Research Article

Journal of Macromarketing
2022, Vol. 42(3) 433-453
‘Give It Up!’: A Macro-Social Marketing © The Author(s) 2022
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Approach to India’s Clean Cooking DOI: 10.1177/02761467221107556
journals.sagepub.com/home/jmk
Fuel Access

Sujit Raghunathrao Jagadale1 and Joya Kemper2

Abstract
This paper examines how the Government of India (GOI) used macrosocial marketing (MSM) to address the issues of clean cook-
ing fuel accessibility and affordability and structural inequalities in subsidy redistribution. It highlights a novel MSM application to
address chrematistics in marketing systems. Two initiatives established by the GOI are examined. “Give It Up” encourages
wealthier households to surrender liquid petroleum gas (LPG) subsidies, leaving these to poorer families, and Pradhan Mantri
Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY) installs LPG connections for poor, rural women. The research explores how the GOI has addressed
economic inefficiencies and structural inequalities, focusing on institutional norms and affordability, accessibility, awareness,
and acceptability (the “4As”). The research expands the theoretical boundaries of MSM in relation to poverty and identifies
its capacity to affect individual and systemic change through formal and informal institutional changes. Although new institutional
norms were adopted, PMUY could not address the ongoing affordability of LPG, despite the changes to LPG subsidies.

Keywords
macro-social marketing, BOP, poor consumers, institutional norms, institutional change, social change, subsistence marketplaces,
clean fuel

Introduction because it can be easily liquefied under moderate pressure,

thus allowing the ease of storage and transportation (Gould
Cooking is socially and culturally significant across geogra- and Urpelainen 2018). Also, LPG can deliver substantial
phies, as it binds families together and affect health outcomes. health, as well as social and economic benefits over alternatives
Globally, however, three billion people (the approximate com- such as biogas (Rosenthal et al. 2018).
bined population of India and China) have no access to clean In the Indian context, the affordability of LPG is entrenched
cooking fuels and technologies (World Health Organization
and structural because LPG subsidies are used by middle-class
2021). Most people use solid fuels, such as coal, wood, farm consumers who can afford to pay market prices for LPG
residue, and cow dung, for cooking; they often employ tradi- (Lahoti, Suchitra and Goutam 2012; Livemint 2015). To
tional stoves for cooking (Sadath and Acharya 2017; Saxena
tackle this issue of chrematistics in marketing systems
and Bhattacharya 2018). Using such solid fuels and traditional (Kadirov, Varey and Wolfenden 2016), which is defined as
cooking technologies cause indoor air pollution that leads to the regulative effect of powerful market actors, the
respiratory problems and heart diseases. Due to household air
Government of India (GOI) appealed to the Indian middle
pollution, more than four million deaths are reported every class or well-to-do households to “give up” (i.e., voluntarily
year, half of which take place among children below the age surrender) LPG subsidies so that more government resources
of five (World Bank 2019). Because of high levels of exposure,
could be channeled to deserving poor households or access of
women and children are disproportionately affected by house- LPG to poorer households could be increased. This would
hold air pollution and the vagaries of the collection of solid reduce the dependence of poor households on fossil fuels
fuels such as wood.
To access and afford the clean cooking fuel is a major chal-
lenge. Else, there are severe and adverse effects at the house- 1
Indian Institute of Management Amritsar, Amritsar, India
hold and national levels. One example of this is the 2
The University of Canterbury, New Zealand
affordability of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) in India. Clean
cooking fuels burn with very few emissions and include gas Corresponding Author:
Sujit Raghunathrao Jagadale, Indian Institute of Management Amritsar, Punjab
(LPG, piped natural gas, biogas), electricity (coil, induction, Institute of Technology Building, Inside Government Polytechnic Campus,
solar), and ethanol (Gould and Urpelainen 2018). In low- and Polytechnic Road, PO: Chheharta, G.T. Road, Amritsar – 143105, India.
middle-income countries, LPG is especially promising Email: [email protected]
434 Journal of Macromarketing 42(3)

such as coal, wood, cow dung, and crop residues and reduce the way, we provide an insight into how consumer viewed the
drudgery they experienced, while simultaneously improving the MSM initiative alongside campaigns and communications.
natural environment. At the core of the Give It Up campaign In doing so, we also reflect on these findings in relation to
was an appeal to high income households to buy LPG at MSM theories and the 4As framework.
market prices; the campaign is one of the most significant The research contributes to the literature in multiple ways.
public health campaigns India has ever seen (Smith and Sagar First, the theoretical boundaries of MSM are expanded.
2016). Kemper and Ballantine (2020) suggest that MSM has only
The campaign is part of a macro-social marketing (MSM) been examined in the context of consumer goods that are
initiative called the Pratyaksh Hastantarit Laabh (PaHaL involved in wicked problems (i.e., fast food, tobacco). This is
[Direct Benefit Transfer of LPG]), which has an objective of because MSM involves the marketing of desirable, or the
changing India’s energy sector (Mittal, Mukherjee and Gelb “demarketing” of undesirable, goods and services (Kennedy
2017). MSM addresses complex wicked problems at the 2016). Instead, this research investigates a campaign that
macro level (e.g., Kadirov 2019; Kennedy 2016; Kennedy addresses the issue of fuel poverty in India, in which, based
and Parsons 2012, 2015; Kennedy, Kemper and Parsons on voluntarism, a group of consumers is invited to the market
2018) by bringing a holistic systemic change (Kennedy fold so as to remove a subsistence consumers group from it.
2017). It is this combination of change in norms and formal Thus, it expands the possibilities for MSM frameworks in rela-
institutions that creates a coordinated approach to a systemic tion to poverty. Moreover, previous macro-marketing research
change (Kemper and Ballantine 2017). At its core, PaHaL has utilized the 4Ps framework to demarket unhealthy behav-
enables transfers of cash subsidies on LPG cylinders directly iors (e.g., Kennedy and Parsons 2012), but developing
to the bank accounts of 177 million subscribers (Mittal, markets are not usually well posed to the framework.
Mukherjee and Gelb 2017). The latest program under this Consequently, we fill this research gap by introducing the
scheme is the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY), 4As framework to MSM as it may be better suited than the
which provides LPG to women in lower socioeconomic condi- 4Ps (Maity and Singh 2021; Sheth and Sisodia 2012).
tions. This paper focuses on both the Give It Up campaign and Second, the research explores a unique MSM campaign in
the PMUY initiative to illustrate the different institutional which the campaign’s target segments and beneficiaries are dif-
targets; while Give It Up focuses on institutional norms (i.e., ferent. In previous macro-marketing campaigns such as anti-
informal institutions), PMUY utilizes formal institutions (i.e., tobacco (Kennedy and Parsons 2012) and helmet use (Truong
regulation, policy) for the systemic change. Overall, the initia- 2017), the actor was the beneficiary; yet, in the case of Give
tives are a unique case of an attempt to reverse prior redistrib- it Up campaign (giving up the LPG subsidy), the actor is not
utive decisions (subsidies) through subsidy demarketing for the (monetary) beneficiary. We aim to fill this gap by examining
one group so that the other could benefit; therefore, a consumer how institutional norms are created or heightened so that actors
group is invited to engage in the market as a voluntary move so can be vertically connected in unequal reciprocity (Gardin
that subsistence consumers could be removed from the market. 2014) and interconnect disparate interests. Third, the research
The aim of this research is to explore how the GOI has used explores a campaign that requires changing an individual’s
an MSM approach to simultaneously address the issues of behavior, where that changed behavior is economically expen-
energy access for consumers from below the poverty line sive. It explores an attempt that reverses the established redis-
(with PMUY), and tackle structural inequalities (chrematistics tributive mechanisms of subsidies based on voluntary actions.
in system) by demarketing the availing of subsidies by users Accordingly, the 4A framework is used to highlight that
who could afford LPG at market prices (with Give It Up). MSM can address the affordability, accessibility, awareness,
The objective is to explore how, through the eyes of the and acceptability issues frequently found in developing econo-
target market, economic inefficiencies (in usage and distribu- mies. The limitations of MSM to address the continuing afford-
tion of subsidies) and structural inequalities (in usage of ability of the LPG are also highlighted.
LPG) are addressed through the Give It Up and PMUY pro-
grams, especially focusing on institutional norms and struc-
tures, including the affordability, accessibility, awareness, and Theoretical Underpinning
acceptability (also known as the “4As” framework). The 4As
framework is a useful tool to organize actions/interventions in Macro-Social Marketing
emerging markets where conventional frameworks like the Wicked problems are complex problems, and are layered with
product, place, price, and promotion (the 4Ps) may not be institutional factors and competing interests. They are associ-
always sufficient (Dodd 2015; Maity and Singh 2021; Sheth ated with the macro-structures (Akaka et al. 2021). MSM
and Sisodia 2012). The above objectives are met through the emerged out of the need to theorize individual behavioral
qualitative analysis of data collected through interviewing changes from a system’s perspective (Kennedy 2016;
LPG consumers, including those who have given up subsidies Kennedy and Parsons 2012, 2014) and also from the need of
following the Give It Up campaign and use PMUY to obtain developing specialized solutions to tackle wicked problems
free LPG connections, as well as secondary data in the form (Akaka et al. 2021). It deals with wicked problems at a systemic
of newspaper articles and government documents. In this level, with the overarching aim of substituting the undesirable
Jagadale and Kemper 435

