as proof that a desire or neces-
sity was felt for some method by which tailors could draft these patterns from measures. In
default of any other guide, this work may have been of some assistance to the cutters of that
6 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
time; otherwise it is remarkable that the authors should have felt justified in publishing such a
primitive method giving so little aid to students. Its issue could only be warranted by the non-
existence of any other published method, and in those circumstances it was better than none
at all. (Giles [1887] 1987: 77)
The “rock of eye” method is based on experience with pattern shapes and dimensions for gar-
ments (and preexisting pattern in the appropriate size). Using a measure and chalk, a person
draws the pattern freehand, mentally calculating a drafting formula. Giles quotes Edward Minister
Sr.: “I was put in the business in 1802. There was no such thing as system of cutting in those
days; the shape was produced by what was termed the rock of eye system. The eye being a
globular and very slippery member, there was no certainty where it would rest” (Giles [1887]
1987: 146).
Although not published until 1809 in Philadelphia, The Tailor’s Instructor by James Queen and
William Lapsley can really be placed at the end of the eighteenth century. Generally considered
TAILORING AND THE BIRTH OF THE PUBLISHED PAPER PATTERN 7
the earliest work on patterns for tailoring published in the United States, it is an almost completely
pirated edition of the English book The Tailor’s Complete Guide.
Publication increased dramatically at the end of the eighteenth century with numerous tailors
offering theories, systems, and philosophies of pattern drafting. While there is much overlapping,
an enormous amount of information was being offered and the concept of patterns and pattern
usage made great strides. Giles’s observations of the tailoring profession in 1800 are as follows:
Happy was the tailor who possessed a good fitting pattern: it was cherished by him as a valu-
able trade secret. In indentures it was sometimes stipulated that the master should give a copy
to his apprentice, but was done only on condition of strict secrecy. So precious were these
patterns considered they were often bequeathed as a fitting legacy from father to son. (Giles
[1887] 1987: 88–89)
Giles further comments on the great value assigned to the patterns, in that tailors referred to the
patterns as “Gods,” a term occasionally in use today.
By the end of the eighteenth century, there were tailors who were teaching cutting, outside
the apprentice systems, to anyone who could pay the fee. In addition to conversations with old
8 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
tailors, Giles examined circulars from at least one of the teachers of cutting, a Mr. Dietrichstein,
and found that he “issued a number of patterns from his establishment on Rathbone Place, which
were sold in all parts of England.” It appears to have been the custom of country master tailors to
go to London to observe and get patterns for the newest fashions. Tailors had to pay a heavy price
for Dietrichstein’s patterns. A complete set of useful pattern models cost £5, equivalent to $504
in 2010 (Giles [1887] 1987: 91).
1 The proportional scale is a system that relies upon the concept of standard body shapes
and relationships. For example, if the chest measurement is X, then the waist is Y and the
length of the torso is XX.
2 The direct measurement system relies on the specific, very detailed, set of measurements
for a person to achieve an accurate garment.
not known when or by whom the “inch measure” was first introduced. The old method of using
strips of parchment with appropriate notches for proportions labeled with the customer’s name
was in practice though the eighteenth century. Hearn extols the superiority of the printed inch
measure, which he also sold (see Figure 3).
Tailoring Journals
Louis Devere started the Gentleman’s Magazine of Fashion in 1828. Intended for tailors, it con-
tained drafts for menswear (see Figure 4). By 1835 Thomas P. Williams & Co. of New York intro-
duced The Tailor’s Magazine containing drafting systems; it was one of the first American tailoring
journals.
Benjamin Read, an entrepreneurial English tailor and printmaker/publisher, began publishing
large color fashion plates to sell his wares, which included his “patent measures” (system) around
1829. The large plates featuring a variety of fashions, mostly for men, were offered twice a year for
summer fashions and winter fashions. In an advertisement in 1839, Read announced, “The variety
of full-size patterns which accompany the prints each season will never be any additional charge”
(Read et al. 1984: n.p.). Read was a pioneer in advertising. Apparently, he was the first tailor to
issue his own prints. Thus, he developed a procedure for promoting his product that would be
widely imitated by others. A few years later, American pattern companies would adopt the practice
of publishing their own catalogs and periodicals to promote sales of their products.
Books for tailors containing drafting systems continued to proliferate. (For a comprehensive bib-
liography of tailoring publications, see Seligman 1996.) Dr. Heinrich Friedrich Wampen published
Wampen’s Measures to Construct Models for Gentleman’s Dress in 1841. He was convinced that
the art of cutting patterns could be reduced to mathematical (anthropometric) and scientific princi-
ples. He became a major influence on the English tailors and pattern makers of the day.
Many tailoring periodicals were being published, all of which included pattern drafts in each
issue. In an advertising flyer, Genio Scott, editor and publisher of Report and Mirror of Fashion,
later Scott’s Mirror of Fashion, boasts that his is the “first attempt in America to establish fashions
in dress in America” (1840: n.p.). In London in 1846, Thomas Good started The Herald of Fashion
to compete with Edward Minister and Sons’ Gazette of Fashion, which incorporated with The
Tailor & Cutter in 1950.
Full-size patterns for men’s tailored garments were becoming widely available by 1849 (Wil-
liams Papers). Williams cites ads for full-size patterns for men’s tailored garments in several jour-
nals including Minister’s Report of Fashion and Scott’s Mirror of Fashion. Available sizes were
not mentioned and some patterns were cut to order. A monthly French publication, The Elegant,
appeared in an English-language edition as early as 1847. In addition to the usual drafting, they also
included a full-size pattern with each issue by 1848 (see Figure 5).
Books containing drafting systems continued to proliferate. In London, Edward Minister pub-
lished a second edition of The Complete Guide to Practical Cutting in 1853, Charles Compaing
FIGURE 5 French Fashion Plate. The Elegant, August 1849. Commercial Pat-
tern Archive.
12 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
(Journal des Tailleurs) teamed up with Louis Devere to produce the first of many editions of The
Tailor’s Guide in 1855. In New York, Thomas Oliver published The Author’s Masterpiece in 1852;
Genio Scott published A Cutters’ Guide in 1857; and T. H. Whitmore published Whitmore’s System
in 1852. Books on pattern drafting were also cropping up in some unlikely places. In 1852 in Glas-
gow, Kentucky, A. J. Heenter published The Garment Cutter and Ladies Guide. In Cincinnati, Ohio,
J.C.D. Greve printed Art Du Tailleur Answeinung zum Zuschneiden. Cincinnati had a large German
population and was a thriving metropolitan city known as the “Gateway to the West.”
By the mid-nineteenth century, proportional pattern diagrams begun by Alcega were phased
out and replaced by drafting systems to create the appropriate size, and full-size patterns were
published. In some instances these were available in a range of sizes.
FIGURE 6 Sack Coat Draft. The American Tailor, August 1883. Commercial
Pattern Archive.
TAILORING AND THE BIRTH OF THE PUBLISHED PAPER PATTERN 13
Pattern Company, began publishing The Tailor’s Review in 1866 solely to sell their men’s and boys’
tissue patterns, but by the 1870s, he was also including pattern drafts and offering ten free pat-
terns with each issue.
Since London was the acknowledged fashion leader in men’s wear and set the standards for
much of the world’s tailoring, it was to be expected that it was also the major publishing center
for works of pattern drafting. In 1875, Giles published The West End System, which was one of
dozens of pattern drafting books circulated by the West End Gazette from the 1870s until the First
World War.
The John Williamson Company released an endless series of works on pattern drafting. Al-
though the author of the 1879 Tailor and Cutter Reliable Systems is unknown, the majority of the
FIGURE 7 British Costume. July fashion plate originally published in The Tailor and
Cutter (London) in July 1883 and then The American Tailor, September 1883. Com-
mercial Pattern Archive. The men’s sack coat is similar to the American Tailor draft.
14 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 8 The True Breast Measure Principle. The American Tailor, July 1883.
Commercial Pattern Archive.
Tailor and Cutter books were written by W.D.F. Vincent. The issues included illustrations of the
latest tailored fashions for men, women, and children. The sack coat in Figure 7 is similar to the
pattern draft in Figure 6. In 1876, Thorton (1899), author of “Tailors of the Century,” issued The Dou-
ble Shoulder Measure System, and in 1884, Campaign and Devere published yet another revised
edition of their popular Complete Manual of Cutting (see Figures 7 and 8).
the trade journals began writing about them. In a series of articles on “The Art of Cutting by Block
Patterns” in the West End Gazette, George Wright noted,
A model or block pattern is one that has either been systematically drafted to fit a proportionate
figure of a given size, or it may be a correct copy of a garment having the essentials of perfect-
ness both in style and fit whereby they can with confidence be used for all ordinary purposes.
We might go further and state how important it is for a man to be able to use block patterns
and not only so but also to produce his own, without being dependent upon the production of
others, as many are now-a-days. (Wright 1894: 114) (see Figure 9)
FIGURE 9 Block Pattern Advertisement, ca. 1897. Alterations and How to Use
Block Patterns, London: T. H. Holding. Commercial Pattern Archive.
16 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 10 Illustrations of British Costumes for Autumn and Winter, 1890. The
Tailor and Cutter, September 11, 1890. Commercial Pattern Archive.
Two full pages listing “Stock and Special Patterns, for Gentlemen, Ladies, Juveniles and shirts, in
a full range of sizes” appear in the Cutter’s Practical Guide to Ladies’ Garments published in 1892.
J. P. Thorton’s The Sectional System of Gentleman’s Garment Cutting published by Minister and
Co. in 1893 contains a full page advertising Minister’s “Standard and Special Patterns” for gentle-
men, ladies, juveniles, military, clerical, and livery, all in a full range of sizes. The three sources
mentioned above are all English. However, the sale of men’s tailoring patterns was practiced in
America as well. The availability of block patterns in several sizes for tailors was firmly established
by the 1890s (see Figure 10).
Vincent, undoubtedly the most prolific writer on the subject of pattern drafting, published the
Cutter’s Practical Guide and others between 1870 and the 1920s. By the turn of the century, he
discarded his system, which was rather complex (and required the use of a set of graded rulers),
in favor of a direct measure system. The new system was clear and straightforward and produced
excellent patterns. For many years he was editor of the English journal Tailor and Cutter, and when
he died in 1926 tailoring journals all over the world ran admiring and respectful obituaries.
Summary
Pattern publications from the sixteenth century through the seventeenth century were written
by and for tailors. These Spanish and French publications consisted of small-scale diagrams of
TAILORING AND THE BIRTH OF THE PUBLISHED PAPER PATTERN 17
FIGURE 11 Tailor’s Workroom, ca. 1905. The Art of Measurement, London: John
Williamson Co. Ltd. Commercial Pattern Archive.
patterns for constructing garments for men and women. By the eighteenth century, English tailors
also began publishing how-to journals. All sought solutions for providing the perfect fit for a wide
variety of body types. Three major methods for making patterns emerged. The earliest was the
rock of eye method, which combined freehand drafting of pattern shapes with measurements. By
the early nineteenth century, two drafting systems to create the pattern shape were developed:
the proportional and the direct measurement systems. Tailors’ patterns were highly valued and
protected for fear of theft; however, by the 1850s, tailors gradually began to sell full-size patterns
to others in the profession, indicating a distinct shift in proprietary attitudes.
English and American journals for tailors flourished during the last half of the nineteenth cen-
tury and well into the twentieth. These included drafts of men’s and women’s tailored garments as
well as ads for patterns for sale. The latter were often referred to as block or model patterns and
were made available in a range of sizes.
Amid this wealth of tailoring patterns in various forms, the question arises as to who was using
what. In the absence of any real information, the answer can only be guessed at. Initially, the
18 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
tailoring patterns were for professional tailors and, to a certain extent, the emerging ready-to-wear
garment industry. Tailors are extremely slow to change their ways, so it seems reasonable to use
the tailoring practices of today for hints about the late nineteenth century. Today, over one hundred
years later, custom tailors are still drafting each garment directly on the fabric, just as their pre-
decessors would have done (see Figure 11). So it seems safe to say that in the second half of
the nineteenth century, most custom tailors were using one of the now numerous variations on
drafting systems and making patterns for sale. It is a reasonable guess that the rapidly growing
ready-made garment industry was the major purchaser of these patterns, particularly the ones in
groups of graded sizes. These patterns were, after all, the new technology of their time.
2
Development of Dressmaking Patterns
1800–1860
T hrough the eighteenth century, methods for communicating the latest fashions were limited to
word of mouth, fashion dolls known as Pandoras, fashion plates such as Galerie des Modes,
and publications for professional tailors.
Clothing production was the prerogative of male tailors and female dressmakers or mantua
makers1 who produced fashionable dress. The nineteenth century ushered in expanded communi-
cation of fashions and clothing construction.
At the end of the eighteenth century, publications with garment patterns for “those desirous
of doing good works” appeared. The earliest of these known to have survived is Instructions for
Cutting out Apparel for the Poor (1789).2 The book contains thirty large plates and illustrations of
the garments. In addition to elementary instructions with precise measurements for various gar-
ments that are made from squares and rectangles, there are a few full-size patterns. The patterns
for robes, frocks, and caps are mostly for very young children and will therefore fit on the book’s
foldout pages. Several of the children’s garments are shown in graded sizes, the earliest known
example of such a practice. There are also patterns for a man’s shirt and women’s shifts. The in-
structions are quite puzzling by today’s standards, but to women of the 1790s who were familiar
with the construction details of the day, they would have been a clear, accurate, and useful source
for making garments.
The Ladies’ Economical Assistant 3 by “A Lady,” published in 1808, contains twenty-seven plates
of full-size patterns for babies’, children’s, and women’s garments, shirts for men, and “linen for
Lying-in Women.” The author recognizes that the patterns are for “several articles of wearing ap-
parel that are not likely to be much affected by fashion.”
The pattern pieces in both publications are only for those that make up the basic garments. No
patterns are given for facings, pockets, linings, and so forth. The full size is one size only and des-
ignated, in some instances, only by age. The assumption is anyone using the patterns would know
how to make the garments once they had the main shapes. It was presumed that seamstresses
and home sewers had cutting and sewing skills.
20 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
It is possible that full-size patterns for women’s garments were available as early as 1836, but
none are known to have survived; however, there is evidence in many of the fashion periodicals
of patterns for sale. In the October 1836 edition of the English fashion periodical The World of
Fashion, a pair of authors, Madame and Mrs. Follet advertised patterns “of every new style of
dress exquisitely formed in the exact models and colours in which they were worn, consisting
of full length and small size French paper . . . sold at 10s per set [a set included four separate
pieces]” (World of Fashion 1836: n.p.). It is unclear as to what constituted a set. Adburgham
suggests a set may have included separate patterns for a bodice, a basque, collars, and a sleeve
(1989: 39–40).
The French publication Journal des Demoiselles, issued in 1833, was especially for the home
sewer. In its early years it had scaled proportional pattern drafts with sufficient measurements to
22 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
produce a good pattern. It continued to publish scaled patterns throughout the 1840s and by 1845
was beginning to include a few full-sized patterns, mostly for baby clothes and caps, as pullout
inserts in the periodical. Another French magazine, Petit Courrier des Dames, was publishing full-size
patterns on pattern sheets with the pattern pieces overlaid to fit on the sheet by 1844 (see Figure 14).
Frank Leslie used the same approach ten years later in the first volume of Frank Leslie’s Gazette
of Fashion, with the Demorest patterns included as supplements in the periodical (see Figures
15 and 16; see also Appendix 1 for pattern). Additional popular French publications include Journal
Des Modes, Moniteur de la Mode, and Le Conselier des Dames et Des Demoiselles.
In all instances, the patterns were a boon to the home seamstress of the time, but to modern
eyes they present a number of problems. They come in only one medium size, leaving the cus-
tomer to adjust them to fit a particular body. The pattern pieces are still the basic body and sleeve
shapes. There are minimal, if any, instructions.
Simultaneously, a variety of dressmaking systems appeared, complete with pattern-
making tools of various complexity and a series of calculations based upon an individual’s
measurements for full-scale women’s and children’s garments. These were marketed to pro-
fessional dressmakers and home sewers. Excellent studies of these can be found in Claudia
Kidwell’s (1979) Cutting a Fashionable Fit and Patricia Trautman’s (1987) Clothing America.
Unlike the tailoring systems, these disappeared from the market by the early twentieth
century.
FIGURE 14 Veste Circasienne, Petit Courrier des Dames, October 1847. Commercial Pattern Archive.
DEVELOPMENT OF DRESSMAKING PATTERNS 23
We this month present to our subscribers and the public, in addition to the customary attrac-
tions of this favored magazine, the FIRST COLLECTION OF PATTERNS for Fashionable dresses
and Millinery which we propose continuing every month in order that Ladies of Distinction
and their milliners and dressmakers may possesses the utmost facilities for constructing their
costumes with most approved taste and in highest and most perfect style of fashion. (World of
Fashion, August 1850: n.p.)
These full-size patterns were in one size only with pattern sections superimposed on each other,
as shown in Figure 15.
Another London publication, Le Follet Journal du Grand Mode, began publishing in 1846 and in-
cluded dressmaker patterns with each issue (Seligman 1996: 217). By 1858, The Englishwomen’s
Domestic Magazine, published in London by the Beetons, was including full-size pattern sheets.
A popular American periodical, Godey’s Ladies Book,4 began publishing in 1830. In December
1851, Godey’s announced the formation of a new department for ordering patterns beginning in
FIGURE 17 Boys’ Tunic Dress and Pattern Diagram, Godey’s Lady’s Book, April
1853. Commercial Pattern Archive.
DEVELOPMENT OF DRESSMAKING PATTERNS 25
January 1852. The January issue of 1853 advertises “Cloak Patterns—or indeed any kind of pattern
can now be purchased in this city [Philadelphia].” The cloak pattern cost about $1.25 (equivalent to
$32.25 in 2011) and “will be procured by the editress of the fashion department, who has supplied
such orders the past month” (91). That year Godey’s began including pattern diagrams, propor-
tional small-scale drawings of the pattern shape. In most instances, scale is not given. The Boys’
Tunic Dress was the first (April 1853: 365) (see Figure 17).
Frank Leslie’s Lady’s Gazette of Fashion started in 1854 in New York, declaring,
Our objective is to improve the standard of our own national fashions, to give encouragement
to the great talent that exists everywhere among us, in all branches of industry, to impart, in
this particular, nationality and dignity to those branches of the industrial arts so usefully exer-
cised in designing and fabricating ladies’ garments. . . . We are prepared to furnish paper pat-
terns of the newest styles in any department of ladies’ costume. (January 1854: 2)
The January issue contained an overlay pattern sheet for a basque waist and a French waist. There
is no illustration, nor is the pattern identified. However, the February issue contains a Mme Demor-
est mantilla pattern, as does the September issue, with a drawing on the overlaid pattern sheet.
These sheets were supplements tucked into each issue. Consequently, many have been lost. (The
inclusion of free supplement pattern sheets was a practice copied by other publications to attract
women subscribers.)
Peterson’s Magazine started in 1842 and was carrying proportional diagrams of women’s and
children’s garments by January 1857 (see Figure 18). It should be noted that the diagrams did not
FIGURE 18 Tunic Body for a Dress with Two Skirts Pattern Diagram, Peterson’s,
January 1857. Commercial Pattern Archive.
26 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
indicate the scale, rarely gave measurements, and only offered the briefest of instruction for mak-
ing up the garment. In contrast, Arthur’s Home Magazine avowed that
frankly, . . . our fashion department is the one in which we take the least interest. . . . We look to
something higher and more enduring. . . . Still, . . . it [fashion] has the rule in magazines of this
class . . . therefore [we] have completed an arrangement with Madame Demorest of New York
to supply us monthly with such styles are in vogue . . . and yet not make fashion an imperious
tyrant. (Arthur’s, July 1866: 63)
Arthur’s fashion department was dropped in 1872 only to be reinstated in 1873, and the patterns
were to be ordered directly from Butterick.
The popularity of Paris fashions probably inspired S.T. Taylor of New York to import and publish a
triumvirate of French fashion magazines in English. Beginning with Dress-Maker and Milliner’s Guide
in 1852, Taylor followed with Le Bon Ton in 1853 and Le Petite Massager in 1865 (see Figure 19).
His aim was to promote French fashions and sell his dressmaking drafting system and full-size
patterns plain or trimmed. Trimmed patterns had the body of the garment in one color paper with
decorative details, such as braiding, in a different color to allow the purchaser to see the full effect
of the garment. Both Taylor and Demorest use this method to better illustrate how the final gar-
ment should appear. To entice subscribers to his magazines, Taylor included pattern diagrams and
a free full-size pattern in each issue by the late 1850s (see Figure 19).
Handbooks: 1840s–1850s
Noting the popularity of early instructional manuals and dressmaking tips in periodicals, publishers
on both sides of the Atlantic introduced new how-to publications for the home sewer. Noteworthy
English titles include The Ladies Handbook of Millinery, Dressmaking and Tatting (1843) and The
Art of Dressmaking, Containing Plain Directions in Simple Language from the Fitting of the Pat-
tern to the Finish of the Dress (1849). In America, nearly identical instructions are published in The
American Ladies’ Memorial (1850) and The Ladies’ Self Instructor ([1853] 1988). In the latter, the
anonymous author speaks of girls learning dressmaking very early by clothing their dolls and mak-
ing paper patterns for their bodices. The dolls have a distinct advantage because they “lie very still
to be fitted.” The advice for cutting out a dress, whether for a doll or an adult, is to
first measure off the number of breadths of the proper lengths for the skirt which is, of course
to be regulated by the height of the wearer and the manner in which it is intended to be made
and try them on one side. If tucks are to be introduced into the skirt, a proper allowance must
be made for these, as do for the turnings both at the top and bottom. You next cut out the
sleeves, as being the largest part of the garment, except for the skirt. In cutting out the sleeves
you must first prepare a paper pattern of the required shape. (135)
The author gives no hints as to how to prepare the paper pattern. The Art of Dressmaking recom-
mends the use of Holland, a lightweight, plain-weave linen, instead of paper, which would make
preparing and fitting the pattern easier and have greater durability than paper. The author continues
with instructions for making the pattern for a bodice:
[P]roceed to take the proper measures of the front and back of the body, by fitting a paper pat-
tern to the shape of the person for whom the dress is intended. The paper should be thin and
you commence by folding down the corner the length of the front, and pinning it to the middle
stay-bone. Then spread the paper as smoothly as possible along the bosom to the shoulder,
and fold it in a plait, so as to fit the shape exactly, and bring the paper under the arm, making it
retain its position by a pin; from this point you cut it off downward under the arm, and along the
waist; the paper is then to be rounded for the arm-hole and the shoulder, and you must recol-
lect to leave it large enough to admit of the turnings. (Ladies’ Self Instructor [1853] 1988: 136)
The process is repeated for the back. It is little wonder why the published paper patterns were
so popular, even though they only came in one size. A considerable amount of time and probably
frustration was saved with the paper patterns.
28 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Summary
By mid-century, publication of books of advice and instruction for the home sewer in the art of
dressmaking flourished, and there was an abundance of women’s periodicals with fashion news.
Several of these were offering proportional scaled patterns or full-size patterns by individuals such
as Mrs. Folett in England and Mme Demorest in America. Large pullout sheets with overlaid pat-
tern pieces were becoming more prevalent. Both pattern formats were continued into the next
decades, but the full-size pattern would ultimately supplant the small-scale patterns. However, full-
size dress patterns came in only one size. The user had the problem of adjusting them to whatever
body the garment was intended to fit. The patterns included only the minimum pattern pieces,
such as body front and back and sleeves. There were no facings, plackets, pockets, and so forth,
and in the case of women’s garments, no skirts or ruffles. Inclusion of skirt patterns was generally
considered unnecessary since the skirts were rectangular, requiring only an arrangement of pleats
to fit to the waist measurement. Although vastly improved since the early part of the century, the
patterns available in the early 1850s left much to be desired. The development of new technology
and consumer services in the next decades paved the way for the emergence of the profitable
pattern industry in the coming years.
