Funerary Practices and Models

in the Ancient Andes

This edited volume focuses on the funerary archaeology of the Pan-Andean area in the
­Prehispanic period. The contributors examine the treatment of the dead and provide an under-
standing of how these ancient groups coped with mortality, as well as the ways in which they
strove to overcome the effects of death. The contributors also present previously unpublished
discoveries and employ a range of academic and analytical approaches that have rarely – if ever –
been utilised in South America before. The book covers the Formative Period to the end of
the Inca Empire, and the chapters together comprise a state-of-the-art summary of all the best
research on Andean funerary archaeology currently being carried out around the globe.

Peter Eeckhout is Professor of Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology and Vice-Director of the
Department of History, Arts and Archaeology at the Université Libre de Bruxelles. His research
interests include complex societies of the Americas, monumental architecture and funerary
archaeology. He has been leading excavations in Peru since 1993 and is the founder and direc-
tor of the Ychsma Project at the site of Pachacamac, near Lima. He is author, editor or coeditor
of several books related to Pachacamac, Peruvian archaeology and wars and conflicts in the
ancient Americas, and of more than seventy book chapters and scholarly papers in international
journals.

Lawrence S. Owens lectures in bioarchaeology at Birkbeck College, University of London. He

specialises in the interpretation of socially oriented themes – notably diet, pathology and trauma –
in ancient human skeletons. He has worked on human remains from Peru, the United Kingdom,
Egypt, South Africa, the United States, Bolivia, Qatar, Spain and the Canary Islands, and he has a
particular interest in ancient trauma and the relationship between demographics, pathology and
aberrant burial traditions in Andean populations. He has worked as head bioarchaeologist on the
Ychsma Project at Pachacamac since 2004.
Funerary Practices and Models
in the Ancient Andes
The Return of the Living Dead

Edited by

Peter Eeckhout
Université Libre de Bruxelles

Lawrence S. Owens
Birkbeck College, University of London
 32 Avenue of the Americas, New York NY 10013-2473, USA

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© Cambridge University Press 2015
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2015
Printed in the United States of America
A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data
Funerary practices and models in the ancient Andes : the return of the living dead /
edited by Peter Eeckhout (Université Libre de Bruxelles), Lawrence S. Owens
(Birkbeck College, University of London).
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-107-05934-4 (hardback)
1. Funeral rites and ceremonies, Ancient – Andes Region. 2. Indians of South America – Andes
Region – Antiquities. 3. Andes Region – Antiquities. 4. Death – Social aspects – Andes Region –
History – To 1500. 5. Tombs – Andes Region. 6. Grave goods – Andes Region.
7. Human remains (Archaeology) – Andes Region. 8. Social archaeology – Andes Region.
9. Excavations (Archaeology) – Andes Region. I. Eeckhout, Peter. II. Owens, L. S. (Lawrence S.)
F2230.1.M6F86 2015
980∙.01–dc23    2014030812
ISBN 978-1-107-05934-4 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs
for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not
guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
To Carole, Max and Zita for their love, patience and understanding

and

To the memory of Judith Trezies Owens (1942–2007)

 Contents

Contributors page ix
Preface xi

1. The Impossibility of Death: Introduction to Funerary Practices and Models in

the Ancient Andes 1
Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence S. Owens
2. Death and the Dead in Formative Perú 12
Peter Kaulicke
3. Far Away, So Close: Living with the Ancestors in Panquilma, Peruvian Central
Coast 24
Enrique Lopez-Hurtado
4. A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito, Lower Santa Valley, during the Initial
Period 34
Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné
5. Tombs and Tumuli on the Coast and Pampa of Tarapacá: Explaining the
Formative Period in Northern Chile (South-Central Andes) 55
Carolina Agüero and Mauricio Uribe
6. Paracas Funerary Practices in Palpa, South Coast of Perú 69
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla
7. When the Dead Speak in Moche: Funerary Customs in an Architectural
Complex Associated with the Huaca del Sol and the Huaca de la Luna 87
Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo
8. The Construction of Social Identity: Tombs of Specialists at San José de Moro,
Jequetepeque Valley, Perú 117
Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters
9. Bodies of Evidence: Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox 137
William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari
10. To the God of Death, Disease and Healing: Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery
I at Pachacamac 158
Lawrence S. Owens and Peter Eeckhout
11. The Preparation of Corpses and Mummy Bundles in Ychsma Funerary Practices
at Armatambo 186
Luisa Díaz Arriola
12. From One Burial to Another: A Sequence of Funerary Patterns from the
Manteño Culture (Integration Period a.d. 800–1535) Site of Japotó, Manabí
Province, Ecuador 210
Tania Delabarde

vii
Contents

13. Decapitated for the Temple: A Nasca Funerary Context from Cahuachi 224
Oscar Daniel Llanos Jacinto
14. Multidisciplinary Study of Nectandra Sp. Seeds from Chimu Funerary Contexts
at Huaca de la Luna, North Coast of Perú 238
María del R. Montoya Vera

References 261
Index 297

viii
 Contributors

Carolina Agüero – Instituto de Investigaciones Arqueológicas y Museo, Universidad Católica del

Norte, Chile
Luis Jaime Castillo Butters – Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Perú, Lima, Perú
Claude Chapdelaine – Department of Anthropology, Université de Montréal, Canada
Carlos Rengifo Chunga – Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa, Oceania and the
Americas, University of East Anglia, Norwich, UK
Tania Delabarde – Institut de Médecine Légale de Strasbourg, France
Luisa Díaz Arriola – Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, Perú
Peter Eeckhout – Département Histoire, Art et Archéologie, Université Libre de Bruxelles,
­Belgium
Gérard Gagné – Department of Anthropology, Université de Montréal, Canada
Henry Gayoso-Rullier – Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Perú
William H. Isbell – Department of Anthropology, State University of New York at Bingham-
ton, USA
Johny Isla – Instituto Andino de Estudios Arqueológicos (INDEA), Lima, Perú
Peter Kaulicke – Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima
Antti Korpisaari – Renvall Institute, University of Helsinki, Finland
Oscar Daniel Llanos Jacinto – Centre de Recherche sur l’Amérique Préhispanique Ecole des
Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, France
Enrique Lopez-Hurtado – Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima, Perú
María del R. Montoya Vera – Dirección Regional del Ministerio de Cultura, Perú
Lawrence S. Owens – Birkbeck College, University of London, UK
Markus Reindel – Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (DAI) Kommission für Archäologie
Außereuropäischer Kulturen (KAAK), Bonn, Germany
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao – Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Perú, Lima, Perú
Santiago Uceda-Castillo – Proyecto Arqueológico Huaca de la Luna, Trujillo, Perú
Mauricio Uribe – Departamento de Antropología, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad
de Chile

ix
 Preface

The hows and the whys of this book’s existence owe everything to the editors’ decade of collab-
oration at the site of Pachacamac, which is the source of our contribution to the current volume.
We wished to share the results of our combined efforts to understand this enormously complex
site, and became enthused at the thought of bringing our discoveries to a wider academic and
public audience. In researching our work, we came to recognise the scope and range – and, most
importantly, the quality – of research currently being carried out on funerary and bioarchaeo-
logical topics elsewhere in the Andean area, and became determined that something should be
done to further promote research by both established and pioneering workers in the field. This,
therefore, was the premise under which we co-organised the “Funerary Practices in the Ancient
Andes” symposium at the 3rd International Congress of The Belgian Society of Americanists,
held in Louvain-la-Neuve in May 2008.
Recent discoveries of tombs and their inhabitants have permitted major advances to be made
in Andean funerary archaeology and bioarchaeology, from palaeopathology to genetics, from
isotopes to ideologies and from gender issues to the development/refinement of stylistic and
temporal chronologies. The symposium therefore aimed to bring together investigators working
in diverse periods, cultures and regions, and to unite them and their sub-disciplines into a holistic
and up-to-date Pan-Andean perspective. We encouraged the submission of both theoretical and
practical approaches, but otherwise gave an essentially free hand to the authors and presenters,
who proceeded to outdo themselves. The chapters – which ranged in topic from perimortem
treatment of the body to tomb/cemetery organisation, dead–living connections, landscape ref-
erences and historical approaches – gave us a unique cross section of the very best in current
thought, method and practice in this most vibrant of fields.We were so taken by the quality of the
submissions that we resolved to eschew the standard ‘proceedings’ volume, and instead aimed to
reorganise these literary offrenda into a collection of peer-reviewed chapters in an edited book.
It is quite possible – had we but known the sheer scale of the task that lay before us – that we
would never have embarked on this epic mission. Luckily, however, we had the great privilege of
working with a superb team of people who have steered us around the administrative and finan-
cial potholes that besieged us along the way.
The Université Libre de Bruxelles generously funded much of the editorial process so that the
texts could be translated and edited. We are also indebted to the ULB Foundation, which kindly
agreed to cover much of our illustration publishing costs. Nathalie Bloch, of the ULB’s Centre
for Archaeological Research and Heritage, remained cheerfully undaunted as she undertook
the tricky task of turning wildly variable figures and tables into a uniform and coherent format.
Aymeric Jourquin undertook the labours of compiling and formatting a master bibliography
from all the separate submissions, and Eva Collignon produced a comprehensive index once the
final stages of editing had been reached. They all did a wonderful job, and deserve our warmest
thanks.

xi
Preface

We would like to thank Beatrice Rehl – former editor of archaeology publications at

­ ambridge University Press in New York – who was on hand from the very beginning of the
C
submission process, and has provided much-appreciated support throughout the development of
this project.
Numerous friends and colleagues helped both formally and informally as reviewers, editors and
sources of sage advice throughout the protracted compilation and editing process, and it is our
pleasant duty to thank those listed here, and our embarrassed obligation to apologise if we have
accidentally omitted anyone: Monica Barnes, Henning Bischof †, Rick Burger, Claude Chauchat,
Tom Dillehay, Jane Feltham, Mary Glowacki, Jorg Haeberli, Justin Jennings, Anita Kidby, Carol
Mackey, Gordon McEwan, Jean-François Millaire, Bruce Owen, Ann Peters, Tom Pozorski, Don
Proulx, Bill Sapp, Helaine Silverman, Emily Stovel, Geoffrey Tassie, Lisa Triemstra, John Verano,
Luis Felipe Villacorta and Jim Zeidler.
Lastly, we want to thank all our colleagues who generously contributed to this volume by
sharing unedited data and original manuscripts, and who have demonstrated their commitment,
enthusiasm and – perhaps above all – patience in the years since this project began. We sincerely
hope that the resultant volume is an honest and true reflection of all their labours, and that it
will continue to stand as a significant milestone in the fascinating field of mortuary habits in the
ancient Andes.

xii
 Chapter 1

The Impossibility of Death

Introduction to Funerary Practices and
Models in the Ancient Andes

Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence S. Owens

The omnipresent awareness of the inevitability of death distinguishes humans from the rest of
the animal kingdom. Humanity’s wide range of means for dealing with issues connected with
mortality is expressed in a plethora of material culture expressions that burgeon throughout the
evolutionary history of Homo (sapiens) sapiens (Parker Pearson 2000: 146–154). Systems-based
archaeological and ethnographic approaches to funeral traditions show the variability of social
strategies that groups have evolved to contend with the social upheaval caused by the demise of
one of their members; the visibility and elaborateness of these manifestations tend to increase
with the complexity and size of the population in question, as well as the status of individuals
(Binford 1971).
It is a measure of humanity’s seemingly limitless ability to rationalise phenomena through a
ritualisation process that has brought about a near-universal historically and ethnographically
attested tendency towards a belief in the concept of an afterlife, which increases in visibility if
not intensity from the Palaeolithic onwards. Death therefore appears to have become part of the
social landscape, structured by religions and belief systems that posit infinitely variable hereafters:
existences beyond physical demise. When compared to the majority of such perspectives, the
secular concept of death is a rather modern – and somewhat nihilistic – notion. However, the
manner in which the relationship between the current plane of existence and that of the hereafter
was configured varies dramatically between groups. It can be conceived as a distinct discontinu-
ity in the natural order, with a discrete life in the beyond that would not necessarily bear any
resemblance to current existence. Some groups believe that the fabric between this dimension
and the hereafter was so thin that it permitted both to be part of a continuum in which the dead
could continue to play an active role in the living (notably their descendants), and/or to become
reincarnated in a cyclical process.
Whatever belief system is in operation, however, the entire theoretical topography surround-
ing funeral belief systems is an intellectual process that translates only imperfectly (if at all) into
material manifestations. In the absence of ‘translation’ – be it textual or ethnographic – therefore,
detection and interpretation of express social intent is hindered by a vast array of epistemological
and methodological barriers.This issue is heightened when dealing with archaeological ­materials,
where our lack of conceptual appreciation of the buriers’ intellectual process is worsened by a

1
Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence S. Owens

temporal gulf as well as taphonomic and preservation factors. One might reasonably question the
validity of modern claims to understand buriers’ intellectual intent and ancient attitudes to death
and the hereafter on the basis of a pit, a skeleton and some ceramic vessels. In recent times the
remains of ‘sky burials’ among some groups of Buddhist monks would not even begin to hint at
the complexity of the philosophy underlying the sparse physical remains. Equally, characteristics
of the other end of the funeral spectrum – gigantic mausolea, multiple burials and enormous
quantities of rich and diversified funerary furniture – are not necessarily any more ‘readable’ to
the modern archaeologist. Yet it is fundamentally important that we do so, for death and burial
(or, at least, treatment of the dead) is well nigh universal in the human condition; ancient death-
ways are just as important as ancient lifeways.
Burials and related disposals of the dead are unusual in archaeological terms, as they are a fairly
discrete and one-off manifestation of behaviour (post-burial ancestor rituals notwithstanding) by
ancient individuals or groups operating according to a specific set of social protocols and inten-
tions, unlike ancient living environments where signals are more mixed and temporally blurred. It
has therefore been necessary to design a very specific intellectual paradigm dedicated to captur-
ing and understanding these elusive signals, and this is the preserve of funerary archaeologists.
The title of this introductory section – the impossibility of death – refers to an attitude towards
death that is reflected to a greater or lesser extent in all the contributions of this volume. Every
society discussed saw considerable emotional, physical and financial investment in the develop-
ment of death-oriented ritual infrastructure – ranging from tomb architecture to wealth depo-
sition and human sacrifices – all of which seem to refute the idea of mortality equating with
absolute finality. It also serves to presage a series of chapters concerning the remarkable diversity
of methods that Andean groups devised for dealing with their deceased over the past 5,000 or
more years, the recurring trend within which was a consistent belief that the deceased were still
connected with the mortal world and had never – in that sense – died at all. Hence this volume
truly is a reiteration of how “The Return of the Living Dead”, in a myriad of different guises,
shaped and formed ancient Andean society.
Funerary archaeology has developed alongside – and often become elided or confused
with – the companion field of human skeletal bioarchaeology. Although their priorities and
agendas are certainly distinct, this often uneasy relationship has led to considerable advances in
­understanding – on the one side – what the deceased did, ate and looked like during their lives,
and – on the other – how these factors coloured the manner in which they were perceived by
their contemporaries when alive, and thus in their treatment after death. These issues also echo
and perhaps justify the title chosen for this volume. It was intended that studies of both behav-
ioural and biological/pathological phenomena be included, to emphasise the fact that they are
mutually reliant rather than diametrically opposed intellectual paradigms, and that although it is
of course impossible to design an archaeology without theoretical structure and methodological
frameworks, it is also vital that practical perspectives and new data not be overlooked.
It therefore seemed incumbent on the organisers and editors of the 2008 Louvain-la-Neuve
symposium to invite the contributors to concentrate on the provision and analysis of new field
data, from which to create a new range of paradigms to focus current and future work on Andean
funerary archaeology. This burgeoning field is comparatively ‘young’, although various seminal
works on Andean archaeological remains date back more than a century (Lumbreras 1990). It is,
however, interesting to note that many modern works – when sourcing references and research
dating back a generation or more – often do so purely to access the basic field data that they con-
tain. This is of course partially a practical and economic decision, and although it is an evident
truism that theories, models and intellectual paradigms may come and go (Kuhn 1962) while
material evidence persists, it would be potentially limiting to neglect recent discoveries, methods
and practice that are revolutionising Andean (bio)archaeology.
To this end, and while not wishing to neglect the theoretical aspects of the field, we encour-
aged contributors to emphasise new field data and reasoned interpretations thereof, to make this

2
 The Impossibility of Death

Figure 1.1. Map of the Central Andes with main sites and regions discussed in the volume.

volume a valued data resource for current and future research and investigation.The contributors
responded to spectacular effect, reemphasising the active and dynamic nature of the field through
the study of materials from Peru, Chile, Bolivia and Ecuador, and incorporating both their data
and analyses into the current volume (Figure 1.1).
It is not our intention to speak out in support of a particular point of view or academic school,
or to claim that all the interpretations in the following pages are necessarily incontestable. As will
be seen, the authors are far from unanimity in their views, and some even take issue with the main
theme of this book: namely, that deceased ancestors were intimately involved in the living world
of ancient Andean societies. We have summarised the basic elements of the chapters under the
broad headings that are common to all works: typologies and classification of funerary remains,

3
Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence S. Owens

then methodologies and the analyses used to study them. This is followed by a brief discussion of
the theoretical/conceptual frameworks into which the authors have placed their data, and com-
ment on the nature of their interpretations and how their conclusions can best be contextualised
within the field.

Describing and Classifying Interments and Tombs

Classification systems and typologies are only as good as the recognition of the assumptions that
go into their construction. Our naturally discontinuous intellectual manner of dealing with large
amounts of highly diverse data can make typology a good means for cutting out unnecessary
detail and/or elements and focusing on what is relevant. However, this assumes certain a priori
knowledge, for in most cases we cannot be aware of how to ‘weight’ our expectations of cul-
tural relevance. Furthermore, typologies must necessarily be adaptable and capable of change, for
monolithic typological stability can result in serious misreading of stratigraphy and sequences that
do not concur with known patterns. Inevitably, and even in the most intensively assiduous system,
data will be missed, and archaeological materials are particularly prone to being misread due to
the nebulous nature of certain traditions and also the destructive effect of taphonomic forces. For
the aforementioned reasons, and because we have only archaeological evidence for most of the
ancient cultures discussed here, we have adopted an etic approach.
At the most basic level, archaeologists tend to distinguish three main elements in a single
interment: the structure (the tomb structure and burial container, and/or the grave cut in the
sediments into which the body is lain), the deceased (physical remains and wrappings or clothes),
and the funerary furniture (offrenda and other materials associated with the burial process). The
manner in which new categories of burial were created according to variability within these
three elements varied markedly among authors.
Chapdelaine and Gagné identified two categories of tombs at the Peruvian Formative site of
San Juanito, based on the concept of apparent egalitarianism (simple tombs) and others suggesting
some form of social inequality. The pilot study of Tomasto et al. of 62 Paracas burials excavated
by the Palpa Project charted Early–Middle–Late Paracas traditions using a detailed multivari-
ate typology that detected a shift between the latter two phases. The fundamental distinction
was between individual pit graves dug into (1) natural sediment or (2) abandoned buildings
(each containing a single extended cadaver), and (3) the much less common multiple burials.
Later Palpa tombs differ greatly from those on the Paracas peninsula – indeed, ceramics are the
only common element.1 Gayoso-Rullier and Uceda-Castillo used a dichotomous typology at
the Mochica site of Huaca de la Luna, distinguishing between pit graves and funerary rooms,
both of which could contain single or multiple individuals. The typology was then refined –
using variables including body treatment, position and artefactual associations – to demonstrate
change across Moche Phases III and IV, and to imply burial groupings on the basis of familial
or consanguineous affinity.2 The authors concluded that there was no single cultural marker to
denote either sex or sexual division of labour: the conventional wisdom of sexual specificity of
spindle whorls, for example, was rejected, as their distribution was evidently independent of sex.
Isbell and Korpisaari demonstrated what can be done with an exceptionally complex typol-
ogy, assessing more than 500 MH Wari and Tiwanaku tombs, with the basic distinctions being
‘simple’, ‘intermediate’, ‘elaborate’ and ‘monumental’ (Wari) and ‘simple’, ‘elaborate’ and ‘ritual’
(Tiahuanaco). Although Wari and Tiwanaku tombs are superficially somewhat similar (i.e., flexed
burials in pits, cists or underground rooms), the authors split the Wari sample on the basis of the
individuals’ status, age and sex, and the Tiahuanaco on the basis of regional or ethnic identities.
The authors believe that the distinctions are based on a monarchic power structure for Huari,
but not for the Tiwanaku, while the presence of multiple and collective tombs only for the Huari
indicates some religious difference between the polities. Traditions appear to merge in the Late

4
 The Impossibility of Death

Intermediate Period, resulting in burial universality (i.e., funerary chullpas). Despite the fact that
the two polities shared the “Staff God” religion, therefore, they had no funerary commonalities,
leading the authors to conclude that the new religion had no doctrinal stance concerning death.
Díaz’s analysis also concluded that cultural identity and sex were the main distinguishing issues
in the construction of Late Period Ychsma burial bundles at Armatambo, which were subdivided
into four classes on the basis of presence/absence of supporting sticks, textiles or grave furniture.
In this her interpretations differed from those of Owens and Eeckhout, whose analysis of Ychsma
remains from Pachacamac indicate that a wide range of different demographic and other variables
were of importance to burial construction. The seeming inconsistency of these results is more
likely to be evidence of social variability within individual polities, particularly given the geo-
graphic localisation of both samples. Fellow Ychsma researchers should take this as an incentive to
increase yet further the diversity of academic approaches in establishing the intellectual topogra-
phy of a field whose parameters are not yet fully understood, and must not come to believe that
their results must match specific extant research to attain validity.
As stated in the preceding text, etic typologies are necessarily arbitrary and subjective in that
they only reflect variables of significance to the researcher in question, and not necessarily – or
even usually – those of any other researcher, much less those of the archaeological population
under study. Although it may be impossible to control for this issue, attention should be paid to
the matter of taphonomy, and also to data selectivity on the part of the archaeologist.The assump-
tion that cemeteries are representative of the population to which they pertain is intuitively
incorrect – as evidenced from numerous ethnographic, social and historical studies (see references
in Murphy 2008) – and has also been demonstrated to be mathematically so (Orton 2000). The
number of social variables working together at the time of burial cannot be enumerated, much
less statistically accounted for, and when this is combined with the inevitably irregular way in
which burials are located and excavated by archaeologists it is little wonder that many researchers
consider it to be impossible to reliably reconstruct the demographic profiles of ancient societies
(i.e., Bocquet-Appel and Masset 1982; Crubézy 2000; Waldron 2008). However, this has not pre-
vented a slew of attempts to systematise our approaches (i.e., Agarwal and Glencross 2011; Hoppa
and Vaupel 2002; Jackes 1992; Konigsberg and Frankenberg 2002; Paine 2000). South American
archaeology has been deeply affected by the ceaseless plundering of archaeological contexts, thus
further skewing the samples available to us, and this situation has worsened in recent years as
­looters’ attentions have moved from large mausolea to any kind of ancient cemetery or structure.
All work should clearly highlight the sorts of pressures to which their sample has been subject, the
sampling strategy used and a concise summary of the potential limitations that sample selectivity
may have on the results of the researchers’ analysis.
The research contained in Chapter 10 by Owens and Eeckhout brings up many new questions.
For example, why is there an escalating prevalence of disease – both mortal and nonmortal –
throughout the temporal scale at Pachacamac? And although infant and child mortality is also
remarkably high in certain parts of the sample, which may imply the usual high levels of pre-
industrial child mortality, this site and several other Middle Horizon examples from Nazca (Isla
2001; Reindel and Isla 2001; Tello 2002; Ubbelohde-Doering 1958),3 to Huaca Malena in Asia
(Angeles and Pozzi-Escot 2004), Ayacucho (Isbell 2000) and the more recent site of Armatambo
(Chan 2011: 267; Díaz 2011) show recurring associations of single adults buried with several chil-
dren that do not seem to indicate fortuitous coincident deaths. Certainly, there is no evidence for
epidemic disease at any of the sites in question – serious disease and causes of death are highly
varied in most cases (see Chapter 10 by Owens and Eeckhout), and the regular recurrence of
such patterns throughout the sequence seems to suggest a structured funerary recruitment system
underlain by a specific ritual apparatus.4 Given that recent research at the site has focused on a
relatively restricted area, and that there are known to be other large cemeteries within its limits
(cf. Uhle 1903), it is of course possible that this particular funerary area was dedicated to a specific
sector of the population. Such cautionary outlooks should be a compulsory part of dealing with

5
Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence S. Owens

such a large and complex site, but researchers working on smaller sites should also be cautious not
to assume themselves to be immune to burial-period social selection: size is no barrier to social
complexity (see Brown 1981; Dillehay 1995b: 13).
The current tome also provides multiple taphonomically oriented studies of human remains
that reveal a form of interment that to our mind has not been sufficiently highlighted. In such
temporospatially diverse sites and periods as Huaca de la Luna, Pachacamac and Tiahuanaco, there
are plentiful indications suggesting that cadavers were exposed in the open air for some time
before being buried (Chapter 7 by Gayoso-Rullier and Uceda-Castillo; Chapter 10 by Owens
and Eeckhout; Chapter 9 by Isbell and Korpisaari – also see Huchet and Greenberg 2010), and it
is surprising that it has not been detected and examined more closely in the past.While recognis-
ing the necessity for separating historical and archaeological phenomena and the inadvisability
of following historical/ancient parallels, however alluring (i.e., Owens 2005), there are at least
some ethnohistorical data for cadaveric exposure prior to burial. The manuscript of Huarochiri
states that the time between death and burial was fixed at five days, to allow time to prepare the
body (Avila 1980 [1608]: chapter 28: 185), and although this is a temporospatially constricted sam-
ple (Early Colonial Period Checa, Upper Lurín), other indications of such practices among the
Inca (Arriaga 1999 [1621]: chapter 6; Gentile 1998; Salomon 1995: 328–332, 2002) suggest that the
practice was not uncommon in the Andean region during the Late Period.The simultaneous dis-
covery of this practice in the aforementioned cultures serves to reiterate the extreme importance
of bioarchaeological strategies and methods, informed by medicolegal and forensic anthropology
(Schultz and Dupras 2008). It also underscores the vital necessity of ensuring adequately trained
bioarchaeological specialists on every such project, for the purposes of appropriate recording and
recovery of even the most nugatory evidence (such as larvae or insect cocoons, for example).
It is advisable at this point to recall a very important basic concept that underscores much of
funerary archaeology: the majority of important funerary rites do not leave specifically observ-
able archaeological traces, and the importance of recovering even the most seemingly inconse-
quential evidence thus cannot be overstated (Duday 2006).

Burial Analysis

Perhaps the greatest shift in methodological approaches to be seen in the current volume is
the emphasis on analyses using bioarchaeological approaches. Almost all of the studies involve –
or are (co)authored by – specialists in the analysis of human remains, and/or those that elide
archaeological and anthropological analyses. Conventional observations on minimum number
of individuals (MNI), height, weight, age, sex and so forth have been joined by socially oriented
studies of population biology and palaeopathology, which have served to elucidate the general
(and specific) health of populations and individuals, and to run these data against variables such as
activity levels, geographical origin, profession and diet. In all cases it is most important to ensure
that a wide-scale study perspective is followed, as studies concerning single individuals of interest
are of limited use in the characterisation of populations unless extremely rare. A good example
in the current volume is the case of decapitation found at Cahuachi, which would seem to be
an excellent candidate for ancient DNA (aDNA) analysis (Chapter 13 by Jacinto), as would the
potentially familial burial plots at the site of Huaca de la Luna (Chapter 7 by Gayoso-Rullier
and Uceda-Castillo) and the Paracas horizon at Palpa (Chapter 6 by Tomasto-Cagigao et al.).
Such approaches are a relatively recent arrival on the (bio)archaeological scene, especially in the
Andean area, and although it is probable that it may add to the development of works in progress
(i.e., at Pachacamac; see Chapter 10 by Owens and Eeckhout), it should be remembered that this
apparent ‘boom’ in the study of ancient remains is not without its limitations. These are partially
financial – and thus perhaps beyond the reach of some smaller projects – although practical
elements such as preservation must also be considered. Indeed, unless humidity, temperature

6
 The Impossibility of Death

and aeration are all at appropriate levels, DNA may have degraded completely, as attested in in
Chapter 12 by Delabarde (at the site of Japoto, Ecuador). As in every approach, it is necessary to
develop an appropriate ‘question’ that is to be addressed by the deployment of new techniques,
for otherwise such methods – although indubitably alluring – can yield little data of interest.
Montoya’s multidisciplinary approach to the study of Nectandra sp. seeds is a good example of a
well-structured answer to an archaeological question.
Having already covered something of the typological analysis of burials in the first section of the
current introduction, further social refinements can also be explored using funerary approaches.
It is interesting to note that in several of the chapters presented here, certain burials have been
found to differ from the normative model and are thus regarded as ‘deviant’. This term, although
heavily loaded in modern parlance, relates to an increasingly intense study of how unusual burial
practices can relate to similarly unusual lifeways – often involving specific social roles, stigmas,
and/or unusual causes of death. Historically, the subjects who underwent deviant burial were
the often unwitting victims of social censure: stillborn/unbaptised children, lepers, plague vic-
tims, executed criminals, and so forth. In archaeological terms, however, determining deviancy
is fraught with methodological, taphonomic and definitional problems, for although the bones
remain, the social rationale is not always clear. Reynolds (2007) has ascribed archaeological devi-
ant burials to eight notional categories – battles, execution, massacre, murder, epidemic, sacrifice,
suicide and ­superstition – of which most Andean examples seem to have been sacrifice victims
(defined as any individual who died for symbolic or ritual reasons). The current volume contains
examples from Huaca de la Luna, Cahuachi, Chimu, Pachacamac and Armatambo (a possible
nonritual incident, in which a single individual was tortured and beaten to death; see Chapter 11
by Díaz Arriola), and it is likely that both sacrifice and deviant burial were more common phe-
nomena than has previously been believed (Benson and Cook 2001; Bourget 2001; Eeckhout and
Owens 2008; Gaither et al. 2008; Tung 2008).

Interpreting Funerary Contexts

As stated previously, our principal concern has been to favour papers written on the basis of new
field data, rather than purely theoretical, model-heavy works based on extant materials. Indeed, in
the current volume only Kaulicke (Chapter 2; Formative Period), Rengifo and Castillo Butters
(Chapter 8; Mochica) and Lopez-Hurtado (Chapter 3; Ychsma) refer explicitly to debates over
conceptual and theoretical aspects of funerary archaeology. Nevertheless, conceptual frameworks
are touched on in all the chapters. From our point of view, the contributions presented herein
reflect current trends in Andean studies, where two main schools can be distinguished: the rep-
resentationalist approach (Saxe and Binford) favoured by the processual school, and the post-
processual approach. For the former, Saxe and Binford have proposed that the nature of funerary
treatment is determined by – and thus a direct reflection of – the deceased’s social position when
alive. The social personality of the individual is defined by a range of social identities he or she
expressed in life; in death, the burying population selects whichever social identities are deemed
to have been the most significant. Their choices will be reflected in the funeral ritual (Bin-
ford 1971; Saxe 1970). Funerary development (structural complexity, additional deposits, funer-
ary goods) and social complexity are thus considered to be positively correlated. The processual
school uses this basic premise to ‘measure’ social investment – and thus inferred social status of the
deceased – and energy expenditure in the funeral rite (Tainter 1978): in basic terms, as social status
of an individual increases, social investment/energy in his or her funeral rites will be correspond-
ingly greater.5 This perspective differs somewhat from that held by the post-processual school,
which is more orientated towards the study of contextual specificities, ideology, symbolism and
agency. Rather than seeing funerary remains as a reflection of the deceased’s status, therefore,
it is considered to be more directly reflective of the given culture’s social attitudes towards the

7
Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence S. Owens

deceased. Political, social and strategic nuances are believed to play their part within the physical
manifestations of the society’s symbolic system, and these are all roles played by members of the
burying group rather than the deceased (Parker Pearson 2000). Although both approaches have
previously suffered from what might be termed ‘paradigm crisis’ (Willermet and Clark 1995), it is
impossible to refute that each has brought considerable strength to our understanding of ancient
funerary customs. For example, the positive correlation between funerary development and the
deceased’s social status in the Mochica has been accepted by the vast majority of archaeologists,
while the state or multistate models of Mochica society – combined with a marked social hier-
archy model – is fast becoming the accepted model for Mochica society on the basis of not only
funerary but also architectural, iconographic and settlement data (Pillsbury 2001; Quilter and
Castillo 2010; Uceda and Mujica 1994, 2003). Nevertheless, detailed study of contexts at Huaca
de la Luna and San José de Moro demonstrates clear evidence for exhumation and manipulation
of human remains that cannot be explained in purely processual terms. This is by no means an
uncommon finding, as will be seen throughout the current volume. Funerary rituals are both
complex and diverse, and it is not surprising that the underlying social fabric of burying popula-
tions should manifest itself in seemingly limitless variability of grave construction, endowment
and connected behaviours. Funerary remains play a major role within the ritual language of any
society, from the point of death through to long after the interment has been carried out, be it
through exhumation (for diverse purposes ranging from magical intent through to ancestor rev-
erence) or special treatment of the area or grave.
As has been clearly stated by many post-processualist authors, all funerary contexts must nec-
essarily reflect the living’s attitude towards death, as well as towards the deceased. These may be
roughly divided into the following three categories: fear of the dead, veneration of the dead, and
handling of the dead. Archaeological exemplars suggesting fear of the deceased are difficult to
identify and interpret with accuracy, as there are often other possible explanations for unusual
burial positions and customs. For example, Archaic Period underfloor graves at Paloma (Chilca
Valley, Perú) contained multiple individuals who had been ‘restrained’ with ropes and poles, lead-
ing the investigators to surmise that this behaviour represented the burying population‘s fear of
the deceased and that, specifically, they might return with harmful intent (Quilter 1989). However,
there are various other – somewhat more prosaic – potential explanations for this finding. The
veneration of the dead – and more specifically ancestor worship – is frequently evoked through-
out the book; this is possibly due to the fact that it is a common ethnohistoric finding for the
Central Andes, and it has often been projected back into the precolonial period. Ethnographic
examples of ancestor worship have been reported from all across the globe in various forms (see
Bloch 1971), and the findings thus derived have been focused at a wide range of archaeological
cultures (Whitley 2002). Interesting refinements have become apparent. For example, the role of
‘ancestor’ is not necessarily guaranteed, being a marker of status that is differentially applied to the
deceased (Kaulicke 2001a). Children do not usually seem to have been recognised as ancestors,
for as they had not procreated they were not integrated into any ancestral lineages. There is some
tantalising support for this in Andean ethnohistoric sources: colonial accounts of Inca traditions
document how children received their final name at around four to five years of age (Arriaga
1999 [1621]: chapter VI: 65), and even as old as 10 to 12 years (Cieza (1995 [1551], I, chapter 65:
200). One could perhaps interpret this as being the age at which they came to be regarded as full
members of society, with potential ‘ancestor’ status. There are some cultural/biological data in
support of this notion at Pachacamac (see Chapter 10 by Owens and Eeckhout).
There are two main categories of Late Period Andean mummies: those that remain visible
(potentially ancestors, which could be worshipped) and those that were invisible (the majority,
which were buried in cemeteries and could not be accessed for any [archaeologically visible]
worship – Eeckhout 2004c: 41–43). Although particularly well attested to in the Late Period, this
distinction appears to have been something of a recurring theme throughout Andean funerary
archaeology. There are even indications that it may have commenced as early as the Formative

8
 The Impossibility of Death

(Chapter 2 by Kaulicke), and there are strong signs of bone handling and manipulation at the site
of Huaca de la Luna (Chapter 7 by Gayoso-Rullier and Uceda-Castillo; see also Millaire 2004).
According to Isbell and Korpisaari’s investigations (Chapter 9), there is no specific evidence that
ancestor worship as such existed in Wari and Tiwanaku society, on the basis of the fact that the
manner in which the mummies were made and stored precluded good preservation and thus any
practical manifestations of ancestor worship. They instead assert that although some varietal of
ancestor worship probably did exist for these polities, it would have taken a very different form
from that of the Incas: this pioneering view will doubtless excite considerable academic contro-
versy among workers in the field.
It should be remembered that current thinking postulates a concurrent spread of the ‘Andean
funerary package’ (including mummies) and Wari/Tiwanaku culture throughout the Middle
Horizon. Mummy and ancestor worship are closely associated with the ayllu concept – a fun-
damental tenet of many ancient Andean societies – which effectively binds territory to one or
more famous ancestors who originally won or conquered it. Worship of the ayllu legitimises ter-
ritorial holdings, and ownership of any assets upon them. Previous work indicates that the ayllu
concept may have originated in the Callejón de Huaylas during the Early Intermediate Period,
subsequently spreading across much of the Central Andes (Isbell 1997), although other research-
ers place its genesis considerably earlier, in the Initial Period (Moseley 1992: 127–128), or even
the Preceramic (Shady 2009). Although the details remain arguable, there is every indication that
the ayllu concept accords with Saxe‘s Hypothesis 8 (1970) and studies by Lynn Goldstein (1995);
similar cases of ancestor/territory binding can be found as far afield as ancient Australia (Pardoe
1988). These authors state that cemeteries were maintained by groups who used them as a means
to legitimise their rights to certain resources and territories, particularly those with special eco-
nomic or social/ritual value. Structured social groups and territorial rights may still exist in the
absence of cemeteries; the close relationship between the deceased, religious beliefs and the here-
after should always be considered. It is at this point that the prospect of specific religious value
comes to the fore. Pachacamac is a notable example, for it served as a burial place not only for the
surrounding area, but also for far-flung populations that had ideological rather than physical links
to the site. The site’s sphere of influence included the entire Inca Empire; a similar ideological
attraction was exerted by Tiahuanaco. Many have come to believe that sites on this scale – and at
this level of complexity – are too multifactorial to be addressed using functionalist and analytical
interpretations of funerary remains in isolation (Mantha 2009), although it could be argued that
appropriate questions can be addressed reliably with the use of refined bioarchaeological tech-
niques in combination with adequate contextual data.
There are those who favour a more phenomenological perspective towards understanding
how ancient populations perceived places and monuments (David and Thomas 2008). Some
contributors in the current volume have taken this approach, examining the symbolic and phys-
ical landscapes to explore how ancient societies integrated themselves into their natural context.
Kaulicke (Chapter 2) is a notable exponent of this approach, and has used it in his assessment
of Peruvian Formative Period burials. In so doing, he has highlighted the concept of centrality:
isolated mountains – perhaps of mythical/legendary import – are often found to have been sur-
rounded by tombs dating to various periods, thus implying some form of long-term geograph-
ical focus by successive populations in deciding where to place interments. Kaulicke’s research
on the terminal Archaic Period suggests an even earlier origin to this behaviour, with recurring
associations of cemeteries and the littoral. In all cases, assessing motivation is uncertain: in the
Formative case, although it is certainly possible that there was a direct spatial/ideological tra-
dition across millennia, it may be that later groups were simply obeying the precepts of earlier
ones without possessing the same ideological aims. Equally, although it is certainly possible that
Kaulicke’s assertion – that Archaic cemeteries were thus placed to reflect some form of social
belief in an association between death, rebirth and the dawning day – is the correct one, it may
be advisable to postulate other hypotheses and perhaps to propose means by which they could

9
Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence S. Owens

be more fully explored. The same may be said of work by Aguero and Uribe, who interpreted
the Chilean funerary mounds of the Tarapaca Pampa as metaphorical hills. These are believed to
have served as visually impactive social signals for the wider population, presumably eclipsing
the more demure – and plentiful – shaft tomb design. Finally, the decapitated head of a proba-
ble sacrifice victim – and various other elements – at the more recent site of Cahuachi has been
interpreted by Llanos Jacinto (Chapter 13) as an indicator of the Nasca’s relationship with their
environment as well as an expression of their cosmological system and beliefs.

Conclusion

The current work was restricted solely in terms of the necessity of providing new and challeng-
ing field data, an aim that has been comprehensively achieved.The potential of the Andean region
to address major issues in the field is enhanced by the sheer volume of funerary remains, as well
as their usually excellent preservation. Many chapters in the current volume not only broach new
data from recently excavated materials, but also subject them to a battery of innovative technical
tests and processes. Recent years have seen a plethora of technical advances that have benefit-
ted archaeological and anthropological investigation in the Andean area and elsewhere: these
notably include bioarchaeology, petrology, phytochemical analysis, aDNA profiling and the use
of stable isotope data for the determination of diet and geographical origin. However, although
these and other methods are certainly beguiling, it is important that technological innovation
does not overshadow the intellectual development of new research paradigms and agendas. Such
techniques, therefore, should be brought in to address specific issues and questions, rather than
being permitted to define the intellectual topography of the field. They should also not blind
researchers to the self-evident fact that both the archaeological and historical records are heavily
skewed and that the limitations of all datasets should be considered in all analyses, no matter how
innovative the approach. Finally, we must avoid asserting pedantic absolutes in light of the fact
that research such as that contained within this volume is making us increasingly aware of the
complexity and variability within ancient polities.
Just as traditional archaeological approaches have been complemented – if not supplanted – by
technological advances, so too has the role of historical information in ancient Andean research
come under closer scrutiny in recent years. As the scale and detail of archaeological narratives
have become more refined, it has become increasingly apparent that earlier paradigms con-
structed with a central infrastructure of references to historical accounts are to be treated with a
certain reserve unless both the archaeological and written sources refer to the same, very specific
period. Otherwise, historical references can at best be used as a terminus post quem for archaeologi-
cal data.
Lastly, it is anticipated that this volume will fill a gap in the field – namely a single tome con-
taining a wealth of diverse examples of Andean funerary treatments – and will hopefully guide
further research efforts in this region by alerting researchers to the potential variability that
underlies traditional definitions of individual polities.
We should like to make one final point concerning the organisation of the book, and the order
in which the contributions are presented. Initially, we thought to present them in a traditional
manner, organising them by the Andean chronological period to which they referred, from the
oldest to the most recent. However, this was replaced by a more innovative and – we hope – more
intellectually resonant manner of dealing with the relationships that exist between the various
chapters.Thus, the chapter by Peter Kaulicke – which deals with critical syntheses of very ancient
periods of Andean history – presents a data-rich treatise built upon a preconstructed theoretical
framework aiming to explain the role of the ancestors and the central nature of historical social
memory. Although Enrique Lopez-Hurtado chose to address much later periods, we deliber-
ately placed his work directly after that of Kaulicke to compare and contrast their theoretical

10
 The Impossibility of Death

standpoints, and also to highlight his work on the importance of deceased ancestors in political
competition and negotiation by the living. Together, it was anticipated that these works would
serve to underscore – despite the periods’ obvious and innumerable variations – the seemingly
perennial nature of ancestrality concepts in the Andean area.
The second part of the book contains the many contributions that – although certainly touch-
ing on theoretical considerations – focus on the interpretation of new field data, and generate
funerary models and practices for various cultures and periods. As mentioned previously, this con-
tribution of new data seems to us to be fundamental. The majority of the authors try to define
standards, establish typologies, and classify and organise their data; this gives rise to an enthralling
range of discursive treatises on multiple aspects of funeral habits, and expansions beyond this to
large-scale social reconstructions. The spectrum under review by the authors is very broad: the
Santa Valley in Perú (Chapdelaine and Gagné) and Chile during the Formative Period (Agüero
and Uribe); Southern Paracas during the Early Horizon (Tomasto-Cagigao et al.), the Moche of
the Early Intermediate Period (Gayoso-Rullier and Uceda-Castillo; Rengifo and Castillo), the
Wari and Tiwanaku of the highlands and the altiplano (Isbell and Korpisaari); the Ychsma of the
central coast (Owens and Eeckhout; Díaz Arriola) and the Manteño of Ecuador (Delabarde).This
variety of studies, and the harmonious way in which they complement one another, is an elo-
quent testament to the dynamism of current research in Andean funerary archaeology.
The last part of the volume contains two contributions concerning what we refer to as devi-
ant burials, that is, the cases located out of the standards defined for a society as regards funerary
­habits. The two examples presented here relate specifically to the practice of human sacrifice,
but by very different methods: decapitation by the Nasca (Llanos Jacinto) and poisoning by the
Chimu of the Northern coast (Montoya Vera).

Notes

1. This high variability in funerary treatment within what is considered to be a single archaeological
culture is also seen at San José de Moro in the Terminal Moche Period, and may characterise transi-
tional phases.
2. Tomasto-Cagigao et al. also mention the possibility of a lineage-based funeral grouping at Palpa
(Paracas).
3. Similar child-heavy contexts were discovered in the Palpa basin, specifically Parasmarca and Lucriche,
dated to the Middle Horizon 2 (Isla, pers. comm. 2008).
4. Colonial ‘extirpators of idolatries’ recorded that indigenous populations kept their stillborn children
in jars (Arriaga 1999 [1621]: chapter VI: 65, 130). It may be that these relics were stored so as to be
buried with an important adult at a later date.
5. Even if Tainter (1978) could confirm his hypothesis in 90% of the 103 ethnographic cases he studied,
it must be remembered that this correlation refers to the energy invested in the burial ritual; the rela-
tionship between personal status and funerary goods was not significant (fewer than 5% of cases).

11
 Chapter 2

Death and the Dead in Formative Perú

Peter Kaulicke

The treatment of the dead and the manner in which the social relationship between life and
death may be reflected in burial contexts (see Beck 1995; Bloch and Parry 1982; Duday et al.
2009; Gowland and Knüsel 2009; Hallam and Hockey 2001; Hamilakis et al. 2002; Parker Pearson
2002;Williams 2003) are subjects that are strangely neglected in studies of the Peruvian Formative
Period. Although there are some notable early twentieth century studies in Formative1 funerary
archaeology (Larco 1941, 1945b, 1948), Tello’s focus on ceremonial architecture and associated art
has had a much greater influence on later archaeologists. Tello’s popular yet rather general vision
of a broad horizon (based on the imprecise concept of an all-encompassing Chavín style) was,
however, resisted by Larco, strengthened by fieldwork data from small north coast funerary and
habitation sites coupled with monumental architecture. He proposed that these remains signified
a series of small-scale societies with identities and contacts expressed by different styles. Unfortu-
nately, both Larco and Tello failed to present their data in full, thus setting a lamentable precedent
for Peruvian archaeology in general up to the present day.Yet even the widely used chronology
of the Ica Valley (Ocucaje style) established by Rowe and his co-workers (Menzel et al. 1964)
is based mainly on pottery from burial contexts, although it is not presented as such. However,
although data may abound, detailed analyses are both rare and under-published, permitting rather
speculative interpretations to prevail. Projects designed to address these deficits are rare and often
unpublished.
It therefore behoves us to reassess the Formative. The task of characterising a period of more
than a thousand years (ca. 1500–200 b.c.) is certainly a challenging prospect, but very necessary if
we are to have a clearer understanding of this period and also the manner in which it influenced
post-Formative times.
In the following I concentrate on a discussion of pertinent funerary remains and their prepara-
tion and disposal related to landscapes, regional patterns and internal organisation, as well as their
relevance towards social and ideological organisation, regeneration and ancestrality. It should be
noted that this overview cannot be exhaustive; indeed, such a claim would be unrealistic given
the incomplete nature of the available information.

12
 Death and the Dead in Formative Perú

The Places of the Dead

The first problem to deal with is the presence of the dead in the ‘landscape’, defined here as a
social ‘world’ or microcosm bounded by space and time and ordered in specific meaningful ways
(see Anschuetz et al. 2001; Carmichael et al. 1994; Cosey 1996; Kaulicke 1997b, 2008; Kaulicke
et al. 2003). The most visible places in these formative social worlds are the so-called ceremonial
centres (for definitions see Kaulicke 1997b: 119–122, 2008: 139–142).

Centres

Monumental architecture first appears in the Late and Final Archaic (from about 3500 to 1500
b.c.) and characterises the Early, Middle and – in part – the Late Formative (see fn. 1 for chronol-
ogy). Burial contexts were found at several sites – the earliest at Punkurí, La Galgada, San Juanito
and Huaca Prieta (see Bird et al. 1985; Grieder 1997; Grieder et al. 1988; Samaniego 2007: 55–58)
(Figure 2.1). The burials were placed under stairways and in reused open [ritual?] chambers, and
include elderly women accompanied by varied and often elite objects. The La Galgada contexts
not only show the reuse of older structures, but also prolonged attention to the dead, suggest-
ing mechanisms of memory and ancestrality. It would be unwise to generalise about these finds,
although it seems difficult to avoid the impression of the presence of exalted persons, perhaps
responsible for the performance of rituals in the same place (shamans, priestesses, or a kind of
religious elite) during the Final Archaic.
Interments of this sort are related to the manner in which old buildings are ‘entombed’ (Mat-
suzawa 1972) by the construction of new, similar edifices atop their remains. In a sense, therefore,
buildings, as much as humans, undergo both death and regeneration.
Isolated anthropomorphic heads are common motifs in the iconography of the pieces found
in the aforementioned burial contexts as well as on architectural murals. These appear to hint at
another aspect of death: the need for sacrifice to regain life and to ensure social status and stability.
These representations are not merely esoteric allusions but have been confirmed archaeologically:
the site of Cerro Lampay, Fortaleza Valley (Vega-Centeno 2005: 174,176, figs. 5.37, 5.38) yielded
a human head in a fibre bag buried in the layer pertaining to the entombment process (ca. 2000
b.c.). Roughly contemporary isolated skulls and other evidence of human sacrifice were found in
several monumental buildings at Caral (Shady 2007: 36), also seemingly involved with renovation
activities. Art and funerary practices therefore hint at complex forms of corporeal perception,
especially concerning the human body: these are best exemplified in the Cerro Sechín façades
(Kaulicke 1995).
These early cases were the genesis of long-lasting trends that extended beyond the Forma-
tive. Polychrome friezes and sculptures at Moxeke (Casma Valley, Early Formative, ca. 1400 b.c.)
echo the Cerro Sechín theme of death and regeneration. These centres have been interpreted as
cosmograms – perhaps extant since the Final Archaic – that become much more apparent, with
complicated combinations of symmetries and levels, variation in repetition in sculptures and
reliefs, murals in ordered polychromatic scales, and so forth. In spite of this variation, Early and
Middle Formative groups of the north coast and highlands share a number of common themes;
death and regeneration continue to be of central concern.
Elaborate Late Formative intra-architectural burial contexts on the north coast and highlands
are reminiscent of the aforementioned Final Archaic cases that are also found in this region.
Although many lack contextual information (see Alva 1992 [Cerro Corbacho, Zaña]; Kaulicke
1998 [Loma Macanche, Piura]; Tello 1929 [Chongoyape, Lambayeque]), the Kuntur Wasi burials
(see below) from the Cajamarca highlands suggest the existence of elites, with corresponding

13
Peter Kaulicke

Figure 2.1. Location of sites mentioned in the text.

p­ araphernalia (crowns, nose and ear ornaments, etc.) also being represented in stone reliefs. Their
ancestor status may also be related to ritual water channels.
Other, less elaborate contexts were found at Pacopampa (Shady 1983), El Rollo (Wester et al.
2000), Huacaloma (Terada and Onuki 1982, 1985), Montegrande (Tellenbach 1982), Kuntur Wasi
(Onuki 1997), Cardal (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991) and Huaca Grande, Omas Valley (Engel
1987), all of which date from the Early and Middle Formative. These may be dedicatory burials
or evidence of sacrifice related (in the case of Kuntur Wasi; see below) to the aforementioned
contexts.
Finally, many monumental Formative buildings were reused as cemeteries in the post-
­Formative. Although these interments have received comparatively little attention, it is probable

14
 Death and the Dead in Formative Perú

that some form of long-term historical memory was in play. This receives some support from
another phenomenon – that of focusing burial attention around the edges of isolated mountains,
beginning with the Formative and progressing through time. Examples include Cerro Corbacho
in the Zaña, Cerro Guadalupe in the Jequetepeque and San Isidro in the Nepeña Valleys. Alva
(1992) briefly describes decorated burial chambers and extraordinarily elaborate gold ornaments
from Cerro Corbacho. Here again elites’ memory – perhaps reflecting origin – and centrality
remain major issues.

Funerary Rituals and the Sea

Many ‘special’ funerary areas are located on the shore, implying some relationship between the
dead and the ocean in the minds of the burying populations. A good example is Middle/Late For-
mative site of Morro de Eten in the Lambayeque Valley system. Elera (1986) describes clusters of
elongated pits (see later) orientated towards the sea, dug into haematite sands that turn red towards
sunset. The author goes on to report an elevated path that connects a small structure (perhaps a
funerary temple) at the feet of a nearby mountain to a steep cliff above the sea. The drama of the
setting is persuasive; it is tempting to conceive of it as a ritualised landscape wherein the deceased
sink with the sun, to be reborn during the following daybreak, as reported for later groups. Equally,
these may have been considered to be places of origin. Enigmatic coastal remains are certainly
numerous; a good example is the well-known Ancón complex on the central coast. This site has
been interpreted as a fishermen’s village, although it displays numerous platforms and ‘temple’
buildings associated with about 264 funerary contexts that have been tentatively attributed to the
Middle and Late Formative (Carrión Cachot 1948; Kaulicke 1994: 342–343; 1997c: 5–8; Lanning
1967; Tellenbach 1998, I:62). The site’s location at the base of a peninsula is reminiscent of Wari-
kayan (Late Paracas or Final Formative and Epiformative) in Paracas, and various others.
This emphasis on shores and estuaries, often in spectacular settings, may have a purely prag-
matic purpose, and/or be symbolically related to the death of the sun, the elision of eastern high-
land water with the ocean, of social origins, and regeneration.The earliest such conurbations date
to the Archaic Period (see Engel 1957; Fung 1988); their increase in size, number and complexity
in the Late Formative probably reflects important changes in social structure.

Death Places and Settlements

Jequetepeque Valley settlement data are unusually detailed, as is information concerning disposition
of the deceased. Rather than being buried under domestic floors, the dead were interred in graves
sunk into or near abandoned structures, while cylindrical towers were used for multiple interments
during the Early Formative (Ravines 1982;Tellenbach 1982;Tsurumi, i.p.). Many of the 51 predom-
inantly Middle and Late Formative cemeteries located by Alva (1986) in the same valley overlay
platforms and other nonburial structures (see Seki 1997). It might thus be argued that the presence
of the dead redefined the landscape, turning a village for the living into a monument for the dead.
This practice may be more common than currently believed, as research is lacking at present.
In summary, the manner in which the dead were integrated into the landscape, but seemingly
in well-chosen places, appears to be an element in the constant physical restructuring of social
networks that express identity and memory within long-lived traditions.

Bodies and Space

To understand the manner in which social constructs are expressed through disposition of the
dead, it is necessary to examine the dead themselves and the spaces that enclose them. The ele-
ments of the burial need to be broken down to facilitate a balanced comparative approach: the

15
Peter Kaulicke

funerary structure, the individual(s) and the associated objects. Each context reflects an
­agglomerative series of events related to their formation, preceded and succeeded by further
ritualised activities. It is generally assumed that the individual’s personhood in life and after death
should be reflected in the material composition of the interment. Funeral rites and procedures
aim to create an identity for the deceased, based on their living persona as well as their perceived
identification by the group to which they belonged.The deceased are therefore characterised as a
dialectic between past self and projected other, divided by physical death. The space they occupy
is a simulacrum of their immediate past, signalled by objects or symbols with significance for the
living; their new identity establishes new bonds with deceased antecedents, and affirms bonds
with the living (Kaulicke 2004: 344–345). Finally, it comprises materialised memory for the living,
and a social marker.

Body Treatment

Having established some basic trends for burial styles in the Formative, it behoves us to assess the
manner in which the bodies were prepared for interment. Primary and secondary burials and
cremation have all been noted. Primary interments permit observations to be made on orienta-
tion, position (i.e., extended, flexed or seated), cultural pathology (i.e., trepanation, cranial defor-
mation) and sometimes coiffure or other markers of identity. Flexed position is dominant during
the Formative (and during the Archaic Period: Engel 1957), whereas extended and probably
seated positions were more popular in the later phases (Late Formative to Epiformative). As there
is no evident temporal phasing, it is likely that these variable positions reflect social differentia-
tion on the basis of status, gender and age, or perhaps the materialisation of ancestor roles. Sec-
ondary interments are less common, although there has been confusion with post-depositional
bone movements caused by multiple burials, cutting by later funerary structures, erosion, animal
burrows and so forth. There are currently insufficient data to generalise about the typology of
secondary burial traditions in the Formative – much less their potential meaning – although it
is hoped that further research and improved publication volume may provide more refined data
from which to work. By contrast, cremations or exposure to fire are not uncommon. The site
of Ñañañique – a Middle Formative ceremonial centre (Guffroy and Baraybar 1993: 181–207) –
yielded a substantial number of disarticulated human bones bearing signs of burning. The signif-
icance of these remains is uncertain: they may be related to dedication rites, incomplete burials,
sacrifices and/or cannibalism, as claimed for other sites (Lumbreras 1989: 206–217). Remains
from Chavín de Huántar (Baraybar 1993) include eight individuals of both sexes and all ages that
display cutting and burning, interpreted as dismemberment followed by burning when the flesh
was still on the bones (as was the case at Ñañañique). Fung’s discovery of cremation elsewhere
on the site (Lumbreras 1994: 281) may be related to Burger’s (1984: 31) discovery of human skulls
perhaps intended as offerings. Isla and Reindel (2006) uncovered the bones of 17 disarticulated
and burned individuals in a small Early Paracas cist at Mollake Chico, Palpa Valley; the incom-
plete bones represented both sexes and different ages, including small children. It is probable
that – like in Chavin – remains were brought from other places and interred at the site. In this
case the possibility of anthropophagy was not considered. These few cases suggest a rather spotty
but widespread distribution, probably spanning the whole Formative Period and even before (see
Lumbreras 1989, fig. 115).
These different forms of body treatments are likely to have exceeded the function of pure
burial practice, and would also have achieved extra-funerary functions. In some cases these
seem to represent a kind of ritualised discard, although not strictly speaking a secondary treat-
ment (i.e., a reassembly of bones in an intentional order as opposed to scattered specimens).
Burials of isolated bones – mainly skulls – are also likely to be discards, possibly related to burial
rites.

16
 Death and the Dead in Formative Perú

Body treatment therefore shows a wide variety without clear differentiation determined by
synchronic and diachronic issues, and nor are there distinct local or regional differences. It is,
however, likely that this image has been significantly skewed by incomplete documentation and
analysis, which seriously undermines bioarchaeology’s potential to elucidate issues of personal
and group identities, group structure, population biology, pathology, diet and body modifications
both before and after death.

Bodies and Space

Unusual burial phenomena are here considered along chronological (early to late) and spatial
(north to south) lines. Elera’s (1999) report on funerary remains from the coastal site of Puémape
(Early Formative) describes 24 noncoeval shallow structures dug into domestic settings. The
flexed bodies (all ages) were wrapped in reed mats and an internal cotton textile, and were asso-
ciated with basalt and ‘coral’ objects on the body; other associated objects are rare. The structures
were arranged in a specific manner. Adults of both sexes are buried in proximity to each other and
in a variety of orientations; children, meanwhile, were interred in more marginal spaces. These
spatial and body arrangements resemble those of the Archaic (Engel 1957, 1960, 1963).
The same site yielded 42 Middle Formative funeral contexts (Elera 1998), which differed from
earlier periods in their extensive use of deeper pits and shafts. Some earlier pits were reused for
these interments, a habit also shown for the Early Formative. Burials were wrapped in reed mats
and textiles, and were typically flexed although children were usually extended. Some bodies
show amputations, including decapitation. Grave goods were numerous and varied, ranging from
textile-wrapped dogs and guinea pigs to beads made of lapis lazuli, epidote, opal, sepiolite, stone,
mussel shells, mother of pearl, Spondylus, bird bones, spindle whorls, needles, mollusc shells, hae-
matite, quartz fragments, chilli pepper and pottery. The ceramics consist mostly of stirrup-spout
bottles, as well as jars, ollas and bowls; individuals were interred with between one and four vessels,
although they were more commonly found with young children and – to a lesser extent – young
women. Some of the stirrup-spout bottles were decorated with representations of fruits or more
complex motifs such as felines with cacti and a contortionist (Elera 1993, fig. 9.6). Although the
42 contexts are located in a heavily disturbed area, there is evidence that they originally formed
discrete groups. Sporadic reuse of the funerary structures show that not all of these are coeval, and
there are other materials – including concentrations of whale bones, coral, stones, ash, wood and
postholes – indicating that other activities took place in the same space, perhaps related to burial
rites.2 These burials can be illustratively compared with Elera’s (1986) findings at Morro de Eten,
Lambayeque, which date to the Late Formative. Although most of the nine contexts were badly
looted, it is apparent that the burials were extended, and oriented towards the north-east. The
structures are relatively deep elongated pits with stone covers. One individual male – dubbed ‘the
shaman’ owing to his unusual grave goods – was surrounded by three graves containing subadults,
all oriented in the same way. Covered by the remains of reed mats, the interments also included
fewer than four ceramic vessels (stirrup-spout bottles, single-spout bottles and plates) and gold,
turquoise and bone bead necklaces. Some of the pieces are exotic imports (i.e. a plate from the
Bagua region).
Larco’s seminal work on the Cupisniques (1941) describes 33 funerary structures from Bar-
bacoa A in the Chicama valley. Although largely coeval with Elera’s Middle Formative funer-
ary area at Puémape (Middle/Late Formative), they show some important differences including
the use of 2 m deep circular shafts covered with stones and conical adobes, sometimes with a
sealed lateral chamber (Cupisniques 1941, fig. 225). Each feature contains a single body typi-
cally in a seated position,3 although flexed and extended varietals are also known. Red (rare at
Puémape) and green pigments – commonly stored in bags or bone containers – appear to have
been applied to the bodies with brushes. Associated objects include ceramic vessels, many of

17
Peter Kaulicke

them high-­quality stirrup-spout bottles or jars, and often in a fragmentary state (Larco).4 Worked
(beads) and unworked lapis lazuli and turquoise was also found, along with carved bone objects
such as spatulas, combs, ear-rings, finger-rings, necklaces, amulets and tubes (see Kaulicke 2002).
These observations hint at diachronic and synchronic diversity. The small groups of structures
could be conceived as ‘neutral’ receptacles for the body set within a significant landscape; it is
likely that they were indicated by aboveground indicators (markers, low mounds, etc.), although
no such evidence has yet been recovered.This substantiates Larco’s belief in the existence of small
cemeteries, although such contexts are unlikely to represent whole populations or complete
families, to judge from the erratic prevalence of subadult burials; they are usually associated with
high-prestige individuals, and may be ‘companion’ burials without any familial link.