institutional norms that surround an issue with desirable values formal and informal institutions (that structure the wicked prob-
and beliefs, thus leading to an enduring change (Domegan et al. lems at meso and macro levels) to effect a system-wide change.
2016). The key is to introduce, propagate, and institutionalize Skewed socioeconomic relationships engender powerful
desirable institutional and social norms and replace those market actors reaping the benefits of the marketing system.
norms and micro-structures that perpetuate and sustain the As in the case of the Give It Up and PMUY programs,
wicked problem (Domegan 2008; Kennedy 2016; Kennedy wealthy consumers, rather than the targeted disadvantaged con-
and Parsons 2012). Such a process of institutionalizing norms sumers, are reaping the benefits of subsidized LPG. MSM inter-
—for example, of personal responsibility and inherent human ventions are needed to correct these systems, which lead to
dignity—is evident in the case of New Zealand’s mental health inequity and unhealthy behaviors. Current scholarly examples
advertisements (Kemper and Kennedy 2021). However, long- provide guidance in this domain. For example, using a chrema-
term changes in beliefs and attitudes need consistent presentation tistics framework to identify power structures at the macro,
of these norms, devoid of contradictions (Kemper and Kennedy meso, and micro levels that perpetuate the wicked problem of
2021). The process of institutionalizing norms is also present in heating, Kadirov (2020) explores warmth rationing as a
Give It Up and PMUY programs but has yet to be analyzed. wicked problem in New Zealand. When power structures
To achieve a long-term and systemic change, structural mod- present barriers to macro-level change, then “when” and
ifications (Hastings 2012) and macro-level transformations, as “how” to intervene become vital (Koch and Orazi 2017).
opposed to individual-level desired modifications, are sought Huff et al. (2017) extend the very scope of who can intervene
in MSM (Domegan 2008). However, MSM does not negate to effect social change; they highlight how unconventional
the importance of phenomenon at a disaggregated level (trans- agents such as non-government organizations (NGOs) can be
actional) but especially aims to connect micro, meso, and macro involved by targeting up-, mid-, and downstream agents to
levels to address the systemic deformities. For example, address the embedded problem of gun violence in America.
Kennedy and Parsons (2012) suggest complementing MSM However, research has yet to explore how uneven power may
efforts with other interventions, such as regulations, legislation, be held by other consumers, rather than more traditionally
taxation, community mobilization, education, and research. accepted powerful actors, such as corporations. This skewness
These authors examined the Canadian government’s anti- is chrematistic in nature, which needs to be corrected with inter-
smoking campaign and revealed how this government ventions affecting the entire system at macro level. The acces-
reduced the efficacy of the 4Ps by sabotaging the efficient use sibility to, and affordability of, a desired service and product
of traditional marketing strategies by companies selling becomes the biggest inhibition to establish system-wide
tobacco products. While studies highlight the importance of change; showcasing how micro-actions or micro-inactions led
multi-level interventions, most only examine problems related to the sustenance of societal problems.
to the marketing or demarketing of products and services. To determine how different facets of poverty and inequality
Yet, policy changes are inadequate to lead to overall societal can be tackled using MSM to address this gap, twin comple-
changes, may be because of its limitations in positively shaping mentary programs by the GOI are explored; these target multi-
the micro-actions (actions of individual actors). As in the case ple structural ills in the economy and society by creating desired
of the Give It Up and PMUY programs, merely changing the institutional norms, value systems, and structural changes in the
policy does not address or acknowledge the stigma (i.e., accept- provisioning system. Therefore, institutional theory and the 4A
ability), awareness, or accessibility issues, which may prevent framework are used to understand MSM’s lack of success in
targeted (disadvantaged) consumers from accessing LPG ser- addressing facets of poverty and inequality. This is done
vices. For example, Truong (2017), after examining four through analyzing the Give It Up (focusing on institutional
social marketing campaigns in Vietnam, emphasizes the need norms) and PMUY (focusing on formal institutions) programs;
to consider the social and cultural environment that enables a both of these try to change the 4As of LPG.
societal change to occur. Kapitan (2020) extends this argument
by identifying the specific (micro) social structures and condi-
tions which drive a social change and led to the adoption of Institutional Change
renewable energy in island development states. However, this Institutions are a complex web of interconnected networks of
complexity cannot be tackled unless responsibility and power socioeconomic relationships that shape (and are shaped by)
are decentralized and a collaborative approach is adopted institutional norms in their environment (DiMaggio 1988;
(Previte and Pomfret 2020). Co-creating a social value requires Dixon 1984; Scott 1994). Institutions provide the expectations
a greater understanding of the links between MSM and the cul- of behavior and also the pathways to resolve deviations from
tural environment that structures socioeconomic relationships, what is “normative.” This may be focused on the formal,
which emphasize the links between micro, meso, and macro such as regulatory, legislative, or public policy changes, or
(French 2020). Thus, changes to policy and social structure, the informal, such as social norms and values. Changes to
as well as norms, are necessary to advance the systemic laws may also result in restrictions to the marketing of undesir-
change. Indeed, Kemper and Ballantine (2017) highlights the able products, such as limiting promotions and point-of-sale
limitations of conventional social marketing interventions to displays (Kemper and Ballantine 2017). In addition, institu-
address health issues, such as obesity, and propose to target tional (informal) norms are the acceptable expectations of
436 Journal of Macromarketing 42(3)