3
Nineteenth-century Technology
T he two earliest U.S. pattern companies devoted to creating patterns for dressmakers and
home sewers were Demorest (1853–1854) and Butterick (1863–1864). The success of these
companies was enabled by new technology. Prior to the 1850s, women relied on skilled dress-
makers or on themselves for the latest fashionable outfits as well as for more utilitarian garments,
such as housedresses, sleepwear, basic undergarments, and children’s clothing.
For fashionable garments, those families who could afford to do so were advised in Godey’s
Lady’s Magazine, “A dressmaker’s charge is seventy-five cents a day, and, including mantillias
and capes, no family can well dispense with less than a week’s service every season.” However,
women were strongly encouraged to develop their own dressmaking skills. Godey’s further ad-
monished young ladies not to consider dressmaking “vulgar,” for as the editors suggest, “You may
consent to share the fortune of some noble minded adventurer in the new country—California or
Minesota [sic]. . . . As an American woman in this era you may be placed in many positions quite
as remote. And then what becomes of the helpless?” (September 1851: 192).
New technology opened a variety of opportunities for expanding fashion-related enterprises
by the mid-nineteenth century. The most notable was the sewing machine and its manufacture.
The invention of flexible, portable dress forms simplified home production of clothing. In addition,
John Tebbel in The Magazine in America 1741–1900 observed that fashion-related publications
increased like a “veritable tsunami between 1825 and 1850 induced by the technological break-
through in printing with the inventions of the cylinder press, and the rapid growth of a highly liter-
ate population” (Tebbel and Zuckerman 1991: 8). Moreover, steam-driven paper-making machines
produced paper from wood pulp, which was much less expensive than rag or cloth pulp paper. All
these ingredients enabled the expansion of the tissue paper pattern industry.
Thimonnier’s machine was granted a French patent in 1830. By 1840, he had installed eighty of his
machines in his factory for sewing uniforms for the French army. Parisian tailors, who feared the
machine would put craftsmen tailors out of work, destroyed his machines, and Thimonnier was
forced to flee to England. The fear of mechanized sewing persisted throughout a large part of the
nineteenth century.1
Elias Howe claimed the invention of the first practical sewing machine and received a patent
in 1846. The needle action on Howe’s machine was side to side and it was powered with a hand
crank. Isaac Singer perfected a simplified machine in 1851. The needle action on Singer’s machine
was up and down, rather than side to side and it was powered with a foot pedal, which made
it more efficient than Howe’s. However, Isaac Singer’s machine used the same double, looped
thread lockstitch that Howe had patented, which led to a long series of lawsuits. Meanwhile, other
sewing machine manufacturers, including Wheeler & Wilson (1854–1855) and Grover, Baker & Co.
(1851), were also busy manufacturing machines. At the conclusion of the lawsuits and to combat
the rising competition, Singer, Howe, Wheeler & Wilson, and Grover, Baker & Co. pooled their
patents, which required all other manufacturers to obtain a license to make their machines and
pay $15 (equivalent to $406 in 2011) per machine until 1877, when the last patent expired, allowing
prices for machines to drop (see Figures 20, 21, and 22).
The original models were heavy and intended for the manufacture of ready-to-wear clothing.
Kidwell and Christman’s (1974) comprehensive study on the development of ready-made clothing
noted that the ready-made clothing industry benefited greatly from the invention of the sewing
machine because the garments could be made more quickly with a machine than by hand. Even
tailors began producing “ready-made” garments to fill in work between the winter and summer
seasons for their bespoke trade, but not necessarily with the aid of the sewing machine, which
was regarded as only capable of producing substandard results (46–47).
FIGURE 20 Grover, Baker & Co. Sewing Machine Ad. Scott’s Mirror of Fashion,
June 16, 1854. Commercial Pattern Archive.
NINETEENTH-CENTURY TECHNOLOGY 31
By 1856, a lightweight machine was designed for use in the home. It cost $125 (equivalent
to $2,997 in 2010) at a time when the average yearly income was $500 (equivalent to $11,985 in
2010). Godey’s Lady’s Book suggested that ten families in each country village should pool their
money and buy one machine. Singer’s partner, Edward Clark, devised the hire-purchase system,
which offered women the opportunity to rent a machine and apply the rental to the purchase
price—$5 down and the rest to be paid with interest. About a decade later, Butterick Pattern Co.
advised new brides with $1.00 to invest $0.50 in a Bible and $0.50 toward a good sewing machine.
There is further advice addressed to
[y]oung men and ladies who are just sipping the sweets of connubial felicity, before you get a
bedstead, purchase a sewing machine. If you can’t have both, sleep on the floor until you can earn
32 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
enough with your sewing machine to pay for a bed-stead. Saw off halve a dozen pieces of maple
boards for dinner plates, . . . [use] logs for seats. (Butterick Catalog ca. 1869: n.p.) (see Figure 23)
In general, tailors were slow to take on the idea of machine sewing, especially for their custom
trade. In 1853, Minister’s Gazette of Fashion cautions, “[A]s a substitute for sewing by hand, in its
present powers, the idea cannot be for one moment entertained. It performs but one description
of stitch—the back stitch; and it will therefore, not require too much argument to our readers the
impossibility of a garment being completed solely by means of the machine” (23). As late as the
1890s, arguments were still raging in the tailoring journals over whether good tailoring could be
done by machine.
Women, on the other hand, took to the sewing machine immediately. Women’s periodicals,
such as Godey’s, published articles encouraging the use of the machine. They announced that the
sewing machine was “capable of sewing every part of a garment, except for buttons and button
holes. . . . It is so simple in its construction and action that it may be worked by a child, and will
sew in a circle, curve, or turn a square corner, equally well as a straight line” (February 1854: 127).
There is no mention of a manufacturer, but an almost identical announcement from the Lancashire
(England) Company’s patentee, Mr. C.T. Judikins, appeared in the September 1853 issue of the
Minister’s Gazette of Fashion. The announcement must have been paid for since the editors coun-
tered with their caution to tailors in the September editorial (23). Clearly, there was ambiguity over
the advantages and disadvantages of mechanized sewing.
NINETEENTH-CENTURY TECHNOLOGY 33
FIGURE 23 Sewing Machine Costume. Butterick Catalog, inside cover, ca. 1869,
with a Wheeler & Wilson sewing machine. Commercial Pattern Archive.
While there was a great deal of concern over the potential loss of jobs for tailors, there was also
concern about the effect the sewing machine would have on women. Williams commented that
“many men wanted to believe that women couldn’t handle such a complicated piece of machinery;
they feared that if women did perform their sewing duties in less time there would be time left over
for them to improve themselves or participate in the suffrage movement” (Williams Papers: Early
History Notes). That fear was countered in many publications including Frank Leslie’s Lady’s Gazette
of Fashions: “Women are not yet wholly superseded, being extremely useful in their appropriate
place—in fact, absolutely indispensable; yet the improvement attempted by the sewing machine has
exerted an important influence on her social state.” The article concludes that the “sewing machine
promises permanent relief to wearisome bondage to the needle-woman” (September 1856: 120).
34 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
With the widespread availability (and acceptance) of this new mechanical marvel, the profes-
sional seamstress could earn appreciably more money than sewing by hand. The individual home
sewer trying to clothe herself and her family could also produce a vastly increased number of gar-
ments. The only thing holding them back was the lack of reliable patterns and the means for getting
the patterns to those who did not live in urban communities with establishments offering them.
Dress Forms
A common problem for the home sewer and professional dressmaker was fitting a garment
when it was being put together. Ideally, one wanted a dress form, or dummy, with the appropri-
ate measurements of the future wearer. In general, the forms were for the torso only, usually
made of papier-mâché with a thin layer of padding and covered with fabric. But the fashion shift
from simple pleated or gathered skirts to shaped skirts over hoops and then bustles in the latter
decades of the nineteenth century required some support to achieve the best results. Further,
corsets molded the female torso, altering proportions of bust to waist, depending on the preva-
lent fashion. A clever solution to meet these needs was devised by Hall’s Bazar Form Company.
The shape of the torso was created using narrow bands of steel riveted together to make the
figure, which could be expanded or compressed to required measurements. It could then be
covered with fabric. The form for the skirt appears to have been inspired by umbrella ribs. It
could be raised or lowered and collapsed for storage. An undated Hall’s Bazar Dress & Skirt Form
brochure announced that the skirt form was “adjustable to any height, from the shortest to the
tallest, and any size, from the slightest figure to a 36-inch waist and 60-inch hip measure, and
expands in a regular manner to throw out the skirt for train.” One model offered a complete port-
able form with the torso and skirt section designed to be combined or used separately. Another
model featured a skirt form with support for a bustle folded into a box short enough to go into the
shortest trunk for ladies who traveled and needed to hang out and support trunk-crushed skirts.
The brochure includes reprints of several testimonials from fashion publishers including Mme
Demorest: “Every lady who makes her own and children’s dresses should have one of Hall’s
Bazar Portable Forms” (see Figures 24 and 25).
NINETEENTH-CENTURY TECHNOLOGY 35
Summary
An improved U.S. Postal Service permitting mailing of a wide variety of materials including fashion
periodicals, the availability of cheaper paper, and adjustable dress forms accelerated opportuni-
ties for home sewers to keep up with the latest fashions. More importantly, the sewing machine
allowed a shorter time for making garments and stimulated greater complexity in the shape of
women’s fashions.
By the end of the 1860s, the cut of women’s garments changed radically. Bodices changed
from simple rectangular pieces with fitting darts to more complex, curving pieces seamed to-
gether to conform to the shape of the upper body. Skirts changed from simple rectangles gath-
ered or pleated to fit the waist to more shaping with the use of gores (triangular pieces) seamed
together to create new shapes, including bustles. Furthermore, skirts became more embellished
with swags of material often draped in the back over a bustle structure. The changes required
more seams, which could be sewn together efficiently on the sewing machine. The pace of fash-
ion was accelerated through the fashion periodicals, the faster dissemination of materials, and the
availability of patterns to create the latest styles (see Figures 26, 27, 28, 29, and 30).
FIGURE 28 Adolphe Coat. Peterson’s, August 1864. Seven pieces (left to right): re-
verse for basque of tails behind, collar, front, sleeve upper and lower, side piece, and
back. Commercial Pattern Archive.
The Companies
D emorest, the first to mass-produce retail patterns for the home sewer in the United States,
took advantage of the expanded postal services selling by mail order as well as in retail out-
lets. Who the actual designer of the first patterns was is somewhat unclear. Mrs. Margaret Dem-
orest (née Poole) is listed as Mme Demorest in Leslie’s Lady’s Gazette of Fashion in July 1854.
However, it is believed that William Jennings Demorest employed Ellen Louise Curtis and her
sister Kate from the early 1850s to create the patterns. Ellen is generally credited with the pattern
designs. A year after Margaret’s death, Ellen and William Jennings Demorest were married and
Ellen became the acknowledged Mme Demorest.
Demorest patterns were available plain or trimmed. Patterns were made with colored paper
with contrasting paper for trims. When the pattern was pinned together, it was ideal for display
and promoting sales. Demorest advertised patterns in Godey’s Lady’s Book and, in 1854, included
full-size patterns as supplements in Leslie’s Gazette of Fashion. (See Figures 15 and 16.) The en-
terprise was so successful that in the late 1850s the company moved from Philadelphia to New
York and began publishing Mme Demorest’s Quarterly & Mirror of Fashion in 1860. It was the
first in a number of publications, quarterly and monthly, with variations of the title. Demorest’s
Monthly Magazine was published until 1899 (Mott 1938: vol. 3, 325). The first issue lists four
branches of Mme Demorest’s showrooms, magasins des modes, as far west as Wisconsin and
Missouri. By 1865 over 150 branches are listed, including in Canada.
Free Demorest patterns included as supplements in periodicals were for separate garments
on over-printed sheets. They also sold tissue paper patterns for bodices, basques, sleeves, skirts,
overskirts, children’s clothing, and similar garments for $0.25 or made up and elegantly trimmed
for $0.50. Complete sets for a garment were available to professional dressmakers for reduced
rates. Patterns were available by mail order, at select retail shops, at dressmaker’s establishments,
or at Mme Demorest’s Pattern Emporium in New York (Emery 1999: 237). Another option was for
the individual to send measurements to Mme Demorest to have a special pattern made.
Demorest began offering patterns in sizes in 1871. The November issue of Demorest’s Monthly
Magazine announced the patterns were “each put in a neat envelope with a large illustration for
EARLY HISTORY OF PATTERN COMPANIES 41
the enclosed pattern printed on the face, full instructions for putting it together, and valuable sug-
gestions in reference to material, trimming and quantity required” (November 1871: 343). Prices
ranged from $0.15 for children’s clothes to $0.60 (equivalent to $10.64 in 2011) for some ladies’
costumes. Demorest patterns are identified with a name rather than a number.
S.T. Taylor, publisher of the English version of Le Bon Ton, was producing full-scale tissue patterns
inspired by French fashions, which he included in each issue of the monthly publication by 1861. The
patterns were in one size only and were intended for milliners and dressmakers (Penny [1863]
1996: 330). Taylor also had a dressmaking system—“Taylor’s Dress Cutting Simplified and Reduced
to Science”—so he was familiar with pattern grading or scaling a pattern to a different size by in-
crements at important points using an algorithm in the clothing (Trautman 1987: 3) (see Figure 31).
FIGURE 31 French Fashions. Bon Ton, January 1867. Commercial Pattern Archive.
42 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 32 Boys’ Single-breasted Garibaldi Jacket 488 and Boys’ Pants 1894. But-
terick Catalogue, Fall 1871. Commercial Pattern Archive.
Ebenezer Butterick entered the market in 1863–1864. A not too successful tailor, Butterick
began offering boys’ shirts, trousers, jackets, and a Garibaldi suit for boys (see Figure 32), reput-
edly his most popular pattern. Patterns were in sizes based upon the child’s age. Furthermore, he
took out a patent on his patterns, something that Demorest did not do, although Demorest did
patent many other products.
In her unpublished “History of Butterick Pattern Company,” Dorothy Rockwell writes that But-
terick was so encouraged by his successful enterprise that he moved from Massachusetts to New
York by the spring of 1864 (Rockwell ca. 1964: 4). His first publication, following Read’s example
(discussed in chapter 1), is a print of Juvenile Fashions by Currier (before his partnership with Ives)
circa 1864. The print is inscribed, “This is my first printing. E. Butterick.” He published the Semi-
Annual Report of Gent’s Fashions in 1865. Butterick’s prices were competitive: vest patterns were
$0.25 and frock coat patterns were $0.50; a dealer could purchase a set of fifty patterns for $5.00
(equivalent to $69.00 in 2011).
By 1866, Butterick had expanded his business to include sized patterns for girls and women,
which quickly became a major part of his business. He published the Ladies’ Quarterly Report of
Broadway Fashions in the spring of 1867, which he expanded to Metropolitan, a monthly magazine
devoted to selling women’s patterns, in 1868. Most of the women’s patterns were for separate
sections of garments, such as bodices and skirts, and available in ten sizes based on bust meas-
urements of twenty-eight to forty-six inches. The Metropolitan reported that Butterick was selling
in excess of 1,500 patterns a day in 1871; however, that is most likely company hyperbole (Wil-
liams Papers). A review of their catalogs in 1871 indicates that they produced 450 new pattern
styles during that year in various sizes (see Figures 33 and 34).
One of the most influential magazines to offer one-size-only patterns was Harper’s Bazar, in-
troduced in November 1867, based on Der Bazar. (The term “bazar” refers generally to a market-
place and was used freely by the nineteenth-century pattern companies to refer to their stock of
patterns.) The title changed to Harper’s Bazaar in 1929. From the outset, the weekly publication
EARLY HISTORY OF PATTERN COMPANIES 43
FIGURE 33 Ladies’ Costumes. Patterns for the FIGURE 34 Misses’ Costumes. Patterns for skirts,
skirts and jackets sold separately at $0.20 to $0.30 overskirts, jackets, and waist sold separately, price
each. Butterick Metropolitan, August 1872. Skirt $0.15 to $0.30. Butterick Metropolitan, August
2207 $0.30; jacket 2308 $0.20; skirt back view 1872. Commercial Pattern Archive.
“unornamented, which is a consideration, because
it has to pass through the ordeal of washing &
ironing.” Commercial Pattern Archive.
included overlaid pattern sheets as supplements in each issue. The sheets are printed on both
sides and often contained twenty-five or more patterns. The patterns are for the basic shape of a
garment and one size only; the size is often not given on the early sheets. The sheets could also
contain embroidery patterns as well as patterns for various household items such as lampshades
and fly swatters. A weekly publication, it issued fifty-two pattern sheets each year (see Figures 35
and 36).
The pattern pieces are superimposed and are defined by different types of lines (e.g. solid, bro-
ken, dashes and stars, dashes and darts, etc.). The shapes must be traced on separate transparent
paper to obtain the piece and preserve the sheet. Overlay pattern sheets were included until 1913,
when they were phased out. At the same time, noting the success of Demorest’s and Butterick’s
individual patterns, Harper’s added individual cut paper patterns to their product line in 1870.
The success of the Demorest and Butterick patterns inspired other would-be entrepreneurs
to try the pattern business. One of the most successful was James McCall. Originally trained as
a tailor in Glasgow, Scotland, McCall immigrated to New York in 1869 and worked as a tailor and
agent for the “Royal Chart” drafting system and as an agent for Wheeler & Wilson’s Elliptic Sewing
Machines (Walsh 1979: 304). McCall published the Catalog of the Bazar Paper Patterns; the name
for his patterns was no accident (see Figure 37). He was consciously affiliating himself, without
any legal connection, to Harper’s Bazar. McCall’s 1871 fall catalog announces,
44 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Every pattern we issue will be the product of the ablest and most experienced gentleman-
dressmaker in the country; all under the supervision of Mr H Moschowitz, a gentleman who
stands at the head of his profession, and who is unquestionably the ablest and most experi-
enced dressmaker in the United States. What Worth is to Paris, Moschowitz is to New York.
(Catalog of the Bazar Paper Patterns 1871: n.p.)
Domestic Sewing Machine Company expanded to include patterns in the early 1870s and intro-
duced Domestic Monthly, an illustrated magazine of fashion and literature, in 1873. It contained
a catalog of the latest patterns with sizes and prices. Sizes ranged from a thirty- to forty-six-inch
bust for women and a thirty-two- to forty-eight-inch chest for men and a range of ages one to
fifteen years for children; the price range was generally $0.15–0.30. The editors included regular
dressmaking columns, color plates, and, of course, promotions for the Domestic Sewing Machine
(see Figure 40).
Other new pattern companies selling patterns through mail order or from agents in the 1870s
included Ehrlich & Company, Andrew’s Bazar, the Ladies’ Bazar, and New York & Paris Fashion Co.
Only Ehrlich lasted until 1889.
48 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
This pattern consists of a BACK, FRONT, UPPER AND UNDER SLEEVE, COLLAR, AND POCKET
BANDS (pattern label capitols). The Sleeve is to be sewed with the longest seam to be placed
at the notch on the back and the hollowing side of the sleeve is to be sewed into the lowest
part of the arm-scye [under the arm]. The Pocket Bands to be bound with binding, the garment
is to be bound. Bindings are fashionable. Age: 9 Years; quantity of cloth—2 Yards. (Commercial
Pattern Archive)
The pattern pieces are cut from tissue and notched to provide matching points. Demorest began
packaging patterns in envelopes by 1871. Butterick did adopt their use later, but sporadically.
Tissue pattern production practices established in the 1860s became commonplace by
the 1870s. Full-size pattern pieces were cut from lightweight paper. Each piece has notches on
the edge to show where that piece joined the next. A series of holes, triangles, and squares
were punched in each piece to indicate darts, pleats, and other internal requirements for shaping
FIGURE 42 Boys’ Zouave Jacket. Butterick Pattern Label, ca. 1864. Commercial
Pattern Archive.
EARLY HISTORY OF PATTERN COMPANIES 51
the flat piece to the rounded shape of the body. Dubbed “cut and punched,” this was the only
type of tissue pattern available until the 1920s. Cut and punched patterns continued into the 1990s
because production costs were considerably lower than those requiring the setup of machinery
for printing a small run of patterns (see Figure 43).1
The process begins with the sketch of the garment, typically by an in-house artist, and then
an expert dressmaker makes a cloth model. After testing for accuracy of fit, the model is taken
apart and used to make the master pattern. The master is placed on stacks of tissue paper and
held in place by large, round metal weights. The master is traced on the top sheet of tissue along
with all internal markings. The sheets are cut by hand with a special knife, and notches are cut
into the edge of the piece. Codes of internal holes to indicate grain lines, piece numbers, darts,
and so forth were rendered with steel punches and a mallet. Pattern pieces, such as the sleeve,
were usually identified with a letter made of holes punched through the tissue. The cut pieces
for each garment were assembled and folded by hand. The package was identified with the pat-
tern company name, style number, drawing of the design, and whatever instructions were given.
If this information was on a label, it was glued to the pattern package or put in the appropriate
envelope (see Figures 44 and 45).
Making patterns expanded employment opportunities for women. No longer confined to the
role of needlewoman “shirtmaker,” women were hired to make and sell patterns. Penny’s survey
of employment for women between October 1859 and November 1861 in New York City found
that both Demorest and Taylor employed women to design, make cloth models and masters, cut
patterns, fold, package, and sell the patterns (Penny [1863] 1996: 330). Ross states the Demorests
employed over 200 women at the end of the Civil War (Ross 1963: 24).
Marketing Patterns
Pattern companies promoted pattern sales in women’s magazines and pattern catalogs distributed
to sales outlets. The women’s magazines tended to fall into two categories: those that addressed
a broad range of women’s interests and those devoted to fashions and the sale of patterns. Mc-
Call’s Queen of Fashion, for example, contained nothing except illustrations and descriptions of
McCall patterns. Butterick added the Delineator in 1873 to their publications. Although the main
objective was to sell Butterick patterns, it also contained articles on dressmaking techniques and
millinery and other editorial content. Domestic Monthly took a similar approach but added litera-
ture to its content. Magazines with a broader focus included Godey’s, Peterson’s, Frank Leslie’s
Lady’s Gazette, and Englishwomen’s Domestic Magazine. These periodicals, however, continued
to include proportional pattern drafts and/or full-scale pattern supplements into the 1880s.
Demorest periodicals bridged both categories. In 1865, Demorest renamed the magazine Dem-
orest’s Illustrated Monthly and incorporated Mme Demorest’s Mirror of Fashion in the magazine,
thus allowing Demorest to promote his social causes though a series of articles. For example, they
were ardent abolitionists and hired several African American women who were integrated in the
workrooms and company social gatherings.
At the same time, the pattern companies began issuing separate catalogs containing a large as-
sortment of patterns. The catalogs ranged in sizes. For example, Butterick’s 1879 The Metropolitan
was large, 17 by 15.5 inches with approximately 250 pages, and is the forerunner of today’s coun-
ter catalog. Others were small quarto-size booklets of twenty-five to thirty pages, usually issued
quarterly. The latter usually had space for the name of a fabric store to be printed on the catalog.
This practice continued well into the twentieth century.
Sizing
Perhaps more crucial to success for pattern sales was the practice of making patterns available
in a range of sizes. The first to offer sized patterns was Butterick; as a former tailor, he applied
EARLY HISTORY OF PATTERN COMPANIES 53
the proportional approach. For children, he used age to determine the proportions, designating
patterns for three to six years or nine years, for example. For adults, the proportions system was
based on the bust or chest measure for bodices and dresses and waist measurement for skirts
combined with height. Generally, the idealized height for women was five feet, five inches. The
same proportional system was used by those who originally offered patterns in one size only,
such as Demorest and Harper’s. The size was usually for a five-foot, five-inch woman with a
thirty-six-inch bust.
Current fashions and undergarments influenced proportional systems. As explained in Butter-
ick’s 1871 The Metropolitan, a lady with a bust measure of thirty-two inches usually has a twenty-
four-inch waist, or eight inches less than the bust, but a miss of ten years usually has a bust
measure of twenty-seven inches with the waist usually twenty-four inches. By 1905, when the
flat-front corset was in vogue, the proportion for the thirty-two-inch bust changed to a twenty-two-
inch waist. Using age for children and young women, the age became the designation for size. For
example, size twelve was the size of an average twelve-year-old with a bust measure of twenty-
nine inches and waist twenty-one inches.