Space and Bodies

Prominent locales used to inter human remains will inevitably have a strong social effect on the
living, being associated with a high degree of visibility, prolonged usage and a memorial function
for ‘special’ persons. The aforementioned burial towers in the middle Jequetepeque Valley pro-
vide an interesting case, being situated as central foci within the human and historical landscape.
Not all of the Montegrande ‘towers’ – built on abandoned domestic or residential structures –
were burial places, as evidenced by a large circular structure with a central hearth and a sunken
entrance (Tellenbach 1982, plate 144.1); a smaller version was found in a corner of one the major
platforms.5 Ravines (1982) notes several sites with single or grouped circular structures of various
sizes (from 2 to 11+ m in diameter), and interprets these looted features as the remains of burial
towers with a central rectangular chamber originally containing a single body. This contrasts
with Middle Formative cases, in which various complete and incomplete bodies were interred
one above the other. Were these individuals metaphysically linked to fire? Were they founders of
lineages?
A different architectural style (Tomb 6) was noted for an Early Formative (Wairajirca period)
building phase at Shillacoto, Huánuco region. Much has been made of the fact that it was built
on a hearth of an underlying Mito period ceremonial structure (Izumi et al. 1972: 30, 45–46, figs.
7, 10, 13, plates 8–10, 31.2, 34.3, 42.2). It is a rectangular structure with thick walls (3.7 × 3.2 × 2
m) built from pebbles and flat stones, cemented with multicoloured clay that also made up the
floors (red-brown, white, red and black). Construction techniques and the application of colours
appear to follow a particular order. Seven badly preserved individuals were found between layers
of stones, associated with fragments of high-quality ceramics, a stone axe and a fragment of a jet
mirror.6 This structure was then built over in the subsequent Kotosh period, reusing a wall of the
previous construction and building a hearth on top of the Wairajirca structure. It was semicircular
in shape (1.8 × 1.4 × 1.5 m), and was constructed from different rock types with regular dressed
stones forming a sort of window on the western side. It contained a single body, accompanied by
an impressive array of items including six complete and one incomplete vessels, five bone objects,
two jet mirrors, four lithic projectile points, a stone figurine, a stone vessel and two shell artefacts
(Izumi et al. 1972, figs. 14, 16, plates 27, 28.1.2, 38.10, 41.1–41.12, 42.1, 43.5, 44, 45.2–45.15, 46.1.2,
47, 58.1–58.4, 60.6.9). The bone objects – already important elements in burial assemblages –
were unusual in displaying exotic elements resembling stone sculptures from Chavín (where
Kotosh ceramics were found); the pottery also shows exotic stylistic elements, while the shells
were evidently brought from the distant ocean.
This threefold sequence is of particular interest to studies of cultural linkages and mechanisms
of memory. The Wairajirca focus on fire is evident in the layout of the structure, perhaps reflect-
ing two habitation layers. The multiple burial hints at sequential disposal of bodies accompanied
by a few objects: a broken and incomplete vessel,7 a jet mirror (also fragmented) and a stone axe
recalling forms used during the Mito period. This Wairajirca structure went on to form part of

18
 Death and the Dead in Formative Perú

the succeeding Kotosh building; the superimposition of the Kotosh period hearth would seem
to reaffirm the importance of fire, although the presence of the single individual and the other
objects in the chamber imply that they were noncoeval but deposited in cycles. Some of the
pieces are broken, while others are complete.Various forms of mirror are present, while the phal-
lic stone figurine resembles others from the Mito period at Kotosh (Izumi 1971: 66, fig. 9; Izumi
and Terada 1972: 276, plates 90a,b, 93b,c, 146.3, 159.18).
Kuntur Wasi (in the Cajamarca region) displays a series of funerary structures spanning the Late
Middle to Final Formative (Onuki 1995). Probably the earliest funerary structure, at the nearby
Cerro Blanco, comprises a shaft with a lateral sealed chamber similar to the structures Larco
excavated at Barbacoa A. The body had been placed in a flexed seated position (Onuki and Kato
1995: 132–134, figs. 3, 8, 16–19, plates 3–6, colour plates 7–8), and covered with cinnabar. Seven
pottery vessels, bead necklaces (and pectorals?) made from sodalite, lapis lazuli, jasper, chrysocolla
and Spondylus completed the corpus of associated objects. Although the remains are unsexed, the
grave goods resemble those excavated from an old female burial from Kuntur Wasi (see later).The
ceramics were unique to the burial contexts – no others were found at the site.The stirrup-spout
vessel probably came from the north coast (Cupisnique), while others may have originated in the
Jaen-Bagua region. Although not found on the coast, the ‘compotera’ pedestal bowl is common
in Kuntur Wasi funerary contexts, and resembles incense burners from Tiwanaku (perhaps pos-
sessing a similar function).
The nearby Kuntur Wasi site yielded seven extraordinary and probably coeval funerary units
dug into Central Platform KW and cutting earlier Idolo phase structures (Onuki 1997; Onuki
et al. 1995:15–19, figs. 21–23, plates 6–18, Onuki 2000: 33–52, 55–61, 126–127).They are organised
in eastern (TM-3 and 2) and western (TM-1 and 4) pairs, the former oriented north and north–
north-east, the others north-west and west. All are single-shaft tombs with a lateral chamber
sealed with stones, a form documented at Barbacoa (Larco 1941, fig. 225). The western group
comprises an old man with deformed skull and abundant cinnabar around the head (TM-1), and
an old woman (TM-4) buried in a somewhat smaller structure. The former was associated with
three ceramic vessels (two bottles and a ‘compotera’ [chalice]), three shell trumpets, chrysocolla
earrings, two pieces of white stone and a golden ‘crown’ depicting 14 anthropomorphic heads
in a basket. The woman was accompanied by three vessels (one stirrup-spout bottle and two
broken plates), a small stone vessel in form of a head, a conical gold pendant, another of gold/
silver depicting small birds and 5,586 jasper, sodalite, Spondylus and chrysocolla beads. The gender
differences are compelling, as are the varying geographical proveniences of many of the pieces.
Tellenbach (1998 I: 119–120, II, plate 177) claims similarities with southern highland sites (i.e.,
Chaullabamba) in Ecuador for the material associated with TM-4, although the TM-1/4 ceram-
ics occur only in these contexts. TM-2 and TM-3 are the eastern pair. The former is an older
man of more than 60 years of age, the latter man somewhat younger (30 to 40 years). The older
man has a golden “crown” decorated with four feline faces, in addition to two gold H-shaped
nose ornaments decorated with ‘monster’ beings as well as earrings with interlocking bird–feline
beings. He was interred with a mug-like vessel and fragments of another, as well as three small
jasper and chrysocolla beads. TM-3 has a deformed skull, a pair of golden earrings, two small
beads, a stirrup-spout bottle similar to that in TM-4, and a pedestal bowl similar to that recovered
from TM-1.
The other three funerary contexts seem to be related, although only one is described in
detail. TM-5 is a flexed male adult without head deformation and without cinnabar, oriented
north/north-east in a shallow, square pit. He appears to have died violently, to judge from a cra-
nial trauma, possibly as a companion sacrifice. He was adorned with two bone and shell bead
necklaces, a disc of marine mammal bone, two copper discs, a bone spoon and five small stone
and shell beads. TM-6 is a subadult (about three years of age) interred with two feline and two
anthropomorphic figurines, a 12-bead necklace and a decorated bone needle. Other two contexts
(TM-7 and -8) are barely described.

19
Peter Kaulicke

Another shaft and lateral chamber pit contained another individual richly adorned with a
gold ‘crown’ with feline heads, ear pendants with similar heads and coiled snakes, gold ear-rings
decorated with birds, pendants in the form of fruits (?) and three simple vessels (one of them a
pedestal bowl) and a necklace of around 800 chrysocolla beads. Although there are other graves
showing the entire sequence up to the Copa phase (Final Formative), these still await final publi-
cation. Schwörbel’s (2001) description of funerary contexts excavated in 1946 includes details of
38 serpentiform gold objects (see earlier); Strombus; a stirrup-spout bottle; square plates; a biconi-
cal bead and 175 turquoise, Spondylus, sodalite and jasper beads. It is evident that Kuntur Wasi was
extensively used for funerary activity over several hundred years; it is probable that this was one
of many such sites along the coast between the Piura and the Chicama Valleys, but looting in this
area has unfortunately been extensive.
One final funerary context deserves mention. A contemporary settlement (Late Formative, 800
to 600 b.c.) in the Coyungo area of the Río Grande de Nazca displays various important differ-
ences from their northern counterparts. Structure T.1 is a relatively large chamber measuring 3.20
× 3.12 m, oriented to the northeast.The main chamber was cut into the bedrock, the walls being
built using variably sized conical or planoconvex adobes (and six huarango trunks reinforcing the
western and eastern walls) secured with dark river-clay mortar. The inner corners were rounded,
while the floor was made of rock debris, covered by a thin dark brown layer and a final clay
plaster that also covered the walls. The walls were then painted with various motifs, which were
very badly preserved. Three stairs lead down to the chamber, which was sealed with a cover of
huarango trunks, canes and clay.The chamber contained at least seven bodies, probably in a seated
position. The remains of one adult male (with cranial deformation), two women, an adolescent
and a child were identified. Although looted, the chamber also yielded a large quantity of deco-
rated textiles, reed mats with coloured cotton rims, undecorated gourds and more than 30 pottery
vessels in different styles (post-fired polychrome painting, negative, incised [“Janabarriu”] and
undecorated). Although this structure could be interpreted as an elite context, there is abundant
evidence of textile production and also manufacture of high-quality textiles. Two other, smaller
structures were also cut into the bedrock, and oriented slightly differently to the aforementioned
example. Of trapezoidal (T.2) and rectangular (T.4) form,8 they contained cane reed huts tied
to four huarango corner posts. T.2 contained at least two individuals (an adult and a child), two
adults in T.3 and two adults and two children in T.4. The associated objects generally resemble
those from T.1, although the materials in the latter display more variety and higher quality. This
complex has thus been interpreted as a coeval group, possibly of shared kinship. The manipula-
tion of space into a simulacrum of miniature domestic or residential buildings is reminiscent of
findings from Ancón (similar structures with lucuma or huarango posts and reed mat roofs), with
which they are roughly contemporary (Kaulicke 1994: 343). A somewhat similar phenomenon is
known from Archaic times, although the domestic structures covering the bodies were probably
the residences of the deceased (Benfer 1999).

Interpretations

It would be unwise to make overly ambitious interpretations on the basis of this general over-
view, as many areas are almost totally unknown (i.e., the highlands and the Amazonian lowlands),
while the discovery of funerary contexts is not necessarily guaranteed even for well-known
coastal regions with massive monumental architecture (e.g., Casma). Although funerary remains
are more varied and informative in better-understood areas such as the middle Jequetepeque
Valley, they are still insufficient to analyse funerary behaviour for whole populations over many
generations. Although looting and erratic archaeological work is partly to blame, it is more likely
that significant portions of the populations are invisible (re funerary behaviour) to modern
archaeological techniques. Cremation, perhaps even consumption, and/or informal disposal of

20
 Death and the Dead in Formative Perú

the bones could be responsible for their ‘invisibility’. If funerary treatments were comparatively
subtle for most individuals, it may be the case that most of the contexts should be understood as
‘special’ individuals, transcending differences in sex or age. “Special” status does not necessarily
mean socially outstanding individuals, but may include victims killed in ritualised circumstances
as dedicatory ‘objects’. This ‘killing’ might also be reflected in the frequent breaking of ceramic
vessels or metal objects. This is not to say that outstanding individuals were not signalled through
reformulation of funerary traditions; outstanding artefacts and idealised funerary settings have
been noted for male and female adults (La Galgada, Huaca Prieta, San Juanito, Punkurí, Morro de
Eten, Puémape, Kuntur Wasi, Coyungo, among others) during the Archaic and Formative Peri-
ods, seemingly reflecting roles related to ritualistic/shamanistic activities, acoustic performance
(trumpets) or the production of jewellery, textile working, and so forth. Despite not being par-
ticularly flamboyant interments, the social importance of the deceased can often be determined
from their contexts. Gold was not the preeminent status marker; many of the contexts excavated
by Elera at Morro de Eten (unpublished) contained gold objects, leading to extensive looting
(Elera, pers. comm.). The aforementioned Mollake Chico context (Palpa) still contained a small
finger ring (Isla and Reindel 2006, fig. 12).
Body positions and orientations vary along both spatial and temporal lines.While flexed inter-
ments are known for the whole Archaic Period, extended burials appear during the Late Archaic
and become increasingly common through the Late Formative, perhaps as a precursor to coffin
use (see Kaulicke 1992). Although most cases are concentrated in the north, some are also known
from the south coast (Jauranga, Palpa; see Isla et al. 2003). Seated burials are typically found in
specially designed pits or shafts, the bodies encased in an anthropomorphic bundle of textiles,
raw cotton and other materials. Some northern examples were adorned with cinnabar and rich
jewellery including necklaces, earrings, pendants, ‘crowns’, nose ornaments and so forth. All of
these were focused on the head, and most are elite markers in Late and Final Formative sites in
the same region. Although this could be interpreted as evidence of more formalised ‘elites’, it is
difficult to differentiate between this and other forms of elites that had been in existence since at
least the final Archaic, as evidenced by burials accompanied by ornate necklaces and large stone
receptacles profusely decorated with reliefs (Casma to Lambayeque, Final Archaic to Early For-
mative). Spatial positioning was also important. Early cases are usually interred into nonmortu-
ary monumental architecture, while burials in the Late and Final Formative Periods are found
in burial platforms. The relatively simple shafts served to humanise the constructed space into
which they were dug, thus changing their role within the human landscape. This contrasts with
burials in the south, where the houses seem to be intended as a simulacrum of ‘real’ residence.
The evident complexity of social status and relationships indicates that the vague and somewhat
monolithic term ‘elite’ is inappropriate for our analyses, while it should also be stressed that burial
contexts are not suitable for ‘reconstructing social realities’. These materialisations show differ-
ences in space, time and personhood so that death performances reflect important social and
cultural differentiation despite their shared basic traits.
These generalisations are not particularly satisfying but more detailed analyses are beyond the
scope of this chapter.

Death as a Concept

Cosmologically, certain landscape features (seashore, isolated mountains, rivers and springs) have
been connected with concepts of ancestrality. These notions can be further explored through
examination of materials associated with the interments. Many of the ceramic vessels probably
contained liquid and food, and have no specific significance beyond that function. Others may
have served as status markers, or have possessed other meanings; such vessels are found almost
exclusively in funerary contexts. Looted contexts in the Jequetepeque Valley yielded some 400

21
Peter Kaulicke

items (Alva 1986), most of which are single and stirrup-spout bottles representing fruits, animals,
humans and supernatural beings. Proportions vary considerably. None of the single-spout ves-
sels depict fruit, but more than half are decorated with supernatural beings. Sixty percent of the
stirrup-spout bottles represent fruits and animals, although feline heads (without bodies) domi-
nate, sometimes being secondary to representations of plants, snakes or supernatural beings. The
most commonly depicted animals were owls, snakes, felines (sometimes with cacti), Strombus
and Spondylus. Bottles from Larco’s funerary contexts show human/feline therianthropy, with a
particular emphasis on felinised heads. Similar representations have been recorded for the Kuntur
Wasi ‘crowns’ and nose ornaments, in addition to stone bowls and beakers, bone objects (spatulas,
amulets) and decorated shells. A sample of nearly 800 pottery vessels from the Ica Valley (Menzel
et al. 1964) shows a reduced range of motifs dominated by felines and/or birds. Anthropomorphic
bottles are less common though human and falcon heads were often used to decorate spout and
bridge bottles. Cephalomorphic bottles regularly show feline features. Bird motifs include prob-
able swallows and hawks; parrots, cranes and others are recognisable in later examples. Supernatu-
ral beings are less common and do not resemble those from the north coast.
Although most of these items are from unknown or incompletely known contexts, the rel-
atively restricted selection of motifs – including nocturnal (owls) and migratory (swallows)
birds – suggests a connection with death. Skulls with protruding snakes (Alva 1986: 96) are more
unambiguous, while Spondylus and Strombus may also have performed a ritual function for the
dead and ceremonies concerning their treatment. The most persistent motif, however, is the
therianthropic head in various transformative steps from human to feline. The contexts in which
the heads are found also vary considerably. They are elements in architectural art from Archaic
(Punkurí, Cerro Sechín) to Late Formative times (tenon heads from Chavín de Huántar), and
have been interpreted as severed (‘trophy’) heads. This interpretation also applies to the broken
figurine head from Kotosh (Kotosh period) with spines closing the lips (Izumi and Sono 1963,
plate 135.3) or the tenon-head from Chavín (Burger 1992, fig. 147), although notions of transfor-
mation may also have been achieved through altered states of consciousness (Burger 1992, figures.
147–155; Kaulicke 2005 [1976]: 209). This may be a predecessor of the extensive use of ‘trophy’
heads in later periods, but interred isolated skulls are relatively rare in Formative times and not all
of them are necessarily ‘trophy’ heads (see Kaulicke 1997a: 32–34, 1998: 363).The head undergoes
a stylistic transformation, involving the appearance of snake and feline elements that turn the
head into a (supernatural) feline, or back towards a human form. In the felinised stage it adopts
tuber-like qualities, while in some versions fertility and regeneration are suggested by plants and
animals emerging from the nostrils, mouth, or upper or lower part of the head. This life-giving
force is also shown by the proliferation of small heads in plants or as secondary elements to com-
plex supernatural beings, perhaps signifying their life potency.The Kuntur Wasi funerary contexts
are a good example. The crown on the skull of the body in TM-1 bears a representation of a bas-
ket with heads, an image associated with supernatural beings (see Alva 1986: 248, 354, 442; Burger
1992, figure 82), while one of the trumpets is adorned with feline heads.The male adult in TM-2
has a ‘feline’ crown, ear pendants decorated with interlocked feline-birds and two ‘monster-head’
compositions (supernatural beings also shown in lithic art at the site). A third interment bears a
crown resembling that of TM-1, with felinised/feline-snake heads as ear pendants, bird earrings
and a further pair of fruit-shaped ear pendants. A series of necklaces covered the head. The dis-
tribution of the items creates individualised patterns, which serve to draw attention to different
parts of the head, notably the nose and ears. In addition to comprising status signifiers, these ele-
ments symbolise transformations into ancestors, starting from the head. Colour symbolism might
also be of importance: red is always present in the form of cinnabar, and sometimes as Spondylus
(TM-4, female adult; perhaps as a gender indicator). White shells were found in TM-1, and green
(chrysocolla) in TM-1, TM-3, TM-4, and B TM-1. Finally, blue was found only in TM-4. In this
sense the necklaces or other items refer to the sea and other places of importance, and are there-
fore part of the ‘programme of ancestralisation’.

22
 Death and the Dead in Formative Perú

Conclusions

This brief overview based on relatively few case studies suggests a remarkable synchronic and
diachronic diversity in the treatment of bodies, monuments and space from the Archaic Period
through to the Formative. Most of the contexts are unsuited to social reconstructions in terms of
ethnicity (regional patterns) or the detection of hierarchical/heterarchical elites as indicators of
more or less complex political systems. In the first place, they are memorial devices intended to
recall the past, enhanced by continuous ritual attention intended to enhance the deceased’s status
as an ancestor while retaining part of his or her ‘concrete’ social past. In Formative times ancestral
transformation involved animal imagery – particularly felines, birds and snakes – but although
felines (or, more specifically, beings with feline dentitions) are particularly common, they are an
insufficient basis on which to argue for a ‘feline cult’ as maintained by many following Larco’s
definition (Larco 1941: 149–151).
The recovery, documentation and study of burial remains are of fundamental importance to
the field, owing to the potential volume of information they can provide and their vulnerability
in the face of modern development. The complex relationships between the interred, the tomb
and the accompanying artefacts is perhaps the only means of providing the interpretational pre-
cision needed to understand basic principles such as the ontological definition of life and death, a
point that is fundamental to archaic societal structure and is expressed in their material remains.

Notes

1. In the present chapter I use a chronological system different from the often employed Initial Period/
Early Horizon scheme (see Kaulicke 1994): Early Formative (1700 to 1200 b.c.), Middle Formative
(1200 to 700 b.c.), Late Formative (700 to 400 b.c.), Final Formative (400 to 200 b.c.) and Epiforma-
tive (200 b.c. to a.d. 250).
2. For reconstructed contexts see Elera and Pinilla (1992: 19).
3. Larco (1941: 162) distinguishes different positions, but positions A to C are obviously seated bodies
displaying post-interment disturbance.
4. Another example is presented by Alva (1986, fig. F, Talambo, Jequetepeque Valley).
5. These structures apparently are ceremonial hearths with relatively well-known antecedents from
Late Archaic contexts at Caral (Shady and Leyva 2003) and Late Archaic/Early Formative sites in the
Casma Valley (Pozorski and Pozorski 1996), apparently as foci of an important fire cult.
6. The decoration of this structure is reminiscent of the white and red stripes adorning the outer wall of
a final Archaic ceremonial structure at Cerro Ventarrón (Lambayeque), which also contained a well-
constructed hearth as one of its principal features (Schuster 2008).
7. This fragment forms part of a significant group of vessels with simple modelled faces interpreted
by Kano (1979) as anthropomorphic; in one vessel a dual representation may represent a feline as
opposed to a human face (Kano 1979, plate VII), an early case of the complex relation between both
beings including the possibility of transformation.
8. T.3 – on the lowest southern platform – was so badly damaged that its form could not be defined but
is likely to have been similar to T.4.

23
 Chapter 3

Far Away, So Close

Living with the Ancestors in Panquilma,
Peruvian Central Coast

Enrique Lopez-Hurtado

Introduction

Anthropological enquiry has seen an increased tendency towards attempts to understand how
individuals or groups acquire and maintain their social positions, and on the role that ideology
played in this process (i.e. Brumfiel 2006; Earle 1997; Shennan 1982; Spriggs 1988;Van Buren and
Richards 2000). The interplay among ideology, economy and politics, and the resultant develop-
ment of social hierarchy, is of particular relevance in the study of ancient Andean societies, where
an intertwined relationship among these processes has been recognised by many archaeological
and ethnohistoric works (Bauer and Stanish 2001; Bawden 2004; Bermann 1997; De Leonardis
and Lau 2004; Gose 1996; Janusek 2004; Lopez-Hurtado and Nesbitt 2010; MacCormack 1991;
Millones 1990; Salomon 1991, 1995; Salomon and Urioste 1991; Shimada et al. 2004a; Sillar 1992;
Silverman 1994b).
This close relationship between material and intangible factors in the emergence and function
of complex societies has been addressed from various perspectives. For some scholars, success in
the acquisition and maintenance of social hierarchy rested mainly in the elite’s coercive control
over key economic resources (Earle 1987: 294–296; Earle and D’Altroy 1989: 188), the labour
force, land, agricultural production and specialised craft production (Blanton et al. 1996; Brumfiel
and Earle 1987a, b; Costin and Earle 1989; Earle 1987, 2001; Gilman 1987, 1991, 2001; Spencer
1993; Welch 1996). From this perspective, the development of belief systems becomes the con-
sequence of more mundane economic processes, with the role of ideology being to legitimate
extant political and economic stratification. In short, elite-sponsored ritual activities – the pro-
duction and acquisition of prestige goods and the construction of temples – became possible as
a consequence of successful surplus extraction from non-elites (Gilman 1987, 1991; Lucero 2003:
524). Even though ideological control also constituted a critical advantage over other competing
elite groups, its efficacy as a source of social power was derived from the control of the economic
means necessary to materialise it (DeMarrais et al. 1996; Van Buren and Richards 2000: 3).
Conversely, it has been argued that instead of a post-facto reflection of material circumstances,
the control and manipulation of belief systems can have an active role in the development and

24
 Living with the Ancestors in Panquilma

maintenance of social hierarchy (Bawden 2004; Conrad 1992; Conrad and Demarest 1984;
Pauketat 1992; Potter 2000; Shennan 1982; Spriggs 1988).This perspective holds that maintenance
of social hierarchy can often be accomplished “... effectively through controlling access to ritual
knowledge and through the use and manipulation of symbols during ritual performance”, which
may be very stable in the light of potential insurrection as “... knowledge-based power is more
difficult to challenge directly than power based on allocative resources” (Potter 2000: 296–297).
In the Andes, changes in ritual activities – specifically ancestor veneration rituals – motivated
drastic social, political and economic transformations at the onset of the Inca Empire1 (Conrad
1992).This has led to the suggestion that Andean societies were configured around ‘sacred propo-
sitions’ rather than being based on political, economic and coercive forces (Bermann 1997: 109;
Silverman 1994a: 342).
Another approach holds that political competition for prestige and authority gives primacy to
nonmaterial but secular (rather than religious or ritual) processes in the development of social
hierarchy. From this perspective, elite groups engaged in political competition within societies
constituted a pivotal factor in the emergence of hierarchical structures (Brumfiel and Fox 1994;
Elson and Covey 2006). Such political competition in past complex societies is characterised by
the exclusive display and restricted circulation of prestige goods among elite groups and their fol-
lowers. These goods were used by elites as badges of social rank (without religious implications)
and were carefully redistributed as rewards for services (Earle and D’Altroy 1989: 188). Some-
times they expressed the elite’s exclusive control over exotic objects that evidenced their priv-
ileged connections with powerful neighbours (Helms 1979). Although the control and display
of prestige goods have an undeniable economic component, the value of such goods as a means
for acquiring and maintaining social rank is not a direct reflection of their intrinsic economic
value; rather it is related to the social prestige that the possession of such objects communicates
­(Drennan 1991).
Since the first Spanish chronicles were written, it has been recognised that ancestor veneration
rituals were key to the negotiation of economic, political and ideological power in Andean soci-
ety (Cobo 1990 [1658]: 246–252; Harris 1982: 46; Isbell 1997: 38–43; MacCormack 1991: 91–95;
Milliken 2006; Salomon 1995; Sillar 1992, 2004). These social contexts are thus the ideal means
for examining how material and nonmaterial forces interacted in the development of hierarchi-
cal relations.
This chapter focuses on the role that ancestor veneration rituals had in the development
and maintenance of social hierarchy at Late Intermediate and Late Horizon Panquilma, located
within a day’s walk of Pachacamac, the most important and feared religious centre of the ancient
Andes. In particular I discuss the importance of ancestor veneration ritual performances in the
development of social power at the site, and how these ritual activities were articulated with
control over economic resources and means of production, as well as with political display and
control of luxury goods. The presence of funerary structures inside elite household compounds
and their relationship with feasting remains are examined, and it is shown that the dead actively
participated in political competition between elite groups at the site.

Ancestor Veneration Rituals and Social Organisation

The study of the relationship between the living and the dead in the political development of
ancient societies has a long history. From the early 1900s many scholars have recognised that
funeral rites play a very important role in the social aspirations of the living (Binford 1971; Brown
1981; Chapman and Randsborg 1981; Goldstein 1981; Hertz 1960 [1907]; Hodder 1982; McHugh
1999; Metcalf and Huntington 1991; Milliken 2006; O’Shea 1981; Parker Pearson 1982, 1993, 1999;
Tainter 1978; Ucko 1969). In this context, mortuary rites provide what Parker Pearson (1982:
112) refers to as “a platform for social advertisement” for the living, in which the activities carried

25
Enrique Lopez-Hurtado

out during the funeral rites harness the social ambitions of certain individuals or ­political groups.
From this perspective, the performance of funerary rites constituted an important element in the
strategies of competing antagonistic groups. For example, by constructing monumental tombs,
mounds or mortuary monuments, a group’s presence and power were visually stamped upon the
landscape (Conrad 1992; Drennan 1995; Parker Pearson 1993, 1999). The crux of this activity was
to emphasise connections with powerful ancestors that served to legitimise and/or reinforce one
group’s power over others.
Another context in which the dead are essential to the living is in ancestor veneration, particu-
larly in societies organised into descent groups. In these societies, ancestor veneration is closely
connected with kinship, social inequality and power (Conrad and Demarest 1984; Conrad 1992;
D’Altroy 1992, 1994; De Leonardis and Lau 2004: 78; Dillehay 1995b; Isbell 1997; McAnany 1995;
Salomon 1995). Ancestor veneration refers to those “rituals and practices surrounding the burial
and commemoration ... of apical ancestors of kin groups” (McAnany 1995: 11). An ancestor is
someone who is remembered (Whitley 2002: 122), and only certain individuals could achieve the
status of being venerated as an ancestor after their death. These ancestors are believed to have the
ability to influence the lives of the living (De Leonardis and Lau 2004; Lau 2002: 281; McAnany
1995: 11; Moseley 1992: 53–54; Salomon 1995: 324; Sillar 1992: 115). Important ancestors may be
called on to help the sick, ensure victory in war or provide fertility to agricultural fields. Ancestor
veneration is distinct from funerary rites in that the rituals and practices associated with ancestor
veneration continue long after the body has been laid to rest (Lau 2002: 281).
In the Andes, Father Bernabe Cobo’s seventeenth century chronicle deals with ancestor wor-
ship in the Inca Empire, and is one of the first to narrate a practice that spread across the region
(1990 [1658]). Indeed, signs of such practices in the Andean world can be dated back to around
5,000 years b.c. when the Chinchorro fisherfolk preserved their dead using clay, canes and wood
to reconstruct and stabilise the body and face (Moseley 1992: 93–94; Rivera 1995; Vreeland 1998).
However, one of the most striking examples of the important role that ancestor veneration had in
the negotiation of social power can be attributed to the Incas, particularly the worship of mum-
mified Inca rulers (Isbell 1997: 38–51; Sillar 1992, 2004: 168–172;Vreeland 1998: 171–174). Despite
his death, an Inca ruler retained ownership over the property he accumulated in life through
the administration of his estate by his living descendants. When an Inca ruler died, his body was
embalmed and he retained his place in the world of the living. He was clothed, fed and cared for
by special attendants. The mummies of Inca rulers were brought together for special occasions to
participate in ceremonies and rituals in the main square of the Inca capital of Cuzco.
McAnany (1995) notes that Mesoamerican ancestor veneration practices are particularly associ-
ated with the development and maintenance of social hierarchy in the Maya world. According to
her analysis, the act of burying the dead in specialised residential shrines or beneath house floors
created links between the living, the ancestors and the surrounding physical environment. By
maintaining ‘active lines of communication’ with the dead in the form of rituals associated with
ancestor veneration, the living could draw power from the past to legitimise social status, politi-
cal power or rights to economic resources (McAnany 1995: 1). McAnany (1995) goes on to note
that Maya ancestor veneration practices and ancestor worship were not restricted to royal families,
but were also performed among lower nobility households. In a similar approach, Milliken (2006)
addresses differences in wealth at elite households at the important Wari site of Conchopata, where
the presence of ancestor shrines indicates the role of ancestor worship in social manipulation and
political competition by the elite. It is precisely at this point where this model can help us to
understand the basis of social power at the site of Panquilma. By shifting our focus of attention
from the ruling segment of the site and taking into consideration the performance of ancestor
worship at the level of what Elson and Covey (2006) denominate ‘intermediate elites’, we will be
able to understand better the basis of political competition among elite factions at the site.
This premise is partly founded on the fact that funerary structures are found not only inside
public buildings but also inside medium rank elite domestic compounds. To qualify as distinct

26
 Living with the Ancestors in Panquilma

evidence for ancestor veneration, collateral archaeological and contextual evidence should also be
sought to demonstrate continued interaction with the ancestors. In this sense, provision for entry-
ways into funerary structures or mechanisms for easy access to the dead, such as communication
devices or aboveground entrances to the funerary structure are all variables indicating the exis-
tence of such practices (Isbell 1997). More importantly, if the performance of ancestor veneration
rituals were crucial in the establishment and maintenance of hierarchy, there should be evidence
for “performance reaffirmation rituals” (Marcus 1992: 63 [from McAnany 1995: 31]), which could
take the form of feasting activities, processions and/or dedicatory rituals (McAnany 1995: 31–39).
Archaeologically, feasting may be detected through the presence of large/numerous serving ves-
sels or aberrant midden structures, or representations of distinctive items linked iconographically
to – or portraying – the dead, like figurines, animal sacrifices or offerings of food.
As we shall see, there is considerable evidence to support the notion that the performance of ancestor
veneration rituals was a vital component in the political development of ancient Andean societies. In
the specific case of the Andean coast, however, we should remember that this region was under the very
strong influence of one of the most important religious centres of the Andean world: Pachacamac.

The Ychsma, Pachacamac and Panquilma

The Ychsma and the Oracle at Pachacamac

The ethnohistoric sources state that the Peruvian central coast and the Lurín Valley were populated
by a group called the Ychsma prior to the arrival of the Incas (Patterson 1985). Maria Rostworows-
ki’s thorough analysis of these sources suggests that social hierarchy in the Ychsma society was based
primarily on the cult of Pachacamac, one of the most important and feared deities of the Andean
world.The cult was based at the eponymous site where pilgrims arrived to worship the deity and to
consult the Oracle (Rostworowski 1972, 1973, 1999, 2000, 2002). According to her analysis,Ychsma
society was composed of a number of loosely integrated groups, which “although politically inde-
pendent, shared their devotion to Pachacamac” (Rostworowski in Shimada 1991: XLV). In fact,
many Spanish chronicles remark that when the Inca – as conquered the region the importance and
prestige of the Oracle at Pachacamac was so great that they allowed the Ychsma priests to continue
worshipping Pachacamac, and that their main temple at least was kept in use until the fall of the Inca
Empire in 1535 (Cieza 1986 [1554]; Cobo 1990 [1658]; Garcilazo 1961 [1609]: 239).
This ethnohistoric account of Pachacamac‘s dominant role in Ychsma society has been used
as the starting point for a number of archaeological interpretations (Bueno 1982; Cornejo 2000;
Franco 2004; Jimenez Borja 1992) that portray Ychsma society as a ‘religious federation’ in which
social hierarchy was based primarily on the ideological ascendance of Pachacamac (Cornejo
2000). The most popular of these models was proposed by Bueno (1982) and Jimenez Borja
(1992), and is based on the study of Pachacamac’s most representative pre Inca buildings: the pyra-
mids with ramps. There are 15 pyramids with ramps at the site of Pachacamac, and they occupy
more than 30% of its constructed area (Conlee et al. 2004; Eeckhout 1995, 1999a, b, 2000a, b;
Ravines 1997: 33; Shimada 1991: XL; Uhle 1903). In this model the pyramids with ramps were
religious embassies that represented the different Ychsma polities that worshipped Pachacamac
(Bueno 1982).Ychsma elites at the central site acted mainly as priests, who performed the rituals
and administered the resources needed for the maintenance of the cult, without exercising much
political or economic control over the local population (Bueno 1982: 33).
An alternative model has been proposed by Eeckhout, based primarily on data recovered dur-
ing the excavation of one of these pyramids. In this model Eeckhout proposes that the pyramids
with ramps were not religious embassies, but rather palaces of Ychsma lords. The pyramids with
ramps at the site of Pachacamac were thus built and occupied successively, and functioned as “res-
idences of local lords succeeding each other following a dynastic-like rule” (Eeckhout 2003: 149).

27
Enrique Lopez-Hurtado

Figure 3.1. Map showing sites mentioned in the text.

In these buildings Ychsma rulers gave banquets and controlled the production and storage of
diverse goods. On his death, the main occupant of the pyramid was buried in his palace with
prestige goods, luxury items and sacrificed adults and children. The building would then be vol-
untarily abandoned, and a new structure would be founded in its stead (Eeckhout 2000a, b, 2003,
2004b). In this model, economic and political processes had a preeminent role in the develop-
ment of social hierarchy in Ychsma society, with the cult of Pachacamac being an important but
secondary source of social power. Ychsma society would thus be considered to be a chiefdom
centred at the site of Pachacamac, with secondary control of the lowland Lurín and Rimac Valleys
through secondary sites like Panquilma (Eeckhout 2000a, b, 2004a). Although these contradictory
models provide a basis for discussion of the role of ideology in the development of social hier-
archy in Ychsma society, their almost exclusive focus on the study of a particular type of public
building (the pyramid with ramp) and their primary emphasis on the site of Pachacamac present
some limitations. As Eeckhout noted in a recent review of the subject, “the opposition between
secondary temples (or religious embassies) and successive palaces can be the product of an artifi-
cial dichotomy due to the absence of more radiocarbon dates” (Eeckhout 2004a: 406). Eeckhout
proposes that to overcome the limitations of this dichotomy more absolute dates are needed to
elucidate if there was indeed a temporal succession between the different pyramids with ramps
present at the site of Pachacamac. The gathering of more radiocarbon dates for the different con-
struction phases in each pyramid with ramp will shed light on the history of these buildings and
it will surely contribute to solving the controversy about whether or not the Ychsma rulers were
predominantly religious leaders. However, to understand the role of Pachacanac in Ychsma soci-
ety, it is equally important to situate this important religious centre within the system formed by
other contemporary sites that surround it. It is especially important to address the nature of the
elites that lived at the secondary sites, particularly sites such as Panquilma that are situated in the
lower Lurín Valley, the region most exposed to Pachacamac’s influence.

The Site of Panquilma

The site of Panquilma is located in the lower Lurín Valley at 400 meters above sea level and
28 km up-valley from Pachacamac (Figure 3.1). It is located above a dry watercourse on the left
bank of the Lurín River, and covers an area of 300,000 square metres (Lopez-Hurtado 2010, 2011;
Marcone and Lopez-Hurtado 2002: 377). In 2002–2003, the Site Museum of Pachacamac carried
out an evaluation project of the site to establish its legal boundaries and to evaluate the impact
of a road that crosses the site. These excavations revealed a complex site occupied ­during the

28
 Living with the Ancestors in Panquilma

(a) (b)

(c) (d)

Figure 3.2. (a) Pyramid with lateral ramp in Panquilma’s sector 1; (b) burned floor at Panquilma’s
Pyramid with ramp main platform; (c) elite household compounds’ sector at Panquilma;
(d) Sector 1 funerary structure.

Late Intermediate Period (hereafter LIP: 1100–1460 b.c.) and Inca period (Marcone and Lopez-
Hurtado 2002; Lopez-Hurtado 2003, 2004a, b). The ceramic analysis from the 2002–2003 exca-
vation was carried out in 2005 at the laboratories of the Site Museum of Pachacamac, and it was
directed towards the identification of sectors associated with the different periods of occupation
present at the site. One particular research aim was to assess the extent of the Inca occupation at
the site, which concluded that Inca materials were confined mainly to the public sector. These
results confirmed the hypothesis of a primary LIP occupation of the site, and underscored the
potential viability of a study focused on addressing pre-Inca social dynamics (Lopez-Hurtado
2005a, b, 2006).
Based on this preliminary study we know that Panquilma is a multicomponent site that
includes among its remains public architecture and an elite domestic area located nearby, as well
as a non-elite domestic area located outside the site’s core. These different architectural remains
were clustered into three different sectors, each of which also presents different types of funerary
architecture.
Sector 1 is characterised by the presence of three public buildings known on the central coast
as pyramids with ramps (Figure 3.2a). There are also a number of rectangular structures, pre-
sumably storage rooms, associated with the pyramids. The public sector is separated from the
rest of the site by a causeway that isolates it from the adjacent elite domestic sector. During the
2002–2003 field seasons we placed three excavation units, two of them in the main platforms of
Pyramids 1 and 3, and one in a midden deposit located against the external wall of Pyramid 1.
The excavations in the main platforms of the public buildings revealed that both buildings had a
relatively short life and an abrupt end. Only three remodelling events in an apparently short time
took place in excavation no. 1 in Pyramid 3’s platform, and none in excavation no. 2.The amount
of material from these excavations was very limited and the floors were clean. As previously

29
Enrique Lopez-Hurtado

stated, the abandonment of these buildings was abrupt: both platforms bore signs of extensive
burning events that occurred before the abandonment of the buildings (Lopez-Hurtado 2010,
2011) (Figure 3.2b).
Sector 2 adjoins the public buildings and is characterised by the presence of several walled mul-
tiroom structures, presumably elite household compounds (Figure 3.2c). The typical household
compound here is formed by a number of rooms organised around a large square patio, which
typically shows traces of intense activity such as the remains of midden deposits and hearths. The
compounds are delineated by a number of causeways that cross the sector, at least one of which
separates them from the public buildings. These household compounds have been identified as
elite residences, while ancillary data from one excavation unit confirmed that this residential
sector was a very dynamic area. The unit was located in the patio of one of the household com-
pounds, and revealed an intensely used area with a succession of well-used floors, hearths and
midden accumulation (Lopez-Hurtado 2010, 2011).
Sector 3 is located outside the site’s core area and is composed of a number of smaller, presum-
ably non-elite domestic structures. Given its location in the steepest part of the water course, the
archaeological remains here were more exposed to mud slides, so the majority of these remains
are partially buried (Lopez-Hurtado 2010, 2011).

Addressing the Role of Ancestor Veneration Rituals at Panquilma

As mentioned previously, each of the three sectors of the site exhibited a different type of above-
surface funerary architecture. In the case of sector 1, the funerary structures are located inside
the public buildings, forming above-surface rectangular compartments (Figure 3.2d). According
to Feltham (1984) ancestor veneration rituals were performed in these buildings by the ruling
segment of the site (Eeckhout 1999a: 465). Results obtained during the 2008 campaign at the site
have confirmed the ritual character of these buildings (Lopez-Hurtado 2011).
Evidence collected during the excavations of Pyramids 1 and 3 during the field seasons of
2002–2003 indicates that the floors of the main patios and platforms were mostly clean. This
evidence, in conjunction with the presence of restricted baffled entrances to the pyramid’s main
patio, suggests that – in contrast to the pyramids with ramps at Pachacamac – the activities car-
ried out in the main plazas and platforms of Panquilma’s pyramids did not include the massive
consumption of food and beverages (Lopez-Hurtado 2011).
In 2008 an excavation unit located in the plaza of Pyramid 1 confirmed that the activities
recorded in this area were related not to feasting events but to the performance of ritual activities.
After removing almost 2 metres of aeolian sediment, we recorded a succession of six mud floors
separated by thin layers of dirt, indicating a short period of time between the uses of each floor.
The six floors excavated in this unit showed a number of small (approximately 30 cm in diameter)
irregular, shallow holes not deeper than 30 cm. The holes do not follow a consistent inter-floor
pattern, although some holes penetrate through previous floors and fill layers (Lopez-Hurtado
2011).
Although the floors in this unit were relatively clean, some of the holes yielded various finds.
Most contained fragmentary ceramics, while some (including holes 18, 13, and 9, all located in
floor 7) also yielded small amounts of botanical remains including maize cobs (Zea mays) and cot-
ton (Gossypium barbadense). Remains of molluscs were recovered from holes 11 and 16, to include
Mezodesma donassium and Oliva peruviana. Small metal decorative artefacts were also buried in
these holes, while more luxury items – including four Spondylus shells (hole 5 in floor 4) and
one anthropomorphic figurine (hole 5 in floor 6) were also recovered (Lopez-Hurtado 2011)
(Figure 3.3a).
In sum, the evidence collected in the main plaza of Pyramid 1 suggests that these areas were the
focus of ritual activities involving the display and offering of costly goods. Architectural evidence

30
 Living with the Ancestors in Panquilma

(a) (b)

(c) (d)

Figure 3.3. (a) Sector 2 funerary structure; (b) Sector 3 funerary structure; (c) large-scale food
processing facility inside elite household compound; (d) fermenting jar inside elite household
compound.

indicating unrestricted access to the pyramid buildings from the residential areas of Sector 1 sug-
gests that these rituals were presided over by members of the ruling elite. This notion has been
substantiated by the presence of parallel benches present on the platforms of the three pyramids,
which have been interpreted as implying a certain degree of secrecy undertaken by ritual offici-
ants turning their backs on the crowds of attendees standing in the plaza below (Eeckhout 2003).
The exclusivity of this area was heightened by controlling access to it from the domestic sector
via a system of tortuous walled causeways.This would tend to suggest that only selected members
of the household compounds could participate in these ceremonies (Lopez-Hurtado 2011).
All of this evidence indicates that ritual knowledge was controlled by the ruling elite at the site.
In other words, control over ritual activities and religious paraphernalia comprised an important
factor in the development of relations between the ruling elite and the residents of the domestic
compounds at the site (Lopez-Hurtado 2011).
Architectural evidence for above-ground funerary structures in at least Pyramids 1 and 3 sub-
stantiates the notion that ancestor worship was involved in these rituals. In Pyramid 1 these funer-
ary structures are located only in the residential area of the building adjacent to the northwest
corner of the pyramid’s main plaza. In contrast, Pyramid 3’s funerary structures are present in both
the public and residential areas of the complex.This evidence does not conclusively prove that the
ritual activities recorded in the main plazas of these buildings were based in the celebration of the
rulers’ ancestors. However, this evidence is strong enough to indicate that members of the ruling
segment of the site were periodically engaged in some form of ancestor veneration.

31
Enrique Lopez-Hurtado

Similar structures were recorded inside the household compounds in Sector 2 during the 2008
season, although they were significantly smaller (Figure 3.3a). Sector 3 funerary remains consist of
clusters of shallow rounded individual tombs located on the margins of the occupied area (Mar-
cone and Lopez-Hurtado 2002) (Figure 3.3b). Although all of these structures had been looted,
some important information could still be gleaned through examination of the structure and also
the fragments of looted ceramics and bones left scattered around the tombs.
The 2008 mapping project of these structures sought to address the relationships among domes-
tic spaces, funerary structures and surface evidence of feasting activities (i.e., midden deposits) in
the patios of the compounds. Twenty-one test pits were excavated across the three sectors of the
site, to assess prevalence differences in costly goods, elite food remains, serving jars and religious
paraphernalia, as well as the number and scale of storage facilities in various sectors, and their rela-
tionship to funerary structures.The number and location of the excavation units were determined
following a stratified random sampling program as recommended by Drennan (1996: 108).
The preliminary results of the 2008 season suggest that the performance of ancestor veneration
rituals was an important factor in the political competition between elite members at the site. As
previously stated, Sector 2 is composed of 15 domestic compounds organised along a somewhat
chaotic system of causeways; each of these residences is formed by rectangular rooms located
around unroofed patios. The irregular distribution of rooms and patios suggests that compounds
were growing organically as the founding family expanded, following what Hirth (1993) refers as
“the domestic development cycle” (see Eeckhout 1999a: 465). Despite the apparently unplanned
manner in which these compounds were growing, the boundaries between the different house-
hold compounds were explicitly defined in the form of high, continuous walls. This indicates it
was still socially necessary for the residents of the different compounds to differentiate themselves
from their neighbours. Despite their generally similar structural characteristics, the compounds
can be divided into two groups: central compounds located almost adjacent to the pyramid
complexes of Sector 1 and peripheral compounds located towards the north and south-eastern
hillsides of the site.
As stated, above-ground funerary structures were found in both groups of elite residences; all
examples were located in the common areas, such as patios. In the case of central Compound 1, for
example, four above-ground funerary structures were situated inside a room adjacent to the big-
gest central patio of the domestic enclosure, towards the southern wall of the room ­(Figure 3.3c).
The structures measured less than 150 cm in height and exhibited a rectangular shape, plastered
walls and traces of a retractable roof.To contrast, only two above-ground funerary structures were
located in one of the big patios of the peripheral Compound 5; they shared the same structural
characteristics as those observed in Compound 1 (Lopez-Hurtado 2011).
The construction and adornment of these structures accord closely with McAnany’s proposed
indicators for venues designed for ancestor veneration rituals (1995), including their associa-
tions with large patios and above-ground grave access. This receives further archaeological sub-
stantiation from test pits in the elite household compounds, which yielded evidence of intense
feasting activities including numerous serving vessels and organic remains indicating prepara-
tion and consumption of large amounts of food (Figures 3.3c, d). This relationship among elite
households, above-ground funerary structures and feasting activities suggests that high-status
groups at Panquilma used ancestor veneration and rituals held at specially constructed mortuary
structures (housing powerful ancestors) as manifestations of status display. It should be noted that
such special mortuary structures were identified only in the public and elite domestic sectors of
the site. The non-elite section in Sector 3 did not contain any such structures; funerary remains
were located outside the occupation area, and there was no evidence for feasting activities in
this sector.
Differences between the peripheral and central compounds indicate that there was a com-
petition for control of economic resources between these elite residences, as is also evident
from the large storage facilities in the 15 complexes of Sector 2. Proportional analysis indicated

32
 Living with the Ancestors in Panquilma

small but significant differences in the possession/control of costly artefacts between central/­
peripheral compounds, as indicated by the differential presence of fine-finish and fine-paste
ceramic fragments. Further analysis noted the presence of slightly more elite materials in the cen-
tral compounds, perhaps suggesting that there was competition for economic supremacy between
compounds (Lopez-Hurtado 2011).

Conclusions

The relationship among ideological processes, economy and politics in the acquisition and main-
tenance of social status is of special relevance in the study of ancient Andean ancestor venera-
tion rituals, where economy, politics and ideology converged in the negotiation of social power.
This notion has been confirmed for the site of Panquilma, where ancestor worship played an
important role in the competition for social hierarchy among elite groups at the site. The spa-
tial arrangement of elite/public/commoner site sectors suggests that although the latter do not
seem to have performed these kinds of rituals, such activities were not exclusively the preserve of
the residents of the public buildings. There are, indeed, indications that at least some of the data
concerning feasting activities and above-ground funerary structures are linked to medium-rank
elite household compounds, and thus that ancestor veneration performances were an important
activity for Panquilma’s intermediate elite. On the basis of the structural similarities between
public and domestic mortuary structures, we would suggest that they might have been emulating
the rulers’ activities within their own domain. The fact that the performance of ancestor venera-
tion rituals was recorded at almost all medium-rank elite households at the site implies that such
practices were an important factor in political competition among elite factions at Panquilma. In
such a competitive atmosphere, ancestor worship took the form of “reaffirmation rituals” (Marcus
1992: 63 [from McAnany 1995: 31]), which served to highlight the nobility of the medium-rank
elite, and their potential right to rule.

Acknowledgements

The 2008 field season at Panquilma was funded by the United States’ National Science Foun-
dation (award number 0713828). This investigation was approved by the National Institute of
Culture of Perú (resolution number 750). I would like to acknowledge the support of Denise
Pozzi-Scott – director of the Site Museum of Pachacamac – and all the field and laboratory
staff of the Panquilma Archaeological Project. I specially thank Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence S.
Owens for their useful comments on original versions of this work. All errors, however, are mine
alone.

Note

1. For more details about the role of ancestor veneration rituals in the emergence of the Inca Aztec
empires see also Conrad and Demarest (1984).

33
 Chapter 4

A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito, Lower

Santa Valley, during the Initial Period

Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné

Introduction

San Juanito is a multicomponent site with Middle Horizon settlement and fortification on top
of a low hill overlooking the mouth of the Santa Valley (Figure 4.1). A Gallinazo component was
also identified (Wilson 1988), and this was the main reason for visiting the site in July 2004 while
we were looking for a site of that culture to verify its decline and possible replacement in the
middle Santa Valley by the Moche around a.d. 500. The Gallinazo occupation, although low in
density, was covering a structure that corresponds to an Initial Period temple and not to an elite
residence of a Gallinazo lord, as it was previously thought from walls visible on the surface.
Built at the base of the eastern slope, looking towards the valley, the decorated temple of the
Initial Period was located and partially excavated in 2005 and 2006. Several burials were excavated
and the burial of an old woman below a staircase stands out as a very early case of elite burial on
the north coast of Perú.The temple has been dated to about 1800 b.c. and the elite burial to 1600
b.c. Burial patterns at San Juanito are described in this chapter and their variability is discussed
to understand social relations among members of the San Juanito community. The available data
are then used to explore the early development of social inequality in complex societies on the
north coast of Perú.

Fieldwork at San Juanito

The excavations at San Juanito were carried out as part of the Santa Project of the Université de
Montréal, which started in 2000 with the general objective of understanding the Moche occu-
pation of this specific northern valley and to document the nature of Southern Moche State
(Chapdelaine 2004, 2008, 2009, 2010; Chapdelaine and Pimentel 2003; Chapdelaine et al. 2004,
2005). Medium- to small-scale excavations were initiated at several sites between 2000 and 2008
(Figure 4.1). Our goal to understand the impact of the Moche on the local Gallinazo population
led us to San Juanito (LSUCH-146 in Wilson 1988), a 14-hectare Gallinazo village (see Cárdenas
1998 for a brief description of other sectors of this locale). Fragmented ceramics of Gallinazo style

34
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

Coastal
Nm

Desert 200

100
San

0
Guad-88

10
Nicolas

Pacific EI
Guadalupito Castillo
SAN
Ocean JUANITO r
ve
Ri
ta
San

Guad-132
(Huaca China)

Haicenda

0
20
San José

0
10
50

CHIMBOTE
0 10 km
0
40

Figure 4.1. Location of San Juanito and other major sites of the lower Santa Valley investigated by
PSUM between 2000 and 2008.

were recovered from the surface. On top of a small terrace flanking the base of a low hill, some
adobe walls with carved lines partly visible on their plastered surface made this structure very
interesting. The motif was not recognisable but the walls were well made and 90 cm thick. These
walls were considered tentatively to be the remains of a Gallinazo platform.
Excavations in the fall of 2005 allowed us to conclude that the structure was not related to the
Gallinazo elite, and was instead a very ancient temple that had been rebuilt and modified vari-
ous times. Within the 4 × 5 m unit of Operation 1, we found a staircase with a decorated wall
(Figure 4.2) and sculpted motifs reminiscent of the Sechin style. Because not a single ceramic
fragment was encountered inside the various filling episodes of the monument, the temple could
potentially have dated back to the Late Preceramic or Initial Period. The absence of pottery
could also support the proposition that some early Initial Period groups were ‘aceramic’ (Pozorski
and Pozorski 1990). Three more operations were conducted on this temple in 2005: Operation
2 was oriented east–west to explore the intermediate level of the mound, Operation 3 on the
south-eastern corner of the structure, and Operation 4 on the northern margin of the terrace to
explore an organic lens visible from the road. One burial was recovered from Operations 1 and
4, two burials from Operation 2, while another skeleton in the south-east corner of the trench
was found but not excavated.
Operation 5 was initiated in fall 2006, aiming to complement earlier work by completely
exposing the decorated wall, the staircase and the opposite wall in order to establish the width of
this monumental staircase (Figure 4.2). Six burials were uncovered during the process, the last of
which – at the southern end of our excavation – was not excavated. Before describing the burials,
it is worth examining the major characteristics of the temple.

35
Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné

Top of the hill

Modern road

Operation #1

Tomb #1 Tomb #1

3800±60 rcyBP
x
Operation #2
Tomb #2
Tomb #1
Tomb #4 Operation #4
Operation #5
Tomb #5

oad
Tomb #2
Operation #3

nr
x 3660±45 rcyBP Tomb #1 Tomb #3

der
3290±40 rcyBP
Operation #7

Mo
x Tomb #6
?

3660±50 rcyBP

Columns
San Juanito
2005 and 2006 fieldwork Column N
0 5m Modern village plaza

Figure 4.2. Location of fieldwork operations carried out at San Juanito with location of tombs and
radiocarbon dates (Operation 6 is not included, and is located on the hill summit to the southwest).

The Temple, Its Architecture and Chronological Position

We possess only limited data with which to reconstruct the temple construction sequence. The
temple has three levels that are connected by staircases; the upper two have been assessed, although
the lowest has not yet been located. The upper part as well as the north end of the temple has
been partially destroyed by a modern road. The base has also been destroyed by recent urban
development. Judging from the size of the remaining portion, the missing sections were not par-
ticularly large. The upper platform is about 23 m long by 13 m wide. A room with three niches
constructed within the wall is visible in the southern portion. The temple base would have been
as much as 53 m long by 32 m wide, with a maximum height of 11 m. In the lower portion of
the temple mound, three columns have been identified: these could be related to an entrance or,
most probably, to the first level of the monument.
The two walls encasing the upper staircase are not parallel, being 2 m apart at the base and 3
m at the top. The staircase is made of five large and rounded steps, besides the one that leads to
the summit. The decoration of the two walls is similar and the motifs highly complex. At least
nine distinct colours have been identified, including, red, black, yellow, green, orange, blue, pink,
grey and purple. At this stage, we would propose some decorative stylistic links to the Sechin style
(Figure 4.3a). The discovery of a long pestle associated with a decorated stone mortar located at
the base of the staircase is reminiscent of a similar discovery at Punkuri in the Nepeña Valley by
Tello (2005). The sculpted motif of the mortar is very similar in style to the motifs on the walls,
ensuring a direct link between the artists who decorated the temple and the ones who made this
superb greenstone mortar (height: 23.3 cm; internal diameter: 25.4 cm; wall thickness: 2.8 cm,
base thickness: 5.8; depth: 17.5 cm). The stone mortar resembles bowls reported from the Nepeña
and Casma Valleys (Pozorski and Pozorski 1992b), although the flange that is usually near the lip

36
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

Figure 4.3. (a) Southern wall of the decorated staircase. (b) Stone mortar found at the base of the
decorated staircase.

is not present at San Juanito; this absence might be explained either by its early Initial Period
date or simply as a regional variation for the Santa Valley (Figure 4.3b). Our mortar is one of the
largest known specimens, and compares well with Punkuri (see Tello’s reprinted 1941 ‘cuadernos’
[2005]). A pestle and undecorated mortar were also found in an Initial Period burial at Huaca El
Gallo in the Viru Valley (Zoubek 1998, 2001), but they are both smaller in size.
Excavation and recording of the upper staircase was hampered by the later construction of a niche
system into the staircase fill, which we also excavated in order to better understand the rebuilding
process. A second staircase was discovered while cleaning along a curved wall to the east. Four tombs
had been cut into the floor at the base of the staircase: a baby burial directly below the yellow plas-
tered floor, and the burial of an old woman under both the yellow and blue floors. Scattered remains
of a destroyed burial were discovered towards the south. A fourth burial – lying directly on the blue
floor – was recovered to the east of the old woman and two undecorated gourds lying nearby. This
burial was left in place due to lack of time and its somewhat inaccessible position.
The location of these tombs in front of the second staircase reflects the three rebuilding epi-
sodes. The oldest is characterised by red colour applied on the floor as well as on the plastered
clay walls; the next episode is blue, and the latest is yellow. All three colours are visible near the
burial of the old woman and the superimposed staircase (Figure 4.4a). The yellow plastered walls
of the second staircase are undecorated. In this area, it would appear that the energy investment
required to transform the building from red to blue was considerably greater than that needed to
transform it from blue to yellow. Certain details remain to be ascertained, such as the manner in
which the blue temple was filled in prior to decoration. The upper, decorated staircase is linked
either to the latter part of the blue episode or the early yellow episode, and would thus appear to
be transitional between the last two episodes.
The dating of the temple was hindered by the absence of ceramic in each of the filling epi-
sodes, so radiocarbon dating was used to define a better chronological position of the temple and
its builders (Table 4.1). A single date for the main temple was obtained from a charcoal sample
(BGS 2718 S.J.#1 [Brock University, Ontario]) situated directly on the blue plastered floor in
Operation 4 (Figure 4.2) in the north-eastern corner of the temple. The date for this sample –
which therefore lies beneath the yellow floor and at the same level as the undecorated interme-
diate staircase – is very secure; as the blue floor covers an older red painted temple, the calibrated
date of 2026–1690 b.c. is not the oldest date for this Initial Period temple.
The two dates from Operation 3, which may be an extension of the temple towards the south-
east near the valley floor, are very similar (Table 4.1). Sample BGS2719 S.J. #2 comes from a well-

37
 (a)
38

Surface
Trail

room #3 room #2B

roof
Decorated niche
Seal wall Cross section east–west
floor #1 looking towards south
Dismounted Corridor
Yellow floor fl.2 wall 0 1 2m
fl.3
Blue floor
fl.4
? fl.5
San Juanito
Red floor
Tomb #5 Operation #5, 2006

(b) (c) (d)

Stone beads from niche north

of tomb #1. Op. #1

T. #1
Depth below
datum: –8.59 m

0 1m

Shell with ochre and stone pestle

from tomb #1. Op. #1
0 25 cm 0 10 cm

Figure 4.4. (a) Cross section of the temple with superimposed staircases and location of tomb 9 and
the decorated staircase. (b) Stratigraphic profile of tomb 1 (Operation 1). (c) Plan of the skeleton
in tomb 1 from (Operation 1). (d) Offerings associated with tomb 1 from Operation 1, stone beads
from a nearby niche and the single stone bead from tomb 4 of Operation 4.
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

Table 4.1. Radiocarbon Dates for San Juanito, Lower Santa Valley, Perú

Lab. Number Context (see Figure 4.2) Date in rcyBP Calibrated (2 sigmas)

BGS 2718 S.J.#1 Temple, Op. 4 3800 ± 60 years BP 2026–1690 b.c.

BGS 2719 S.J.#2 SE, niche, Op. 3 3660 ± 50 years BP 1880–1620 b.c.
BGS 2720 S.J.#3 SE, midden, Op. 3 3660 ± 45 years BP 1880–1620 b.c.
Beta 225511 Tomb 9, Abuela 3290 ± 40 years BP 1670–1490 b.c.