behavior within an institutional environment (Berger and 2012). For example, spatial market separation imposes restric-
Luckmann 1967; Zucker 1977). These are standards of behav- tions on accessing products and services in emerging contexts.
ior that indicate what people should or should not do under spe- It creates the task of getting products to customers difficult.
cific conditions (DeJordy and Jones 2007). For example, market The third “A” (affordability) involves both the consumers’
or exchange norms are institutionalized in marketing systems ability and willingness to pay for desired products and services.
and are internalized by market actors. These frameworks This may involve economic and psychological willingness to pay
become important because of the complexity of interdepen- (Maity and Singh 2021). Consumers in this context have low dis-
dence among individuals, the mutuality of their interests, and posable income which is not steady. Also, in these conditions
the network of interactions that constitute wicked problems. many essential products and services are considered as discre-
These norms could include the solidarity, mutuality, and harmo- tionary, resulting in consumers engaging in suboptimal buying/
nizing relationships (Heide and John 1992) that are essential for usage decisions. These decisions reinforce their poor conditions
protecting the continuous interests of market actors and are also viz. health, food, and environment hampering their physical and
effective in enhancing the outcomes of marketing systems. To cognitive growth. The fourth “A” (acceptability) implies con-
ensure this, macro-social marketers should aim to change sumer desire to adopt a product and services, specifically the
economic-task and cultural-institutional norms (Kennedy functional (i.e., capabilities, quality, reliability) and psychologi-
2016). Efficiency expectations and outputs form the core of cal dimensions (i.e., perceived value, fairness) (Maity and
economic-task norms (Scott and Meyer 1983). Singh 2021). Scholars emphasize the need to offer products
Cultural-institutional norms, which are associated with everyday and services that are adapted to the needs of subsistence consum-
life, are meaning systems, symbolic elements, and regulatory ers and retailers (Anderson and Billou 2007) in the areas such as
processes (Scott 1994). These norms can be communicated food and energy (Dodd 2015). The products should meet the
through such elements as product, place, price, promotion, buyers’ psychological and environmental needs (Dodd 2015)
people, partnership, and policy, or a combination of these and fit the aspirations and value systems subsistence consumers
things (Kennedy 2017; Krisjanous 2014). follow.
Amin et al. (2022) explored Bangladesh’s energy security
using 4As framework and showed that the energy security
The 4A Framework trend in Bangladesh is improving on the account of awareness
As emerging markets have unique challenges to market prod- and accessibility. However, the other two dimensions of accept-
ucts and services (Mathur, Mehta and Swami 2020), the com- ability and affordability show that country is far from achieving
monly used marketing mix framework (4Ps) may not always energy security. Kennedy and Parsons (2012) implicitly allude
be applicable (Anderson and Billou 2007; Prahalad 2002). to the awareness and acceptability dimensions (like community
The emerging markets are characterized by heterogenous and mobilization and education) in MSM initiatives to bring about a
fragmented demands accompanied by the presence of huge societal change. MSM seeks macro-level transformations
mass market of subsistence consumers (Sheth 2011), and (Domegan 2008) and the 4As framework subsumes aggregated
resource scarcity. In these conditions, the key is to generate change—economic and/or societal. Besides awareness and
aggregate demand and the 4A framework is useful for analyzing accessibility, affordability and acceptability of the MSM inter-
emerging market conditions (Maity and Singh 2021; Sheth and ventions is also very important, be it in the case of obesity
Sisodia 2012). For example, most of the population who live in (Kemper and Ballantine 2017), gun violence (Huff et al.
poverty cannot access LPG because of affordability issues, and 2017), chrematistics (Kadirov 2020), or social marketing inter-
the subsidies are consumed by a populace who can afford to pay ventions in developing country settings such as Vietnam
market prices. Thus, the awareness, accessibility, affordability, (Truong 2017). However, these studies do not explicitly
and acceptability of LPG and the subsidy must differ between reveal the relationship between 4As framework and MSM. In
two groups of consumers. this study, we present the application of this framework in the
The 4As framework created by Sheth and Sisodia (2012) MSM context and show the links between MSM and marketing
consists of awareness, accessibility, affordability, and accept- concepts (Truong 2017).
ability in a market system. The first “A” (awareness) is the com-
munication outcome in given markets. It concerns attempts to
spread information about the products and services in question Research Context
and overall understanding among consumers regarding its For decades, governments, multilateral agencies, and NGOs tried
values and functionalities (i.e., quality, reliability) (Sheth and to address economic and structural inefficiencies by focusing on
Sisodia 2012). It consists of product awareness and brand the distribution of “improved cookstoves” with inadequate
knowledge. Low literacy rates, culture and value differences, results. Isolated successes (Adler 2010), low adoption
and disparity in media use moderate their awareness about (Mobarak et al. 2012), and irregular and inappropriate usage
right product/services solutions (Payaud 2014). The second marred the “improved cookstoves” initiatives (Hanna,
“A” (accessibility) includes the non-economic barriers to Duflo and Greenstone 2016). From the user’s perspective, LPG
access desired products and services, involving both availability is a desirable option to tackle the above-mentioned issues
(e.g., supply) and convenience (e.g., time) (Sheth and Sisodia (Lahoti, Suchitra and Goutam 2012; Ravindranath and
Jagadale and Kemper 437

Ramakrishna 1997). Because of hegemonic social structure and 2019). Pro-poor policies such as subsidies can certainly
hierarchies, marginalized communities do not have equitable expand the consumption choices of the poor by boosting their
access to clean cooking fuels (Kumar 2018; Mosse 2018). purchasing power. However, given the high level of concentra-
Thus, affordability of the clean fuel is a formidable challenge tion of LPG use among higher-income households, subsidies in
(Pelz, Chindarkar and Urpelainen 2021) that remains a major the given format are not effective in providing equitable access
barrier to LPG use (Saxena and Bhattacharya 2018). Structural of LPG to poor households (Ghosh and Ganesan 2015;
anomalies and challenges increase the price poor customers Lvovsky et al. 2003). Thus, to promote giving up the
have to pay for adopting LPG; thus, a systemic correction with subsidy, the Give It Up campaign tried to address concerns
a “targeted” subsidies approach is required (Jain, Agrawal and about the benefits of doing this, suggesting that leftover
Ganesan 2018). As a result, India’s cooking gas subsidy is the resources would be used for “developmental activities” and
largest Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) program in the world that “by giving up their LPG subsidy they have ensured that
(Mittal, Mukherjee and Gelb 2017). an underprivileged household can enjoy clean cooking condi-
In 2015, the GOI began to offer 12 subsidized LPG cylinders tions” as stated in communication messages in the Give It Up
to every household with an LPG connection (Kapur 2015). This campaign (Give it Up 2021). In this vein, the campaign
led to the expenditure of approximately $5 billion annually to addressed economic-task norms (Kennedy 2016) by suggesting
the government treasury (Kapur 2015). However, the high that economically, money should be diverted to another, more
installation price of LPG connections (i.e., capital cost) has vulnerable, source.
become the biggest barrier in adopting LPG, resulting in the In conjunction, to address the need to help the most vulner-
use of solid fuels (see also Gupta et al. 2020; Kar et al. able (women and children), in 2016, PMUY was launched. This
2020). Consequently, (relatively richer) urban households, provides support of Rs.1600 per connection. The monetary
instead of the poorer urban and rural households, have benefit- support gives upfront money security and supports the other
ted from LPG subsidies (Lahoti, Suchitra and Goutam 2012; expenses that consumers are required to pay.
Livemint 2015). The GOI made multiple attempts to bring
this number down, but this was in vain because of popular pres-
sure against the program (Kapur 2015). Instead of changing the
policy around the subsidy, the GOI decided to bring a change in Methodology
the informal institutions surrounding the subsidy. This was MSM phenomena are complex and consist of multiple intercon-
much more palatable to the public as well as the policy-makers nected sets of interactions and relationships across a multitude
vying for a re-election. of stakeholders within the value chain. Qualitative research par-
The consumption of these subsidies as reflected in LPG con- adigms are appropriate for studying these phenomena (Samuel
nections is very skewed; 86.6% of urban households use LPG, and Peattie 2016), as they allow an in-depth inquiry in a real-
with rural areas representing merely 48.3% (Jacob and Jha world context (Yin 2013).

Table 1. List of Informants.

Serial Number Informant Gender Age Profession Campaign Involved In

1 R1 Female 32 Home maker/Agricultural laborer PMUY

2 R2 Female 38 Home maker/Agricultural laborer PMUY
3 R3 Female 42 Home maker/Agricultural laborer PMUY
4 R4 Female 29 Home maker/Agricultural laborer PMUY
5 R5 Female 39 Home maker/Agricultural laborer PMUY
6 R6 Male 45 Agricultural laborer PMUY
7 R7 Female 19 College student PMUY
8 R8 Male 42 laborer PMUY
9 R9 Male 48 Rikshaw Puller PMUY
10 R10 Female 55 Domestic helper PMUY
11 R11 Male 29 Software developer Give it Up
12 R12 Male 48 Small cafeteria owner Give it Up
13 R13 Male 65 Retired nationalized bank manager Give it Up
14 R14 Female 42 IT professional Give it Up
15 R15 Male 48 Teacher Give it Up
16 R16 Male 38 Provision store owner Give it Up
17 R17 Male 40 Engineer Give it Up
18 R18 Male 68 Retired teacher Give it Up
19 R19 Male 45 LPG distributor Give it Up
438 Journal of Macromarketing 42(3)