Summary
Tissue paper patterns for women’s and children’s clothes were intended for, and bought by, the
home sewer. Off-the-rack clothing at modest prices was becoming readily available, but the bulk
of women’s and children’s clothing was still made at home. Kidwell notes in Cutting a Fashionable
Fit that women’s close-fitting fashion in the last part of the nineteenth century did not lend itself to
the proportional sizing necessary for mass production of ready-to-wear and was the major reason
that such a high proportion of women’s wear continued to be made by the home sewer or dress-
maker (Kidwell 1979: 20).
By the end of the 1870s, the foundation for the pattern industry was well established. Tissue
paper pattern production practices had been refined to allow mass production. Publication of peri-
odicals and catalogs became central to successful promotional and advertising policies. Packaging
the patterns gradually improved to include illustrations of the garment, and in some instances, the
pattern pieces were placed in envelopes rather than pinned together. The enterprises thrived and
by the end of the decade were poised for expansion.
5
New Markets and Expansion
1880s–1900
U.S. Companies
B y 1880, the six major U.S. pattern companies—Demorest, Butterick, McCall, Harper’s Bazar,
Taylor, and Domestic—had positioned themselves in the market. Each published a magazine
advertising their patterns for the latest fashions for women, a full complement of children’s cloth-
ing, undergarments for all, and shirts, trousers, and various other men’s non-tailored garments.
Demorest’s market was primarily aimed at the upper class, encouraging established dressmakers
and milliners to buy packages of patterns and display cards featuring the designs and promoting the
latest fashions. Another promotional scheme was the offer of designs featured only in Demorest’s
Monthly Magazine as premiums to subscribers. Patterns for designs like the 1888 Loretta basque,
gored foundation skirt, and Loretta drapery were not for sale (see Figure 46). Each item required a
coupon, which was only good for one month. The patterns were “not regular stock patterns” but
“new and elegant designs upon which special care has been expended . . . gotten up new each
month, exclusively for this Magazine, and can only be obtained through coupon orders contained in
each monthly issue” (Demorest’s Monthly Magazine, June 1888: 544). Non-coupon patterns could
be purchased from national and international retail outlets and from Mme Demorest’s Emporium.
International sales are emphasized in the 1877 pattern catalog, in English, French, and German. The
exchange rate for English prices was “one penny for two cents U.S. money” (Demorest 1877: 5).
From the outset, the patterns were for individual sections of a garment (e.g., bodices, sleeves,
jackets, and the like) rather than whole outfits. The approach encouraged individually designed
garments—a nineteenth-century mix and match. The practice was continued until the magazine
ceased publication in 1899.
Butterick used the “Delineator” to promote a connection with the middle-class consumer with
emphasis on children’s and women’s clothing for complete bodices, jackets, and skirts, which usu-
ally sold for slightly less than Demorest’s individual pieces. Full women’s costumes were added to
the catalogs by 1873 for $0.50 to $0.75 ($0.50 equal to $8.99 in 2011). The patterns were offered
in a range of sizes (see Figures 47 and 48).
McCall sought to bridge the gap. Their sized patterns for complete garments were aimed at the
sophisticated client through advertising in their publications such as The Queen and through the
use of cachet terms like “Bazar” and “Glove Fitting” (see Figure 49).
56 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 46 Ladies’ Costume. Loretta basque, gored foundation skirt, Loretta drapery,
Demorest’s Monthly Magazine, June 1888: 522. Commercial Pattern Archive. “[D]rap-
ery finished with rows of machine stitching.” Bust sizes thirty-four to forty inches; drap-
ery medium size; skirt three sizes, waist twenty-three, twenty-five, and twenty-seven.
Available only by coupon.
NEW MARKETS AND EXPANSION 57
FIGURE 50 Chiné Velvet Bodice with Diagram. Harper’s Bazar Overlay Pattern
Sheet 3, Figure X, September 15, 1895.7.BWS. Commercial Pattern Archive. Bod-
ice back, sides, vest, front, and lining front. Sleeve pattern pieces not included in
diagram.
Harper’s Bazar patterns were intended for the skilled sewer since the patterns were overlaid on
large sheets and consisted of separate pieces for fitted garments. Skirts were either not included
or shown as diagrams for the seamstress to draft to the necessary size. In some instances, dia-
grams of bodices and sleeves were included on the sheets (see Figure 50).
NEW MARKETS AND EXPANSION 59
Taylor can be considered an active but peripheral pattern producer since he concentrated on
publishing Le Bon Ton, a high fashion magazine featuring French fashions illustrated in beautiful
color plates. Their full-size patterns were primarily available as supplements in each issue. He did
limited retail sales of his patterns. Domestic used its own patterns to promote the Domestic Sew-
ing Machine through monthly magazine and retail sales (see Figure 51).
The cost of the patterns varied, with Demorest being the most expensive. They averaged $0.25
to $0.40 each if “plain” or $0.50 to $1.50 if ordered trimmed (equivalent to $5.85 to $35.00 in
2011). Butterick averaged $0.10 to $0.30 each and $0.50 to $0.75 for complete garments, and
McCall averaged $0.10 to $0.25 for complete garments. Harper’s Bazar and Taylor’s were free sup-
plements with each issue of the publication. Domestic patterns were $0.15 to $0.35 for complete,
sized garments.
60 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
International Companies
The success and consequential growth of the pattern industry was not confined to the United
States. Promotion of patterns had begun in France and England; however, the commerciali-
zation of patterns with over-the-counter sales and mail order was essentially an American
innovation, perhaps driven by the sprawling nature of the rapidly expanding country. The in-
ternational pattern companies continued to thrive and expand, advertising their latest fashions
in periodicals. In England, Weldon’s published four magazines between 1879 and 1895. Wel-
don’s Ladies’ Journal carried dressmaker patterns and embroidery transfers (Adburgham 1989:
118). The company also established a Canadian edition offering patterns. Weldon’s continued to
grow and produced patterns into the 1950s. Beeton’s included patterns in The Englishwomen’s
Domestic Magazine and in The Young Englishwoman. The English publication of The Season
added over-printed pattern sheets by 1888. The Young Ladies’ Journal, begun in 1864, produced
an American edition by the early 1890s. They included pattern diagrams, a premium pattern in
each issue, and a catalog of over-the-counter patterns (see Figures 52 and 53). Examples of
French publications offering patterns include Art et la Mode, Le Journal des Costume, and the
long-established La Mode Illustré.
American presence expanded internationally. Butterick established centers outside the United
States as early as 1871 with an office and distribution center in Montreal and by 1876 had offices
in London, Paris, Vienna, and Berlin. Pattern prices were listed in sterling as well as dollars in The
Delineator. Demorest established Paris and London outlets, with agents in St. Petersburg, Berlin,
Frankfurt, Vienna, and Amsterdam distributing patterns sent from New York, as well as publishing
multi-language catalogs (Walsh 1979: 313). Harper’s was an established company with strong in-
ternational ties to Berlin. Universal Pattern Company, originally Universal Fashions, began in 1881
with offices in London, Paris, and New York.
Persistent fascination with French styles was manifest. Le Bon Ton featured beautiful color
plates of the latest fashions (see Figure 54). Toilettes capitalized on the fascination with the French
name and specialized in Parisian designer patterns. Styles were attributed to Pingat, Doucet, and
Worth among others. Unlike their competitors, they did not have agents or outlets selling their
patterns (see Figure 55). The patterns were available by mail order or at the New York office. In
1897, Toilettes’ editor acknowledged “this current age of low prices and contracted currency,” cit-
ing that “many call in to their assistance paper patterns, which are well-known backers of a weak
purse.” They offered to ship medium-size patterns for separate garment parts (e.g., sleeve, waist,
collar, etc.) for $0.10 and a coupon (Toilettes, August 26, 1897: 26). Normally Toilettes patterns
were made using the customers’ measurements. The patterns were expensive, up to $3.00 for a
completed garment or $1.00 (equivalent to $22.60 in 2011) for separate pieces such as a skirt or
62 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
bodice. (Demorest, Butterick, and McCall adult patterns were averaging $0.25 to $0.50.) Each pat-
tern was accompanied with a small cloth model, similar to Smith’s models. Mrs. Colt’s sleeves in
Figure 56 illustrate the popular sleeve.
name changed to Standard Designer in 1896. The name was shortened to The Designer in 1898
and would not change again until 1920, when it merged with New Idea.
Keowing signed the major retail firm of Strawbridge and Clothier in Philadelphia to sell Standard
patterns. Like his contemporaries, he sold patterns to a sole agent in a given locality. Unlike his
contemporaries, he claimed that he had “the only pattern company that has always exchanged un-
sold patterns at cost” (Dickson 1979: 65). A fall 1894 catalog advertisement states that “Standard
Patterns can be purchased from our agents in every city and town in the United States, Canada,
or Mexico.” Even allowing for nineteenth-century hyperbole, the company must have been doing
well. The patterns were similar to what the competition was offering. The cut tissue paper had a
pasted-on slip of paper containing the pattern number, size, price, illustration, and some minimal
instructions. To modern eyes, the graphic style of Standard’s slip of paper is more attractive than
others with open space and a less cluttered look, which was achieved by printing the instructions
on the back of the slip (see Figures 57 and 58).
Two other renegades started their own pattern businesses in the 1890s. J. W. Pearsall, former
manager of Domestic Sewing Machine Company’s pattern division, left the company to form the
New Idea Pattern Company in 1894. The “new idea” was to sell patterns for $0.10 at a time when
most other patterns prices ranged from $0.20 to $0.50. By April 1895, the company reported that
it was cutting 1,200 to 1,500 patterns a day. New Idea patterns imitated Domestic’s practice of
putting patterns in envelopes with drawings of the garment and brief instructions printed on the
front. There was some experimentation with the company logo before they established the official
logo. A year later Pearsall began publishing The New Idea magazine, which was renamed New
Idea Woman’s Magazine in 1901 (see Figure 59).
The second group of renegades were Mrs. George Bladworth, editor of McCall’s Queen under
the pseudonym of May Manton, and her husband, an officer at McCall’s. They left to found May
Manton Pattern Company in the 1890s. Bladworth served as the company’s president. Unlike
most other companies, they did not immediately start their own magazine. They relied on adver-
tising though existing publications such as Ladies’ World, Modes in Fabrics, Today’s Magazine,
and The People’s Home Journal. The patterns were titled “May Manton’s Bazar Glove Fitting Pat-
terns” using the same subheading McCall’s had used in their early years (see Figure 60).
The Royal Pattern Company was formed in 1895 and began publishing Le Costume Royal
monthly in 1896. They sold patterns in a range of sizes for $1.00 and scaled diagrams for $0.10. By
1913, they were including the “Paris Opening Models” with design attributed to Paquin, Premet,
Drecol, and numerous other Parisian couturiers.
Elite Pattern Service was formed in 1897 and published Monthly Women’s and Children’s Pat-
tern Magazine, later titled Elite Styles. The periodical was dedicated to fashionable women and
progressive dressmakers, and it originally sold cut and punched as well as cut-to-measure patterns
by mail order. By 1900 the company offered cut-to-order patterns for any garment from a mailed-in
illustration. They were slow to offer a range of pattern sizes, offering only two sizes in 1920 and
three in 1922. By the time the company went out of business in 1929, they were doing custom-
made patterns only at $3.00 each (equivalent to $37.82 in 2011).
Pictorial Review was begun as a house organ for Albert McDowell’s System of Dressmaking
and Tailoring. The premiere issue, September 15, 1899, offered only one pattern, then two in each
of the following months for a total of seven by year’s end. The following year they offered 305
patterns. McDowell also promoted couturier patterns, which were an “exact reproduction from
NEW MARKETS AND EXPANSION 65
photographs,” for $1.50 (“Editorial,” Pictorial Review, October 1900: 4). Starting a pattern company
was a logical move for McDowell. His was one of the most successful of the drafting machines in
the last third of the nineteenth century. However, it was considered that as good tissue paper pat-
terns in a range of sizes became more available, dressmakers would begin to discard their drafting
systems and machines in favor of buying patterns (Kidwell 1979: 101). McDowell probably saw the
prospect of his market vanishing and decided to join the trend for paper patterns.
NEW MARKETS AND EXPANSION 67
FIGURE 59 Ladies’ Sun Bonnet and Ladies’ Seven-Gored Skirt. Bonnet, New Idea
1149, 1895.3.URI; Skirt, New Idea 1817, 1898.1.URI. Commercial Pattern Archive.
One of the last companies to enter the pattern market at the close of the nineteenth century
was to become one of the major companies in the twentieth century. In 1892, Arthur B. Turnurer
and Harry W. McVickar, both members of New York society, decided to start a weekly gazette for
the New York social set. They named it Vogue and heralded it as a “dignified authentic journal of
society, fashion and the ceremonial side of life.” Their stockholders included such social luminar-
ies as the Van Rensselaers, Stuyvesants, Astors, Whitneys, Jays, and Mrs. Stuyvesant Fish. In
1899, Rosa Payne approached the editors of Vogue to suggest that they advertise a pattern she
had made. The editors agreed and printed it in the February 23, 1899 issue. The pattern for the
Louis XV jacket must have had a good response because Vogue continued to feature a pattern
each week (see Figure 61). They were cut paper patterns that cost $0.50, expensive in comparison
to other pattern company prices. They were one size only, bust thirty-six and waist twenty-four.
The single sizing lasted quite a number of years. A survey of the pattern company publications
68 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
and the new style numbers issued each year shows that Butterick issued 1,075 patterns, Stand-
ard 698, and McCall 381 in 1898; Vogue only issued one a week until Condé Nast acquired the
magazine in 1909.
Summary
At the end of the nineteenth century, the home sewer and professional dressmaker had several
options for creating garments. The choices were mass-produced, full-size, cut and punched com-
mercial patterns; full-size overlay patterns such as those in Harper’s Bazar; or patterns made with
70 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
drafting systems. Albert McDowell was perhaps the best known for his drafting machines. He
made at least five different forms of his adjustable metal machines between 1879 and 1885, with
revisions through 1891 to accommodate the changing fashion silhouette (Kidwell 1979: 54) (see
Figure 62). With the increased popularity of paper patterns, drafting systems were phased out
after the turn of the century.
Surviving patterns and publications by the original pattern companies in the Commercial Pattern
Archive and other libraries suggest the popularity of each company. Butterick, McCall, and Harper’s
Bazar are the most prominent. Domestic is less prominent, while Smith, Universal, and Toilettes
have the lowest profile. Taylor’s patterns were only included in Le Bon Ton and are unidentifiable
when separated from the publication. Sales records for all the companies are scant; the most
common source is part of company hyperbole. However, the major companies were successful
enough to inspire the creation of seven new companies. These included Standard Fashion, May
Manton, New Idea, Royal, Elite, Pictorial Review, and Vogue.
By the end of the nineteenth century, the pattern business had solidified. The pattern-making
processes were well established. Although the designers for the patterns were rarely attributed,
all U.S. companies claimed some affiliation with the latest designs from Paris; some, such as Le
Bon Ton and Toilettes, attributed some of their pattern designs to specific Paris couturiers. Demor-
est implied that all designs were by Mme Demorest. Others, such as Butterick, McCall, and Do-
mestic, regularly reported on the latest French fashions and relied on house designers, who were
not identified, to copy them. The use of non-identified house designers was the practice well into
the twentieth century.
Seemingly well-functioning companies dropped out of the competition. The main pioneer of
the industry ceased producing patterns soon after the Demorests’ sons took over the magazine
in 1885. Domestic was phased out in 1895, as was Smith in 1897. The remaining companies and
the new ones were growing, producing, and publishing patterns and periodicals. They built upon
the model that evolved during the latter half of the nineteenth century to facilitate the needs of the
home sewer.
6
Shifts and Balances
1900–1920s
It is the avowed mission of Vogue to appeal not merely to women of great wealth, but more
fundamentally, to women of taste. A certain proportion of these readers will be found, nec-
essarily, among the less-well-to-do cousins of the rich—women who not only rightfully
belong to society, but who may in fact lead very fashionable lives, and with their limited
incomes, such women must look as well dressed as their affluent companions. (Seebohm
1982: 77)
Nast wanted to convince the world that Vogue patterns possessed the utmost chic in clothing
styles equal to those “turned out by the famous couturiers.” Further, the implication is that famous
couturiers were involved, but there is no evidence of direct involvement at this time. The image
created by Nast of having the ne plus ultra was established and was to endure.
Butterick 1863
McCall’s 1871
Vogue 1899
Note: Information distilled from the Emery Papers and the Williams Papers, Commercial Pattern Archive.
74 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Company issued between 400 and 500, McCall averaged 620 per year, and Pictorial Review of-
fered from 300 to 500. Vogue continued to produce only 52 patterns per year until Nast assumed
control. By 1911, Vogue was issuing over 200 patterns per year. By 1900, all the pattern companies
were packaging the patterns in envelopes that included the garment design and minimal instruc-
tions. Figures 63 to 67 show a variety of pattern envelopes (see Figures 63, 64, 65, 66, and 67).
The range of garments was quite large, covering everything from elegant evening and day wear
for women to work clothes and sleepwear. Children’s clothes from baby layette to mid-teens as
well as non-tailored garments for men were pattern company staples. Vogue was the exception.
They offered very few house dresses or work clothes.
New Idea Pattern Company, who had built their reputation and business by selling low-priced
patterns, found that other companies began to lower their prices to meet the competition. As early
as 1894, McCall cut their prices to $0.10 and $0.15, and by the start of the twentieth century, Stand-
ard and Butterick patterns were selling for the same price as the other companies. In 1906, Pictorial
Review patterns sold for $0.15, and the Home Pattern Company started operations with the same
price. For nearly two decades, patterns remained reasonably priced, except, of course, for Vogue. In
1915 their stock patterns were priced at $0.40 and $0.50 (equivalent to $10.64 in 2011), and cut-to-
measure patterns were $2.00, $3.00, and $4.00, in keeping with their image of being the most chic.
Another exception to this trend was Elite Styles Company. Their publication, Elite Styles, first
appeared in 1897. By 1900, they were offering cut-to-measure patterns for any garment illustrated
in the publication; cut tissue paper patterns were included in their offerings by 1908. However,
they only stocked a medium size (bust thirty-six) at $0.15; individual cut-to-measure patterns sold
for $1.00 to $1.75 or $3.00 for a complete costume. A value of $1.00 (1908) is taken as being
equivalent to $20.10 (2011).
SHIFTS AND BALANCES 79
Patterns were readily available over the counter at department stores or by mail order. By
around 1919, the retail stores had broken the pattern companies’ insistence on exclusive contracts
and could offer patterns from several different companies to customers, thus expanding their
stock of patterns.
It is unclear when they began offering their own house brand patterns, Superior. Examples from
around 1917 are in the Commercial Pattern Archive. They used several names including Economy2
and Roebuck & Co. Patterns. The pattern name was changed to Fairloom in the mid-1940s (see
Figure 71). Montgomery Ward had begun publishing catalogs in the 1870s. In 1918, they offered
their own house brand pattern, Ideal. These were promoted in The Ideal Pattern Book as well as
the Montgomery Ward Catalog, and some of the available styles appeared in the 1919 catalog.
Condé Nast’s enterprise acquired Toilettes magazine, and Peerless Pattern Company merged
with Home Pattern Company in 1913. Toilettes was renamed Criterion of Fashion and advertised
Home Patterns (Dickson 1979: 82). Two years later, Nast became president of Royal Pattern Com-
pany. Royal was fully merged with Vogue by 1924, when many Vogue pattern envelopes carried the
“Vogue/Royal” label. By 1927 all mention of Royal was dropped (see Figure 72).
Vogue expanded its overseas market by first establishing an English distributor in 1912, then,
in 1916, publishing English Vogue. A Spanish Vogue was produced in Cuba in 1918 but lasted only
four years. French Vogue was published in 1920, and Vogue patterns could be ordered by subscrib-
ers to any of these overseas editions. Butterick published British, French, German, Spanish, Italian,
and Danish editions of The Delineator and maintained international offices.
FIGURE 73 Guide Chart, Ladies’ Tucked Shirtwaist. Ladies’ Home Journal 2471,
1906. Commercial Pattern Archive. (Front view see Figure 63.)
pattern pieces for cutting. Home Pattern added a “Guide Chart” in 1905, which they patented (see
Figure 73). Pictorial Review patented their “Construction Guide” in 1907, and McCall’s followed
suit with labeled drawings of the garment sections (see Figures 74 and 75).
The use of a separate instruction sheet was beginning. In 1909, Pictorial Review patterns car-
ried the statement, “The Cutting and Construction Guides for this pattern are inside.” This was a
small piece of paper (heavier than the pattern tissue) with the line drawings of the layout of pattern
pieces printed on it. Butterick was also trying to figure out how to best present their instruction in-
formation and in 1914 settled on a separate sheet of “Illustrated Instructions for Making Butterick
Pattern No. ____ included in the envelope.” By 1920, Butterick referred to the instruction sheet as
the “Deltor,” short for Delineator, and labeled the pattern envelope as “Butterick including Deltor.”
These instructions look very limited to today’s consumers, but they were an immense improve-
ment over anything that had been available previously (see Figure 76).
Standard Designer brought out “The Belrobe Method of Picture Instructions” in 1921. Of all the
various instruction sheets introduced in the 1920s, the Belrobe is by far the best. The instructions are
much more extensive and detailed, and there are numerous, very clear illustrations (see Figure 77).
SHIFTS AND BALANCES 87
FIGURE 77 Girls’ and Juniors’ Dress. Standard Designer 3098, with Belrobe
Instructions, 1921.4.URI. Commercial Pattern Archive.
90 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Both schools established methods for reviewing samples of the student’s work and responses
to examination questions to judge the work for fulfillment of the degree requirements. Students
worked at their own pace. The value of the Woman’s Institute program was voiced by an anony-
mous student in What the Woman’s Institute Means to Me (1921). The author stressed the im-
portance of learning to sew for personal and professional advancement, savings in the clothing
budget, and financial independence. The courses were updated regularly to keep pace with the
changing fashions.
The pattern companies also published sewing manuals. Butterick Dressmaker included many
editions. McCall’s published Dressmaking Made Easy by Laura Baldt and collaborated with Emma
Goodwin for Goodwin’s Course in Home Sewing, including patterns for a woman’s complete out-
fit, from undergarments to trimmed dress. (Patterns for the shirtwaist and seven-gored skirt are
in the appendix.) Pictorial Review published American Dressmaking Step by Step. Additionally, the
major fashion periodicals published by the pattern companies continued to include dressmaking
tips in every issue.
War Efforts
With the United States’ entry into the First World War, the companies rallied to the massive war
effort. All responded to the call to conserve paper. The December 1918 issue of Le Costume
Royal, for example, joined “practically every publisher” in printing no more copies of periodicals
than actually ordered and to “slightly reduce” the number of designs for new pattern styles.
Elite Styles went so far as to urge their readers to “restrict even their pattern purchases with
us to the most indispensable” in response to the “grave shortage of all grades of paper” (1918:
52). Joining in the effort to conserve fabrics for the war effort, McCall’s promoted the “Dress of
Patriotism” in the 1918 Book of Fashions quarterly catalog and offered patterns for dresses that
required only two yards of fifty-four-inch material for size thirty-six (Book of Fashions 1918: 4).
Other dresses of the time were averaging three to four and one-half yards per garment (see
Figure 78).
Pattern companies recognized women’s participation in the war effort by providing patterns for
uniforms and special work clothes. In addition to nurses’ uniforms, Butterick issued the Official
Yeowoman’s Costume of the U.S. Navy, and McCall issued a ladies’ work suit “adopted by the US
Government munitions workers” (see Figures 79 and 80).
Another example of a unified effort by the pattern companies is the official uniform of the
Food Administration, which was introduced in 1917 to promote conservation during the First
World War. Herbert Hoover mounted the highly successful campaign that urged all conscien-
tious women to wear the uniform to demonstrate their commitment to the program. Photo-
graphs from the period show women from all spheres of society wearing the uniform, dubbed
the “Hoover Apron.”5 The apron was marketed by major pattern companies as well as being
available ready-made. The universal style continued to be popular over the next decades (see
Figures 81 and 82).