Note: BGS stands for Brock University at St. Catherines, Ontario, Canada.

made niche constructed within a thick wall probably delimiting the south-eastern extension of
the whole complex.The third sample (BGS 2720 S.J. #3) was taken below a rich layer containing
a fair amount of Gallinazo ceramics. The sample comes from below a plastered floor that could
be Gallinazo, based on an associated Gallinazo adobes characterised by deep cane marks.The two
dates from Operation 3 are almost identical and must pertain to a single occupation. However,
it is very difficult to associate these dates to a particular phase although we are inclined to place
them with the yellow phase because of their context near the current ground surface and because
the results are later than the date obtained in Operation 4.
These first three dates were based upon the 2005 fieldwork, as no organic material was recov-
ered from the temple structure in the 2006 season. A fourth date was obtained with the acceler-
ator mass spectrometry (AMS) technique on a small piece of textile pertaining to an elite burial
found at the base of the intermediate staircase. Located on top of a red floor below the yellow
and blue floors, thus making this burial later than the construction of the yellow floor, the result
confirms the placement of the elite burial later in time than the first three dates. The date of
3290 ± 40 rcyBP, calibrated to 1670–1490 b.c. is consistent with other dates. In general, the red phase
of the San Juanito temple must be older than the 1800 b.c. obtained for the blue phase; how much
older is currently unknown. Based on the latest date, this religious structure was still in use around
1600 b.c. Some architectural clues indicate that the abandonment of this religious monument could
be later than the elite burial.The entire span of history at this Initial Period temple is about 300 years.
It is thus very clear that this temple belongs to the early Initial Period, and the absence of ceramic
should be considered to be a characteristic of this particular phase in the Santa Valley.

Description of Burials

During the 2005 and 2006 field seasons we were able to excavate 9 burials and to locate 2 more
for a total of 11 burials (Figure 4.2). Of these 11 burials, 9 belong to the Initial Period, 1 is asso-
ciated to the Gallinazo and the other, located in the upper portion of the last fill, must remain
undetermined because it was not excavated. At least three additional burials were located in the
same area as burial 1, and when excavated will provide additional information for inhumation
pattern metamorphosis as the temple was repeatedly transformed.The upper portion of the tem-
ple seems to have been a preferred area to place the deceased, either in honour of this rebuilding
process, or perhaps buried after the abandonment of the temple.
The burials are identified by operation and numbered consecutively according to their dis-
covery (Table 4.2).

Burial 1 (Operation 1)

This interment was discovered in the 5 × 5 m unit excavated in room 3, at the bottom of a pit
sealed with liquid clay (Figure 4.4b). The burial was placed below the uppermost plastered clay

39
40

Table 4.2. Characteristics of Burials at San Juanito

Location Burial No. Sex Age (year) Stature Body Head Dental Pathology Bone Pathology

Orientation Orientation

Op. 1 (SJ-18) 1 M 16–20 1 m 56 cm (5 ft. 1 in.) East–west West Slight occlusal wear Cribra orbitalia,
haematoma

Op. 2 (SJ-19) 2 F 45–55 1 m 51 cm (4 ft. 11 in.) East–west West Severe occlusal wear Osteomyelitis,
periostitis, fracture
Op. 2 (SJ-23) 3 F(?) 16–20 1 m 47 cm (4 ft. 9 in.) East–west West Caries, slight occlusal No
wear
Op. 4 (SJ-20) 4 ind. 9 and 10 ind. East–west East
Op. 5 (SJ-24) 5 F? 16–20 ? ? No No
Op. 5 (SJ-25) 6 M 35–45 1 m 68 cm (5 ft. 6 in.) ? ? No Cranial deformation
Op. 5 (SJ-27) 7 ind. newborn ? ? No Periostitis
Op. 5 (SJ-28) 8 M 20–25 ? ? No Cranial deformation
Op. 5 (SJ-28) 8 F? 18–22 ? ? ? ?
Op. 5 (SJ-33) 9 F 50–60 1 m 47 cm (4 ft. 10 in.) ? ? Edentulous Severe osteoarthritis
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

floor, and is thus contemporary with the yellow episode.The stratigraphic profile clearly indicates
that the burial lay in the fill of the blue temple, above a long corridor with three niches on its
western side. The corpse was interred in a semi-foetal position. The body is oriented east–west,
with the head pointing towards the west (Figure 4.4c). All of the bone joints are well preserved
and there is no indication of postmortem displacement. The legs lie on the left side of the body
while the upper part of the body rests on its back; the arms are folded to touch the shins while
the feet are flexed up, but not enough to touch the trunk.
The skeleton is practically complete and well preserved. The pelvis morphology indicates a
male while the degree of union of epiphyses of the long bones suggests that the individual was
between 16 and 20 years of age when he died, but probably closer to 16 or 17 years old. The
individual stood at 1.56 m (5 ft. 1 in.). The skeleton is gracile and muscular markings are poorly
developed. Skeletal analysis shows some evidence of notable activity levels and bone pathology.
A hematoma on the left femur could be related to an ancient torn muscle. The lesion shows an
overgrowth surface of dense bone, elliptical in form and measuring 19.0 mm × 6.8 mm. This
individual also spent much time in a crouching position, as suggested by the squatting facets on
the anterior surface of both tibias. During his infancy, he suffered from anaemia, probably related
to iron deficiency because both orbits show typical lesions of cribra orbitalia, some of them in the
process of healing (a few perforations are partly remodelled). Dental observation indicates slight
occlusal wear, no dental chipping and no dental caries.
Various offerings were found with this individual. One gourd was placed at his feet while a
stone mortar and a large shell (Choromytilus sp.) were deposited near his arms. The stone mortar
is well polished and somewhat phalliform (Figure 4.4d).The skeleton was covered by textiles, but
these were in an advanced state of decay.

Burial 2 (Operation 2)

Further exploration led to the recovery of two burials in room 2 (Figure 4.2). The exact nature
and function of this space in unknown, but resembles a long corridor running north–south. The
last plastered clay floor was partially destroyed, but we believe that the two burials below the sec-
ond floor are contemporary. The two burial pits seem to have been sealed with a liquid clay layer
similar to the one found in the previous burial.
Burial 2 is located next to the west wall (Figure 4.2). At the time of discovery, part of the roof
was visible. It was made of large flat stones united with clay mortar. On top of the roof, sev-
eral hemispherical adobes were carefully placed (Figure 4.5a). The burial was partially disturbed,
with the legs out of their normal anatomical position (Figure 4.5b). It does not appear to have
been looted, but the body position is certainly awkward. The face of the individual is facing the
ground, with arms below the trunk and the legs stretched backward. It is possible that the body
was originally seated, but subsequently fell away from the wall with the face downwards and
the feet in the air. The general orientation of the corpse is east–west with the head to the west.
Many bone joints are lost, and it is difficult to document the precise position of the corpse at the
time of its burial. However, we were able to provide some suggestions, based on the distribution
of bone parts. It appears that the corpse was placed facing the ground with the legs bound to
the body and the knees towards the head, as indicated by the fact that the tibia and fibula were
found in a vertical position relative to the ground. Furthermore, the legs were crossed, the right
over the left. The vertebral column presents an abnormal curvature towards the right side of the
body, while the pelvic bones are severely distorted. The left innominate bone is rotated towards
the head while the right is upside down (dorsal facing towards the ground).This suggests that the
corpse was buried face down, in a contracted position (kneeling?) with hips at a higher level than
the head.The corpse was probably first placed in a kneeling position, facing the ground, and then
pushed horizontally through the opening in the wall.

41
Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné

(a) (b)

Actual surface

f.#1

f.#2

T. #2
Depth below datum: –8.52 m
0 10 20 cm
0 1m

(c)

Bone awl and shell pendant from Tomb #2 of Operation #2

Shell disk and bone tool from Tomb #1 of Operation #2

0 10 cm

Figure 4.5. (a) Stratigraphic profile of tomb 2 (Operation 2). (b) Plan of the skeleton in tomb 2
(Operation 2). (c) Offerings associated with tombs 2 and 3 (Operation 2).

The skeleton is practically complete and in a good state of preservation. Based on pelvic mor-
phology, the individual is an adult female between 45 and 55 years of age. The whole skeleton is
gracile and shows no signs of muscular markings. Her stature is estimated at 151 cm (4 ft. 11 in.).
Arthritis and osteophytosis are frequent all along the vertebral column but were particularly
pronounced on the 9th and 10th thoracic vertebrae. Bone infections are present on the leg, the
foot and the hands. An area showing evidence of periostitis, measuring 25 mm × 16 mm, is loca-

42
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

lised on the left tibia, near the ankle. The proximal phalanx of the second finger (index) on both
hands has a more pronounced inflammation (osteomyelitis?). The lesion is present on the dorsal
face of both fingers but is more extensive on the left hand, covering almost all of its dorsal face.
Bone joints are preserved except the distal joint on the right hand, which was partially destroyed.
Finally, a healed fracture is present on the right foot. The fracture had certainly handicapped this
individual because the proximal face had shifted to a horizontal plane. Dental pathology is fairly
common. Dental occlusal wear is quite extensive and especially pronounced on the right side
of the mouth. Dental chipping is present on three teeth and dental caries on four teeth. Carious
lesions are extensive and mostly positioned at the dental cervix, on the mesial aspect.
Only two artefacts, both located near the knees, are considered to be offerings (Figures 4.5b,
c). The first is a disk made of shell, probably Argopecten purpuratis; the second is a bone imple-
ment of unknown function. The two offerings were placed as if they had been part of woman’s
personal belongings for a long period of time. Although the corpse may have been wrapped
in a shroud, the only evidence is reed mat imprints on small pieces of mortar from the roof of
the pit.

Burial 3 (Operation 2)

Located to the west of the previous tomb, the second burial of Operation 2 is very similar to
burial 1.The burial pit is sealed with a mix of clay and large stones (Figure 4.6a). Imprints of tex-
tiles decorated with red ochre on clay mortar were visible inside the roof structure. The skeleton
was found on the bottom of the pit, lying on a clayish deposit. The burial pit was constructed
within a thick layer of rocks and clay filling the space between the two parallel walls.The skeleton
was lying on its left side in a foetal position (Figure 4.6b). The orientation of the corpse is east–
west with the head to the west, and the face looking towards the north.
The morphology of the pelvis suggests a female individual. Long bones show different stages
of union allowing us to estimate the age at death between 16 and 20 years, and the estimated
stature is 1 m 47 cm (4 ft. 9 in.). The skeleton is gracile and presents slight muscular markings.
No bone pathology is observed, while 2 teeth out of 19 have dental caries. Dental occlusal wear
varies from slight to moderate.
Four offerings were found with this young adult (Figure 4.5c). A bone awl was recovered a
few centimetres above the skull within the burial chamber.The other two objects were found on
the pit floor near the head (Figure 4.6b). The first artefact is a shell of the Choromytilus family,
possibly a ‘choro’ that was used by the Moche as a model to make ceramic spoons (Chapdelaine
and Armas 1999).The third offering is a gourd that was completely decomposed but it’s form and
shape are preserved by the compacted clay that filled the interior, and that is still solid. The last
object was found while the skull was being cleaned in the laboratory. It consists of a small trian-
gular shell pendant located above the central incisors of the upper maxilla.

Burial 4 (Operation 4)

This last operation of the 2005 field season was a 2 x 2 m unit that was opened in order to recover
a charcoal sample from a lens deposited on the second clay floor. While cleaning the southern
profile, we discovered a small concentration of red ochre on a piece of textile. The remains of a
human skull were also identified, so Operation 4 was extended towards the southeast in order to
expose the burial.The profile clearly illustrates that the shallow burial pit cuts the first two floors,
the upper yellow and lower blue (Figure 4.6c). There is no plastered clay floor above the first cut
floor, and it is thus assumed that the burial occurred when the yellow episode of the temple was
active. Similar to burial 1 of Operation 1, the tomb was sealed by liquid clay deposited above flat
stones. The first floor was never fully reconstructed following the interment.

43
Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné

(a) (b)

f. #1

f. #2

t. #1
0 1m 0 10 20 cm

(c) (d)

Clay seal

Yellow Roof
floor

Burial Niche

Corridor

0 1m

0 10 cm

Figure 4.6. (a) Stratigraphic profile of tomb 3 (Operation 2). (b) Plan of the skeleton in tomb 3
(Operation 2). (c) Stratigraphic profile of tomb 4 (Operation 4). (d) Plan of the skeleton in
tomb 4 (Operation 4).

The skeleton is complete and is tilted towards its left side, oriented east–west with the head
pointing west and the face towards the south (Figure 4.6d). The bone joints are well preserved.
The arms are flexed and the hands are in front of the face. The burial is weakly flexed, so that
the patellas are at hip level. Dental analysis indicates an immature individual of approximately 9
½ years old.
The child demonstrated artificial occipitofrontal cranial deformation. The deformation was
not symmetrical, the posterior flattening being oriented towards the left parietal. The presence
of cribra orbitalia suggests iron deficiency or other physiological impact, although there was no
other sign of deficiency on the skeleton or dentition. The mixed dentition, comprising 11 decid-
uous and 12 permanent teeth, has no dental caries.
A single small stone pendant was found around the neck of the child (Figure 4.4d). It is very
similar to the ones encountered in large number in a totally destroyed burial, placed at the bottom
of the southern niche, associated with the blue episode of the temple.

44
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

Isolated Human Bones from Operations 1, 2 and 4

Few isolated bones were collected on the site, except in Operation 3, and it thus seems that
this south-eastern portion of the complex was not used to discard human bones. In any case,
most of the scattered human remains come from room 3 of Operation 1 (Table 4.3). It should
also be noted that most of these bones come from under the first clay floor. Minor exceptions
were recovered from room 2 of Operation 1, room 2 of Operation 2 and room 3 of Operation
1. Looking at Table 4.3, it is obvious that male, female and young child skeletons were deposited
in the fill of the temple. Although the temple mound was looted, it is difficult to consider these
scattered human bones to be the remnants of ‘proper’ burials. It is also impossible to link all of
them directly to the Initial Period.
No fewer than six individuals were identified. Age determination is less precise because the
skeletons were incomplete. One female (SJ-3) is older than 30 years of age; a male (SJ-1) is
25 years old or older; another male is between 35 and 45 years old; a third male is older than
40 years of age; and there are two subadults, one between 12 and 15 years old (SJ-2) and the
other younger than 6 years of age (SJ-2bis). Bone defects were observed on some of these skel-
etons. The skull of a male who is at least 25 years of age (SJ-1) shows sign of anaemia (cranial
hyperostosis) and another male (SJ-15) has an auditory exostosis.This latter anomaly is associated
with cold water diving and has been identified on adult males at Huaca Prieta and other sites
in Perú (Tattersall in Bird et al. 1985: 60–64; Quilter 1989). The young individual has two fused
thoracic vertebrae.
The excavation of room 3 at the eastern end of Operation 2 resulted in the discovery of a solid
floor 2 m below the current surface in association with a massive wall belonging to the blue epi-
sode. In the south-eastern wall of the trench, we were able to see a cavity between large stones
with a human skull and other bones clearly visible (Figure 4.2). Lack of time and the possibility
of this being an intrusive burial from a later culture prevented us from excavating this third burial
of Operation 2. The cavity lies about 50 to 70 cm below the current surface; this burial may not
be associated with the Initial Period temple.

Burial 5 (Operation 5)

The first concentration of disturbed human bones was located 2 m north of the decorated stair-
case (Figure 4.2). Few bones were found in their anatomical position, and they were partly cov-
ered by large bones of a sea mammal, certainly of the whale family (Figure 4.7a). Some of these
bones were stained with red ochre. It is possible to distinguish the bottom of the pit as a 2 × 1 m
irregular shape oriented east–west. At the bottom of the burial we found small pieces of textiles,
suggesting that the corpse had originally been wrapped into a shroud. By its position near the
surface, this mortuary event may have been one of the latest associated with the Initial Period
temple at San Juanito.
The skeleton is quite incomplete, represented by its vertebral column (particularly cervical ver-
tebrae), the feet, a few pelvic bone fragments and the upper maxilla. Sex determination suggests
a female adult. Dental occlusal wear is slight and suggests a young individual, possibly between 16
and 20 years old. One of the five teeth recovered is carious. Finally, the middle and distal phalan-
ges of one toe were fused.

Burial 6 (Operation 5)

This burial is intrusive to the temple. The corpse was placed on top of a wall, with little apparent
mortuary treatment. It was assigned to the Gallinazo culture based on the presence of a typi-
cal domestic pottery fragment place near its feet, and a fine reeds headband – identical to one

45
Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné

Table 4.3. Isolated Human Bones Recovered at San Juanito

Location No. Bones Sex Age (year) Stature Remarks

Op. 1 (SJ-1) 4 M >25 Cranial hyperostosis

Op. 1 (SJ-2) 19 M? 14–18 Subadult bones present

Op. 1 (SJ-3) 20 F? >30 Same individual as SJ-4?
Op. 1(SJ-4) 30 F >30
Op. 2(SJ-5) ±450 M? ? Seven teeth
Op. 1(SJ-6) 8 M 35–45
Op. 1(SJ-7) 1 ? Adult Only one patella
Op. 4A(SJ-8) 24 F >25 Schmorl’s node
Op. 1(SJ-9) 30 ? Adult Fused phalanges on toe;
caries
Op. 1(SJ-12) 52 M >35 Arthritic degeneration of
vertebral column
Op. 1(SJ-13) 13 F? Adult Subadult bones present
Op. 1(SJ-14) 19 ? 20–30 Subadult bones present
Op. 1(SJ-15) 19 M adult Auditory exostosis
Op. 1(SJ-15) 19 F adult
Op. 1(SJ-16) 19 M >40
Op. 1(SJ-17) 36 ? Adult 1 m 55 cm Subadult bones present
(5 ft. ½ in.)
Op. 1(SJ-21) 2 F? Adult
Op. 1(SJ-22) 2 ? 12–15 Two fused thoracic
vertebrae
Op. 7 misc. >3 M Adult Skull, pelvis, radius
1 F Adult Clavicle only
2 ? Baby Atlas and sphenoid
fragment

encountered in a Gallinazo context at El Castillo de Santa – found on top of the skull. The high
stratigraphic position and the nature of the artefacts associated with this male adult support our
claim for the intrusive nature of this burial, which evidently occurred well after the abandonment
of the Initial Period temple.
The skeleton was placed on its left side with its head pointing north (Figure 4.7b).The cervical
column presents a strong backward curvature as if the head had been pulled back. The legs are
strongly flexed, as if the corpse was on its knees when buried.
The skeleton is practically complete, with some signs of mummification. It belongs to a male
adult aged between 35 and 45 years old, based on pelvic bone morphology. Bones are generally
robust and muscular markings are pronounced. His stature was considerable, estimated at 1 m
68 cm (5 ft. 6 in.). The skull is artificially deformed and – as in the case of the young individual

46
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

Figure 4.7. (a) Photo of the destroyed tomb 5 with whale bones (Operation 5). (b) Photo of tomb
6, which pertains to the Gallinazo culture (Operation 5).

of tomb 4 (Operation 4) – the occipital deformation is uneven and is tilted to the left. Whether
or not this was intentional remains uncertain. This adult male has no bone pathology, but dental
caries are present on 5 out of 23 teeth. Carious lesions are mainly localised at the cervix on the
mesial and distal faces. Mechanic stress during mastication is suggested by the presence of dental
chipping on 6 teeth, and by severe dental occlusal wear. Two teeth had been lost during his life.
Other bones found in association with this skeleton belong to a second adult.

Burial 7 (Operation 5)

A burial pit located at the eastern end of Operation 5 had been created by cutting the thick yel-
low floor in front of the eastern side in order to make an oblong hole 65 cm long, 30 cm wide
and 30 cm deep.The corpse of a baby had been deposited at the bottom of this pit.The body had
been wrapped in a shroud that has not survived, although textile imprints are visible on parts of
the collapsed roof mortar.The fragmentary remains of three textile layers were also recovered; the
external layer was probably made of small reeds held together with cotton threads. The baby was
placed on its back with its arms extended along its trunk and the legs extended towards the east.
Its head was pointing to the west with the face looking upwards. Several quadrangular beads with
central perforations were found near the neck, presumably part of a necklace.The body was lifted
as a block in order to be carefully excavated in our laboratory.
Several plain textiles were also recovered. When cleaned, one was yellow in colour, while the
other turned out to be a form of headdress constructed from small reeds attached with cotton
threads and covered with cotton cloth in order to resemble an animal head, perhaps a feline or
even a serpent (Figure 4.8a).This offering indicates that the baby possessed considerable inherited
status, and was likely to have been a member of a prominent family at San Juanito.
The skeleton is almost complete and very well preserved. Crown calcification suggests that the
baby died at – or shortly after – birth. Most of the long bones show evidence of bone inflamma-
tion (periostitis) that could be related to infectious disease or physiological disturbance, and was
possibly the cause of death. The newborn baby may have been affected by vertical (i.e. parental)
disease transmission, judging from the child’s young age.

47
Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné

Figure 4.8. (a) Headdresses associated with tombs 7 and 9 (Operation 5). (b) Offerings associated
with tomb 8 (Operation 5). (c) Photo of tombs 9 and 10 (Operation 5). (d) Offerings associated
with tomb 9 (Operation 5). (e) Offerings associated with tomb 10 (Operation 5).

48
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

Burial 8 (Operation 5)

This burial is a heavily looted bone concentration. The burial pit truncates a filling episode
associated with a wall of the yellow phase of the temple. The bones belong to two incomplete
skeletons. The first skeleton consists of the skull and parts of the upper body of a young adult
male between 20 and 25 years of age. The bones are robust and show no sign of pathology. The
dentition includes 31 teeth, of which 6 are carious.While dental occlusal wear is moderate, 3 teeth
show dental chipping. Calculus is extensive and is probably responsible for the considerable levels
of alveolar bone resorption; 18 out of 30 dental septums show some degree of porosity.
The second individual is represented by the bones of the left arm, the vertebrae and the hands
and feet. Age was between 18–22 years, based on fusion of the proximal humerus, the distal ulna
and the radius. The bones are very gracile and have been tentatively attributed to a female adult.
The burial area also yielded a shell of the Choro type, several pieces of textiles and portions of
the reed shroud, as well as a small bag containing powdered red ochre (Figure 4.8b).

Burial 9 (Operation 5)

Located directly in front of the intermediate staircase, this burial is the most important interment
excavated so far (Figure 4.2). Stratigraphically it lies beneath the yellow floor (founded on layer of
large flat stones) and the blue floor (on a layer of sizeable river cobbles).The burial pit measures 1.70
m long by 1.20 m wide, and the pit base was about one metre below the yellow floor.The body was
wrapped in several layers of textiles and the remains of a reed/cotton external shroud; various offer-
ings were placed near the head (Figure 4.8c).The bundle was taken directly to our laboratory to be
opened and excavated by specialist Arabel Fernandez, with the help of France-Éliane Dumais.
The high level of corpse preparation and wrapping and the extensive range of grave goods
(see below) indicate that this burial represents a member of a social elite within the community
of San Juanito (Figure 4.8d). Gourds, baskets, fishhooks, a wooden idol, a stone bead and various
decorated textiles, complemented by food gifts, all support our proposal of a high rank for this
individual (Chapdelaine and Pimentel 2008).
The position of the body was recorded under laboratory conditions. It should be noted that the
bundle might have suffered some movement during transportation by car from the site to the lab-
oratory. Nevertheless, it is clear that the individual was placed on its back with legs extended.The
right forearm is bent at a right angle, and placed on the stomach just above the wooden idol.
The skeleton is well preserved and practically complete. Pelvic anatomy indicates a female
individual, a conclusion somewhat bolstered by the presence of pubic scarring indicative of par-
turition. She was between 50 and 60 years old when she died. Her bones are gracile and she stood
at 1 m 47 cm (4 ft. 10 in.).The presence of squatting facets on the tibia and elongated joints on the
first metatarsal suggest that she spent considerable time in a squatting position. She had extensive
arthritis on the vertebral column, especially in the neck region and in the lower back. She had
lost all of her mandibular teeth by time of death, and 13 of 16 teeth on the maxilla.

Burial 10 (Operation 5; Not Excavated)

While cleaning in front of the second staircase, a cavity was observed in the eastern wall ­(Figures 4.2
and 4.7b). A second bundle was clearly visible, lying directly on the blue floor. The architecture of
the burial chamber was similar to other tombs on the site, with a roof made of large flat stones and
capped with a layer of liquid clay. The wall cavity also contained two small gourds that appear to
have been associated with this burial (Figure 4.8e); the bundle’s shroud and textile wrapping closely
resembled those of the previous burial.Time limitations and accessibility ­prevented us from excavat-
ing this interesting burial, which appears to have been closely associated with burials 9 and 7.

49
Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné

Isolated Human Bones from Operation 7

The 2 × 3 m unit excavated at the northeast corner of the temple mound was initiated in order
to verify the stratigraphic sequence along the large wall. Some human bones were found scattered
within the different filling episodes (Table 4.3). At least three individuals are represented by these
fragments: two adults, probably a male and a female, and a baby. The fragmentary nature of the
remains makes these identifications subject to review.

Analysis of Burial Patterns

It would be premature – given the low number and often indifferent preservation of the remains –
to consider the temple as a cemetery for the late phase of the Initial Period temple. However,
there are sufficient data to propose at least two burial patterns in the sample, based on the position
of the burials, corpse treatment, and the quantity and quality of offerings. Three interments have
been excluded: the aberrant Burial 5 (associated with whale bones) and the two heavily disturbed
young adults from tomb 8.
All the interments were positionally homogenous, the bodies being oriented east-west with
the head always pointing either towards the west or the sea. This is the sole common mortuary
trait that is shared by all the individuals buried on the temple mound.
The first burial category includes all the burials placed in a simple pit, sealed with a clay lid, and
with few offerings. Burials 1, 2, 3, and 4 are assigned to this category. Positions were more vari-
able: three were buried in the foetal position, two on their right side (aged 16–20) and one on its
left side (aged 9–10). The selection of position may be predicated upon age: while the woman in
burial 2 is included in this burial pattern, her corpse had been placed with difficulty in its burial
chamber and had collapsed forward. If this position were intentional, it could reflect the burying
populations’ attitude towards death, as documented elsewhere (Barber 1988). It is worth mention-
ing that this woman was physically handicapped: she would have walked with a limp following an
infection to one leg, and she also suffered from osteomyelitis on both hands. Was the pathology
linked to a distinct or ‘deviant’ burial treatment?
The second category of burials appears to reflect the emergence of social inequality.The burial
of the old woman, aged between 50 and 60 years old (#9) is the best example. She was crippled by
osteoarthritis in her neck and back, she had fused phalanges in her feet, and had lost all her teeth
well before death. The newborn (#7) found nearby appears to have been associated with this
funerary event, as was the unexcavated tomb (#10). Certain aspects of this burial closely resem-
ble that encountered in the temple at Punkuri in the Nepeña Valley (see Tello 2005). The burial’s
location in front of a staircase and the presence of significant grave offerings suggest strong social
differentiation within the community (Figures 4.2 and 4.4a), and that this individual was a high
status member of the elite. The offerings also indicate extensive relations between inland, coastal
and highland groups.
The burial lay on top of a shallow deposit of mixed clay, sand and rocks covering the red
floor, and was covered by large flat rocks. The corpse was rolled inside seven (mostly plain) lay-
ers of textile, knotted in the head area. The head was covered by a complicated headdress. The
grave goods included a small green stone bead in the neck area, and a wooden statue deposited
on the chest. This Lucuma wood piece may represent a symbol of rebirth – given its ‘baby face’
­appearance – or perhaps illustrate the idea of bringing a baby to term in the afterworld. Several
decorated textiles were also found neatly placed on the body.
Further discoveries were made outside the shroud, to include five large fibre baskets, eight
gourds of different shapes (one decorated by pyrography and one by incision), one bag of red
ochre, twelve bone fishhooks, several food items (to include peanuts, yucca, camote and achira)
and a necklace of Paucash fruit (Cervantesia tomentosa). This bright red edible fruit – dehydrated

50
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

and black in the current case – is not coastal and is only found in the Andes. The presence of
this piece therefore implies some interaction with distant groups. This receives some support
from the old woman’s headdress. The shape is unusual, with a square decoration on the front and
several human hair threads to lend the appearance of a wig. Samples of fibre from the headdress
were analysed by biologist Victor Vasquez; preliminary comparisons in Madrid suggest that they
pertained to a large feline, probably a jaguar.This particular identification points to the Andes and
the Callejón de Huaylas, although jaguars could have been seen in the extreme north of Perú
near the Ecuadorian border. The yucca, sweet potato (camote) and peanuts in the grave are fur-
ther evidence of trade, as these plants are not native to the northern coast (Bonavia 1982, Quilter
1991, Burger 1992).
These artefacts and ecofacts indicate the importance of east-west coastal group network sys-
tems. While coastal links to the Andes are significant, however, further conclusions should be
drawn from San Juanito; not least the striking cultural continuity between the north coast Late
Preceramic and Initial Periods, as evidenced by several motifs on gourds and textiles similar to
Huaca Prieta (Chicama Valley) and La Galgada (Tablachaca/Santa Valley). Even the flexed burial
format suggests strong continuity among northern valleys during these periods.
The location of this burial and the associated grave goods are notable when compared to other
burials from the temple, and support the notion that this individual was an elite member of the
community.The baby burial – and associated headdress – was buried next to the old woman, and
may have been related to her. It is also probable that the baby was either a member of the elite
or part of a specific ritual event associated with the rebuilding of the temple. The feline theme
is, of course, very important in Andean mythology, and is already present in a tomb of the Initial
Period at San Juanito.
All the San Juanito temple burials may be largely coeval with the latest occupation (which is
associated with the yellow phase), thus postdating the sealing of the decorated staircase. The trans-
formation of the temple into a structure for the dead is thus a late phenomenon, resembling the
late burials encountered at the summit of the temple at Cardal (Burger and Salazar-Burger 1991).
Burials dating to the Late Preceramic and Initial Periods are not numerous.They are also enig-
matic, with indicators of both egalitarian and non-egalitarian societies. Changes in subsistence
and continuity in monumental architecture also provide conflicting views of social organisation
(Burger 2007; Pozorski and Pozorski 1992a). The available data on mortuary practices seem to
indicate a subtle development of nonegalitarian social systems near the end of the Late Prece-
ramic but ‘…more burials are necessary to delineate trends and to examine the question of rank-
ing more fully, current evidence suggests that some people had higher status than others’ (Quilter
1991: 415). San Juanito is small compared to sites such as El Paraiso, Caral, Cerro Sechín, Cardal
and others, and may be the result of a small community that was capable of integrating itself into
a large network and keeping in touch with other groups. This is thus a quandary: the character-
istics of the burial certainly reflect social complexity, but it is uncertain whether she acquired her
rank through her lifetime through her age and personal achievements, or if she inherited it as a
member of an institutional ruling elite. While indicative, therefore, this unique burial is certainly
not sufficient to make a clear statement on the type of sociopolitical organisation during the early
stage of the Initial Period. It is also premature to discuss this issue because San Juanito is the only
site clearly identified to this period in the lower Santa Valley.

Demography and Health

As a cautionary note on methodology, sex determination was based on the visual approach devel-
oped by Phenice (1969), while age determination of immature individuals and adults relied on
several criteria (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994). Adult height was estimated using regression tables
established by Genovés (1967).

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Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné

Table 4.4. Adult Dental Caries Distribution by Age and Sex (n = 5)

Sex/Age 16–20 20–25 35–45 45 + Total %

Male 0/17 (1)a 6/31 (2) — — 6/48 12.5

Female 2/18 (3) and 1/5 (4) — — 2/23 (5) 7/46 15.2
a
(1): 2005– t.1; (2): 2006– t.8; (3): 2005– t.3; (4): 2006– t.5; (5): 2005– t.2.

Dental Pathology and Subsistence

Very limited evidence of food remains were identified during excavation. Most plastered clay
floors were clean and no refuse was encountered. It is thus difficult to determine the subsistence
pattern of the inhabitants, but we can at least discuss dental health. The sample is small, compris-
ing two male adults and three female adults. Distribution of dental caries regarding sex is similar
but slightly higher for women, which seem to have more dental caries between 16 and 20 years
old (Table 4.4). All three women had dental caries, whereas only one man was affected. The child
(about 9 ½ years old) had no dental caries.The low ratio of dental caries compared to rates around
the world (Turner 1979) suggests that the San Juanito community had a mixed economy based
on agriculture, hunting, fishing and gathering. Biological anthropology, trace elements and stable
isotope analyses have demonstrated that maize was part of the diet during the Initial Period (Tykot
et al. 2006; Pechenkina et al. 2007; Meador 1992). The dental caries rates observed at San Juanito
might well represent a relative contribution of maize to that Initial Period population. The caries
rates are similar to those obtained from other Initial period sites in Perú (Pechenkina et al. 2007).

Bone Pathology and Skeletal Variation

Estimations of statures show similar tendencies with other Peruvian prehistoric populations
(Grieder et al. 1988; Pechenkina et al. 2007; Verano 1997). In general, values are distributed within
the same ranges except one male and one female who are taller than usual (1 m 68 cm and 1 m
51 cm respectively).
Two individuals – one male between 20 and 25 years old (T-8) and a 9 ½-year-old child (T-4) –
displayed evidence of artificial cranial deformation. The subadult was more strongly affected.
In both cases, the deformation format was fronto-occipital (i.e., from front to back). Cranial
deformation was documented by Malina at La Galgada (Grieder et al. 1988), where 12/13 infants
showed slight skull flattening. Malina points out that the intentionality of the deformation is by
no means certain, and that cradle-boarding is also a possible cause.
The same child and an adult male between 16 and 20 years old (T-1) have eye socket lesions
associated with cribra orbitalia.This condition is generally recognised to be an indication of iron-
deficiency anaemia – that is well attested in agricultural groups – although it can also be related to
infectious diseases or physiological impact. The newborn (T-7) shows bone inflammation (peri-
ostitis) on all the limb bones, possibly suggesting an infectious disease. An adult woman between
45 and 55 years old (T-2) bears a more localised bone inflammation on the distal end of the tibia
that could be attributed to injury rather than disease. She also displays probable osteomyelitis on
the proximal phalanges of her two index fingers; the potential cause of this infection is uncertain.
This individual also suffered an injury to one of her foot phalanges, which would have caused this
individual to walk with a limp.
Two adults – one between 16 and 20 years old (T-5) and the other between 50 and 60 years
old (T-9) – displayed a similar fusion of two phalanges of the toe. A comparable case was found

52
 A Temple for the Dead at San Juanito

among the scattered human bones from Operation 1 (SJ-9 in Table 4.3). Such pathologies may
be partly genetic in origin, suggesting a possible familial relationship. The oldest woman suffered
from osteoarthritis of the neck and lower back, while the other woman (aged 45–55) also suffered
from spinal osteoarthritis.
Finally, a fragment of adult male temporal bone bears an auditory exostosis (SJ-15), an anomaly
that may develop in response to exposure to cold water and often associated with diving regularly
in cold water to collect molluscs.This indicator of marine exploitation is consistent with the site’s
location by the Pacific Ocean.

Conclusion

This unique site affords us a clear glimpse at the early development of a large-scale social network
and a strong cultural continuity among North Coast communities. The discovery of the small,
decorated temple dated to between 1800 and 1600 b.c. is indeed a welcome addition to further
our understanding of the early Initial Period, particularly social differentiation as indicated by
burial patterns prior to the adoption of ceramic on the north coast of Perú. It is interesting to
note the temple’s position near the Pacific Coast, almost at the mouth of the Santa River, and its
clear orientation towards the valley and its agricultural fields. The small-scale excavations carried
out so far at the temple have not provided us with sufficient food refuse to carry out a detailed
study of the inhabitants’ subsistence patterns. Shellfish appear to have been dominant on the
basis of current evidence, but cotton and gourds were certainly produced nearby, as well as other
crops.
The aceramic nature of this small temple implies that the absence of ceramic vessels did not
preclude religious activities, and its incorporation into a wide social and religious network. The
greatest handicap to our understanding of the temple’s builders is the apparent absence of a
domestic quarter; we urgently need to examine small agricultural settlements located nearby in
order to understand how society was involved in the construction and maintenance of this tem-
ple.The absence of ceramic could have been circumstantial; clay vessels may not yet have reached
sufficient social importance to be included in the ritual or ceremonial events that took place
on the San Juanito temple. For the moment, the total absence of ceramic within the building/
rebuilding of the temple clearly indicates that the adoption of ceramic was gradual, and that this
did not occur in the Lower Santa Valley prior to around 1600–1500 years b.c.
The sample of fibre baskets and textiles from the site indicate strong relationships with Late
Preceramic Huaca Prieta (Bird et al. 1985), while wall motifs, stone mortars and decorated tex-
tiles all suggest that the inhabitants of San Juanito were already actively participating in the
Sechín style of religious representation. They also maintained a special link with inland groups –
­probably La Galgada (Grieder et al. 1988) – as well as with other communities along the Callejón
de Huaylas.
The burial pattern at San Juanito is diverse, although the number of intact burials is limited.
Significant social differentiation is implied by the burial of the old woman, her important inter-
ment site in front of a temple staircase, and the complex treatment and diverse offerings her
corpse received. In life she was certainly part of the elite group leading the San Juanito commu-
nity, through her status that was either inherited or attained.
Physically, it could be said that the few individuals buried at San Juanito were of average stat-
ure or taller than other prehistoric populations of Perú, especially when compared to others
dated to the Initial Period. They practiced different activities that have left traces on skeletons,
in particular on their hands and feet (infection and injury). The crouched position was regularly
used by women during their daily activities; both sexes engaged in physically demanding activ-
ities, resulting in severe osteoarthritis of the neck and back. This may be the result of regularly
carrying heavy loads. Pathology consistent with iron deficiency anaemia – although other causes

53
Claude Chapdelaine and Gérard Gagné

should be considered – indicates some level of dietary deprivation, while the consumption of
sugars from either maize or other cultigens, wild plants and fruits is implied by the frequency of
dental caries.

Acknowledgements

Financial support for this archaeological project was provided by the Social Sciences and Human-
ities Council of Canada. We thank all the members of PSUM, in particular Victor Pimentel,
co-director, Arabel Fernandez, France-Éliane Dumais, Jorge Gamboa, Juan Lopez, Pedro Necio-
sup, Jonathan Choronzey, as well as Victor Vasquez and Teresa Rosales from Arqueobios for their
identification of several organic samples.

54
 Chapter 5

Tombs and Tumuli on the Coast and

Pampa of Tarapacá
Explaining the Formative Period in
Northern Chile (South-Central Andes)

Carolina Agüero and Mauricio Uribe

Introduction

This work focuses on the South-Central Andean area during the Formative Period (ca. 1000 b.c.–
a.d. 500), during which time there were major developments in agricultural, pastoral and fishing
economies, bringing about significant demographic growth and the eventual consolidation of
village-based sedentism and ever-increasing social complexity (Muñoz 1989).
This period saw a series of technological innovations in the production of ceramics, textiles
and metals, as well as significant developments in hydraulic irrigation, monumental stone work-
ing and architecture. It also saw the intensified use of llama caravans for trade and transport,
resulting in greater contact between societies and providing direct or indirect access to resources
from all Andean environments. These signal changes promoted unified economic and cultural
development within a string of small-scale societies adapted to an arid environment very dif-
ferent from that of the Central Andes (Núñez and Dillehay 1995 [1979]). However, research in
this field has been focused on Peruvian sites, and has not yet been sufficiently documented for
Chilean archaeology.
Furthermore, the areas of Arica and Tarapacá (Chile), between the Azapa Valley and the Loa
River (Figure 5.1), have yielded a series of funerary and ritual/ceremonial tumuli reminiscent of
structures found in the Bolivian highlands. This has led some authors to propose that they signal
the arrival of highland populations, which comprised an external trigger for the formative tran-
sition towards social complexity (i.e., Muñoz 1983, 1989; Núñez 1981; Santoro 1981; Rivera 1976,
1980, 1982, 1987; Núñez and Dillehay 1995 [1979]; Rivera et al. 1995–1996). This notion has also
received support from the sudden appearance of exotic crops (i.e., beans and quínoa) and the
similarities of western valley textile iconographic designs with certain ceramic and stone-carving
decoration from the Pucara culture of the southern Peruvian highlands. The presence of ceram-
ics with vegetal temper and surface treatment (similar to that reported for Andean groups such
as the Chiripa and Wankarani) and settlements of circular buildings (resembling others from the
southern Bolivian Altiplano) has also been cited as support for this theory. We discuss these com-
parisons and present a general review of the cultural indicators, using extant knowledge and the

55
Carolina Agüero and Mauricio Uribe

71° Tarata 70° 69° 68°

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13
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6
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22° dro
RUGA

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7
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18
19
ATACAM

20
Tropic of Capr Salar de Atacama
icorn
A DESE

Antofagasta
Salar de Aguas Calientes
RT

24°

Figure 5.1. Formative Period settlements in northern Chile. Coastal Sites: 1. Faldas del Morro; 2.
Playa Miller 7 or Laucho; 3. Pisagua; 4. Punta Pichalo; 5. Cáñamo; 6. Caleta Huelén; 7. Punta
Blanca; 8. Cobija. Valleys quebradas: 9. Azapa 14 and Azapa 71; 10. Azapa 70 and Azapa 122;
11. Conanoxa E6; 12. Pircas; 13. Caserones and Tarapacá 40; 14. Guatacondo; 15. Quillagua.
Foothills and high plateau: 16. Chiu Chiu; 17. Quitor 5 and Quitor 6; 18. Solor; 19. Tulor; 20.
Toconao West. (Redrawn and modified from Muñoz 1989.)

56
 Tombs and Tumuli on the Coast of Tarapacá

results of our own research to address the manner in which localised social ­complexity emerged
in Northern Chile during this period. Our hypothesis explores the possibility that indigenous
populations of the arid region of Pampa del Tamarugal used ceremonial dynamics to regulate
access to lands and resources. It is our assertion that – in contrast to traditional materialist hypoth-
eses – ritual and ceremonial practices did not arise as a result of increasing social complexity,
but were instead one of the precursors to archaeologically visible social changes in the Tarapacá
region (and perhaps other areas of northern Chile) during the Formative Period.

Formative Period Tumuli

The social changes cited in the preceding section coincide with the construction of mounds or
tumuli – reminiscent of structures in the so-called Azapa phase – in Arica’s Western Valleys. At the
sites pertaining to this phase (Azapa 14, Azapa 71 and in the Faldas del Morro area) researchers
have described a series of small funerary mounds dated to between 990 and 320 b.c., comprising
litters made of plant material sandwiched between layers of sand, or several small litters contained
within a single tomb (Dauelsberg 1963, 1985; Santoro 1980). These proto-tumuli are associated
with shafts dug into the ground, in an early hybridisation that mixed the traditional subterranean
technique (dominant during this period) with a new, more open-air method of implementing
mortuary space, but without being ‘true’ cemeteries.
The nature of the tumuli becomes apparent when examining sites such as Azapa 70, Azapa 122
and Conanoxa E6 (in the Western Valleys of Arica and Camarones); Chipana, Caleta Huelén 7, 10,
20 and 43 and Cobija 10 (to the north and south of the Loa estuary); and, finally, in various sites
at the Quillagua oasis, inland from the Loa River (Agüero et al. 1995, 2001, 2006; Moragas 1982,
1995; Muñoz 1980, 1983, 1987; Niemeyer and Schiappacasse 1963; Núñez 1971). This series was
incorporated into the so-called ‘Alto Ramírez’ phase by Rivera (1976) and Muñoz (1980). The
date range spans a previously unexplored period from 500 b.c. and a.d. 300, which coincides with
the earliest radiocarbon dates from Arica (Muñoz 1980; Rivera 1976, 1987).
Tumuli at Quillagua sites Qui 89 and Qui 65 were anthropogenic in origin, formed from an
intentional accumulation of organic remains, earth and artefacts in superimposed layers (Agüero
et al. 2001, 2006). Lithics and ceramics were scattered around these features as well as being
incorporated into them, indicating that human activity also took place in and around the sites,
cemeteries and tumuli.The ergological profiles are essentially the same as those recorded in stud-
ies of tumuli in Northern Chile and – in general terms – for the Formative Period as a whole
(Muñoz 1980, 1989, 2004).
The tumulus at site Qui 89 is unusual in having been constructed in an area free of earlier
habitation or usage; the site may therefore have been specifically chosen for its construction. The
foundation episode involved creating a primary litter of clean, tightly bound vegetable matter
and a mortar floor; this served as a construction base and defined the limits of the structure.Var-
ious offerings were deposited on this base – including pieces of turquoise – followed by succes-
sive layers of vegetable matter and earth mixed with wood and stones (and sometimes artefacts).
Although this could be construed as a midden, the absence of charcoal, ashes and food waste
make this unlikely, all the more so given the carefully defined limits of the litter, the elliptical
form of the structure and its domed roof, all of which argue for a ritual/ceremonial function
(Figure 5.2).
There is clear intentionality in the wide range of materials used, which tends to imply that they
are offerings; a notable example is the large number of awls, many of which are either broken or
preformed blanks. Other offrenda include mica, raw copper ore and beads made from the same
material, worked wood, cactus spine needles (some threaded), spoon fragments and carob seeds,
pumpkins, miniature textiles, chañar (Geoffrea decortinans), corn, cebil (Anadenanthera sp.) and oth-
ers used as beads (Halicacabum cardioespermur),1 fish remains, shells, wool, and a range of textiles.

57
Carolina Agüero and Mauricio Uribe

KEY
Excavation units
60 ml Index Contour Line (a 1.00 mt)
N Contour Line (a 0.25 mt)
99 mt Tumulus

98 mt

E
O 1B 2D
2B
4D
6D
8F
99 mt 99 mt

N
S

UNIT 2D / SE UNIT 4D / SE UNIT 6D / SE

Feature
2
3
5
3a
4
1 Feature 3 6
1a
6
6

P. Chávez
0 10 20 30 40 50 cm

Figure 5.2. Tumulus at Quillagua 89: Topography and stratigraphy of SE profile.

Once the structure had been completed, other items were also deposited; these notably included
an intact vessel buried neck-down in a pit filled with wood and corn.These findings tend to sup-
port our assertion of a ritual rather than utilitarian function for the mound.
It was necessary to determine the construction- and use-life of the mound. We therefore car-
ried out thermoluminescence (TL) dating on ceramics from the tumulus and the surrounding
area, and that pertained to Early and Late Formative Loa and Quillagua types, respectively. The
results were two dates of 730 and 670 b.c. from the interior, and one date of a.d. 660 for the
exterior. This indicates that the tumulus was constructed in the Early Formative and was in use
until the Late Formative. The earlier samples are typologically consistent with a tradition shared
by the early sites around Tarapacá and the coast near to the mouth of the Loa River, and the
outlying areas between Iquique and Cobija (Uribe and Ayala 2004). However, the methods of
construction used to raise these tumuli are not identical to those described for the highlands.The
mound-shaped structures of Chiripa, Pana, Sillumoco (Titicaca highland region), Wankarani and
Uspa Uspa (southern highlands) are composed of the constant collapse, refilling and reconstruc-
tion of habitation walls, beneath which the inhabitants would bury their dead (Ayala 2001). Given

58
 Tombs and Tumuli on the Coast of Tarapacá

the unique nature of this construction technique, it would be premature to attribute all cultural
developments in this area to the supposed presence of highland groups on the coast and low val-
leys (Muñoz 1989; Rivera 1976, 1982, 2008), and it is much more likely that this apparent affinity
is based purely on a superficial and misleading architectural resemblance. In functional, technical
and material terms, therefore, highland habitation mounds with foundation burials have little
or nothing in common with incrementally constructed ceremonial/funerary tumuli2 at Azapa,
Chipana, Caleta Huelén, Cobija and Quillagua.
The aforementioned, coupled with the existence of tumular structures dated to between 900
and 700 b.c. in Azapa and Quillagua, permits us to propose a local (or, at least, not highland) ori-
gin for these ceremonial/funerary structures, specific to the populations of coastal environments
up towards the low valleys region. This shift in thinking has been enthusiastically adopted by
other projects and workers in Azapa who were previously convinced by the traditional migration
argument (Romero et al. 2004).

The Cemeteries

Tombs in the Quillagua Formative Period cemeteries typically take the form of excavated shafts,
a generalised and nonspecific form that is also seen on other northern Chilean funerary sites
including Pisagua, Punta Pichalo and the coast of Iquique (Ajata and Méndez-Quirós 2009; Bird
1943; Uhle 1922). Tumuli containing human remains are less common. It would appear that the
inhabitants of the low valleys area – having abandoned the Archaic coastal tradition of Chin-
chorro mummification – instead buried their dead in flexed positions in pits or ditches near their
settlements. The tombs were subterranean and contained offrenda including mats, capes, animal/
bird skins and baskets covering or containing the flexed bodies; the position of the tomb was
indicated by sticks and logs that would protrude above the ground surface.
The bodies were dressed in capes, skirts and/or tunics, bracelets and necklaces, as well as
headbands and turban-like woollen headwear. Offerings were uncommon yet diverse in nature,
including undecorated ceramics, gourds – some with burnt decoration – and various pieces of
copper and even gold, in addition to tubes, tablets and shells possibly connected with the inhala-
tion of psychoactive substances.These contexts have traditionally been interpreted to be embodi-
ments of local populations’ funerary behaviour in the period prior to the appearance of the
tumuli. Perhaps for this reason – and with the exception of Cobija 10 and the Quillagua sites –
there are no detailed descriptions in the literature that examine the association between tumuli
and shaft tomb cemeteries (Agüero et al. 1995, 2001, 2006; Moragas 1982). However, our research
has demonstrated that their temporospatial distribution matches that of the ceremonial mounds.
The Quillagua oasis sites of Torre 203 and La Hondonada (Agüero et al. 2001) and several
Tarapacá sites (i.e., Huarasiña and Carora) have yielded numerous shaft graves that each contain
the wrapped corpse and a small number of offerings (Figure 5.3). These include pierced calcite
plaques, ceramic vessels, baskets, vegetable products (including cebil seeds), marine objects (rare)
and occasionally pumpkins and corn, as well as feathers and vegetable-fibre cordage; the latter
comprises both part of the offering and also the funerary bundle. Artefacts connected with psy-
chotropic processes are absent.
The limited number of offerings deposited in the Quillagua Formative graves are arranged
and distributed differently from those of other mortuary contexts. This would seem to suggest
that there is some internal variability in the funerary ritual that was expressed by the presence or
absence of certain elements within a general range, and thus that there is no rigid convention for
burial modality. For example, none of the burials at Torre 203 yielded offrenda of pierced calcite,
while one of the corpses’ faces was covered with a basket, and others were wrapped in mats and
buried with complete burnished ceramic vessels (Uribe 2006a; Uribe and Ayala 2004). All of the
burials at La Hondonada were single with the exception of one double interment, whereas the

59
Carolina Agüero and Mauricio Uribe

Figure 5.3. Quillagua 84 (La Hondonada). A shaft-tomb cemetery.

burials in the second cemetery were collective.There was also significant intrasite variability – La
Hondonada exhibited at least two burial modalities: the first involved fitting the corpse neatly
into the burial pit and surrounding it with fragmented offerings, while the second involved bury-
ing offrenda in isolated pits around the perimeter of a central burial (Agüero et al. 2001, 2006).
Tarapacá cemeteries also display diverse burial traditions, ranging from an ossuary surrounded by
burials in Carora to single interments situated inside solitary pampa structures (with hand-holds
for transport) at the site of Tarapacá 40 (Lozada et al. 2008).
All of the foregoing indicates considerable flexibility within the same general remit of burial
ritual, to include pits indicated by posts/sticks, mummy bundles, flexed corpses, limited burial

60
 Tombs and Tumuli on the Coast of Tarapacá

goods and an absence of capes and ‘turbans’ among the offerings. The fact that tombs contain
marine materials on both the coast and the pampa testifies to the extensive trade that took
place between both intensively occupied areas. The internal variability in Tarapacá and Quil-
lagua mortuary contexts – despite forming part of the generalised funerary pattern – testifies
to the various links between these valleys and between the coast and the desert, confirming
their cohesion into a single territory that was home for various coexisting cultural elements
for more than 1,000 years. It is only through the combining of data from different types of
sites, materials and contexts that we will be able to generate an acceptable model to explain
why distinct funerary and ceremonial traditions from across the region converged upon the
Tarapacá area.

The Central Settlements

We here present some of the results recently obtained from our investigations at Formative sites
in the vicinity of Tarapacá, which have traditionally been considered to be the strongest evidence
for sedentism and agricultural development in northern Chile (Meighan and True 1980; Núñez
1979, 1981, 1982, 1989). In this category we should particularly note Caserones 1 (Núñez 1982;
True 1980) and Guatacondo 1 (Meighan 1980; Mostny 1970); the majority of our work in recent
years has taken place at the former (Adán et al. 2007).
The village site of Caserones 1 is situated in the valley of Tarapacá, near the Pampa del Tamaru-
gal and some 60 km from the coast. It comprises an enormous conglomerate of structures which
appears to have its origins around 400 b.c., and continued in use until around a.d. 1020 (Barón
1986; Méndez-Quirós and Uribe 2006; Núñez 1982, 1989;True 1980), at which time it contained
around 600 structures (Adán et al. 2007). The site displays a Formative architectural tradition that
persists through to Late Intermediate and even Late Period sites in the Tarapacá Valley (Núñez
1983). Architectural attributes include buildings with rectangular ground plans, arranged in a
wide range of enclosure sizes that imply a high level of functional variability.The complexity and
finish of the materials used for the walls, the stone selection, stone-working and plastering all
seem to indicate a high investment of energy that appears to exceed the requirements for a simple
residential dwelling (Adán et al. 2007).
A perimeter wall suggests the intention to define and perhaps protect some form of social
space. The scale of the operation indicates that this was undertaken as a communal effort, and
this has been interpreted as implying the presence of a centralised workforce, labouring en masse
to create a focus for high-level collective and group activities. The general characteristics of the
enclosure walls (in terms of the number of courses and bond type) indicate an ordered and nor-
malised construction process. The fact that the settlement contains social spaces built on both
large and domestic scales implies the presence of strong social systems, with perimeter walls,
paired structures and large ‘plazas’ providing communal space for a populace inhabiting smaller
scale domestic units. Therefore, the large-scale social spaces, situated in the settlement’s most
important areas, would have constituted empty ‘islands’ periodically used by large groups intent
on demonstrating either their social unity or differentiation (Figures 5.4a, b).
Caserones 1 doubtless placed a role in the Formative developments that characterise the
­Tarapacá region, from the eponymous valley to the pampa. The Pircas site (situated opposite
Caserones [Núñez 1984]), Guatacondo 1 and Ramaditas (situated where the Guatacondo Valley
opens onto the Pampa del Tamarugal [Rivera et al. 1995–1996]) all testify to another important
occupation of this territory during the Formative (Figure 5.5a). Some characteristics are common
to all sites, including the presence of ‘plazas’, enclosed public spaces and perimeter walls; however,
technical and aesthetic characteristics are site specific. There is thus a disjunction between related
groups’ handling of social issues and presentation, while sharing common concepts of organising
private and public space, as well as funerary traditions.

61
Carolina Agüero and Mauricio Uribe

(a)

Transect A
unit 2 (b)

Transect
unit 1

20 M

Figure 5.4. (a) Plan of Caserones. From True (1980). (b) Caserones: closed twin plazas. (Photography
by the authors.)

Our data indicate that these groups were socially autonomous, strongly focused on inherited
knowledge and traditions which – we believe – did much to unite coastal and inland populations,
and who circulated freely in order to exploit a wide range of natural resources. The presence of
only minor architectural eminences on the coast (Ajata and Méndez-Quirós 2009) suggests that
the valleys became the main point of convergence and acted as a social crossroads where ceremo-
nial and funerary traditions – each characteristic of their place of origin – were played out. This,
in short, is where we now find the raw materials turned to a wide yet contemporary range of
cultural forms. The manner in which these large centres were configured suggests to us that they
should be viewed less as proto-urban formations and more as ceremonial, congregational spaces,
surrounded and made sacred by rock art and geoglyphs (Bittman 1985) in the surrounding area
(Figure 5.5b).
Supporting data can be derived from the ceramic finds. Although Caserones yielded plentiful
cups, bottles and jars, domestic storage/cooking pots were almost completely absent, thus imply-
ing a large-scale consumption of liquids.This is believed to have been primarily chicha rather than
water, particularly bearing in mind the high concentrations of carob, corn and molle (Chinus
molle) remains recovered from the rooms and cellars (García and Vidal 2006). These drinks were
probably consumed along with maize and fish (González 2006), plentiful remains of which were
also recovered at the site (Figures 5.6a–d).
We return to the point raised earlier – namely, the possible reasons why this concatenation of
circumstance arose in this valley complex, and also why this effect is focused solely into two large
settlements. In answer to this, one should recall that the currently dry valleys and arid pampas
at Caserones and Guatacondo were once a fertile landscape that possessed abundant water and

62
 Tombs and Tumuli on the Coast of Tarapacá

(a)

(b)

Figure 5.5. (a) Plan of Guatacondo. From Meighan (1980). (b) Top: Geoglyph from the Unitas
range, near Caserones, and drawing of the anthropomorphic figure. (From Bittmann 1985.)
(b) Bottom: engraving from Tamentica, near Guatacondo, and drawing of the anthropomorphic
figure. (From Meighan 1980.)

63
 (a) (b)

(c) (d)

(e)

(f)

(g)

Figure 5.6. (a) Algarrobo and maize from Caserones. (b) Pods and seeds of Prosopis sp. (Precinct
7, level 5C). (c) Cobs of Zea mays L. (Precinct 7, level 4). (d) Cob of Zea mays L., complete
(Precinct 526 level 3B). (e) Tarapacá mummy #40, secured with strap-like reed cords for the
purpose of transportation. (Photography by the authors.) (f) Clothing worn by the mummies
from Tarapacá 40. (g) Miniature clothing given as offerings. (Photography by the authors.)
 Tombs and Tumuli on the Coast of Tarapacá

v­ egetation, and was thus a focus for collection of wild resources and the cultivation of crops. To
this verdant landscape – which has now disappeared, owing primarily to human activity – there
was a major migration of groups from the coast as well as the minor valleys in the region (Núñez
1982).
Just as the tumuli and cemeteries served to unite these groups in terms of territory and iden-
tity through funerary ritual (i.e., ownership and ethnicity), the settlements of Caserones and
Guatacondo – like others in the Andean region – may have served a macroregional purpose
in bringing together the different communities of the Pampa del Tamarugal. This could have
manifested itself in an exchange of information and resources and the formation of sociopolitical
alliances, cemented through large-scale festivities.

Discussion

Muñoz’s synthesis of the Formative Period in Chile concluded that this region was peripheral to
the Central Andes and the highlands, and that the interaction of local groups with other popula-
tions would have brought about aspects of social, economic and political development through-
out the region as a harbinger of ‘civilisation’:

The development of the Formative period in Northern Chile saw the fusion of – on the
one hand – an early cultural development oriented in terms of specialised hunting, gath-
ering and fishing, and on the other hand, populations with primarily highland origins [...]
which transformed the autochthonous lifestyles of the valley populations into one of settled
and productive sedentary occupation. (Muñoz 1989: 125)

We would like to propose an alternative interpretive paradigm, which is currently undergoing

refinement and testing within the context of our own ongoing excavation and research. It seems
to us that the appearance of large habitation complexes in the low valleys near the Pampa del
Tamarugal were a response to the ceremonial complexity that appeared in Formative communi-
ties throughout the arid northern Chilean region. These populations expressed their individual
identities through funerary and ceremonial behaviour, but as a group they possess a certain cohe-
sion that can be traced back until at least the terminal Archaic Period.
The sites and materials we have studied all accord with the aforementioned proposal. We
can see the apogee of a socioeconomic system with ancient origins that became consolidated
between a.d. 200 and 900. This period spans the terminal Late Formative to the early Late Inter-
mediate, and it would appear that the populations emphasised settling the lower stretches of var-
ious valleys in the region, strategic locales that boasted a considerable concentration of resources
in a desertic environment.
These sites would have seen the arrival of various Formative and some later populations, start-
ing with a heavy emphasis on mobile hunting and foraging (resources such as carob: Prosopis sp.)
and with a steady increase towards agriculture (García and Vidal 2006; Núñez 1982). The dynam-
ics of high mobility – also visible in the cycle of occupation and abandonment of residential
settlements (True 1980) – would have survived the span of time involved. The wide distribution
of funerary and ceremonial practices as well as ceramic styles also tends to confirm this circula-
tion and interaction of populations, at least on the coast and in the lower valleys of the Pampa del
Tamarugal, which shared the same ceramic traditions for centuries (Uribe 2009).
This interaction was particularly strong in the settlements of Caserones and Guatacondo (Adán
et al. 2007).We have already proposed the notion of ‘central places’ for funerary and festive rituals
(with particular reference to Caserones and the Tarapacá 40 cemetery [Uribe et al. 2007]) on the
basis of public architecture, numerous drinking vessels and the large quantities of carob and corn
found in the Caserones storage areas (Adán et al. 2007).

65
Carolina Agüero and Mauricio Uribe

If we consider the substantial number of people buried in the Caserones and Guatacondo
cemeteries, it is plausible to hypothesise that some of the bundles may have been transported there
for interment (Figure 5.6e).We consider that the considerable investment involved in the manufac-
ture of the funerary dress – large ‘turbans’ of wool, tunics/capes resembling camelid skins (known as
‘mantas felpudas’ [bushy capes]) and miniature clothes left as offerings (Agüero 1994, 2000; Agüero
and Cases 2004; Oakland 2000) – suggests that they may have been manufactured by groups who
were familially linked to the deceased (Figures 5.6f, g). As their manufacture would have taken some
weeks or more to complete, it is probable that they were made before they were needed.
In relation to the earlier mention of textile and iconographic data in the context of northern
Chilean Formative imagery, Horta (2004) defined three iconographic criteria over and above the
basketry, geoglyphs and rock art that are also found in the region. The first – with a full anthro-
pomorphic being as a central motif – comprises evidence for a dispersion restricted to the Pampa
del Tamarugal and the Loa areas (see Figures 6a–d). The second is a highly abstract image of a
radiate head accompanied by zoomorphic symbols, which is primarily visible in the Azapa Valley.
The third is based on the various types of pyramidal stair designs that are found across a wide area
of Chile and Southern Perú, and that may in fact be the most diagnostic iconographic design of
the Formative Period.
Earlier researchers used isolated textile fragments and selected iconographic materials to make
low-level comparisons (‘similar to’) with highland groups, to bolster their migration-based view
of how social complexity arose in northern Chile:

Once the village model had been established, there was a sharp increase in manifestations
of ritual behaviour (secondary burials, trophy heads wrapped in net bags, skull burials), and
iconographic representations of the sacrificer [...]. This background indicates the presence
of highland religious and political ideology, as the figure of the sacrificer is a symbol of
power for highland populations [...]. (Muñoz 1989: 112)

In the same way as the ceramic and textile corpuses from Quillagua and Tarapacá (Agüero and
Cases 2004; Agüero et al. 2006; Uribe and Ayala 2004), the iconography identified by Horta once
again underlines the close relationship that existed between the Formative development of the Loa
and Tarapacá areas, and that – in this area – would persist into the late Formative. These studies
confirm that very few definitely ‘exotic’ textile remains have so far been recovered, and that the
vast majority can be directly linked to earlier northern Chilean antecedents; the strongest external
link is to southern Perú, with which it shares manufacturing methods (i.e., dovetailed and kilim
tapestries) as well as iconographic designs. Although some pieces of textile manufactured using the
interlocked method have been recovered – implying some connection with the highlands (Agüero
and Cases 2004) – it is reasonable to assume that these are the exception rather than the rule, and
that we are otherwise dealing with a local and/or coastal technology. The imagery that accompa-
nied funerary and ceremonial rituals must therefore also be considered to have local origins, rather
than being assumed to be the regional manifestation of a highland cultural diffusion.