The empirical context for this research is Maharashtra, a were audio recorded (these participants were not comfortable
state in western India, and Odisha, a state in eastern India. being recorded). Follow-up clarifying discussions were held
While Maharashtra is one of the most developed and urbanized with almost all participants to ensure a nuanced understanding
states in the country, Odisha is known for its chronic poverty. of the phenomenon. Follow-up discussions, although unrecorded,
Approximately 33% of Odisha’s population lives below the were more insightful as by then a rapport had been established
poverty line (as against the national average of approximately with the participants.
22%), and most of the population works at menial labor in Primary data were supplemented with secondary data to
the primary sector (The New Indian Express 2019). understand the campaigns in detail. These data included gov-
In this research, 19 people, belonging from the upper and ernment documents, campaign promotional materials, and
lower economic strata, participated as data providers; they are news items that appeared in national English dailies such as
beneficiaries of the two campaigns (Give It Up or PMUY). the Indian Express, Hindustan Times, the Hindu, and Times
Most of the participants for the Give It Up campaign were of India.
male (the primary decision-makers in a family); most partici-
pants for PMUY were female (with an LPG connection in
their names only). All the participants involved in the Give It Data Analysis
Up campaign had a steady source of income from employment. The recorded interviews were translated and transcribed verba-
In contrast, participants involved in PMUY belonged to under- tim (Poland 2002). The data analysis and collection were under-
privileged backgrounds with low literacy caused by a lack of taken simultaneously. Open coding of the data was done and
resources. These participants were living in extreme conditions important codes were selected (Corbin and Strauss 2008).
with no access to clean cooking fuel prior to the PMUY cam- Open coding entails “categorizing the segments of data with
paign. These participants also faced multiple constraints in [giving them] a short name” (Charmaz 2006, p. 43). These
accessing resources and would manage their household activi- initial codes were rooted in contextual factors. Further,
ties alone without any support from their male partners. All par- general patterns of meanings were identified in selective
ticipants except one were married. We tried to ascertain their codes that pertained to questions under focus (Rice and Ezzy
age (particularly of participants from PMUY) from their 1999). Multiple iterations led to the emergence of abstract
GOI-issued identity cards. general themes. The process of constant comparison of
themes helped find the recurrent themes and further refined
them.
Data Collection The process of developing a general theme is discussed in
In-depth interviews were held with two types of consumers – detail. Figure 1 shows an example. Open codes were examined
those who gave up their LPG subsidy (Give It Up) and those to arrive at the general theme of the “the norm of patriotism.”
who took up an LPG connection (PMUY). The interviews Open codes were “haves,” “have-nots,” and “resource transfer”;
were conducted with participants (Table 1) in respective local this led to a selective code of “sacrifice.” Additionally, the open
languages, Marathi (for Give It Up) and Odiya (for PMUY) codes “disgrace to the nation,” “our duty,” “difference in life,”
(McCracken 1988; Silverman 2015). The main author con- and “small acts” led to a selective code of “commitment.” By
ducted the interviews in Marathi; for Odiya-speaking partici- applying the literature on “MSM” and “institutional change,”
pants, help was sought for interviewing, transcription, and the general theme of “the norm of patriotism” was derived.
translation. Participants were assured about the confidentiality Representative cases (quotations) from the data were found
of their identity and the purpose of research was shared where the norm of patriotism was prominent. A similar
before seeking their consent. A typical interview consisted of approach was followed to discern and develop other themes.
two parts: background questions about their life circumstances, Themes were triangulated with secondary data—in particular,
and questions about the initiative and LPG. Interviewees could the news items—and then refined further. The rest of the sec-
thus contextualize the later questions in terms of their life cir- ondary data were simultaneously analyzed to understand
cumstances; this approach enabled detailed narratives about macro conditions such as fuel-use patterns, their affects at the
using cooking fuel in their life. macro level, the cultural nuances, and the pitfalls for the phys-
To help Odiya participants narrate their experiences with ical and human environments. See Table 2 for overall themes
solid fuels and post-LPG connections, elicitation techniques and representative quotes.
within interviews were used, such as asking some hypothetical Qualitative research needs to establish trustworthiness of the
situations. Photographs were taken of participants’ cooking research process (Tellis 1997). Trustworthiness is associated
practices and the drudgery they experienced when collecting with credibility (results are credible), dependability (findings
solid fuels; this helped to interpret their responses during inter- are repeatable), confirmability (results can be confirmed by
views. With the first group of participants (Give It Up), the main other researchers), and transferability (generalizability of
focus of the interviews was on their decision to surrender sub- results) (Lincoln and Guba 1986). We used data and investiga-
sidies. With the second group (PMUY), the focus was on their tor triangulation to assure the validity of the research processes
adoption of LPG and the impediments to this. The average (Denzin 1984). Peer feedback was used to increase credibility,
interview duration was 48 min. All interviews except three which was achieved through author discussion and the peer
Jagadale and Kemper 439

Figure 1. Data analysis.

review process (Shenton 2004). Thorough explanations of the ties with their country and government (Athira 2014). Third,
research process and purposeful sampling contribute positively the social norm of the Give It Up initiative cultivated the
to transferability (Bitsch 2005) and credibility (Baxter and belief that “everyone [respectable]” gave up the subsidy, thus
Eyles 1997; Creswell and Miller 2000). Transferability was socializing the “give up” action, that enhanced the program’s
also increased by thick descriptions (i.e., quotes), allowing find- social acceptability.
ings to transfer to other contexts or individuals (Lincoln and
Guba 1985). Source triangulation and using quotes from differ- Voluntary Reciprocal Actions. By these campaigns, the GOI
ent participants also increased credibility (Baxter and Eyles inspired consumers to give up LPG subsidies to promote equal-
1997; Creswell and Miller 2000). Prolonged engagement and ity, inclusion, and social justice by strengthening the institution-
persistent observations also add to overall trustworthiness alized norm of “reciprocity,” which is an important dimension
(Erlandson et al. 1993). of solidarity (common consciousness) and social cohesion. It
is an overall attempt by the GOI to promote solidarity-based
economy (citizen-based activities) (Cooney et al. 2016) to
Results tackle the inequality in subsidy distribution and access to
clean cooking fuel. In this case, the onus of welfare of consum-
Give it Up! ers from subsistence marketplaces was kept on the relatively
We firstly present the findings related to the Give it Up! wealthy consumer-citizens. This was done by shaping the reci-
Campaign. The data analysis reveals the institutionalization of procity norm, which is one of the guiding principles in social
new norms that motivate wealthier consumers to give up their life (Gouldner 1960) and solidarity economy. It is closely asso-
LPG subsidy. First, the approach included addressing the ciated with the fundamental norms of equality, gratitude,
expectations of “reciprocity” through institutionalizing “social justice, and obligation (Becker 2014). Here, reciprocity
responsibility,” with a key outcome, that of satisfaction and becomes the foundation for equitable markets and citizen-
happiness, while participating in the Give It Up program. consumers solidarity. It shapes the overall discourse related to
Second, this included linking the Give It Up initiative to the the appropriation of subsidies by actors who can afford
already established norm of patriotism as Indians have strong market prices, thus, democratizing access to the LPG and
440 Journal of Macromarketing 42(3)

Table 2. Themes and Exemplary Quotes.

Major Subsumed General Selective Codes

Campaign Theme Sub-themes (for example) Supporting/Exemplary Quotes

Give It Up Institutionalizing Voluntary reciprocal • Positive reciprocity “When this campaign was launched people had so
new norms actions • Discrete exchange many questions about its efficacy for them. Many
• Reward system would ask me what they are going to get after let
going LPG subsidy. Everything here is based on
rewards- immediate gratification is what people
look for. I tried to convince so many people at
the launch of this campaign but many people
were apprehensive and think that I have some
vested interests in it. Whatever people had for them
was all very discrete in this. But once they realized
its value there was really no going back.” (R19)
Strengthening • Pro-social actions “My personal agenda for this was very clear. I
solidarity through • Needy citizen could see no way for me to do some good for
responsibility • Better world people. Whenever I get chance to do something
• Helping each other I do it. It was really a small act but important. I
• Hero know that subsidy (meant that he let it go)
• Empathy would have brought some good to some people
• Giving-back at least. I can’t meet them, I am happy,
• Pride nonetheless. Government has given me clear
• Participation reason to do what I did.” (R11)
• Exchange Fiction “It is big issue. Temperatures are souring in this
town. Once upon a time we did not have fans
here and see now we can’t live without air
conditioners. I am giving back to my society by
involving into a small act. Actually, I am helping
myself and taking pride in it. Key is to participate
in the campaign to make it impactful. I did
exactly the same as a responsible citizen.” (R15)
Patriotism- as unity of • Sacrifice “I am old person. Who would have otherwise
cause • Commitment gotten an opportunity to contribute towards
• Personal contribution nation building. See this is new India. My times
• Resource transfer were different. Now I truly feel that we can be
• Happiness from global leader but we need to solve these small
helping problems here. By paying small price (he meant
sacrifice) if I could help poor people of my
country- what else I want then? This can be a
small token from my side. I am very elated to do
it, though.” (R18)
Socialization and • Collective efforts “This is not one man’s job (he referred to
Acceptability • Miniscule efforts (e.g., incumbent Indian Prime minister). These are
Ram-setu) deeply embedded issues which require
• Social acceptability everyone’s help to resolve it. One cannot be
• Non-participation always greedy for small things when it comes to
• Greediness big problems. I completely refused to do so
• Free-rider initially but later on felt that I am being selfish
• Awareness of issue and accept my part of the responsibilities.
• Communal process Ultimately, it is my society too. I must perform
• honor my part.” (R12)
“What is important is to know what you can do
for people around you and the nation. It is
everyone’s process (he meant communal). I
really felt honored when I saw my name in a
scroll of honor. But it was all about the
leadership because of whom we realized what
we can do with these small acts of ours.