The American Red Cross approved garment patterns for supplying war hospitals. These pat-
terns were sold under the American Red Cross logo as well as from the pattern companies for
SHIFTS AND BALANCES 91
$0.10. Women were encouraged to make operating gowns, masks, bed shirts, robes, and bed
socks. Patterns for Red Cross nurse uniforms, aprons, and veils were available from all the major
pattern companies (see Figure 83). In England, Emily Peek published three books of instructions
with diagrams and some loose pattern sheets for a variety of British Red Cross hospital garments,
women’s apparel, and knitted articles in 1914 (Seligman 1996: 123–24).
92 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Perhaps one of the most startling influences of the war effort for women’s fashions was the
acceptance of pants in the form of bloomer dresses, overalls, and service uniforms. In New York,
the Female Cavalry Corps could be seen drilling in city streets in knee-length khaki riding coat
and breeches, leather puttees, and brown boots “looking like some new race, neither male nor
SHIFTS AND BALANCES 93
FIGURE 81 Hoover Apron. Official uniform especially designed for the women of
the Food Administration of the United States; pattern issued by the Food Adminis-
tration, Washington, D.C. 1917.10.JSE. Commercial Pattern Archive.
SHIFTS AND BALANCES 95
female” (Delineator, August 1917: 56). A similar look was recommended of women working on
“aeroplanes” or in other defense jobs usually filled by men. For women munitions workers, the
official work suit consisted of a cap, blouse, and “trouseretts.”
96 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 83 Red Cross Surgeon’s and Nurse’s Operating Gown. McCall Special R,
ca. 1917, 1917.9.JSE. Commercial Pattern Archive.
Summary
The pattern companies’ efforts during the opening decades of the twentieth century were concen-
trated on encouraging home sewers to make their own clothing. While the fashionable shirtwaist
and skirt (see Figure 84), idealized by the Gibson Girl, were easy to mass-produce for ready-to-
wear, patterns for each were promoted by all companies. Furthermore, the companies promoted
patterns offering variety and encouraging self-expression. For example, Butterick 8691 (Figure 64)
SHIFTS AND BALANCES 97
was individualized to make the wedding dress in Figure 85. Companies improved instructions for
making a pattern and placed greater emphasis on educating women to learn better sewing skills.
Pattern production methods were standardized along with improved instructions for using them.
Furthermore, in addition to promoting the latest fashions, the companies’ fashion periodicals were
filled with dressmaking and homemaking advice in an effort to increase subscriptions and to pro-
mote the advantages and ease of making one’s own clothes.
98 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
The existing companies in 1900 were challenged by new competition. Home Pattern Company
followed the traditional retail sales approach. Syndicated and house brand companies—such as
Our Own, Fashionable Dress, and Superior—offering patterns only through mail order, were tar-
geted to the more rural population. In the United States, mergers of pattern companies were
also prevalent. These included Butterick’s mergers with Standard Fashion and New Idea, Home’s
merger with Toilettes and Peerless, and Vogue’s with Royal.
Traditions of everyday life changed dramatically during the First World War. A patriotic spirit
inspired a collaborative response from all the companies, ranging from conservation of paper and
materials to the production of uniform patterns for the home front and active service, and intro-
duced a more general acceptance of women in pants.
7
Blossoming Economy
1920–1929
Postwar Effects
W hile the general economy was experiencing boom years in the period between the end of
the First World War and the crash of 1929, not every sewing-related business benefited.
Fewer women were making their own clothes or going to custom dressmakers. Since the turn
of the century, an increasing number of women had been entering the workplace, and this trend
continued after the war. They no longer had the spare time to lavish on making their own cloth-
ing, and the ready-made garment industry was offering well-made garments at reasonable prices
from department stores and mail-order catalogs. The simple styles of the 1920s did not demand
the precision of fit previously necessary, so an inexpensive ready-made dress could fit as well as
one made at home or by a dressmaker. In spite of the shift away from home sewing, all of the
companies from the previous decade continued to operate, with the exception of New Idea, which
merged with Standard Designer in 1920; and a new company, Excella, was inaugurated in 1922.
During the 1920s, a number of factors intersected to allow more time for the homemaker.
The introduction of electricity in many urban homes advanced domestic mechanical appliances to
reduce time-consuming housekeeping chores. Many electric appliances patented as early as the
1890s, including the electric iron, greatly eased clothing care and garment-making chores. Wash-
ing machines, ovens, vacuum cleaners, and electric sewing machines became more common in
urban homes and lessened the amount of time necessary to complete regular household chores.
Pattern companies were forced to compete with each other to attract the home sewer by
making their patterns easier to use. McCall embarked on some business changes that led to re-
markable growth in the next decade. In 1913 William Bishop Warner became head of the McCall
Corporation. Warner’s background was in merchandising, and he used that experience over a ten-
year period to turn McCall patterns into a leader of the pattern industry (Mott 1938: vol. 3, 585).
Printed Patterns
McCall developed an alternative to cut and punched pattern production when they started print-
ing patterns. They took a patent on the process and gained a big jump on the other companies.1
100 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Printed patterns had the outline of the pattern piece and all other makings printed on each piece
instead of punching symbols. Pattern pieces were printed on large sheets of tissue with dart
placement, notches for matching the pieces together, and other pertinent information such as the
name of the piece on each segment. To accommodate their overseas market, information was
printed on the pattern pieces in English, French, and Spanish as early as 1926 (see Figure 86).
The New McCall Pattern, “the biggest invention since the sewing machine,” was announced
in 1921 (McCall’s Magazine, January 1921: n.p.), claiming greater accuracy for each pattern since
each printed piece is an exact duplicate of the original. For the instructions, McCall continued with
a small-scale diagram and minimal instructions on the back of the envelope. In 1923, they intro-
duced the Printo Gravure. Originally, it showed a very brief illustration of how to cut the printed
pattern pieces, which had an additional margin beyond the cutting line. They began to expand the
Printo Gravure in 1924 to large sheets with more inclusive directions (see Figure 87).
The patent was inclusive, so none of the other companies could produce all-printed patterns
until the McCall patent expired. However, some companies developed creative solutions to utilize
the new approach by adding some printing in their regular cut and punched tissue patterns. Picto-
rial Review introduced some printing by early 1925 when they added “The New Simplified Picto-
rial Review Printed Pattern” to the pattern envelope and the “Pictograf” instruction sheet with a
cutting guide for placing the pattern on the material, a construction guide, and step-by-step direc-
tions. Announcing the superiority of Pictorial Review printed patterns, the company proclaimed
“this pattern ALMOST TALKS TO YOU and answers all your questions satisfactorily and promptly.”
The announcement further states that “there are no misleading margins to be cut away as on
other printed patterns. . . . [The perforations permit] chalking or marking of important points on the
FIGURE 87 Printo Gravure. Ladies’ and misses’ dress, McCall 3270, 1923.11.JSE.
Commercial Pattern Archive.
material” (Pictorial Review 1922). Pictorial Review was granted a patent for the idea in September
1925 (see Figure 88).
That same year, Excella Pattern Company also introduced a printed pattern with the Excellagraf.
The format of the sheet, printed information on the perforated pattern pieces, and envelope style
are very similar to Pictorial Review Patterns, which is not surprising since Pictorial Review started
Excella Pattern Company in 1922 and both companies printed their patterns in the same plant.
Furthermore, the two company’s offices were adjoining buildings in New York City.
102 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 88 Boys’ Suit. Pictorial Review 2810, printed, perforated, cut, and with
“Pictograph Construction Guide,” 1925.11.JSE. Commercial Pattern Archive.
The other companies continued with the traditional tissue patterns but concentrated on improv-
ing instructions. In 1924, Home Pattern Company announced the “Minerva Guide and Complete
Dressmaking Lesson.” Standard Designer, now merged with New Idea, touted their instruction
sheet, the “Belrobe,” for clarity and ease of use (see Figure 89). Sometime in 1922, Vogue enve-
lopes began carrying the statement “complete cutting directions are given on each piece of this
pattern” (Vogue 1922). Actually, the cutting directions consisted of a few words, such as “neck”
and “lay on fold of goods” punched out in tiny holes. The rather skimpy construction guide and
information chart continued to be printed on the back of the envelope, which was similar to the
approach McCall had used. Vogue explored several options with their instruction formats. Some
were included in the envelope; others were printed on the reverse of the envelope.
Under the creative merchandising of Warner, McCall began experimenting with color illustra-
tions of the pattern designs in 1922 to enhance the appeal of their patterns. Early color renderings
were usually reserved for transfer patterns of embroidery and other embellishments for women’s
and children’s garments. By 1928, color illustrations were standard. In some instances the color
was printed directly on the envelope; in others it was printed as a separate plate with the top edge
BLOSSOMING ECONOMY 103
glued onto the envelope. Consequently, many of the plates have fallen off and the envelopes have
survived without the illustration of the design of the pattern (see Figure 90).
FIGURE 90 Ladies’ Hat with Transfer Design. McCall 1372, 1924.30.BWS. Com-
mercial Pattern Archive.
made with the Paris houses to use their models to make the patterns and to acknowledge the
Paris designer in the magazine and catalog copy—and occasionally on the pattern envelope. The
latter was not common practice, so a comparison of the pattern with the catalog copy is usually
necessary to identify the designer.
Promoting the Parisian designers was a perfect idea for its time. The interest in and knowledge
of French couture was intense and widespread. A major merchandising ploy for the entire garment
industry throughout the 1920s was to make the line sound as though it were straight from Paris.
Knockoffs of various Paris designers were available in every price range. In addition, a number
of couturiers were designing special lines for the ready-made garment industry. McCall provided
BLOSSOMING ECONOMY 105
FIGURE 91 Ladies’ and Misses’ Evening Dress. McCall 5055, Design by Vionnet,
1927.197.BWS. Commercial Pattern Archive.
everyone with the opportunity to make an authentic French couture garment. All the patterns were
priced in the same $0.35 to $0.45 price range (equivalent to $4.36 to $5.60 in 2011). The strategy
was to make these designs the same in quality and price as the rest of the line. The French designs
amount to about 10 percent of what they had on offer.
Pictorial Review, never slow to imitate a good idea when they saw it, was offering their own
French couture patterns by May 1926. Since the designs were “after” the designer, they did
not have a business agreement with the designers to produce exact copies of the models as
McCall did.
106 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 92 Ladies’ and Misses’ One-Piece Dress. Paris 2243, Design by Lucile
Paray and cloth label, 1933.42.URI. Commercial Pattern Archive.
Curtis Publishing Company introduced Paris patterns in Ladies’ Home Journal in February 1929,
announcing, “Now you can reproduce exactly Gowns designed by the great dressmakers of Paris”
(32). As with McCall, the Curtis patterns were licensed from leading Parisian couturiers, includ-
ing designs by Worth, Dævillet-Doucet, Redfern, Lucile, Premet, Poiret, and many others. Unlike
McCall, the Paris patterns were higher in price, generally $0.65 each, than the parent Home pat-
tern line, which sold for $0.35 to $0.50. However, Paris patterns did include a cloth label, which
could be sewn into the garment when completed. Paris Pattern Company was phased out
in 1933 (see Figure 92).
BLOSSOMING ECONOMY 107
FIGURE 94 Straight Cape for Women and Young Girls. Butterick 1685, 1927.32.
JSE. Commercial Pattern Archive.
BLOSSOMING ECONOMY 109
In an effort to improve their business, Vogue began selling Vogue Special patterns in Janu-
ary 1927. They had a separate numbering system with an “S” prefix and cost $1.00 (equivalent
to $12.62 in 2011) when regular Vogue patterns sold for $0.50 to $0.75. Other than that, there
does not appear to be anything particularly special about them. No designer credit is given (see
Figure 93).
Mergers
In 1920, Nast acquired Le Costume Royal and its pattern line, which included “Paris Opening
Models,” with design attributed to Paquin, Premet, and Drecol among other couturiers. In 1924 it
merged with Vogue patterns. Meanwhile, as other companies were expanding and experimenting
with innovations to market their patterns, Butterick merged Standard Fashions and New Idea and
established two major successful fashion publications, Standard Designer and the Delineator, in
1920. They also added significant information for the home sewer when they began to include
suggested materials for the patterns on the envelopes. For the rest of the decade, Butterick was
under some duress and suffered considerable financial difficulties and languished.
Wilder, who had headed Butterick since 1905, had been in ill health and sold his interests in
Butterick in 1926. The new owners concentrated on the financial health of the company. One
of their first actions was to consolidate Standard Designer and Butterick patterns and their as-
sociated publications. The Delineator was combined with Designer in November 1926, and the
Standard pattern line was dropped. In 1927, they did a major redesign of their pattern graphics
and introduced “the New Butterick Pattern.” However, unlike their competitors, no major changes
were made to Butterick patterns. Instead, they concentrated on increasing the circulation of the
Delineator and generating revenue from advertising in the periodical. Since the new owners had
experience in publishing, coming from Good Housekeeping, it is not surprising that the company’s
emphasis was on expanding and improving the Delineator. They were successful. The circulation
went from slightly more than a million to 200 million within two years (Peterson 1964: 165) (see
Figure 94).
New Competition
A new company, Simplicity, was founded in December 1927 by Joseph M. Shapiro, a former sales-
man for Pictorial Review, and his son James J. Shapiro. It was to become one of the industry’s top
producers of patterns. Similar in intent to New Idea Patterns at the turn of the nineteenth century,
the object was to sell affordable, inexpensive patterns at $0.15. The idea was extremely providen-
tial given the events of the crash in October 1929 (see Figure 95).
The initial production for Simplicity’s patterns was begun in New York City in 1928 with an affili-
ated publication, Simplicity for Smartness & Thrift. Apparently the venture was a success because
the company moved twice between 1928 and 1930, which suggests expansion. In 1930, they
expanded with a Canadian subsidiary and began negotiations for manufacturing facilities in Niles,
110 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Michigan. The extremely popular enterprise was announced on the front page of the Niles Daily Star
on August 26. The new industry was located in the abandoned Tower Cotton Mills and “promised to
employ 100 people with a minimum payroll of $40,000” (Niles Daily Star 1930). The plant created
much-needed jobs for the residents of Niles when it finally began production in December 1931.
BLOSSOMING ECONOMY 111
Another new company to garner a large following was Reader Mail, formed in 1927. The syndi-
cate used the direct manufacturing method and produced house name patterns for newspapers
and magazines. They manufactured patterns under several names, including Anne Adams, Marian
Martin, and later Prominent Designers. They were part of the Hearst Corporation until 1987, when
they were purchased by Simplicity (Simplicity Pattern Company n.d.).
112 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Summary
During the 1920s, McCall was more energetic and innovative than the other six major pattern com-
panies (Butterick, Pictorial Review, Excella, Standard, Home, and Vogue). Under Warner’s direction,
BLOSSOMING ECONOMY 113
McCall introduced and patented printed patterns. He oversaw the addition of color images of the
styles and licensed patterns by famous Parisian couturiers. Pictorial Review and Excella adapted
elements of the printed patterns, and the former marketed patterns “after” leading French design-
ers. Curtis Publishing Company promoted Ladies’ Home Journal patterns for the sizable main-
stream market need for basic, serviceable garments including larger sizes for women. To tap into
the demand for French fashions, they added Paris Patterns “designed by the great dressmakers of
Paris” to the Home pattern line in 1929.
After a promising start at the beginning of the decade with the introduction of suggested
fabrics on the pattern envelopes and the merger of Standard Fashion and New Idea, Butterick
continued the middle-of-the-road course and maintained the status quo in pattern production. They
consolidated each of the companies’ fashion sources and marketing practices to strengthen But-
terick’s financial status. The company claimed production of 90 to 120 new styles per month during
the 1920s (Rockwell ca. 1964: 10).4 Vogue continued their well-established practice of promoting
their patterns as the most fashionable high styles. They merged Vogue and Royal patterns in 1924
and introduced an additional line of Vogue Special Designs in 1927.
That same year a new company was incorporated and would prove to be a major competitor
to the pattern businesses. Simplicity was founded with the idea of providing simple-to-use $0.15
patterns. As the name implies, the company promoted the perception that their patterns were the
simplest to make.
As in all other aspects of the culture, the Depression had a big impact on the pattern companies
and presented a variety of new challenges.
8
Surviving the Depression
1930s
T here is a general perception that pattern companies prospered during the Depression due to
the increase in home sewing. It is true that women were making more clothes for themselves
and their families out of necessity. However, the pattern companies did not fare well, especially
during the first half of the decade. Business Week, in a February 1935 article titled “Dress Pattern
Progress,” states,
Pattern producers repudiate rumors that they enjoyed a boom during the Depression. Like most
other businesses, theirs suffers when people are hard up; it recovers when people start spend-
ing again. Patterns hit bottom in 1932. Improvement began in the Fall of 1933, but not soon
enough to make an increase for the year. Estimates place 1934 ahead of 1933 by about 10%.
(Business Week 1935: 20)
cost comparison of a ready-made suit with a total cost of $29.75 to a “make-it-yourself” suit from
McCall pattern 7939 for a cost of $12.41 or $4.46 with less expensive materials (Smart Clothes for
Fall and Winter 1934: 8) (see Figure 99).
Women were sewing more, but they were buying fewer patterns and using them to the fullest
extent. An alternative to a new dress was to “freshen” it with a new look by changing the sleeves or
adding new collars, cuffs, or other accessories. Most of the pattern companies offered patterns with
a number of sleeve styles and others with a variety of collars and cuffs (see Figures 100 and 101).
FIGURE 100 Misses’ Sleeves. DuBarry 813B, 1933.16.BWS. Set of seven sleeves,
Simplicity 7113, 1932.55.BWS. Commercial Pattern Archive.
Bad economic times or not, three new traditional pattern companies—Advance, DuBarry, and
Hollywood—were launched during the Depression, and Simplicity went into full production in
1931. Shapiro, Simplicity’s founder, was yet another of the merchandising geniuses who appear
from time to time in the pattern industry. By naming the company Simplicity and constantly sell-
ing that idea in the catalog texts and advertising, he convinced the public that Simplicity patterns
were easier to make than any other. While Simplicity patterns generally avoided the labor-intensive
styles that Vogue sometimes used in their patterns, such as the intricate pleated and tucked “Din-
ner Frocks,” other companies did as well (see Figures 102 and 103). It did not matter. Shapiro
convinced the world that Simplicity was the easiest pattern to use, a perception the company has
perpetuated.
Simplicity limited their publications to bimonthly catalogs including Simplicity for Smartness &
Thrift, which became Simplicity Pattern Magazine in 1934. They also published Fashion Magazine
in 1933. Perhaps the most significant merchandising idea was to offer the customer more for her
money. Not only were the patterns selling for $0.15, Shapiro offered “Three patterns for the price
of one. Make any or all Styles” (see Figure 104). By 1934, the company cut back to two styles per
pattern, which they continued for many years. From 1934, they had two lines of pattern series,
120 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 104 Top Coat in Three Styles. Simplicity 1035, 1931.18.JSE. Com-
mercial Pattern Archive.
SURVIVING THE DEPRESSION 121
FIGURE 105 Misses’ Ensemble, Frock, and Jacket. Pictorial Review 8311,
1936.50.JSE. Commercial Pattern Archive.
the regular and Custommode. The latter was considered a more refined style and was for sold
for $0.25.
In 1932, Simplicity opened a London branch and labeled the pattern envelopes “London–Paris–
New York” by 1934. The February 1935 Business Week article reported that Simplicity claims it “ships
more patterns to fill the vast chain and mail-order demands than any other company” (Business
Week 1935: n.p.). This may have been an accurate claim. The company needed to fulfill contracts
with the various pattern stores, the Woolworth network, the Kresge chain, and Sears and Roebuck.
122 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Shapiro began negotiations with the Hearst Corporation for Pictorial Review and Excella in
1935. Pictorial Review was presenting a sprinkling of French couture patterns “adapted from”
Chanel, Lelong, Patou, Schiaparelli, Vionnet, and others. Pictorial Review had begun including a
Spanish-English glossary of sewing terms and some construction information in Spanish in 1932,
thereby expanding the Latin American market, which made the company attractive (see Figure
105). They absorbed Excella, Pictorial’s sister enterprise, in 1936 and purchased Pictorial Review
from the Hearst Corporation in 1937. Surprisingly, it was combined with another Hearst publi-
cation, Butterick’s former flagship magazine, The Delineator in May 1937. Both Pictorial Review
patterns and the magazine were discontinued in 1939. The acquisition of Pictorial Review/Excella
enterprises had an additional advantage because the companies owned equipment for printing
patterns, which Simplicity did not.
In 1934, Simplicity actively engaged in a strong affiliation with the growing home econom-
ics programs throughout the country. The 1992 “Simplicity Pattern Company Chronology of
Product and Events,” an unpublished in-house document, reports the hiring of Caroline Hutch-
ins (Shapiro), one of the first home economists in business, to head their Educational Divi-
sion (Simplicity Pattern Company 1992). The aim was to promote home sewing skills in the
younger generation with educational materials and easy-to-use patterns. The new division was
an extension of the affiliations begun with the Women’s Institute and the American College of
Dressmaking.
FIGURE 106 Misses’ Dress with Cape Sleeves. DuBarry 697, 1932.25.BWS. Com-
mercial Pattern Archive.
124 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
and J. J. Newberry (Figure 108). The patterns were cut and punched like Vogue patterns with
small but serviceable instruction sheets. The Hollywood Pattern Book was modeled on the
popular movie magazines, featuring articles on the stars, designers, up-and-coming films, and,
of course, the latest Hollywood patterns. The implication was that the star was wearing the
garment from the pattern.
Hollywood pattern styles were not of the garments worn in films, for as stated in the April/May
1935 Hollywood Pattern Book, “[The designs] are inspired by the clothes of the smartest stars,
not copied from them. The dress which may be perfect for the camera may be too dramatic in
the office or home. Our staff studies the best previews, then creates clothes in the same spirit,
but easier to wear” (Hollywood Pattern Book 1935: 1).1 The idea was to offer patterns for clothes
“inspired by” popular films, styles the stars might wear at home or in their off-screen life. The
depiction of a “private” wardrobe featured fashions for a wide range of activities, from household
chores, gardening, and sports to afternoon social activities and evening entertainment (Emery
2001: 92–99).
In 1935, Moody’s Manual of Investments reported that Hollywood Patterns had an operational
loss. But the Nast Corporation persevered, and by the end of the decade Hollywood Patterns were
selling reasonably well. Butterick began making patterns for clothes actually worn by Hollywood
stars in films in 1933. The first in the line featured a dress worn by Kay Francis in The Keyhole
and two dresses designed by Howard Greer for Katharine Hepburn in Christopher Strong. Other
patterns include a dress and bathing suit for Bette Davis in George Arliss’s film The Working Man
designed by Orry-Kelly. The venture was short-lived; Butterick’s Starred Patterns series only ap-
peared in their catalogs for a year (see Figure 109).
a McCall Pattern—it is the shortcut to Paris Styles,” which appeared on the pattern envelopes and
flyers throughout the decade (see Figure 111).
In August 1932, Vogue started Vogue Couturier Patterns. Unlike McCall, Paris Pattern Company,
or Pictorial Review patterns, they were not designed by or attributed to specific French couturiers
SURVIVING THE DEPRESSION 129
FIGURE 111 Ladies’ and Misses’ Two-Piece Evening Dress and Slip. McCall
9054, Design by Molyneux, 1937.52.BWS. McCall’s M 9054. Image courtesy
of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
but were generalized “Designed in Paris” models for $2.00 (equivalent to $31.62 in 2011) (see
Figure 112).
Vogue patterns were marketed in France through the French edition of Vogue Magazine. Nast
Corporation also launched a pattern line in Jardin des Modes, its French-language publication, in
the mid-1930s. Begun around 1920, Jardin des Modes offered cut-to-measure paper or fabric pat-
terns of selected styles in the magazine. By May 1935, they dropped the cloth option and offered
only regular tissue paper patterns in a range of sizes. The magazine and its patterns lasted until the
German occupation of France in 1940.
130 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Nast Corporation, nor did they advertise any affiliation with specific films, stars, or film designers.
The line disappeared after about a year (see Figure 113). The affiliation with Ladies’ Home Journal
ended in 1936 when the magazine began showing Hollywood and Vogue patterns.