Conclusion

In summary, these data support our assertion that regional centres were not only located in the
Central Andes and the Titicaca region, but that they were also in areas previously considered to
be peripheral.There is also evidence to suggest that the level of social cohesion thus displayed was
such that even the influences of entities such as Tiwanaku were not able to make much social,
economic or ideological impact in the South-Central Andes.
Previous workers have repeatedly proposed that local, coastal groups received a civilising influ-
ence emanating from the highlands:

66
 Tombs and Tumuli on the Coast of Tarapacá

Being the product of a lesser social complexity and demographic density, this ­architectural
style [the habitational and funerary highland tumuli] was not consolidated, and was restricted
solely to funerary mound construction. As a result, of all the urbanised and ceremonial
developments of the highlands, it was only the lower valleys that saw the manifestation of
ritual funerary behaviour [...]. (Muñoz 1989: 125)

It is therefore logical to query as to what it was that made the Formative groups of northern
Chile (or a subgroup thereof) implement an innovative type of ceremonial structure alongside
the traditional and extensively used funerary shaft graves. Without doubt, the symbolic effec-
tiveness of structures such as tumuli – beyond their ceremonial or funerary function – would
have been more powerful than that of shaft tombs, the position of which was indicated only by
branches and trunks. Tumuli visually evoke the idea of hills or mountains, which may have pos-
sessed ancestral significance for certain Late Period Andean groups. Perhaps the memory of these,
made concrete in structures such as tombs, comprised a physical legitimisation of use, exploita-
tion or control over lands used for gathering (primarily Prosopis) or agriculture, and the resources
necessary for agricultural production, such as water.
However, both ceremonial and funerary installations appeared in the desertic environment, a
clear expression of territoriality that was presumably based on social and physical boundaries with
resonance for the communities involved. This is particularly evident at the tumulus of Quillagua,
which was constructed in a series of successive – and possibly ceremonially deposited – layers of
vegetal and inorganic matter over approximately 100 years (Agüero et al. 2001, 2006). Like Arica
(Romero et al. 2004), the ceremonial behaviour deployed in this type of structure would have
been designed to create and reinforce social relations within the group, expressing aspects of an
ideology that is currently unclear to us, but that – judging by the evidence we have – would
have reflected traditional concepts of death and belonging to these populations. The wide area
over which these changes became apparent (although the chronology remains uncertain) may go
to indicate that a sense of integration and unity was achieved by various means in the Tarapacá
populations by the end of the Formative Period. Among these, the physical presence of ancestors
whose influence could be obtained through periodic commemorative acts is likely to have played
a significant role (De Leonardis and Lau 2004; Makowski 2005).
This process created the foundations upon which the Late Intermediate society of Pica Tara-
pacá would be constructed. This society emerged from the development and articulation of local
populations that had previously been formed into “... autarkic [groups] which were increasingly
dense and affected by the social pressures of a communitarian way of life, the economy of which
would – by this same logic – deteriorate, giving rise to the transformations which occurred
between these periods” (Uribe 2006b: 110). Internal tension and inequality would have been
regulated by social segmentation, the heterogeneity of which would have brought an end to
the communitarian [egalitarian] economy, giving rise to a society with a clear local identity and
marked social inequality. As stated by Albarracín-Jordán: “(...) a society shall be defined as seg-
mentary if its institutions and organisations are based upon descent, forming social identities on
the basis of ancient ancestry” (2007: 91).
Perhaps for this reason, objects with evidently archaic origins, such as the ‘turbans’ described
previously, begin – in this period – to be ritualised and used as ancestral heritage (Agüero 1994;
Gallardo 1993).The large settlements of Tarapacá and Guatacondo would have been subject to the
same behavioural patterns stated above, but within a residential context at well above the familial
level. The eventual design would have become apparent following the consolidation of the new
social order, leading to collective labour, centralised political authority and the ­construction of
public spaces, just as had occurred centuries earlier in the Central Andes. One major difference,
however, is that the Chilean desert would have been unable to support further expansion and
development of these social systems, which disintegrated at the end of the Formative to give rise
to a new order in the Late Intermediate Period.

67
Carolina Agüero and Mauricio Uribe

Acknowledgements

The projects are funded by FONDECYT 1080458, “Período Formativo en Tarapacá. Progreso
y tragedia social en la evolución y temprana complejidad cultural del Norte Grande de Chile,
Andes Centro-Sur” – which is currently under way – and FONDECYT 1990168 “El Período
Formativo desde Quillagua, Loa Inferior”, carried out between 1999 and 2001.

Notes

1. Also published with the name Mucuma elliptica (Focacci pers. comm. 1993; Muñoz 1989).
2. Local materials, the use of which – especially vegetable fibres – demonstrates considerable temporal
depth.

68
 Chapter 6

Paracas Funerary Practices in Palpa, South

Coast of Perú

Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

Introduction

‘Paracas’ is the term used to describe one of the most important cultures of the Central Andean area,
originally discovered by Tello, Mejía Xesspe and associates at various sites of the Paracas Peninsula
(Pisco) in southern Perú (Tello 1928, 1959; Tello and Mejía Xesspe 1979). Although ‘Paracas’ has
been used indiscriminately to describe a location, a ceramic style or a textile tradition, it is in fact a
unique social entity that can be clearly differentiated from other contemporary Andean societies.1
Since the discovery of Paracas between 1920 and 1925, research work has located important
centres in the valleys of Chincha, Pisco and Ica, as well as various sites in the Paracas Peninsula
and Bahía de la Independencia (Pisco). These sites have yielded ceremonial centres, monumental
public buildings and habitation sites, as well as cemeteries containing individuals with deformed
and trepanned skulls, accompanied by grave goods such as textiles and fine, incised polychrome
pottery. Further work suggests that Paracas influence extended to the valleys of Cañete and
Topará towards the north (Wallace 1963) and Palpa and Nazca in the south (Isla and Reindel
2008; Silverman 1994a). The Palpa Valleys have also yielded petroglyphs and geoglyphs, which
comprise the direct antecedents of the famous Nasca Lines.
Although there is little specific consensus on stylistic sequencing, a general agreement exists
regarding a series of phases or ‘styles’ that are used to classify the various material remains of the
Paracas culture (Massey 1986; Paul 1991; Sawyer 1966; Silverman 1991, 1994a). One of the most
notable chronological schemes is that proposed by Tello on the basis of his work at the Paracas
Peninsula, where he identified two sequential occupation phases that he called Paracas Cavernas
and Paracas Necrópolis, respectively (Tello and Mejía Xesspe 1979). The Cavernas phase is char-
acterised by the presence of simple funerary bundles buried in pits or bottle-shaped chambers,
usually associated with linear-decoration textiles and vessels adorned with incisions and resin-
ous paint applied after firing. In contrast, the Necropolis phase is characterised by large funerary
bundles buried in groups in Cavernas-period underground dwellings, and associated with fine-
quality embroidered textiles and monochrome vessels in the form of fruits and with a cream and
orange coloured slip.2

69
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

The most important relative chronology and stylistic seriation so far carried out for the ­Paracas
culture is that proposed by Menzel et al. (1964) on the basis of ceramics from the Ica Valley.3 This
proposed sequence comprises ten stylistic phases dubbed Ocucaje 1 to 10, which has – with
certain modifications – repeatedly demonstrated its validity (for further detail see Burger 1988;
De Leonardis 1997; Massey 1986).4 Lastly, recent work by García and Pinilla (1995) has established
a chronological sequence for the Paracas zone, and has particularly contributed to a better under-
standing of the early phases which precede Menzel and colleagues’ sequence.5

Previous Studies

Since Tello and associates’ discoveries of large funeral complexes in the Paracas Peninsula during
the 1920s, there have been few methodical and systematic excavations of funerary contexts per-
taining to this culture. Notable exceptions include excavations by Soldi, Rubini and Strong in the
cemeteries of Ocucaje and Teojate in the Ica Valley (Menzel et al. 1964; Paul 1991), and various
burials excavated by Engel and Bischof at Disco Verde and Arena Blanca (Engel 1966; Paul 1991).
Other isolated finds were made at Karwa and Cabeza Larga, where Engel excavated five Paracas
funerary contexts (Engel 1981; Lanning 1960; Paul 1991).
The remains from the Rio Grande basin are comparatively scarce and limited to isolated tombs
of Paracas affiliation such as those excavated by Mejía Xesspe and Huapaya in the Palpa Valley
(Mejía Xesspe 1972, 1976). The Italian Mission excavated two further Late Paracas contexts in a
sector of Cahuachi, in the Nazca Valley (Orefici and Drusini 2003).
Considering that the total number of funerary contexts excavated so far is in the hundreds,
surprisingly little is known about this society’s funerary practices. This is attributable to various
factors, including the fact that most of the excavations at Ocucaje and Teojate were carried out
by amateurs whose attention to detail oscillated between Rubini’s detailed descriptions and a
total lack thereof in the case of Soldi. Most seriously, neither collected any human remains from
the tombs, so we are entirely bereft of any biological data. Furthermore, the numerous contexts
located and excavated by Tello, Engel, Strong and others were never adequately analysed or pub-
lished, and although the materials and field notes are still archived in museums, access to them is
limited.
The rigorous excavation and subsequent analysis of 62 single and multiple Paracas burials from
various sites in the Palpa Valley is thus a significant advance in our understanding of this society’s
funerary traditions. The data – concerning funerary structures and offerings as well as the orien-
tation, burial position and biological characteristics of the sample – are presented in the following
pages. Although it is certainly true that the results derived from this fairly small sample cannot be
taken as conclusive, they are nonetheless relevant, and shall provide a firm foundation for further
investigations into this subject.

Presentation and Description of the Sample

The Nazca-Palpa Archaeological Project has so far excavated more than 200 funerary contexts
from a range of different periods (Isla 2009).6 Of these, 62 pertain to the Paracas culture and were
excavated at various sites in the Palpa Valleys (Figure 6.1). Most of these (n = 50) are Late Paracas
(Ocucaje Phases 8–9),7 of which 45 are from the site of Jauranga and 5 from Pinchango Viejo,
PAP-4 and PAP-306. There are six Middle Paracas contexts (Ocucaje Phases 5–7) from Jauranga,
while the last six date from the Early Paracas (Ocucaje Phases 3–4) and were recovered from
Mollake Chico and Pernil Alto.
Because of the arid conditions of the region – and particularly the position of most archae-
ological sites on the edges of valleys – the majority of the burials excavated at Palpa were in
an excellent state of preservation, as were the burial structures and associated offerings. The

70
 Paracas Funerary Practices in Palpa

Figure 6.1. Locations of the sites mentioned in the text, with the Palpa Valleys in the southern
coast of Perú.

only exceptions to this rule were remains from sites situated on valley floors, such as the site
of ­Jauranga, where the damp sediments had adversely affected the organic elements (botanical
remains, textiles, etc.), leaving only bones, ceramics, shells and lithics.
One of the six Early Paracas contexts located at Mollake Chico (Middle Palpa valley) merits
mention, comprising a single, heavily looted Ocucaje Phase 3 funerary structure (Isla and Reindel
2006).8 It is a rectangular structure measuring 1.8 m wide, 2.5 m long and 1.1 m deep, the walls
dressed with large flat stones positioned vertically (Figure 6.2a). The nature of the tomb covering
is uncertain, but it appears that – following the deposition of the remains and funerary goods – the
chamber was completely filled in.The base of the chamber yielded the incomplete and sometimes
burnt remains of at least 17 individuals, to include children and adults of both sexes (Figure 6.2b),
ceramic sherds, complete/broken vessels, beads, a gold ring, an obsidian point and other objects
indicating the influence of the northern coast and the northern Sierra (see Figure 6.2a).9

71
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

Figure 6.2. (a) Funerary chamber at Mollake Chico (PAP-435) with some of the associated
artefacts. (b) The skeletal remains recovered from the funerary chamber; note the degree of
fragmentation and intentional burning.

72
 Paracas Funerary Practices in Palpa

Although the context had been looted, the cleaning and excavation process revealed various
remains indicating that the tomb was a secondary context, pertaining to a single depositional
event, while taphonomic markers suggest that the osteological remains originated from different
locations (Tomasto 2005). Microscopic analysis of five samples of burned bone indicates that the
burning took place when the bones were defleshed, and that the bony remains were exposed to a
heat of between 400 and 500°C for approximately half an hour. In other words, this context does
not represent the remains of a cremation of a body, but instead that of some secondary process
(Fehren-Schmitz and Großkopf ms. 2009).This is currently a unique finding for the South Coast.
However, the similarity to body treatment in certain Late Paracas contexts (see Analysis and Dis-
cussion) seems to suggest that the ritual practice of exposing bodies to heat as part of a secondary
burial rite was an integrated – if uncommon – funerary practice for this group.
The other five Early Paracas tombs were excavated at Pernil Alto – a large archaeological
complex located in the Río Grande Valley – and that includes various occupation phases span-
ning the Archaic Period to the Nasca culture.10 Three of these burial contexts, in sector PAP-
266, were shaft tombs excavated into natural sediment, and one through Initial Period adobe
structures (1300–900 b.c.). Two of the interments were single: an older female and an infant
buried in shallow pits/shafts in extended, supine positions, with their arms lying alongside
their bodies and their legs slightly flexed. Both bodies were wrapped in simple cotton cloths,
and lacked associated grave goods. The third context – the most complete of all those recov-
ered from the area mentioned above – was covered with a layer of earth, stones and fragments
of adobe. The tomb contained the remains of two individuals – a mature male and a younger
male – who had been laid side by side in a supine and extended position, their arms resting on
their abdomens and pelves (Figure 6.3). Both had been wrapped in cotton cloth, secured to the
bodies using cotton strips and cords. Two Ocucaje 3 ceramic vessels were positioned on top of
and beside the bodies.
Two further partially looted Pernil Alto funerary contexts (designated PAP-265) dated to the
Early Paracas period, and pertain stylistically to Ocucaje Phase 4. One of these is unusual in
being very large and dug out of natural sediment, comprising a deep shaft connected with the
funeral chamber, and a roof formed from stones, clay and huarango branches. The offerings from
this tomb included various sea shells (Oliva peruviana) originally from a necklace, three obsidian
points and two fine vessels decorated with post-firing designs (see Isla 2009: 126, fig. 8.3). This is
one of the very few cases where ceramic of this sort has been recovered in situ and scientifically
recorded.
Most of the Middle and Late Paracas remains are from the site of Jauranga, which is located
in the centre of the Palpa Valley, and which has been identified as a large and important Para-
cas settlement occupied continuously between 550 and 120 b.c. The Jauranga excavations have
produced a 3.5 m stratigraphic section, in addition to a series of superimposed rectangular and
quadrangular structures dating to five distinct constructive phases (Isla and Reindel 2008a; Isla
et al. 2003). Eighty-two intact funerary contexts have also been recovered, of which 51 pertain to
the Paracas culture and 31 to the Nasca (Figure 6.4a). Of the Paracas burials, only 6 pertain to the
Middle Paracas, the other 45 to the Late Paracas.
The Middle Paracas funerary contexts were found principally in the site’s earliest occupation
levels, comprising burials deposited inside simple pits, dug into natural sediments or among aban-
doned early structures. The bodies were typically in an extended, supine position, with the legs
extended or flexed and with the arms lying alongside the body, folded across the chest or lean-
ing on the pelvis (Figures 6.4b, c). Most of the bodies were oriented towards the north-west. A
small number were lightly flexed and lying on their sides. One child burial was buried in a foetal
position, looking towards the north-east.These burials may have been wrapped in light cloth like
those from Pernil Alto, but the damp sediments have destroyed all fragile organic remains, leaving
only the skeleton, spindle whorls, stone artefacts and ceramics. Although some minor differences
were noted, the Middle Paracas is very similar to the Early Paracas in all respects.

73
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

Figure 6.3. The only double funerary context to be excavated at the site of Pernil Alto (PAP-266),
associated with two offering vessels dating to the Ocucaje 3 phase. The individuals were adult
males of young (20–25 years) and middle (30–35 years) age.

Late Paracas funerary contexts were more plentiful and thus easier to define than those of
other periods. Apart from a series of chamber tombs which are described in Analysis and Dis-
cussion, most of these were single or multiple burials of children or adults located inside pits
excavated into underlying structures, and also inside pots and vessels that were converted into
funerary urns (Figure 6.5).
Most of the individuals buried in the shafts were in extended positions and supine, with the
face looking upwards, the legs extended or flexed and the arms beside the body, in the manner of
earlier periods (Figure 6.6a). A sizeable proportion was buried in simple pits, in a seated position,
with the legs and arms flexed into the chest, the arms sometimes wrapped around the legs. No
textiles or other organics were preserved. Numerous adobes and stones were found on or around
the skeletons.
It should be noted that sites such as PAP-11 (Pinchango Viejo) and PAP-4 have also yielded
single adults in simple pit-format flexed burials, either seated or on their sides (Figure 6.6b). This
position is more common in the Late Paracas but became more so during the Paracas–Nasca
transition and into the Nasca period.
Most urn burials contained subadults in a seated and flexed (crouched) position inside pitch-
ers or cooking pots that were broken to receive the body. It appears that this form of burial first
appeared in the Middle Paracas period, becoming more popular in the Late Paracas and into the
Nasca culture.
Offerings associated with Late Paracas burials usually comprised ceramic vessels, obsidian points,
stone artefacts and shell beads. In the best-preserved contexts such as those at Mollake Chico and

74
 Paracas Funerary Practices in Palpa

(a)
2017

2017
1010 1025 (b)
N

0 5m

JAURANGA (PAP-150)

Unexcavated
area
1010
2007

U1 U4
Walls of the 1st construction phase
Walls of the 2nd construction phase
Walls of the 4th construction phase
Walls of the last construction phase
U2
Paracas Funerary Contexts
Nasca Funerary Contexts
1025 1035
1997

1997
(c)

Vasija 1
Vasija 1

Vasija 3
Vasija 2
N

0 25 cm
CF-77 CF-76

Figure 6.4. (a) Plan of the Paracas and Nasca funerary contexts at Jauranga. (b) Child burial
(2–4 years old) dating to the Ocucaje 5 phase, found in the earliest occupation layers at Jauranga
(PAP-150). (c) Two burials dating to Ocucaje phases 6–7 (CF-76 and 77) in extended positions
at the site of Jauranga (PAP-150). Both are women older than the age of 40.

Pinchango Viejo, more delicate objects were found: these include necklace beads, bone and wood
artefacts, fragments of cotton cloth, spindle whorls and gourds with burned decoration.
Finally, mention should be made of a group of Late Paracas funerary contexts from Jauranga,
which contained single or multiple individuals placed inside five rectangular chambers con-
structed from clay and adobes (Figure 6.7a). The chambers were low and placed side by side to
form a low platform built in a single constructive episode during the Ocucaje 8 period.
Three of the largest and best-constructed chambers contained between three and seven indi-
viduals (to include children and adults of both sexes) buried in extended and supine or laterally
flexed positions. Because of the small internal capacity of the chambers, the bodies were laid
alongside each other and even superimposed in two or three layers (Figure 6.7b).The bodies were
accompanied by between 5 and 15 ceramic vessels, positioned on top of the bodies and even atop
each other (Figure 6.7c). There were indications of intentional burning on the bodies and the
ceramic vessels as well as the internal walls of all three chambers. It should be noted that although

75
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

25
23

20
Numbers of tombs

15
12 12

10

5 4
3 3
1 1 1 1 1
0 0 0 0
0
Urns Pits Chambers Shafts Cremations
Type of burial

Early paracas Middle paracas Late paracas

Figure 6.5. Distribution of Paracas funerary contexts according to tomb type.

Figure 6.6. (a) Two extended Late Paracas burials (Ocucaje Phase 8) from Jauranga (PAP-150).
The first is a woman of ca. 45 years of age, the second a 4- to 8-year-old child. (b) A seated
Late Paracas burial from Pinchango Viejo (PAP-11). This was a woman aged 20–30 years (T-1,
south side).

76
 Paracas Funerary Practices in Palpa

Figure 6.7. (a) Jauranga: general view of the platform containing five chambers, which yielded
a number of single and multiple burials. (b) Plan of one of the funerary chambers (CF-67),
showing the shape and distribution of the human remains and associated offrenda. (c) Vessels
found as part of the offrenda associated with one of the burials in funerary chamber CF-67.

the skeletons were articulated, the burning distribution pattern does not match the so-called
‘pugilistic posture’ usually produced when a body is exposed to heat (Symes et al. 2008).
The colour and general appearance of the burned bones closely resembles that of remains
recovered from the Early Paracas tomb excavated at Mollake Chico, which are believed to have
been dry bones that were exposed to moderate temperatures for a short period of time (see Anal-
ysis and Discussion). The results of the analysis of these remains suggest that the contents of the
three chambers were briefly set alight as part of the funerary ritual, and that the individuals had
already been dead for some considerable time prior to the ceremony. The burning pattern and
the fact that the remains were articulated suggests that the individuals were either deposited in the
chamber well before the ceremony took place, or that they were brought from another location
in a mummified state to be incorporated into the ceremony. By contrast, the other two chambers
were smaller and simpler, each containing the remains of a single individual – one flexed and one
extended – both unaccompanied by grave goods and without evidence for burning.
We are therefore dealing with another unique Paracas context without parallels at any other
site on the southern coast, including a specially-built tomb structure, multiple burials and the
carrying-out of secondary ceremonial behaviour involving the use of fire.These phenomena may
indicate the interment of family groups or individuals linked by some form of shared ancestry, or
perhaps a common circumstance of death.
With reference to the latter, it is perhaps significant that a large proportion of the individu-
als interred in these chambers display traumatic lesions consistent with interpersonal violence
(Tomasto 2009). During the Late Paracas there is considerable evidence for the existence of mor-
tuary treatment variability between individuals, which may reflect differing social rank, status or
role in life.

77
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

Methodology

The variables considered in the analysis of funerary traditions were as follows:

• Burial Type: Single or multiple. The individuals from collective burials were included in the
analysis of biological characteristics, body position, body orientation and burial structure.
However, it was not possible to include them in the analysis of grave good associations
because of the difficulty of establishing an unequivocal link between specific individuals
and artefacts.
• Type of Funerary Structure: Four main categories were considered: simple pit burials, shaft
burials, pit burials in urns, and burials inside small adobe/clay chambers.
• Body Position: The classes of body position were as follows: extended with both legs also
extended (Extended 1), extended with flexed knees (Extended 2), extended lying on one
side (Extended 3), extended prone (Extended 4), flexed and lying on one side (Flexed) and
seated and flexed (Seated).
• Body Orientation: This variable is defined vertebrally – that is to say, the axis of the head in
relation to the feet. For example, if an individual is extended with their head to the east
and their feet to the west, then the orientation is E–W. If an individual is seated or flexed
and lying on one side, orientation data are taken for the head and the extreme other end
of the body. To produce an abbreviated record on the chart, only the second component is
recorded,Thus, in the preceding hypothetical example, the orientation on the graph would
be marked as W.
• Sex: This variable was assessed only for adults, in accordance with international conven-
tions on human skeletal recording systems (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994). Individuals that
could not be sexed were excluded from this analysis.
• Age: Age-at-death was calculated using standard methods (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994).
The sample was divided into age groups according to the work of Baker et al. (2005: 10),
Scheuer and Black (2000: 468) and Tomasto (1998: 42–48, 2005: 103). These groups were
used to create a mortality curve for the Late Paracas group. Where samples were smaller,
however, an adult/subadult dichotomy was employed.
• Other Biological Characteristics: Under this heading we assessed the presence of antemortem
traumatic lesions and their distribution across the skeleton. Depressed cranial lesions were
grouped into either possible suprainiac trepanations or general depressed fractures. Frac-
tures of the hands and feet were judged to be the result of everyday activities. Other groups
included rib fractures, clavicle fractures, defensive fractures of the ulna, Colles’ fractures
(accidental injuries to the wrist), Bennett fractures (the result of fist impacts) and other,
infrequent variants such as injury to the vertebral arch or the medial epicondyle of the
humerus, which have been grouped into a single miscellaneous category.
• Funerary Offerings: The classification of funerary offerings is invariably fraught with diffi-
culty owing to the analysts’ tendencies to colour their perceptions with personal opinions
and prejudices (Parker Pearson 2002). While bearing this in mind, as archaeologists we
are bound to make efforts to understand ancient behaviour and social definitions, and
to establish a referential framework that will allow us to successfully differentiate what is
‘normal’ from that which is not. As we do this, we should also recognise that the categories
and classifications we create will not necessarily echo those that guided ancient society,
and above all we must exercise caution as to the interpretations we derive from such a
classification.

Bearing the aforementioned in mind, therefore, we have created the following categories to clas-
sify funerary offerings: the number of ceramic vessels (plain and decorated), the form thereof,
shellfish (mussel shells, conches, crabs, sea urchins, clams, etc.), animal bones (camelids and guinea

78
 Paracas Funerary Practices in Palpa

pigs), beads, spindle whorls, obsidian/quartz flakes and points, other stone artefacts (grindstones
and polishers), minerals (clay and gypsum) and pigments.
We have used these variables to create a frequency distribution table that relates them to sex,
age and cultural group. In the case of trauma, we have compared trauma type against burial type
and period.

Analysis and Discussion

This section contains an analysis of various elements of the Paracas funerary contexts excavated at
Palpa. Owing to the comparatively small size of the sample and the potential for both sample size
increase and the improvement of analytical methods in the future, these results and the conclu-
sions we reach concerning Paracas funerary traditions should be considered to be preliminary.

Mortality Curve and Sex Distribution

Mortality curves and age-at-death considered by sex are valuable tools for assessing how represen-
tative an osteological sample may be. The majority of preindustrial populations have a U-shaped
mortality curve, with high infant mortality that decreases between the ages of 1 to 5 and then
drops to its lowest point at 10 to 15 (Weiss 1973: 26). The Late Paracas sample did not yield this
expected result, the lowest mortality being seen in the 1- to 7-year-old age group. There was also
a small rise in the 12- to 15-year-old range (Figure 6.8a).
This atypical result indicates either that the sample is biased by recovery and sampling, or that
it is a genuine reflection of funerary behaviour within the population. The results are also inter-
esting in that whereas Weiss (1973) postulates a 30% infant (<1 year) mortality rate in preindus-
trial groups, this sample’s figure of 15% is significantly lower; it also suggests that about half of the
individuals in this age group have not been preserved archaeologically. A similar finding was made
by Parker Pearson (2002: 103), whose analysis of a Yugoslavian Early Bronze Age site revealed a
tendency to bury children under the floors of houses, with only a small proportion interred in
the adult cemetery. Parker Pearson provides no conclusions as to the potential reasons for this,
and we have not attempted to do so for the current case. It is, however, notable in being the first
such observation that has been made for the Paracas culture.
In terms of sex distribution, one might expect an unbiased sample to contain equal propor-
tions of males and females (Weiss 1973: 58). In the current case women are underrepresented
(see Tomasto 2009: 148, fig. 9.4), although the high percentage of unsexed individuals makes this
finding tentative at best.

Burial Type

Most of the burials in this study were of single individuals, and this seems to have been standard
practice for all periods (Figure 6.8b). One double burial from the Early Paracas of Pernil Alto has
already been described in the preceding text, while two further double interments11 and a par-
tially looted triple burial12 have also been noted for the Late Paracas group. This period has also
produced three very unusual multiple contexts contained within adobe and clay chambers, and
these have already been described.13
It is thus apparent that the low frequency of multiple burials at Palpa differs markedly from the
Cavernas sites of the Paracas Peninsula (typically buried in the eponymous caverns and tombs in
Cerro Colorado), despite the fact that the latter is contemporary with Palpa’s Late Paracas occu-
pation (Tello and Mejía Xesspe 1979).This suggests that the funerary contexts at Palpa may repre-
sent a different social group from that interred on the Peninsula, despite sharing various aspects
of their material culture (i.e., ceramics).

79
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

(a) 0.25

0.2

0.15

0.1

0.05

0
a

a
<1

12

50
1–

–1

–2

–3

–4

–5
7–

>
12

15

20

30

40
(b) 100%

90%

80%

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0%
Early Paracas Middle Paracas Late Paracas
Individual Collective

(c) 100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Subadult Female Male Subadult Female Male

Early/Middle Paracas Late Paracas

Shafts Pits Urns Chambers

Figure 6.8. (a) Mortality curve for the Late Paracas remains. (b) Table showing single/multiple
burial distribution by period. (c) Individuals by period, arranged by structure type, sex
and age.

80
 Paracas Funerary Practices in Palpa

Type of Funerary Structure

Our analysis indicates that Early and Middle Paracas burials were almost exclusively interred
in pits and shafts14 (Figure 6.8c). However, the Late Paracas shows increased variability, includ-
ing burials in small adobe and clay chamber tombs, ceramic urns, shafts and simple pits. There
is no apparent relationship between tomb type and age/sex, except for a slightly increased
prevalence of urn burials among children. It should also be noted that one of the few adults
interred in an urn displayed clear signs of having been decapitated (cut-marks on the axis
[C2]), and also had an obsidian point among the ribs. None of the other adults buried in this
manner displayed anything unusual, but it may be the case that urn burials were reserved for
children and for some adults whose identity in life – or manner of death – was in some way
unusual.

Body Position

Like the aforementioned, the position of the body was comparatively uniform in the Early and
Middle Paracas periods, with greater variability in the Late Paracas group. The latter is character-
ised by increased frequency of seated and flexed burials, although some individuals are still buried
in the extended position typical of earlier periods. We should note the body-position differences
that exist between these interments and those from the Península, which – in the case of the
Cavernas phase at least – are usually in a seated position (Tello and Mejía Xesspe 1979).
The greatest level of Late Paracas body position variability was found in the subadult burials,
while the female burials were the most ‘conservative’ in terms of the highest popularity of earlier-
style extended burials (Figure 6.9a). It should be noted that burials pertaining to the chronolog-
ically subsequent cultural group – the Nasca – were arranged in seated and extended formats, in
the latter case with flexed legs (Isla 2001).

Body Orientation

As noted previously for structure type and body position, body orientation is more uniform in
the Early and Middle Paracas than for the Late Paracas (Figure 6.9b).There is a notable predomi-
nance of burials oriented north-west in the Early and Middle Paracas, while burials dating to the
Late Paracas are also oriented towards the north-east, south-east and south-west. There are no
examples of individuals oriented towards the north or south, but various oriented both east and
west. In the Late Paracas the subadult and female burials are more ‘conservative’ in the sense that
they are typically buried in the orientation that characterised earlier periods.
Although this is the case for the Paracas sites in Palpa, there is very little orientation data
available for the Peninsula and Ica. For the Nasca culture, studies suggest that burials were typi-
cally oriented towards the south, with a smaller proportion oriented to the west and south-west
(Carmichael 1995: 166).

Offerings

As stated previously, the main point to be made is that there is greater homogeneity visible in
Early and Middle Paracas burial contexts, although this is potentially an artefact of small sample
size. In the Late Paracas there was no apparent systematic distribution of plain/decorated ceram-
ics, and no apparent correspondence with age or with sex (Figure 6.10a). However, it was noted
that certain forms of vessels – cooking pots [ollas], pitchers [cántaros], bowls and bottles – did not
appear in any of the female burials.

81
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

(a) Body Position by Period, Sex and Age

100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%
Subadult Female Male Subadult Female Male

Early/Middle Paracas Late Paracas

Extended 1 Extended 2 Extended 3 Extended 4 Flexed Seated

(b)
100%

80%

60%

40%

20%

0%
Subadult Female Male Subadult Female Male

Early/Middle Paracas Late Paracas

NW NE SW SE W E

Figure 6.9. (a) Individuals by period, arranged by position, sex and age. (b) Individuals by period,
arranged by burial orientation, sex and age.

Conversely, the distribution of nonceramic offerings was somewhat different: pigments and
minerals were found exclusively in female burials, while obsidian flakes/points and ground-stone
artefacts such as mortars and polishers were found only in male graves (Figure 6.10a). In the
case of subadults, the sex-specific artefact classes previously mentioned are not found together
in individual graves, implying that gender-based differentiation within the society started in
infancy (Parker Pearson 2002). Another possibility is that the children buried in the adult ceme-
tery enjoyed some exalted status in life that granted them access to ‘gender-loaded’ artefacts from
a very early age.

Trauma

The last study we carried out was an analysis of skeletal trauma prevalence and type, considered
by period and burial format (Figure 6.10b). As before, the homogeneity of these variables in the
Early and Middle Paracas is notable. However, in the Late Paracas, most of the variability in terms
of trauma was found in those individuals buried in collective interments within the chambers
built into an adobe platform and then subjected to burning in situ. Interestingly, the trauma from

82
 (a) 100.00
90.00
80.00
70.00
60.00
50.00
40.00
30.00
20.00
10.00
0.00
Subadult Female Male Subadult Female Male
Early/Middle Paracas Late Paracas

No Ceramics Plain only Decorated only Plain/Decorated Other

60.00

50.00

40.00

30.00

20.00

10.00

0.00
Subadult Female Male Subadult Female Male
Early/Middle Paracas Late Paracas

Molluscs Animals Beads Pierced Seeds

Lithics Gourds Textiles Pigments Minerals

(b) 0.45

0.40

0.35

0.30

0.25

0.20

0.15

0.10

0.05

0.00
Individual Individual Collective

Middle Paracas Late Paracas

Suprainiac Foot or Hand Cranial (Depressed) Ribs Clavicle

Parry Bennett Colles Other

Figure 6.10. (a) Top: Graph showing ceramic vessel distribution. Bottom: Graph showing
distribution of nonceramic offrenda. (b) Distribution of trauma by period and burial type.
83
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

(a)

(b)

(c)

(d)

5 15
mm 10 20

Figure 6.11. Fractures in Late Paracas individuals. (a) Neck fracture of the left MT3 in a 30-
to 40-year-old man. Note the shortening compared to the right MT3. (b) Amputation of a
middle hand phalanx, with ankylosis between this and the proximal phalanx. Probable male. (c)
Distal phalanx fracture with angulation in the right great toe. Woman, older than 50 years of
age. (d) Skull with depressed frontal fracture, possibly indicative of interpersonal violence. This
individual was a young male, interred in a Late Paracas tomb with two other individuals.

the Early and Middle Paracas – and also the single burials from the Late Paracas – displayed the
same pattern of accidental rather than intentional trauma (Figures 6.11a–c). By contrast, the
remains from the multiple burials displayed several depressed cranial fractures (Figure 6.11d), ulnar
defence fractures and others more likely related to interpersonal violence rather than accidental
agency. This would tend to suggest that the individuals buried in these chambers come from a
specific sector of the population.

Summary and Concluding Remarks

The studies carried out by the Nazca-Palpa Archaeological Project in the Palpa Valleys have
brought to light new data concerning the development of the Paracas culture, which are more
numerous and diverse than any known for the region up until the present (Isla and Reindel
2008). The burial contexts – particularly those dating to the Late Paracas – are well represented

84
 Paracas Funerary Practices in Palpa

and preserve valuable information concerning the Paracas populations of the Palpa Valleys. A
sample of more than 60 funerary contexts has been scientifically excavated and analysed, and
although the size of the sample demands that we should be cautious about our conclusions, it is
a solid base upon which to build a framework to understand better the nature of Paracas mor-
tuary treatment.
The study has enabled us to identify certain common key elements that approximate to a stan-
dard burial format for this group. In basic terms, this involved single, extended burials located
inside pits and shafts that were dug into natural sediments or abandoned buildings.This pattern is
common to all periods. Seated and/or flexed individuals only occur in the Late Paracas, a period
in which there is considerable variability in terms of funerary behaviour, including the introduc-
tion of urn burials and adobe/clay chamber tombs. Individuals were also buried in a variety of
orientations, unlike in earlier periods, when most burials were oriented towards the north-west.
It is thus apparent that multiple burials like those excavated at Jauranga constitute unusual
cases, and that are in turn also distinct from the multiple burials found in the cemeteries on
the Paracas Peninsula (Tello and Mejía Xesspe 1979). The same can be said of the funerary con-
text at Mollake Chico, which contained the incomplete and burned remains of 17 individuals,
which indubitably were gathered from other locations, grouped together and deposited during
phase Ocucaje 3. It would thus seem that these cases are exceptions to the standardised burial
conventions of the period, and the significance of these shall doubtless become apparent with
new discoveries.
Although the associated grave goods do not demonstrate a great deal of variation, there are
certain differences in terms of the quantity and quality of the goods that serve as indicators of
social differences between individuals and groups. This is particularly true of the chamber tombs
excavated at Jauranga, where the same funerary complex yielded some individuals buried with
numerous ceramic vessels, and others with none. It may be that those buried in multiple inter-
ments represent families or groups of shared ancestry, while the associated single interments
represent individuals in their service.
However, when considering the apparently exclusive nature of certain offerings in relation to
sex or age, these matters remain somewhat difficult to interpret with certainty. In any case, the
offerings may reflect the objects used by the deceased in life, as a symbol of masculinity or femi-
ninity, or perhaps as elements vital to the voyage to the afterlife.
In summary, it is clear from the foregoing that the Paracas burials at Palpa refer to different
social groups from those interred on the Peninsula, with which little more than general pottery
styles are shared. One might attribute the evident variability in Late Paracas funerary behaviour
to changes that occurred on the South Coast towards the end of the Formative, and that may be
related to the influence of the Topará culture from the Cañete and Chincha valleys in the south.
According to some investigators (Paul 1991; Silverman 1991; Peters pers. comm. 2007), the fusion
of Paracas and Topará cultures gave rise to the Nasca culture, the funerary contexts of which have
various elements in common with Palpa’s Late Paracas tombs. It should also be noted that the
tumultuous transition to the Middle Horizon on the north coast saw great variability in terms of
funerary behaviour (Castillo 2003).
In general conclusion, it may be said that Paracas funerary practices are much more variable
than was previously believed. In addition to the differences between the Palpa burials and those
from the Península, there is a great deal of variability even within the Palpa sample: notably
the multiple burials with signs of burning, the high prevalence of antemortem interpersonal vio-
lence fractures that these individuals displayed, the infant (<1 year) burials in the adult cemetery,
the subadults accompanied by gender-loaded artefacts as grave goods and the adults buried in
urns. These are all new findings for the region, and provide new perspectives on Paracas funerary
practices. It is hoped that continued investigations in the area – which has proven to contain a
wealth of detailed information – will resolve any unanswered questions about the burial practices
of this fascinating culture.

85
Elsa Tomasto-Cagigao, Markus Reindel and Johny Isla

Notes

1. The Paracas culture developed between 800 and 150 b.c., and corresponds to the Early Horizon
(Rowe 1962) or the Formative Period (Lumbreras 1974a, 1981), during which time it achieved a
notable socioeconomic and political development.
2. The Paracas Cavernas phase is comparable with Ocucaje phases 8 and 9 of Menzel and colleagues’
scheme (1964), while the Paracas Necropolis phase relates to Ocucaje phase 10.
3. The ceramics in question are from various private collections and surface surveys, and were classified
into four main groups: Paracas T1, T2, T3 and T4 (Menzel 1971).
4. Absolute dates related to this relative chronology were obtained during the excavations in different
Paracas sites located in the Palpa Valleys (see Unkel et al. 2007).
5. Based on a review of ceramics collected by Engel at Disco Verde, Puerto Nuevo and Karwas, and a
survey of sites in Bahía de Paracas and Bahía de la Independencia (García and Pinilla 1995).
6. The Nasca–Palpa Project was sponsored by the Swiss Liechtenstein Foundation for Archaeological
Research Abroad (SLSA) and is currently supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education
and Science (BMBF) and the Commission for Extra-European Cultures (KAAK) of the German
Archaeological Institute (DAI).
7. The ceramics recovered from Palpa settlements and cemeteries demonstrate various traits character-
istic of the Ica valley and the Paracas Peninsula, and are here interpreted using the sequence proposed
by Menzel et al. (1964). No more refined conclusions concerning trait regionalisation and so forth
can be made until further analyses are carried out.
8. The site of Mollake Chico appears – on the basis of surface collection data – to be a large terraced
site dating from the Transitional to Late Nasca periods.
9. The vessels recovered from this tomb show clear signs of Chavín influence on the southern coast, a
phenomenon that is still underexplored and poorly understood (García and Pinilla 1995).
10. In recent years, an important Archaic occupation with structures (Reindel 2009) and associated
burials (Isla 2009; Isla and Reindel 2010) was located beneath Initial period structures at the PAP-
266 site.
11. A young adult and an infant and a man and a woman, respectively.
12. Containing the skeleton of a young adult and the incomplete remains of a child and an adolescent
13. The funerary context from Mollake Chico was not considered to be a multiple burial in light of the
fact that it contained fragmentary individuals which clearly came from earlier burials.
14. The only known urn burial pertains to a child dating to the Middle Paracas period.

86
 Chapter 7

When the Dead Speak in Moche

Funerary Customs in an Architectural
Complex Associated with the Huaca del
Sol and the Huaca de la Luna
Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

Introduction

The archaeological phenomenon known as the Moche or Mochica is a pre-Inca cultural ­complex
based on the northern coast of modern-day Perú, dating from the early first millennium a.d. to
the middle of the ninth century a.d. What was believed – until the 1980s – to be a monolithic,
centralised Moche state (Larco Hoyle 1945a) has, in recent years, been revealed to be a series of
politically independent yet ideologically connected entities (Bawden 1995; Castillo and Donnan
1994) of varying social complexity (Castillo and Uceda 2008).This social variability is particularly
clearly visible in their funerary customs (Kaulicke 2001b: 245).
The Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna complex is considered to be one of the most impor-
tant Moche sites, perhaps the capital of what has become known as the Southern Moche State
(Castillo and Donnan 1994). This would have been based in the valleys of Chicama and Moche,
which would have comprised the Moche Heartland prior to their golden-age expansion towards
the Chao,Virú, Santa and Nepeña Valleys towards the south.
The remains of the former city of the Huacas del Sol and de la Luna are located in the south-
ern portion of the Moche Valley, 6 km from the coast and 5 km from the modern city of Trujillo.
The city sits to the west of the Moche River and east of the mythical Cerro Blanco. Although the
site has been intensively studied since the end of the nineteenth century (Uhle 1915; Topic 1977),
it has received the most systematic attention since 1991 through the Huaca de la Luna Project,
based in the Faculty of Social Sciences, National University of Trujillo.
The project has surveyed the area – which covers about 750,000 m2 – and has identified three
major elements: the Huaca del Sol, the Huaca de la Luna and the urban nucleus.
The Huaca del Sol is located to the extreme west of the city. It is an adobe-built pyramidal
structure that grew to 345 m long, 160 m wide and 30 m tall, making it one of the largest mud-
brick temples in the Americas. The Huaca de la Luna is an architectural complex made up of
two adobe temples situated at the foot of the Cerro Blanco, to the extreme east of the city. The
Templo Viejo [Old Temple] – which comprises two platforms and three plazas – has an area of

87
Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

(a)

(b)

Figure 7.1. (a) General map of the site, with detail showing the location of CA35. (b) Aerial
photograph of CA35.

31.806 m2; its most prominent feature is Platform 1, which is a stepped pyramid with 100-m-long
sides and a maximum height of 24 m, oriented along a north–south axis. The Templo Nuevo
[New Temple] is comprised of a terraced platform and perhaps a plaza, and is located directly
east of the Templo Viejo, arranged along an east–west axis. Research work on this temple is still
at a preliminary stage. The walls of both temples were extravagantly decorated with polychrome

88
 When the Dead Speak in Moche

iconographic motifs. Finally, the urban nucleus is located on the plain between the two mounds,
and was the residential, commercial, administrative and social focus for the site (Figure 7.1a).
Moche tombs have been described in almost every publication concerning the site. How-
ever, the first major study of Moche funerary customs was carried out by Donnan and Mackey
(1978) who published on ancient funerary customs in the Moche valley, including the Huacas
del Sol and de la Luna; Tello et al. (2003) subsequently carried out a comparative study of Moche
funerary practices in the ‘Urban Nucleus’ and the Huaca de la Luna, excavated between 1991
and 1998.
To address our stated aims, we used a sample of tombs from architectural unit 35 (CA35).
This group of tombs is of fundamental importance for the issue at hand, as CA35 is one of the
most intensively excavated units in the Urban Nucleus; it is also notable for possessing the larg-
est number of tombs, which are closely grouped within its circumscribed limits. Furthermore,
the grouping is believed to pertain to a familial unit living in an elite Moche residence over a
prolonged period of time. The total area of the unit is 495 m2; it is situated in the central area
of the Urban Nucleus, about 120 m west of the Ancient Temple of Huaca de la Luna. It was
studied between 2000 and 2005 (Seoane et al. 2006; Tello et al. 2004, 2005, 2006, 2008). Most of
its area has been excavated down to the sixth layer of occupation, except for area 35-5, which
bottomed-out 8 m beneath ground surface. The sequence represents 13 occupation layers con-
taining ceramics pertaining to Moche styles II, III and IV. Context CA35 is divided into two
sections by a thick wall; subcontext 1 (East) has been defined as a public, administrative area,
while subcontext 2 (West) seems to have been dedicated to residential occupation and chicha
production. It is probable that – during Moche period IV at least – CA35 formed part of an
architectural unit with areas CA 17 and 21 (Chiguala et al. 2006: 199); the latter have been iden-
tified as craft production areas,1 probably operating under the aegis of the inhabitants of CA35.2
The horizontal limits of area CA35 did not change throughout the last six occupation layers;
as such, it is very probable that that this architectural unit was used by the same social group
throughout its history. This temporal trend explains this area’s importance to the current study3
(Figure 7.1b).
The results obtained have allowed us to characterise standards for ‘typical’ Moche burials (Don-
nan and Mackey 1978), and also a range of variants. Some of the characteristics observed in our
sample closely echo ethnohistorical observations of mortuary behaviour made by contact-period
European chroniclers among the populations of the North Coast.

The Tombs and Associations

The sample from this architectural complex consists of 25 tombs pertaining to occupation lay-
ers 7 to 1, and associated with Moche ceramic styles III and IV (Figure 7.2). Radiocarbon dates
obtained from the urban complex indicate that Moche III range between a.d. 240 and 600
(Uceda et al. 2007). Eighteen tombs date to this period; the seven Moche IV tombs were dated
to between a.d. 600 and 850, the date of the site’s abandonment. No tombs predating level 7 have
so far been discovered, possibly because CA35 has not yet been fully excavated.

Structural Characteristics of the Tombs

The CA35 tombs have been classified according to their method of construction, and are either
shaft tombs or chamber tombs; this follows the classification system used previously in the Urban
Nucleus and Huaca de la Luna (Tello et al. 2003: 154–155). A scatterplot analysis of tomb type
across a ‘+’ grid indicates the presence of four tomb subtypes in CA35: (1) single individual shaft
tombs; (2) multiple individual shaft tombs; (3) single individual chamber tombs; and (4) multiple
individual chamber tombs (CG).

89
90

ROOM 35–1 ROOM 35–5 ROOM 35–7 ROOM 35–9 ROOM 35–10
ROOM 35–12 ROOM 35–13
FLOOR 1 FLOOR 1
1 2
FLOOR 2 FLOOR 2
8 5 6 7A 15
FLOOR 3 FLOOR 3
16 3 4
FLOOR 4 FLOOR 4
18 7B 19 21 22 24
FLOOR 5 FLOOR 5
23 9 20
FLOOR 6 FLOOR 6
14 10 11 12 25

FLOOR 7
13
FLOOR 8
FLOOR 9
FLOOR 10
FLOOR 11
FLOOR 12

MOCHE III TOMB

MOCHE IV TOMB

Figure 7.2. The tombs in CA35.

 When the Dead Speak in Moche

Shaft Tombs
The shaft tombs are structurally simple. The sample includes 20 tombs, of which 18 are single-
interment and 2 are multiple-interment (Table 7.1). They comprise pits of variable size and
shape – usually oblong – dug into the earth. Some have a V-shaped base, probably owing to the
shape of the implement used to excavate them.Their construction necessitated breaking through
various floors and accompanying fills.
The main variable determining shaft size is the number of individuals interred therein; the
largest tombs therefore pertain to the multiple-burial subgroup. However, the determining fac-
tor responsible for size variation in individual tombs is uncertain, although rank or status – as
ascertained by quantity/quality of offerings – would appear to be more important than other
variables such as physical size, sex or age. For example, the tomb containing the most ceramics
(tomb 23) pertained to a child of 9 to 12 months of age, and measured 200 × 150 × 62 cm. The
shaft of tomb 11, which also contained an infant of between 8 and 16 months of age, was only
65 × 37 × 30 cm in size, while the tomb of the tallest individual (tomb 20) contained only a single
ceramic vessel and measured 170 × 70 × 56 cm.
A ‘classic’ example of the shaft tomb is provided by tomb 4 (Figure 7.3), which is of the
single-individual shaft-tomb subgroup. It is associated with floor 3 (Moche III) and measures
170 × 70 × 56 cm. The body was interred in a supine position, with the head towards the south
and the feet towards the north. The skull was slightly tilted towards the left shoulder, looking
towards the west. Both arms and legs were extended; the position of the shoulders and limbs
suggests the original presence of a coffin. The individual was an older adult, possibly female, and
measured about 153.3 cm (± 3.82 cm) in height. Grave goods included a bottle placed on the
feet, a thick strip of copper in the mouth, a thin strip of copper on the pelvis (associated with
the left hand) and a camelid metapodial directly beside the left tibia (Tello and Delabarde 2008:
133–134).

Chamber Tombs
These are structurally the most complex tombs. They are so named because they are formed by
four low adobe walls built inside a pit; the walls never reach the lip of the pit.The four walls unite
to form a parallelogram-shaped enclosure, which is the main focus of the tomb. To create this
form, it would have been necessary to excavate a pit, breaking through a series of architectural
features and fills in the process.
In our sample, five tombs have been recorded, one of which is a single burial chamber tomb
(tomb 5); the remaining four are group burial chamber tombs (Table 7.1). Three of the chamber
tombs in CA35 (tombs 9, 10 and 14; Moche stylistic phase III) were capped by roofs made from
‘algarrobo’ (Prosopis pallida) or ‘caña de guayaquil’ (Guadua angustifolia) beams running lengthwise
along the tomb, the ends resting on the northern and southern walls.The beams supported a layer
of ‘caña brava’ (Gynerium sagittatum), placed perpendicular to the orientation of the beams. This
was finished off with a layer of adobes, the entire structure then being covered over with a layer
of fill (between 20 and 97 cm thick) until ground level was reached.The final fill was a compacted
layer of earth and adobes, both intact and fragmented. Tello and Delabarde (2008: 147) speculate
that the fill was dampened and trodden down following its deposition. In the other two cases
(tombs 5 and 6, Moche stylistic phase IV), the chambers were simply sealed using the backfill
from the pit and then a floor, without recourse to roof construction (Table 7.1). The adobes in
the walls that form the chamber are usually arranged lengthways, the one exception being tomb
10’s chambers (Figure 7.4), which had niches in the east and west walls, the adobes being placed
both flat and vertically. The walls of the chamber were plastered with clay; there was no evidence
for painting.The chamber bases were composed of a tamped-down layer of clay resting on a layer
of sand, or earth and sand.

91
 Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

Table 7.1. Tomb Types

Tomb Constructive Features

Style Floor Comments
No. Subtype Measurements (cm)

7 13 Single pit 71 × 20 × 38

12 Single pit 160 × 72 × 45

25 Single pit 175 × 65

14 Multiple P-257 × 178 × 125 Moche postmortem manipulation

chamber C-226 × 140× 85
6 Moche postmortem manipulation

11 Single pit 65 × 37 × 30

10 Multiple P-210 × 167 × 167 Moche postmortem manipulation

chamber C-225× 93× 70
Moche postmortem manipulation

9 Multiple P-180 × 120 × 108 Moche postmortem manipulation

chamber C-116 × 60 × 88
Moche postmortem manipulation
5
Moche III 20 Single pit 196 × 50

23 Single pit 150 × 200 × 62 Moche postmortem manipulation

18 Single pit 180 × 75

19 Single pit 80 × 35

21 Single pit 90 × 50 × 42
4
22 Single pit 100 × 58 × 35

24 Single pit Disturbed in modern times

7B Multiple pit 200 × 85 × ?

16 Single pit 100 × 42 × 40

3 3 Single pit Disturbed in modern times

4 Single pit 170 × 70 × 56 Moche postmortem manipulation?

92
 When the Dead Speak in Moche

Tomb Constructive Features

Style Floor Comments
No. Subtype Measurements (cm)

5 Single 180 × 87 × 65
chamber

8 Single pit 200 × 93 × 75 Disturbed in modern times

2 15 Single pit 62 × 29 × 42 Disturbed in modern times

Moche IV 6 Multiple 210 × 100 × 65

chamber

7A Multiple pit 200 × 85 × ? Moche postmortem manipulation

1 Single pit 180 × 80 × 70 Disturbed in modern times

1
2 Single pit 180 × 65 × 90 Disturbed in modern times
P-pit / C-chamber

Figure 7.3. Plan and photograph of tomb 4 (‘individual pit grave’).

The size of the chambers varies considerably, and does not seem to be determined by any one
variable. The smallest chamber (tomb 9), which pertains to the multiple-burial chamber-tomb
subgroup, has interior measurements of 116 × 60 cm, and 88 cm in depth. The largest tomb
(tomb 14) – which pertains to the same subgroup – measures 226 × 140 cm, and 85 cm deep.

93
Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

(a) N.M. N.G. 18S

15E
(b) N.M.
N.G.
18S

21° 21°
15E

15S 15S 15S 15S

16E 15E 16E 15E

0 .50 1m 0 .50 1m

(c) N.M.
N.G.
18S
(d)
21° 15E

.
21° N.G
.
N.M

S
15

E
15

15S 15S
16E 15E

HORNACINA
0 .50 1m
V = VASIJA

Figure 7.4. Tomb 10. (a) Plan of part of the roof. (b) Plan showing the distribution of osteological
remains and ceramics in the chamber. (c) Plan showing the location of niches in the chamber.
(d) Isometric reconstruction of the chamber.

Tomb 14 has been classified as a ‘classic’ chamber tomb, and comprises a chamber of adobes
inside a pit dug down from floor 6. The pit measures 257 × 178 cm, and is 125 cm deep. The
internal chamber is 226 × 140 × 85 cm, the floor made up of a 5-cm-thick layer of compacted
earth. The chamber contains the remains of three individuals, one of which is the original burial,
while the other two are reburials.The chamber was filled with semi-compacted sand, mixed with
fragments of flooring, broken adobes and fragments of cultural material.The roof was constructed
from three ‘cañas de guayaquil’ beams oriented along the length of the tomb and supported by
the northern and southern walls, covered transversely with woven ‘caña brava’ and finally topped
off with a layer of adobes. The roof was sealed with a layer of fill, comprising earth and fragments
of adobes (Tello 2003: 179–184) (Figure 7.5).

94
 When the Dead Speak in Moche

(a) (b)
10S

9S

INDIVIDUAL 2

INDIVIDUAL 3

8S

INDIVIDUAL 1

0 1m

Figure 7.5. Tomb 14. (a) Plan of part of the roof. (b) Plan showing the distribution of osteological
remains and ceramics.

The Burial Process

The ethnohistoric data recorded by the colonial chroniclers indicate that Andean societies treated
the death of an individual as an important event for both the family and the community at large,
and reflected the deceased’s social status.This affected the duration of the celebrations, where and
with what they were buried, the number of assistants required, and much else.
We do not know at which point the body was shrouded and/or placed in a coffin. From a short
note by Bartolomé de las Casas (1939 [1550], chapter XV), during the wake the body was “...dressed
in new clothing and dress every day, over those that it already wore, without removing any...” we can
perhaps deduce that shrouding or placing the deceased in a coffin was the last step in the process.
After the wake – which could last several days depending on the deceased’s social status4 – the
burial would take place. The deceased was taken in a procession of family and friends towards
the tomb; according to Bernabé Cobo (1964 [1653], Book 2, chapter XIX: 273–274): “friends
and family celebrated the rites as they accompanied the dead person towards the tomb with
mournful songs, dances and drinking, which would last for longer according to the quality of
the deceased”.
In the case of shaft tombs, the burial process appears relatively simple. One or more of the
gravediggers dug the pit until it reached the required dimensions.5 The deceased (one or more)
were then deposited, along with their burial goods and appropriate offerings. Finally, the grave-
diggers filled in the shaft with earth; they might also seal the mouth of the shaft with a plaster or
stone floor.
To construct a chamber tomb, the gravediggers dug a pit until the required dimensions had
been reached, then constructed four walls inside it to create a parallelogram-shaped chamber.The
arrangement of the adobes was somewhat variable. The base of the chamber was levelled using
clay, followed by the deposition of the body/bodies, and associated cultural materials. Moche III
chamber tombs at CA35 were refilled to the base of the main chamber, followed by roof con-
struction, and then further refilled until ground level was reached. Moche IV chamber tombs
were refilled to ground level without any artificial roofing.

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Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

This ‘classic’ process is present in two variants in CA35; the main distinction is contexts in
which the corpses were interred outside the chamber, but within the pit6 (tombs 5 and 6). In the
case of tomb 5, the human ‘offering’ was buried into the matrix at the base of the pit, and was
then covered over to form the floor of the chamber. The walls were then constructed atop this
layer, the body being placed between them. The process is the same for tomb 6, except that both
the main interment and the human ‘offerings’ are placed together within the main chamber.7

Associations

Funerary cultural artefacts and behaviours can be divided into those with direct or indirect
association with the body. There are contact-period accounts of elite burial customs, from which
much can be gleaned. The most important elite tombs contained the deceased’s wives, servants,
clothes, ornaments, metal objects, weapons, official regalia, food, chicha, and so forth. A detailed
description of contemporary burial customs is provided by Bernabé Cobo and reproduced here:

... seasoned and composed of the most precious clothing, of all the jewels and trappings
with which they bedecked themselves in life, the weapons they used in war, and often the
instruments of the offices they had exercised in life, such as, if a fisherman, with his nets and
other such devices; and thus with other offices. They placed food and drink upon the body;
and with the chieftains and lords they were wont to bury some of their most beloved wives
and children; of these, some were drowned first and were buried dead, while others, having
first made them drunk, were placed alive in the tomb, which many voluntarily offered to do.
(Cobo 1964 [1653], Book 2, chapter XIX: 274)

Objects in Direct Association

This includes all items that were in direct association with the body, including items in the
mouth, the hands and on other parts of the body: this includes masks, necklaces, ear and nose
ornaments and any other such items deliberately placed in specific areas or – at least – included
within the coffin or mummy wrappings (Kaulicke 2001b: 91) (see Table 7.2).
Metal Ornaments
Most of the ornaments accompanying the deceased were made from metal, primarily copper.
Only seven of the tombs yielded recognisable complete (or nearly complete) metal artefacts,
including the remains of masks, nose ornaments, earrings, pendants, necklaces and knives, as
well as beads, plates and discs that were originally parts of other, larger items. The richest tomb
in terms of metal artefacts was tomb 9, associated with Moche ceramic phase III, and which
included 2 gold earrings; a necklace made up of 12 large gilded copper beads in the shape of owls;
an elongated gilt copper bead; a pair of elongated, perforated gilded copper plates and a group
of small gilded copper discs. Small discs and four small, globular objects were found beneath the
hand of the main interred individual (Figures 7.6a, b).
Fragments of Metal, Ceramic and Shell
We often found pieces of copper (thick and thin strips and fragments, small, intact pieces and
fragments thereof, sometimes folded-over, and so forth) in the mouth of the deceased, some-
times first being wrapped in fragment of cotton textile. These items were deliberately folded
or broken before being placed in the tombs. According to Donnan and Mackey (1978: 86), this
custom “...is an extension of the Salinar and Gallinazo practice of placing metal objects in the
mouth”, a tradition that is commonly reiterated in subsequent Prehispanic cultures. However, its
symbolic significance, in the Moche world at least, is unknown.8 According to Padre Calancha
(1974–1981 [1638], Book 2, chapter XII: 853–854), this custom was still extant some decades after
the conquest:

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 Table 7.2. Tomb Associations

Tomb Direct Associations Indirect Associations

Sherds Metal Bent and/or Broken

Style Floor Tomb No. Ceramics Others Ceramics Animals Others
Location Ornaments Copper Objects

7 13 F, rH, lL, Fc X X

12 L 2 X
25 X 4 X
6 14 X M, H 8 X
11 X 1
10 X 32 X
9 X M, rH, T X 5 X X
5 20 M, lH 1
Moche III 23 5 P X T 4 X
18 rF, lH, Fc X
19 H, T, rL X
21 M, rH 1 X
4
22 P X X
24
7B M, lH 9 X X
16 3
3 3 M, rH, Fc 3 X
4 M, P 1 X
97

(continued )
 Table 7.2 (continued)
98

Tomb Direct Associations Indirect Associations

Sherds Metal Bent and/or Broken

Style Floor Tomb No. Ceramics Others Ceramics Animals Others
Location Ornaments Copper Objects

5 X M X 44 X X
8 B, rH 4 X X
2 15
Moche IV 6 X lH 13 X
7A X rH 3 X X
1 X ni
1
2 ni X

Note: l = left; F = forearm ; P= pelvis ; Fc = face; r = right; M = mouth; L= legs; H = hands; T = thorax; Fe = feet.
 When the Dead Speak in Moche

Figure 7.6. (a) View of the assemblage pertaining to the principal interment in tomb 9. (b) Metal
ornaments from tomb 9. a, Gold ear ornaments; b, cone-shaped pendant; c, elongated flat object
with various piercings.