(continued)
Jagadale and Kemper 441

Table 2. (continued)

Major Subsumed General Selective Codes

Campaign Theme Sub-themes (for example) Supporting/Exemplary Quotes
Otherwise we would not have in know-how of
the processes and the scheme for sure (she
meant the campaign).” (R14)
Showcasing new Social values and • Non-participation “I never wanted to been seen as appropriating
behaviour identity • Selfish act something which is lawfully not mine. I realized
• Pride this very early-on of this campaign. But targeting
• Transparency be honest (fund transfers to LPG poor people)
• Accountability was always an issue for me. Fortunately, it was
the face most popular leader in the country and
the transparent processes I went on with
fore-going my LPG subsidy. Once I saw my name
on the scroll of honor I started convincing
others too. I would never think that I would be
the brand ambassador of the campaign but you
know selfless acts of others changed me from
being selfish to proud giver of subsidy.” (R17)
Accessibility • Ease of use “LPG is always very convenient to use. But the
• Convenience real question is whether poor consumers get it
easily. Probably this scheme should help ensure
that poor consumers access the LPG at their
doorstep. I understand its distant dream but not
unachievable at all.” (R14)
Pradhan Mantri Affordability • Equitable access “Noway we could have afforded expensive gas
Ujjwala • Hegemony (LPG) connection. What do you think how
Yojana • Targeted approach much I make by pulling rikshaw every day? I do
• Dynamic not even get INR200 sometimes in a day and
environment whole family of six to support. I always wanted
to have LPG at home but it was all luxury for us.
And you never know how much dealers would
ask from we poor? There were always
apprehensions to even approach them. Powerful
control everything. Luckily, I came to know
about it (he meant PMUY) from a fellow
rikshaw-puller and officials also helped us. Now I
do have it with me.” (R9)
Awareness • Knowledge
• Energy justice “Who would not want to use LPG? We are very
• Resource scarcity much aware of its benefits to us. I have been
seeing so many people using it around us”. (R5)
Accessibility • Convenience “It should not be the issue. It is always better to
• Opportunity cost spend a few hours bimonthly than spending
• Long vs short term more than it per day to collect wood”. (R6)
cost/gain “I am really not sure about whom to approach
for new LPG connection… I sometimes worry
that my family members should be able to use it
appropriately and safely”. (R6)
Acceptability • Aspirational product “Ever since I came to know about the scheme
• Normalization from my employer lady I was continuously
behind my son and husband to get the
connection for us. So many of my relatives were
having the connection. I never wanted this
drudgery for my future generations now. Earlier
days not many people from my relation would
have LPG connection but things have changed
now. No one would marry their daughter to my
son unless we have LPG connection and Toilet
(laughs). I did not want to miss on this
opportunity. We invited all our neighbors over
tea once we got the connection.” (R10)
442 Journal of Macromarketing 42(3)

improving quality of life by linking the solidarity economy based solidarity cements the social cohesion and addresses
through reciprocity to the larger macro-economic trends like the larger challenges of inequality (in this case, unequal
subsidy maldistribution. access to LPG). R13, a 65-year-old retired bank manager, ini-
Positive reciprocity implies a reward for a kind treatment and tially felt anguish at the idea of ceding the subsidy. He said:
negative reciprocity denotes punishment for unkind treatment
(Falk and Fischbacher 2006). This is the expectation that Government [has] many schemes for poor. We pay government
people will help you if you help them. In the case of giving huge money through direct and indirect taxes. Where do all that
up the LPG subsidy, a consumer asks, “What is in it for me?” money go? Helping poor is all right but why should we burden our-
They expect some positive returns for giving it up, which selves? How do we really know about the authenticity of the ben-
may not be in the form of monetary or material rewards but eficiary if we forgo the subsidy?
some kind of gratitude and recognition in return for their kind
act. Here, the larger community needs are expected to be satis- These inhibitions in forgoing LPG subsidies are significant
fied through the reciprocity dimension. In fact, every consumer predicaments for upstream actors who wish to institute system-
giving up an LPG subsidy is also recognized by being listed on wide changes. These inhibitions emanate from the expectations
a “scroll of honor” (Give It Up 2021) and mapped on to the about what “rights” people have to a certain resource. People
name of a corresponding below-the-poverty-line family receiv- question what is in it for them (as current LPG consumers)
ing an LPG connection (Smith and Sagar 2016). This is a form and how other people (poor non-consumers of LPG) would
of “tangible” exchange for one’s “good” deed of giving up the benefit from a seemingly insignificant act, such as giving up a
subsidy. These are voluntary relations created through reciproc- subsidy. They would not comprehend this unequal reciprocity
ity between disparate actors (collectivities). This is redistribu- (Gardin 2014) where actors have vertical relationships. The
tion of value that brings in a larger socio-cultural and nature of exchange between actors is not known to either
economic change. R11, a 29-year-old software developer groups, importantly the “power” (i.e., economic power) actor
working in a multinational corporation, succinctly identified in this relationship (subsidy-giver group). Moreover, the
the need for this campaign but had reservations about what rewards individual LPG consumers would get from ceding a
would happen to the subsidy should they give it up (i.e., subsidy are not tangible; therefore, this may deter pro-social
where does the money go?): behavior. Similarly, the ill-effects of solid fuel use on
people’s lives and the natural environment are usually beyond
I always knew I do not need subsidized LPG cylinders. I could their consideration and comprehension. Thus, the campaign
always buy it at market price. I am tax payer. You know, in this was aimed at tackling these issues. The campaign mechanisms
country not many people pay taxes [he meant base is thin]. I was helped in adjusting (strengthening) the societal relationships
very wary about what do I get in return [of taxes]. Where would particularly between disparate group of actors.
the subsidy go if I forgo it was always a million-dollar question In addition, the campaign introduced psychological mecha-
for us [he meant family]. nism that addressed the vertical linkage issues (between
group of actors) in this unequal reciprocity by highlighting
The democratizing effect of the economic actions was not clear
how it brings the “happiness in someone’s life,” that is,
to the actors. By devising mechanisms such as the scroll of
linking voluntary actions (by subsidy givers) to the outcome
honor, the GOI shaped the embeddedness of the norms like rec-
of “happiness creation.” A campaign communication by a
iprocity in the larger economic systems. This norm bridges the
noted Bollywood actor emphasizes that there is nothing like
gap between micro-economic actions (voluntary subsidy forfei-
the happiness that we get from making a small contribution to
ture) and macro social-effect (LPG connection). The challenge
someone’s life. In essence, happiness is the “exchange”
for the campaign was to highlight these effects. Many consum-
received from giving up the subsidy. As R15, a 48-year old
ers saw no need to voluntarily commit to surrender the subsidy
teacher, noted:
before this campaign. R12, a 48-year-old participant, is a small
cafeteria owner. He stated:
I wish I could once meet a family who got benefited from my con-
tribution. That happiness and smile would be unparalleled. I know I
I would not see any need to let go subsidy on LPG cylinder [before
the campaign]. I would consider it as our right. We would not even have not done much nonetheless I did spread some happiness
realize the burden it is on treasury. And, we were absolutely obliv- around.
ious to the fact of how it perpetuates inequality. I would never think
of how poor and rural people cook their food. It was never my The campaign asked givers to “feel the joy of giving.” The
concern. I would get subsidized LPG cylinders every month and idea of spreading happiness governed the reciprocal exchange
I was happy with it. I do have good income though. relationship in this case and formed the basis of an exchange
fiction. Holmes, Miller and Lerner (2002) refers to such narra-
The emancipatory impact of voluntary economic actions was tives as “exchange fictions.” This denotes the cover story that
unknown to the actors before this campaign. This campaign, people need to justify their positive actions (generosity)
essentially, socially integrated two segments of citizen- toward others (who may not be related to them or even an
consumers based on the principles of solidarity. This restrain- acquaintance) as rational actions. In an Aristotelian sense, this
Jagadale and Kemper 443