Mr. Ferris Flint founded Famous Features Syndication Service in 1932. The company produced
cut and punched patterns through 1996, when the company closed. They were sold through news-
papers. The house names for dress patterns included Sue Burnett, Peggy Roberts, and Ann Cabot.
132 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
The last was the house name for needlework patterns. According to Daniel Flint, owner of Famous
Features, the target was the middle- and lower-income market in a full range of sizes and espe-
cially larger sizes. In its heyday, Famous Features produced two new pattern numbers a week.
Numbers were consistently recycled, and popular styles could be offered for up to ten years,
which makes it difficult to identify the year the pattern was issued (Williams and Emery 1996).
Summary
The pattern industry managed to come through the Depression. Only three companies had ceased
production by 1939: Paris, Excella, and Pictorial Review; the latter two were taken over by Sim-
plicity. In fact, between 1932 and 1934, three new traditional companies were formed—DuBarry,
Advance, and Hollywood—as well as two newly formed syndicated pattern services. All offered
patterns for $0.10 and $0.15 and filled the need for inexpensive styles. Established companies,
with the exception of Vogue, did reduce prices for some patterns for a brief period.
Other than some price reduction, reaction to government initiatives during the Depression,
such as the NRA, was lackluster. In response to the impact of Hollywood films during the 1930s,
fashions suggesting affiliation with Hollywood starlets and actual designs by leading film design-
ers such as Howard Greer and Orry-Kelly were made available briefly.
Marketing strategies during the decade were limited to the promotion of inexpensive patterns
and photographs, rather than just fashion drawings, on models wearing the garments by Pictorial
Review and Vogue. Color images to attract the customer were used by all the companies except
Butterick. Some chain stores such as J. C. Penney and five-and-dime stores such as Woolworth’s
and Grant’s established partnerships with specific pattern lines. Of all the companies, Simplicity
had the greatest growth with the development of the DuBarry pattern line for Woolworth’s and the
acquisition and absorption of Excella and Pictorial Review.
9
The War Years
1940s
W ith the onset of the Second World War in Europe, prosperity began returning to the U.S.
and Canadian economies. Both North and South America became major suppliers to
Europe, which meant expanded production and therefore more jobs and more money for the
consumer to spend. Pattern sales for all the existing companies increased noticeably, except for
Butterick, which was still struggling from the problems that began in the late 1920s and were ex-
acerbated by the bankruptcy reorganization in 1935. The 1946 issue of Moody’s Manual of Invest-
ments reported Butterick’s 1939 earnings totaled $2,252,587 but dropped to $1,876,220 in 1942
(254). Conversely, Simplicity’s (including DuBarry’s) net sales in 1938 were $3,649,577 and rose to
$5,483,650 by 1942 (1195). McCall’s sales including the magazine went from $6,363,860 in 1938
to $9,372,334 in 1942 (345).
By 1940, all the companies had increased their top prices. The U.S. government was struggling
to control inflation and attempting some forced price control, first by voluntary controls and then
by a campaign of persuasion. After the United States entered the war in 1941, the government
established the Office of Price Administration (OPA) and imposed strict price controls. From 1941
through 1946, the top prices for patterns remained the same (see Table 2). Still, most of the com-
panies established top prices that were high enough to carry them through the war years.
During 1939 and 1940, as the Germans overran continental Europe, more and more of the
European markets were closed to the American companies. Canada and the Latin American coun-
tries provided foreign business for all pattern companies. The April 14, 1941, issue of the New
York Times quoted Simplicity’s president’s letter to stockholders in the spring of 1941: “Despite
current conditions abroad, your company’s foreign subsidiaries showed a net loss of only $1,000
during 1940 [equivalent to $15,374.64 in 2011]. Foreign business during the period represented
only nine percent of your company’s net sales” (90). A large portion of the sales were DuBarry
patterns (see Figures 114 and 115). His statement was probably applicable to the other major pat-
tern companies, except for Vogue, which had a much larger commitment in France. The French
edition of Vogue was discontinued after the German occupation, but editor Michael de Branoff
“clandestinely produced Fashion Albums without German knowledge or permission” (McDowell
134 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
A value of $1.00 (1941) is taken as being equivalent to $15.39 (2011). Information distilled from the Emery Papers
and the Williams Papers, Commercial Pattern Archive. http://www.westegg.com (accessed September 4, 2012).
1997: 143). British Vogue also experienced a setback in 1941 when a bombing raid destroyed their
warehouse, resulting in the loss of 350,000 patterns and inexpensive do-it-yourself knitting leaf-
lets managed by Harry Yoxall. Amazingly, Yoxall had duplicates of all the master patterns and one
of each cutting machine for making the patterns at his home, so production was able to continue
(Seebohm 1982: 351).
Paris couture had long been the major source for the American garment industry, both for
design inspiration and as the arbiter of what was and was not current fashion and good taste.
With Germany’s occupation, the American market was cut off from French fashion news and the
couture houses were struggling with a variety of restrictions imposed by the Germans (McDowell
1997: 40). It was feared this would be a serious blow to fashion in the United States. Those fears
were not realized. Within a year, it was generally conceded that there were many talented Ameri-
can designers and that fashion would indeed survive without French input. Pattern companies
turned to American designers and found that their designs sold just as well.
Couched in official and technical language, the order sounds pretty formidable, but actually it
did little more than accelerate trends well on the way. As long ago as September 1940, stylists
forecast the return of the slim silhouette. . . . provisions in the order are generous enough to
permit infinite variety in design. . . . in practice it, like fabric limitations, is resulting in better
styling. (Blacker 1943: 74)
Restrictions on yard-goods were of major importance to the home sewer. Blacker continues, “The
needs of the armed forces and Lend Lease2 requirements have first call on the stock of raw fibers
as well as spinning and weaving equipment of the country. . . . The headlines tell the story in a curt
‘Fabrics Limited to Staples—Few Novelties woven.’ ” Blacker defines fabric staples as materials
“we return to again and again because of their inherent good qualities” and concludes that the
real title could be “Fabrics limited to Favorites” (1943: 73–74). In another section of the February
issue, the Journal of Home Economics reports, on a less upbeat note, that retail stores were
experiencing occasional shortages of even rationed fabric, and the practice of textile manufactur-
ers attempting to increase their profits by lowering the quality of both fabric and dyes continued.
Pattern companies addressed the shortage with patterns promoting the use of scraps of material
left over from other garments.
THE WAR YEARS 137
It might be assumed that wartime paper shortages and allocations of wood pulp would limit
the amount of paper patterns being manufactured and sold. This does not appear to have been the
case. The article “Susie Sews” in the June 13, 1942, issue of Business Week stated,
The sale of patterns increased 25 percent last year—more than double what it was in 1940.
Low-priced Simplicity patterns ($0.10 and $0.25) which account for more than half of total vol-
ume reported a 36 percent increase last year, and evidence that the boom hadn’t reached its
peak is provided by a report of McCall pattern sales in the month of February: up 58 percent. . . .
an estimated 65,000,000 dress patterns were sold in the US last year—one for every woman
and girl-child in the country.” (Business Week 1942: 58)
However, in 1943, Business Week noted, “There’s just one thing that now threatens to stem the
flood of sewing—a War Production Board order stopping sewing machine production.” Singer
responded by slowly selling its stockpile of machines and cashing in on “the big needlecraft boom
by selling instruction [in their stores] instead of machines” (Business Week 1943: 68). Further,
Singer Sewing Machine Company estimated that there were twenty-five million sewing machines
in U.S. homes (almost ten million more than telephones in the home). Singer stated that “a well
cared for sewing machine is somewhat longer lived than an elephant” (Business Week 1943: 71).
FIGURE 116 Optional List of Advance Patterns Selected as Types for the American
Red Cross. Advance Patterns, December 1941. Commercial Pattern Archive.
THE WAR YEARS 139
FIGURE 120 Misses’ Blouse and Jumper Slacks. Advance 2913, 1942.72.
URI. Commercial Pattern Archive.
THE WAR YEARS 143
FIGURE 121 Ladies’ and Misses’ Victory Apron. McCall 1090, 1943.154.URI.
McCall’s M1090. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
144 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 122 “V for Victory Dress” in Women’s and Misses’ Sizes. Simplicity
4084, 1942.74.URI. Commercial Pattern Archive.
THE WAR YEARS 145
FIGURE 123 Doll’s Outfit. Coverall and cap, Red Cross apron and scarf, dress,
and party dress. McCall 1015, 1942.170.BWS. Commercial Pattern Archive.
146 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 124 Peggy, the Modern Fashion Model. Booklet for Peggy, the Mod-
ern Fashion Model, McCall, 1942, and Peggy in nurse’s uniform, McCall 6600–1,
1942.64.JSE. Commercial Pattern Archive. Uniform made by Roberta Hale, with
permission from Roberta Hale.
In the same spirit, Simplicity issued the “V for Victory Dress” in 1942. The embroidery transfer for
the pocket is included in the pattern (see Figure 122). Butterick added WACs’, WAVES’, and nurses’
uniform patterns to their Jr. Miss Manikin doll line of patterns; McCall issued a doll wardrobe that
included coveralls and a Red Cross Nurses’ uniform and head covering (see Figure 123) as well
as a fashion doll, Peggy, and a pattern for a nurses’ uniform (see Figure 124). Simplicity also did
patterns for accessories such as the “War-Plant Hat,” day hats, handbags, mittens, and gloves (see
Figure 125). Vogue did not include patterns specifically designated for uniforms or factory work
but did include a few women’s trouser patterns and some accessory patterns.
reclaim used wool, touting the idea that “There’s Life in the Old Girl Yet” (Make and Mend 1942:
43) (see Figure 126). Pattern companies responded by offering patterns to “Reclaim worn, out-
moded dress” (Simplicity), “Restyle the top of that tired, old dresses” (McCall), and make
“[s]omething new from something old” (Butterick). Vogue did a few makeover patterns,
148 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 126 “There’s Life in the Old Girl Yet.” Make and Mend for Victory. Com-
mercial Pattern Archive.
including one for a women’s jacket and skirt from a men’s suit and makeovers for a boys’ suit
as part of the children’s pattern series (see Figure 127). Patterns for collars, cuffs, and other
makeover accessories as well as sleeves for remodeling dresses were readily available. Dickeys
to wear with jackets instead of blouses became popular. Further, matching brother/sister outfits
could be made from out-of-style adult clothing.
THE WAR YEARS 149
FIGURE 127 Layout 3 Jacket and Skirt. Vogue 9137 and Vogue 9001. Make and
Mend for Victory. Commercial Pattern Archive.
Singer Sewing Machine Company published Make-Over Guide in 1942 and 1943, concentrating
on the same topics as well as lingerie and household furnishings. In addition, the U.S. Department
of Agriculture issued a series of “make-overs” leaflets. The 1942 leaflet No. 230 is “make-overs
from men’s suits” and included instructions for a boys’ jacket, a girls’ coat, a women’s jumper, and
women’s suit and jacket (see Figure 128).
150 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
In Britain, the incentive was “Make-Do and Mend” personified by Mrs. Sew and Sew, a
cartoon character. Clothing rationing in Britain began in 1941. A range of utility clothing was
introduced as part of the “fair shares” policy because of the shortage of fabric. The restrictions
were similar to the “L” restrictions adopted later that year in the United States. The “Make-Do and
Mend” policy was encouraged as a means of adjusting to the effects of rationing with the same
approach as “Make and Mend.” A rash of how-to booklets covered topics such as remaking gar-
ments from old, mending, patching, and darning and stimulated the growth of Make and Mend
classes in schools as well as evening classes for women (Reynolds 1999: 331).
THE WAR YEARS 151
U.S./British Patterns
Pattern companies on both sides of the Atlantic responded to the needs of these consumer
restrictions. American companies continued to sell patterns in Britain throughout the war. The
headline in a 1941 Butterick Company in-house newsletter, “Bombs Fall Over London—Butterick
Carries On,” probably held true for other major companies. Comparison of American, Cana-
dian, and British patterns shows that the designs and numbering are identical. The noticeable
FIGURE 129 Junior Miss Princess Jumper, Beach or Sports Frock. But-
terick 1093, 1940.22.BWS. British release with purchase tax. Commercial
Pattern Archive.
152 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 130 Misses’ and Women’s Blouse and Skirt. Simplicity 1056,
1945.95.URI. Commercial Pattern Archive. British price 1s. 6d.; “Profes-
sional dressmakers are reminded that they must comply with the making of
civilian clothing (restriction) orders.”
differences between British wartime pattern envelopes and those sold in the United States dur-
ing the same period included the lack of color on the British pattern envelopes, price in shillings
and pence, and British purchase tax stamp. The purchase tax, introduced in October 1940, was
usually 16 percent (McDowell 1997: 81) (see Figure 129). Pattern companies were attempting to
THE WAR YEARS 153
meet the British government’s wartime restrictions. In 1942 and 1943, Simplicity printed the
government warning, “Professional dressmakers are reminded that they must comply with the
making of civilian clothes (restriction) orders” on the envelopes of both Simplicity and DuBarry
British patterns (see Figure 130).
British pattern companies included Bestway, Maudella, and Weldon’s (which also advertised
syndicated companies). Paper Patterns Ltd. changed its name to Style in 1940 and introduced
Economy Patterns (Seligman 2003: 97) (see Figure 131).
FIGURE 132 Two Fabric Jackets. Butterick 3084 and 3087 leisure or sports jacket,
1944.97.URI and 1944.187.URI. Butterick B3084. Image courtesy of the McCall
Pattern Company, copyright 2013. Butterick B3087. Image courtesy of the McCall
Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
THE WAR YEARS 155
the design, pattern 4688, was available for $0.15 (equivalent to $1.89 in 2011). The appeal of the
design, with yoke and sleeves of one material and waist and skirt of another, was that it could
be kept looking new and fresh by making a new yoke and sleeves (Life Magazine 1943: 51) (see
Figure 133).
The need to conserve and “make do” accelerated home sewing instruction. “The Pattern In-
dustry’s Place in the War-Time Economy” (McCall Pattern Co. 1943), an unpublished McCall’s
study, reports that the U.S. Office of Education study of 14,000 high schools found over 10,000
sewing courses were being offering in 1940 and that four million girls were enrolled in sewing
classes (10). The author gathered the information from “Sewing Success” (1943) in Business
156 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Week. McCall’s initiated the “Sewing Corps,” a series of six lessons on basic sewing, given as
free handouts by department and fabric stores. In 1942, Butterick published School Book with over
100 pattern styles twice yearly. The patterns were suitable projects for school sewing classes. The
book provided spaces for local merchants to paste in fabric swatches. Butterick also sponsored
school fashion shows in key cities. Simplicity had set an example in 1934 when they organized the
Education Division with Caroline Hutchins as director. By 1937, Hutchins edited “School Sewing
Service News” for high school sewing teachers and continued as editor of Modern Miss when it
replaced “School Sewing” in 1940.
All of this developed the rise of the teenage girl as a separate market in the 1940s. Patterns
were specifically designed to have a “teen look.” The concept of the teenage market originated
in the 1930s with Butterick’s “younger looking fashions” and Junior Miss patterns and was fully
Table 3 Size Comparison: Teen, Misses, and Junior Miss, Simplicity 1943.
Teenage
Sizes 10 12 14 16
Bust 28 30 32 34
Waist 24 25 26 28
Hip 31 33 35 37
Misses
Sizes 12 14 16 18
Bust 30 32 34 36
Waist 25 26.5 28 30
Hip 33 35 37 39
Junior Miss
Sizes 9 11 13 15 17
Bust 27 29 31 33 35
Hip 30 32 34 36 38
Note: Information distilled from the Emery Papers and the Williams Papers, Commercial Pattern Archive.
THE WAR YEARS 157
accepted in the early 1940s. Simplicity promoted “Trendy Teen” styles; Advance included teen
styles from the late 1930s and promoted them for classroom sewing. Measurements for specific
sizes were essentially the same as the sizing in previous decades but were now designated for
junior miss and teenage, as seen in the comparison sizing chart in Table 3.
FIGURE 134 Misses’ Suit and Blouse. Vogue 1051, Paris Original designed by
Schiaparelli, 1947.147.URI. Vogue V1051. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern
Company, copyright 2013.
158 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Summary
The dynamics for pattern companies shifted considerably during the Second World War. While
the economy improved after the Depression, resources for fashion designs, available materials,
and government restrictions affected all of the companies. Furthermore, pattern exports shifted
from occupied Europe to the Western Hemisphere. In response to these shifts, pattern compa-
nies encouraged alternative fashion design from many (often unidentified) American designers.
Restrictions on raw materials and regulations on the use of fabric in clothing created a need for
new styles. The restrictions led to the promotion of conserving materials and encouragement of
home clothing production through such programs as “Make and Mend” in the United States and
“Make-Do and Mend” in Britain. The companies continued their efforts in home sewing education
in secondary schools as well as in the home. A new market for teens coincided with the emphasis
on sewing education in secondary schools.
After the long years of war, austerity, and deprivation, a change of sprit, expressed in fashions,
was eagerly anticipated. Paris wanted to recapture its lead in the fashion industry with the Théâtre
de la Mode exhibit and the exuberant fashion ideas displayed. Just as the pattern companies had
adjusted to the economic influences of the Depression and then the war years, they now faced
the challenges of a peacetime economy and reactive new fashions.
10
Shifting Trends
Postwar–1950s
R ationing in the United States was terminated by 1945 except for sugar and rubber tires. How-
ever, it continued into the early 1950s in Britain. Regulation L- 85, intended to conserve ma-
terials, was lifted in 1947. The British equivalent, CC41, remained in effect until 1954. With the
restrictions lifted, more fabric could be used so garments could be fuller and longer than dur-
ing the war, as adroitly capitalized upon with Christian Dior’s New Look in 1947. The war had
effectively shut down communication with the French fashion industry, but alternative fashion
resources quickly materialized and the American style emerged as a major influence, especially
for the sportswear and casual wear that came to epitomize the American woman. The new styles
also promoted youth and teenage fashion.
In the United States, major population shifts were under way. The expansion of factories pro-
ducing materials to support the war resulted in the influx of workers from rural to urban areas.
After the war, these workers and returning veterans continued to congregate in urban centers and
required housing. As a result, suburbs expanded and new ones were built to meet the demand,
which introduced a new middle-class culture. Families had accumulated savings during the war
years and were able to purchase new homes, cars, and other items and indulge in leisure time and
family activities such as the backyard barbecue.
Selling women on the necessity of returning to the role of homemaker was a priority after the
war. Advances in various new appliances such as washing machines and other household equip-
ment that eased time-consuming chores were promoted to make the transition more attractive.
All were advertised in women’s magazines and the rapidly expanding mass media of television.
Images of the “ideal” family were exalted in the increasingly popular television medium in such
programs as Father Knows Best and Leave it to Beaver.
Pattern designs for aprons epitomize the push to revert to women’s role as homemaker in the
postwar culture. While patterns for utilitarian aprons continued to be offered, fancy, frilly hostess
or cocktail aprons became popular for the suburban housewife placing emphasis on leisured,
middle-class pursuits such as afternoon luncheons and cocktail parties. Barbecue aprons for the
suburban male supported that new leisure pastime image (see Figures 135, 136, and 137).
Women were expected to spend a great deal of time in the kitchen and doing other housekeep-
ing duties. Advertisements for new household appliances reinforced postwar depictions of home-
makers wearing the latest fashions and hose and heels. If an apron was shown it was usually frilly.
160 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 136 Women’s and Misses’ Reversible Holiday Apron. McCall 1822,
1953.264.URI. McCall’s M1822. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company,
copyright 2013.
162 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 137 Mr. and Mrs. Aprons. McCall 1319, 1947.88.URI. McCall’s M1319.
Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
FIGURE 138 Junior Two-Piece Suit. McCall 7060, English price 2s. 6d.,
1947.70.JSE. McCall’s M7060. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Com-
pany, copyright 2013.
was to be a short-lived fad. The May 12, 1947 issue of Life magazine asked the question, “Skirts:
Up or Down?” (99). Consider the trauma and consternation created by the rapid acceptance of the
New Look in early 1947.1
Designing and making patterns, developing related advertising, copyrighting, and printing had
to be done several months in advance to get the new catalogs and patterns to the stores at the
appropriate time. By that time, the spring/summer catalogs and patterns would already be in the
164 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 139 Junior Miss and Misses’ Two-Piece Dress. Simplicity 1866, 1946.
214.BWS, and Simplicity 1866, revised in 1947. Commercial Pattern Archive.
stores and the fall line would be nearing completion. The pattern companies had to scramble to
keep up with the new fashion. Since the new fashion had the greatest impact on women’s street
dresses and suits due to narrower shoulders, wider hips, and longer skirts, new patterns for
these garments were required. In some cases, minor changes to already existing patterns could
be made as illustrated by Simplicity number 1866, first issued in 1946 and reissued in 1947 with
a longer skirt. (The fastest and simplest solution was to lengthen existing skirt patterns by three
inches.) Butterick offered options for remaking or altering existing garments to meet the require-
ments of the new style with skirt flounces, added hip yokes, or detachable peplums in 4408 (see
Figures 139 and 140).
FIGURE 140 Set of Yoke, Flares, and Flounces for Skirts. Butterick 4408,
1948.53.URI. Butterick B4408. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Com-
pany, copyright 2013.
garments for themselves. Simplicity Pattern Book editor Virginia Hale reported in the February 23,
1951 issue of Time that a recent survey showed that “her reader is probably married, has children
and is still young enough to have a pretty good, manageable figure. Best of all, about one out of
four garments she owns she made herself” (52).
166 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 141 Misses’ Dress with Halter or Yoke Top. Modes Royal 608 and enve-
lope, 1949.239.URI. Commercial Pattern Archive. Date of 1949 in archival number
is estimated.
To retain their customers and attract new ones, the companies pursued several campaigns. All
except Vogue continued supporting sewing programs in the high schools and, in affiliation with
Singer Sewing Machine stores, aggressively promoted their products to the teenage market. The
companies all expanded teen pattern styles (see Figure 142).
When McCall’s patent for printed patterns expired, the other companies began to convert to printed
patterns, although the question of whether printed or cut and punched patterns produced the most
accurate results continued to be debated. Simplicity began to convert to printed patterns in 1945; But-
terick began printing some patterns in 1950. Advance and Vogue began printing some patterns later.
The companies accelerated the use of named designer patterns. Vogue led the way with the
Paris Original series in 1949. Unlike the Vogue Couturier series, the designer was identified and
Vogue entered licensing agreements for the use of original models or toiles from Paris couturiers
for duplication in their patterns (see Figure 143). As with the Couturier line, woven cloth labels
were included in the pattern envelope. Simplicity quickly followed Vogue’s approach with their
Designer series, which had a top price of $0.50 in comparison to Vogue’s $2.00 price. However,
the Simplicity designer was not identified. In 1949, Advance established a partnership with the
SHIFTING TRENDS 167
New York Times for a “Designs of the Times” American Designer series featuring up-and-coming
young designers such as Jerry Silverman, Herbert Sondheim, Adrian, and Anne Fogarty (see Fig-
ure 144). Butterick and McCall occasionally featured designer patterns, and Reader Mail intro-
duced the Prominent Designer series in the mid-1950s (see Figure 145).
Sizing of the patterns continued much as it was in the 1930s with some refinement, such as the
introduction of the teen sizes in the late 1930s. Simplicity added toddler sizes for six months to
four years old. The measurements were the same as those for boys’, children’s, and girls’ patterns
from previous years. Sizes ranged from six months to sixteen years. Simplicity expanded again in
1958 with the sub-teen size range of patterns.
168 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 143 One-Piece Dress. Paris Original designer Paquin. Vogue 1057,
1949.188.URI. Vogue V1057. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company,
copyright 2013.
Standard measurements for pattern sizes were not necessarily adhered to. The companies
used flexible measurements for the sizes, usually within a one-half- to one-inch variation. Propor-
tional relationships of bust/chest to waist and hips were generally the same. In the 1940s, bust-to-
waist was between five and five and a half inches and bust-to-hip three inches. During the 1950s,
with the change in silhouette, the bust-to-waist ratio was adjusted to seven to eight inches with a
bust-to-hip ratio of two inches.2
SHIFTING TRENDS 169
FIGURE 144 Misses’ Bra, Blouse, and Skirt. Advance 5558, American De-
signer Series, designer Mildred Orrick, 1950.174.URI. Commercial Pattern
Archive.