In the first years of their conversion they exhumed their dead from the churches or cem-
eteries in order to bury them in their huacas, or hills or plains, or in their own houses, and
having done so they drink, dance and sing, bringing together their relatives and associates,
and as before they placed gold and silver in their mouths, and new clothing under the
shroud, to serve them in the other life. This superstition was banned by the Second Liman
Council of 1567 (...).

The mouth is not the only site to receive offrenda of small objects or metal fragments; they
were also placed on forearms, hands, thorax, pelvis, legs and feet. This custom does not seem to
be affected by the age or sex of the individual, but – in CA35 at least – by the funerary status
of the deceased: at least 12 of the 36 individuals had metal offrenda on their bodies, but none of
these was a companion or ‘offering’. From this we might conclude that this custom is associated
with the main individual in each interment, and thus a statement of prestige. Another apparently
analogous custom involves placing offerings of ceramic (rather than metal) on the individual, but
this appears – in CA35 at least – only in shaft tombs (Figure 7.7). One of the interred individuals
is holding shells in their hands (see Table 7.2).
Cinnabar
Although the use of cinnabar (mercury sulphide) for funerary purposes was known throughout
the Andean area, it is not common to all mortuary contexts. In the Huacas del Sol and de la Luna
a red pigment has been found in skeletal remains, coffins, wrappings, associated deposits (ceramic,
metals, gourds) and even ritual architectural contexts, and has been identified as cinnabar.9 In the
specific case of CA35, it was found in two tombs: tomb 5 (right radius of main individual) and
tomb 19 (cervical vertebrae).
Other
In addition to the foregoing, we also recovered stone and bone beads from the tombs; these are
likely to be the remains of necklaces.

Indirect Associations
This group includes offerings that are inside the funerary structure yet separated from the interred
individual (Kaulicke 2001b). It particularly includes ceramic vessels and animals, notably camelids
(see Table 7.2).

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Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

0 20 cm

CERAMIC SHERDS
Figure 7.7. Tomb 13. Associated ceramic fragments.

Ceramic Objects
One hundred and forty three ceramic vessels were recovered, pertaining to Moche phases III (n =
79) and IV (n = 64).The most recurrent forms are bottles and jugs/pitchers.10 Almost all the pieces
were of fine manufacture; the quality of the ceramic is generally good. However, the ceramics
from Moche III tombs (Figures 7.8a–i) are better finished than those from any of the Moche IV
tombs (Figures 7.8j–r). Qualitatively, the pieces recorded tend to be fine sculptural and/or picto-
graphic vessels, of limited practical use. There is only one example of a tomb containing a vessel
designed for domestic usage: a cooking pot (in tomb 23, which contained an infant).11
We are currently unsure as to whether these ceramic objects were specifically made for the
tomb, or if they were used by the deceased person during his or her lifetime. In their study of
tombs from the Urban Nucleus and Huaca de la Luna, Tello and colleagues (2003: 163) state
that only some of the ceramic offrenda – of the highest quality – showed evidence of having
been used; in most cases, the items were evidently unused, the implication being that they were
manufactured specifically for burial. A series of crude vessels in some Moche IV tombs in the
Uhle Platform (Chauchat and Gutiérrez 2006, 2008) also suggests a tendency to create vessels for
funerary purposes.
In most cases, Moche III and IV shaft tombs contain between 1 and 4 ceramic vessels.The two
exceptions are tombs 7B and 23 (9 vessels in each). Tomb 23 contained one cooking pot, one
sculptural stirrup-handle bottle, two pitchers and five miniatures.12 The cooking pot and min-
iatures are a unique finding in this group of tombs. The chamber tombs were found to contain
the largest quantity of ceramics: in general terms, the number of ceramic objects in this type of
tomb was found to be highly variable, and was unaffected by the number of interred individu-
als. For example, tomb 5 contained the largest number of ceramic offrenda, totalling 44 items

100
 (a) (b) (c) (d)

(e) (f) (g) (h) (i)

(j) (k) (l)

(m) (n) (o)

(p) (q) (r)

Figure 7.8. (a–i) Sample of ceramic vessels from Moche III tombs in CA35. (a) Stirrup-spout vessel
with pictographic decoration. (b) Sculptural stirrup-spout vessel. (c) Jug with pictographic
decoration. (d) Sculptural jug. (e) Bowl. (f) Canchero. (g) Jar. (h) Crucible. (i) Miniature
sculptural vessel. (j–r) Sample of ceramic ítems from Moche IV tombs in CA35: (j) Bottle
with laterally positioned handle; (k) Jug with sculptural decoration; (l) Jug with pictographic
decoration; (m) Vase; (n) Bowl; (o) Canchero; (p) Whistle; (q) Pututo; (r) Spindle whorl.

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Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

a­ ssociated with a single individual; a human ‘offering’ was deposited below the main interment,
but had no associated ceramics. However, chamber tomb 14 – which contained the remains of
three ­individuals – yielded only eight ceramic vessels.
Only tombs 13, 18, 19, 21 and 2213 did not contain ceramic vessels as part of the funerary
deposit. The graves in question were shaft tombs containing infants, and three of them pertained
to the same occupation floor (tombs 18, 19 and 22, and floor 4). These four infants were directly
accompanied by fragments of pottery, seemingly in a manner analogous with the placing of metal
sheets and fragments on the body, as we have seen.
Animal Offerings
Fourteen tombs contained offerings of animals; 12 of these were camelids, the other 2 a rodent
(probably a guinea pig: Cavia porcellus) and an unidentified species of fish. The most frequently
recovered body parts of the camelids were the skull, mandible, vertebrae, ribs and extremities.
It would appear that many of these animal offerings had not performed an alimentary function
within the framework of Moche mortuary behaviour, as observed by Donnan and Mackey (1978:
210). Goepfert’s recent analysis of animal offerings from tombs on Uhle’s funerary platform (to
the west of the old temple of Huaca de la Luna) corroborated Donnan and Mackey’s earlier work,
making use of iconographic and ethnographic data, a function of psychopomp: “. ..that is to say,
that the animal helps to take their deceased’s soul to the underworld” (Goepfert 2008: 240). This
would seem to be a reasonable assumption for the camelids at least, as iconographic representa-
tions have been recovered that show them transporting skeletons to the world below.
Other objects found in tombs include worked stones and fragments of quartz.

The Buried Individuals and Their Postmortem Treatment

A total of 36 individuals were recovered from the different tombs excavated from CA35.

Orientation

The most common orientation was south–north, which is typical for Moche burials at the site;
specifically, the body is laid out with the head to the south and the feet to the north; four east–
west cases were also recovered.The south–north orientation occurs in all occupation layers where
tombs were found. The orientation of the skull appears to be irrelevant; individuals have been
found facing straight ahead, east and west, with no apparent patterning (Table 7.3).

Position

The most common position is dorsal supine (‘DD’), with the upper and lower extremities
extended. In the majority of cases, the upper extremities are pulled in to the level of the pelvis,
while the feet are usually folded over one another.That said, there is considerable variation in the
position of both the hands and the feet. The hands may be by the sides and parallel with the long
axis of the body (level with the femur), folded onto the chest, or one beneath the body and the
other on the pelvis. The lower extremities are usually either fully extended with the feet parallel
to one another, or slightly flexed.
DD was found in 21/36 (60%) of all burials recovered from CA35; this was seemingly the pre-
ferred burial position for all occupation layers. Less common variants included dorsolateral prone
(DDL), leaning to either left or right, ventral-prone (DV), seated flexed (SIT) and right-leaning
supine and right ventral–lateral-prone, with legs hyper-flexed (DVLd) (see Table 7.3).
Ventral-prone (DV) was not found in any of the Moche stylistic phase III tombs in our sam-
ple, and appeared only in Moche IV tombs. In the three cases we have, the individuals were

102
 Table 7.3. Body Treatment

Tomb Burial Biological Features Wrapped Bundle and/or

Cinnabar
No. Orientation Position Period Sex Age Height (cm) Cane Coffin

13 E–W DD Infant ? 9 months (±3) X

12 S–N DDL Infant ? 18 months (±6) X

25 S–N DD Infant ? 2–4 years
14 S–N DD Adult M 25–35 years X
DD Infant ? 9 months (±3) X
DDL Infant ? 9 months (±3)
11 E–W DD Infant ? 12 months (±4) X
10 S–N Infant ? 10–14 years
S–N Adult M
Adult F
9 S–N SIT Adult M 30–35 years 162.2 (±3.42) X
SIT Adult F 15–20 years 140.9 (±3.82) naked
20 S–N DD Adult M 40–55 years 161 (± 3.4)
23 S–N DD Infant ? 6 months X: tinaja
18 S–N DDL Infant ? 12–18 months
19 S–N DD Infant ? 9–12 months neck
21 S–N DD Infant ? 2 years
22 S–N DD Infant ? 9–12 months
24 S–N DD Infant ? 12 months
103

(continued )
 Table 7.3 (continued)
104

Tomb Burial Biological Features Wrapped Bundle and/or

Cinnabar
No. Orientation Position Period Sex Age Height (cm) Cane Coffin

7B S–N DD Fetus ? 9 lunar months X

DD Fetus ? 7–8 lunar months X
16 S–N DD Infant ? 6 months X
3 S–N DD Adult F 17–21 years 153.3 (±3.82)
4 S–N DD Adult F 153.3 (3.82) X
5 S–N DD Adult M 30–45 years 164 (±3.42) right radius X
E–W DV Adult F 20–25 years 147 (±3.82) X
8 S–N DD Adult M 40–55 years 163.56 (±3.42)
15 S–N DD Infant ? 6 months
6 S–N DD Adult F 20–25 years 152 (±3.82) X
DV Adult F 18–25 years 153.3 (±3.82)
DV Infant ? 4–5 years
DVL Adult M 18–25 years 160 (±3.42)
7A E–W DDL Adult M 35–50 years 168 (±3.42)
DD Infant ? 4–5 years
1 S–N Adult ?
2 S–N Adult M

Note: DD = supine position; SIT = sit; DV = prone position; M = male; DDL = lateral position; F = female; DVL = ventral–lateral position.
 When the Dead Speak in Moche

Figure 7.9. Atypical burial positions for CA35. (a) Prone extended (DV). (b) Supine dorsolateral
(DDL). (c) Prone/lateral on right side with hyper-flexed legs (DVLd). (d) Seated (SIT).

in ­chamber tombs and associated with ‘companion’ human ‘offerings’. In two cases, they were
­facedown, the skulls towards the north (Figure 7.9a).
Burials lying on their sides (DDL) were found in three infant‘s tombs, of the single-burial shaft
tomb subtype (Moche III), and one male adult pertaining to the multiple-burial shaft tomb group
(Moche IV). There is no apparent relationship between this body position and variables such as
sex, stylistic phase, tomb type or orientation (Figure 7.9b). This position has also been noted else-
where in the Urban Nucleus for infants and adults of both sexes, in Moche stylistic periods III
and IV, in both shaft and chamber tombs, and facing north–south as well as east–west (see Tello
et al. 2002: 153, table 5.1).
Body positions SIT and DVLd (see earlier) are even less common in Moche funerary prac-
tices,14 and the cases from the Urban Nucleus are almost unique. An individual in DVLd
position was recovered from tomb 6, and is more fully described under Funerary Actors: Prin-
cipals and Companions (Figure 7.9c). Seated individuals (SIT) were recovered from tomb 9
(Figure 7.9d), located in area 35-5. This tomb is of the chamber varietal, formed by adobes that
surround a rectangular space measuring 116 × 60 cm and 88 cm tall, oriented north–south.
The depth of the chamber seems to be connected with the burial type. The grave interior
contained the remains of two individuals, both in seated position with flexed legs. Individual
1 was an adult male aged between 30 and 35 years (measuring 162.2 cm ± 3.42 cm in height),
buried facing toward the north and leaning against the southern wall of the chamber. The
upper limbs ran parallel with the body’s main axis and were joined on the pelvis, while the
lower limbs were flexed upwards into the thorax. The body was originally wrapped in a textile
shroud, now indicated only by brown powder and the imprint of textile patterns on the bones.
Individual 2 pertained to a young woman of between 15 and 20 years of age, who measured
about 140.9 cm (± 3.82 cm) in height. The body was situated in the extreme northern end of
the chamber, her back leaning against the east wall and her body was inclined towards the left.
Like individual 1, the skull had slid from correct anatomical position, and was facing down-
wards.The upper limbs were retracted into the thorax, with the elbows protruding laterally; the
lower limbs were flexed upwards and with the knees parted; the right foot was resting on the
left (Tello 2002: 176).

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Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

Adults – n.i. Fetus

5.56% 5.56%

Adults – women
19.44%

Children
47.22%
Adults – men
22.22%

Figure 7.10. Graph showing age at death for the burials in CA35.

The Number of Individuals per Tomb

Both the shaft and chamber tombs were used for single and multiple burials. Both noted cases
of multiple-burial shaft tombs (7A and 7B) contained two individuals each.15 There was more
variation in the chamber tombs, which contained two (tombs 5, 9 and 10), three (tomb 14) or
four (tomb 6) individuals. In the cases of multi-individual shaft or chamber tombs, we appear to
be dealing with multiple burials, although there is at least one instance of a probable collective
tomb (tomb 14).16

Palaeodemography

The group of 36 individuals recovered from the CA35 tombs included 2 foetuses (5.6%),
17 infants (47.2%) and 17 adults (47.2%). As can be seen in Table 7.2 and Figure 7.10, both foetuses
were recovered from multiple-interment shaft tomb 7B (Moche stylistic phase III, level 4). Both
are between 7 and 9 months in utero. Their association with a sculptural ceramic vessel represent-
ing a female healer is suggestive, and may relate to a woman who intervened in the failed birth
of one or both of the foetuses (Tello and Delabarde 2008: 141).
There were 17 infants aged between 6 months and 10 to 14 years. Although they were found in
all tomb types, they were overwhelmingly more common in individual shaft tombs. There were
no cases in which subadults were buried in DV, SIT or DVLd positions.
The adult sample is fairly evenly divided in terms of sex. Of the 17 adults, 7 are female, 8 are
male and 2 are unsexed. Sex versus tomb type is also fairly consistent.The age range of the recov-
ered individuals was between 15 to 20 and 40 to 55 years. Women (15-20 to 18-25 years) were
consistently younger than the males (18–25 to 40–55 years). Males measured between 160 and
168 cm, where the females measured 140 to 153 cm. In no case were women buried in an east–
west orientation. This preliminary observation has been substantiated by the other tombs from
the Urban Nucleus.

Wrappings

Organic preservation was very poor owing to a combination of unfavourable climatic condi-
tions, and extensive agricultural activity in this area during the Chimú period. This has seriously
impacted upon the survival of coffins, wrappings/shrouds and clothing. Some evidence, however,

106
 When the Dead Speak in Moche

Figure 7.11. Unusual use of a large jar as a coffin. Tomb 23.

has survived, including imprints suggesting that the bodies were wrapped in textiles and/or inside
reed coffins, as has been demonstrated for Moche tombs in other areas. At least 11/25 tombs show
such evidence. In all chamber tombs, the principal individual showed signs of wrapping and/or a
coffin. There was a single case in which we suspect that the body was interred naked; this female
individual (individual 2 from tomb 9) was in the multiple-burial chamber tomb group, and was
buried in a sitting position, accompanied by a seated male.
An atypical example of the ‘coffin’ burial is provided by tomb 23 (individual shaft tomb burial
subgroup), which is a pit 150 cm long, 200 cm wide and 62 cm deep, sealed with a slab of clay.
The pit contained a large, rimless, highly fragmented ceramic vessel, sealed with the convex base
of another vessel. It contained the body of an infant of less than 6 months of age, arranged as if
it were “...inside a uterus” (Tello et al. 2005: 234). Offerings were found both in the grave and
inside the vessel, and included ceramics, metal objects and some other objects, as well as animal
remains (Figure 7.11).

Funerary Actors: Principals and Companions

In the multiple-burial tombs from CA 35, we identified two types of ‘actors’: the principal deceased
and the deceased-offering or companion. The ‘principal deceased’ describes the deceased person
whose demise brought about the funerary rituals. Given that their death could bring about the
death of others to accompany them into the hereafter, they can reasonably be assumed to be
high-ranking members of the elite.There are various variables to aid in their identification within
a group burial.The first is the orientation and position of the body; in the case of the Moche, the
body found lying supine and oriented south–north is most likely to be the principal deceased.
Associations can also be indicative, as the principal deceased always has direct and indirect associa-
tions (cultural remains, and so forth), while the companion burials – as we shall see – do not.
The deceased-offerings or companions were immolated as part of the burial’s funeral rites, to
accompany the principal deceased into the world of their ancestors: they are essentially human
offerings. In our sample there are at least five individuals who appear to have been human offer-
ings, and these were interred in chamber tombs 5, 6 (Moche IV) and 9 (Moche III). In the case

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Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

of tomb 5, a human offering was placed beneath the chamber floor, while the principal deceased
individual was interred above it. The offering was lying in a prone position, beneath the east wall
of the chamber and without any associations except, perhaps, for some sort of now-disintegrated
wrapping. In tomb 6, a human offering was placed beneath the chamber, and a further two
inside the chamber itself, alongside the principal deceased. The positions of the human offerings
are suggestive. The former human offering (beneath the chamber) is the prone burial of a male
leaning to his right side, with flexed arms and hyperflexed legs. The west wall of the chamber
passed over the pelvis, and no cultural associations were recorded. One of the offerings deposited
inside the chamber was an adult female, lying to the right of the principal deceased and in the
same orientation (south–north), but prone and flexed.The lower limbs were hyperflexed into the
abdomen, with the feet beneath the right limb of the principal deceased. This suggests that the
individual was thrown into the grave and then the limbs flexed before deposition of the main
individual. Most anatomical connections are preserved, and the organisation of the bones suggests
that they were not disturbed by the introduction of other bones; this is therefore most likely to
pertain to a single depositional episode.Tello and Delabarde (2008) posit that this position is more
typical of an offering than of a Moche burial. The other burial/offering is a child of between 4
and 5 years of age, lying at the feet of the principal deceased, in a prone position with head to
the north-east and feet to the south-east. The lower limbs were extended and passed beneath
the right leg of individual 1. This form of burial was uncommon for the Moche, and resembles
the burial format of other human offerings. All the material/cultural offrenda of the tomb were
associated with the main deceased individual, who was buried last (Figure 7.12a).
The human offering in tomb 9 was positioned inside the chamber, adjacent to the main
individual. The individuals were seated, which is unusual for the group. The offering is an adult
female; there was no indication of wrappings or other associations. Judging from the differences
in the treatment of the bodies, Tello believes that the male was the principal personage, while the
woman was buried naked as a companion. Funerary goods included ceramic vessels, metal orna-
ments and camelid remains (Tello 2003). All associations refer to the individual who is considered
to be the focal point of the burial (i.e., the main individual).

Post-Interment Manipulation

Post-interment manipulation is a regular occurrence in Moche mortuary culture. In recent years

it has become apparent that it was much more common than was previously believed, and it has
been studied directly and indirectly by a number of authors (i.e., Franco et al. 1998, 2003; Gutiér-
rez León 2008; Hecker and Hecker 1992; Millaire 2004; Nelson 1998; Nelson and Castillo 1997;
Tello and Delabarde 2008; and others). In CA35 there is evidence of post-depositional distur-
bance by the Moche themselves (i.e., certainly not post-conquest looting), specifically in tombs
7-A, 14 and 23 – which are considered to be reburials – and tombs 5 and 10, where the tomb was
disinterred and the bones manipulated and then reburied.

Reburials
Tomb 7-A pertains to the multiple shaft-burial subgroup and the Moche IV stylistic group, and
has been interpreted as a reburial (Tello and Delabarde 2008: 140–141). It was found to contain an
adult male and an infant. The adult’s right hand was missing, and the feet were incomplete; there
were also signs of disturbance to the bones. In addition, the sacrum was found to conceal two
carpals from another adult individual. The missing bones may have been lost prior to the deposi-
tion of the body in the tomb, but there is no obvious explanation for the presence of the carpal
bones.The child’s bones had also undergone some alterations: most of the thoracic bones and the
pelvic girdle were displaced, the ribs were grouped together, and the left and right femora were
reversed. Some pelvic fragments were located on and around the lower limbs. As the body did

108
 When the Dead Speak in Moche

Figure 7.12. Top Tomb 6. (a) Plan of the principal interment with retainer burials and cultural
associations; (b) plan of the retainer burial located beneath the chamber (individual 4); Bottom
Tomb 10. (c) Disturbed skeletal remains from the first level; (d) disturbed skeletal remains from
the second level.

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Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

preserve some anatomical associations, Tello and Delabarde (2008: 141) suggest that “...the burial
was carried out before complete decomposition of the body”.
Tomb 14 – which belongs to the group-burial chamber tombs subgroup and Moche stylistic
phase III – presents clear evidence of reburial.The original inhabitant of the tomb appears to have
been an adult male, after which the tomb was reopened in order to deposit two infant reburials.
Whereas the adults’ bones were in correct anatomical position, some of the infant bones – nota-
bly the craniae and the upper/lower extremities – were very disturbed and out of their correct
positions. From this, the discoverers have deduced that they were brought to this tomb when
[most of] their soft tissues had already decomposed (Tello 2003: 182).
Tomb 23 is a single-individual shaft tomb, containing a vessel that had been used as a coffin
for the remains of an infant. The skeleton was found in DD position, but the bones were not in
anatomical association, indicating that the body was already partially decomposed when placed
in the jar.
These examples demonstrate the custom of disinterment and reburial in the city. The prac-
tice of reburial has been demonstrated in other Moche contexts. In Huaca Cao Viejo, El Brujo
Archaeological Complex (Chicama Valley), there was a chamber tomb with evidence of removal
of the principal interment’s bones, removal of offerings, destruction of offerings, displacement
of offerings beyond the tomb’s limits and disarticulation of the companion burials, while the
main individual’s bones must have been removed to be buried elsewhere (see Franco et al. 1998,
2003: 165).
However, it is possible that these are not reburials but primary burials that were ceremonially
manipulated far from their eventual burial ground. Nelson and Castillo (1997) noted that many
of the Middle Moche burials from San José de Moro (Jequetepeque Valley) were disarticulated,
especially the skull, feet, ribs and vertebrae. The investigators believe that when the bodies were
placed in the tombs, they were already in an advanced state of decomposition. This has been
attributed to a prolonged pre-burial ritual – perhaps lasting some weeks – followed by a long
journey from some distant point to San José de Moro.

Interment–Disinterment–Interment
Tomb 9 pertains to the multiple-individual chamber tomb subgroup, and is associated with
Moche stylistic phase III. There are various strands of evidence to indicate postmortem manipu-
lation of the remains: (1) the central portion of the tomb fill was looser and composed primarily
of sand, but this area of disturbance decreased in size the deeper one penetrated into the cham-
ber; (2) the roof of adobes and carob tree had been disturbed and truncated; and (3) the east wall
of the chamber was partially destroyed. According to Tello (2003: 174), this process was carried
out with the aim of “depositing or removing some element from the tomb”. The remains of the
two individuals in this tomb were complete and showed no signs of manipulation, from which
we may deduce that the tomb was opened with the aim of providing the deceased with food or
drink, a process that involved manipulation of the offrenda. There is at least one jug/pitcher that
was introduced into the tomb “...after the chamber had been sealed” (Tello 2003: 177). Chroni-
clers recorded extensive details concerning the custom of opening tombs to feed or reclothe the
inhabitants, for both the coast and the Andes (Francisco de Ávila 1987 [1598], chapter 28; Calan-
cha 1974–81 [1638], chapter 12; Cieza de León 1946 [1553], chapter LXIII; Las Casas 1939 [1550],
chapter XV). For example, Cieza de León (1995 [1553], Part 1, chapter LXIII: 197) states that “...
in the old days they used to open the tombs [emphasis ours] and replace the food and clothing
that had previously been deposited”. Francisco de Ávila (1987 [1598]; chapter 28: 417) records
similar information: “... when talking about the All-Saints festival, they said that the huiracochas
were honoured with food as were their corpses and bones [emphasis ours]; and thus, in the olden
days, they took all kinds of food, all very well made, saying: Let’s go to the church! Let’s feed our
dead!”

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Tomb 10 – which belongs to the multi-individual chamber tomb subgroup, and Moche ­stylistic
phase III – contains various evidence of postmortem manipulation. The broken adobe roof was
the first indication. The second strand of evidence was the nature of the fill. In the middle
and upper portions, the fill comprised compacted earth mixed with adobe fragments, while
the ends and the basal section were filled with semicompacted sand and some earth (the orig-
inal fill). The third line of evidence is provided by the bones. The partially articulated/wrapped
remains of three individuals were found in the disturbed deposit.The lower limbs of a child were
recovered outside the chamber (first level [Figure 7.12b-left]), while the chamber (second level
[Figure 7.12b-right]) contained the remains of the adults. As the pelvis and the skull were missing,
sex and age could not be determined. The order in which the ceramic vessels were deposited
both inside and outside the chamber “...would suggest that the funerary offrenda were disturbed
as well. It is possible that objects were taken out or introduced, thus the level-one ceramics might
originally have been placed inside the chamber” (Tello and Delabarde 2008: 154).This taphonomic
process differs from that observed in tomb 9. Gutiérrez (2008) has provided a preliminary inter-
pretation of these types of context, based on observations of post-interment practices on the Uhle
platform at Huaca de la Luna. Gutiérrez argues that there is a pre-established order commencing
with the primary burial, followed by its partial disinterment when the body is still partially artic-
ulated. Some of the bones would be left in position to testify to the body’s original presence in
the chamber. The ritual ends with the reburial of the body “...without inhumation, which is to
say that the modified tomb remains almost empty” (Gutiérrez 2008: 248). The social significance
of this behaviour is debatable. The motivation may be partly socioeconomic/­ecological – these
burials have been linked to El Niño events – and further data have been forthcoming from other
non-funerary contexts at the site. For example, Seoane and colleagues found two skulls and two
lower limbs in anatomical connection in a storage room area (zone 6 of CA39), and articulated
human extremities of at least one woman and two adolescents in another storage area of zone 13
(Seoane et al. 2007: 183).
On the basis of tomb 10, we would like to propose an interpretative paradigm differing from
that of Gutiérrez. We suggest that the bones were removed from the tomb in order to carry out
some ritual activity, after which they were redeposited. During this process, some of the bones
would have become damaged or lost, hence the incomplete appearance of the bodies once they
were reinterred. There is some historical precedent for this notion, albeit removed both tempo-
rally and spatially from coastal Moche populations. Margarita Gentile witnessed an exhumation
in the Bolivian city of Cochabamba in 1784:

Towards the evening they provide each other with invitations to the churchyard. Then they
go to the cemetery and begin to unearth the corpses buried in the previous year, a task that
lasts until nightfall. Afterwards, these bodies are deposited in the church in coffins, but the
skulls and also other parts of some bodies are wrapped in blankets, which here are also called
Quepos and llicllas (...), and are taken to the houses of the priests.There they dance ‘with the
dead loaded upon their backs, so that the dead may also enjoy the festivities’. The following
day, at midday, the priests lead a procession carrying the skulls adorned with flowers, borne
in handkerchieves (cloths or rags).Then they bring out the coffins from the church, adorned
with garlands of flowers, and all process around the cemetery, led by a priest with a black
cape and other attendants wearing tunics with wide sleeves, accompanied by many candles
and the priests with their distinctive insigniae.The last public act is the burial in the interior
of the church, possibly in a communal grave (...), now that under these circumstances it
would be impossible to respect testamentary commands concerning burial place.... (Gentile
1994: 72–73)

This process was believed to be a ceremony “...to pray for water for the farms...” which the
deceased promise “to be good intermediaries in exchange for a celebration.” Gentile (1994: 74)

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Henry Gayoso-Rullier and Santiago Uceda-Castillo

adds that “We must not lose sight of the fact that, in the Andes in general, the dead do not fall
into that category until three years after they have died, so that year, as in this case, they have still
not departed (in one sense). The procession of priests carrying skulls adorned with flowers ...is
immediately reminiscent of scenes depicted on Moche and Nasca ceramic vessels”. The validity
of making comparisons between temporally and geographically disparate populations is arguable.
However, Millaire emphasises that Moche and highland populations shared “...a common vision
of the lasting nature of human remains, a comparable ritual practices system, and a similar belief
in the ability of the living to influence their destinies by periodically interacting with the remains
of their ancestors” (Millaire 2004: 371).

Synthesis and Final Remarks

The information provided in the preceding text and in Tables 7.1 to 7.3 permits us to make a
synchronic and diachronic analysis. We are thus able to synthesise the issues at hand, account for
temporal variation and the characteristics of individual layers and aim towards a better under-
standing of the social identities of the CA35 skeletal population.

Treatment of the Deceased

Most burials were extended and supine, heads towards the south and feet towards the north.
These characteristics are generally considered to be typical of the Moche (Castillo 2003: 90–91;
Donnan 1995; Donnan and Mackey 1978: 63, 86, 208; Tello et al. 2003: 156; Ubbelohde-Doering
1967: 22), as evidenced by finds elsewhere on the site and in other Moche sites on the North
Coast. Variations from this tendency – such as bodies oriented east–west,17 or in DDT or SIT
positions (see earlier) – are not currently understood, although the data are highly suggestive. For
example, the DV position is associated only with human offerings buried in Moche phase IV
chamber tombs. Only one tomb (multiple-burial Moche III shaft tomb subgroup) contained two
individuals in that position, without notable associations, also identified as human offerings.
At this point in the analytical process, two general issues should be noted: synchronic charac-
teristics and temporal variants.
a) Synchronic Characteristics Four of the five tombs recovered from floor 6 (Moche III) are
unusual in lacking fragments of metal, ceramic or shell placed directly on the body. This custom
becomes commonplace from floor 5 onwards, and may have been inherited from the Salinar and
Gallinazo cultures (Donnan and Mackey 1978). Floor 4 (Moche III) was characterised by a lack
of adult burials; all the interments were shaft tomb burials of infants (9 to 24 months), without
associated ceramic vessels.The burials from floor 2 (Moche IV) were interred in unroofed cham-
ber tombs, with a human offering under the floor of the chamber.
b) Temporal Variation Details of tomb construction and burial practice have led us to the con-
clusion that the Moche III chamber tombs comprise a distinct grouping that is recognisably dif-
ferent from the Moche IV group. In the former, the deceased and associated offerings are placed
inside the chamber, which is then infilled and roofed over; the shaft is later filled to the surface,
and there is post-interment manipulation of the tomb and remains. Deceased/offering (retainer)
burials were placed beneath the floors of Moche IV tombs (there is no on-site precedent for this
behaviour). The main personage was then laid on the floor – sometimes associated with other
offrenda – and the tomb was filled in completely. The tomb was not roofed. There was no post-
interment manipulation of the tomb or remains.

Identities of the Deceased

Tombs dug into the same floor of architecturally bounded areas are generally assumed to be rel-
atively contemporaneous; such discrete samples may represent consanguineous groups or other

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social divisions. This general assumption has led to academic studies of prehispanic population
structure. Millones states that “...there is a corollary of funerals as ‘decoders of relationships’, and
that these are located within the residential area and represent the domestic unit, or at least a sense
of this...” (1996: 51). Kaulicke maintains that, to recognise social groups, one must start with the
hypothesis that “...those individuals who have cosanguineous relationships or some other form of
social connection will be buried in contiguous spaces. Furthermore, they may share other charac-
teristics such as position, [cultural] associations and – above all – orientation” (2001b: 93).
If we lend weight to the hypotheses proposed by Millones and Kaulicke, the current sample –
which is, as required, buried in a restricted area over a relatively short period of time, and sharing
a host of cultural and stylistic parallels – is potentially the deceased members of a specific social or
familial group. The evidence overwhelmingly indicates an elite status for these individuals.18 The
structural differences (shaft vs. chamber tombs) and associations between tombs suggest social
differences within the group, using the assumption that mortuary treatment reflects the status of
the person in life (O’Shea 1984: 36).These differences are a record of the persons’ socioeconomic
roles and status at time of death, something Saxe (1970: 7) has dubbed social identities.
There are reasonable grounds for believing that the same social group inhabited this archi-
tecturally defined area throughout Moche stylistic phase III, given the uniform and unchanging
architectural details and funerary traditions. Whether this continued through Moche stylistic
phase IV is uncertain, although the burial differences between Moche III and IV chamber tombs
provide us with two potential scenarios: (1) This was the same group, and that differences in burial
style were caused by fluctuations in social structure within the wider context of Moche society
(Uceda 2007), or (2) that there was a group replacement within this architecturally defined area
during Moche stylistic phase IV, and that the newcomers were responsible for the architectural
changes observed by Tello (2008: 447). Future ancient DNA (aDNA) analysis will permit us to
differentiate between these two competing hypotheses.
The structure of the social group remains unclear. It is necessary to differentiate between
familial units or lineages brought together by related ancestry, or of people who share a com-
mon origin. We also need to ascertain the size of the group. Moche stylistic phase III at this
site is comparatively understudied. However, phase IV is better understood. We believe that the
phase IV inhabitants of the Urban Nucleus architectural complexes formed different corporative
associations – familially affiliated units that form allied, nonrelated groups (Uceda 2007: 42) – or
partisans (Gayoso 2007: 154, 162), and that the activities carried out in the architectural ‘zone’
were brought about by some of its members under the authority of the unitary elite. Those who
carried out such activities would gain a higher status than other members of the social group.
What is not clear is the status of the lords of these architectural units: Did their status and power
extend beyond the boundaries of each unit?

Age and Sex versus Status and Sexual Division of Labour

In levels containing tombs of adults of both sexes and subadults, the males possess more grave
goods, especially ceramics and metals. Furthermore, four of the five chamber tombs contained a
male principal adult; the other was an adult female. However, we also have female and subadult
shaft tombs that contain more associated items than several shaft tombs containing adult males.
This indicates that although power was probably exercised by adult males in Moche society,
it was also possible for women and children outrank some men, but that this was dependent
on a direct relationship with the men who wielded the power. One of us came to the same
conclusion in an earlier work: “... in terms of offerings made of ceramic and metal, the men had
a higher status within the population of the Urban Nucleus than did the women and children”
(Uceda 2007: 31).
There are no cultural markers denoting sex or sexual division of labour, unlike at other sites.
For example, spindle whorls and other weaving/spinning paraphernalia were diagnostic for

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female graves at San José de Moro (Jequetepeque Valley), while metal objects are found ­buried
with men. In CA35, only two spindle whorls were recovered from the tombs: one was in an
infant’s shaft tomb, the other in a chamber tomb containing a woman. Investigations elsewhere
on the site produced evidence that spindle whorls were buried in both male and female graves.
This would therefore lend extra weight to earlier assertions by Gayoso, in the Huaca del Sol and
de la Luna: “... whether the presence of a spindle whorl in a tomb is an indicator of productive
activities carried out during the individual’s lifetime, or if they possess an ideological significance
which is currently beyond our understanding” (Gayoso 2007: 152).

Human Offerings
Finally, we would like to propose two criteria by which to identify human offerings in funerary
contexts, based on our observations at CA35.The first is based on body position; human offerings
are frequently interred in aberrant positions in a population usually buried extended and supine.
Although this may be a weak criterion – considering the possibility of ‘deviant burial’ positions
for other unusual members of a society – it becomes stronger if coupled with a lack of artefactual
associations, particularly those linked directly to the body. For instance, none of the human offer-
ings we have so far examined contained metal strips in the mouth or anywhere else on the body.
Human offerings were recovered from one phase III chamber tomb and three phase IV tombs
(one located beneath the chamber). Although the sample may not be statistically valid in terms of
numbers, it does to a certain extent corroborate Uceda’s previous claim (2007) that the power of
the phase IV’s urban elite exceeded that of the religious elite, leading to increased access to luxu-
rious resources (including human lives). We now urgently require a large-scale study of funerary
traditions of this site and the valley, which will permit us to enrich our understanding of the site
in its context, as well as the Southern Moche’s relationship with other Moche groups.

Conclusions

1. The tombs excavated in CA35 are ‘typical’ for the Moche, in that they generally reflect the
funerary traditions that are known for this culture. The reasons behind observed positional
and orientational variability will be explained once further data come to light.
2. The tombs pertain to the Moche elite, but of variable status within that group. This vari-
ability appears to be related to the life roles of the deceased, or to their kinship with people
of high status operating within the political and socioeconomic structures to which they
belonged. The latter scenario would best explain the high number of subadult burials.
3. The burials classified as ‘offerings’ relate to servants; as such, they were not members of
the elite, but would have belonged to the same general group, possibly through allegiance
systems.
4. The contexts classified as reburials (or burials of deceased persons brought from some dis-
tance away) may indicate that not all the people buried at the site necessarily lived there,
but may instead have belonged to a social group connected to the site. The need/desire
to be buried at the site may reflect its perceived status as a sacred place (proximity to the
temple and the divine Cerro Blanco), and thus concerned with an issue of prestige or ide-
ology. This finding therefore provides new information concerning the nature of relations
between urban elites and rural populations.

The diverse interpretations that have been proposed to explain the post-interment disturbance
are not mutually exclusive. It is possible that this treatment of the dead is more complex – and
ruled by more rituals, with a more rigorous social framework – than the interpretations provided
by Gutiérrez and ourselves. It is, however, evident that the data from CA35 and elsewhere on
the site accords with ethnohistoric, archaeological and ethnographic evidence, and permits us

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to observe a rich and complex relationship between the living and the dead in the Moche and
Andean worlds.

Notes

1. Context CA17 has been defined as a workshop for production of stone ornaments, while CA21 has
been defined as a ceramics workshop.
2. One should conceive of the architectural unit as a modern city block – a group of buildings defined/
surrounded by plazas and/or streets on all sides. As there is no physical link between CA35 and CA17
and 21, the possibility that the craft activities in the latter were controlled by CA35 is based on their
propinquity. Although the identity of the CA35 group remains uncertain, preliminary evidence sug-
gests that they could have been a family group – the head of which was a high-ranking administrator
or member of the Moche elite – rather than a group of artesans.
3. It has been suggested that CA35 was an elite residence; the large number of burials interred in the
same context over a long period of time indicates to us the possibility of family group interments.
This hypothesis is currently being tested using aDNA.
4. The higher the deceased’s status or social rank, the longer the wake, according to Pedro de Cieza de
León (1995 [1553], Part 1, Chapter LXIII: 198):“...as they tended to, and still do, before they put them in
the tombs they lamented for four or five or six days, or ten, according to who it was who had died, for
the greater the lord, the more honour they pay him and the more feeling they show, crying with great
sobs and lamenting him with solemn music, singing of the dead lords’ accomplishments in life”. This
has been confirmed by, for example, Pablo José de Arriaga (1968 [1621], chapter VI), who notes that in
some towns on the plains [coast], wakes lasted for ten days. Francisco de Ávila (1987 [1598], chapter 27:
411) states that “in those very ancient times, when a man died, they watched over his body for five days”.
Both chroniclers note that the length of the vigil depended on the importance of the deceased. Thus,
the duration of the wake for the deceased person described by Arriaga would imply that he was a mem-
ber of the elite, probably a chief, whereas the individual described by Ávila was probably a commoner.
5. We do not know what instrument was used for this purpose. In the case of the Middle Moche tombs
from San José de Moro (Jequetepeque Valley), del Carpio (2008: 91) maintains that “the process of
digging the access shaft and the chamber would have been carried out with a copper or wooden
implement, a type of digging device that – judging from the imprints it left in the tomb structure – a
blade width of about 15 cm”. According to del Carpio, this process could have been completed in
only a few hours.
6. According to Tello and Delabarde (2008), the data clearly indicate a single interment event, rather
than successive superimposed burials.
7. There is a single case in which one of the occupants of the tomb (tomb 10) was outside the chamber
but above it, and within the shaft; however, as the tomb had clearly been altered by the Moches, we
cannot be sure as to the original position of the bodies.
8. In Mesoamerica, the Mexicas often placed a green stone named chalchihuitl into the mouths of
deceased nobles and lords, the intention being to simulate the heart (Murillo 2002: 61, 74).
9. This red pigment has been identified as cinnabar only on the basis of surmise; it has not been chem-
ically tested, and it is thus possible that it is in fact haematite.
10. The total count is 138 vessels (43 bottles, 74 pitchers, 10 floreros, 3 cancheros, 2 bowls, 1 cooking pot,
5 miniatures), 2 piruros, 2 musical instruments (1 pututo and 1 whistle) and a spoon with a sculptural
handle. The floreros are cups with flared rims; the pitchers are small, of the jug type; the cancheros are
everted-rim bowls with handles; the piruro is a spindle-whorl; the pututo is a shell-shaped trumpet.
11. Bowls and jars are associated with cooking food and chicha (maize beer); the jars are also used for
storing chicha.
12. These objects were originally thought to be crucibles, on the basis of their small size (Tello et al. 2005:
235–236).

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13. We have only considered intact tombs when studying this issue. Tombs 1, 2, 15 and 24 also did not
contain any ceramic vessels; however, as they had been extensively disturbed by grave robbers, we
could not state with any certainty whether they had originally contained such items.
14. The seated position was reported by Uhle (in Tello 2003: 176) near to the Huaca de la Luna, in a series
of single and multiple graves 4 m beneath the surface. These may be intrusive Chimu interments, for,
as noted by Donnan and Mackey (1978: 242–366), the seated position was common in Chimu burials
from the Huaca del Sol and the Huaca de la Luna. Chauchat and Gutiérrez (2007: 61) reported on a
Moche II–III group-shaft tomb (#37) on the Uhle platform at the base of the Huaca de la Luna.
15. No group-shaft tomb containing more than two individuals has yet been recovered from the urban
area of the site.
16. Multiple burials imply the simultaneous interment of various individuals into the same tomb, often
accompanying a principal interment; this is distinct from a collective burial, which contains individu-
als who died over a longer period of time (see Alfonso Quintana and Alesan Alias 2003: 15).
17. Donnan and Mackey (1978: 208) suggest that Moche IV burial orientation may be partly site specific.
While interments at sites such as Huanchaco, Huacas del Sol/Luna or Pacatnamu tend to be oriented
north–south, burials at Santa Valley and the site of Pampa Banca are usually oriented east–west.
18. There are no servant tombs in CA35, at least within the range of the principal deceased group. The
only individuals who could be considered to be servants are the human offerings. Even the simplest
tombs contain offrenda traditionally associated with the elite. For example, one of the three ceramic
vessels in tomb FI 16 was a stirrup-handled bottle with iconographic designs. Tomb FI 20 contained
a body adorned with ceramic fragments and a single high-quality stirrup-handled vessel decorated
with a high-relief rendering of a deer hunt. Tomb FI 18 contains the same ceramic fragments, as
well as camelid remains. When considered en masse, the individuals buried in chamber tombs seem
to possess higher social status than those interred in simpler shaft tombs. We believe that human
offerings had the highest value, and thus the chamber tombs containing human offrenda are of the
highest status overall. The quantity and quality of ceramic and metal offerings also reflect social
status.

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 Chapter 8

The Construction of Social Identity

Tombs of Specialists at San José de Moro,
Jequetepeque Valley, Perú

Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

Death and the Construction of Identity

Death is a universal phenomenon that all societies – and the individuals of which they are
­composed – must confront both intellectually and practically. Unlike the deeds and activities that
determine everyday life, death is a relatively isolated phenomenon; that is to say, unlike everyday
activities, death forces us to think how to proceed, of the consequences of the actions we must
take, and the memory we wish to retrieve. Thus being as much a series of emotional reactions
as patterned behaviour, our relationship with death can generate meaning-laden behaviours that
become expressed through actions, reactions and decisions determined by the prevailing ideo-
logical conditions for specific situations and moments in time, as well as socially accumulated
experience that serves as a basis for archetypes, individual cases, the requirements of specialists
and/or eschatological beliefs (Barley 2000; Huntington and Metcalf 1979; Parker Pearson 2002;
O’Shea 1981, 1984).
Although death brings about a set of behaviours that embody notions concerning the transi-
tion and destiny of the deceased individual, a more tangible expression thereof may be found in
the planning and construction of the tomb, the positioning of the body therein and associated
objects that go to make up the grave goods (Castillo 2000; DeMarrais et al. 1996). Confronted
with need to express the nature (or character) of the deceased, while trying to convert an abstract
concept into a material formula, it is necessary to choose, decide and represent. The construc-
tion and finishing of a tomb is a process of representation, where one more or less consciously
recreates a formula of reality; in other words, the essence of the individual is represented through
manipulation of a series of symbols. The inclusion or omission of these symbolic artefacts is
dependent on the discourse that is created ‘by’ and ‘for’ the audience, whether human or divine,
and – in the latter case – in the construction of the deceased person’s identity.
The burial of an individual obligates the agents involved and their relatives to confront and
conduct the funerary obsequies or mortuary rites. This entails the preparation of the tomb and
the creation of the deceased’s identity, assuming that ideological and social rules are in place to
regulate such activities, all of which have as a common aim the expression and recognition of

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Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

the social person (Binford 1971; Saxe 1970). The social person is essentially the sum of the multiple
dimensions of identity, held in life and recognised after death, that serve to synthesise what any
given individual ‘did’ and ‘was’ in life. Sex, age, position, social role, lineage/group membership,
dependency relationships and the circumstances of death are the main factors that usually deter-
mine the social person’s identity at the moment of interment (Binford 1971; Saxe 1970; Tainter
1978). However, tendencies and trends in social behaviours may be directly contradicted when we
examine larger, more complex populations and societies. For instance, the energy and resources
employed to construct a tomb is not necessarily an expression of the wealth of the interred per-
son or the society in general. Rich tombs do not necessarily belong to wealthy individuals, and
nor do they directly reflect the full extent of the society’s wealth. There is a considerable corpus
of data demonstrating that funerary behaviour is frequently conducted in a precisely contrary
direction to the expected (Ucko 1969). Rather than pure wealth indicators, therefore, funerary
identity involves numerous conventions and decisions that express the deceased’s identity/iden-
tities, and that are assumed to be closely connected with the activities carried out in life, their
most important social achievements or – failing that – some form of expression of their status or
membership in certain social groups.
This work addresses the issue of social identities and roles as portrayed in the funeral contexts
of specialists interred at San José de Moro. Although funerary analysis of variable wealth is a cen-
tral part of this study, our main aim is to decipher ancient identities as portrayed in these contexts
by scrutinising the funerary offerings that accompanied these individuals and that are assumed to
reflect their social roles.

Death and Identities on the Peruvian Northern Coast

The societies of ancient Perú utilised a dazzling array of complex mortuary procedures through-
out the Andean region and across prehistory. The societies of the North Coast – and the Moche
in particular (Figure 8.1) – are very conspicuous in terms of flamboyant funeral treatment, par-
ticularly of those individuals pertaining to the higher echelons of society. The death of an elite
Moche individual prompted predetermined ritual or rituals; the expense and glamour of the
ensuing funeral ceremonies reflected the characteristics of the deceased individual’s social persona
(Castillo 2000; Donnan 1995; Saxe 1970).
The study of social identities in these groups has often been restricted to elites; that is to say,
the most prominent individuals who were in charge of – and participated directly in – impor-
tant social ceremonies (i.e., the Lords of Sipán, the Lady of Cao, the Priest of Huaca de la Luna,
the Priestess de Moro: see Alva and Donnan 1993; Donnan and Castillo 1994; Franco et al. 2007;
Uceda 2000, 2010) (Figure 8.2a).The social position of these individuals was closely linked to the
identities they expressed during ceremonies; their status and power derived from the immediately
recognisable elements that they wore or carried (Castillo and Rengifo 2008). Without such ele-
ments, they would be stripped of their identities and lose their high status.
The relationship between these individuals and the social identities they embodied was so
strong that it was expressed even after death. Their funerary offerings tend to be diverse, com-
plex and loaded with symbolic significance, while the presence (or absence) of simple artefacts
served to separate them from the bulk of the population. The correspondence between interred
individuals and their identities, the use of power, privileged access to primary resources and famil-
iarity with ritual systems are all embodied in the presence of fine-quality artefacts made from rare
materials and by technologies that were both complex and socially restricted (DeMarrais et al.
1996; Fraresso 2007; Rohfritsch 2006).
Following two decades of excavation and research work on the North Coast, it has become
apparent that the elite were not alone in having their identities thus embodied; this study details
how a group of non-elite specialists also underwent this treatment. These individuals, who never

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 The Construction of Social Identity

Moche
C h ir a of Piura
N

VICUS
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LOMA NEGRA

NORTHERN
MOCHE

A
Moche

n
c he
La Le of Lambayeque

d
yeque
mba

e
La

a
P a

SIPÁN a Moche
Zañ

n
PAMPA GRANDE
of Jequetepeque

C
c i

SAN JOSÉ DE MORO

o
PACATNAMÚ Jequetepeque
f i

r d
DOS CABEZAS a
cam
LA MINA Chi
c O

CERRO CHEPÉN

i l
ASCOPE
EL BRUJO
Mo
che SOUTHERN

l e
MOCOKKOPE Y MAYAL
MOCHE
c e

GALINDO
rú
Vi

r a
HUANCHACO
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a n

HUACAS DEL SOL Y DE LA LUNA Ch

HUANCACO
HUACA DE LA CRUZ
ta
TANGUCHE San
a

CASTILLO DEL SANTA

eñ
ep

GUADALUPITO
N
Northern Moche Region
PAÑAMARCA
Southern Moche Region
Casma
Excavated archaeological site
ras
Unexcavated archaeological site leb
0 100
Cu
KILOMETRES rmey
Hua

Figure 8.1. Map of the North Coast of Perú, indicating the most important Mochica sites.

achieved the status accorded the governing class, nevertheless seem to have possessed close rela-
tionships with these figures of authority. Analysis of their mortuary treatment necessitates a differ-
ent theoretical paradigm from that used to analyse the elite graves. Different methodologies will
be used to ascertain the nature of their social roles, in order to examine not just the assumption
or incarnation of identities but also the construction of symbols by which those identities were
legitimised.
One means of studying this issue is through examination of the workshops, where we might
expect to recover direct evidence of their activities, including debris and tools. The workshops
at the Huaca de la Luna, for example, have shown us the general layout of these locales; their
location and positioning may have been part of a predetermined plan, and their continued usage
in the same location reflecting some gradual trend towards specialisation of these spaces. It may

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Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

(a)

(b)

Figure 8.2. (a) Tomb M-U103, a priestess’ tomb at San José de Moro. (b) Representation of
the ‘Sacrifice Ceremony’, depicting the most important members of the Mochica pantheon
(SJM archive, Drawing by Donna McClelland).

also be the case that these workshops were the result of a sudden need to generate more pro-
ductive space in response to the urban class’s growing demand for prestige objects (Chapdelaine
2001; Rengifo and Rojas 2008; Uceda and Rengifo 2006). These contexts afford us the oppor-
tunity to study the tools and production debris, and from this reconstruct the manufacturing
techniques, the sources of the raw materials and other activities that make up the productivity
chaîne opératoire.
Another, more direct approach to studying the creators of the trappings of social identity is
through analysis of their tombs, where – given their productive role – we should encounter func-
tional rather than symbolic objects.

The Identities of Moche Elites: The Lords of Sipán and

the Priestesses of San José de Moro

The Moche were quite explicit when creating the funeral identities of their most notable per-
sonages, as can be seen from the royal tombs of the Lords of Sipán or the priestesses of San José
de Moro (Alva and Donnan 1993; Donnan and Castillo 1994). The composition of the Lord of

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 The Construction of Social Identity

Sipán’s funerary offering, for example, indicates the intention to relate him absolutely with the
key individual in the Moche iconographic scene known as “The Sacrifice Ceremony” (Alva and
Donnan 1993). Elements such as the headdress, the sceptre, the banners, pectorals and bracelets are
directly associated with a specific identity by which this individual would be known in the here-
after. The sacrifice victims and the large quantity of ceramic vessels accompanying the deceased
reflect the many groups and individuals affected by and involved in the ritual. A similar finding
was made in the Sipán tomb of the Owl Warrior, associated with the personage shown holding
the cup in the same sacrificial scene (Alva and Donnan 1993).
Likewise, the priestess of San José de Moro (Donnan and Castillo 1994) was buried in a coffin
decorated with personalised emblems of female personality that appear in Moche iconographic
panels, including “The Sacrifice Ceremony” (Figure 8.2b), “The Burial Theme”, “The Woman
on the Raft” and so forth (Donnan and McClelland 1999). The feathered headdress, cup, attire
and other elements buried with this woman indicate the intention on the part of her relatives
to declare her identity as a priestess above any other functions she may have served in life. The
only artefacts indicative of anything other than her priestly status are those highlighting her sex:
these include spindles and spindle weights. As in the previous case, the large quantity of ceramic
offrenda is an expression of her high social status and visibility; one could argue for a higher status
than the previous case on the basis of the high quality of the ceramics, which include fine vessels
from the Cajamarca area and the Central Coast (Donnan and Castillo 1994).
In recent years a series of elite individuals with direct connections to ubiquitous characters
in Moche art have come to light, including the Lady of Cao (Franco et al. 2007) and the Lord
of Úcupe recently discovered by Steve Bourget, whose funeral goods and attributes bear close
resemblance to those of the main personage in the “Sacrifice Ceremony” scene (Donnan 1988).

The Specialists

The Peruvian North Coast societies are known – among much else – for the high technical
standards and refined aesthetic qualities of their cultural objects. The portrait vessels, sculptural
ceramics, metal headdresses, beaded pectorals, polychrome mural paintings and irrigation systems
all testify to the high level of development the Moche attained in terms of manufacturing tech-
niques, the sensitivity of the artesans and general organisational capabilities.
This exceptional craft facility, the provisioning of raw materials and specialist tools, the tech-
nical processes, the exploitation of landscape and the ability to evoke codes and ideological sig-
nificance recognisable by the entire community all suggest the possibility that these individuals
were in fact specialists (Brumfield and Earle 1987; Costin 1991) – that is, professional craftsmen.
We can assume that the specialists were unconnected with agricultural productivity, and were
dedicated to the manufacture of luxury objects, the direction of public works (construction) and/
or middle-range rituals and ceremonies designed to favour the maintenance and development of
the community and the social order. Such a notion is not without precedent. In many cultures,
specialists – although not reaching the highest echelons of society – maintain connections with
the sphere of power and with the organisation and execution of ceremonies and public rituals,
thus comprising part of a privileged sector of society (Brumfield and Earle 1987; Costin 1991;
Inomata 2001; Shimada 2001; Uceda and Rengifo 2006).
The anthropological literature has extensively discussed the concept of attached and indepen-
dent specialists as a means of understanding the nature of their activities and their relationships
with power spheres and the community in general (Brumfield and Earle 1987). In terms of cur-
rent research, extensive work at urban centres such as Pampa Grande and Huacas de Moche sug-
gests that Moche specialists were a privileged group in terms of their close relationships with the
elite, and played an active role in the networks of trade and exchange as well as in the diffusion of
ideological symbols (Bernier 2005; Shimada 2001; Uceda and Rengifo 2006).

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Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

This sector of society would have appeared as a result of profound changes to social ­structures,
specifically the transition from a subsistence economy to a society driven by wealth and con-
spicuous consumption, thus leading to the need to possess sumptuary objects demarcating
social inequalities (Earle 1997). Habitation patterns also changed from scattered villages to semi-
urbanised living and thence to cities, the central focus of which was activity/craft specialisation
as much as administration (Canziani 2003; Redman 1990).
There are two main subgroupings within the ‘specialists’ category, defined on the basis of traces
left by their activities in the archaeological record: Specialised Leaders and Craft Specialists.
Specialised Leaders are those entrusted with the direction, planning and execution of creative
works, middle-range ceremonies and propitiatory rituals connected with such activities as agri-
cultural production.This group may include a range of professionals including architects, hydrau-
lic engineers, shamans/witchdoctors, astronomers, soothsayers, musicians, merchants, and so forth.
Although their existence is archaeologically visible in terms of the completed projects with
which they were entrusted, or the iconographic illustrations thereof, their specific actions are
rarely recognisable as they were not involved with direct object manipulation. Funerary contexts
could be, in rare cases, a source of information concerning these individuals. A tomb may contain
markers of identity such as musical instruments, witchdoctors’ paraphernalia/models (figures) or
weaponry, amongst others. The quantity and quality of the offerings may also serve as identity
indicators, although these arguments are less than certain when applied to non-literate societies.
Craft Specialists are those individuals involved with the manufacture and production of objects,
and may include ceramicists, metalworkers, goldsmiths, weavers, carvers, joiners, and so forth.
The archaeological signatures left by these individuals are very eloquent, in that not only the
finished articles but also the workshops where they were made can often be found at residential
sites (Manzanilla 1986). The workshops contain debris from the production processes, including
fragments of the raw material(s), tools, uncompleted or flawed/discarded objects, and so forth.
As discussed in the text that follows, they may also be archaeologically recognised through their
tombs, as they were often interred bearing or adorned with symbols of their office.
We know that the artisans participated directly in the construction of social identities for the
most important members of these communities, and that they achieved this through creation of
the costumes, insignias and other sumptuary paraphernalia that the elites required to carry out
ceremonies and rituals, and thus ratify and legitimise their use of power.

Specialist Tombs at San José de Moro

San José de Moro is the largest Moche cemetery and ceremonial centre in the Jequetepeque val-
ley (Figure 8.3). In 20 years of uninterrupted excavation, the Proyecto Arqueológico San José de
Moro (PASJM) has documented more than 1,000 years’ of continuous occupation, during which
time numerous complex and sumptuous ceremonies were carried out, presumably presided over
by the valley’s most important residents (Castillo 2001, 2003; Castillo et al. 2008).
Throughout its long occupational history, San José de Moro saw five major cultural periods
(Figure 8.4). This sequence started in the Middle Moche period (ca. a.d. 400–600), which cor-
responds to the site’s first occupation. This was followed by the Late Moche period (ca. a.d.
600–850), generally considered to be the peak of the Moche occupation of the Jequetepeque
Valley. Following this is the Transitional Period (a.d. 850–1000), which sees the collapse of the
Moche hegemony and the subsequent appearance of the expansionist Lambayeque state (ca. a.d.
1000–1300). The final phase is the Chimu occupation (a.d. 1300–1470), during which time the
site ceased to be used as a cemetery and became a centre of production associated with Algarrobal
de Moro (Castillo et al. 2008).
San José de Moro‘s importance in the Prehispanic period – being a major ceremonial cen-
tre and funerary site for Jequetepeque’s social elite – has permitted archaeologists to study and

122
 Figure 8.3. Plan of San José de Moro showing the mounds and areas excavated from 1991 to 2008.
123
Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

Stylistic Dominant Derivative

PERIODS IN JEQUETEPEQUE
Influences Style Styles
CHIMU-INCA

Inca CHIMU

Chimú
B

Coastal Cajamarca
LAMBAYEQUE
Lambayeque
from other A
regions

Casma printed type

Moche Wari
Other minor styles
Wari,
Proto-Chimú
Proto-Lambayeque

Proto-Lambayeque
Pachacamac TRANSITIONAL
Cajamarca A
San José de Moro Type

Northern highland C
LATE MOCHE

(Cajamarca)
Polychrome Moche
Pictorial Fineline

and Moche copies

Central coast from central coast
(Nieveria, styles LATE MOCHE B
Pachacamac,
Teatino?
Casma?)

Southern Moche IV Late Moche A

and V Pictorial Wares Fineline Style

MIDDLE MOCHE B
MIDDLE MOCHE
A

EARLY MOCHE EARLY MOCHE

Middle quality
Fine Pottery

Dominant Style
Viru fine pottery Possible influence Stylistic Influences
Pottery

from in Vicus, Piura

Jequetepeque Derivation Style

Figure 8.4. Chronological sequence of the Jequetepeque valley, with ceramic vessels characteristic
of the main periods represented at San José de Moro.

a­ nalyse a wide range of funerary contexts associated with chicha-oriented rituals and festivals.
These data permit the analysis of social organisation, sociopolitical hierarchies and relationships
between the site and the other settlements in the lower and central parts of the valley.
One of our major avenues of investigation has been to study the manner in which Jequete-
peque’s elite identities and specialist roles were created, using data from the valley’s most
important cemetery site (Castillo and Rengifo 2008). We attempt to assess the extent to which
identities and roles transcended death and thus the necessity of representing and constructing
such roles in the specialist tombs, presumably with the aim of perpetuating these social personae
beyond death.

Middle Moche Tombs M-U725 and M-U813

The Middle Moche occupation marks the start of a tradition in the Jequetepeque Valley: the pop-
ulations of surrounding villages started to arrive at the same time each year at San José de Moro
to celebrate ceremonies, festivals and burial rituals with the most important dignitaries of the
age (ca. a.d. 400–600). The archaeology shows evidence of large banquets and chicha consump-
tion associated with burial practices in which individuals were interred in boot-shaped tombs

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 The Construction of Social Identity

Figure 8.5. (a) Middle Mochica tomb M-U725, of an aged man dressed in a headdress, and with
a set of tools; (b) Funerary offrenda from tomb M-U725.

with fewer than three ceramic offerings, and with small pieces of copper in the hands and the
mouth (Del Carpio 2008). Some unusually large boot-shaped tombs filled with large quantities
of offrenda have also been discovered (Ruiz 2008). These cases presumably represent personages
connected with high-status ceremonial activities.
We currently know of at least three clusters or groupings of these tombs on the site’s esplanade:
one towards the north (Rengifo et al. 2008; Ruiz 2008) and the other two – which have been
more extensively studied – towards the west and east of the central area (Del Carpio 2008). Each
cluster may possibly reflect two familial or otherwise related groups encircling the tomb of an
aged artesan, a goldsmith and a woodworker, respectively, as discussed later.
Tomb M-U725, in Area 9 (Castillo et al. 2008; Del Carpio 2008; Fraresso 2007) (Figure 8.5a),
appears to be the most important in the eastern group. It is a boot-shaped tomb containing the
remains of an aged male wearing a feline-form headdress (an unusual finding in Middle Moche
tombs), with two ceramic vessels in the Middle Moche style and another in the Gallinazo style.
There was also a set of 12 stone and metal tools associated with goldworking, including hammers,
punches and chisels (Figure 8.5b).
The main individual of tomb M-U813 (Figure 8.6a), excavated by Martín del Carpio, was an
aged man who appears to have been the most prominent personage in the west cluster. Like the
aforementioned individual, he was buried with two Middle Moche vessels (one a high-quality
example, depicting a combat scene) and one in the Gallinazo style. At the level of his right shoul-
der he bore a set of tools including knives, chisels, a punch and a pair of copper tweezers, instru-
ments probably used in carpentry or goldsmithing (Figure 8.6b).
In both cases, one may infer that there was a clear intention – on the part of the individuals
involved in the interment process – to perpetuate into death the activities carried out by the
deceased in life.