norm is eudemonic (Robinson 1989). It entails living in to repay it. It is not something obligatory but a solemn responsibil-
harmony in relation to the self and other members of a ity where I really feel positively compelled. This campaign has
society based on social cohesion and solidarity. This exchange given me an opportunity to discharge my responsibility.
fiction is a bond between social acts based on solidarity and
economic actions based on reciprocity. Thus, this exchange R14 asserts that the campaign, as an external event, was an
(receiving happiness from giving up the subsidy) forms the opportunity to display responsible actions. This is key to shape
basis of a change movement that shapes marketing systems a new norm. Specifically, the social responsibility norm is artic-
where all the actors in the system, particularly the weaker ulated by the participants as revealing those who give up the
ones, can thrive sustainably alongside environmental and subsidy as having “empathy,” “giving-back,” “pride,” and “par-
social systems. Happiness becomes an overarching principle ticipation” (participants’ words).
for the exchange process that positively affects social, eco-
nomic, and personal circumstances in someone else’s life.
Overall, this dimension of the campaign is oriented toward Patriotism as Unity of Cause. The theme of “patriotism” refers to
bringing in more equality (in accessing LPG) and common the sense of unity of people living in the same land and their
good (tackling public health and environmental issues). This, [conscious] understanding of the shared fate and attachment
in contravention to the market logic of profit maximization toward each other. Thus, the feeling of patriotism made it
thus, can be called as counter-market mechanism. morally obligatory for citizens to look after each other’s
welfare. India is a country with millions of people still living
below the poverty line (per day income of $2.0) and poverty
Strengthening Solidarity Through Responsibility is a great public concern. A few participants looked at giving
up the LPG subsidy as a small sacrifice and a way to build a
Moreover, to address these issues and the expectations of reci- nation, thus deriving happiness from helping compatriots. The
procity, the question of “what I have in it for me?” was linked to campaign itself utilized phrasings such as “make a personal
the norm of “social responsibility” as a moral duty—which is a contribution toward nation-building” (Give It Up 2021).
cultural-institutional norm (Scott 1994). It represents a broader Further, the small act of MSM at a disaggregated (exchange)
theme, however, as addressing the vulnerabilities of targeted level is linked to the bigger institutional norm of patriotism in
users of LPG was of utmost importance. The campaign required the form of nation building—in the form of poverty eradication
a transparent and reliable reward system based on a positive as a national priority. Interestingly, the prime minister’s appeal
narrative that could motivate enhanced pro-social actions, trans- was promoted as an act of appeal to patriotic feelings and, thus,
gressing the mundanity of the questions mentioned above. The the urge to help one’s fellow compatriots. Overall, the cam-
campaign woven around the concept of Give It Up addressed paign was centered around the collective well-being of actors
these inhibitions and provided a new narrative by engendering in the marketing system. Here, the concept of marketing
the desired social norms that needed to be embraced by systems was used in a broader sense to include physical and cul-
well-to-do consumers. It is an attempt to create and then tural spheres (Jagadale, Kadirov and Chakraborty 2018).
strengthen the solidarity bonds. It helped end-users to overcome Overall, this was a case of resource redistribution, where
the challenges in accessing LPG. We argue that it is not just actors with resources transferred “additional” resources to
some kind of one-time charity act; rather, it is an attempt to actors who did not have them. The justification, or exchange
create a different kind of relationship between disparate/heter- fiction in this case, was patriotic feelings toward “have-nots” in
ogenous groups of consumers. This act of responsibility has the country. R16, a 38-year-old provision store owner, noted
underlined principles of social morality without which these how the act of giving up the subsidy was a nationalistic act:
campaigns may not be successful.
Social responsibility entails helping each other, alongside Our country has so many poor people. They cannot afford to cook
the imperative to create a better world (a moral duty of every their food. It is harming our name (he meant country’s image) in
individual). This injunctive norm, which transmits group outside world. I am just not helping a family here but helping my
approval about a particular behavior (in this case, the need to nation and PM (prime minister) to get good name for us. We can
give up an LPG subsidy), has become “the right thing to do.” save so many lives by giving all these poor households proper gas
It is embossed in voluntarism. When a person does give up (LPG) connections. It is not at all big act. But so many people
the subsidy voluntarily, they are a “hero” (“[t]his heroic act doing it make a big act.
also helps conserve the environment thus helping create a
greener and pollution free India” in communication messages Individuals can clearly see the difference they are able to
of the campaign, (Give It Up 2021)). R14, a 42-year-old make. This drives their ambitions to help individuals and the
female IT professional, delineated her responsibility as a vigi- nation. It is through such a lens that consumers can perceive
lant citizen as a reason to surrender LPG subsidy: the collective difference an individual can make. A respondent
compared this campaign with the mythological story of Ram
I get so much from this society and environment that it becomes my Setu (i.e., the bridge). Indian epic Ramayana mentions a story
moral responsibility to pay it back. I could build my career because wherein the epic hero Rama builds a bridge between India
of help from many known and unknown people. Now, it is my turn and Sri Lanka (ancient Lanka) with the help of Vanara
444 Journal of Macromarketing 42(3)

(ape-men) so that his wife Sita can be rescued. She had been new behavior through displaying one’s values, morals, and
captured by Ravana, a demon king from Lanka. Interestingly, identity. The transaction cost for participating in the subsidy
a squirrel also helped build this bridge. Respondent R18, a was minimal, as the target group could afford LPG at market
68-year-old retired teacher, said: rates. The campaign ensured that subsidies could be given up
by “clicking” on links and numbers (SMS, online, or through
Our participation in this campaign is like that squirrel. Our role may an app), which addressed the need for accessibility (decreasing
be small but we are helping create a bridge to destroy poverty (he the barriers to access). Therefore, non-participation was viewed
did not say fuel poverty). It is our duty to participate in this as a selfish act of appropriating money that one does not deserve
campaign. and thus, reflecting poorly on one’s character. Conversely,
giving up the subsidy displayed one’s social values and a
Socialization and Acceptability. Socialization is an important sense of pride of in participating in the initiative. As R13 noted:
aspect of a pro-social behavior providing support and education
One should not consider it as a big sacrifice. For me, my giving up
for a particular behavior. Indeed, the idea that “everyone” sup-
subsidy was just an act of compassion. I was government employee
ports the subsidy helped establish the social norm of giving up and despite financial hardships post retirement I can certainly forgo
the subsidy (“many able and aware citizens are not in favor of this much amount for people in need. It will help a greater cause.
subsidies and would rather pay the full price for the products” in Government appeal was very important for me here.
the communications of the campaign (Give It Up, 2021)). The
belief that “everyone” would give up the subsidy added to its Participation in the program was accompanied by transpar-
social acceptability. ency and accountability underpinned by pride.
Moreover, interpretation of the cues in this campaign has
major implications for the macro-level change. The campaign
clearly highlighted publicly the need of poor people for clean Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana
cooking fuel and instigated empathetic responses from LPG
consumers. In this way, it brought awareness of the issue to The Issue of Continuous Affordability
wealthier consumers. Understanding the situation (i.e., that PMUY provides monetary support through upfront security and
LPG subsidies should be given up) and caring for the well- running expenses (INR1600) for LPG. (Figures 2 and 3)
being of these poor were central to the empathetic response. Recently, however, the economic downturn due to
R17, an engineer by profession, said: COVID-19 has affected poor household’s incomes even more
(negatively) and may leave 100 million women in extreme
I am proud giver of subsidy. I look at my colleagues who have not
poverty (Pandit 2020). Consequently, the cost of LPG is
given up their subsidies with disdain. It is greedy act on their part.
Why should they not participate in it. The campaign has in-build
forcing households to return to earlier cooking methods
feature of accountability. The scroll of honor is thing of pride for
(Chakraborty, Sundria and Pandya 2021). R10, a 55-year-old
me. I also know where the subsidy I gave up went. I know the ben- domestic helper, narrated the misery her family was experienc-
eficiary. This is very transparent and accountable campaign. ing owing to their reduced income:

Non-participation is construed as greediness and is thus discour- For the last more than three years, we were using LPG gas stove and
aged. In this case, solidarity as a value underpins participation. had become habitual to cook food on it. My son lost his job. He was
Solidarity is for poorer consumers, who are fellow citizens. The the main bread earner for us. We had to cut down our expenses. We
decided to use LPG sparingly, whenever very urgent only. We
above-mentioned quotation highlights the discouragement of
restarted cooking on earthen chullah (traditional cookstove). I, on
becoming a “free-rider” (someone who benefits unfairly from the
my way back home, collect firewood from jungle and stash it at
system and does not pay their fair share). Due to this, even the
home. This is the only way. We cannot afford INR 900 (approxi-
middle-class consumers from rural areas came forward to surrender mately $13) per refill. It is huge amount for us in these days now.
their subsidy. Therefore, the campaign was viewed by consumers It is like a white elephant that we cannot sustain.
as a communal process, rather than a mere economic transaction,
where the collective interests of all became paramount. This turn of events revealed the Give It Up campaign’s lim-
Overall, the GOI was required to shape the social and cul- itations. Affordability of the service is not a one-time barrier.
tural sub-systems within the existing marketing systems that Instead, it is continuous affordability of the product that is the
enabled desirable changes in individual behaviors (Kennedy main issue, because it entails a continuous ability to pay in
2016). This study illuminates how, by creating norms, by com- the consumer (Sheth and Sisodia 2012). The MSM Give It
munities accepting these norms, and by shaping the socio- Up campaign addressed the issue of willingness and ability to
cultural environment, the micro behavior of individuals can pay for accessing the initial LPG service, but it did not
be changed. address the ability to afford LPG refills (Johari 2021). Indeed,
recently, the cost of a 14.2 kg domestic LPG cylinder was
Showcasing New Behavior. Also, the analysis revealed that par- raised by Rs 25 (Johari 2021). This is the seventh LPG price
ticipation in the campaign also become part of revealing a hike imposed by the central government since December
Jagadale and Kemper 445

Figure 2. Stacked fuel-wood for use.