170 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
The Great Depression and the war years witnessed the end of the pattern company monthly
fashion magazine publications with the exception of McCall. The periodical title was changed to
McCall’s in 1951 and continued to feature new patterns until 1974. Butterick and Simplicity lim-
ited their publications to quarterly pattern books. Simplicity published Simplicity Pattern Book and
changed the title to Simplicity Fashion Magazine—for Women Who Sew in 1954. All the major
companies published large counter catalogs for the retail market.
SHIFTING TRENDS 171
New Company
In 1950, James Spadea founded his own pattern company after Butterick turned down his proposal
to offer fashionable signed originals by famous-name designers. Spadea offered designer patterns
for $1.00. (Vogue Couturier patterns were $2.00, but Advance was selling American Designer Pat-
terns for $0.50.) Spadea’s patterns were syndicated and originally sold through 21 newspapers,
expanding to over 300 and more than 850 department stores by 1962. The original seven designs
by seven famous American designers grew to a collection of 700 original designs by eighty-three
well-known American and European designers. Spadea reinforced the affiliation with haute cou-
ture by cutting the patterns to “designer measurements, not standard pattern measurements.”
The scale was also in keeping with ready-to-wear sizing standards. Patterns were cut and punched
rather than printed, which was the practice with most syndicated companies. This method allowed
for short runs of the patterns and greater flexibility in producing a variety of styles. In 1959, Spadea
negotiated with the Duchess of Windsor to design an exclusive separate collection. Two years
FIGURE 147 Spadea with Duke and Duchess of Windsor. At the New York show-
ing of the Duchess’s designs. T. Howard (1962), Saturday Evening Post. Commercial
Pattern Archive.
later, he collaborated with singer Dinah Shore to design a “Wonder Wardrobe” of six patterns
as an all-purpose travel ensemble. The set sold for $4.00 and was bought by 135,000 women by
1962. The family-owned company prospered through the 1950s and into the 1970s (Howard 1962:
36) (see Figures 146 and 147).
Feedbags
In an overview of the postwar years, it is easy to overlook the rural population since there was
so much activity in other strata of society. However, the pattern companies aggressively courted
this market. The syndicated pattern companies continued to market through local newspapers and
farm periodicals. One long-standing practice of thrift and fashion was the use of printed cloth bags
used for seed, feed, and bulk household products such as flour. The bags were made of cotton or
rayon in a variety of printed percales, chambray, denim, and similar fabrics suitable for garments.
The bags were a popular source of materials from the 1930s until replaced by cheaper paper
bags in the 1950s. The National Cotton Council published several booklets on the use of feedbag
SHIFTING TRENDS 173
garments. After the Second World War, Simplicity increased their affiliation with the National Cot-
ton Council to promote pattern styles suitable for the bags. The patterns specified the size and
number of bags required for each garment (Ideas for Sewing with Cotton Bags 1955: 2) (see Fig-
ures 148 and 149).
FIGURE 148 “Daytime Wear.” Needle Magic with Cotton Bags (1950),
Memphis, TN: National Cotton Council. Courtesy of the National Cotton
Council.
174 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Summary
The end of the war brought many changes. In the United States, the shift from rural to urban and
then to suburban life accelerated. When rationing was lifted, austerity was replaced with energetic
consumer consumption. For many there was greater prosperity due to the accumulated savings
enforced by lack of available goods during the war years. Fashion reflected the resurgence of a
more romantic, feminine fashion look instigated by Christian Dior’s New Look, introduced in Febru-
ary 1947 (see Figures 150 and 151). The feminine role of “Rosie the Riveter” changed to the happy
homemaker with a more feminine silhouette, full bust, cinched-in waist, and full skirts supported
by stiffened petticoats and crinolines. New leisure clothing was introduced with Bermuda shorts,
pedal pushers, capri pants, variations on halters and bare midriffs, and two-piece swimsuits, as
SHIFTING TRENDS 175
well as the bikini. The introduction of casual sportswear was inspired by emerging American fash-
ion designers and had an international impact, ultimately leading to the acceptance of women in
trousers outside the factory (see Figure 152).
Pattern companies responded quickly to these changes and initiated some of their own, in-
cluding greater emphasis on patterns designed by leading Parisian and American designers. They
176 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
encouraged new consumers in the teenage market with special designs, promotion of sewing
classes, and advertising in new periodicals devoted to the teen market, such as Seventeen.
Five companies—Advance, Butterick, McCall, Simplicity, and Vogue—dominated the market
and were joined by Spadea featuring named designer fashions and an affiliation with the Duchess
of Windsor.
By the end of the 1950s, the “idealized” suburban lifestyle promoted throughout the decade
began to crumble. New energies, influences, and technology initiated restructuring and revised
focus for the pattern industry.
SHIFTING TRENDS 177
FIGURE 152 Junior Miss and Misses’ Tapered Pants, Boxy Tops. Butterick 7557,
1955.64.BWS. Butterick B7557. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company,
copyright 2013.
11
New Challenges
1960s–1980s
Boom Years
A common misconception is that by the 1960s women stopped sewing and making their own
clothes due to the mass of inexpensive, readily available ready-to-wear options. However, the
1960s were actually a boom period. The Barron’s article “Profitable Patterns” (1958) reported that
pattern companies were generally profitable, with the exception of Vogue. The parent company,
Condé Nast, was publishing several magazines and running the pattern division, which operated
at a loss. However, the losses “are expected to be transitional due to the expensive changeover”
from cut and punched patterns to printed patterns begun in 1956. Within a few months, pattern
sales increased after the first phase of the changeover and the company was operating in the black
(Barron’s 1958: 9).
Figures for all pattern sales were estimated to be $50 million in 1961. Butterick, McCall’s,
Simplicity, and Vogue garnered the bulk of the income, followed by Advance, Modes Royal, and
Spadea (Barron’s 1962: 11). Aggressive sales approaches prompted the volume. Butterick began
selling patterns in major chain grocery stores such as A&P, Stop & Shop, and Safeway. Equally
aggressive merchandising expanded the overseas market. Simplicity, for example, was printing
patterns in English, Swedish, Dutch, and Japanese and completed a new plant in Hatogaya, Japan,
in 1961 (Hobby 1964: 9–10).
Dynamic marketing was highly successful in the 1960s. Examples include Simplicity’s advertis-
ing campaign featuring the celebrity model/actress Suzie Parker proclaiming “If I Can Sew, You
Can Too.” Ease of use and patterns for garments that could be made quickly became a hallmark for
all the pattern companies except the high-style Vogue. Simplicity, Butterick/Vogue (Butterick and
Vogue merged in 1961), and McCall were dubbed “The Big Three.” They all utilized TV advertising
by sponsoring programs. McCall’s gave a grant to National Education Television for a 1963 program
series, “Smart Sewing Lessons.” All provided free professional services to the five million stu-
dents in 50,000 schools throughout the country. According to Joan Greene, reporting in Barron’s,
the home sewing market consisted of over forty million individuals who averaged twenty-seven
garments per person each year. Further, four out of five teenage girls were making their own
NEW CHALLENGES 179
clothes. Clearly the persistent appeals to teens in the school programs, in TV advertising, and with
the ease of sewing were successful. Affiliated businesses aligned with the successful market.
Sewing machine sales were profitable, as were the proceeds from fabrics and notions (Greene
1967: 11, 19).
Furthermore, the price of ready-to-wear skyrocketed in the 1960s due to inflation, steeper
transportation costs, and higher wages. Forbes reported that a simple ready-to-wear dress might
cost $18.00 in 1961 (equivalent to $136.00 in 2011) but $35.00 in 1971 (equivalent to $186.29
in 2011). Compare that to the cost of a pattern, fabric, and notions, and the home sewer could
have a dress for around $12.00 (Forbes 1971: 43). The summer 1967 issue of American Fabrics
stressed the growing appeal of sewing to express individuality and as mark of elegant economy
(1967: 65).
New Sizing
Pattern companies had been using the same measurement system for their patterns since 1930,
when the U.S. Bureau of Standards set measurement and sizing standards for pattern measure-
ments in response to complaints from consumers. These were based upon anthropometric mea-
surements taken by a group of home economists (Dickson 1979: 113). The need for standardized
sizing was twofold. Prior to the 1930 standards, the companies used their own set of measure-
ments so there was no consistency. From the beginning, misses’ sizes were based on age and
women’s sizes based on torso proportions. A size 14 was designated for fourteen years of age
with a thirty-two-inch bust; size 18 was for eighteen years of age with a thirty-six-inch bust, all for
an average height of five foot three to five foot four. For women, the size was based upon the bust
measurement: if the bust measured forty inches; the size was 40. Relationships of bust to waist
and hips changed with the changing styles of undergarments and shifts in acceptable physical
activity for women, but the designated size remained.
In response to numerous complaints about the discrepancy between standard ready-to-wear
sizing and pattern sizing, measurements for the new sizing were developed and approved by the
Measurement Standard Committee of the Pattern Fashion Industry. “New Sizing” was introduced
in 1967. Misses’ size 14 was recalculated for a thirty-six-inch bust for an average height of five
foot five to five foot six; women’s size 40 was for a bust measurement of forty-two inches. Men’s
and children’s sizing remained the same; children’s continued to be based on age and men’s were
based on the chest measurement.
In efforts to provide well-fitting patterns, most companies offered as many as thirteen differ-
ent choices by the 1960s: Misses, Women, Half-Size, Junior Miss, Junior Petite, Teen, Sub-teen,
Chubbie, Girls, Children, Toddlers, Boys, and Men. One exception was Vogue with five: Misses/
Women, Junior Misses, Teen, Proportional, and Men. Spadea used designer measurements and
limited their offerings to Misses, Women, and Men. Another tactic, begun in the mid-1970s, was
to combine two to three sizes in one pattern, allowing the seamstress to mix and match sizes ap-
propriate to an individual’s measurements (see Figure 153). In 1978, metric units of measurement
became standard. Pattern manufacturers in the United States as well as those based in Britain and
Europe began including both units of measure on their patterns.
180 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Size 14 14 40 40
Bust 32 36 40 44
Waist 26 27 34 36
Hips 35 38 43 46
Note: Information distilled from the Emery Papers and the Williams Papers, Commercial Pattern Archive.
FIGURE 153 Misses’ Shirt-Jacket or Shirt, Top, Skirt, and Pants. McCall’s 4587,
1975.318.URI; three sizes in one. McCall’s M4587. Image courtesy of the McCall
Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
exuberant, often psychedelic colors. New synthetics such as polyester and single, double, and
bonded knits were especially suited for the new styles. The new fabrics were wrinkle-free, stretch-
able, easy to work with, and did not require ironing (see Figure 154).
Hemlines climbed to mid-thigh thanks to British designer Mary Quant’s miniskirt in 1965. The
influence was not dissimilar to the impact of Dior’s New Look in 1947. The consternation over the
acceptable, fashionable hem length was repeated, but this time there were four different lengths:
the mini, the regular, the midi, and the maxi lengths. Life Magazine pinpointed the dilemma with
the feature “The Midi Muscles In,” noting that many women were taking evasive actions, often
selecting pants or pantsuits rather than choosing a skirt length. In the world of the movies and TV,
designers and producers were again using half-shots from the waist up or filming girls in pantsuits
rather than risk being out of step with fashion by the time the film or program was aired (1970:
24–27). The pattern companies solved the dilemma by offering as many as four different skirt
lengths in a single pattern plus pants in many instances (see Figure 155).
A wide variety of styles ranging from hot pants, hip-huggers, and bell-bottom pants to wrap
dresses (made famous by Diane Von Furstenberg) and decorative vests fulfilled the desire of the
FIGURE 154 Fabric Swatch, Psychedelic Colors. American Fabrics, Winter 1968.
Commercial Pattern Archive.
182 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 155 Misses’ Skirts in Four Lengths: Mini, Regular, Midi, and Ankle.
Simplicity 7725, 1968.279.URI. Commercial Pattern Archive.
home seamstress to create her own individual look. The new relaxed styles spilled over into men’s
garment patterns as well. In addition to body shirts, hip-huggers, and bell-bottoms, less structured,
unlined jackets and suits were popular and easier for the home sewer to make than lined, tailored
garments. Patterns for leisure suits, three-piece suits, and various sports jackets were manufac-
tured (see Figure 156).
NEW CHALLENGES 183
The new fashions reflected the unisex movement promoted in the late 1960s and 1970s. Pants,
especially the new hip-hugger bell-bottom pants, and pullover tops were adopted by men, women,
and children. Loose-fitting ethnic-influenced styles such as robes, caftans, and vests were readily
adopted for casual wear by both sexes (see Figure 157).
FIGURE 157 Men’s or Boys’ Nehru Jacket or Shirt and Versatile Nehru Shirt. Nehru
jacket, McCall’s 9484, 1968.477.URI. Nehru Shirt, Butterick 5046, 1968.653.URI.
McCall’s M9484. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
Butterick B5046. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
FIGURE 158 Misses’ Jacket or Vest, Blouse, Skirt, and Pants or Shorts. New Siz-
ing Butterick 5375, 1969.469.URI. Butterick B5375. Image courtesy of the McCall
Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
NEW CHALLENGES 185
Pattern companies were quick to respond to the changing market with several strategies. All
introduced pattern lines that offered patterns for a full wardrobe of blouse, skirt, pants, and jackets
in various lengths and slightly different styles (see Figure 158). Advance affiliated with film and TV
celebrity Loretta Young for a line of special designs in 1961. By 1965, Butterick arranged licenses
for the Young Designers Series with new designers including London designers Mary Quant and
Jean Muir, and McCall offered the New York Designer collection featuring designers such as Rudi
Gernreich, Bill Blass, and Pauline Trigere (see Figures 159 and 160).
FIGURE 160 Rudi Gernreich Misses’ Dress. New York Designers’ Collection Plus,
McCall 1011, 1967.395.URI. McCall’s M1101. Image courtesy of the McCall Pat-
tern Company, copyright 2013.
Advertising budgets were increased, and celebrity spokespeople from film and TV were re-
cruited to promote the patterns. Two popular TV stars, Marie Osmond and Marlo Thomas, teamed
up with Butterick and McCall respectively. The companies also actively recruited African American
designers and models. For example, Willi Smith designed patterns for Butterick and McCall. The
expansion included African-inspired designs including the fashionable dashiki (see Figure 161).
NEW CHALLENGES 187
FIGURE 161 The Dashiki. Men’s shirt in two lengths or misses’ dress in
two lengths. Simplicity 5043, 1975.157.URI. Commercial Pattern Archive.
Miniskirts and short shorts led to the increased popularity of skintight bodysuits, tights, and
leotards. Originally worn by dancers, these garments were adopted first by the “bohemian” move-
ment and then migrated into mainstream fashions. Thanks to the introduction of stretch fabrics and
the new “reverse cycle” sewing machines for stitching those fabrics, pattern companies joined the
bandwagon and offered patterns for all of these stretch garments (see Figure 162).
188 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 162 Misses’ Bodysuit. Vogue 8441, 1972.367.URI. Vogue V8441. Image
courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
Established Companies
By the mid-1960s, there were four major pattern manufacturers: Butterick/Vogue, McCall,
Simplicity in the United States, and Associated British Patterns in Britain. Advance Pattern
Company stopped producing patterns around 1965. Syndicated companies producing patterns
included Spadea, which continued until around 1976, Famous Features until 1996, and Reader
Mail until 2008.
The German publishing company Burda had introduced Burda Moden (Burda Fashion) in 1950
and began including pattern supplement sheets, similar to the Harper’s Bazar overlay pattern
sheets of the nineteenth century, in 1952. The sheets contained several patterns, the shapes of
which were defined with coded, colored dashes, dots, asterisks, and so forth. These were interna-
tionally popular and began to have an impact on the American and British markets by the 1960s.
The patterns sheets occasionally included two sizes of a pattern, but usually only one size was
provided. The company’s success and influence persists to the present with patterns distributed in
envelopes as well as overlay pattern sheets. Early patterns were often considered difficult to work
with since they did not include a seam allowance (see Figures 163 and 164).
Mergers
In April 1961, Butterick bought and licensed the name and trademark of the Vogue patterns and
pattern publications (but not Vogue magazine) in the expectation of substantially enlarging its
share of the market. The two brands were complementary; Butterick patterns were essentially
NEW CHALLENGES 189
FIGURE 163 Burda Overlay Supplement Pattern Sheet. Includes 7026 (partial
sheet). Burda Moden, January 1968. Includes separate “English Supplement” with
descriptions and pattern piece diagrams. Commercial Pattern Archive.
for the mass market with a price range of $0.40 to $0.75 (equivalent to $5.35 in 2011), and Vogue
patterns were considered to be high style with a price range of $0.75 to $3.50. The latter were
couturier patterns complete with a cloth label to be sewn into the complete garment (see Figure
165). Kathleen McDermott compiled an unpublished in-house history entitled “From ‘Old Lady’
to Industry Leader: Butterick, 1960–1992,” tracing the ownerships of the company. She observed
that the expectation was successful enough to attract the acquisition of Butterick/Vogue by Ameri-
can Can, “among the largest printers in the world,” in 1968 (McDermott 1993: 10). That same
year McCall combined with Canada Dry and Hunt-Wesson Food as part of the Norton-Simon, Inc.
conglomerate (Dickson 1979: 167).
New Companies
Several new independent pattern enterprises were formed between 1967 and 1979. In response
to the increased availability and use of stretch fabrics, Kerstin Martensson founded Sew-Knit-N-
Stretch, Inc. and designed patterns with that brand name as well as Kwik Sew. For both, she de-
signed patterns for lingerie, swimwear, active wear, and polar fleece (see Figure 166). Ann Person
started Stretch & Sew Pattern Company in 1967. Their patterns were multi-sized for a wide range
of sizes. Originally for knits only, the patterns expanded for other kinds of fabrics by 1993.1
190 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 164 Smart Trouser Suit. 7206, 7207, Burda Moden, January
1968. Commercial Pattern Archive.
NEW CHALLENGES 191
FIGURE 165 One-Piece Dress. Vogue 1135, Couturier designed by John Ca-
vanagh of England, 1962.246.URI. Vogue V1135. Image courtesy of the McCall
Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
192 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
Folkwear, the most influential new pattern company of the 1970s, was founded by three
women with a “passion for finely crafted ethnic clothing.” Originally owned by Kate Mathews,
pattern designer Lisa Sanders, and illustrator Gretchen Schields, the company was sold to Taunton
Press in the mid-1980s and then to Lark Books before going back to the original group in 2002.
The company continues to offer a variety of ethnic and historic patterns as well as patterns for
accessories. The patterns are not designed with the latest fashion in mind, so many are reissued
FIGURE 166 Ladies’ One-Piece Swimsuit. Kwik Sew 150, 1968.751.URI. Kwik
Sew K0150. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
NEW CHALLENGES 193
over several years.2 The patterns are multi-size, and the ethnic patterns usually combine women’s
and men’s sizes in one package. Many contain information details on the origins and uses of the
garments as well as needlework instructions as needed (see Figure 167).
Two examples of a variety of independent companies included Daisy Kingdom,3 founded in
the late 1960s, and Green Pepper, established in 1973. They specialized in outdoor sportswear
patterns that were sold as part of a kit, which included all the fabrics and notions to complete the
FIGURE 167 Egyptian Shirt and Appliqué Design. Folkwear 104, 1976.509.URI.
Illustration by Gretchen Schields, with permission of Folkwear Patterns.
194 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
garment. Both companies were located in Oregon. These independent companies identified spe-
cial markets, making patterns for specialized fabrics and specific needs and interests. Most were
established by women working out of their homes and locating their firms in smaller urban areas
around the United States.
Summary
The 1960s and 1970s can be defined as a revolt against tradition, and this is certainly expressed
in the fashions of the era. The tensions of the revolt were expressed in the conflict between
natural and synthetic fibers, sedate colors influenced by natural dyes versus bright psychedelic
colors from newly developed synthetic dyes, and defiant fashions for both women and men. In
responses not dissimilar to the impulses that inspired the aesthetic movement at the height of the
Industrial Revolution, there was a revival of interest in nature and shunning of mass-manufactured
items. The pattern companies were quick to support the newly inspired styles as well as the tradi-
tional with emphasis on the value of individually crafted garments. They sought to elevate pattern
sales with aggressive promotion thorough expanded advertising in all media as well as strong
associations with various celebrities. Simultaneously, they were responsive to newly developed
synthetic, easy-care fabrics and stretch fabrics. They promoted the changing fashions while work-
ing to promote the options for individuality, which was a pillar of the boom period for pattern sales
in the 1960s.
The established companies continued to dominate the market, although new niche-market pat-
tern companies such as Folkwear, Kwik Sew, and Sew-Knit-N-Stretch were gaining popularity. Syn-
dicated pattern companies such as Reader Mail and Famous Features continued to fill the needs
of the conventional market. The international expansion of the major companies and the outreach
of the German company Burda reached a broader global market. In response to continued com-
plaints about the fit of the patterns, new sizing standards were introduced in 1967 to relate more
directly to ready-to-wear sizes and to better fit the altered proportions of the consumers.
The pattern companies were meeting the challenges, but more were on the horizon. New
technology with increased computerization, the shift to two-member working families, changing
attitudes, and the emergence of the movement introduced in 1975 with John Molloy’s Dress for
Success books influenced points of view of the 1980s.
12
Reinvention and Renaissance
1980s–2010
T he 1980s and 1990s are characterized as the age of conspicuous consumption. However, six
other identifiable stylistic influences were present. These included the dress for success move-
ment, the “preppy” look, the ragtag look, romanticism, historicism, and the physical fitness initiative.
John Molloy’s (1975, 1977) Dress for Success books became the bibles for young, ambitious
personnel, stressing neatness and clean lines with precise formulas for selecting appropriate
clothing for the workplace. The archetypal business look for women became “power suits” with
FIGURE 169 Misses’ Blouse and Skirt. Vogue 2185, 1988.44.URI. Image courtesy
of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
REINVENTION AND RENAISSANCE 197
FIGURE 171 Sets of Shoulder Pads and Couture Shoulder Pads. Sets of shoulder pads, Butterick
3276, 1945.35.BWS. Couture shoulder pads, Vogue 8817, 1983.460.URI. Butterick 3276. Image
courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013. Vogue 8817. Image courtesy of the McCall
Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
padded shoulders and wide lapels. The 1950s “preppy” look, revived in the 1980s, served as
casual dress. Both were in sharp contrast to the extended ragtag styles of the “punk” look, which
continued into the 1990s. In contrast to the power-suit mentality, romantic modes were rekindled,
partially inspired by the courtship and wedding of Charles, Prince of Wales, and Princess Diana in
1981 (see Figures 168 and 169). Romanticism was expressed with echoes of 1930s fashions with
large or full puffed sleeves, as well as influences from the 1940s with bustles and shoulder pads
(see Figures 170 and 171). In the 1990s, historicism was fueled by nostalgia. Rekindled interest in
patterns from previous decades prompted pattern companies to reissue earlier styles as Vintage
(Vogue and Simplicity) and Retro (Butterick), and the growing number of reenactors’ needs for suit-
able historical garments prompted designs for patterns from a range of historical eras. Additional
eclecticism included the strong interest in physical fitness, jogging, and workouts that required
specially designed garments (see Figure 172).
REINVENTION AND RENAISSANCE 199
FIGURE 172 Misses’, Men’s, or Teen Boys’ Tops, Cardigan, Pants, Shorts, and Mul-
ticolor Transfer. Tops and cardigan for stretch only. McCall 4386, 1988.166.URI.