Where Are the Late Moche Specialists?

The Late Moche period (ca. a.d. 600–850) represents the most intense occupation of San José de
Moro.The large-scale festivals and consumption of chicha continued, as did the boot-form burials,
which contained increasingly large amounts of ceramic made both locally and elsewhere (this

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Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

Figure 8.6. (a) Middle Mochica boot-form tomb M-U813, containing an adult male with a set of
metal tools. (b) Artefacts recovered from tomb M-U813.

period sees the first appearance of exotic pottery at the site). Only a single fine-line decorated
stirrup vessel was recovered, although this design went on to become the most characteristic of
the funerary offerings. This period also sees the first appearance of chamber tombs, which were
used for the burial of notable individuals such as the priestesses (mainly around the foot of Huaca
La Capilla [Castillo 2001, 2003; Donnan and Castillo 1994]), although boot-form tombs were
dominant throughout this and all other periods at the site.
Accurate identification of specialists’ tombs during this period is fraught with difficulty.
The large quantity of objects that went to make up funerary offerings may mean that role-
specific markers may have been obscured; this differs from Middle Moche tombs where the
much smaller range of role/identity-specific artefacts made them much more conspicuous.
Therefore, although these tombs support the notion that funerary practices complexify to
reflect increasing complexity in the society in question (Binford 1971), the signals can become
obscured and identities hidden if the indicators are mixed in with an ‘overload’ of other ele-
ments. It may also be the case that Late Moche groups never entertained the notion of rep-
resenting specialised roles in death during the burial process, or that their means of doing so
were expressed through symbols that have not been preserved archaeologically. Finally, it may
also be true that they have been preserved, but that we are currently unable to recognise and
interpret them correctly.
A unique finding was a set of ‘informal’ Late Moche tombs (Donley 2008), shallow and irreg-
ularly shaped pits dug into an area used for the preparation and distribution of chicha (Figure 8.7).
The burials were directly associated with the large containers used to macerate this brew. Tomb
M-U1502 is that of an adult woman (M-U1502, 30–35 years old) laid on a linear group of eight
jars or ‘paicas’. This was the main individual in the burial group, associated with a young female
(M-U1511, 17–19 years old) with a sculptural vessel at the level of her head, and two adult men
towards the north of the context (M-U1504, M-U1505, 20–28 years old); these were in extended
positions, with further ‘paicas’ and pots.
In this case we can assume a close relationship between these two individuals and the prepa-
ration of chicha, given the burial site used to inter them, the activities that were carried out there,
and – as women are iconographically attested to have been in charge of chicha production – the
sex of the skeletons (Rengifo et al. 2008).

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 The Construction of Social Identity

Figure 8.7. Area for production and distribution of chicha, Late Mochica period. The burials by
the containers are presumed to be of workers associated with this process.

Specialist Tombs in the Urban Nucleus of the Huacas de Moche

The Huacas de Moche – also known as the Temples of the Sun and Moon – is one of Perú’s most
important archaeological sites. It is located on the left edge of the low Moche River Valley, and is
located between the river of the same name and the Cerro Blanco. It is currently the most studied
and well-understood Moche city in existence (Uceda et al. 1997, 1998, 2000, 2004, 2006).
Unlike other Moche settlements, the Huacas del Moche housed the elite and those involved
with production. Within these divisions it is probable that there was also a series of subgroups
based on ancestry, lineage or activities – warriors, producers, craftsmen, traders, and so forth – all
of which would have been considered at the moment of the demise of one of its inhabitants. It is
therefore advisable to examine the archaeological record not only for hierarchical divisions, but
also for the different personalities and identities that existed at the site (Rengifo and Rojas 2005;
Uceda 2007).
We have, for example, Donnan and Mackey’s (1978) report on the courtyard that separates the
main buildings of the site, and that contains burials of individuals who performed the same social
role. Their tombs were grouped together, with the same general characteristics and similar funer-
ary treatments. According to the authors this concerns personages referred to by Larco (2001) as
Los corredores [the runners]. These individuals were buried wearing headdresses similar to those
represented in the iconographic representations; thus here we can recognise elements that went
to define a specific funeral identity in death, just as they denote a specific role in life. Although
such finds are compelling, the poor preservation in most tombs at the Huacas de Moche only
permits us to make general comparisons of quality and quantity of grave goods, the vast majority
of which is ceramic material. In this case it is particularly important to observe other indicators
of funerary behaviour, one of which is selection of burial site.
The city is composed into two well-differentiated sectors separated by a large road: the sacred
area and the urban nucleus.The latter is in turn divided into two architectural units in the ­manner

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Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

of modern residential areas (Uceda et al. 1997, 1998, 2000, 2004, 2006). The nature of burial
behaviour in both the sacred area and the urban nucleus has been described by Tello et al. (2003:
184), who state that that main difference between these two was the “complexity and longer
duration of the funeral process necessary for those interred in Huaca de la Luna when compared
to those buried in the urban zone”. Thus on one side we have the burials of elite individuals
associated with ceremonial activities at Huaca de la Luna – interred into the same temple, per-
haps as a gesture of power regeneration (Uceda and Tufinio 2003) – while interments on the
Uhle Platform (towards the west of the temple) were elite individuals of other groups, principally
warriors (Uceda 2010).
The Urban Nucleus has also yielded a series of tombs, notably that of a young female from
Architectural Group 9, buried with various elements associated with the manufacture of textiles
(Armas et al. 2002; Chapdelaine 2003). The fact that the tomb is located within an area used
for the manufacture of textiles allows us to create a direct link between the place of burial, the
­elements that went to make up the funerary offering, and the personality/identity of the individ-
ual. It could also be argued – on the basis of historical, iconographic and ethnographic accounts –
that the work carried out in this sector was mostly allocated to females (Gayoso 2007), which
matches the sex of the individual and associated elements.
Not all roles were so clearly defined in the Huacas del Moche burial population. In the burials
of the ceramicists – part of the pottery workshop excavations (Uceda and Armas 1997; Uceda
et al. 2003) – no specific evidence of this activity was recovered, although their high status was
reflected in the quality and quantity of ceramic vessels associated with their remains. It would
therefore appear that familial/social recognition of their status in death has eclipsed the need to
eternally testify to their role as craftsmen. The identities of these individuals were determined on
the basis of the positions of their tombs within the workshop.
It should be noted that of the more than 50 Moche IV tombs so far excavated in the Urban
Nucleus, many are similar but none are identical. This would tend to suggest that every person
received funerary treatment that conformed to the prevailing order – thus identifiable as part of
the same social system – but that was also sensitive to personal characteristics and identities. We
should thus be able to recognise subtle layering in funerary identities, from personal identities to
group affinities and offering that make up the corpus of interdependent relationships maintained
in life and perpetuated beyond death.

Tombs of Specialists during the Transitional

Period at San José de Moro

The Transitional Period has been amply documented at San José de Moro. It is defined chronolog-
ically as the period spanning the end of the Moche hegemony in the Jequetepeque Valley to the
arrival of the Expansive Lambayeque state some 150 years later (ca. a.d. 850–1000). Owing to a lack of
centralised power structures, this period is characterised by a great diversity of cultural manifestations
that found common ground in large-scale ceremonies and celebrations involving the consumption
of chicha, as well as in funerary behaviour (Castillo et al. 2008; Rucabado and Castillo 2003).
Most of the evidence for the Transitional Period at San José de Moro comes from excavations
carried out in the northern sector of the “football pitch” (Figure 8.8a). Following six years of
research, it is now apparent that this large funerary plaza contains an entire elite cemetery, along
with two superimposed occupational horizons as also seen in Area 7 (Castillo et al. 2008). The
earlier phase is characterised by the use of large chamber tombs resembling Late Moche examples
in terms of both size and construction, containing one or two main individuals accompanied by
extensive offering including ceramics and human sacrifices. In the later part of the Transitional
Period, the cemetery was populated by smaller, multi-interment chamber tombs, often accompa-
nied by extended burials outside the tomb structure (Castillo and Rengifo 2006).

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 The Construction of Social Identity

(a)
N

(b)

Figure 8.8. (a) Detail of the northern sector of San José de Moro, where a large funerary plaza
contains an important series of Transitional Period tombs. (b) Tomb M-U1316, belonging to a
Transition Period weaver.

The Transitional Period also signified an opportunity for change and display of numerous new
cultural manifestations. Manufacturing techniques in ceramics and metalwork, funerary practices
and social identity construction all became less orthodox than in the Moche period, giving way
to a highly explicit system for recognising and expressing specialised roles at the moment of
death. In recent years four contexts have come to light that support this assertion, and these are
detailed in the sections that follow.

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Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

Figure 8.9. Grave goods from tomb M-U1316. Note the large quantity of artefacts related to
textile production.

The Tomb of a Textile Worker (M-U1316)

Tomb M-U1316 was discovered while expanding Area 41 westwards to excavate chamber
M-U1315 (Rengifo 2006). It comprises a small structure made of adobes and clay in a roughly
rectangular shape, containing the remains of an adult woman aged between 33 and 46 years and
accompanied by an unusual funerary offering consisting almost entirely of tools associated with
textile production (Figures 8.8b, 8.9). The body was in an extended position, the head oriented
towards the south. It was attired in an ornate necklace and bracelets made from small, tubular
beads in shell and turquoise.
The associated ceramic material included six ‘cocción reductora’ pitchers and three ‘cocción
oxidante’ plates. One of the pitchers was of the face-neck type (with the ‘bat face’ motif), two
had shoulder-mounted ‘pierced false handles’ and a further two had unperforated ‘false handles’.
The smallest example had been burnished. Apart from a plate bearing post-firing markings, the
ceramics were grouped by the individual’s right shoulder, along with the body of a small bird.
Five spindle weights and a pair of bronze tweezers were found beside the mouth. A silver nee-
dle, a chisel, a small spoon, a bronze needle and a set of bird bones were placed on the left shoul-
der. A second grouping of objects was located on the right side of the torso, including two balls
of calcareous white clay, a piece of yellow pigment (probably iron oxide) and another of orange
hue. Beneath one of the balls were a finely made shell spoon, two small quartz items, a duck-bill
pendant, a copper needle and a worked fragment of Pacific cask shell (Malea ringens). At the level
of the left elbow was a copper knife, a small Macha clam (Mesodesma donacium), a snail (Scutalus
proteus) and a ceramic spindle weight.
We recovered 36 well-worked and decorated animal bone spindles between the ribs, in two
superimposed groups. Similar discoveries were made in only one other tomb at San José de Moro,
namely the tombs of the Moche priestesses excavated in 1991–1992 (Donnan and Castillo 1994).
A third group of artefacts had been placed beside the individual’s right arm, including a set of
copper needles, chisels and spoons positioned atop a clam Semele corrugata) shell, associated with
a mass of yellow pigment and a spindle weight. Further artefacts included another clamshell, two

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 The Construction of Social Identity

Figure 8.10. (a) Tomb M-U1403, belonging to a Transitional Period female. (b) Tools and semi-
complete objects from tomb M-U1403.

decorated animal bone combs (fasteners?), various small beads and human teeth, two more shells,
an ark clam (Anadara sp.), two white clay balls and a mass of red pigment, perhaps haematite.
These overlay another grouping of human teeth, circular/tubular beads, and a selection of club-
shaped beads similar to those reported for tomb M-U615 (Rucabado 2008). One in the form of
an ulluchu was also recovered.
This context resembles U1610, a somewhat better preserved interment of a woman from Area 35,
to the north-east of the Huaca Alta (Cusicanqui and Barrazueta 2009). This tomb yielded a range
of remarkable objects, including wooden ‘swords’ and spindles lying to the right of the individual,
along with the remains of multicoloured balls of wool and textile fragments wrapped around the
body. A portrait vessel was also recovered, resembling other finds made in specialist tombs M-U909,
M-U1403 and chamber M-U1045. It is recommended that this individual be subjected to the same
osteological analyses carried out on a spinner from the Lambayeque period (Nelson et al. 2000), to
compare their pathological characteristics and assess any interperiod differentiation.

The Burial of a Female Carver (M-U1403)

Tomb M-U1403 – which dates to the Early Transitional Period – was discovered during exca-
vation of the northern part of the ‘Football Pitch’ area at SJM during the 2006 season (Rengifo
2007). Located to the eastern side of Area 28, in a layer of loose earth and ash, it comprises an
elongated tomb covered with a layer of compacted clay. Directly under this were numerous
ceramic vessels – focused particularly to the northern end of the pit – overlying a centrally
located interment of a woman aged around 30 years old, extended in a supine position with her
head towards the south. To her left were the remains of a newborn child, while the head and
extremities of a camelid lay to her right (Figure 8.10a). She wore a large bead neck collar and bead
bracelets on each wrist, and was adorned with 15 finely worked and coloured spindle weights
between the left arm and ribs. Several incomplete flutes and whistles were found by the right
shoulder, along with one complete example inside a copper case bearing textile imprints and a
series of perforations, suggesting that it was originally intended to be tied/suspended.These were
associated with two punches and small stone implements, a piece of worked quartz and a small
copper knife, all at the level of the woman’s right clavicle (Figure 8.10b).
Thirty-eight vessels were recovered, positioned mostly around the lower limbs of the main
individual. These included 22 Cajamarca style plates, almost all of which had pedestal bases and
were decorated with various motifs. Of particular note was a portrait vessel depicting a male
individual also seen on vessels from tombs M-U909, M-U1045 and M-U1610. The other pieces

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Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

Figure 8.11. (a) Tomb M-U909. An artisan from the Transitional Period. (b) Tomb M-U1221.
Multiple interment of individuals associated with healing or shamanism, with offerings
including human skulls.

include a seemingly Andean pitcher and a small bottle bearing the representation of an adult male
holding a stirrup-handled vessel in his left hand and a gourd container in his right. He bears a
loaded sack on his back, a reed mat under his right arm and a bell-shaped cup upon his left. This
clearly Moche representation has counterparts in the Southern Moche area (Donnan 1978), as
well as in Late Moche contexts at SJM (M-U1058).

The Tomb of an Artesan (M-U909)

This interment was discovered in Area 25 (Rucabado 2000) and comprised an elongated pit
running south–north, containing the remains of a woman of approximately 25 years of age
­(Figure 8.11a). She was wearing a bead necklace, her hips adorned with two Spondylus shells.
The remains of a vegetal fibre bag on the right shoulder contained cut pieces of Spondylus, frag-
ments of perforated snail shell (seemingly in the process of manufacture), shell beads, a tubular
animal bone artefact, red/yellow/grey pigments and a fragment of obsidian. A bone punch, a
small copper chisel and a spindle weight were recovered from beside the skull.
Her funerary offrenda included ten ceramic vessels lying around her lower extremities; the
vessels were mostly domestic cooking pots, with the remains of white pigment around the necks.
Unusual pieces included a ‘cocción reductora’ plate (part of the rim of this vessel formed into the
stair motif seen in Moche V ‘florero’ vessels [Larco 1948]) and a portrait vessel resembling oth-
ers from tombs M-U1403, M-U1610 and chamber M-U1045 (Castillo et al. 2008). A mould for
manufacturing carinated double-spouted vessels with bridge-form handles was also recovered.

The Tomb of the Witchdoctors (M-U1221)

This context is located to the northern end of Area 33 (Rengifo and Barragán 2005), and com-
prised north–south oriented pit of irregular form, containing at least five extensively disturbed
individuals (Figures 8.11b and 8.12). The scattered and mixed nature of the osteological remains
made recovery and anthropological analysis problematic; the sediments were analysed by spit.The
top level contained a line of three skulls to the extreme north end of the context, along with half

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 The Construction of Social Identity

Figure 8.12. Body deposition sequence for tomb M-U1221. Note that the disturbance increases
in line with the number of interred individuals.

of a two-year-old individual (E1), possibly cut at the time of interment. Another extended burial
of an infant was located nearby (M-U1310). The second spit contained E3, an adult (40–45 years)
man in an extended position, with head oriented towards the south, wearing ceramic ear adorn-
ments and with ceramic vessels (four Cajamarca-style plates, two black pitchers and the spout
of a bridge-handled vessel) located by the feet. Four skulls were situated to its right side, one
adorned with four strands of multicoloured beads. This individual and the skull of E3 had both
been adorned with red pigment, perhaps cinnabar. This layer was characterised (and underlain)
by a bed of disarticulated bone, perhaps pertaining to the penultimate reopening of the tomb.

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Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

Figure 8.13. (a) M-U1221. The second phase of burial. Four bodies placed in two pairs, one pair
on either side of the tomb. (b) M-U1221.The first phase of burial.Two women: the elder bears
various artefacts at the height of her right shoulder, while the younger has no ribs remaining
on her upper left side.

The third spit contained two further individuals (Figure 8.13a): an 60+ year-old woman and a (?)
male adult, who had been laid side by side in extended positions, their heads towards the south.
The former (E4) was placed to the west side of the tomb, and was decorated with three spindle-
weights (in the mouth), a thimble in the right hand, a human skull and an infant (E2 – wearing
a shell necklace) resting on her abdomen, a ceramic whistle, three copper tweezers and a spindle
weight. These were resting on the partially articulated finger phalanges of a hand (perhaps her
own, as the left hand was missing). The other individual (E5) was aged between 35 and 45 years;
only the skull, the right upper extremity and the torso were present. The upper left ribs were
also missing.
The final and earliest depositional layer of the sequence contained two female skeletons posi-
tioned directly below the individuals described previously, and in similar positions and orienta-
tions (Figure 8.13b). The western individual was an adult female (E6, 30–35 years of age); the
aforementioned whistle from the individual above (E4) was in contact with her sacrum. Her left
hand held an elongated instrument – possibly a whistle or similar musical instrument – made
from a condor’s longbone, while the right contained a silver needle and the remains of a bead
bracelet.This individual lacked a skull and the upper left ribs, like E5. Furthermore, the pelvis had
been removed and placed, inverted, at the level of the ribs.
The eastern individual was an aged woman (E7, approximately 60 years of age), whose thorax
bore a number of small stone, bone and shell ornaments and beads, and some organic remains.
Other items included two miniature pitchers (one containing shell beads and a copper hook),
copper needles that had evidently been tied in vegetal fibre, small copper plaques, a copper knife,
tubular bone heads reinforced with copper, mollusc shells and small stones that had been worked
and polished into zoomorphic and anthropomorphic shapes. An anthropomorphic vessel was
located near the skull, miniature Cajamarca-style plates, a small pitcher and a stone mortar and
pestle were found by the lower extremities, and a line of three spindle weights next to the left
fibula.

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 The Construction of Social Identity

These individuals lay directly on the floor of the tomb. A vessel of average size, reminiscent of
the Moche style, was recovered in the SW corner of the pit, and this may have been encountered
by the diggers while excavating the pit, and was left in position once it was completed.This vessel
would therefore have been incorporated into the burial context of the later individuals, despite
considerably predating it.
Context M-U1221 provides evidence of uncommon funerary practices, perhaps intended to
reflect the activities carried out in life by the tomb’s occupant. Most of the elements found with
the principal burials – to include miniature stone amulets, shell pendants and beads, metal knives,
hooks, needles and punches, spindle-weights, grinding stones and human skulls – are associated
with the paraphernalia of healing, and form part of the shamanic table still used today by shamans
or healers in the North Coast area (Donnan 1978, 1988; Elera 1994; Millones 1995). A sha-
manic connection is also inferred by the unusual manner in which they were interred, and then
­manipulated following their initial burial.There are traces of reopening and skeletal manipulation
for all phases of the tombs’ usage. The thoraxes of the youngest individuals (E5 and E6) were
opened and the upper ribs removed, perhaps so the hearts could be exposed or displayed. The
fact that the principal individuals are aged women may be significant in light of the gerontocratic
structure of many ancient and modern Peruvian groups (Ramírez 2002).

The Funerary Elements of Roles and Identities

Social reactions and behaviour can often be clearly seen in the archaeology of death and burial;
tombs and burials represent a very specific moment in the past, which – with some excep-
tions – are used, sealed and left untouched. Each interment is therefore the static embodiment of
a series of decisions, conventions and behaviours adopted by a group of individuals to confront
the demise of one of their number. Each element and the position and manner in which they are
deposited reflects extant ideological conventions, while perceived social importance can also be
inferred from studies of energy expenditure.
As members of a privileged sector of these North Coast communities, the specialists merited
burials in which the social roles they carried out in life would be recognised. So that this rec-
ognition would transcend death, their identities and offices can be identified through analysis of
their funerary remains. Their social function was a key factor in the construction of postmortem
identities, establishing an unbreakable link between the individual and his or her occupation, tak-
ing the form of being buried with their work-tools and/or in their own workshops or specifically
designated locale. Analysis of these contexts suggests that four aspects of social identity can be
used to differentiate the tomb of a specialist from that of a member of the privileged classes:

• Conventional elements or markers of cultural affinity

• Markers of dependence or offerings
• Adornments or valuable goods
• ‘Individualising’ elements or personal objects

The conventional elements are those that reflect belonging to a major social group, conform-
ing to conventions that serve to identify an individual – regardless of social status – as being part
of a regional tradition. These elements include the form and orientation of the tomb, the posi-
tion of the body and the position and nature of the funerary goods (some of which may serve as
markers of age and sex). For example, Middle Moche tombs at San José de Moro tend to be of the
boot-form variety, oriented north–south and containing a single individual in extended position
with small strips of metal in the mouth and hands, and with limited grave offerings.
The elements indicating dependence reflect the social units involved with the deceased and
with ritual practices, denoting the social relevance of the interred person within the community.

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Carlos Rengifo Chunga and Luis Jaime Castillo Butters

These elements are diversely situated, from adjacent to the body to the edges of the pit, in niches
in the chamber or even outside the chamber itself. Their analysis must include both quantitative
and qualitative perspectives: most North Coast burials’ social status is most clearly marked by the
quantity and quality of the ceramic vessels, as well as the social groups with which they were
involved and the level of investment carried out in the tomb’s creation. Geographical provenance
and the symbolic load of individual pieces should also be considered.
The decorations and wealthy offerings are designed to demonstrate the purchasing power of
the deceased and their relations. They tend to be directly associated with the body, specifically
their jewellery and general attire. Although often very conspicuous, they are less ideologically
loaded than symbols of power and/or indicators of activity.
‘Individualising’ or personalised objects are specifically linked to the interred individual’s prin-
cipal social identity, thus emphasising their most significant social role. They tend to be placed
directly on the body of the interred individual, or perhaps held in the hands. Examples include
headdresses, banners, weapons (i.e., swords and clubs) or objects linked to craft production. In the
case of San José de Moro, such artefacts/tools were typically found at the level of the individuals’
right shoulder, sometimes contained within a fibre bag also containing unfinished objects and
production waste.

Conclusions

The diversity and complexity of Prehispanic North Coast Peruvian societies provides the oppor-
tunity to examine the construction and expression of social roles and identities through funerary
remains. In the current case we have focused on specialists who – as privileged members of these
societies – merited funerary rituals that recognised their productive or administrative activities,
and that were constructed and represented in their tombs.
The evidence from San José de Moro eloquently illustrates the structural characteristics of
these contexts. The tombs of specialists from the Middle Moche to Transitional Periods illustrate
the inseparable connection between the interred person and the roles they occupied in life. It is
apparent that the funerary identity of these individuals centred upon their specialist role – above
personalised characteristics – expressed using artefacts linked to their public roles and activities
in life. Further refinement is also possible. It is apparent, for instance, that tools and artefacts asso-
ciated with craft production are usually found atop – or at the height of – the right shoulder of
each individual. There is also a preponderance of spindle weights atop – or at the height of – the
left shoulder (the gender implications of these and other artefacts remains uncertain), and ceramic
vessels encircling the lower extremities or the height of the head.
The manner in which specialised roles were expressed during the Late Moche period must
also be explored.Whereas the evident status of elite individuals – notably members of the priestly
class – is fairly unambiguous, signals of craftsman roles in funerary contexts appears to have been
hidden or partly obscured by other aspects of social persona, notably those aspects linked to status
and relationships of dependency.
Finally, the Huacas del Moche contexts have repeatedly demonstrated that craft items are not
necessary to identify a specialist tomb: the occupants’ status and role was denoted by the fact that
their bodies were interred in their own workshops.

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 Chapter 9

Bodies of Evidence
Mortuary Archaeology and
the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

Human remains played a vital role in Andean religions. Ancestor worship was described among
the Incas of the Conquest era, and some archaeologists infer Inca-like veneration of ancestor
mummies during earlier Andean prehistory (Kolata 1993; McEwan 2005; Moseley 2001). Other
scholars argue that Andean cultural development – including mortuary practices and religious
ideologies of death – were much more dynamic, characterised by significant cultural variation as
well as evolutionary change through time (De Leonardis and Lau 2004; Isbell 1997; Korpisaari
2006; Lau 2008). This important debate shall not easily be resolved, but interrogation of the
data concerning these issues deserves high priority in Andean archaeology. In this chapter we
describe and compare Wari and Tiwanaku burials, focusing on the cultural implications for Wari–­
Tiwanaku relations, as well as this greater, Andean mortuary debate.
Wari and Tiwanaku belong to the Middle Horizon (a.d. 600–1000), when Staff-God and
Profile-Attendant iconography spread throughout the Central Andes (Figure 9.1; Isbell and Kno-
bloch 2006, 2009). Assumed to represent an expansive religious doctrine, adoption of Staff-God
imagery was accompanied by political changes that may be the most radical in the history of
the Central Andes, namely imperial administrative control. New core-periphery relation pat-
terns appeared, centred on two apparently politically independent capital cities that seem to have
shared one religion (Figure 9.2).What can mortuary practices – especially a comparison of burial
patterns from the two heartlands – reveal about Staff-God worship, what was shared by Wari and
Tiwanaku, and were Inca-like ancestor mummies1 involved?
This chapter springs from two independent studies: one of Wari heartland burials, by Isbell
(2004; Isbell and Cook 2002), and the other of mortuary patterns in Tiahuanaco’s core territory,
by Korpisaari (2006). More recently published information has been considered, especially for
the Wari study, which was based on detailed analysis of burials excavated at Conchopata. As the
two studies employed data from many excavations, and used different protocols, results are not as
comparable as they might have been if comparison had been intended from the start. However,
much can be learned, including new criteria and considerations for debate, discussion and future
research.
This chapter is based on information currently available. Any archaeologist knows that the next
turn of the shovel may produce unexpected discoveries, so our decision to consider ­‘negative

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William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

Figure 9.1. Staff-God and Profile-Attendant iconography spread during the Middle Horizon.
Above: Gate of the Sun sculpture from Tiahuanaco. (Photo by Antti Korpisaari.). Below:
Polychrome painted offering jar from Conchopata in the Huari heartland. (Photo by William
H. Isbell.)

e­ vidence’ may be somewhat controversial – especially the lack of anything resembling a royal
burial from the Tiwanaku heartland. Perhaps tomorrow’s excavations will expose the grave of a
great lord at Tiahuanaco, and if so, we will amend our discussion. But we believe that negative
data should not be ignored indefinitely. It is time to make plausible inferences about the past for
Wari and Tiwanaku, based on what is known currently. Andean archaeology will benefit from
critical discussion and debate of such inferences.

Wari Mortuary Preferences

Wari mortuary preferences,2 including those of the Huari heartland, were undefined until very
recently. Indeed, considering the fact that classification of Moche burials began more than
30 years ago (Donnan and Mackey 1978), Wari research is still in a stage of trial formulations.
Even in the current decade confusion has reigned, owing to poor preservation, extensive looting
of graves and protracted ancient mortuary activities that involved reopening at least some graves
to modify their contents. Excavators have not consistently distinguished these three processes of
site formation, and they are often very difficult to differentiate in the field. Careful observation
and comparison of many examples within the large Conchopata mortuary sample were essential
for abstracting ‘preferences’ attributed to Wari mourners by Isbell (2004).

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 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

Pampa Grande Kolkitin Palacio

Yamobamba
Viracochapampa
Galindo Marcahuamachuco

Honcopampa

N Wari Sphere
Socos
Wari Willca
Pachacamac
Azangaro
Huari
Jargampata
ConchopataPikillacta
Huaro
Jincamocco

Pacheco
Huaca del Loro

Pariti Tiraska
Iwawi Lukurmata
Tiwanaku Kallamarca
Khonko Wankani
Cerro Baul
Cochabamba
Chen Chen Valley
Omo

Arica

500 km

Tiwanaku
Middle Horizon
Centres of the Sphere
Central Andes San Pedro
de Atacama

Figure 9.2. Map of Central Andean Area during the Middle Horizon, indicating the Wari and
Tiwanaku spheres of influence, and locating principal centres and sites.

The environment of the Ayacucho Valley promotes very poor preservation, as do the stone-
capped pits and cists popular with the Wari; seasonal soil humidity condenses on the underside
of the stones, keeping the interior of the grave humid (Leoni 2004, 2009). Flesh and other per-
ishables such as textiles and wood disappeared quickly, and even skeletons may be reduced to
little more than white powder and a few teeth. Preservation in larger mortuary chambers is less
understood because none have been discovered intact, but at least some seem to have experienced

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William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

the same interior condensation of moisture that characterises stone-capped pits and cists. This,
combined with looting, has made Ayacucho mortuary study a confusing topic.
Archaeologists only recently began to comprehend the protracted burial practices character-
istic of many Andean cultures (see De Leonardis and Lau 2004). Ancestor veneration was not
simply worship of deceased relatives: ancestors were often treated to prolonged, elaborate mortu-
ary rituals. Insightful understanding of death and burial in ancient Andean societies depends on
differentiating the effects of natural preservation from taphonomic issues related to the processes
of protracted mortuary rituals. This became apparent at the site of Conchopata.
This discussion of Wari burial is based on more than 200 looted and unlooted burials from the
small Huari hinterland city of Conchopata (Isbell 2004; Isbell and Cook 2002; Tung 2003; Tung
and Cook 2006), as well as 23 unlooted and various looted burials from neighbouring Ñawinpu-
kyo (Cabrera 1998; Leoni 2004, 2009). Looted burials from the Vegachayoq Moqo, Moraduchayuq,
Monjachayoq and Cheqo Wasi sectors of Huari (Benavides 1984, 1991; Bragayrac 1991; Isbell et al.
1991; Pérez 1999; Tiesler 1996) were also considered, as were looted and unlooted burials from
Aqo Wayqo, Qori Huillca, Recreo Magali, Muyu Orqo, Posoqoypata, Seqllas, Marayniyoq and
Azángaro (Figure 9.3; Alarcón 1999; Anders 1986; Berrocal 1991; Ochatoma and Cabrera 2001a;
Valdez et al. 20063). All of these sites and mortuary samples come from the Ayacucho Valley, within
50 km of Huari itself. However, some Middle Horizon burials from the Wari site of Batan Urqu
(Zapata 1998), and a new discovery in Espíritu Pampa (Ministerio de Cultura 2011) were also
included.
As with the Tiwanaku sample, most Wari burials were discovered during excavations of archi-
tectural remains of residential and ceremonial buildings. Only Ayacucho’s Recreo Magali, Seqllas
and Posoqoypata were exposed by accident, so may not represent burials interred under and
among architectural spaces, although this remains unclear (Valdez et al. 2006). If extra-community
Wari burials existed – as seems to have been the case for at least some coastal cemeteries – they
remain little known in the heartland and thus represent another strand of ‘negative evidence.’
Publications listed above on heartland Wari burials contain more complete descriptive infor-
mation, especially Isbell (2004). This burial typology was based on the form, size and elaboration
of tombs; as most tombs had been looted, the typology included only secondary consideration of
grave furnishings. But most importantly, to recognise protracted burial practices it was essential
to evaluate disturbed burials.
Independent statistical analysis of the Conchopata mortuary corpus by Milliken (2006)
focused primarily on grave contents, and concluded that “. . .for the most part Isbell’s Wari
Burial Types conform to the groups produced by the multidimensional scaling analysis” (2006:
292). However, additional correlations emerged. For example, Milliken’s analysis distinguished
graves Isbell classified into Types 4, 5a and 5b into Groups 1 and 2, the first sometimes includ-
ing Wari blackware ceramics, tupus, figurines and snuff spoons, whereas Group 2 graves con-
sistently lacked any of these items. Considering that Types 4, 5a and 5b all belong to the set
here renamed Elaborate, and probably represent intermediate elites, it seems that more social
communication is to be discovered in Wari mortuary activity than emerged in this analysis of
formal grave features.
For the sake of simplicity, multiple mortuary preferences recognised by Isbell (2004) have
been collapsed into four sets: Simple, Intermediate, Elaborate and Monumental. Another Wari
burial type, a single example of a mass grave that might represent female sacrificial victims, is not
­considered.

Simple Wari Burial

Simple burials from the Huari heartland include Isbell’s (2004) Wari Burial Type 1, Individual
Interment, and Wari Burial Type 2, Multiple Interment (Figure 9.4, Types 1 and 2). The first

140
 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

Mantaro River

Tantawasi

Huanta Enclave

Huarpa River
Seqllas
Posoqoypata San Miguel
Azángaro River

Hu
ar
Marayniyoq iE
nc
er

Tawacocha
lav
Riv

Huari Cerro e
La Compañia
Cachi

Pongor Churucana
a
Enclave Jargampata
Simpapata Riv West Huarpa
er Community
Cachi River
Recreo Magali
Muyu Orqo
Qori Huillca
Aqo Wayqo Conchopata
N Acuchimay
Ñawinpukyo
Huamanga
Enclave

5 km
Ayacucho
Valley

Figure 9.3. Map of the Ayacucho Valley locating Huari and the primary Wari sites discussed in
the text.

consists of a flexed adult body placed in a pit, with few if any furnishings (although the pit may
be capped with one or more stones). Type 2 simple pits contain several adult bodies: because
Type 1 burials appear to have sometimes become Type 2 by the addition of further individuals,
the two primary types are closely related, and Type 2 can result from ongoing use of a Type
1 tomb.
A variant of Type 2 newly identified at Ñawinpukyo is provisionally named the Under-Wall
Pit Interment (Figure 9.5a). One example probably dates to the end of the Early Intermediate
Period, suggesting that it may be relevant to understanding the development of Wari mortuary
preferences, and their link to architecture and place. Human remains included adults of both sexes
as well as children, at least sometimes added in different events (Leoni 2004: 270, 285).

141
William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

Type 2 Type 6 Type 4

Type 1 Type 3

Profile Profile Profile Rock

Profile

Profile

Plan Plan
Plan Plan Plan

Simple Wari Burials Intermediate Wari Burials Elaborate Wari Burials

Type 5a
Primary Burial Chamber
with Offering House Constructed
Type 5b
on Burial Chamber Lid Altar Chamber
with Doorway Burial Room

Cover
Offering House
Ttoco Stone
Doorway
Ttoco

Burial Chamber
Entrance
Profile
Burial Chamber
Profile
Subsidiary Burial Bedrock
Chambers

Elaborate Wari Burials

Type 5c

Monumental Wari Burials

Figure 9.4. Wari Burial types. Simple Wari Burial – Types 1 and 2. Intermediate Wari Burial –
Types 3 and 6. Elaborate Wari Burial – Types 4, 5a, and 5b. Monumental Wari Burial – Types 5c
and 8 (for Type 8, see Figure 9.6 and Isbell 2004: figures 16–18).

Intermediate Wari Burial

Intermediate set burial preferences from the Huari heartland include Isbell’s (2004) Wari Burial
Type 3, Cist Interment and Wari Burial Type 6, Wall Interment (Figure 9.4, Types 3 and 6).
Neither was common at Conchopata, but both are well represented at other Ayacucho
­settlements.

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 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

Figure 9.5. (a) Wari Burial Type 2 Provisional Variant, Under-Wall Pit Interment. (Photos by Juan
B. Leoni.); (b) Wari Burial Type 8, Monumental Wari Burial.The photograph shows megalithic
cells exposed by Ismael Pérez (1999), at Monjachayuq, Huari. Large galleries are located below,
and a stone-lined pit with massive lid penetrates still deeper. It is inferred that this represents a
Wari royal tomb, severely looted and quarried for stone in Colonial times. (Photo by William
H. Isbell.)

Type 3 Cist Interments required more labour than simple burials, and probably represent sig-
nificantly more ceremony at the grave side. They contain minor offerings, and sometimes have
stone-lined pits with prominent lids of stone or clay. A highly significant feature of Wari Type 3
burials is the occasional presence of a small notch or hole in the lid of the grave, permitting access
to the tomb. Isbell (2004: 9–10) proposed the name ‘ttoco’ for such orifices, from old Quechua
(Gonzalez Holguín 1989 [1608]) meaning ‘window or passage.’
Excellent examples of Cist Interments are described by Valdez et al. (2002: 399–401) for Poso-
qoypata, although they were damaged by bulldozing prior to archaeological investigation. Ttoco
are represented by one stone slab with an 8-cm hole pecked through it, found inside a cist, but
several lids disappeared when the site was revealed by bulldozing. One cist tomb had a niche in
one side. The Posoqoypata tombs were probably associated with residential buildings.
Few other Ayacucho burials are as definitively Type 3 as the Posoqoypata cists, but many graves
belong more generally to the Cist Interment class. Among them are Tomb 1 from Aqo Wayqo
(Ochatoma and Cabrera 2001a: 83–86), a pair of graves from the Recreo Magali (Ochatoma and
Cabrera 2001a: 91, 96–97) and five graves in two rooms at Muyu Orqo, excavated by Berrocal
(1991; Ochatoma and Cabrera 2001a: 90–96). Other burials from this site are probably also best
classified as Type 3 although some of the cists seem to have contained infants or children whose
graves deserve a separate analysis.
Intermediate Wari Type 6, Wall Interment was reported for Conchopata by Luis Lumbreras
(1974: 180–181). The single example consisted of two bodies seated in a cavity within a rough
stone wall, without furnishings. However, larger wall interments are described by Valdez et al.
(2005:179–183, figure 3; Valdez et al. 2006: 117–119, figures 2 and 3) at the Marayniyoq site. Both
are chambers constructed in one corner of a T-shaped intersection of two thick walls. Both con-
tained multiple adults and children, probably added in multiple events, and perhaps even includ-
ing secondary burials, but extensive disturbance hinders description (Valdez et al. 2006: 118–119,
figure 3).
The most impressive Wall Interments are from the Vegachayoq Moqo sector of Huari (Tiesler
1996), where a massive wall more than 2 m thick had many large niches, one containing a collec-
tion of secondary burials (Bragayrac 1991). The other wall chambers are not niches but crypts for

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William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

primary burials that were surely sealed except when reopened for a new burial. Some appear to
have been dug into the wall after its construction, while others appear to have been shaped as the
wall was built (Pérez 1999;Tiesler 1996). None are known to have ttoco, but at least one contained
furnishings that included fragments of fine Wari textiles, a carved gourd and fine coiled basketry.
On the Batan Urqu hill in southern Cuzco, Zapata (1998) describes a great building with a
thick wall still standing about a metre high. Along the interior bottom of the west wall are Type
6 burial chambers of various forms, from rectangular to semicircular and elongated.They contain
disturbed bones of numerous adults, infants and children.

Elaborate Wari Burial

Elaborate graves include Isbell’s Wari Burial Types 4, 5a and 5b, Bedrock Cavity Interment and
Mortuary Room Interment (Figure 9.4, Types 4, 5a and 5b).
Type 4 Bedrock Cavity Interment employed deep tombs excavated into bedrock, containing
abundant offerings and many individuals. At Conchopata they were located under the floors of
buildings; they were usually marked by circular lids or raised bench-like structures above them,
with ttoco holes into or near the tomb. However, Ñawinpukyo mortuary remains demonstrate
that Bedrock Cavity Interments may not have ttoco, and can contain as few as one individual.
Most Bedrock Cavity Interments have a single, irregularly shaped chamber that was probably
determined by faults in the stone. Some Type 4 graves consist of a shaft with two or three cham-
bers branching from its bottom, each with a horizontal entrance that was sealed at the mouth.
Disturbance of skeletal remains in unlooted Type 4 graves, as well as differential preservation of
remains, indicate that bodies were added over time. It appears that some bones were also removed,
implying protracted mortuary rituals.
A newly published plan and profile (Ochatoma 2007: 260–262) indicates that two burials of
single bodies excavated at Conchopata in 1997 (Ochatoma and Cabrera 2001a, 2001b) are best
classified as simple examples of Type 4 Bedrock Cavity Interments. These burials were dubbed
‘potters’ when discovered, for their grave furniture included ceramic manufacturing tools. In addi-
tion, the two disturbed graves from Qori Huillca reported by Edgar Alarcón (1999; Ochatoma
and Cabrera 2001a: 94–96) are probably also Type 4 graves, and were discovered with impressive
ceramic furnishings. Another Bedrock Cavity Interment was found at Azángaro (Anders 1986).
Better understanding of Type 4 Bedrock Cavity Interments – based on sites other than Con-
chopata – seems to suggest that a chamber at Seqllas (Valdez et al. 2002, 2005: 178, figure 2) is a
variant of the Bedrock Cavity tomb, albeit larger than most. It shares formal similarities with other
Type 4 Interments, especially a horizontal entrance (sealed at the mouth) running into a large
chamber where numerous bodies were placed, probably over a considerable period of time.
Elaborate Wari Burial Types 5a and 5b – termed Mortuary Room Interment – include a
third subtype, Type 5c, newly included in the Monumental Wari Burial set (see the next section).
Although many Type 5a and 5b tombs were looted, all seem to have contained numerous flexed
bodies and many fine furnishings. They are the only graves from Conchopata that produced gold
artefacts. The name ‘Mortuary Room Interment’ was selected because the tomb/tombs occupies
so much of a room/room complex that it is difficult to imagine anything other than mortuary
activities taking place within the space.
Numerous bodies were probably added sequentially to Type 5a and 5b mortuary room graves,
and some bones or individuals could have been removed; as no examples of these graves have
been discovered intact, inferences remain speculative. A small offering house was generally built
over the primary grave or burial chamber, usually with a ttoco through its floor. At Conchopata
only Types 5a and 5b have been found while at Huari Type 5a as well as monumental Type
5c mortuary rooms have been documented. A particularly elaborate Type 5A tomb has been
described at Cuzco‘s Batan Urqo site (Zapata 1998).

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 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

Curiously, what may be the only intact Type 5a Wari interment was recently discovered at
Espíritu Pampa, in the northwestern forests of Cuzco. It consists of a cylindrical, stone lined pit
with a massive two-piece lid pierced by a circular ttoco. Placed near one end of a stone enclosure,
the building was surely a Wari mortuary room. A total of nine burials were reported, including
the principal tomb that may or may not have been covered by a mortuary house; many details
are yet to be released. However, this burial shares so much with other Type 5a interments that
it must be recognised as an example of the class, and as the grave of a Wari official. The primary
tomb contained diagnostic Ayacucho-Wari pottery, as well as silver and gold objects decorated
with iconographic images pertaining to the Staff-God and Profile-Attendants complex (Minis-
terio de Cultura 2011). Some of the ceramic and metalwork art suggests an identity for the key
deceased that is well known in the Huari heartland as well as some other provinces (Knobloch
n.d.). Unfortunately, preservation is so bad in Cuzco’s rain forest that no human remains – except
a few teeth – have been preserved at Espíritu Pampa to tell archaeologists anything about the
postmortem treatment of Wari elites.
Somewhat less recently, a small and early version of a Middle Horizon Mortuary Room Inter-
ment was excavated at Ñawinpukyo (Leoni 2004: 242–250),4 and another (classified as Type 5a)
has been reported surrounded by Type 3 Cist Interments at Posoqoypata (Valdez et al. 2002).

Monumental Wari Burial

Wari Burial Type 8 has been dubbed ‘Royal Interment’ (see Isbell 2004: figures 16–18), but should
ideally be named without involving a specific functional inference. The most spectacular known
example of a Monumental Wari Interment was excavated in the area of Huari known as Mon-
jachayuq (Figure 9.5b; Pérez 1999). Many fragmentary human bones were found in a great tomb
complex that consists of numerous multistoried, megalithic, subterranean galleries and chambers
penetrating deep into the ground. However, the complex was looted and quarried for stone in
Colonial times, causing tremendous damage. An unstudied second Wari Burial Type 8 ­complex –
also severely looted – has been tentatively identified in the north-eastern sector of Huari’s archi-
tectural core. It is inferred that both these tombs represent royal burials. Wari Burial Type 8 is
known from the city of Huari alone.
Monumental but smaller Wari Burial Type 5c includes Wari’s famous megalithic tombs known
as Cheqo Wasi, Quechua for ‘[hard volcanic] stone house’ (Figure 9.4,Type 5c; see Benavides 1984,
1991). Huari‘s Cheqo Wasi are Mortuary Room Interments significantly greater in magnitude
than Types 5a and 5b, consisting of single-, double- and triple-floor constructions of intercon-
nected, megalithic stone chambers (see Isbell 2004: figures 12 and 13). All have been looted, but
human remains are found in and around many of the ransacked mausoleums. Like Wari Burial
Type 8, Type 5c is limited to the city of Huari.5 Traces of luxury goods have been found in and
around looted Type 5c tombs, and the diligence with which all known examples were looted
suggests that they may have contained rich furnishings.

Wari Burial of Infants and Children

Burials of infants and children were excluded from Isbell’s (2004) study of Wari mortuary prefer-
ences. Graves of the young are poorly preserved and highly varied: some seem exactly like adult
burials, except smaller, while others were treated entirely differently (Figure 9.6a, upper left).
Generalisations are offered on a preliminary basis only.
Wari mourners frequently placed foetuses and infants in ceramic vessels. Subsequently the jars
could be buried with adults, with other children, or even alone (Figure 9.7, lower left and right).
Although exceptions may be discovered, it seems likely that burial in jars or urns was reserved
for children, not adults. Frequently, the neck of a large jar was broken off near the shoulder so

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William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

Figure 9.6. (a) Upper left: Wari Burial of Infants and Children, in a simple pit, although bodies
were covered by large jar sherds. Lower left and right: Type 4, Bedrock Cavity Interment, in
EA-105 at Conchopata. Lower left shows pristine tomb when opened, with infants in jars near
the grave opening, and adult burials below and to the rear of the tomb. Right shows one of
several jars, capped with a bowl that contained the remains of an infant. (Photos by William H.
Isbell.) (b) Left: Adult woman interred in Type 3 grave with a bowl over her head. Right: Child
with a bowl over the head.(Photos by William H. Isbell.)

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 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

that the child‘s remains would fit inside. But there are also cases in which the child seems to have
been surrounded with – or covered by – large ceramic sherds, which were sometimes covered
with soot (Leoni 2004).
Children were also buried in Type 1 and Type 2 Interments; the discovery of deciduous teeth
in Type 3 and Type 4 Interments suggests that these types may also have been used to inter chil-
dren. The larger tombs can contain a child either in isolation or accompanying one or more
adults, although tiny bodies inside jars placed beside the adult(s) are not uncommon, espe-
cially in sizeable tombs of Type 4. Preliminary information suggests that infants and children –
along with adults – probably also appeared in Type 5 and Type 6 Interments, as well as Type 8
Monumental Mortuary Complexes. All spectacular Wari tombs were disturbed before archaeo-
logical study, except perhaps for the Espíritu Pampa burial. Nonetheless, conventions for child
burial were apparently diverse, so social as well as temporal markers probably remain to be dis-
covered.

A Gender-Specific Wari Mortuary Preference (?)

A distinctive practice observed first among children’s graves at Conchopata is burial in flexed,
seated positions with an inverted ceramic bowl placed on/over the head (Figure 9.6b, right).This
practice was also observed for three adult females at Conchopata, including a single-individual
Type 3 Interment (Figure 9.6b, left) and two adults in multi-individual Type 4 Interments. A Type
3 Interment from Muyu Orqo also had a bowl over the head, but sex was not independently
confirmed (Ochatoma and Cabrera 2001a [photos by López pp. 96–97]).
We suggest that burial with a bowl over the head communicated female gender in addition to
further social information, for not all adult females were thus interred. Indeed, the practice was
more common for children, whose sex cannot be determined independently. Provisionally, we
suggest that a bowl placed over the deceased’s head signalled female gender of relatively low sta-
tus most appropriate for children; perhaps the meaning was something like ‘unmarried woman’,
although if so, unmarried women seem to have had children. Perhaps concubines were included
in this category.

Observations Regarding Wari Mortuary Preferences

Wari mortuary practices involved a variety of modes or ‘preferences’. At least in the case of
adult burials an array of ideal types appear, which vary in terms of grave complexity, elaboration
and – in intact tombs – furnishings. These types arrange into a hierarchy plausibly interpreted as
representing social status.6
Social identity other than status was also expressed in Wari mortuary practices.Age was affirmed
in treatments accorded to children and infants, notably interring subadults in jars, or covered by
large sherds. Gender also seems to have been asserted. As stated previously, placement of a bowl on
the head of an adult was apparently reserved for women, perhaps even a more specific status such
as ‘unmarried woman’. Children thus interred are believed to have been girls. Milliken (2006)
found that Conchopata graves best ranked as intermediate elites divide into classes on the basis
of the types of artefacts included, implying that even more social organisational information was
coded by mortuary activities.
Although many of Ayacucho‘s graves were disturbed, mortuary data are incompletely pub-
lished, and some excavators prefer to emphasise difference rather than similarities. A review of
current data from Conchopata and beyond shows that interment types created for Conchopata
require only modest refinement to also apply to information published for the greater Ayacu-
cho Valley, including both Huamanga and Huanta.7 Only Monumental Wari Burial seems to be
spatially restricted, and that is to the capital, where the maximal elites were interred. Regional

147
William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

1 = Tiwanaku
2 = Capillu Pata
Lake Titicaca 3 = Chiripa
4 = Churijahuira - Cuyahuani
5 = Guaqui (LV-55)
6 = Iktomani
7 = Chucaripupata (Island of the Sun)
7 8
9 8 = Wakuyo (Island of the Sun)
9 = Island of the Moon
BO

10 = Iwawi (LV-150)
LI

11 = Katilani Jawira
PE

VI

12 = Khonko Wankané
A
RÚ

11
13 = Kirawi
14 = Lukurmata
4
15 = Obsidiana (LV-109)
16 = Pariti
2 17 = Qeya Kuntu
18 19 18 = Qiwaya
19 = Tiraska
16

14 13
3
10 17
Rí
o
Ca
ta La Paz
ri
1 R
ío
5 15 Ti
ah
ua
na
cu

6 12
20 km

Figure 9.7. Map of the Tiwanaku heartland, showing the location of the burial sites analysed by
Korpisaari (2006).

variation in heartland Wari burial seems less than the affirmation of status, age and gender, all of
which were relatively consistent.
Excavated Wari graves were situated within the built environment, intimately related to archi-
tectural spaces and social places. Many Wari graves, especially those of higher status, had ttoco
openings that permitted interaction between the living and the dead. It remains to be deter-
mined just how the ttoco functioned, but they surely relate to ancestor veneration of some kind.
In contrast, preservation in most Wari graves was poor, so human flesh as well as other perishables
disappeared quickly. Consequently, living Waris did not have mummies, unless they were curated
in a manner as yet completely undetected.Yet protracted mortuary practices have been identified
among Wari burials, involving reopening of graves to add bodies, and probably to extract bones
and/or other remains. It also seems likely that offerings were added while graves were reopened.
Wari people were thus intimately associated with their dead – and in constant contact with
them – but the deceased were not ancestor mummies like those of the Incas.

Tiwanaku Mortuary Preferences

The Tiwanaku IV/V burial sample analyzed by Korpisaari (2006) consists of somewhat more
than 100 burials excavated at the site of Tiahuanaco, as well as more than 200 tombs investi-
gated at 18 additional sites in the Tiwanaku heartland (Korpisaari 2006: figure 6.9 and table 6.1)
(Figure 9.7).8 Of these sites, Korpisaari personally excavated at Tiraska, Qiwaya and Pariti (see
Korpisaari 2004, 2006; Korpisaari and Sagárnaga 2007; Korpisaari et al. 2003; Sagárnaga and
Korpisaari 2009), while Isbell excavated at Iwawi (Burkholder 1997; Isbell and Burkholder 2002).
Korpisaari also considers the huge sample of more than 4,500 Tiwanaku burials documented in

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 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

Figure 9.8. Upper left shows the cap of Tiraska’s cist 13. Lower left is a view inside this same cist,
whose diameter was ca. 60 cm, following the removal of the capstones and some of the dirt
that had filtered into the tomb. Note the human remains and the broken tazon or serving bowl
to the north of the skull. Right shows Qiwaya’s cist 1, which had been cut in half and looted
of any grave goods prior to documentation. The grave chamber’s depth was 90 cm. (Photos by
Antti Korpisaari.)

the Moquegua Middle Valley. Recent bioarchaeological research has shown quite convincingly
that the burials of the Omo and Chen Chen phases were altiplano colonists (e.g., Blom 1999;
Goldstein 2005; Knudson 2008; Knudson et al. 2004). As organic preservation in altiplano Tiwa-
naku burials is generally poor, the tombs of the Tiwanaku colonists of the Moquegua Valley can
help fill gaps in Tiwanaku heartland data.
Considerable variation occurs in the form and size of Tiwanaku tombs. Archaeologically
known burial types include stone-lined cists, stone-collared tombs, simple pit burials and shaft-
and-side chamber tombs. Some Tiwanaku deceased were placed in fairly shallow pits, while the
largest shaft and bell-shaped tombs located below Tiahuanaco‘s Putuni platform were ca. 2.5–3
m deep (Couture 2002: 197; Couture and Sampeck 2003: 238). The burials placed under the
walls of the Putuni Palace of the Multicoloured Rooms (Couture 2002: 265–271; Couture and
Sampeck 2003: 252–254; Kolata 1993: 156–159) and in Lukurmata’s central platform (Janusek
2004: 174–176) often included a small chamber adjacent to the main shaft, or a circular bench
near the base. There was less variation in stone-lined cist size, but the elaboration of construction
details differed between individual tombs and cemeteries (Figure 9.8).9 The greatest variation in
burial practices is observed in the city of Tiahuanaco, probably representing groups of people
from the different regions and/or ethnicities under Tiwanaku control/influence who lived (and
died) there. Of course, the number of ‘social classes’ living and working in Tiahuanaco was prob-
ably greater than in other centres and villages.
For various reasons, it was not possible for Korpisaari (2006) to emulate Isbell’s Wari typol-
ogy for Tiwanaku burial contexts. First, variation among the tombs of the principal valleys and

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William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

islands in the Tiwanaku heartland seems to be regional, and probably more equivalent in status
but ­distinct in ethnic identity than the Wari burial sets. In addition, whereas Isbell’s classifica-
tion of Wari burial types benefits from the large number of different tomb types at the sites of
Conchopata and Huari, Korpisaari’s research is on stone-lined cist burials at sites within a small
sub-region of the Tiwanaku heartland, the present-day canton of Cascachi. Finally, available data
concerning tomb dimensions, structural features and grave goods at other Tiwanaku sites is often
sketchy, making it premature to develop a definitive typology.
Even though a detailed typology of Tiwanaku burials cannot be posited at this time, some pat-
terns do emerge. On islands in Lake Titicaca, burial in stone-lined cists seems to have been the
rule. On the Island of the Sun, 14 of the 15 tombs (93%) located by Seddon (1998) at Chucar-
ipupata and all 8 burials studied by Perrin (1957) at Wakuyo were cists (see also Bandelier 1910).
Likewise, all 9 tombs Bauer and colleagues (2004) encountered in their excavations on the Island
of the Moon were cists. On Cumana Island, 24 of the 31 burials (77%) investigated by Korpisaari
at Tiraska were cists, in addition to which a further 4 were somewhat larger stone-lined tombs.
Korpisaari and colleagues also documented 5 cists on neighbouring Cohani Island and 1 cist on
the nearby Pariti Island (where Bennett [1936] previously excavated 3 Tiwanaku burials: 2 stone-
lined cists and 1 simple pit burial). Of the Titicaca islands Tiwanaku cemetery sites, only Capillu
Pata of Suriqui deviates somewhat from the norm: its 4 investigated burials were not ‘true’ cists,
as the stones covering and surrounding them had been rather carelessly arranged to form a space
into which the deceased had been placed (Estévez and Escalante 1994).
Cist burial was not limited to Lake Titicaca‘s islands, however: it has been observed at Katilani
Jawira, Churijahuira-Cuyahuani and Guaqui, lakeside sites possibly once inhabited by the same
lake-based (ethnic?) group(s) as the island sites,10 while four stone-lined/collared cists were exca-
vated at Qeya Kuntu in the Katari Valley (Janusek and Kolata 2003: 150). However, cist burial was
either absent or rare at all other Tiwanaku and Katari Valley inland sites for which we have data.11
Nor was the cist burial tradition very popular among the Tiwanaku-period inhabitants of the
Taraco Peninsula.12 The inhabitants of the Desaguadero/Machaca Valley did practice cist burial,
although the mortuary samples available from Iktomani and Khonko Wankané are very small
(Rydén 1947).
Korpisaari (2006) was cautious about assigning individual Tiwanaku burials to fine-grained
status classes. However, he suggests that we can, with relative certainty, classify most studied burials
into three broad categories: Simple, Elaborate, and Ritual.

Simple Tiwanaku Burial

Simple Tiwanaku graves comprise the great majority of archaeologically documented Tiwanaku
burials. Most often, these tombs were stone-lined cists or simple pit burials less than 1 m deep,
containing one primary internment accompanied by up to two ceramic vessels. In areas of better
organic preservation, several other grave good categories may be present (see the section Some
General Characteristics of Tiwanaku Mortuary Preferences below). However, ceramic vessels and
tomb architecture are often the only clues concerning the wealth of a given burial. Korpisaari
does not consider it meaningful to divide simple burials into subgroups on the basis of the num-
ber of ceramic vessels per grave (cf. Owen 1993: 461), as we do not know exactly what purpose
ceramic vessels served in the grave (and/or the ‘afterlife’).

Elaborate Tiwanaku Burial

Known elaborate Tiwanaku burials include a group of 10 looted shaft and bell-shaped tombs
in the mortuary complex located below Tiahuanaco’s Putuni platform extension (Couture

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 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

2002: 197–214; Couture and Sampeck 2003: 238–243). Furthermore, 14 elaborate burials –
many of which were either double-chambered or had a bench near the base – were found in
the platform at the centre of Lukurmata (Janusek 2004: 174–176; see also Bermann 1994: 204).
Beyond the heartland, a large, looted oval cist (Tomb 15), originally containing impressive grave
goods, was discovered at the M16D cemetery site in the Moquegua Valley (Goldstein 2005:
261–264).13
The Putuni shaft and bell-shaped tombs, the Lukurmata platform burials and Tomb 15 of the
Moquegua M16D site can be identified as elaborate burials both because they contained (the
remains of) high-quality grave goods and because the burial facilities were relatively deep and/or
sizeable.The six tombs located under the paved patio of a residential compound on the summit of
Tiahuanaco‘s Akapana pyramid (Manzanilla 1992: 61–62; Manzanilla and Woodard 1990: 136–137;
see also Kolata 1993: 117–118), on the other hand, were neither particularly deep nor rich, even
though one of the six adults was accompanied by a puma-shaped incensario [censer]. However, the
facts that these burials were located atop the most imposing temple in Tiahuanaco and associated
with a residential (high-status) compound led Korpisaari to argue that they also belong in the
elaborate category.14
If the aforementioned Akapana, Putuni, Lukurmata and M16D graves represent ‘normal’ elab-
orate Tiwanaku burials, were there more spectacular interments? In terms of grave goods, the
secondary burials on Tiahuanaco‘s Kalasasaya temple platform – containing three gold diadems –
and at least one of the tombs placed under the walls of the Putuni Palace of the Multicolored
Rooms rank as the richest Tiwanaku burials known to date (Couture 2002: 265–271; Cou-
ture and Sampeck 2003: 252–254; Kolata 1993: 156–159; Ponce 2004: 322–323; Sagárnaga 1995:
270–271). However, in this case the line between “normal” tombs and ritual burials is especially
hard to draw.15
Janusek (2008: 126–127, figure 4.11b) has suggested that a smallish subterranean ashlar-lined
room16 situated some metres north of the Kalasasaya would have housed elite Tiwanaku deceased
(see also Korpisaari 2006: 88, figure 6.4; Posnansky 1945: II: 113–117, figures 39–41). This struc-
ture was accessed by an ashlar stairway and had a small ttoco-like perforation in the ceiling slabs
(Figure 9.9a). At the turn of the twentieth century several such buildings were excavated in the
same general vicinity by Count Créqui-Montfort (Posnansky 1945: II:114, figures 37 and 38).
Unfortunately, all had been looted long before.
In addition to the aforementioned tombs, some scholars have suggested that the smallish stone
rooms or chambers flanking the sunken temple/interior courtyard of Tiahuanaco’s Kalasasaya
temple platform and the small stone rooms or niches set in the inner fill of the Putuni platform
might once have housed the mummies or ancestor bundles of important Tiwanaku deceased,
thus functioning as elite mausoleums (Couture and Sampeck 2003: 250; Kolata 1993: 145–148,
161–162, 2003: 198) (Figures 9.9b, c). However, excavation has failed to substantiate this assertion:
no human teeth or bones have been recovered.

Ritual Tiwanaku Burial

Ritual sacrificial burials seem to have been quite exclusively associated with major temples and
building projects in Tiahuanaco, including the Akapana pyramid (Manzanilla 1992; Manzanilla
and Woodard 1990; see also Blom and Janusek 2004: 127–132; Blom et al. 2003: 435–440; Kolata
1993: 121–129, 2003: 190–192), the Mollo Kontu Mound (Couture 2003), and the Putuni com-
plex (Couture 2002; Couture and Sampeck 2003). The great majority of sacrificial victims seem
either to have been mutilated and exposed to the elements, or to have been secondary burials.
Whether the bodies themselves represent non-elite Tiwanaku, prisoners of war or even ancestor
bundles taken from conquered peoples is yet to be convincingly established (however, see Knud-
son 2008: 17; Knudson et al. 2004: 11–12).