Source: author’s image.

2020 (Johari 2021). PMUY was thus introduced as a possible dispersed, unlike in urban centers. However, dealers are chang-
avenue to reduce the costs of LPG for poor women in rural com- ing their business models to ensure delivery to the nearest hub.
munities, but it has failed to address economic barriers in the These are small marketplaces where people from dispersed hab-
long term. itation centers assemble.
Some poor consumers also stated that they had no issues
going to a hub and procuring an LPG bottle. However, this
The Issue of Awareness, Accessibility, and Acceptability arrangement also accrued an opportunity cost to rural consum-
India has a scattered geography with communication challenges ers that may not exist for better off urban consumers:
in its hinterland. However, the poor consumers interviewed for
this research were aware of LPG and its multiple benefits. It It should not be the issue. It is always better to spend a few hours
was kind of an aspirational product for many of them, and in bimonthly than spending more than it per day to collect wood. (R6)
some cases, participants stated that it was not “meant” for
them. Additionally, there were some challenges of (mis)infor- In terms of acceptability, the normalization of traditional
mation (i.e., awareness issues). A few participants stressed cooking practices creates a challenge. These cooking practices
that LPG was not safe to use and sometimes might lead to pose difficulties for poor consumers as they do hard work,
fires (because of its inflammatory nature). Most were unaware requiring resources that can be otherwise used to improve
of the process of obtaining an LPG connection. They did not their short- (i.e., cash for food) and long-term well-being (i.e.,
know who to approach for a new connection: health outcomes of inhaling fumes). A respondent said that in
the rainy season, they sometimes cook only once each day
Who would not want to use LPG? We are very much aware of its (cooking food twice a day is the norm in India), and they
benefits to us. I have been seeing so many people using it around us. cook only rice as they lack dry wood to burn in the chullah (tra-
(R5) ditional earthen cookstove). However, the new social norm of
using LPG may penetrate through communities and consumers
I am really not sure about whom to approach for new LPG connec-
may feel pressure to “keep up with the Joneses”:
tion… I sometimes worry that my family members should be able
to use it appropriately and safely. (R6)
We want it badly. People ask questions about how we cook food.
LPG is a bulky product: a normal size bottle is more than 14 My son is to get married now. And people ask if would be
kg. The nature of the product is such that it is not convenient to daughter-in-law going to slog on Chullah (traditional earthen cook-
carry it either on foot or bicycle (i.e., accessibility issues). Rural stove) only. (R10)
spatial segregation makes it difficult to access distributors
easily, and to carry the product home. Distributors find it diffi- Table 3 displays the analysis of the Give It Up and PMUY
cult to deliver LPG to a few households, as the demand is initiatives through the 4As framework.
446 Journal of Macromarketing 42(3)

Figure 3. Cooking stove.

Source: author’s image.

Figure 4 displays the initiatives of Give It Up and PMUY We demonstrate that macro-interventions shaped the micro-
and their outcomes; the campaigns are discussed and analyzed actions due to the campaign’s consideration of socio-cultural
in detail below. environment (Truong 2017) through introducing norms like
patriotism. In this campaign the onus of social change was
put on individual actors, it decentralized the responsibility
Discussion and power and also promoted collaborative approach between
Overall, the initiatives, discussed here, demonstrate how macro disparate group of consumers as posited by Previte and
level change can be enabled by tackling the wicked problem of Pomfret (2020). This collaboration broke the power structure
access to LPG through challenging the societal belief system (Koch and Orazi 2017) in the system (chrematistics) that pro-
(Head 2008). This was done by introducing interventions at moted equitable access to LPG.
the upstream level (policy) (Kennedy, Kemper and Parsons
2018) by bringing in enabling mechanisms where transaction
cost for participating in the MSM campaign was reduced. Theoretical Contribution
These twin campaigns considered the structural impediments The research contributes to macromarketing theory and practice
to behavior change, such as why should one forego the in multiple ways. Lusch (2006) posit that understanding micro-
subsidy, by shaping the norms that reduced the internalities actions of market actors and government is starting point of
(psychological costs) for participating members. Thus, this macromarketing research as these microactions and actors
research builds on the earlier studies by Kennedy and Parsons shape the macrostructure. Macrostructures are associated with
(2014) and Peters (2017) by highlighting the mechanisms to wicked societal problems since these problems impacts cross-
tackle the perceived costs incurred in social system change. sections of people and various aspects of human lives (Akaka
This study also underlines how various actors can be vertically et al. 2021). Unmasking these complexities of macrostructures
connected in unequal reciprocity (Gardin 2014) to encompass is necessary to resolve the wicked problems (Hunt 2020). Our
multitude of social actors and weave in their disparate interests research contributes to this conversation by unmasking the
(Akaka et al. 2021). microactions (using 4As framework) that structure the aggre-
This campaign is an example of how policy makers can gate systems supporting wicked problems. We empirically
shape an environment to make dramatic changes to economic highlight the interrelatedness of macro (overall systemic
and social systems. Previous research demonstrates that issues of subsidies and differential LPG adoption deforming
policy makers are usually reluctant to make dramatic changes the marketing system) and micro (subsidies availed by consum-
(Domegan 2008). The Give It Up campaign through demarket- ers who can afford market prices and consumers who are out of
ing of subsidies and through the marketing of LPG to poor con- the market) to tackle the problem of clean cooking fuel poverty.
sumers, mobilized communities by shaping the external Akaka et al. (2021) argue that wicked problems require special-
environment as suggested by Kennedy and Parsons (2012). ized solutions. We explore the campaign “Give It Up” to
Jagadale and Kemper 447

Table 3. 4A Analysis of LPG Initiatives in India.

4A
Framework Poor Consumers Wealthier Consumers

Awareness Poor consumers were very much aware of the LPG and its Not aware of the consequences of taking up the subsidy. The
value to them. campaign brought out the need of poor people for clean
cooking fuel in the public domain and instigated an
empathetic response from LPG consumers. As a corollary,
millions of consumers gave up their subsidy to build larger
solidarity with fellow citizens and build the nation.
Accessibility Accessibility of LPG is a challenge in rural areas. However, Ease of convenience to cancel subsidy through online ‘clicks.’
dealers are trying to ensure delivery of LPG to the nearest
hub.
Affordability Most of consumers were willing to buy LPG connections. Consumers had different levels of motivation for giving up the
Nevertheless, the cost is prohibitive for them. Consumers LPG subsidy. These motivations ranged from helping
cannot pay for it or its ongoing cost (i.e., not a one-off cost). individual household to better quality of life to the nation
However, LPG were availed by a customer segment who can building.
afford to pay market prices for LPG.
Acceptability In principle, LPG is acceptable to poor consumers. It is an The initial barrier of ‘what is in it for me’ by giving up the
aspirational product for them. However, its continuous use is subsidy. Responsibility and patriotism norms shifted, and has
discouraged due to the affordability of the LPG. manifested in new behaviour.