McCall’s M4386. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
New Technology
The 1980s witnessed a burst of computer technological. The technology was incorporated in pat-
tern companies’ business practices in manufacturing and marketing procedures. By 1991, when
restricted commercial use of the Internet was lifted, pattern companies embraced it to rapidly
market their designs. Companies began to use computer applications to trim costs, to improve
200 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 173 Misses’ Dress or Top, Skirt, and Scarf. Focus on sergers/overlock. Mc-
Call 3264, 1987.225.URI. McCall’s M3264. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern
Company, copyright 2013.
inventory control, and to boost productivity. For example, Simplicity used an application to stream-
line procedures for processing discarded patterns. An information sheet released by Microsys-
tems Technology stated the original process took several weeks four times a year; the computer
application cut time in one processing step from fifteen minutes to forty-five seconds and the
company reduced the staff from twenty-eight to four, thereby “ushering in a new era of efficiency
in internal operations” (n.d.: n.p.). Furthermore, computer-aided design (CAD) applications for per-
sonal computers allowed individuals to design new patterns and print them for publication. This led
to an explosion of independent pattern enterprises.
REINVENTION AND RENAISSANCE 201
Existing Companies
Pattern companies were struggling by the 1980s. The ranks of working mothers increased dramati-
cally and pattern sales began to slump, as did related home sewing goods such as fabrics and no-
tions. Many independent fabric stores were forced to close. All the existing companies began to
place greater emphasis on crafts such as quilting and Halloween costumes since these were prov-
ing to be the most popular. They established strong relationships with chain fabric stores such as So-
Fro and Jo-Ann Fabrics, which were emphasizing crafts as creative hobbies for the working women.
The last decades of the twentieth century were marked with mergers and buyouts. Butterick
and Vogue were considered a single company with two brands. In 1983, Butterick’s management
purchased the company from American Can, assuming a high level of debt. To reduce costs, But-
terick reduced staff and inventory and eliminated all its printing and distribution plants except for
the main one in Altoona, Pennsylvania. In the article “Reaping from Sewing” in Forbes maga-
zine, Jean Chatzky observed that the company invested in computerized design systems, which
speeded up the time it took to get a new pattern to market. The new machines
cut the time it takes for getting a new pattern to market from 2½ months to as little as
4 weeks. Speed-to-market is important because pattern designs are typically knocked off from
popular styles or licensed from hot designers like Donna Ban [sic] and Ralph Lauren. Unless
the patternmaker is quick, a dress can be on the remainder rack before its pattern is available in
stores. (Chatzky 1992: 154)
The author may be referring to Donna Karan, who designed for Vogue Patterns and also designed
for Ray-Ban eyeglasses in the 1990s. In addition, Butterick Patterns nearly doubled the total num-
ber of less expensive patterns between 1988 and early 1992. The “See & Sew” line was intro-
duced in 1977 for $0.99. The patterns were popular since they were less complicated than regular
Butterick patterns and easy to make. By 1981, the price was $1.19 (equivalent to $2.69 in 2011)
compared to the $2.75 pattern average (equivalent to $6.69 in 2011).
The major companies expanded their crafts and accessories pattern series to include home fur-
nishings, children’s costumes, stuffed toys, and a variety of accessories. In keeping with the “de-
signer pattern company” image, Vogue added the Individualist in 1983, Career in 1989, and Attitudes
International in 1991 to the Paris Original and American Designer pattern series. Prices for these in-
creased from a top price of $10.00 (equivalent to $21.00 in 2011) in the mid-1980s to $17.50 in 1990
and $25.00 (equivalent to $33.40 in 2011) in 1998. Vogue introduced Vintage Vogue in 1998 at the
top price. The initial selections were from 1940s Vogue patterns (see Figure 174). The pattern was
202 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
FIGURE 174 Misses’ Jacket, Dress, and Belt. Vintage Vogue 2196, 1998.18.URI.
Vogue V2196. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
graded to conform to 1990s measurements, and the instruction sheets were revised to match
those of present-day Vogue patterns. Butterick issued Retro Butterick in 1999, but fewer patterns
were issued and the series was less expensive than Vogue’s. To facilitate and encourage home
sewing, Vogue subscribed to the practice of including sewing skill ratings of very easy, easy, av-
erage, and advanced on some patterns. The Today’s Fit series by Sandra Betzina, founder of the
Power Sewing books, TV shows, and online sewing classes, was added in 1999 (see Figure 175).
REINVENTION AND RENAISSANCE 203
FIGURE 175 Misses’/Misses’ Petite Jacket. Vogue 7334, 2001.34.URI. Today’s Fit
by Sandra Betzina. Vogue V7334. Image courtesy of the McCall Pattern Company,
copyright 2013.
204 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
McCall also struggled with women’s shift away from home sewing. To promote the ease of
sewing, McCall initiated “Show-Me,” a visual sewing system for the new or unsure sewer, in the
late 1970s. It consisted of a three-booklet starter set purchased with any “Show-Me” pattern.
They formed an alliance with Pati Palmer and Susan Pletsch, the first licensees for a pattern
company who were not ready-to-wear designers, movie stars, or TV stars. They were established
authors of sewing manuals and created the eight-hour blazer, which became an industry best
seller in 1980. The partnership with TV star Marlo Thomas in the 1970s was very successful and
was continued with new affiliations with rising celebrities. Brooke Shields, a child and teen model
and Vogue cover girl, was to appeal to the youthful customer. Shari Belafonte-Harper, film and TV
actress, model, and singer, was to appeal to twenty- and thirtysomethings and African Americans
(see Figure 176). Costume designer Nolan Miller and Dynasty’s stars promoted the extremes of
conspicuous consumption for the slightly more mature and sophisticated (see Figure 177).
FIGURE 177 Misses’ Jacket, Blouse, and Skirt. McCall 2318, 1986.14.URI. Nolan
Miller’s Dynasty Collection; Joan Collins. McCall’s M2318. Image courtesy of the
McCall Pattern Company, copyright 2013.
206 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
In spite of all these initiatives, McCall experienced difficulties. It was bought and sold twice
between 1983 and 1987 before filing for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in 1988. After various negotiations,
McCall emerged from bankruptcy and concentrated on revitalizing and adjusting to the needs of
the future customer, promoting sewing for gratification and making craft items. To that end, the
company had launched profitable campaigns, which included patterns for overlock stitching and
printed pattern for knitting machines. The company continued to promote “Easy” patterns and
“Stitch ’N Save” in 1982 to compete with Butterick’s “See & Sew.” Others included the Woman’s
Day collection, Nancy Zieman’s Busy Woman’s and Creative Woman’s sewing patterns, and fifty-
and ninety-minute patterns, which really meant sewing time not cutting and sewing. By 1988,
the company phased out the practice of printing three or more sizes in one pattern begun in the
mid-1960s. Multi-sized patterns required basic shapes, which limited design features; single-sized
patterns allowed for more details for a more elegant garment.
All the major companies had licensed fashion affiliates with designers, personalities, and re-
tail labels. According to Peggy Bendel (1987b), reporter for Sew News in October 1987, McCall’s
topped the list, with twenty-five names showing the variety, including French Connection, Jones
of New York, Liz Claiborne, Looney Tunes, Raggedy Ann and Andy, and Wizard of Oz.
Although Simplicity had the largest share of the pattern market in the 1970s, it was not immune
to the downturn of home sewing in the 1980s. Women’s Wear Daily reported Simplicity’s sales
slumped from $112 million in 1975 to $65 million in 1984 (Rutberg 1993: 12). However, the popu-
larity of their patterns appealed to a broad strata of society as implied by the first “Moonie” mass
wedding, in 1982, in New York’s Madison Square Garden, when 2,075 couples were married.2
Each bride’s wedding gown was made from Simplicity pattern 8392 (see Figure 178).
The company changed hands four times before being bought by Conso International Co. in
1998. The acquisition complemented Conso’s merchandise, which included decorative trim-
mings, and was further expanded with the acquisition of ribbon and trim maker Wm. E. Wright in
2000. During the 1980s and 1990s, Simplicity employed marketing tactics similar to those of the
other companies. They diversified their pattern styles, drawing in new affiliations with personali-
ties such as Christie Brinkley and designers including Alfred Sung and Carol Horn of New Direc-
tions. The children’s pattern lines were expanded to include Gunne Sax and Cinderella. Along
with the other companies, they created a line of patterns specifically for sergers. The accessories
and crafts lines were expanded with licenses with Walt Disney, among others, for stuffed toys
and costumes. Simplicity became the lead producer of quality period patterns for reenactors,
from medieval to Civil War–era patterns by designers Andrea Schewe and Martha McCain (see
Figure 179).
Simplicity acquired three additional pattern companies, each with its own brand name. Style,
the number-one pattern brand in the United Kingdom, was bought in 1986. Simplicity’s president,
Richard Gyde, labeled Style patterns as “upscale, like Lord & Taylor, and Simplicity patterns, like
Spiegel” (Bendel 1987a: 42). The market identified for Style patterns was career-oriented women
with an interest in the latest contemporary fashions. Seven top British designers were under
contract: Zandra Rhodes, Bruce Oldfield, Rifat Ozbek, Murray Arbeid, Jasper Conran, Margaret
Howell, and Janice Wainwright. Simplicity also acquired New Look, another British company, in
1987. Founded in the late 1920s as Maudella Patterns, the company changed its name to the
English Pattern Company and then was rechristened New Look to highlight a focus on trendy
fashions. The designers were ready-to-wear designers rather than fashion names.
REINVENTION AND RENAISSANCE 207
The third purchase in 1987 was Reader Mail, the syndicated pattern–producing group, allowing
Simplicity to cover a full range of pattern needs, from the most basic styles (syndicated patterns)
to classic styles (Simplicity patterns) to trendy high fashion with Style and New Look patterns.
Prior to the acquisition of Reader Mail and New Look, Simplicity had followed the trend set by the
other major companies and introduced Extra-Sure Pattern (E.S.P.) for $1.25 in 1981 and a “Super
Saver” pattern line selling for $1.99 in 1986. Their regular patterns were averaging $2.50–$3.50
in 1981. They promoted “Overnight Success” and “Fuss-Free-Fit” along with other promotional
208 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
tactics to encourage the novice sewer as well as active support for the American Home Sewing
Association’s campaign to change sewing’s image to draw in more beginners.
Rosaline Lemontree (1983) wrote an evaluation of the pattern companies’ application of the
term “easy” in Sew News August/September. She pointed out that the companies’ original ac-
cepted criteria was five or fewer main pattern pieces with no tricky details such as clipping into
corners and a clear, simple instruction sheet. However, the distinctions became blurred as more
REINVENTION AND RENAISSANCE 209
names were coined by the companies. Simplicity’s Jiffy, Super Jiffy, Beginner’s Choice, and Over-
night Success implied all were easy to sew. This was not always true. McCall’s Easy and Make It
Tonight may have had more than five pieces, but the construction was easy and the guide sheets
were “the best in the business” (Lemontree 1983: 33). Butterick’s Fast and Easy, Yes! It’s Easy!,
and Timeless Fashions estimated two to four hours to make them. Very Easy Vogue required a
higher level of sewing skills because they included a variety of design elements, such as more
than five pieces and top stitching. In 1986, Butterick/Vogue introduced beginner, average, and
advanced sewing rating on some patterns. Vogue Ultra Ez, a less expensive line selling for $6.95
compared to the average Vogue pattern price of $10.95, began in 1992.
FIGURE 180 Japonais Shirt and Vest. Design & Sew 310, 1995.92.URI. Designed
by Lois Ericson and Diane Ericson. Courtesy of Diane Ericson.
FIGURE 181 Lotus Skirt. The Sewing Workshop, 2008.23.URI, with permission
of Linda Lee, Sewing Workshop. Estimated Date.
leaving that task to the cutter/sewer to give a better fit to the finished garment. At some point in
the late 1990s, Burda included seams and hems.
A second German company, Neue Mode–USA, was gaining a small presence with pattern re-
tailers and on the Internet. Neue Mode offers less expensive patterns; the average cost is $4.95.
The average of companies’ prices ranges from $10.00–$25.00. Like Burda, they initially offered
overlay pattern sheets as supplements in Neue Mode magazine; they added individual patterns
in envelopes in the 1990s. The patterns are multi-sized, and seam allowances need to be added.
212 A HISTORY OF THE PAPER PATTERN INDUSTRY
New Millennium
Additional realignment occurred with the new millennium. In spite of a resurgence of interest in
home sewing marked by the formation of national sewing associations and guilds, the major pat-
tern companies needed to continue to downsize. Once again, a merger was deemed necessary.
McCall acquired Butterick/Vogue in 2001. The new conglomerate hallmarked each brand: Butterick
is designated as “Classical,” McCall as “Contemporary,” and Vogue “Couture.”
McCall, Butterick, Vogue, Simplicity, and New Look continued into the twenty-first century. Sim-
plicity discontinued Style in 2000. Burda and Neue Mode held a small percentage of the market
in the United States. Independent companies that expanded beyond their original specializations
include Kwik Sew (acquired by McCall in 2011) and Folkwear. Kwik Sew Europe, a distributor of
Kwik Sew patterns in the Scandinavian countries since 1989, added the United Kingdom in 2004
and the rest of Europe in 2005.
Independent companies flourished and the number increased dramatically. A few went out of
business when the owner/founder retired, but others took up the challenge. A search of the Inter-
net for independent pattern companies will provide a wide sampling, but not a comprehensive list,
of active companies. Patterns are sold through mail order via the Internet or through retail chains
such as Walmart or Jo-Ann Fabrics. In addition, several companies have created an online commu-
nity utilizing online tech-craft. Patterns are available for downloading and printing on home printers
for a fee. It is instant gratification, no waiting for the post to deliver traditional patterns purchased
from online catalogs or buying them from a retail outlet. Companies such as Fitz Patterns only offer
downloadable sewing patterns, while others such as Sewing Workshop and La Fred offer patterns
by mail or download. Burda joined the online community in 2007. By 2011, McCall was offering a
few patterns through their online catalog; the other U.S. brands were not. However, auxiliary en-
terprises, such as www.sewingpatterns.com, have online pattern stores offering a wide range of
downloadable patterns, including some of the major brands.
The made-to-measure pattern idea was resurrected with companies such as Fit Me Patterns,
formerly Unique Custom Pattern Company. The company maintains a web catalog. With the ad-
vent of computer-aided pattern drafting software, patterns can be drafted to a customer’s individ-
ual measurements following directions in the company’s booklet or the CD instructional kit. Lekco
patterns sell CDs with special CAD software that will generate a custom fitted pattern when the
user inputs four measurements. The pattern can be printed on a desktop printer.
Summary
Aggressive promotions, with traditional pattern companies vying for strong positions in a shifting
marketplace, occurred throughout the 1980s and 1990s. When the buyouts and mergers were set-
tled in 2011, there were two remaining major traditional companies, McCall and Simplicity, with five
brand names: McCall, Butterick, Vogue, Simplicity, and New Look. Alan Clandenning (2001) of the
Times Union, Albany noted that the five brand names commanded about 72 to 75 percent of the
market according to the Federal Trade Commission. For the established smaller companies, New
Look merged with Simplicity and Kwik Sew merged with McCall; Folkwear is independent and,
REINVENTION AND RENAISSANCE 213
along with the other independent companies, have a small percentage of pattern sales. Kwik Sew
Europe experienced international expansion, and the German companies Burda and Neue Mode
developed a broader presence in North America and gained a small percentage of pattern sales.
Simultaneously, independent companies were carving out niche markets. The increasing num-
ber of these companies belied the sense that “no one was sewing anymore.” Major factors that
enabled these companies to flourish were the explosion of computer technology, computer-aided
design software, the growth of the Internet, and personal computers, as well as individual sewers’
ability to download and print patterns for immediate use.
Advances in sewing machine technology stimulated interest in sewing. On May 20, 2011, the
Wall Street Journal reported “amid sewing’s pop-culture revival, makers of sewing machines are
cutting no corners in their appeal to the next generation of seamstresses” (Athavaley 2011: D1).
The new sewing machines are equipped with USB ports, automatic threading, decorative stitches,
and high-resolution screens, which allows for multitasking. There are smartphone apps to assist
with matching thread to fabric as well as software that digitizes embroidery designs. Athava-
ley credits the influence of Project Runway 3 for sewing’s “pop-culture revival” (see Figure 182).”
Renewed interest expanded sewing machine production and increased the need for fabric and
notions outlets. Walmart removed fabric departments in 2006 only to bring them back to meet
demand.
The greatest changes in the 150-plus years of commercial pattern production are the clothing
styles, and even those are resurrected and reinterpreted regularly. The pattern-making process is
essentially the same as the earliest days from design to model to the pattern master for repro-
duction. The tools and production aids have been modernized and upgraded regularly in efforts to
streamline production to be at the forefront of the latest fashion trends. Two of the original pio-
neers of the industry, Butterick and McCall, have a predominant presence. Though incorporated
somewhat later, Simplicity has maintained its strength, and numerous original nineteenth-century
pattern companies have been replaced with equally numerous small, independent companies in
the last forty years. The practice of home sewing ceased to be a necessity in every home and has
become a “hobby.” The pleasure of making one’s garments or decorative soft goods persisted
and gained popularity. Sewing associations have stimulated interest and revived home sewing for
satisfaction and sense of accomplishment.
Epilogue
The advent of the U.S. commercial pattern industry in the late 1850s was a coalition of numerous
factors: experimentation with more and economical methods for fulfilling clothing needs for every-
one, technological advances with sewing machines, wood-based paper and textile production, and
improved communication of the latest fashions inspired by the nineteenth-century entrepreneurial
spirit. Founders of the pattern companies responded to the prevailing climate and capitalized on
the new developments for making clothing for all. In general, the companies included a publish-
ing component to promote clothing patterns. The founders explored a variety of pattern-making
techniques, including complex pattern drafting systems, small diagrams, single-size overlapping
pattern sheets, and full-size tissue paper patterns. The latter ultimately dominated the market and
are still in use today.
What has changed? Economic shifts throughout the twentieth century led to mergers and
incorporations, shifting family-owned businesses with a major single product to corporations that
are umbrellas for several products. The shift appeared to bring minor changes, but each pattern
company/brand name was competing for predominance within the corporation as well as in the
marketplace. Still two of the original nineteenth-century companies, Butterick and McCall, and two
from the early twentieth century, Vogue and Simplicity, have survived and prospered while others
were bought out or simply failed. Some, such as DuBarry, were affiliated with chain stores that
went out of business. Others, such as Hollywood, fulfilled the original purpose of an inexpensive
counterbalance for Vogue patterns during the Great Depression and were dropped.
The needs of the market underwent significant changes. Clothing manufacture moved from
the homemaker and dressmaker to mass production. In addition, women who had primarily been
limited to the home entered the workforce outside the home and had less time to pursue sew-
ing interests. Sewing shifted from being a necessary skill to one of creative expression and an
interesting hobby. The pattern companies adapted their product to supply those interests. Crafts
pattern lines were expanded, vintage or “retro” patterns resized to the current sizing criteria, and
period “costume” lines designed for reenactors were introduced.
Simultaneously, new niche market pattern companies formed. They followed the footsteps of
the original companies as family-owned companies. However, they did not follow current fashion
trends. Instead they concentrated on timeless fashions and patterns designed for specific mar-
kets, utilizing the latest computer-based technology to capture a percentage, albeit small, of the
market. These companies are numerous and located throughout North America and have a strong
presence on the Internet.
Finally, the history of pattern companies must be viewed in conjunction with all the home
sewing–related enterprises. From the outset, the sewing machine was a major enabler and contin-
ues to be so. Sergers or overlock machines for domestic use and computerized sewing machines
216 EPILOGUE
have stimulated pattern usage. The decline of independent fabric stores has had a depressing
effect on the market, but there is some evidence that a demand for fabrics will stimulate a revival
in retail outlets. For example, in my small community there are now two retail shops specializing
in fabrics and supplies for home sewers and quilters. Each shop offers classes to encourage more
sewing activity.
It remains to be seen what effect the current global economic crisis will have on home sew-
ing. However, in my vicinity, sewing master classes are attracting women of all ages; sewing as-
sociations such as the Association of Sewing Professionals and the Center for Pattern Design are
energetic and productive. The online activity of the pattern companies and the burgeoning number
of independent companies does make clear that there is the persistent desire for patterns, the
essential tools for creating garments whether for a special individual or a special occasion. The
proclamation made by The Designer in 1916 still holds true: that the paper dress pattern is “Truly
one of the great elemental inventions in the world’s history—The Tissue of Dreams.”
Appendix
Pattern Grids Rendered
by Susan Hannel
The patterns included are samples of fashionable styles from 1850 to the 1960s. All the selected
patterns are cut and punched; they are not duplicates but are created in the style of the originals
and have been further altered to conform to present-day pattern practices. The pattern pieces are
laid out to show the straight-of-grain, and 0.5-inch seam allowances are marked. Each grid is a pro-
totype tracing the development of cut and punched pattern production during these years. By the
mid-1960s, the major pattern companies abandoned cut and punched patterns in favor of printed
patterns first introduced by McCall’s in 1921.
For example, the presentation of the Demorest basque pattern is typical of early patterns. The
pieces of the original pattern are not identified on the sheet; the side panel is upside down and the
half sleeve is sideways at the bottom of the sheet to work within the space on the paper. The cap
of the sleeve is identified as “N:4.”
The Domestic pattern for the misses’ dress represents standard cut and punched patterns for
the late nineteenth century. The original pieces are marked with notches and a series of small per-
forations. In this specific instance, the seamstress is expected to identify each piece by the shape
and join them to make the finished dress. There is a list of the pieces in the pattern such as “upper
and under front,” the latter identified on the pattern grid as the lining. The brief instructions direct
the seamstress to cut the collar on a “crosswise thread” and the skirt on the cross grain. The rest
of the instructions detail the sequence for sewing the dress together.
The patterns for the shirtwaist and seven-gored skirt, typical of the predominant silhouette of
1912, are also cut and punched although there is greater variety on the perforations to include
crosses, large and small holes, and notches. The patterns also include pieces such as facings and
plackets. The envelope includes a construction chart showing how to piece the garments together.
The 1929 Vogue pattern includes a diagram of the pattern pieces on the envelope to aid the seam-
stress in identifying the various pieces and their orientation on the grain of the fabric. In addition,
each piece is identified with a letter punched out in a series of small holes and the girdle is in green
tissue rather than tan. “All seams are allowed” but not marked in the pattern.
The other four patterns—Simplicity’s 1937 blouse and 1942 coverall, Advance dress, and Spadea
Nehru jacket—all include well-illustrated and detailed instructions sheets. Unmarked seam allow-
ance is identified on each sheet. All except Spadea conform to measurements recommended by
the Bureau of Standards of the U.S. Department of Commerce. Spadea’s jacket sizing followed
ready-to-wear body measurements.
218 APPENDIX
Basque 1854
Four pieces: basque front, side-body, back, sleeve. Separate facings of sufficient width for the bot-
tom of the basque and sleeve need to be cut. Match notches to close seams.
5 Cut bias strip 2 inches wide by 17 inches long for neck binding and bind the neck.
APPENDIX 219
9 Finish trimmings.
Thirteen years, bust 30 inches, requires 8 yards of 21-inch or 4 yards of 42-inch goods; if plaid trim-
ming, 1 yard of 42-inch goods, 3 8 yards piqué for vest, and ¼ yards lace trimming, or one piece
ribbon velvet and 4½ yards of wider ribbon velvet.
Eight pieces: lining front and back, upper-front, upper-back, side-body, sleeve, collar, and half skirt.
Match notches to close seams: 1-inch seam allowance on shoulder and underarm seams, 3 8 -inch
on all others.
2 Turn the hem on front edge of upper-front as notched, make two pleats toward center
front and place on lining.
APPENDIX 221
3 Make three tucks toward center back in upper-back by meeting every two notches and
place on the lining, turning the hems together.
4 Close the shoulder and underarm seams and the side seams, matching notches.
5 Leave an opening in the center back of the skirt and gather the upper edge, joining it at
the bodice. Turn up the lower edge of the skirt as far as the notch for the hem.
6 Stitch the underarm sleeve seam, gather the upper edge and place the seam at the notch
in the front of the “arm-size,” and stitch to bodice. Join the collar to the neck as notched.
34-inch bust: requires 25 8 yards 27 inches wide; 24-inch waist: requires 4 yards 27 inches wide.
Eight pieces: front, back, neckband, pocket, sleeve, cuff, facing, underlap.
Match notches to close seams:
1 Right front—fold center front over 2 inches to right side, turn edge under, and topstitch in
place.