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William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

(a) (b) Gate of the Sun

Two rows of seven
small buildings

Palace of the
Multicolored Rooms
Raised
platform
Chamber-like
niches in the
inner walls

Putuni platform Kalasasaya temple

200 m

(c)

Figure 9.9. (a) Drawing of a subterranean stone-lined chamber situated close to the Kalasasaya,
which may possibly have served as an elite Tiwanaku tomb, equipped with a Wari-like ttoco
(redrawn from Posnansky 1945:II: figure 40). (b) Map of a part of the monumental centre
of Tiahuanaco, showing the Kalasasaya and the Putuni, and indicating the location of the
hypothesised mausoleums within each complex. (c) Two views of the Kalasasaya courtyard
buildings, which according to Escalante (1997: 187–188) measure 2.66 m × 2.13 m and were
originally subterranean. Very little of these structures survives, and published information
concerning their excavation is scarce, but some scholars interpret them as ruined and thoroughly
looted Tiwanaku elite mausoleums. (Photos by Antti Korpisaari.)

Some General Characteristics of Tiwanaku Mortuary Preferences

The Tiahuanaco dead were buried below or close to dwellings and apparently left to rot and/
or to be eaten by scavengers on the terraces of the temples; this tendency can also be observed
at a number of other sites where Tiwanaku tombs were placed on (former) residential and/or
agricultural terraces. Temporal variability in burial placement has been observed at Lukurmata
(Bermann 1994). In the Moquegua Middle Valley, numerous distinct cemeteries line the edges of
many settlement sites, perhaps testifying to the ancient coexistence of various ayllus and/or other
smaller organisational units at these sites (Goldstein 2005). It is highly likely that some cemeteries
are also situated within and on the outskirts of Tiahuanaco, for example, in Mollo Kontu (Ponce
1961: 23; see also Couture 2003: 202–203; Ponce 2001: 39).

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 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

(a) (b) (c)

(d) (e)

Figure 9.10.Tiwanaku ceramic vessels recovered from cist tombs at Tiraska. (a) 14.8 cm high kero
from cist 3; (b) 14.3 cm high kero from cist 7; (c) 12.4 cm high vasija from cist 24; (d) 8.1 cm
high tazon from cist 11; and (e) 7.7 cm high tazon from cist 21. (Photos a, c, d, e by Antti
Korpisaari; b by Risto Kesseli.)

‘Normal’Tiwanaku interments were individual primary burials. Ritualised burials differ mark-
edly from this norm, as they are often collective and at least sometimes secondary. ‘Normal’
Tiwanaku deceased of all ages and both sexes apparently received rather similar burial treatment.
As children’s bodies were smaller, they were often interred in smaller burial facilities. Almost all
‘normal’ Tiwanaku deceased were buried in a flexed – and mostly seated – position.
At many sites, the deceased were most commonly oriented towards the east. Sixty eight and a
half percent of interments (334 intact tombs) at the Moquegua Valley site of Chen Chen M1 were
facing east (Blom 1999: 80), while east-facing orientation was also popular in Lukurmata (Ber-
mann 1994; Goldstein 2005: 245). Other orientations have been recorded. For example, 76.9% of
the Tiraska deceased (whose burial position is known) were oriented towards the south or west,
and all six burials found under the patio of the residential compound on the summit of the Aka-
pana faced north (Manzanilla 1992: 61–62).
Tiwanaku burials – on the basis of Moquegua Valley tombs and fragmentary altiplano
­interments – tend to be clothed and/or wrapped in textiles. Ceramic vessels such as tazons and
keros (Figure 9.10) and similar receptacles were the most common grave goods. Sandals, stone
beads (from necklaces, bracelets and/or anklets), basketry, gourds, musical instruments, and small-
ish wood, bone, and stone artefacts also appear in some tombs (Blom 1999: Appendix A; see also
Owen 1993: Appendix D).
There is considerable evidence that at least some Tiwanaku-affiliated graves in the Moque-
gua and Azapa Valleys (Goldstein 2005: 246) were marked with grave markers. However, ‘new’
deceased were seldom, if ever, added to Tiwanaku tombs, and Tiwanaku people do not seem
to have engaged in protracted mortuary activities involving periodic reopening of graves to

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William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

remove (parts of) the deceased and/or to deposit new offerings (see Korpisaari 2006: 154–155).
­Furthermore, altiplano burials in subterranean cists and pits are likely to have led to rapid decom-
position of soft tissues (and organic grave goods), leading Korpisaari to emphatically argue against
mummy curation and veneration among the Tiwanaku.

Conclusion

On a very basic level,Wari and Tiwanaku tombs are similar in that they tend to comprise flexed
burials in pits, cists or chambers in the ground. Beyond that, however, differences abound. Wari
burials convey status – and probably age and gender – identities, while perhaps simultaneously
downplaying differences in heartland regional and/or ethnic classifications. The Tiwanaku, on
the other hand, evidently felt the need to emphasise regional affiliation, while paying less
attention to differences in social status and personal identities. These dissimilarities in mortuary
preferences probably correspond to differences in social organisation between the Ayacucho
Valley and the southern Titicaca Basin. Some scholars argue that powerful kings ruled Tia-
huanaco (e.g., Kolata 1993; Ponce 1985), although this claim is not supported by our current
reading of the mortuary record. We suggest that an alternative interpretation of Tiwanaku
political organisation is required, one that may stretch traditional ideas about archaic states (see
Yoffee 2005). Conversely, Wari may well have been ruled by a more or less traditional kind of
king or emperor.
If some of the differences between Wari and Tiwanaku heartland mortuary preferences repre-
sent social contrasts between the Ayacucho Valley and the Titicaca Basin, issues such as collectivity
versus individuality of burial, prompt versus protracted burial ritual, and the ways of commu-
nicating with and/or ‘feeding’ the ancestors lean more towards the realm of religion (see Carr
1995). All of these practices sharply distinguish Wari from Tiwanaku mortuary preferences. Some
Wari burials seem to have been multiple from the start, whereas others began with a single body
but were added to with reopenings and additions of cadavers. There seems to have been much
more differential handling of Wari mortuary ceremony than for the Tiwanaku deceased, who
almost invariably remained in personal graves. Similarly, although graveside activities may have
characterised Tiwanaku burials long after interment, they were not reopened, offerings were
not renewed and nothing was removed to newly materialise the deceased. The Wari must be
recognised as having been engaged in protracted mortuary ritual involving the manipulation of
occupied tombs in a manner in which Tiwanaku was not. Similarly, ttoco openings into graves
characterise Wari, but very few (if any) Tiwanaku tombs. Whether ttoco were intended to feed
the dead, to insert small luxury items into a tomb, to speak with the dead or perhaps some other
form of interaction is yet to be determined. However, this set of differences represents profound
divergence between Wari and Tiwanaku mortuary practices.
If, as implied by Staff-God and Profile-Attendant iconography, Wari and Tiwanaku shared the
same state religion, this apparently did not have sufficient impact on either heartland culture to
cause major convergence in the longue durée of local burial practices. Curiously, a major conver-
gence in Central Andean mortuary preferences occurred in the Late Intermediate Period (after
the collapse of the Wari and Tiwanaku States) with the almost universal popularity of the above-
ground burial towers or chullpas, which Isbell (1997) has called ‘open sepulchres’.
It is not necessarily surprising that the Staff-God religion appears not to have unified the mor-
tuary practices and traditions of commoners living in the Wari and Tiwanaku heartlands to any
significant degree. However, it is surprising that elite burial practices in the two heartlands are so
dissimilar – much more dissimilar, in fact, than the mortuary practices of the commoners. One
would expect the elites of each society to have been primarily responsible for promoting and
carrying out the rituals related to the Staff-God religion. However, this new religion did not call
for a highly doctrinaire approach to death and burial.

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 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

Despite clear iconographic and religious links, the Wari and Tiwanaku States did not interact
to any great degree.Their built environments and use of space differ greatly (Conklin 1991; Isbell
1991: 302–306, 2001; Isbell and Vranich 2004), and very few portable artworks ever crossed the
Wari–Tiwanaku frontier or even circulated between neighbouring Wari and Tiwanaku Moque-
gua Valley border settlements (e.g., Goldstein 2005; Owen and Goldstein 2002; Williams 2001;
Williams et al. 2002; see also Janusek 2008: 281–286). Mortuary preferences are no exception.
Apart from low-level similarities, at least some of which are probably attributable to ancient pat-
terns common to the Central Andean region as a whole, we find that the burial practices of the
Wari and Tiwanaku heartlands were relatively dissimilar. However, we would like to conclude by
underlining one of the important similarities: several scholars studying pre-Inca Andean cultures
impute Inca-like ayllu organisation – and the veneration of ayllu founders in the form of ancestor
mummies – to earlier Andean societies, including Wari and Tiwanaku (e.g., Kolata 1993; McEwan
2005; Moseley 2001). We repeat our conviction that both Wari and Tiwanaku pit and cist buri-
als in the ground are inconsistent with the production and conservation of mummies. Because
these were the basic forms of interment in both heartlands, we find the inference that either the
Wari or the Tiwanaku worshipped ancestor mummies – that either state focused political control
through ancestor mummies, or constructed an Inca-like social structure focused on a mummified
founder (see Isbell 1997) – to be very unlikely. Although there can be little doubt that both the
Wari and the Tiwanaku were attached to their dead and that some kind of ancestor veneration
was practiced, it simply cannot realistically be compared to Inca relations with – and manipula-
tion of – the dead.

Acknowledgements

We thank Peter Eeckhout, Lawrence S. Owens, Bruce Owen and one anonymous reviewer for
their comments on an earlier version of this chapter. Even though we disagreed with some of
their suggestions, these did help us formulate our arguments in a clearer and more compact man-
ner. Isbell wishes to recognise the other co-directors of the Conchopata Archaeological Project,
José Ochatoma, Martha Cabrera and Anita Cook; the project administrator Alberto Carbajal;
and everyone who participated in the research. Funds were generously provided by the National
Geographic Society, Dumbarton Oaks, the Curtis T. and Mary Brennan Foundation, the Heinz
Foundation and the National Science Foundation. Perú’s Instituto Nacional de Cultura provided
permission and supervision, while the Universidad Nacional de San Cristobal de Huamanga, the
State University of New York at Binghamton and the Catholic University of America provided
many forms of support. Luis Lumbreras and Enrique González Carré are special friends of the
Conchopata Archaeological Project. Korpisaari wishes to recognise the following people whose
comments helped improve his Ph.D. dissertation, on which the treatment of the Tiwanaku mor-
tuary preferences in this chapter is based: Martti Pärssinen, John Janusek, Deborah Blom, Mil-
ton Núñez and Mika Lavento. He also thanks the Bolivian co-director of the Tiraska and Pariti
excavations, Jédu Sagárnaga, as well as all the Finnish and Bolivian archaeologists and students
of archaeology who participated in the fieldwork and post-fieldwork. Korpisaari’s research was
financed by the Finnish Graduate School of the Americas, the University of Helsinki, the Emil
Aaltonen Foundation, the Niilo Helander Foundation, the Finnish Cultural Foundation and
Dumbarton Oaks.

Notes

1. By the term ‘mummy‘ we refer to human bodies that were intentionally buried and/or curated in a
manner designed to preserve them as well and as long as possible. Arguably, the most famous ances-
tor mummies were the deceased rulers of the Inca State; their eviscerated bodies were ­carefully

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William H. Isbell and Antti Korpisaari

embalmed to halt decomposition for decades or even centuries (e.g., Cobo 1979: 112, 114, 161–
162 [1653]; ­Garcilaso 1991:337, 595–598 [1609]; Polo de Ondegardo 1916: 8–10 [1559]). In desiccated
southern Perú and northern Chile – as well as some highland caves and burial towers – human bodies
also became mummified naturally and thus preserved for millennia.
2. The term mortuary ‘preference’ is used to emphasise the fact that descriptions refer to ideal pat-
terns abstracted by Isbell (2004) from many burials, not statistical descriptions of actual burials as
­discovered.
3. Valdez – together with family members and colleagues – have published several very similar discus-
sions of Wari mortuary remains, so only the most recent is cited here. Readers are directed to the
bibliography for a complete list. Unfortunately, none of these papers distinguishes the critical grave
formation processes discussed in the preceding text. All attack Isbell’s Wari mortuary classification,
emphasising differences among Wari graves to the virtual exclusion of similarities, while conceding
that Isbell’s categories work for much of the Ayacucho burial information.
4. This tomb is also most like Wari Type 5a Interments, but is both earlier and simpler than known
Conchopata and Huari examples. It suggests how Type 5 Interment may have developed.
5. Schreiber (1992: 154–155) reported megalithic remains in a MH settlement about 100 km south of
Huari, that may represent one or more examples of Wari Burial Type 5c tombs. Confirmation is
pending further investigations.
6. We describe and discuss variation in Wari burial in terms of modes or types, inferring correspon-
dence with social organisational categories, although Wari concept and practice may have been more
of a continuum.
7. The Ayacucho Valley includes two basins: Huamanga in the higher south and Huanta in the lower
north. Rivalry characterises relationships between their inhabitants today. Anders (1986) postulated
different identities – and perhaps ethnicities – during the Middle Horizon. Consequently, if the
Huari heartland consisted of ethnic diversity, Huamanga and Huanta would be probable spaces of
difference.
8. Owing to rather poor chronological control, Korpisaari (2006) was obliged to pool ‘Tiwanaku IV’
and ‘Tiwanaku V’ burials and analyse them as a single Tiwanaku IV/V group [ca. a.d. 500–1100/1150].
Mortuary preferences undoubtedly changed somewhat during this long period, but at present we are
unable to recognise the changes.
9. At Tiraska, cist size apparently correlated roughly with the physical size of the cadaver, the average
cist diameter and chamber depth for adults being 52 cm and 61 cm, respectively (see Korpisaari
2006: 144).
10. All 67 tombs documented by Faldín (1992) at Katilani Jawira and all 5 burials excavated by Albar-
racin-Jordan (1996: 178) at Guaqui were cists, as were 3 of the 4 tombs found by Liendo (1957) at
Churijahuira-Cuyahuani. Casanova (1942: 351–352) – who excavated 3 Tiwanaku cists and 1 Tiwan-
aku simple pit burial at Mocachi – writes that the cist was also the most common tomb type in the
Mocachi region.
11. As astonishing as it seems, we are unaware of any stone-lined Tiwanaku IV/V cists scientifically
excavated (and reported) in Tiahuanaco. Some adobe-lined tombs have been found, however. At
Lukurmata, of the 39 Tiwanaku IV/V burials and 65 tombs tentatively dated to the post-Tiwanaku
period, only 8 (21%) and 9 (14%), respectively, were ‘proper’ cists (Bermann 1994). At Kirawi, Janusek
and Kolata (2003) located 11 pit burials and no cists.
12. Bennett (1936) and Blom and Bandy (1999) report on a total of 21 Tiwanaku IV/V burials excavated
at Chiripa, of which only 5 were stone-lined cists. At Iwawi, Isbell and colleagues found only pit
burials.
13. Goldstein (2005: 264) argued that an irregular 34 m × 22 m concentration of piled stone at the
M70B site in the Moquegua Valley “indicates a massive aboveground mausoleum structure.” How-
ever, 2006/2007 excavations revealed an underlying more or less typical Tiwanaku-affiliated cemetery
containing 73 tombs (Baitzel 2008). The San Sebastián burial at Cochabamba containing numerous
gold artefacts (Berenguer 2000: 72–73; Korpisaari 2006: 106–107; Money 1993; Sagárnaga 1995: 272)

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 Mortuary Archaeology and the Wari–Tiwanaku Paradox

and rich tombs found in North Chile (Stovel 2002) are not considered here.They probably represent
burials of local leaders with ties with Tiwanaku elites, rather than Tiwanaku burials per se.
14. The Dirección Nacional de Arqueología of Bolivia‘s recent large-scale excavations of the Akapana
pyramid under the direction of Javier Escalante are said to have yielded a tomb containing two small
gold artefacts in April 2007 (El Diario, 3 May 2007). Although still difficult to evaluate, it surely rep-
resents another elaborate Tiwanaku grave.
15. We consider that rich grave goods contained in ritual burials should be related more to the sacred
nature of the offerings than to the social nature of buried individuals, many of whom were probably
sacrifices.
16. According to Posnansky (1945: II: 115), this room measures 1.77 m × 1.36 m and is 1.83 m deep.

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 Chapter 10

To the God of Death, Disease and Healing

Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery
I at Pachacamac

Lawrence S. Owens and Peter Eeckhout

Visto la suciedad y burlería del ídolo nos salimos afuera a preguntar por qué hacían caso
de una cosa tan sucia y torpe como allí estaba; los cuales muy espantados de nuestra osadía
volvían por la honra de su dios y decían que aquel era Pachacama, el cual les sanaba de sus
enfermedades; y a lo que allí se entendio, el demonio aparecía en aquella cueva a aquellos
sacerdotes y hablaba con ellos, y estos entraban con las peticiones y ofrendas de los que venían
en romería, como los moros y turcos que van a la casa de la Meca. (Estete 1924[1533]: 39)1

During the Ychsma Project’s 2003 season at Pachacamac, a large, mostly unlooted cemetery was
identified directly adjacent to the Sacred Precinct. This location is notable for its favoured posi-
tion relative to the site’s temples and also to the famous Cemetery 1 excavated by Max Uhle at
the end of the nineteenth century, arguably the genesis of Peruvian archaeology (Uhle 1903).
Uhle proposed the first chronological sequence for the Central Andes on the basis of the graves
and offrenda located at this spot; his interpretations were used and affirmed by generations of his
successors and constitute de facto the backbone of modern Peruvian archaeological chronology
(Kaulicke 2010; Menzel 1977; Rowe 1954, 1998). Uhle was exceptionally fortunate in this regard,
for the sediments in this sector were extensively looted both before and after his work at the site,
and many of his postulations were thus based on evidence that was erratic, patchy and incom-
plete. Uhle’s work led to the conclusion – followed by many of his successors – that Cemetery
1 was defined by the great wall surrounding the Sacred Precinct. The Ychsma project aimed to
test this hypothesis by sampling beyond the boundary walls, positing the notion that the wall
covered rather than limited the cemetery, and that some of the cemetery may thus have avoided
the attentions of the looters. This notion proved to be correct. The 2003 test pit revealed a 5 m
stratigraphy spanning the Early Intermediate Period2 to the present day, with relatively minor
looting to the superficial levels. In 2004, the excavation area was extended to about 40 m2 (and
ca. 70 m2 by 2005–2008), revealing a large number of interments and associated cultural materials.
Between 2004 and 2008 we recovered and analysed more than 200 burials; we here present the
first comprehensive overview of this exceptional discovery, along with the results of analyses of
other material excavated in other parts of the site since the Ychsma Project was launched in the
mid-1990s (see Eeckhout 1995, 1999a, 2004a).

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 Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery I at Pachacamac

Since Uhle’s excavations, numerous research projects at the site have indicated emphatic
t­emporospatial intrasite cultural variability in funerary remains (see Berthon 1911; Eeckhout 2002,
2006a, 2010; Franco 1998; Franco and Paredes 2000; Marcone 2000; Newman 1947; Shimada
et al. 2010; Strong and Corbett 1943; Tello 2007, 2009). Previous work by the present authors has
highlighted some of the more aberrant burial traditions, and has used recent work in ‘deviant’
burial archaeology to understand the reasons why certain interments may differ so greatly from
the cultural norm (Eeckhout and Owens 2008). Pachacamac’s historically and archaeologically
attested religious and ritual importance provides an excellent opportunity to assess whether the
sacred and cultic nature of the site is expressed not only in terms of deviant burials, but also in
funerary practices in general over a period of time encompassing more than half a millennium.
The current chapter is constructed as follows. The first section is dedicated to a general pre-
sentation of the site and the cemetery, accompanied by detailed descriptions and analyses of the
archaeological context. The second section concentrates on the human remains and the pre-
liminary results of bioarchaeological analyses. Finally, we discuss these combined data with the
intention of building a socially oriented bioarchaeological interpretation of funerary practices
and patterns at Pachacamac.

Cemetery I

The site of Pachacamac covers almost 600 hectares, and is located on the right bank – and near
the mouth – of the Lurín River. It can be divided into three sectors, running from south to north
(Figure 10.1). The first is the Sacred Precinct, the location of the temples. The second precinct
contains the ramped pyramids (‘Pyramids with Ramps’), plazas, streets and other structures of
varying size and function, while the third precinct is an almost empty space currently covered by
sand. Detailed descriptions of the site can be found in numerous publications (Bueno Mendoza
1982; Eeckhout 1999, 2004b; Shimada 1991; Uhle 1903; and others).
Test pits and exploratory trenches have been opened in various parts of the site, designed to
address the different questions raised by the Ychsma Project.3 Most of these were designed to
explore architectural sequencing and stratification, and were positioned in and around the so-
called Pyramids with Ramps numbers 3–9 and 11–15. However, the main body of excavation
work designed to address the life histories and biology of the Pachacamac population was car-
ried out in the cemetery facing the Sacred Precinct, as described later (Figure 10.2). This entire
area is remarkable for the very high density of human remains to have so far been recovered,
and although sondages and small area excavations elsewhere on the site have also yielded human
remains, the density and vertical stratification shown in this area are unmatched anywhere else at
pachacamac. The pyramids in particular had suffered greatly from the attentions of looters, and
the level of recoverable data suffered accordingly.
Uhle (1903: 12) distinguished three types of burials in Pachacamac: those interred in temples,
in buildings and in cemeteries. The latter are the most common – Uhle identified six cemeteries
at the site, which he numbered from 1 to 6 (Uhle 1903: general map). Cemetery I is located at
the foot of Pachacamac’s Temple (aka Painted Temple, or Painted Building), spreading towards
the north, north-west and north-east, and covering an estimated surface area of 14,000 m2 (Uhle
1903: 12). Uhle’s trench through the sediments revealed more than 50 mummies,4 which were
stratigraphically connected with two of the temple’s construction phases, and the final phase of
Inca occupation (Fleming et al. 1983; Helmuth 1968: 2; Rowe 1998: 8–11; Uhle 1903: 13–45).This
was a fortuitous discovery, for the site had already been heavily disturbed by looters (Uhle 1903:
12). Uhle’s calculations of cemetery surface area – and the map also provided – both suggest that
he believed the cemetery to be bounded by the wall that separates the Sacred Precinct from the
Second Precinct (Uhle 1903: 41). As stated previously, this opinion has never been challenged, and
Cemetery 1 was therefore considered to be totally exhausted. For example, Paredes Botoni (1991: 87)

159
Lawrence S. Owens and Peter Eeckhout

Figure 10.1. Map of the site of Pachacamac.

believes that the Painted Temple, Cemetery I and the aforementioned wall all correspond to
roughly the same phase, probably the terminal Middle Horizon.
It is necessary to dedicate a few lines to the exact location of the excavation area so that the
social implications of its spatial position can be made clear. Our 2003 pit was located near the
Sacred Precinct, in the South corner of the central court (Figure 10.3). As explained in the section
Stratigraphic Context and Chronological Issues, the intact part of the cemetery we excavated
from 2004 extends into the rear patio of Pyramid 13 – that is, on the exterior side of the wall sep-
arating the Sacred and Second precincts.The principal entrance of the Second Precinct is located
in the northern end of the North street, which crosses the East–West street at the point formed
by the corners of Pyramids 1, 2, 12 and various collapsed structures. The street continues south
towards the Sacred Precinct, and has therefore been designated as South Street. This leads to the
Central Court, an orthogonal sunken patio surrounded by massive walls greater than 170 cm

160
 Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery I at Pachacamac

Figure 10.2. Cemetery I under excavation in front of the Old Temple at Pachacamac.

Figure 10.3. Probable transit route within the second precinct.

in height. South Street splits at the entrance of the Central Court, giving rise to two 3-m broad
corridors running east and west around the external perimeter of the court. The West corridor
turns and proceeds along the wall of the Sacred Precinct up to the Pilgrims Plaza. Several units
were opened up along these routes, one of which (Unit 58ʹ) is located in the West corridor along
the wall of the Sacred Precinct, directly in front of the Old Temple. This is the source of most of
the funerary remains described herein (Figure 10.4).
The West Wall and walls 6, 7 and 8 all form a passage running south (access 1). This is parallel
to the corridor between the East and West walls, and runs along the sacred precinct towards the
Pilgrims Plaza. Access 2 is located between walls 6 and 8, and leads to a partially excavated space
delimited by walls 6 and 9; this is divided by wall 10, a low bank of stones and mortar two rows
high (parallel to wall 11, at the foot of wall 9). Judging from test pits dug to the north-west of

161
Lawrence S. Owens and Peter Eeckhout

Figure 10.4. Plan of the excavated area in U58ʹ.

the unit, we have excavated approximately 40% of this area. Both passages – that is, the West cor-
ridor and the passage running parallel to it – continue towards the Pilgrims Plaza. Most of the
architecture was constructed during the Late Horizon. Because all of these structures were built
over and into the cemetery, we had to modify our excavation strategy to suit the restricted space
available. The density of interments was such that it was impossible to walk on the sediments, so
wooden scaffolds were specially constructed from which all excavation and recording took place.
This, together with the extremely complex nature of the stratigraphy and the numerous inclu-
sions, resulted in an especially meticulous and slow excavation process.

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 Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery I at Pachacamac

Atmospheric data from Reimer et al (2009);OxCal v3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005); cub r:50 sd:12 prob usp[chron]

UtC-15224 Domestic occupation

UtC-15223 Cemetery abandonment
Gds-285 Transition LIP-LH
UBA-17107 Burial E70
UBA-1711 North Street-1st Phase
UtC-15207 Last Ychsma occupation
UtC-15206 Adobe structures (wall #1-2003)
UtC-15231 Burial E62
UBA-17108 Burial E91
UBA-17103 Burial E16
UBA-12431 Burial E108+
UBA-17112 Burial E127
UBA-17109 Burial E101
UBA-17110 Burial E113
UBA-14334 Burial E81
UBA-17106 Burial E67
UBA-17114 Central Court and Corridors Foundation
UBA-17105 Burial E46A
UtC-15227 Burial E44
UBA-14335 Burial E94
UBA-17111 Burial E122
UtC-15235 Burial E38A
UtC-15233 Burial E34
UBA-17113 Burial E136
UtC-15234 Burial E37A
Gds-288 Pachacamac 2B Style sherds
Gds-290 Domestic occupation
UtC-15208 Pachacamac 2B Style Bowl
UtC-15228 Burial E45A
UtC-15226 Burial E39B
UtC-15230 Burial E49
UBA-12430 Burial E27-Sacrifice foundation or Sacred Precinct's Wall
UBA-14333 Burial E77
UtC-15229 Burial E55
UBA-17104 Burial E29
UtC-15232 Burial E32
PUCP-83 Painted Temple - Polychrome Phase
LTL-4257A Burial E118
Gds-293 Lima occupation
UBA-12432 Lima occupation
LTL-4256A Lima occupation
UBA-14332 Lima occupation
UtC-15225 Lima occupation

1000CalBC CalBC/CalAD 1000CalAD 2000CalAD

Calibrated date
Figure 10.5. Absolute dates from Cemetery I burials and related structures.

Stratigraphic Context and Chronological Issues

Test area Unit 58 (16 m2) was excavated in 2003, and was extended to become U58ʹ (68 m2)
between 2004 and 2008: this enlarged unit, which contained the burials under discussion here,
is situated in the south-eastern part of Pyramid 13. On the basis of typological and stratigraphic
analysis and radiocarbon dates (Figure 10.5), it appears that the occupation began in the middle
to late Early Intermediate Period (ca. 200 b.c.– a.d. 600). The earliest finds are domestic Lima

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Lawrence S. Owens and Peter Eeckhout

Figure 10.6. Sample of diagnostic Lima sherds.

structures constructed using adobitos (small mud bricks) in a cultural horizon containing Lima
and mixed Nieveria material firmly dated to a.d. 530–770 (Figure 10.6).The Lima appear to have
abandoned the area in the terminal eighth century a.d., at what is arguably the end of the Early
Middle Horizon.5 Alternatively there was a change of function at the site, for at this point (i.e.,
the last third of the eighth century) the first burials are interred at the site (see Figure 10.5, Burials
E118, E32, E29, E55).
Differentiating between these two scenarios is facilitated by the fact that none of the burials
contain diagnostic Lima or Nievería artefacts, although numerous such items were found in the
earlier occupation layers.6 This seems to indicate that some important shift occurred at this par-
ticular point (i.e. shortly before a.d. 800), for the sudden appearance of non-Lima/Nievería burials
in a previously domestic area is accompanied by other, drastic changes in material culture. Taking
into account all the available data, and recognising that further information may well amend our
current perspectives, it would seem probable that the Wari phenomenon could be one of the fac-
tors of the described process (possibly in collaboration with some natural or cultural catastrophe)
that led to the complete abandonment of Lima-style features. This receives further support from
the clear evidence of technical diminution in ceramic production at this point, as local post-Lima
ceramics are inferior in every way – ware characteristics, colours, shapes variety, and so forth
(Eeckhout n.d.; Feltham and Eeckhout 2004; Uhle 1903; Vallejo 2009) – to their Lima predeces-
sors.There are indications that most of the ornate post-Lima styles found at the site, including the
famous Pachacamac style, were probably not made in situ but imported (Bueno 1982; Eeckhout
s.d.). All of these changes seem intrinsically interrelated, and the formation of the Cemetery
dates to the pinnacle of these cultural changes. Finally, it should be remembered that Lima burial
practices differ in all practical respects from those found in our excavations (see reports by Jijon
and Camaño 1949; Kroeber 1954; Marcone 2000; Strong and Corbett 1943; Tello 2007, 2009).
We therefore consider the changes in burial practices and material culture to be the secondary
effects of an influx of Wari beliefs and traditions, which found full expression in the creation of
Pachacamac’s paramount sanctuary and associated cemetery. The Painted Temple either predates
or is contemporary with the earliest burials in this area; Paredes’ (1985) tentative radiocarbon date
derived from a post excavated within the atrium of the Painted Temple seems to correspond to
the second (i.e., ‘Polychrome’) phase of the Temple, and although this is necessarily speculative

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 Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery I at Pachacamac

(a) (b)

(c)

E77
E12
C1
E7
E112 E113 E32
E11
E114 E62 E115
E64 E8
E118 C2
E116

SACRED PRECINCT
E136 E31
E130 E26

E45
E117
West E43
E44 East
E57
E75 Wall E10
E9 Wall
E19
E124 C3
E92
C4
E89
E90CX 7 E67
E79 E87
E80
E72
E73
CX 5 E78
E71 E85
E66

E109 E65 E81

E110 E82
E83
E108
E95 E105
Wall 8
E99 E84
E98 E107 E103

Wall 11 0 2.50 m

Wall 9
Figure 10.7. (a) Burial 27 (sacrificed child), beneath the East Wall. (b) False heads from disturbed
funerary bundles in Cemetery 1. Left: Wood with red painting. Centre: Wood. Right: Ceramic.
(c) Funerary contexts in U58ʹ.

given the single sample, the “old wood” problem (Bowman 1990) and the low confidence inter-
val (ca. 70 years), the date reinforces the notion that the Painted Temple (and associated cemetery)
probably existed before the Sacred Precinct itself.This receives some support from our own work,
as a sacrificial child burial (E27) located beneath the foundations of the East Wall of the Sacred
Precinct was found to date to the tenth century a.d. (Figure 10.7a).
The section of the cemetery excavated by the Ychsma Project lies to the North of this wall,
just outside the Sacred Precinct. The density of burials in this area implies that the boundaries of
the Sacred Precinct did not denote the limits of the interment zone. There is currently no evi-
dence to suggest a specific difference between the burials located inside versus outside the walls,
although sectorisation is a possibility, as discussed later in this chapter. The material excavated

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Figure 10.8. MH2 Wari-Pachacamac bowls from Cemetery I.

by Uhle (1903; Helmuth 1968) is not significantly different from that recovered by the Ychsma
Project, although taphonomic pressures seem to have been slighter within the Sacred Precinct.
All the major classes of burial – from standard plain interments to large Middle Horizon bundles
with false heads made of wood or ceramics (Fleming et al. 1983) found by Uhle within the Sacred
Precinct – were also found in Unit 58ʹ (Figure 10.7b). We shall return to this point later. Lastly,
although not all burials have been radiocarbon-dated yet, there is a clear increase in their num-
ber from around a.d. 1000. It seems that this moment marks the beginnings of the areas’ growing
popularity as a burial place. Other signs of burgeoning site population size include the twelfth
century construction of the Central Court and adjacent corridors (Figure 10.5), which has been
argued to be the earliest pilgrimage facility at the site, designed to channel the flow of believers
from the boundary walls to the Temples and the cemetery area (Eeckhout 2008).
The relationship of the cemetery to this and other structures may prove to be instrumental in
determining the nature of site usage and how it evolved through time. The burial ground was
heavily reutilised for interments from the tenth to the end of the fourteenth centuries a.d. (i.e.,
the Late Intermediate Period), leading to disturbance of earlier layers, including those dating
to the Lima occupation (Figure 10.7c). Although a considerable sample of the burials remained
untouched, many burial chambers were destroyed, their cultural remains admixed and their spa-
tial associations lost. It is consequently impossible to reconstruct the entire burial sequence with
certainty, but we have been able to construct temporal and spatial matrices for cemetery devel-
opment using superimposition data and a series of 26 radiocarbon dates on individual mummies.
In terms of stylistic/relative dating, we have funeral contexts displaying cultural signatures that
span the Middle Horizon up to the Late Intermediate Period, the latter corresponding to the
Epigonal and Early/Middle Ychsma (Eeckhout n.d.; Feltham 2005; Feltham and Eeckhout 2004;
Uhle 1903; Vallejo 2004). There was a certain degree of admixture from earlier, disturbed burials
throughout the corpus: for example, a sherd decorated with the head of ‘griffin’ of the Pachaca-
mac B style (Late Middle Horizon), and fragments of a bowl probably imported from the South
Coast or Huari in the Late Middle Horizon (Figure 10.8). Nevertheless, it is clear that the burials
recovered by the Ychsma Project fit with those Uhle (1903: 21, 41) excavated in “...the uncov-
ered part of the Cemetery I” (i.e., “...of the last pre-Inca period”), in “the new soil” (i.e., related
to post-Epigonal), and even possibly with those “of the ancient cemetery” (i.e., Epigonal and

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 Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery I at Pachacamac

Figure 10.9. Partial view of excavations, showing the crowded cemetery and accumulation of
burials.

related).This also correlates with the presence of earlier Late Middle Horizon diagnostic ceramics
related to the Wari and Pachacamac styles – probably disturbed from ancient tombs – of the type
Uhle found in “the original soil of the cemetery” (1903: 21, 41).
The high concentration of tombs, the extensive taphonomic pressures to which they have
been subject, the empty cists and the agglomerations of isolated vessels and disarticulated human
remains all suggest that the area was intensively used, and that later groups had no qualms about
disinterring the deceased of earlier periods to bury their own dead (Figure 10.9). This observa-
tion confirms earlier findings by Uhle (1903: 41): “Through gradual destruction of older graves
in making new ones, the general character of the cemetery was continually modernised until it
came to a standstill in the period of which the cemetery now bears the impress [. ..] It does not
exclude the possibility of discovering older graves, which by accident or a careful sealing escaped
destruction. It explains the immense crowding of graves and the condition of the soil, which is a
conglomeration of remains of mummies of every kind – of bones, fragments of cloth, pieces of
rope, human hair, etc. This was brought about by the long-continued use of the cemetery [...].”
The significance of these findings shall be more fully outlined in the discussion, but some points
are worthy of specific mention here. First, there is a direct relationship between proximity to
the wall of the Sacred Precinct, cemetery crowding and tomb disturbance. Second, the density
of tombs – and disturbances thereto – tends to diminish with increasing stratigraphic depth.
The lowest strata have very clear tomb matrices, which is a rare finding in the upper layers.
From these observations, we have inferred that grave position was an important issue for popu-
lations at the site, and that proximity to the Pachacamac shrine was the main variable under
consideration by the burying population. The second point raised implies that the popularity

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Figure 10.10. The Temple of the Monkey at Pachacamac.

of this practice increased over time, and that space therefore came to be at a premium: it was
this that led to the ‘overcrowding’ described previously. It is tempting to attribute this apparent
boom in burials to growing popularity of the Pachacamac cult throughout the Late Intermediate
Period, but although the considerable evidence for site infrastructural development at this point –
construction of the Painted Temple, the Sacred Precinct’s wall and the Central Court (and asso-
ciated corridors) – is alluring, we consider our current sample to be too limited for such a bold
assertion. It should be noted that further collateral – if tentative – evidence for an increasing
burial population comes from the Temple of the Monkey (aka Pyramid 3-C, Second Precinct),
which appears to have been used as a mummy makers’ workshop from a.d. 1250 until the begin-
nings of the Late Horizon (Eeckhout 2002, 2006b; Michzincky et al. 2007) (Figure 10.10).
Cemetery 1 was reutilised for domestic purposes at the beginning of the fifteenth century a.d.
with the rise of the Ychsma polity, contemporary with the construction of the North Street and
adjacent buildings (i.e., Pyramid with Ramp 7). Although the trigger for this change is uncertain,
it may be attributable to growing formalisation of pilgrimage practice, and/or a manifestation
of the increasing power of Ychsma leaders who were also constructing huge palaces within the
Second Precinct (Eeckhout 2004a). The wealth of the Ychsma polity and the sheer size of the
population they influenced through the popularity of their main eponymous deity attracted
the attention of the Incas, who quickly absorbed the Ychsma into their empire (Brundage 1963;
Eeckhout 2004c, 2012; Patterson 1983; Rowe 1946). The Incas undertook major engineering
works and extensively remodelled the site throughout the Late Horizon (ca. a.d. 1470–1533),
building a series of corridors and rooms from rough-cut stones, mud bricks and mortar, and thus
destroying a significant portion of the cemetery. However, their new structures, combined with
the detritus from various earthquakes during the Colonial period, also served to cover and thus
inadvertently protect other funerary remains, which remained undamaged and unlooted until
their discovery in 2004.

Burial Archaeological Data and Funerary Typology

Burial typology generally considers the structure containing the burial, the body itself, and any
associated objects (Kaulicke 1997a). In the current case it is difficult to the point of being inad-
visable to attempt a classification system such as that proposed by Isbell and Korpisaari (this
volume) for instance, given the half-hearted construction and often mediocre preservation of
most grave structures. Indeed, there are only a few examples where such features exceed a simple

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Figure 10.11. Adult mummy bundle E16.

pit, and there is little scope for typological categorisation on the assumed foundation of energy
expenditure. The ‘typical’ grave is a basic pit, with a few stones or used adobes used to prop up
or secure the body. There is no evidence of thatching for these simple graves, although there are
some indications of mud-plastering over light reed roofs. The most common variant, however, is
collective burials, which follow a generally consistent pattern. The basic foundation is an irregu-
larly shaped, depressed chamber surrounded by several rough-cut poles that support a reed roof.
Vertical poles were also observed in some cases, although their original position could not usually
be determined with certainty.
The results of the bioarchaeological analysis are presented later in the current paper. However,
it is appropriate to outline some generalities of burial traditions and methods.The human remains
from Unit 58ʹ are extremely densely packed. Rather than the discrete and well-ordered/spaced
burials seen elsewhere in Andean and Coastal populations, the corpses were crowded together
in large numbers. Although the sediments are too fine to clearly preserve cuts in the absence of
masonry or other structural materials, it is clearly apparent that the burials were not so much
interred as stacked and clustered together, often in direct contact with one another. The only
exceptions to this rule were the very deep burials, approximately 5 m below datum. At this point
the single, discrete burials were dug into an extant habitation floor, predating the construction
of other buildings into which the later burials (mainly Late Intermediate, but see Figure 10.5 for
further chronometric data) had been buried.
The vast majority of both adults and subadults were interred in a seated or recumbent flexed
‘foetal’ position; most of the bodies had been loosely wrapped in textiles – mostly coarse cot-
ton – although some individuals were more carefully packed in multiple layers of textile and
reeds/rushes (Figure 10.11). Positional analysis is ongoing at the current time: details ­concerning

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Lawrence S. Owens and Peter Eeckhout

Figure 10.12. Subadult E131 with endocranial periostitis. Buried supine, flexed and rolling onto
left side.

the orientation of the long axis, head, face and each limb were taken, and will be analysed against
other variants including demographic factors and artefactual associations. Preliminary data suggest
that there is no consistency with regards to body orientation, but the problem of ­preservation –
especially where collapsed seated burials are concerned – should be considered.
Where original position could be determined, approximately 40% of burials were in a tightly
flexed position lying on their sides with their arms wrapped around (or between) their legs. Many
of the remainder showed signs of having originally been interred in a seated, crouched position,
with their heads either upright or resting on their knees and their arms wrapped around their
legs. Ascertaining exact position when interments had been buried in this manner was often
problematic, as the bodies had often collapsed if they lacked a sufficiently tight binding and/or
shoring-up with sediments, adobes/stones or adjacent burials. Young children were often found
a supine position, especially when associated with adults (Figure 10.12). Other than the number
of individuals involved, there was no evident demographic (i.e., age, sex) or cultural (i.e., wealth,
orientation) difference between the collective and single burials.
Other burial styles include those previously described as ‘deviant’ by Eeckhout and Owens
(2008) – including cist burials, extended burials and possible live burials – in that they flouted
all the standards known for the period and the site. The current assumption is that these aber-
rant practices reflected something of the special social status of the individuals interred. Burials
such as E104 – who was interred in an enormous bundle of leaves mixed with textiles – also fell
outside the norm, but it was posited that the evident investment of time and energy involved
in their burial process precluded them from the ‘deviant’ burial category sensu stricto (Reynolds
2007) (Figure 10.13).

Material Culture and Age Correlations

The entire excavation area was densely packed with offrenda to include ceramic vessels, un/­
decorated gourds, weaving tools, stone mace heads, ‘conopas’, camelid remains, shells, copper jewel-
lery (notably highly mineralised copper bracelets and anklets), musical instruments made from llama
metapodials, metal artefacts/tools, small ceramic sculptures, wooden weighing scales, textile bands
and other paraphernalia associated directly and indirectly with the skeletal remains (Figure 10.14).
Many pieces – especially larger items such as ceramic storage vessels – were placed in a manner
that made their associations a matter for speculation. Once analysed spatially, however, the distri-
bution was much less random than it at first appeared. Where definitive individual–artefact rela-
tionships could be established, artefacts were almost invariably placed in front of (and occasionally

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 Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery I at Pachacamac

Figure 10.13. Special bundle E104.

underneath) the body, although smaller items were often placed in the hands, between the feet or
within the textile/reed wrappings.The vast majority of artefacts that could be tied to a specific indi-
vidual were exclusively associated with adults, and of these the most flamboyant, unusual or rare –
including jaguar claws, imported luxury Wari ceramics (or local variants thereof) polished semipre-
cious stones, miniature ceramic animals and a set of wooden scales decorated with monkeys – were
all found on individuals older than the age of 35, and usually considerably older. Further, large
numbers of (young) subadult individuals were grouped around those individuals displaying more
flamboyant cultural accompaniments (Figure 10.15).There is thus a correlation between compara-
tively advanced age, material wealth and associated groupings of subadult remains.
Numerous small pieces of copper were recovered from many collapsed seated burials; in well-
preserved individuals; it became apparent that these were intentionally placed upon certain loca-
tions of the body (ears/shoulders, mouth, pelvis and feet), confirming a pattern already posited
for the Ychsma (Díaz Arriola, this volume; Eeckhout 1999, 2002) and other Prehispanic cultures
of the Andes (Gayoso Rullier and Uceda Castillo, this volume). In cases where the state of pres-
ervation was unusually good, the bundles were lifted intact and dissected under laboratory condi-
tions.These operations enabled us to confirm our field observations: namely, that the fabrics were
undecorated and rarely exceeded two or three layers, the number of intrabundle offrenda was
limited (usually consisting of simple items such as guinea pigs and maize cobs) and that the exte-
rior layer of many bundles comprised a net ‘bag’ of reed/rush fibres, possibly designed to facilitate
mummy transport to the burial locale.
Díaz Arriola (this volume) proposes that vertical supporting sticks made from wood or reeds
within burial bundles is a status indicator, and has used this – along with grave goods – as a
variable in her analysis of burials from Armatambo and other Ychsma sites in the Rímac Valley.

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Lawrence S. Owens and Peter Eeckhout

Figure 10.14. Decorated wooden scales.

Figure 10.15. Adult male burial (E100, dark circle) associated with children (light circles).

Although we have found numerous burials both with and without grave sticks, we have been
unable to confirm her hypothesis as the distribution of these items seems to be essentially inde-
pendent of any variable except – perhaps – adulthood. Certainly, there is no correlation between
the sticks and other indicators of wealth (at least, as perceived from grave goods), and although
it is possible that further work by the current authors may prove otherwise, there is currently
no indication that any demographic or health factors are determinants of stick usage. Although
it is unwise to indulge in surmise, the evident non-elite nature of these pieces – raw material,

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unworked, collected and then deposited without apparent treatment of any sort – would tend
to argue against any claim for social specificity that is based upon the usual parameters of grave
good wealth, inferred energy expenditure and thus social ranking (cf. Carmichael 1995; Donnan
1995; Tainter 1978).
Although the burials in Unit 58ʹ are certainly both culturally and biologically diverse, there are
no indications that the individuals excavated in the cemetery to date pertain to a wide range of
social strata. Indeed, there is nothing in the Ychsma sample to alter our general conviction – stated
in the introduction to the present volume – that the Processual model of social status as reflected
in funerary context is relevant for most complex societies in the ancient Andes. Although there is
certainly a certain degree of variability in terms of grave goods, demographic factors and the like
(see later for further details), there is a definitive absence of indicators alluding to the forms of social
stratification that is so characteristic of funerary evidence in the Moche (Donnan 1995; Millaire
2002), the Sican (Shimada et al. 2004) or even the Nasca (Isla and Reindel 2008). Indeed, there is
nothing in the minor variation in terms of the number of vessels or offrenda that can comprise
the basis for a systematic differentiation between the individuals in this corpus. It is important
that we keep an open mind concerning the funeral correlates of Ychsma social status and com-
plexity, and do not hasten to construct an intellectually impermeable paradigm that will hinder
rather than advance this still nascent field. We are, however, confident in stating that there was at
least a limited gerontocratic system in evidence – as will be seen in “The Human Remains” – and
that there appears to have been special treatment of those possessing unusual/special social rank
or function.There are some biological and pathological data that compare well with recent work
by Chan (2011) and others. Beyond this, however, it is evident that further research is required,
as the evidence is either ambiguous or conspicuous by its absence. For example, there are data
to indicate that there were social ranks and probably social classes in Late Ychsma society: the
elite was probably embodied by the curacas (chiefs) who resided in the palaces of the site and the
nearby valley (Eeckhout 2000, 2003), and the priests who were in charge of diverse religious and
ritual functions (Eeckhout 1998; Farfán 2004; Franco 1993; Michzincky et al. 2007). Although it
is probable that the former were buried in their palaces with retainers (Eeckhout 1999b), there
is no consensus on the final resting place of the latter as no nonintrusive Ychsma tombs have
been found in the temples (Fleming et al. 1983; Franco and Paredes 2000). It is of course pos-
sible that they were buried in the Sacred Precinct cemetery, but the fact that Uhle’s finds do
not differ significantly from our own – along with the seemingly identical pattern of intrusive
burials – makes this assertion somewhat tentative (see also Shimada et al. 2010). Another poten-
tial candidate for the interment of high-status individuals is the large square structure beside the
Old Temple of Pachacamac in the Sacred Precinct (see Figures 10.1 and 10.2: structure F1). This
structure is divided into a grid of rectangular and square sunken chambers that have been repeat-
edly looted, which – while recognising the necessity of avoiding arguments based on absence of
evidence – is frankly unlikely to have been the case had they merely been storage facilities. The
presence of textiles and human bones scattered across the surface comprises further evidence that
this area might have been used for the interment of (elite?) individuals. Lastly, it is curious that
although the Ychsma were famed for their skilled silver-smithing (Espinoza Soriano 1983), only
some tiny silver fragments have been found in our excavations in Cemetery 1. Given the fact that
there is no evidence for looting in this particular area, it would therefore be logical to assume
that precious items and prestige artefacts were not used by (or, at least, buried with) the segment
of the population interred in this area. This finding, allied with evidence for the fact that there
was apparent formalisation of access to the sanctuary and burial ground (the wall of the Sacred
Precinct, the Central Court and the side corridors), is very telling. Everything that we have cov-
ered so far seems to suggest that there was spatial patterning and social specificity for interment
procedures at Pachacamac, predicated on wealth, social status and perhaps social role. It would
therefore be logical to assume that those of a more modest social standing – and perhaps more
aggravated level of medical infirmity (see “The Human Remains”) – were buried elsewhere.

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Without total excavation of the site – which seems somewhat impractical given its sheer size and
complexity – it will be impossible to ascertain interment groupings and social specificities with
certainty, although there is some negative bioarchaeological evidence to suggest that certain social
groups may have been buried in their own locales (see “The Human Remains”). This would
certainly accord with more emphatic evidence for social zoning in the Mochica (Rengifo and
Castillo Butters, this volume), or even in the Central Coast Chancay (Krzanowski 1991) although
such a division is yet to be conclusively demonstrated for the Ychsma.
It is important to address two further issues, while recognising that it is impractical – and per-
haps undesirable, given our remit – to explore them fully in the current work.

Multiple versus Collective Burials

The first point is the question of whether some or all of the collective interments could in fact
be multiple burials – that is, agglomerative burials of individuals who died over a significant span
of time.7 The distribution of this behaviour in the Andean region is currently uncertain as the
­methods used have not been universally applied in the past and are not standard even at the current
time. The deepest part of the stratigraphy yielded some well-preserved collective tombs, includ-
ing a circular pit with the mummy of an adult (E136), a 2- to 3-year-old child (E130) and various
associated grave goods, notably ceramic vessels (Figure 10.16). The upper part of the pit contained
a vertical pole and a bundle containing the remains of an infant (E118). Radiometric dating indi-
cated – somewhat to our surprise – that the interments were not contemporaneous, and that E118
was significantly earlier than E136. We have devised two possible explanations for this seemingly
aberrant result.The first is purely taphonomic: E118 was disturbed while digging a pit for E136, and
was subsequently incorporated into the pit fill once E136 had been interred. The alternative argu-
ment concerns the possibility that this was a collective burial that saw manipulation of the bodies
over time, the pole comprising a form of tomb marker (compare with Shimada et al. 2010).

Indigenes versus Pilgrims

Pilgrimages to the site are widely attested to by both conquistadores and chroniclers in the early
sixteenth century, as vividly illustrated by the citation at the beginning of the current work. How-
ever, while it is certainly true that large-scale pilgrimages existed during the Inca period (Bauer
and Stanish 2001; Eeckhout 2008), most would agree that the question of whether this practice
existed before the Late Horizon remains unanswered. Grave offrenda and bioarchaeological stud-
ies of human remains (notably stable isotopes) currently suggest – pending further results – an
overwhelmingly local to regional origin for people and the vast majority of associated artefacts,
with sporadic exotic objects, or local imitations of which can be explained by exchange and/or
visual knowledge (Figure 10.17a). Archaeobotanical studies have reached a similar conclusion for
the plant remains associated with the burials (Chevalier 2010; Stellian 2011). We are therefore led
to the conclusion that most pre-Inca pilgrimage – in the classic sense at least – was limited to a
local or regional scale.

The Human Remains

The remains of at least 200 individuals have so far been recovered, of which 132 are analysed
in the current study; the entire corpus, to include information from fragmentary individuals, is
­currently under analysis and shall be published in forthcoming articles. Recording the remains
presented certain challenges when compared to other sites, in that taphonomic pressures and
organic preservation have operated unequally throughout the sample. Incomplete remains were

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 Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery I at Pachacamac

Figure 10.16. Grave cut for burials E136, E130 and E118.

Figure 10.17. (a) Tricolour geometric jars and provincial Sicán bottles. (b) Burial E67 and associated
stone mace head.

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Lawrence S. Owens and Peter Eeckhout

recovered and recorded, but were not described as ‘burials’ (‘entierros’) unless a significant propor-
tion of the individual was found in articulation.
As stated previously, the context comprised something of a challenge owing to the extreme
density of human remains and artefacts. There was evidence for clusters of burials that had
evidently been interred at around the same time, although preliminary palaeoentomological
and palaeopalynological work by Reinhard (pers. comm. 2010, 2011) – allied with anatomical
evidence for body deterioration prior to interment – both indicate that some individuals were
exposed to the elements before being covered by sediment. The integrity of many burials had
been affected by being buried in a seated position (in some cases almost all the elements had
collapsed into a heap) whereas those mummies that showed a greater investment in terms of
preparation time tended to be better preserved. Soft tissue preservation was nugatory below
about 1 m of stratigraphic depth; the vast majority of remains were essentially skeletal, although
some individuals retained connective tissues and even skin in the extremities. Surface finds from
looted contexts displayed evidence for tattooing, although none such were recovered from
Unit 58ʹ.

Methods and Practice

The summary data on all the remains was tabulated and analysed using XL and SPSS where
applicable. Detailed nonmetric, osteometric and odontometric data have been excluded for
the current work but are being analysed for fuller disclosure in subsequent papers. Demo-
graphic (age–sex), associational/artefactual and positional data were all considered, along
with cause of death (where applicable), trauma, pathology and systemic stress8 (linear enamel
­hypoplasia).

Demographics 1: Age

Subadults typically outnumber adults by more than 2:1 on prehistoric sites, and indeed this trend
continued until comparatively recent times (i.e., Roberts and Cox 2003). In the current example,
the gross numbers imply a ratio of roughly 1.3:1 overall, and thus that child mortality is consid-
erably less than might be expected (Table 10.1).
However, certain sections of the burial area show lone adults literally surrounded by subadult
remains, at a ratio of around 7:1 in favour of subadults; it is likely to have been even stronger were
it not for the fact that taphonomic issues disproportionately affected the subadult remains and
thus the number of ‘intact’ burials recorded. Fragmentary and admixed subadult remains were
scattered far more irregularly across the context than adult remains, which were consistently more
carefully wrapped and positioned than subadults. The ‘crude’ age data are summarised in the text
that follows, including populational averages. Note that the sample size has been decreased, as
only those with accurate ages were included – those who were ‘under 5’ for example, owing to
bad preservation, were excluded.
The age outliers who may have been in their 50s or older have been suppressed by the large
number of subadult deaths when the numbers are combined. These data are not inconsistent
with other Andean sites. Globally, there is a tendency towards worsening systemic health after
the adoption of agriculture and sedentism, owing to increased population size/density and poor
sanitation: this has been repeatedly demonstrated for the Middle East and the Americas (Larsen
1999, 2002 etc.). Work by Chan (2011) claims that at least some Ychsma societies (specifically
Armatambo) were in fact healthier than small-scale rural communities, a finding that flies in the
face of conventional wisdom on the subject. The validity of these claims shall be tested using the
larger Pachacamac sample.

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 Social Bioarchaeology of Cemetery I at Pachacamac

Table 10.1. Demographics 1: Age

N Average Age

Subadults 69 3.2
Adults 57 31.3
Combined 126 15.9

Age at Death
50
45
40
Number of Individuals

35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
NN <5 <10 <18 <25 <40 40+
Age Class
Figure 10.18. Demographics 2: age class.

The remains were classified by age class: neonates (including foetuses), then <5, <10 and <18
(i.e., biologically adult), <40 and over 40. The data are shown in Figure 10.18. Note that the
figures are based on sample sizes rather than percentage values. A very clear pattern emerged.
Most individuals in the population were dead before the age of 5 years, and this was substan-
tiated by the fairly high prevalence of linear enamel hypoplasia occurring at the age of about
3 years in surviving individuals. The finding has been taken as a preliminary indication that this
was the ‘weaning’ age for this population, although this issue shall be addressed more intently in
future work. However, the central issue is that the age-bands chosen correspond closely with a
major transition in the cultural associations of child burials. Under the age of about 6–7, there
are hardly any burials that are clearly and specifically associated with any cultural materials to
the exclusion of any adjacent [adult] individuals. However, after this age, almost all recovered
individuals possessed some form of artefact within their textile bindings, or placed directly by
the interment. It is thus hereby proposed that this age was pivotal for this populations’ con-
cept of maturity. It should be noted that contact period ‘Extirpators of Idolatries’ recorded
that indigenous populations kept their stillborn children in jars (Arriaga 1999 [1621]: chapter
VI: 65, 130); it may be that they were stored so as to be buried with an important adult at a
later date.
It is further hypothesised that there was some sociocultural division on the basis of sex, with
slightly more than half of the artefact-bearing child burials containing weaving and spinning
artefacts (which are invariably associated with female adult interments, where sexed). This the-
ory is currently being investigated using dental measurements as a means of sexing the subadult
specimens, which cannot be reliably sexed in any other way (destructive analysis notwithstand-
ing). Anecdotal evidence in support of this notion comes from the generally small physical
proportions of the subadults in relation to known dental age. There are of course other possible

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Age Classes by Sex

80
Males Females
70

60

50
% of Group

40

30

20

10

0
<18 <25 <40 40+
Age
Figure 10.19. Sex.

explanations for this, mainly that sick children are unlikely to grow as fast or as much as their
healthy counterparts. However, it is also possible that many of the deceased subadults were
female. One final point is that the prevalence of periostitis is very much higher in very young
subadults than in any other group. Although this is of course partly attributable to the growth
of babies and young children, widespread periosteal – notably endocranial – reactions were
extremely commonplace in the culturally underendowed subadult burials surrounding adult
interments.

Demographics 2: Sex

Where sex could be determined, males were always more common than females.While recog-
nising the danger of relying on negative evidence, the possibility that female childhood mor-
tality was higher than that of males receives some support from the fact that the prevalence
of linear enamel hypoplasia – indicative of childhood physiological stress – is also higher in
adult females than in males.9 The potential effect of female infanticide has also been consid-
ered; however, there is no evidence for sex-based selection during the colonial period at least.
Further, most of the known sacrifices at the site were of adult females (as discovered by Uhle),
while both infants and adult male sacrifices were discovered by the current project (Eeckhout
and Owens 2008). The data that follow are based on percentage rather than numerical values;
it should be remembered that the figures represent mortality, so the high male prevalence
peaks show that males died with greater frequency than females (Figure 10.19). Sexing of
subadults (younger than 18 years) was attempted only in older individuals (i.e., from about
15 years onwards). In the rare instances where soft tissue preservation was adequate, this could
also be used for sexing purposes. Specific causes of death were rarely apparent (see below for
further information).