underscore one such potential solution to correct deformed research empirically show that this approach can be adapted
macrostructures (marketing systems) and brought in enduring by introducing desired norms and 4As perspective to tackle
change (Domegan et al. 2016). The campaign inspires individ- the systemic wicked challenges, Thus, this paper contributes
ual actor’s actions to give up subsidy and adopt LPG. While to the macromarketing theory and practice by demonstrating
doing so we show how MSM can potentially bridge the gap that dominant economic ideologies (e.g., LPG subsidies) and
between micro and macro thus, organically weaving MSM in norms associated with these ideologies that perpetuate and
macromarketing literature. sustain the wicked problems (e.g., LPG access) can be
Second, it expands the theoretical boundaries of MSM and challenged.
highlight how MSM can be used using 4As framework to However, in practice, PMUY still falls short of fully address-
shape dignified marketing systems. We showcase the mecha- ing the affordability dimension. It highlights the limitations of
nism to do so by introducing desired social behavioral norms. MSM, and suggests that further theorization is needed. The
The LPG campaign was analyzed using the 4As framework campaign transcended earlier boundaries of the MSM frame-
in marketing. It underscored the relationship between the cam- work by suggesting how this could address wicked problems
paign and changes to the marketing system. The research beyond just the ill-effects of marketing products and services.
explored the interrelationship between MSM and marketing While doing this, it also encompasses the differential material
concepts (Truong 2017), thus, operationalized some elements endowments of market actors with different needs.
of MSM. The ability to pay for desirable products and services MSM is usually examined in the context of consumer goods
is key in Bottom of the Pyramid markets (Maity and Singh that are involved in wicked problems (i.e., fast food, tobacco)
2021). This research uniquely showcases how the issues of an (Kemper and Ballantine 2020). This research instead expanded
ability to pay and the rectification of economic inefficiencies the possibilities for MSM frameworks in relation to (fuel)
(i.e., addressed by the PMUY initiative) in marketing systems poverty and inequality. The case study also highlights that
can be addressed using the MSM framework. These issues MSM can result in unexpected externalities and even internali-
are inherent problems of marketing systems which are institu- ties (i.e., negatively affecting the parties to the exchange)
tionally sustained thus impacting system actor’s well-being (Kennedy and Parsons 2014; Peters 2017). This is seen in
(e.g., Kennedy 2016). In this sense, macro-marketers are con- Give It Up, as this was a campaign initiated because too
cerned about the wicked problem of energy poverty and many households were using subsidized LPG even when they
access to the relatively clean source of fuel. In this research, could afford market rates.
we provide framework that can be used by macro-marketers Third, the study analyzed an MSM campaign in which the
to address the norms that sustain the wicked problems resulting target segment of the campaign and the beneficiary of the cam-
in the deformed marketing system. While doing so we agree paign were different. Other MSM studies focus on the target
with Layton’s argument on the management of macro- and beneficiary being the same (i.e., obesity). The campaign
marketing system (Layton 2014). Layton cautions about unin- was able to connect the seemingly unrelated concerns and inter-
tended consequences of management of macro-marketing ests of consumers from different socioeconomic strata. In this
systems on social systems which cannot be managed. Our case, the campaign was successful in the creation of norms
448 Journal of Macromarketing 42(3)

Figure 4. Macro-social marketing intervention for access to clean cooking gas (LPG) in India.

through communication campaigns to motivate well-to-do con- GOI, through the Give It Up campaign, has tried to alter cultural
sumers to give up a subsidy for LPG that was then correspond- understandings of the subsidy on LPG fuel and to shape the
ingly availed by poor consumers seeking an LPG connection. environment by creating institutionalized norms and displaying
The campaign was able to institutionalize the new norms of social norms to address economic inefficiencies in the con-
social responsibility and link to the norm of patriotism to sumption of subsidies. Through these new institutional norms,
provide an exchange fiction about why giving up the subsidy consumers view the campaign as communal process rather
was the “right” thing to do. In addition, the social desirability than a mere economic transaction where collective interests
and norm of giving up the subsidy was highlighted. Social con- are considered paramount.
formity shows that people tend to conform to what other people The 4A framework also highlights the importance of afford-
do (Cialdini and Goldstein 2004). Research demonstrates that ability, awareness, accessibility, and acceptability to generate
appropriate reference groups must be used (Burchell, Rettie effect at aggregated system’s level, which are addressed
and Patel 2013); in this case, the campaign highlighted those through changes in both formal and informal institutions. The
who gave up the subsidy were associated with positive attri- contextuality of the 4A framework is highlighted here. By
butes such as patriotism. The Indian socio-cultural context is affecting changes in the environmental context (i.e., introducing
different and fragmented (based on geography, gender, caste, a new value-system as with MSM), the issues of affordability
and class) (e.g., Jagadale, Kadirov and Chakraborty 2018; and acceptability can be addressed. The 4A framework can
Jagadale and Santos 2022; Roy-Chaudhuri and Jagadale help connect macro frameworks with micro transactions or
2021), and the practices of consumption (in this case fuel use) challenges in transactions. Thus, shaping the macromarketing
are contingent on one’s status in the (perceived) hierarchy. In systems at disaggregated (i.e., exchange) and aggregated
this way, giving up the subsidy not only highlighted the levels. The 4As framework here help shape macromarketing
social acceptability of the act, but also linked to an individual’s systems that are dignified (e.g., Jagadale, Roy-Chaudhuri and
values (and social class), enabling the expression of that indi- Kadirov 2021) and just (e.g., Jagadale and Santos 2022).
vidual’s associated “altruistic” identity to others. While doing so, market actors’ overall understanding of their
Fourth, this research explored the campaign that required acts (as in the case of customers giving up their subsidies) is
changing the behaviors of poor individuals, where changed enhanced, which increases the potency of the 4A framework
behavior is economically expensive and extensive subsides in tackling wicked problems.
are needed to correct economic and structural inefficiencies, Surrendering the subsidy did not remain a mere economic
extending the theoretical boundaries of MSM (Huff et al. exchange. The creation of an exchange fiction reminds individ-
2017; Kemper and Ballantine 2017; Kennedy 2016; Truong uals of why giving up the subsidy was the “right” thing to do—
2017). For example, past MSM campaigns focused on wealthier in this case, the new norms of social responsibility and the link
countries and on tobacco, drink-driving and helmet use, target- to the norm of patriotism provided new relational norms that
ing health concerns and, which are economically viable resulted in secondary rewards, such as a feeling of happiness
responses (Kennedy and Parsons 2012; Truong 2017). The and pride. Therefore, it provided a new cultural-institutional
Jagadale and Kemper 449

norm (Scott 1994). The peculiarity of this campaign is its seam- would gain in-depth insights if government officials could be
less maneuvering from the political to the social sphere to interviewed. The research found that there were various
address economic and public health challenges. In the first factors that affected poor consumers, which resulted in them
stage, through the MSM Give It Up campaign, the GOI going back to traditional methods of cooking with solid fuels.
addressed issues of structural inequalities in LPG consumption This certainly warrants attention such as untangling the cultural,
by motivating the surrender of LPG subsidies by well-to-do social, and infrastructure challenges further. Future research
consumers. Here, the key outcome for the GOI was awareness should continue to explore how MSM can tackle vulnerable
of the issue and resource availability. In the second stage, these populations; for example, it would be interesting to explore if
resources were used by GOI to provide LPG connections to MSM can be used as a constructive engagement tool
poor female consumers (PMUY); this led to improved well- (Laczniak and Shultz 2021; Shultz 2007, 2016, 2017) to
being for poor consumers. Over 71 million PMUY connections induce positive cultural change in dealing with complex
have been released. However, there some issues remain with issues such as ethnic conflict, exclusion, casteism, and racism.
addressing all four areas needed for the market system to Further, LPG is seen as a transition fuel; it has negative environ-
change (awareness, accessibility, acceptability, affordability). mental effects and future research should take up topic of clean,
green fuel, such as wind and solar, in developing countries.
Practical Implications
Associate Editor
The research has also provided several practical implications for
Ann-Marie Kennedy
social marketers and policy makers. First, while three of the 4As
have been addressed by the Give It Up campaign and PMUY ini-
tiative, the issue of affordability still remains as a significant Declaration of Conflicting Interests
issue. Thus, the MSM strategy (in this case by the GOI) may The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to
not be sufficient to address the structural issue of poverty (or dif- the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
ferent facets of it), because of the dynamic and volatile nature of
the external environment. Research suggests that the COVID-19 Funding
pandemic-driven recession has resulted in the Indian middle The author(s) received no financial support for the research, author-
class shrinking by one-third and the number of poor (with ship, and/or publication of this article.
income of $2 or less a day) may have increased by 75 million
(Special Correspondent 2021). Thus, a top-down approach to ORCID iD
manage product and service affordability for consumers from
Sujit Raghunathrao Jagadale https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5768-
the low-income strata has limitations: continued support is
0199
needed. Therefore, the findings here highlight that strategies
should be contingent on dynamics in the marketing system
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Jagadale and Kemper 453

Yin, Robert K (2013), “Validity and Generalization in Future Case poverty and marketing, and well-being issues at the bottom of the
Study Evaluations,” Evaluation, 19 (3), 321‐32. pyramid (BoP).
Zucker, Lynne G (1977), “The Role of Institutionalization in Cultural
Persistence,” American Sociological Review, 42 (5), 726‐43. Joya Kemper is a Senior Lecturer in Marketing at the University of
Canterbury in New Zealand. She is passionate about social and envi-
ronmental issues in marketing and consumption, and individual behav-
Author Biographies iour and systemic change for a sustainable, ethical, equitable and
thoughtful world. Her research revolves around four key themes:
Sujit Raghunathrao Jagadale is an Assistant Professor at the Indian Sustainable Marketing and Marketing for Good, Sustainable and
Institute of Management Amritsar in the area of Marketing and Healthy Eating, Social Change and Education for Sustainable
Communications. His research interests include marketing systems, Development.
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