APPENDIX 223
2 Left front—fold center front under 1 inch to wrong side, turn edge, and topstitch for form
underlap.
4 Gather waistline to fit and sew a ¾-inch-wide stay belt over gathers in the inside to fasten
in front.
5 Stitch neckband with right sides together; turn through lower edge; attach to neck,
allowing for overlap at center front.
6 Pocket: turn upper edge over on outside and sew on left front with upper edges at small circles.
7 Stitch sleeve seam to lower notch, attach facing, and underlap to finish opening.
8 Gather top of sleeve to set into armhole, gather lower edge to fit cuff, and finish in same
manner as neckband.
9 Hem shirtwaist.
224 APPENDIX
Six pieces: center-front gore, side-front gore, side-back gore, center-back gore, placket facing, and belt.
Match notches to close seams: ½-inch seam allowance (original specifies 1-inch seam allow-
ance at the shoulder and underarm for any alterations in fitting and 3 8 inch at neck and armhole).
4 Stitch placket facing to center back above circle, right sides together; open and fold to
create underlap.
FIGURE 191 Misses’ and Women’s One-Piece Frock. Vogue 9656, 1929.104.JSE.
Commercial Pattern Archive.
Eighteen years: bust 36, hip 39; finished length at center back from natural neckline 41 inches.
Requires 3¾ yards of 36-inch or 33 8 yards of 39-inch material; 1¼ yards of 36-inch or 1 yard of 39-
inch material for lining.
Eight pieces: lining front and back, frock front, blouse back, skirt back, sleeve, tie, and girdle.
1 Lining—stitch front darts at underarms; stitch shoulder seams, easing back to front; stitch
side seams; pique neckline, armholes, and hem edges.
2 Blouse—dart blouse front at side. Make inside pin tuck on dash continuing from dart;
make inside pin tucks below this on small dots. Make inside 1 8 -inch tucks on dash line at
back of neck. Stitch underarm seams and shoulder seams from neck to square, matching
notches.
3 Stitch dart in frock front skirt; join skirt back to front. French seam or trim seams and
overcast before pressing open.
4 Run five rows of shirring on lines across top back of skirt. Turn under seam allowance at
lower edge of blouse. Adjust gathers and stitch blouse back over skirt.
5 Neck—finish neckline with narrow facing. Hem loose edges of tie to dots. Turn under
seam allowance on end. Apply to front, matching markings, and stitch. Knot loose ends.
6 Sleeves—gather sleeve at wrist between notches. Gather to about 4 inches and fasten.
Adjust and seam sleeve above notch, easing at elbow by matching notches. Finish
228 APPENDIX
opening and lower edge of sleeve with ribbon seam binding. Work thread loops on back
line of shirring, sew buttons to front line, lap, and fasten snugly at wrist. Turn under seam
allowance at lower edge of kimono sleeve. Match marking and stitch over sleeve. Face
kimono armhole when sleeveless.
8 Girdle—make inside ¼-inch tucks on front girdle as marked at dashed lines. Hem loose
edges. Tie at center back, covering sewing.
9 Lower edge: allow frock to hang—various materials sag differently when cut circular—
even off sag and turn up lower edge. Sew ribbon binding to edge of back skirt. Hem the
binding to the skirt. Keep stitches loose, catching up only a thread or two to hold hem.
Hem front of skirt as perforated.
FIGURE 192 Pattern in the Style of Misses’ and Women’s One-Piece Frock 1929.
230 APPENDIX
FIGURE 193 Misses’ and Women’s Blouse. Simplicity 2389, 1937.29.JSE. Com-
mercial Pattern Archive.
Size 16: bust 34, waist 28, hip 39, neck to waist length 23 inches.
Requires 27 8 yards for 35- or 39-inch material or 1¾ yards for 59-inch material.
Suggested fabrics: dimity, dotted swiss, sheer cotton, handkerchief linen, silk or rayon crepe,
wool crepe, sheer woolens.
Seven pieces: blouse front and back, yoke front and back, collar, sleeve, and cuff.
Seam allowance: ½ inch for all seams; left side facing with 9-inch slide fastener (zipper).
1 Front keyhole opening: cut a facing 3 inches wide and 8 inches long, turn ¼ inch on side
edges and one end, and stitch.
2 Baste facing to front of blouse with centers matching, and stitch down ¼ inch each side of
center 6¾ inches from neckline; slash between stitching; turn facing inside and tack in place.
3 Gather blouse front and blouse back ½ inch and 5 8 inch from upper edges.
4 Turn in top edge of front yoke; join to Blouse Front pulling up gathers to fit and topstitch.
5 Repeat for the back yoke and blouse back; join shoulder seams.
6 Join the side seams, leaving the left side open between the notches; stitch front waist tucks.
7 Left side closing: baste seam opening, place at center of zipper, baste. Remove basting;
pull slider down and stitch as far as possible; pull slider up and stitch other side, forming a
point at each end.
APPENDIX 231
8 Collar: stitch right sides together, turn. Baste to neck edge of blouse on outside, matching
notches, finish neck edge with bias facing. Fasten upper end of keyhole opening with
hook and eye.
9 Sleeve: gather at top and at wrist, stitch underarm seam, leaving 3-inch opening at wrist,
finish, and add cuff finished at 1½ inch. Stitch sleeve in armhole.
FIGURE 194 Pattern in the Style of Misses’ and Women’s Blouse 1937.
232 APPENDIX
Size 16: bust 34, waist 28, hips 37; finished back length from base of neck to waist, 16 inches;
finished length from waist at side seam to lower edge of trousers, 41 inches.
Eight pieces: blouse front and back, collar, sleeve, trousers front and back, pocket, and belt.
APPENDIX 233
2 Make belt carriers: cut two strips each 2 inches by 5 inches, fold each in half lengthwise,
and stitch, leaving ends open; turn and stitch along long edges. Fold each carrier in half
and baste to loose edge of blouse front on outside over dart.
3 Join front blouse to front trousers, easing in fullness of blouse between notch and side
seam, and turn seam downward; topstitch center-front seam.
5 Hem facings: fold center-front facing extensions to outside from fold to notch, stitch at
neck, clip, and turn.
6 Front opening: Lap front opening edges, matching waist seam, stitch through all
thicknesses at bottom of opening.
7 Trouser pockets: baste under ½ inch on all edges, turn hem to inside, stitch pockets to
trouser fronts.
10 Join sleeve to blouse, easing in the fullness between notches; stitch sleeve and blouse
underarm seams to waist.
11 Collar: face, leaving notched edges open; turn and join to neck edge of blouse. Turn in free
edge and slip-stitch over seam on outside. Topstitch outer edge of collar.
12 Trouser back: stitch darts, match notches, and stitch center back; join inner leg seam,
matching crotch seams.
13 Back trouser facing: cut bias 3 inches wide. Stitch under ½ inch on one long edge. With
right sides together, join bias to upper and side edges.
14 Side opening with zipper: turn back facing to inside and baste. Baste under arm seam
allowances on opening edges. Place the edges at center of closed zipper with tab end at
waistline; baste, turning in upper ends of tape. Stitch in place ¼ inch from edges.
15 Back closing: work buttonholes at top of trousers back, working center one a little to one
side of seam. Stitch ½-inch-wide cotton tape across blouse back at waistline on inside at
medium circles, sew buttons to blouse back.
16 Belt: fold and stitch, leaving an opening, turn and slip-stitch opening. Work buttonholes
between small dots and at center back. Button belt in place, sew buckle to left end, and
work eyelet on right.
234 APPENDIX
17 Sleeve and trouser hems: turn up lower edge 1½ inch. Turn under raw edge and stitch flat.
18 Front closing: work buttonholes on right front, sew buttons under buttonholes, and hook at
waistline.
FIGURE 196 Pattern in the Style of Misses’ and Women’s Slack-Suit 1942.
APPENDIX 235
FIGURE 197 Misses’ Dress with Cowl Neckline. Advance 6124, 1952.165.BWS.
Commercial Pattern Archive.
Size 18: bust 36, waist 30, hip 39, width across back 14½, finished length from center of shoul-
der over bust to natural waist 17¾, finished skirt side-front length from natural waistline 31, and
2-inch hem.
Requires 45 8 yards of 35-inch, 4½ yards 39-inch or 4¼ yards 45-inch fabric (about 1 8 yard more
if striped fabric).
Suggested materials: crepe, taffeta, shantung, lightweight wool, sheer cotton or rayon, novelty
cotton or rayon.
Six pieces: bodice back and front, cowl, back neck facing, skirt, and belt.
Seam allowance: ½ inch for all seams; back closing with 20-inch slide fastener (zipper) [original
pattern calls for a 10-inch zipper].
236 APPENDIX
1 Stitch fitting darts in the bodice back and join the center-back seam from the neck to the
large dot; leave the rest open for the placket.
2 Stay-stitch the front bodice neckline 3 8 inch from edge; stitch fitting darts.
3 Cowl: hem cowl ½ inch on unnotched edge. Pleat ends of cowl by bringing small
perforations to meet medium perforations and baste. Join notched edge of cowl to neck
edge of bodice, matching notches, and ease cowl between notches.
4 Join shoulder seams, matching notches. Place finished edge of cowl ½ inch below back of
neck edge. Clip seam at end of cowl and press toward back.
5 Back neck facing: hem ½ inch on unnotched edge. Join to back neckline, matching
notches, and allow facing to extend ½ inch beyond shoulder seam. Clip neck seam and
turn facing inside. Slip-stitch ½ inch on shoulder edges of facing to seam.
7 Skirt: box pleat to fit waist following arrows; join center back seam, leaving 3½-inch
opening at waist for zipper.
8 Join waistline seam, keeping point of bodice at center-front pleat; clip skirt at center front.
Turn and baste ½ inch on edges of center-back placket. Insert zipper in opening with edges
meeting at center of teeth. Stitch close to teeth.
9 Cut 1½-inch strip of bias 1 inch longer than sleeve width. Join to outside of sleeve and turn
to the inside. Turn ½ inch and fell-stitch to the sleeve.
11 Belt: baste interfacing, fold in half lengthwise, right sides together, and seam one end and
the long edge. Trim seams, trimming interfacing close to stitching, and turn. Turn in ½ inch
on open end and blind-stitch. Attach buckle.
APPENDIX 237
FIGURE 198 Pattern in the Style of Misses’ Dress with Cowl Neckline 1952.
238 APPENDIX
Size 42: chest 42, waist 38, finished length (Style 1) 29½ inches with separating collar, (Style 2)
37 inches with pockets and closed collar.
Style 1 requires 3 yards of 45-inch-wide material, 27 8 yards of 39-inch-wide lining, and 1 yard of
45-inch-wide interfacing; Style 2 requires 3½ yards 45-inch-wide material, 31 8 yards 39-inch-wide
lining, and 1¼ yards 45-inch-wide interfacing.
Suggested fabrics: heavy cotton, linen, corduroy, madras, synthetic leather, gabardine, flannel,
raw silk.
Ten Pieces: jacket front, side front, side back, back, collar (longer style, shorter style), upper and
under sleeve, jacket lining front, pocket (Style 2), and front interfacing. Cut two parts of interfacing
for jacket front and collars; cut two of lining for jacket side front, side back, upper and under sleeve.
1 Join pocket to side seam of side back and side front (Style 2).
2 Join side backs to back, join side fronts to fronts; stitch dart in jacket back.
3 Join front and back at shoulder seam and side seam, including the pocket.
APPENDIX 239
4 Catch-stitch the jacket front interfacing to the center front and baste to shoulder seam.
5 For separating smaller collar, turn the front self-facing outside, stitch from fold line to small
o, clip, and turn facing to inside; for longer closed collar, stitch from fold line to medium o,
clip, and turn facing to inside. Stay-stitch to the neckline.
6 Join the upper sleeve to the under sleeve and machine-gather to top of the sleeve
between notches and ease into the armhole.
8 Join jacket front lining to side back lining, then to back lining.
9 From outside, form soft pleat ½ inch deep at center back lining and catch-stitch horizontally
at neckline and waistline.
10 Slip-stitch lining inside jacket, turning back 5 8 inch on lining edge; assemble sleeve lining
and finish as jacket lining.
11 Interface collar using pad stitch, stitch upper collar to under collar, leaving neck edge open,
and turn.
12 Join interfaced collar portions to jacket neck edge between small o’s for separating smaller
collar, to medium o’s for closed longer collar. Clip curve. Turn free edge and slip-stitch on
side of jacket.
13 Finish front with buttonholes and buttons; fasten closed collar with hooks and eyes.
240 APPENDIX
Introduction
1. Numbers such as 1931.128.BWS indicate the date of issue, the number of patterns processed in
the collection that year, and the initials indicate the collection.
2. A complete list can be found at http://copa.apps.uri.edu.
3. With references to material such as advertisements and patterns from magazine and catalog
sources that span many years, specific in-text citations will include issue details corresponding to a
generic entry provided for the magazine or catalog with title, publication details, and date range in
the bibliography.
Chapter 2
1. Professional dressmakers or mantua makers were recognized by the eighteenth century. The
profession was for women only to make mantuas, gowns worn over stays (corsets) and petticoats.
The tradition of women being designated to make non-tailored garments was established at
this time.
2. See Anonymous (1789).
3. See Lady (1808).
4. The title of Godey’s varies: Godey’s Magazine, Lady’s Book, Godey’s Lady’s Book. For a biography
of the editress Sara Josepha Hale, see Finley (1931).
Chapter 3
1. See Forsdyke (n.d.).
Chapter 4
1. Cut and punched patterns have a distinct advantage of small production costs for a limited number
of patterns, say between twenty-five and one hundred. Cost for setting up the machinery to print
the same number of patterns is considerable (Williams and Emery 1996).
242 NOTES
Chapter 6
1. Style, published by American Fashion Company, should not be confused with another earlier
magazine of the same name, published by Domestic Sewing Machine Company until it ceased
operation by 1895. To further confuse matters, Style was an English pattern company, with its own
publication, that started in the 1950s.
2. An English pattern company issued Economy Design patterns in the 1940s. An example circa 1941
in the Commercial Pattern Archive database is for the “Make-Do and Mend” campaign.
3. For a complete listing of English publishing corporations and pattern companies, see Seligman
(1996: 302–307; 2003: 95–105).
4. For a brief history of home economics, see Helveston and Bubloz (1999).
5. Vogue in January 1918 featured society women in Hoover aprons (40), and the December issue
featured society women in the uniform selling pies to support the war effort at the Ritz, Sherry’s,
Delmonico’s, and the Plaza (25).
Chapter 7
1. It could be argued that Demorest printed the first patterns in the United States, since the pattern
sheets given first in Frank Leslie’s Lady’s Gazette of Fashion and then in each issue of Demorest’s
Monthly Magazine had the outline of the pattern pieces printed on a sheet of tissue paper. In
addition, it could be argued that the over-printed pattern sheets were “printed patterns.” These,
however, were not “printed” patterns. The Demorest patterns printed the outlines of pattern pieces
with smaller pieces inside the larger pieces. If they were cut out to place on the fabric, it would
leave major holes in half of the pattern pieces, which could, and probably did, cause distortion of the
pattern. The over-printed sheets had to have each piece copied off by hand before they could be used.
2. McCall used French designers to strengthen their whole line. They did not usually identify the
designers on the pattern envelope, only in the description of the pattern in McCall’s Magazine and
in catalogs. Williams notes the couturier patterns “all have something a little extra; that manner
in which the skirt fullness is achieved, a clever way of manipulating a ruffle of diagonal seam to
replace darts” (1995: 6).
3. Pattern companies continue this practice with all major international fashion events for the latest
styles for new patterns.
4. During the 1920s, Butterick averaged 600–800 new styles per year; Standard averaged 400–500
a year until its takeover in 1926; and Ladies’ Home Journal offered 350–450 Home pattern styles
per year and produced 294 couturier patterns in 1929. Pictorial Review averaged 500–600 per year,
McCall 450–500 per year, and Excella 300–400 per year. Vogue averaged 500 regular styles through
the 1920s, 115 children’s from 1925, and 100 Special Designs from 1929, for a total of 500–600
new styles per year. In addition, all issued a few needlework designs each year.
Chapter 8
1. The Hollywood Pattern Book was introduced in 1933 and included promotional photos from new
films, articles about what the stars were wearing, and information about the designers, as well as
NOTES 243
a catalog of new Hollywood patterns. The publication was retitled Glamour of Hollywood in 1939
and was shortened to Glamour in 1941. The magazine Charm was incorporated with Glamour in
1959, which is still in publication.
Chapter 9
1. Since L - 85 restrictions were not imposed on the pattern companies, patch pockets were allowed.
2. Lend Lease, begun in March 1941, was the program under which the United States supplied the
Allied nations with vast amounts of war matériel between 1941 and 1945.
Chapter 10
1. Even Hollywood was caught. The studios had films with pre–New Look styles in preparation; to
play it safe until the new fashion was established, most of the film shots showed the stars only
from the waist up.
2. The main pattern types fall into five categories: girls/boys, teen, junior, miss, and women. Girls/
boys are generally sizes 7–14 with an average height of about five feet. Teens are generally sizes
10–16 with an average height of five feet, three inches. Juniors are generally sizes 11–17 with
an average height of five feet, five inches. Misses are generally sizes 12–20 with an average
height of five feet, six inches. Women are generally sizes 40–50 with an average height of five
feet, six inches and are based on the bust measurement. The companies began to offer half-size
patterns in the mid-1940s for women five feet, three inches and under. Men’s sizes were based on
chest measurements of thirty-two to fifty inches.
Chapter 11
1. Stretch and Sew Inc. (n.d.), “Patterns, Books & Notions,” https://www.gmidesign.com/stretch/,
accessed March 10, 2011.
2. Folkwear Sewing Patterns (n.d.), “About Folkwear,” http://www.folkwear.com/aboutfolkwear.html,
accessed March 10, 2011.
3. Simplicity has produced a line of Daisy Kingdom patterns for infants and toddlers since the late
1980s that has no relationship to the Daisy Kingdom Pattern Company.
Chapter 12
1. Sergers had been around for over 100 years for industrial use. The inventors, J. Maken
Merrow and his son Joseph, patented a machine for crochet stitching in 1881, which led to the
development of the overlock machine. The stitches allow for the stretch in various knit fabrics
and overcast the edge of the fabric to prevent fraying. The machines are known as merrows,
overlocks, or sergers.
244 NOTES
2. Rev. Sun Myung Moon, Korean founder and leader of the worldwide Unification Church, is famous
for holding blessing ceremonies, often referred to as “mass weddings.” It is reported that
4,000 couples were married in Seoul, South Korea, in 2000.
3. Project Runway, a reality TV show that first aired in the United States in December 2004, was in
its ninth season in 2011. Contestants compete with each other to design and produce the best
clothes.
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May Readily Buy Materials, Cut Out and Value Each Article of Clothing of Every Size, Without the
Least Difficulty, and With the Greatest Exactness: With a Preface, Containing a Plan for Assisting
the Parents of Poor Children Belonging to Sunday Schools, to Clothe Them, and Other Official
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Le Bon Ton (1867), New York: S.T. Taylor, 16 (January): 1.
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Business Week (1935), “Dress Pattern Progress” (February 16): 20.
Business Week (1942), “Susie Sews” (June 13): 58.
Business Week (1943), “Sewing Success” (March 13): 68, 71.
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Catalog of the Bazar Paper Patterns (1871), New York: McCall Pattern Co.
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Le Costume Royal (1918), New York: Royal Pattern Co., V23/3 (December): 3.
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Demorest’s Monthly Magazine (1860–1889), New York: W. J. Demorest.
Designer (1894–1920), New York: Standard Fashion.
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Adburgham, A. (1989), Shops and Shopping, 2nd ed., London: Barrie & Jenkins.
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America to 1976,” PhD dissertation, The Ohio State University.
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Companies, Box 1, Commercial Pattern Archive, University of Rhode Island.
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McDowell, C. (1997), Forties Fashion, London: Bloomsbury.
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Berg, 327–39.
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Costume, 37: 95–113.
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Pattern Companies, Box 2, Commercial Pattern Archive, University of Rhode Island.
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Walsh, M. (1979), “The Democratization of Fashion: The Emergence of the Women’s Dress Pattern
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Index
Curtis, Ellen Louise, 40 Famous Features, 2, 79, 130 – 2, 164, 188, 194
cut and punched patterns, 51 – 2, 64, 85, 99 – 100, and Ann Cabot, 131
122, 125, 131, 166, 171, 178, 217 and Peggy Roberts, 131
cut-to-measure patterns, 62, 64, 78, 129, 212 and Sue Burnett, 131
Fashionable Dress Pattern Co., 79
Daisy Kingdom, 193, 243n3 (chap. 11) and Fashionable Dress magazine, 79
dating patterns, 2 – 3 and Style, 79, 242n1 (chap. 6)
Delineator (Butterick), 52, 55 – 7 passim, 61 – 4 Fashions for All Ltd., 85
passim, 81, 109, 122, 127 feedbags, 172 – 4
Demorest, William Jennings, 40 Fogerty, Anne, 167
Demorest Pattern Co., 22, 25 – 7, 29, 40 – 1, 50, Folkwear patterns, 192 – 3, 212
55 – 6, 71 Follet, Mrs., 21
and basque pattern, 23, 25, 217 – 19 Frank Leslie’s Gazette of Fashion, 22, 25, 35, 40
and publications, 40, 52, 71 and sewing machine, 33
Der Bazar, 42 Freyle, Diego de, 5
Devere, Louis, 10, 12 full-size patterns, 10 – 17 passim, 19 – 28 passim,
Devere “Paris Model Fashions,“ 49 49 – 50, 59
Diderot, Denis, 5 F. W. Woolworth Co., 121 – 2
Dietrichstein, Mr., 8
Dior, Christian, 159, 162 Garasualt, Francois Alexandre, 5
direct measurement system, 8 George Newnes Ltd., 85
domestic patterns, 47 – 8, 59, 71 Gernreich, Rudi, 185
and Domestic Monthly, 47, 49, 52, Giles, Edward B., 5 – 8 see also West End
and Domestic Sewing Machine Company, 47 Gazette, The
and dress pattern, 217, 220 – 1 and The West End System, 13
Dreams on Paper, 3 Godey’s Ladies Book, 24 – 5, 29 – 30, 40, 241n4
dress forms, 34 – 5 (chap. 2)
dressmaking systems, 22, 41, 64 and sewing machine, 31 – 2
DuBarry Pattern Co., 118, 122, 164 Good, Thomas, 11
Duchess of Windsor, 171 – 2 Goodwin, Emma, 90
Dynasty, 205 see also McCall Pattern Co. Goubaud, Mme, 49
Green Pepper, 193
Economy Design Pattern Co., 154, 242n2 (chap. 6) Gunne Sax, 206 see also Simplicity Pattern Co.
Economy Patterns, 81 see also Sears and Roebuck
Ehrlick & Co., 47 Harmsworth patterns, 85
eight-hour blazer, 204 see also McCall Pattern Co. Harper’s Bazar, 42 – 5, 58, 61, 73
Elegant, The, 11 Hearn (tailor), 8 see also inch measure
Elite Dressmaker and Milliner, 46 see also Hearst Corporation, 111, 122, 127
Smith, Annesley Burdette Hecklinger, Charles, 14
Elite Pattern Service, 64, 73 historical clothing patterns, 209
and Elite Styles, 64, 78, 90 History of the Art of Cutting in England, The, 5 – 8
and Monthly Women’s and Children’s Pattern passim see also Giles, Edward B.
Magazine, 64 Holding, T. H., 14
English Pattern Co., 206 see also Maudella Hollywood Pattern Co., 118, 122 – 7, 131, 134, 164
Engishwomen’s Domestic Magazine, The, 24, see also W.T. Grant; J. J. Newberry
49, 52, 60 Home Pattern Co., 72, 75 – 6, 102
ethnic styles, 180, 183, 192 – 3 and Guide Chart, 86
Excella, 99, 101, 122 and Minerva Guide, 102
and Excellagraph, 101 Hoover apron, 90, 94 – 5, 242n5 (chap. 6)
Extra-Sure Pattern, 207 see also Simplicity Horn, Carol, 206 see also Simplicity Pattern Co.
Pattern Co. Howe, Elias, 30
INDEX 251