Demography 3: Sex and Pathology

Palaeopathological and health data were recorded for the entire sample, with the aim of elu-
cidating as much as possible about the social as well as the pathological profiles of the ancient

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Pathology by Sex
35
Male Female
30

25
% Prevalence

20

15

10

0
TB Trep. Arth 1. Arth 2. O'porosis VertPath Periostitis EAEs Neoplasm
Figure 10.20. Sex and pathologies.

Pachacamac populations.Vertebral and articular joint pathology was scored, as was dental pathol-
ogy, infectious/noninfectious disease and periostitis, as well as miscellaneous conditions such as
external auditory exostoses and enthesopathies. The data presented here are preliminary, pending
further analysis and dissemination, and are designed to show generalities about the population
as well as comprising a good comparable sample against which to contextualise further analyses
elsewhere in the Andean area (Figure 10.20).
The data can be divided into infective, degenerative and miscellaneous conditions. The vari-
ables were tuberculosis, treponematosis, small-joint (Arth. 1) articular degeneration (i.e., fingers,
wrist), large-joint (Arth. 2) articular degeneration (i.e., hip, knee, elbow), osteoporosis, severe
vertebral pathology, periostitis, external auditory exostoses10 (EAEs) and neoplastic disease (i.e.,
cancer). Men and women were compared, and prevalence percentages calculated.
In terms of infective conditions, levels were considerably lower than might have been expected
from a large population, and roughly similar between the sexes while being slightly higher in
females. Women had a higher prevalence of small-joint disease, whereas men had a higher preva-
lence of large joint disease and – particularly – a much higher prevalence of vertebral pathology
and other conditions (i.e., os acromiale, fused manubrio-sternal articulation, large enthesopathies)
indicative of heavy loading and physical exertion. Periostitis – indicative of nonspecific systemic
stress11 – was also more common in males, as were external auditory exostoses and neoplastic
disease.These afflictions are of course very different in their underlying causes and thus social sig-
nificance, but certain points can be derived. First, the fairly low levels of infective disease does not
imply a great population density or that the group’s internal dynamics were especially fluid. This
could imply segregation of ill individuals, or that intragroup heterogeneity contained the afflic-
tions and moderated their spread.Women were less robust and less physically active than men, and
suffered less pathological degeneration of the large joints; however, women were slightly more
susceptible to small-joint degeneration, and thus were evidently active with their hands. Periosti-
tis, like hypoplasia, affected both sexes, but was more common in males, while very low levels of
EAEs and neoplastic disease were found in males. Chagas’ disease (aka American trypanosomiasis)
was also found in the population. This affliction, found across various parts of central and South
America, is spread by microorganisms (Trypanozoma cruzi) transmitted via reduvid bug bites. The
early stages of the disease involve the so-called ‘Chagas eye’ – an enlarged, sensitive, swollen eye
that occurs not long after infection, but that cannot be detected archaeologically. The later, and

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often fatal, stages of the disease involve cardiomyopathy and potentially megacolon – a colonic
blockage that the body is unable to pass (Kirchoff 2009). This stage is archaeologically visible as
large boluses of fibrous matter located in the pelvis; several of these were discovered at the site and
shall be discussed in later reports.12 However, it has not been discussed here, as detection of the
affliction is dependent on good organic preservation of the boluses; disturbed remains can show
no symptoms whatever. It is therefore impossible to track temporal trends as the later period
remains are much more likely to have been disturbed through looting, potentially removing evi-
dence of the disease’s presence.
The social implications of the (sex and) pathology data are mixed. Women were considerably
less active than men, and although women tended to live longer than men, only men had signif-
icant levels of vertebral and large-joint articular pathology. This provides tentative behavioural
evidence for physical activity undertaken by the sexes, and although it is unwise to overinterpret
articular pathologies in terms of specific activities (Waldron 2008), it is probably fair to state that
men were more inclined towards heavy loading activities, whereas women were more likely to
carry out activities involving dextrous manipulation – for example, ceramic manufacture, weav-
ing, spinning, and so forth.
For a large, highly populated site, one would perhaps expect that infectious diseases such
as tuberculosis – once present – would have something of an impact and leave a considerable
number of affected individuals, particularly in crowded or indoor contexts where people were
crowded together for some period of time.13 The low figures seen for the site are therefore puz-
zling; it is tempting to assume that the group was nonhomogeneous and segmented, thus preclud-
ing widespread distribution of the affliction. However, the possibility of discrete burial areas for
tuberculosis victims, differential expression of the disease or hitherto undetected social behaviour
concerning illness cannot of course be precluded.The possibility that the site (or sections thereof)
was less crowded than previously foreseen should also be considered. Finally, tuberculosis can be
swiftly fatal in vulnerable groups (the elderly, subadults or malnourished individuals) without
leaving osteologically visible indicators.
The comparatively low prevalence of infectious afflictions – allied with the few examples of
‘diseases of civilisation’ (notably including neoplastic disease) – seem to suggest a large yet fairly
typical agrarian population accustomed to physical labour (Roberts and Cox 2003), rather than
a more cosmopolitan urban group who are generally believed to be more prone to systemic ill
health and serious disease owing to nutritional deficiencies, poor hygiene and overcrowding
(Larsen 1999, 2002 contra Chan 2011). What is uncertain, however, is whether this was a discrete
localised agrarian population, or numerous members of diverse societies – all of which were
thus economically and socially disposed – coming together for migratory or other purposes. It
is studies such as this that socially contextualise palaeopathological observations, and assist in the
development of bioarchaeological strategies that seek to address archaeological problems using
anatomical/pathological data.
It was anticipated, given Pachacamac‘s immediate proximity to the sea and the large amount
of marine remains (shells and fish) recovered by this and previous projects, that the site would
yield a large sample of individuals affected by external auditory exostoses. As stated previously,
EAEs are caused by exposure to cold water, particularly when under pressure, and thus tend
to be a characteristic of marine-reliant populations such as the Chinchorro and the Canary
Islanders.14 However, such pathologies were almost absent. This would seem to suggest either a
lack of immunological response, or a representation of social behaviour: specifically, that a range
of people were coming into the population from nonmarine environments further afield, that
deep sea resources were not exploited and/or that the interments of those individuals involved
in certain activities (i.e., fishing) were spatially segregated from the rest of the burial population.15
Although only further research can offer certainties, there is collateral evidence to support the sec-
ond of these hypotheses, as earlier work on marine species from the site ascertained that they were
primarily coastal and only rarely from deep water (Béarez et al. 2003: 60). Sectorisation ­arguments

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Figure 10.21. Lumbar vertebra showing probable tuberculosis.

have also received some support from other sites and cultures in the Andean area, although arguing
for interment specificity at Pachacamac is problematic as the evidence is largely negative and can
only be confirmed through the careful excavation of further undisturbed deposits.
The temporal trend demonstrates an increase in most afflictions except for tuberculosis, which
always appears to have been present at the site (as evidenced in the current context and sample, at
least) (Figure 10.21).The prevalence of treponemal disease – which was probably yaws or endemic
syphilis – was much higher in the upper strata and, anecdotally, among the looted remains on the
surface. Although it is therefore impossible to plot with certainty the arrival of the disease(s) at the
site, it is certainly true there are more varied and severe illnesses in the Late Intermediate Period
and the Late Horizon than there are in the earliest part of the sample. Neoplastic disease is also a
later finding, and although there are longer sequences in Andean palaeopathological surveys (i.e.,
Aufderheide et al. 2004), Pachacamac offers a rare opportunity to chart this most notable ‘dis-
ease of civilisation’ over the better part of a millennium, as the sites’ social role and demographic
makeup was undergoing a radical transformation.
The health effects of urbanisation in the Americas have been extensively documented by numer-
ous authors (see Larsen 1999 for a summary), and appear to strike several chords in the current
case. Although not yet confirmed in detail, the increasing prevalence of periostitis, increasing infant
mortality and more specific diseases towards the later periods implies a worsening health profile
brought about by both demographic increase through influxes to the site, and also the secondary
effects of ineffective sanitation. As stated previously, this strikes a discordant note with recent work
by Chan (2011), although researchers should be alert to the possibility of high levels of biological/
pathological diversity, given the sheer scale and evident social complexity of the Ychsma polity.

Trauma

Trauma is a major indicator of social – rather than biological – trends, and can be an effective
barometer of numerous behaviour including occupation, labour type, interpersonal aggression,

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Lawrence S. Owens and Peter Eeckhout

Trauma by Sex

16
Male Female Subadult
14

12
Number Affected (n)

10

0
Face Skull Torso Upper Limb Lower Limb
Anatomical Region
Figure 10.22. Trauma by sex.

confrontation and warfare (Walker 2001). Sophisticated trauma analysis systems use a range of
demographic factors in collaboration with complex recording methods to derive more detailed
information about the mechanics of ancient societies. Standard prevalence trauma values can
therefore be refined to differentiate between work and war, execution and murder, pugilism and
battery and even child abuse (Eeckhout and Owens 2008; Larsen 1999; Owens 2007; Walker 2001;
and others). In some societies it is possible to study epigraphic evidence for sources of trauma that
can then be used to interpret archaeological remains: Moche ceramics are perhaps the ancient
Americas’ best example of this approach (i.e., Jackson 2008; Popson 2002). It should be remem-
bered that there is no guarantee that osteologically derived trauma prevalence figures necessarily
reflect the ‘true’ prevalence of trauma in any given ancient population. For example, soft-tissue
traumas (ligature strangulation, evisceration, exsanguination, etc.) may be just as lethal as those
lesions that affect the bones, yet leave no archaeologically visible trace. However, the careful scor-
ing and analysis of osteologically visible trauma, continually updated by forensic and pathological
study, can be a major asset in understanding ancient lifeways, and to answer important archaeo-
logical questions that cannot be addressed in any other way (Walker 2001).
Traumatic lesions were scored throughout the Pachacamac sample using a complex system
that has been simplified for the current work (Figure 10.22). Data concerning fatal and nonfatal
trauma were grouped by region of the body – including face, head, torso, upper limb and lower
limb – devised to reflect the general differentiation between trauma received through intentional
(i.e., combative) and unintentional (i.e., accidental) agencies. The data were run against contex-
tual and demographic data, and the results are summarised here.
In all cases, males were more commonly affected than females, especially in terms of trauma
that is likely to have been suffered through intentional (i.e., pugilistic/aggressive) agency. Acci-
dental trauma rates suggest that men had a more active – and perhaps more dangerous – lifestyle
than women, and this is substantiated by the very large enthesopathies present on most male
remains as well as the pathological data concerning heavy loading in men (see earlier).
There were no examples of fatal trauma in the female group, although this was not uncommon
in the male sample. Likewise, child traumatic lesions were rare, and there was no evidence for sys-
tematic abuse of either subadults or women. There was considerable skeletal traumatic recidivism
in the sample (Judd 2002), and it was very uncommon to encounter an individual with a single

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traumatic lesion. The probability of any given individual being affected by trauma increased with
age, and the eldest individuals usually displayed the most trauma. A notable example of this – cited
earlier in connection with aberrant dating issues – is a single male individual (E136) estimated to
be in his late 40s to early 50s, who had been affected by multiple lesions and a cranial trepanation
in addition to probable multiple myeloma. He was also associated with multiple child burials and
ceramic vessels, among much else. This pattern is emulated by E67, an adult male with multiple
fractured ribs and cranial trauma; unusually, his grave goods include a weapon – the stone mace
head alluded to previously – which would seem to imply some special social function, perhaps
linked to a military or gubernatorial role (Figure 10.17b). There is no particular evidence for a
strong military presence at the site – certainly there are no indications of fortifications, and so
forth – but the demographic profile and injuries sustained by at least some of the most frequently
injured individuals may represent professional soldiery, perhaps coming from elsewhere to con-
valesce or to be interred at the site.

Discussion

Pachacamac is one of the largest and most important settlements in South America, and thus
occupies a position at the extreme end of the Andean funerary continuum. The issues involved
with interment of the dead appear to have been very distinct (and perhaps even institutionalised)
in this large, multiperiod and – eventually – religious site. Our sample was excavated from the
environs of the Sacred Precinct, and has been scrutinised for social trends while recognising the
possibility – even the likelihood – of social sectorisation within the site. The disadvantage of
working at a site of this size and importance is that we remain uncertain as to the representative-
ness of the sample we currently possess; Uhle (1903: 21) estimated that there were 80,000 burials
at the site, and there is already considerable evidence for cultural zoning within Pachacamac’s
burial traditions (i.e., the cemetery of the sacrificed women excavated by Uhle in 1896 [Uhle
1903: 84–88]). There is thus no guarantee that the population discussed here is not a socially dis-
crete group that is unrepresentative of the population at large, or that taphonomic bias has not
skewed our results and thus the validity of our assertions. What we have therefore done is to
attempt to ascertain what variables were potentially important to the inhabitants of the site, and
use that to create an interpretative framework to understand the intellectual topography of Late
Intermediate burial traditions at large, complex sites.
The general mode of burial differs remarkably from the others presented in this volume, in
that – superficially at least – it was oriented towards disposal of bodies in large numbers and in
close proximity to one another. Within the heavily grouped burials there was some evidence for
sociocultural zoning that reflected a range of demographic and cultural characteristics to include
social status, sex, age, illness and cause of death. Cultural remains from the area and further afield
were commonly placed with adults; the older the adult, the greater the likelihood of more elite
artefacts (notably Spondylus sp. shells, jaguar claws and other imported items).
Age and status are irretrievably linked to one another in that children under the age of about
seven do not appear to have been recognised as individuals in their own right; those above this
age were buried with considerably more care and in conjunction with artefacts deposited as grave
goods (perhaps reflecting their roles in life – such as weaving). Preliminary palaeoentomologi-
cal research has indicated that at least some of the subadult burials were exposed for some time
before being interred (Arguelles et al. n.d), and this, combined with the often poor preservation
of skeletal integrity among children, has been taken to mean that subadults were stored above-
ground and buried en masse alongside more socially prominent (i.e., older, wealthier) individuals.
Whether they were considered to be grave goods or offrenda for the deceased adult – or that the
buriers were merely taking advantage of the opportunity to dispose of them – remains unclear,
although the current authors favour the former argument.

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There was no particular differentiation between the burial styles of men and women, although
there was anecdotally more evidence for expressions of wealth among males. Males also showed
more signs of trauma and pathology linked to physical labour, although specific diseases were
more randomly distributed. However, there was a clear temporal element in the appearance of
diseases, with increased prevalence in the later periods of the site up to and including the arrival
of European forces in the sixteenth century. Work by Chan (2011) is among the first studies to
provide a contextualised examination of Ychsma interments (from the site of Armatambo), with
particular reference to the health effects of state versus non-state settlement patterns. The sur-
prising results he has obtained through this work are certainly open to further scrutiny, although
they should primarily be considered to be evidence that there is more variability than previously
believed in Ychsma health profiles. It is clear that we need more work such as this to create a more
holistic depiction of ancient lifeways in the Middle Horizon and Late Intermediate Period, and to
create a temporospatially sensitive model that can be used to address the ‘big’ questions currently
facing Ychsma researchers.
Perhaps the largest of the ‘big’ questions we have called on bioarchaeology to address is dating the
origin of the site’s perceived social importance beyond the area within which it is situated.This issue
is fraught with a series of taphonomic, cultural and epistemological issues, although the fact that
Lima period burials (Strong et al. 1943; Tello 2007) and settlements are positioned in and around
this area could be taken to imply that the importance of this area of the site – if not its specific
magico-religious role – came fairly early in the Pachacamac sequence. The general trend towards
more varied/exotic material culture later in the sequence argues for either increased trade or pop-
ulational movement, while the burial populations’ seeming indifference to earlier interments – an
unusual finding when considering the Pan-Andean respect usually accorded to ancestors – may be
interpreted as evidence for a lack of specific kinship structures at the site.That said, the vast majority
of material culture (especially ceramics) found at Pachacamac is indigenous to the Central Coast,
and it is only in the Late Horizon that there appears to have been a large-scale pilgrimage system
in operation (Eeckhout 1998, 2004c, 2008; Rostworowski 1992). This would certainly accord with
both the palaeopathological data reflecting increased prevalence – and severity – of disease through
time, as well as historical information referring to the god Pachacamac’s renowned ability to cure
the infirm (according to the priests’ account to Hernando Pizarro in January 1533 [Estete 1924: 39,
see citation at the beginning of this chapter]). The notion that Pachacamac had become a form of
Prehispanic Lourdes – or spa town – during the Late Intermediate Period and the Late Horizon
would certainly seem to accord with all current evidence, and comprises a reasonable explanation
for the seeming popularity of pilgrimage and also the cemeteries at the site during this period.

Concluding Remarks and Future Work

Having taken all the available anatomical, pathological and cultural data into consideration, we
are currently of the opinion that the site rose from comparative obscurity in the Middle Horizon
to a cultural apogee during the Late Intermediate Period, and that this was specifically linked to
its role as a place of pilgrimage and perceived miraculous (healing) power, a role that gained yet
more importance thanks to Inca support in the Late Horizon. It is hoped that the conclusions
reached in the current work may comprise a good working hypothesis for current and future
researchers at the site.
Our current programme of bioarchaeological research will enable us to determine the geo-
graphical origins of the interred population (using ancient DNA [aDNA], Arizona State Univer-
sity Dental Anthropology System [ASUDAS] dental morphology and stable isotope data) and will
also permit more refined observations about the systemic health, diet, disease, morphometrics,
occupations, activity levels and interactions of the Pachacamac populations, and to track this
through time.

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The complexity of the site and the diverse polities that it represents preclude simple conclu-
sions. Our research at Pachacamac has raised as many questions as it has answered, and it is not our
intention in this chapter (or the current volume) to provide definitive answers to researchers in this
burgeoning field. Instead, we hope that it will provide a foundation for current and future workers,
while also serving to bring this magnificent site some of the attention it so richly deserves.

Notes

1. “Having seen the filthy, ludicrous idol, we went outside to enquire why they paid any attention to
such a dirty and obscene thing; they were frightened at our temerity towards their God’s honour
and said that it was Pachacama, who cured them of their illnesses; and from what we understood, the
demon appeared in the cave to those priests and talked with them, and the priests entered with peti-
tions and offerings brought by those who had come on pilgrimage, like the Moors and Turks who go
to the house of the Mecca” (Estete 1924[1533]: 39).
2. Early Intermediate Period: ca. 200 b.c.– a.d. 650; Middle Horizon: ca. a.d. 600–1000; Late Intermedi-
ate Period: ca. a.d. 1000–1470; Late Horizon: ca. a.d. 1470–1533.
3. The Ychsma Project (Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium – Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Peru)
was founded in 1999 with the aim of clarifying the function, development and influence of Pachaca-
mac during the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon.
4. Uhle never states the number of graves he excavated at the site. Helmuth (1968: 2) was able “...to
segregate about 50 grave-lots containing a total of over 200 whole vessels. All of these grave-lots are
from a series of trenches at the base of the Temple of Pachacamaj”. However, Helmuth limited his
study to Middle Horizon and Early Late Intermediate Period pottery (ibid.), so we remain uncertain
as to the actual number of graves excavated by Uhle in Cemetery I.
5. Wari and Middle Horizon chronology are currently at the heart of a scholarly debate, particularly
focusing on stylistic and chronometric evidence for provincial manifestations of the Wari style (Jen-
nings (ed.) 2010; Isbell and Knobloch 2009). In the current work we defer to Jennings (2010a: 3–5),
who divides the period into Early Middle Horizon (a.d. 600–800, previously Menzel’s MH1) and
Late Middle Horizon (a.d. 800–1000, previously Menzel’s MH2–3).
6. In over a century of work in Cemetery 1, not one burial has ever been found to contain any Lima or
Nieveria material (see Eeckhout 2010; Franco and Paredes 2000; Shimada et al. 2010; Uhle 1903).
7. This possibility has been strengthened by palaeo-entomological evidence suggesting mummy storage
in the open air before burial (Reinhard, pers. comm. 2010, 2011).
8. The linear enamel hypoplasia data were recorded using deciles on the anterior dentition (Reid and
Dean 2000) and the Hillson system (2000) for the postcanines. For the current chapter, an affected/
unaffected dichotomy was employed, although the eventual publication will use the more refined
age-sensitive methods.
9. Subadult dental measurements will be examined to assess this possibility further.
10. EAEs are bony deposits in the ear, which arise following exposure to cold water, particularly when
under pressure (i.e., in divers and fishermen).
11. Chan (2011) uses this variable as a key means for assessing systemic health in the Ychsma period pop-
ulation from Armatambo.
12. Aufderheide et al. (2004) have found evidence for coastal Peruvian/Chilean Chagas Disease spanning
a period of more than 9,000 years.
13. http://www.hpa.org.uk/Topics/InfectiousDiseases/InfectionsAZ/Tuberculosis/
14. Modern manifestations of this affliction are referred to as ‘surfer’s ear’ (Wong et al. 1999).
15. The spatially restricted nature of the excavation area precludes testing of this hypothesis. However,
the sites’ highly segregated nature in terms of function (religious, administrative, residential) suggests
some sort of social zoning, which is historically attested for the Late Intermediate Period and Late
Horizon (Eeckhout 1998, 2008).

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 Chapter 11

The Preparation of Corpses and

Mummy Bundles in Ychsma Funerary
Practices at Armatambo

Luisa Díaz Arriola

Location and General Characteristics of Armatambo

The urban centre of Armatambo is located in the modern-day district of Chorrillos, Lima on the
eastern slope of the Morro Solar hill. Armatambo is a multicomponent Ychsma site, containing a
series of monumental structures including ramped pyramids, large enclosures, domestic occupa-
tion areas, terracing and cemeteries. Armatambo and Pampa de Flores (Lurín) were the two larg-
est sites with easy access to Pachacamac, the Ychsma capital, which is located 15 km to the south.
During the Inca occupation of the sixteenth century (Late Horizon), Armatambo was the capital
of the Sulco chiefdom, a territory under the command of the ‘Lords of Ychsma’ (Rostworowski
1977); although this occupation is known to have originated during the Late Middle Horizon
(a.d. 900–1450), the nature of settlement remains unclear.

The Armatambo Cemeteries

The Prehispanic cemeteries at Armatambo are named as follows: Heroes of the Pacific, 22nd of
October and the Huaca de San Pedro (Díaz and Vallejo 2005: 231–233). The three cemeteries
cover an occupational sequence that spans the Late Intermediate (a.d. 900–1450) to the Late
Horizon (a.d. 1450–1533). The former two cemeteries contain early–late Ychsma tombs, which
are notable for being dug directly into natural (non anthropogenic) layers. The third cemetery is
primarily known for Inca (Late Ychsma B) burials, which are usually placed in adobe structures.
The bundles analysed in the current study come from the 22nd of October and Huaca San
Pedro cemeteries, and provide us with the opportunity to expand on earlier field observations of
Ychsma funerary traditions. Bundles CF26B (code 2824), CF65A (code 3439) and CF79 (code
3425) are from the 22nd of October cemetery, and were excavated between 2003 and 2004 (Díaz
Arriola: 2004: Vol. II). These three bundles form part of the 189 contexts that have so far been
examined in the cemetery. Bundle CF168 (code 620–2000) comes from the Huaca San Pedro
cemetery, and was excavated in 2000 (Díaz Arriola 2000).

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 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

Figure 11.1. Location of the Heroes of the Pacific (a), 22nd of October (b) and Huaca San Pedro
(c) cemeteries. (Photo by SAN, 1945.)

The 22nd of October Cemetery

This cemetery is located 400 m south of Huaca San Pedro, occupying the high ground, and
is characterised by steep slopes covered with gravel caused by natural erosion of the hill
(Figure 11.1). There are rocky outcrops, which – in the 1945 aerial photograph of the area – are
adjacent to a hollow filled with sand.There are signs of looting, and a lack of archaeological struc-
tures in the upper levels. The ravine is bounded by rocky outcrops on each side and is roughly
triangular in form, with the base opening out at the base of the hill. The sediments are clayey
layers mixed with gravel from the outcrops’ deterioration, and covered with aeolian sands. This
area appears to have been used as a cemetery owing to its distance from the Prehispanic city and
also the type of sediments. It was used as a mortuary space for a prolonged period of time, as can
be seen from the high density of burials.The nature of the site only became apparent in the wake
of modern occupation.

The Huaca San Pedro Cemetery

The cemetery is sprawled around the edge of the huaca, with graves dug into adobe-built archi-
tectural structures. The burials pertain to the Inca period and pertain to high-ranking members
of the Armatambo hierarchy.Various funerary contexts pertain to Quipu readers,1 notably tombs
CF06, CF19 (Díaz Arriola 2004:Vol. I) and collective tomb CF24 (Díaz and Landa 2009), which
also contained a textile decorated with tocapus.
Some tombs were found to contain the remains of tattooed individuals, including CF168 (Díaz
Arriola 2000) – which is referred to in this chapter – or associated with groups of ‘mullus’ like
CF65 (Díaz Arriola 2000). It should be noted that almost all the funerary contexts in this sector

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have suffered postcolonial disturbance, something that is also found at other Ychsma sites. Don
Juan Cucho Gualle (Cantos de Andrade2 1999 [1573]: 72) documented the sacking of ancient
buildings under ‘encomendero’ Horgoñez, who commanded that his men remove any gold or sil-
ver from tombs and buildings at the site of Pachacamac. This in part explains why there is such
a dearth of Late Period interments, a fact that has confounded efforts to understand the way in
which the Ychsma prepared and interred their dead. The few intact burials that do survive in
Ychsma cemeteries (Díaz and Vallejo 2005; Eeckhout 2002) are therefore of pivotal importance
in understanding ancient attitudes to death.

Unwrapping Methodology

In order to ensure that the results obtained during this unwrapping study3 were comprehensible
to future researchers, the following terms were deployed: funerary context, layer, element and
find. ‘Funerary context’ is defined as the group of structures and objects related to an individual,
which were buried contemporaneously, and which may also reflect intentionality and function
(Kaulicke 1997). This marks a specific point in the process of body preparation and deposition.
The layer, in this context, is defined as a covering or wrapping that covers the entire individual.
Elements are incomplete layers, or segments thereof, that do not cover the entire body; a find is
any loose object found between the layers or in direct association with the body.
The unwrapping followed this sequence: cleaning, radiography, photography and measure-
ments, followed by the removal of layers (C), elements (E) and finds (H). The description of the
contents of the bundles follows the order in which the layers appeared, and what elements and
finds were made as the process continued. The descriptive narrative is thus the exact reverse of
the order in which the bundles’ construction took place. The material derived from the four
mummy bundles was studied at the ex-CENCA4 installation, where the remains were stored until
December 2008.

Stratigraphy and Funerary Contexts

22nd of October Cemetery

Funerary contexts CF26B, CF65A and CF79 were deposited in pits dug into level C of Unit 3.
This unit was extremely complex owing to the number and density of superimposed and cross-
cut burials. The unit measures 30 m (east–west) by 3 m (north–south), with extensions towards
the north and south. We subdivided the unit into 5 × 3 m sections, referred to as 3a, 3b, 3c, 3d,
3e, 3f and 3g. This unit contained layer A, a compacted layer between 50 and 70 cm thick and
containing modern debris. Layer B was about 120 cm thick, looser and ranging from grey to dark
brown in colour. It demonstrated repeated slumping events from the north-west, where there is
a steep slope of archaeological strata. Layer C is 150 cm thick, loose, beige in colour and contains
angular sandstone fragments, which pertain to weathering of the mountainside. Archaeological
remains include fragments of ceramic and scattered human remains. Layer D is natural, compris-
ing a 50-cm-thick deposit of light beige, fine, loose aeolian sand (Figure 11.2a).

Funerary Context 26

This context was contained within a semicircular pit, oriented east–west. It measured 160 cm ×
100 cm, and intruded into layers C and D. It was a fairly well preserved collective burial, con-
taining four mummy bundles that were deposited on at least three distinct occasions. We believe
that individuals A and B were buried first, followed by individual D, and finally individual C.

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 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

(a)
A

22 A CF22
D
22 B 26 A

24 c
26 B CF26
26 D

(b)
CF 63 N

CF 60 60 B
CF 66 CF 64
V-2 60 A
V-1
V-2
CF 65
V-6
65 A V-1 V-2
V-3
V-1 V-4
V-2 65 B V-3
V-1

65 C

3C
3B
Escala: 1/20

Figure 11.2. (a) 22nd of October cemetery; Unit 3. North profile, southern expansion, CF26.
(b) Unit 3B; plan view of CF65-66.

There were no grave goods associated with this burial. Individual A is a child in an extended
position, measuring 46 × 20 × 4 cm. Individual B is an adult measuring 80 × 42 × 25 cm. Indi-
vidual C measured 92 × 40 × 27, while D – a flexed child – measured 46 × 22 × 6 cm. Their
orientation varied considerably: A was oriented north–south, B east–west, and C/D north–south
(Figure 11.2).

Funerary Context 65

This multiple burial was deposited in a simple pit measuring 1.5 m in diameter (Figure 11.2b).
Three adults and one child (CF66) were recovered, all closely associated and probably part of the
same burial event. Individual A was located centrally, oriented towards the south. The bundle was

189
Luisa Díaz Arriola

formed around a framework made up of two large, lateral reeds, and may originally have borne
a false head. This individual was directly associated with four vessels, two pitchers, a bottle and
a cooking pot. The structure of adult individual B’s bundle was less obvious. It was found to the
north of the feature, directly behind bundle A, and was not associated with any ceramic vessels.
The third adult (C) was in a simple wrapping with a small aperture or opening to the side of the
individual’s head. Directly beneath the mummy there were two more pitchers, one of which was
a ‘cara-gollete’ vessel.

Funerary Context 79

This contained a single adult individual in extended, supine position, oriented east–west in a pit
dug directly into the sand layer. The pit measured 172 cm long by 43 cm wide and 30 cm deep.
The only associated offering was a single ceramic vessel.

Huaca San Pedro Cemetery

Funerary context 168–20005 was excavated towards the northern side of the Huaca San Pedro.
The stratigraphy of the unit is as follows: Layer A is between 20 and 50 cm thick, and contains
modern debris. Layer B is between 60 and 70 cm thick and represents an abandonment horizon.
Layer C was between 20 and 32 cm thick and also reflected an abandonment process, associated
with a period of elevated precipitation that led to the formation of clay-rich areas. Layer D was
25 cm thick and clearly demonstrated disturbance to the sediments, as testified by disarticulated
human bones mixed with various textiles and ceramics. There was no modern content. Layer E
was 110 cm thick and composed of loose earth containing numerous Inca adobes. It also con-
tained disarticulated human remains, fragmented and intact ceramics, a burnt-decoration gourd,
mollusc shells, intact textiles and organic remains. One unusual feature was also found: the base of
a circular structure which contained feathers, a Conus shell, bone artefacts, an intact two figurines,
nine balls of twine, two incomplete ceramic vessels and numerous human remains. This level also
contained a flexed adult burial (CF168) in a good state of preservation, directly associated with a
textile iconographically attributed to the Late Ychsma B (Figure 11.3). There was no evidence of
recent activity. Layer F was the deepest archaeological horizon, and was between 10 and 30 cm
thick. Layer G was a natural stratum cut by two funerary contexts, which contained some frag-
ments of ceramic (Figure 11.4).
Funerary Context 168–2000: This individual was sufficiently well preserved to observe the
structure of the bundle; judging from associated artefacts the individual was interred in the Inca
period. Most notably, this individual displayed tattooing to the hands, ankles, legs and wrists. The
mummy had been damaged – some of the textile had disappeared, exposing the face and the
right leg.

The Unwrapping Process

Bundle 26B (Code 2824)

Measurements6: 80 cm long; 42 cm wide and 25 cm thick (average). Weight: 5.5 kg. The bundle
was oblong in shape (Figure 11.5a) and was poorly preserved owing to the high concentration
of ground salts. The individual was in a flexed position, and was partly covered by the remains of
a reed mat (E1) reaching from the mid-section to the feet, which presumably once covered the
entire body. This 2 × 2 m woven mat covered a layer of cotton (C1; Figure 11.5b) which – along
with four large reeds (E3 and E4) and two pads (E5 and E6) – was secured with a twisted reed

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 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

Figure 11.3. Inca-period textile found near CF168-2000.

E O

Figure 11.4. Huaca San Pedro; profile of unit 13 where CF168-2000 was recovered.

191
Luisa Díaz Arriola

(a) (b)

(c)

E-5 E-6 E-6 H-8

E-5 H-9
E-13
E-2
H-6
C-2

E-12

E-2
H-2
C-1
E-4
E-3 C-1

Layer 1 Layer 1 Layer 2 Layer 3 The Individual

Figure 11.5. (a) Bundle 26B. Before unwrapping it was possible to see layer 1a, element 3 (b, reeds
on the right side), element 5 (c, right pillow), element 6 (d, left pillow). (b) Bundle 26B. Shown
are the layers, elements and finds that chart the unwrapping process. (c) Bundle 26B. Removal
of Layer 3 (cotton), exposing element 12 (rolled cloth), element 13 (a pillow with extensions),
find 6 (a short ‘uncu’), find 8 (a sling) and find 9 (a cloth beneath the sling).

cord (E2). The reeds on the right side of the body (E3) measured 78 cm, while those on the left
measured 92 cm.The pads were sewn alongside the sides of the head, above the shoulders; the right
side pad (E5) was made from striped textile, and the surface was covered in unidentified insects.
The left side pad (E6) was made from a white textile with blue stripes. Layer 1 is a smooth cotton
cloth, light brown in colour and 42 cm wide. The textile was folded over and sewn along the left
border to a wider, 84 cm wide cloth. It was sewn in such a way that one of the ends – where the
head was situated – formed a conical shape, while the body was covered by the rest of the cloth.
Layer 1 covered another cotton cloth (C2 – see Figure 11.7), which was striped with light brown,
dark brown and white. To wrap the body securely, the cloth had been carefully folded then knot-
ted on the front, at the level of the midriff.This layer lay above a further layer of cotton cloth (C3),
which lay directly upon the body; several seeds were found between this level and the individual,
particularly on the face. There was a pad beneath the head (E13), decorated with a red pigment
(E7) tentatively identified as cinnabar. On each side of the body and between the cotton layers
there were fragments of cane (E9 and E10) measuring 16 and 17 cm in length, as well as several
lima beans (E8 and E11).The face was also covered with red pigment; the mouth contained a thin
strip of metal (H1), the oxidisation of which had darkened the teeth.
The flexed position of the body had been brought about by means of a rolled-up cotton cloth
(E12), which served a ligature linking the knees to the chest. This was formed by two knotted
cloths, which were in turn tied to textile extensions originating from the pad under the head
and over the shoulders. The body wore a cotton loincloth (H2) covered with the same red

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 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

p­ igment found on the face and on the pad under the head.The right hand was wrapped in a fine
cloth made from camelid hair (H3). The left hand held a similar artefact (H4) as well as a pair
of metal tweezers (H5). The attire was completed with a dark brown camelid-hair poncho (H6;
Figure 11.5c) that had been put on upside-down with the embroidered neck trim pressed against
the body. Some small insects – similar to those found on the surface of E5 – were also recovered.
The individual was wearing a necklace made from two Nectandra sp. seeds (H7), both of which
were pierced and one of which still retained the central cotton thread. The head was wrapped
around with a strap (H8) three times, on top of a fine brown and white cotton cloth (H9) that
enveloped the head. The latter cloth was formed from two sections, one brown and one white,
and was folded in on itself. Analysis of the bones indicated that the individual was a man, between
35 and 40 years of age, and measuring 157.9 ± 3.42 cm.7 The teeth were all present, and unaffected
by caries. The right upper and lower third molars were coloured green owing to the presence of
a metal strip in the mouth. AMS C14 analysis (OxA-13919) for this individual yielded dates of
833 ± 24 BP, calibrated (95.4%) to a.d. 1161–1264.

Bundle 65A (Code 3439)

Measurements: 70 cm long, 42 cm wide and 25 cm thick. Weight: 4.5 kg (see Figure 11.6a). This
mummy bundle is of quadrangular shape, based around four pieces of reed used as a framework.
The bundle and the reeds were positioned inside a mesh container made from interwoven rushes.
It was constructed in a similar way to the ‘false heads’, and disintegrated en route to the laboratory.
The individual inside was in a flexed position. The external layer was a white cotton cloth (C1;
Figure 11.6b) which presumably once covered the entire bundle; preservation was poor – only
fragments were recovered on the lower half of the body, while white, beige and brown cotton
fragments (E1) were recovered from the head area. Layer 1 (C1) covered C2, which was another
very deteriorated cotton cloth. It appears to have been a double cloth, white on one side and
brown on the other, and manufactured in a manner reminiscent of padded cloth. Beneath this,
there was a layer of crushed and folded reeds (C3) measuring 51 cm in length and covering most
of the bundle. Beneath this there was another mesh or woven structure made of reeds (C4), which
was multicomponential. First there was the cover (E1) made up of intersewn spirals, and which
covered the head of the individual. The bag itself (E2) enveloped the body from the shoulders to
the feet, and was made of wide-woven reticulated material. In among the strings of the bag were
four pairs of reeds (E13, E14, E16 and E20), which served to support and strengthen the bundle.
On the left side of the individual and towards the middle of the bundle there were two thin canes
(E3) measuring 18 and 22 cm; there were two matching canes (E4 and E5; each 18 cm long) on
the other side of the bundle. E4 was sealed with a cotton plug.The large canes (E13, E14, E16 and
E20) on each side of the bundle were interspersed with cobs of purple maize: four on the left side
(E6, E7, E8 and E9) and four on the right side (E10, E11, E12 and E17).
The removal of the textile and maize exposed another layer of crushed reeds (C5) that filled the
space between the bundle and the braided structure. At this point the large reeds were more easily
observed: they measured between 75 and 79 cm long and were attached to the subsequent level of
cotton (C6) by lengths of knotted cotton.Two fine reeds (E16) lay to the left, and two to the right
(E19), mixed with the remains of cotton. Layer 6 was a fine cloth covering the entire body, and
was moulded to the body via a series of pleats and folds. Beneath this, the body was covered with a
layer of brown, beige and white cotton (C7), which still contained seeds; the majority of these were
focused on the face and the chest. The individual was buried with four spindles (H1) placed next
to the left elbow, while the cotton layer contained rolled cotton threads and unidentified roots.
The body wore a tunic (C8), remnants of which were recovered from the shoulders and behind
the body. A simple brown textile (H2) was recovered from the left ­shoulder and side of the head,
and which had been folded several times; this may have been included to give a rounded shape to

193
 (a)
194

(b) (c)
E-13 E-14
C-4 C4-E1

E-4/5
E-10 E-3
E-11
C-3 E-12
E-17
Inner surface
C-1 C-2 of Textile C-2
C4-E2

Layer 1 Layer 2 Layer 3 Layer 4

E-14
E-13 C-6 E-20
E-18 H-2
C-7 H-5 H-7
H-3

C-6 H-4

C-5
C-8

Layer 5 Layer 6 Layer 7 The Individual

Figure 11.6. (a) Bundle 65A. Before unwrapping, it is possible to see layer 2 (C2), layer 3 (C3), layer 4 (C4), layer
5 (C5), layer 6 (C6), element 10 (E10), element 13 (E13), element 14 (E14) and element 20 (E20); (b) Bundle
65A. Showing the layers, elements and finds that chart the unwrapping process. (c) Bundle 65A. Layer 8
(tunic) below; find 7 (Nectandra sp. necklaces) around the neck.
 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

(b)
E-1

E-3

E-4

(a) Layer 1 Layer 2 Layer 3 Layer 4

H-3 E-7
E-6

E-12
E-8

E-9

Layer 5 and Layer 6 Layer 7 The Individual

Figure 11.7. (a) Bundle 79. Before unwrapping. Layer 1 is visible; (b) Bundle 79. Shown are the
layers, elements and finds that chart the unwrapping process.

the bundle. The hands were wrapped in a thin camelid-hair textile (H3), the fibres of which were
orange or beige with black edges. Two cotton threads (H5) were wrapped around the right arm
in the manner of a bracelet. The left hand contained several cotton strands (H6), along with an
elongated, dehydrated and unidentified organic object that may be a desiccated umbilical cord. A
cotton strap (H4) had been used as a ligature to draw the knees into the chest and keep the body
in a flexed position. This textile was 5 cm wide and passed from the back across the shoulders and
then over the knees, where it was tied in a knot. Three necklaces of Nectandra sp. seeds were also
recovered (H7 [see Figure 11.6c]), and had been placed under the neck and on top of a thin layer
of beige cotton. Four spindles (H8) – associated with a root and wrapped in beige cotton – were
recovered from between the tunic (C8) and layer 6 on the individual’s back. Lastly, the head was
held in a vertical position because of the presence of a cotton cushion/pillow (E21). Preliminary
analysis indicates that the individual was a woman, aged approximately 20 years.

Bundle 79 (Code 3425)

The bundle measured 166 × 42 × 9 (<11) cm; the head end of the bundle was 20 cm thick (Fig-
ure 11.7a). The bundle was wrapped in various incomplete and damaged textiles. The outermost
layer was a mat (E1), made from an as-yet unidentified vegetable fibre (Figure 11.7b). Under the
mat, and at the height of the head, we recovered the remains of a fine cotton cloth (C1) in brown
and white; fragments of this cloth also appeared on other parts of the mummy. Textile C2 – a
white cotton cloth – was found beneath this preliminary textile layer and covered much of the
mummy’s body. Atop this layer, and at the level of the chest, we found a packet made of dark
brown to black camelid hair (E2); this form of textile was often placed in the hands of Ychsma
burials from Armatambo (Díaz and Vallejo 2005: 240; Díaz Arriola 2004: Vol. II). The next layer
(C3) was very fine beige (originally white) cotton textile that covered the entire bundle. The
cloth was moulded to the body’s contours using folds, and had been further attached to the body

195
Luisa Díaz Arriola

Figure 11.8. (a) Bundle 79. Note the edges of the cloth (E6) knotted beneath the chin, along with
two pairs of silver tweezers. (b) Bundle 79. Necklace formed by strips of metal (E10).

using twisted vegetable fibre (E3 and E4), which had left marks on the textile. Two pieces of this
cord were found on the bundle.
The subsequent layer (C4) was made from low-twist cotton, giving a thin section. The fibres
were brown and white, providing a marbled effect. The cloth wrapped twice around the body
from the head to the feet. It was similar to layer 1 of CF26 (2824), but in a bad state of preser-
vation. The folds of this layer yielded a shell and an as-yet unidentified leaf (H1). The cloth was
attached to the body using a cord made from twisted vegetal fibres (E5), possibly sisal, which had
left some marks and fragments on the exterior of the textile.
C4 lay over C5, another thin white cotton textile that totally covered the individual from head
to feet.This overlay C6, a very thin layer made from white cotton which closely followed the con-
tours of the body. It was wound the same way. The folds of C6 contained groups of 10-cm-long
human hairs (H2). A sling (H3) was sandwiched between C6 and C7 and had been knotted above
the left temple. C7 was made from fine white, yellow and brown cotton, which covered the entire
individual. This textile directly overlay the body, and there was no cotton filling beneath it.
The body’s right arm was crossed across the chest towards the left shoulder. The left arm was
strongly flexed into the left shoulder. Each hand held a strip of camelid fibre, which was wrapped
around them (E8 and E11). These resembled Find 3 from CF65A (code 3439). The face was cov-
ered with a brown cloth (E6), which crossed it at the height of the eyes and wrapped around the
sides of the face. The ends of the cloth were knotted together under the chin, in association with
two sets of tweezers tied together with cotton string (Figure 11.8a). This covered a white cloth
(E7), which was completely covered with red pigment, topped with a layer of cotton. This cloth
was twisted at both ends, and then tied under the individual’s chin. Three strips of metal were
attached to the cotton covering the face. The individual’s hair had been cut.
The body was attired in a white cotton loincloth (E9) showing signs of red dye (cinnabar?); the
cloth had been knotted to the left side of the waist. The individual was wearing a necklace (E10)
made from 16 square pieces of metal (Figure 11.8b), of which the central piece was the largest.
The metal is currently believed to be silver, although the presence of white oxidisation may be
a result of its’ being alloyed with some other metal. The necklace was strung on a cotton thread,
now very degraded, over which the pieces of metal had been folded to hold them in place. From
this we deduce that the necklace was not used in life, and was prepared specifically for the burial
as an offering. Lastly, the chest bore a camelid-hair ‘uncu’. A perimortem depression and hairline
fracture running from the glabella to the left orbit is believed to represent the cause of death in
this individual (Figure 11.9).

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 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

Skeletal lesions
Broken or missing Damaged, bones present

Figure 11.9. Bundle 79. Skeletal lesions for individual CF79.

Bioarchaeological analysis8 indicated that the individual was an adult male of ca. 50 years of
age, and measuring 152.7 ± 3.42 cm. The lumbar vertebrae displayed strong osteophytic growths,
although there are no other degenerative changes in the skeleton. The right radial tuberosity was
very strongly developed, perhaps implying some form of occupational stress involving flexion of
the elbow and extension of the arm.The frontal lesion mentioned above is not the only perimor-
tem injury suffered by the individual – fractures were also noted in the ribs and scapulae, caused
by both blunt and sharp (spear) weapons.There was a deep injury to the right humerus, as well as
multiple sharp weapon puncture lesions to the anterior aspect of the pelvis, fracturing the sym-
physis and other areas.These appear to have been aimed from in front and below the victim, as an
attack on the genital area. The last – and most notable – lesion was that on the skull, comprising
a 24 mm diameter depressed fracture surrounded by small radial and concentric lines, implying
a blow of considerable force using a hardened club made from Astrocaryum chonta or something
harder still. The position and angulation of the lesion indicates that the individual was lower than
the aggressor at the time it was administered. We believe that the frontal lesion was the last injury
received, based on both its severity and position/nature. There were no defence lesions on the
arms, forearms or hands, thus implying that the individual was unable to defend himself against
an assault. Lastly, none of the penetrating injuries showed any signs of recovery.

Bundle 168–2000 (Code 620–2000)

Measurements: 47 cm long, 40 cm wide, 28 cm thick (average) and 4.5 kg in weight

(Figure 11.10a).The individual was buried in a flexed position, and is in a bad state of conservation.

197
Luisa Díaz Arriola

(a) (b) (d)

H-15

H-5

(c) (e)

Knee Ankle
Figure 11.10. (a) Bundle 168–2000. The individual’s wrappings were incompletely preserved.
(b) Bundle 168–2000. Find 2 in the left hand. (c) Bundle 168–2000. Detail of find 6, with the
two Spondylus sp. valves. (d) Bundle 168–2000. Face with find 15 (cloth covering the face) and
find 5 (necklace). Note that the mouth is covered. (e) Bundle 168–2000.Tattoos on the left leg.
The continuous line represents skin preserved in good condition.

The outermost layer (E1) was a simple cloth made up of four separate parts, manufactured
from loosely woven and slightly twisted beige cotton. The cloth ran from shoulders to feet, leav-
ing the head uncovered, and ran between the left arm and leg. It appeared to be a female tunic,
with multiple folds on either side of the neck.The neck opening was in the shape of a buttonhole,
while small apertures were made for the arms. An incomplete flat cotton cloth (E2) lay above the
right arm and covered the front aspect and legs of the individual. The folds of this cloth yielded
a round lump of red pigment – probably cinnabar – wrapped in human hair.
The left hand was loosely wrapped in two bundles of fibres (H2) of white and brown cotton
(Figure 11.10b), arranged in several loops of about 10–12 cm in diameter.There was a necklace of
seeds (H3) at the height of the stomach, and a fragment of spindle (H4) was found adhering to
the tunic. There was a small amount of cotton between the legs (E3), which may originally have
been part of a layer that covered the entire body.The neck was encircled with several fragmented
seed necklaces (H5), while the buttocks were seated upon a rolled-up cloth (H6) containing two
separate halves of a large Spondylus shell (H7 and H8), one under each buttock (Figure 11.10c).
The cloth ran from the buttocks towards the legs and then upwards towards the chest, where it
crossed to reach the shoulders, then proceeded down the back to the legs where it was knot-
ted. The seed necklace in the right hand (H9) passed through a bundle of twisted roots (H10).
The final layer over the right hand and wrist was a flat cotton cloth (H11). The hand held two
bundles of brown and white cotton threads (H14), a string of seeds (H12) and two or three pieces
of green-coloured metal (H13) that resembled sections of a disc with a central circle. The face
was covered with a cotton cloth (H15) that was tied at the back. Beneath this there was a layer

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 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

of cotton and a red dust covering the face up to the cheekbones. The fringe had been cut short.
The lips (Figure 11.10d) were covered by a layer of leather or textile; this was attached so firmly
that it could not be removed.
The woman’s skin was fairly well preserved on the torso, waist, abdomen and pubis, where
it resembled thick, dry leather. On the extremities the skin had been badly damaged by salts in
solution.The woman appears to have been fairly well built in life, to judge from the folds of tissue
around the waistline and also the breasts, which would have been prominent. The right hand was
well preserved, including the nails; the tendons could be observed beneath the skin of the palm.
The body contained no insect pupae. The trunk had become separated from the lower extremi-
ties, and part of the right foot had been lost.This fragmentation of the body – presumably caused
by post-inhumation disturbance – permitted us to observe the absence of internal organs and the
fact that the body appears to have been mummified naturally rather than artificially.The mummy
is most notable for the tattoos on the hands, wrists, ankles and legs, although preservation was less
than ideal (Figure 11.10e).
Anthropological analysis indicated that this was a woman 40–45 years of age, measuring about
148.2 ± 3.82 cm tall.9 The skin on the face was in better condition than that of the postcranium,
and included both ears. There was red pigment on the frontal and the cheekbones. The skull was
fronto-occipitally deformed; a series of radiographic studies indicated that the individual suffered
no linked pathology. All the teeth were present in the alveoli, the third molars were congenitally
absent and little caries was noted. There was evidence of cribra orbitalia.

Discussion

The data concerning the unwrapping of four of these mummies was accompanied by a wider-
scale review of the 189 burials excavated at the 22nd of October cemetery (2004: Vol. II). Of
these, 177 were intact single or multiple graves, giving a total of 233 individuals. The other 12
contexts contained groups of disarticulated bones, which were often heavily disturbed. Although
cemetery typologies are not the aim of the present publication, a brief summation is in order.
The bundles can be divided into two groups: those wrapped in textiles with a framework of
reeds/canes running lengthwise through the bundle, and the simple bundles which assume the
shape of the wrapped body. Within the reed-framework group, we can distinguish bundles with
(type A) and without (type C) funerary goods, while the same distinction can also be made in
the simple format bundles (type B and D to denote bundles with/out funerary goods).10 All age
groups are found in all bundle types, although there is a higher prevalence of children buried in
type D bundles.11 Multi-individual tombs often contained various subtypes mixed together in a
single group. It was also noted that adults, adolescents and children older than the age of 3 years
tended to be buried in flexed positions.Younger children and some adults were not buried in this
manner, and belong to ‘extended type D’. The most common orientation for the adult bundles
was head towards the south, in the direction of Pachacamac. This differs notably from a pre-
ponderance of eastern orientations at the cemeteries of Huaca Santa Cruz (Cornejo 2004) and
La Rinconada Alta12 (Díaz Arriola 2002; Díaz and Vallejo 2005). Chronologically the cemetery
contexts can be grouped as follows: a single early Ychsma context, 12 middle Ychsma contexts,
and 104 late Ychsma contexts. Within this classification, bundle 26B pertains to type C and 65A
pertains to type A. Bundle 79 pertains to type D (extended variant), while we are currently
unaware of the burial type of the tattooed woman, as the bundle – which came from the Huaca
San Pedro – was incomplete.
Our investigations lead us to propose the following paradigms for Ychsma funerary tradition
at the current site (Díaz and Vallejo 2003: 368–370, 2004: 398–399, 2005). The traditions reflect
ethnic identity, gender and indicators of social affinity; although it is possible that ‘work iden-
tity’ was also an issue, we currently lack any evidence for vocation. The data are summarised in
Tables 11.1 and 11.2.

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 Table 11.1. Comparison of Unwrapped Female Individuals
200

Individual Huallamarca Armatambo Pachacamac La Rinconada Armatamboa Pampa de Flores

(Valladolid 2000) (Fardo 65A) (Eeckhout 2002) (Díaz y Vallejo 2005) (168–2000) (Eeckhout 1999)

Chronology Late Middle Horizon; Late Intermediate Between Middle and Late Intermediate Late Horizon Late Intermediate
Early Late (end of Late Ychsma A) Late Horizons (Late Ychsma A) (Late Ychsma B) 6 to Late
Intermediate Horizon

Age 60–65 ca. 20 35 Unknown 40–45 26–32

External mat Mat (outside the Mat Mat
bundle) (the external layer of (Outside the bundle)
the bundle)
Lateral reed supports Lateral reed supports Lateral reed supports Vertical reeds on
plus 4 maize cobs on each side
each side
Mesh/netting Elaborate reed mesh Reed mesh with
opening for the
face
Single-colour textiles 5 textiles 3 textiles 3 textiles 3 textiles
far from the body
Textiles near the body Crossed-over textiles Present Present
near the body
Cotton stuffing 1 1 2
Layers of reeds Crushed reed layers
Ligature securing body Present (cotton) Present (cotton) Present (cotton)
Tufts or bundles of Bundle of human hair Vegetable fibre bundle 3 tufts of camelid Human hair with
human/animal hair hair red pigment.
 Gourds in textiles Present Gourd on the chest 2 gourds inside 2 gourds inside
bundle bundle
Textile covering head/ Head covering Face covering Face covering
face
Pillows/cushions Cushion supporting Cushion supporting head
head
Molluscs 8 Eurhomalea rufa, 1 2 Spondylus 3 Spondylus valves
Argopecten
Other Lime vessel with
wooden lid
Other textiles 2 polychrome strips
Metal strips In mouth and left On face and abdomen On face and right Right hand
hand, and inside hand
tunic
Weaving implements 3 spindles and cotton 8 spindles and roots 3 spindles, 3 needles 4 spindles, 2 spindle 1 spindle 3 shuttles with
balls weights, 6 needles, spindles, 3
a bone ‘tupu’ simple spindles
Strips and threads on Camelid hair strip Cord around hands, Cotton threads 2 groups of cotton Thread bracelets
the hands and arms around hands, cotton which hold a ball of around left hand thread around left around hands
threads on arms cotton thread hand
Necklaces 3 Nectandra necklaces Nectandra necklace 3 seed necklacecs
Red pigment Red pigment on the Red pigment on the
feet face
Head hair Cut short (fringes)
Body attire Tunic Tunic Tunic Tunic Tunic ¿
a
Tattooed.
201
 Table 11.2. Comparison of Unwrapped Male Individuals
202

Individual Armatambo (26B) Armatambo Huaca Granados La Rinconada Pampa de Flores

‘victim’ (79) (Mendoza 1983) (Frame et al. 2004) (Eeckhout 1999: 357–360)

Chronology Late Intermediate Late Horizon Late Horizon Late Horizon Terminal Late Intermediate
(Middle Ychsma) Late Ychsma B
AMS calibrated
a.d. 1161–1264

Age 35–40 50 50 35–40 30–40

External mat Mat is exterior layer Mat is exterior layer of Mat is exterior layer of bundle
of bundle bundle
Lateral reed supports Present Present; associated with 4 3 vertical 60 cm sticks, placed
corn cobs on sides of bundle
Mesh/netting Mesh or bag with
reed handles
One-colour textiles not 2 7 3 2, plus one wrapping 3
adjacent to body garment
Textiles adjacent to body 1 1 1 2 (cotton)
Cotton stuffing 1 Not stated 1 1
Ligature securing body Present (cotton) Not stated
Tufts and bundles of Beneath head Not stated Hair fragments in folds of
animal/human hair textiles
Gourds in textiles Present
Textile covering face or Cotton cloth 2 cotton cloths covering Cloth covering face Cotton cushion covering Wool cloth right of neck
head covering forehead face Band covering face Seeds covering lower half of
forehead (?) face
 Pillows or cushions Fringes cushion Supporting head Remains of wool Collar of cotton fibres Vegetal fibres (Huaman ripa) in
with red pigment, that supported supporting head base of skull
supporting head head
Mollusks Fragments 4 Spondylus valves; white
spiral shell
Other objects and textiles 1 Lliqlla 2 lime containers: one
2 tupus with cotton lid, one
with fitted wooden lid
Other textiles 2 polychrome strips
(bands)
Bags and packets 2 bags 2 bags containing various 2 bags suspended from the
objects, including neck, and containing silver
a piece of mineral objects
pigment
A packet containing
tunics, including one
in ‘casana’ design
Metal strips In the mouth In left hand Attached to a necklace 6 circular pieces, each 3 cm
made of cotton in diameter (one in the
encircling the neck. right hand)
1 half-moon shaped fragment
1 large silver fragment
1 rectangular strip
Weaving implements None None 1 loom, 8 yarn None None
balls, 2 weighted
spindles, cotton
thread
203

(continued)
 Table 11.2 (continued)
204

Individual Armatambo (26B) Armatambo Huaca Granados La Rinconada Pampa de Flores

‘victim’ (79) (Mendoza 1983) (Frame et al. 2004) (Eeckhout 1999: 357–360)

Strips and threads on hands Camelid hair strip Camelid hair strip Thread bracelets on
and arms around each hand around each hand; each arm
one similar on chest
Necklaces 1 necklace with two Necklaces bearing 16 Fruits/seeds strung on vegetal
Nectandra sp. seeds strips of metal fibres
Red pigment On face and pelvis
Sling Present Present 7 slings, as well as camelid ?
wool and agave fibres
for sling manufacture
Metal tweezers In left hand 2 attached tweezers in Tweezers with Spondylus Silver bowl (10 cm diameter),
cloth lying across face bead, 1 Tumi (knife) silver bracelet (inside bags)
Head hair Hair had been cut Hair had been cut
Beneath individual Folded cloth as seat Gourd as seat
Attire Short uncu, Short uncu, loincloth Tunic over loincloth Naked
loincloth
 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

The variables used include the position of the body, the manner of the bundle’s construction,
the number – or lack – of offerings, biological sex, age, and so forth. These all relate to a belief
system, to social identities and the roles individuals played in life. However, it should be noted
that intragroup differences in a comparative study of this sort may refer to different chronological
phases, gender identity, age groups and social status, among others; these factors can be observed
in the unwrapped bundles from La Rinconada Alta (Frame et al. 2004) and Pampa de Flores
(Eeckhout 1999a: 357–360), as shown in Table 11.2.
The four bundles from Armatambo show markers of Ychsma cultural identity and sex-based
differences, primarily in terms of burial goods. The burials can be defined as follows: (1) Adults
were tied into a flexed position using a textile band (CF65A, CF168-2000 and CF26B). These
cotton straps are sometimes constructed from two or more separate cloths, and may also incorpo-
rate a cushion to support the head. (2) The individuals were prepared as bundles, using successive
layers of cotton cloth with a layer of cotton as fill (CF65A, CF26B). Most of the external cloths
were flat, of a very open weave, in white or beige and of a width indicating that they were made
on a portable loom. The textiles nearer to the body tend to be of better construction, in a range
of colours to include beige, brown and blue.They tended to be moulded to the shape of the indi-
vidual by making folds in the material that were sewn into place using large stitching; this effect
was emphasised by binding the individual with fibre bands. (3) Higher status bundles were con-
structed around a framework of lateral fortifying reeds tied together with fibre made from rushes.
Bundles CF26B and CF65A were built around one and two pairs of reeds, respectively, but up to
four pairs of reeds were used in high status bundles such as CF93A, 93C, 95 and 105 (Díaz Arriola
2004: Vol. II; Díaz and Vallejo 2005, figure 36, type F4). (4) Three of the unwrapped bundles
(CF65A, CF26B and CF79) contained pillows around the head area, which makes the outline of
the mummy more regular and also keeps the head positioned securely. (5) Red pigment was also
found, which may be either cinnabar or ochre (CF79, CF26, CF168-2000).This pigment was dis-
tributed on the face, behind the head or between the bands wrapping the hands (CF168-2000).
It was also found on the loincloth of CF79. (6) More uncommon variants included trimmed/
cut fringes in adults (CF26B, CF79, CF168-2000) and the incorporation of human hair tufts into
the wrappings (CF65A, CF79). A mummy with such inclusions has been excavated at Pampa de
Flores, although the excavators believe that the hair did not come from the individual in ques-
tion (Eeckhout 1999: 357–360). (7) The hands are usually rested on the chest, not necessarily one
on top of the other, and are always wrapped in either cotton threads (CF168-2000, CF65A) or
colourful camelid fibre straps (CF65A, CF26B, CF79). The latter tend to be long and bipartite,
and either in plain weave with colourful designs, made with very widely spaced wefts and warps
in black or very dark brown, which give the appearance of being fringed. (8) Women are dressed
in tunics while men are dressed in short uncus and loincloths. (9) Women were often buried with
spindles with or without thread attached, and with strips of metal in the hands (CF168-2000).
Men were often interred with a sling wrapped around their heads, and tend to be carrying twee-
zers (CF26B and CF79). (10). Necklaces – multiple strands or multiply wrapped single strands –
appear in both male and female burials, and were made from a variety of seeds that included
Nectandra sp. (11) Metal distribution was irregular: women often held irregularly shaped metal
strips in their hands (CF168-2000), while men’s mouths often contained metal strips (CF26B) or
tweezers (CF26B). Unusually, male mummy CF79 had a necklace made from quadrangular strips.
It seems that tweezers and necklaces made from metal strips are associated with men, and we
believe that this tradition persisted from the Middle Ychsma to the Inca period.

The Comparative Sample

When comparing these four contexts with other bundles from this region, various similarities
were noted that reflect trends visible throughout the Ychsma cultural sequence. So far as we are

205
Luisa Díaz Arriola

aware, there are publications pertaining to the unwrapping of seven Ychsma bundles. One of
these is a Late ­Intermediate ‘false head’ mummy with a cloth mask from Huallamarca (Vallado-
lid 2000), a site noted for false head bundles with masks (Casas and Dolorier 2006) associated
with early Ychsma ceramics (Dolorier and Casas 2009). Other bundles have been recovered from
Pachacamac (Eeckhout 2002), Pampa de Flores (Eeckhout 1999), La Rinconada Alta (Díaz and
Vallejo 2005; Frame et al. 2004) and Huaca Granados (Mendoza 1983). The total comparative
sample (including the four bundles from Armatambo) totals 11 individuals from sites deemed to
be Ychsma on the basis of ceramics (Tables 11.1 and 11.2). Some of the sites also possess ramped
pyramids (Armatambo, Pachacamac and Pampa de Flores), a monumental architectural style char-
acteristic of the Ychsma.
It is interesting to note that the Huallamarca male individual was buried using markers
associated with female social identities (Cornejo 1999: 299–300; table 2), to include weaving
implements and a strip of metal in one hand, among other items. Some of the female mum-
mies had been prepared using a mat (Huallamarca, Pachacamac and La Rinconada), and three
males also showed this trait (Armatambo and Pampa de Flores). Reed/rush frameworks to
support the bundles are also found in both sexes, but are not universal: it most probably refers
to a form of social stratification. The appearance of a reed structure in the Huallamarca bundle
indicates that this tradition was in use from the Early Ychsma. Bundle preparation techniques
are generally similar in both sexes, using simple weaves and colours towards the outside of
the bundle and more complex and multicoloured textiles nearer to the body.13 In every case
except for Armatambo CF79, the mummies had a single insert of cotton ‘stuffing’. Men and
women were both tied into flexed positions using cords, were provided with pillows to sup-
port their heads, cloths to cover their faces, and had necklaces and cotton threads tied around
their hands. The use of metals and red pigment is also fairly common for both sexes. Hair-
dressing seems to have been restricted to Armatambo and Pachacamac (Tables 11.1 and 11.2;
Uhle 2003 [1903]: 181). In the 11 cases studied, the men were found to possess slings, tweezers,
an uncu or a tunic and also a loincloth. The use of slings as a male burial offering is recurrent,
and has also been noted in the cemetery of Huaquerones (Cook and Goycochea 2004), where
an adult believed to be male was buried with a sling in a single bundle along with two chil-
dren. Women are usually buried with strips of metal in their hands, with weaving implements,
and always wearing a tunic. Both sexes tend to have their hands ‘bound’ with cotton threads
or narrow textile bands.
Some differences observed between the mummy bundles may pertain to temporal variabil-
ity within the Ychsma sequence. The false-head and cloth-masked bundle from Huallamarca
establishes a link with Middle Horizon funerary traditions; equally, the (slightly later) male buri-
als from Pampa de Flores and la Rinconada Alta contain wool bags, while one individual with
a ‘casana’ design tunic (Rinconada Alta) dates to the Late Horizon. It should be noted that the
Huallamarca and Rinconada bundles are of a higher status than other individuals from the same
samples, in light of the special objects they were interred with. It should also be noted that the
Late Period individuals – the tattooed woman of Armatambo, and the man and woman from
Pampa de Flores – possess deformed skulls, although this is not the case for the male from La
Rinconada.
Two further individuals were also included in the study: adult VA60381 and subadult VA60382
(with a deformed skull), both of which were found as reed-structure bundles at the site of
Pachacamac (Herrmann and Meyer 1993). Both were false-head style mummies wrapped in a
series of textiles that concealed various metal objects in their folds. The bodies were typically
buried in a flexed position: the hands of the adult individual were originally resting on their
shoulders, similar to the individual from Pampa de Flores (Eeckhout 1999a: 357). Lastly, this
­bundle – which was covered with a rush mat – bore a false head with a wooden nose (Herrmann
and Meyer 1993: 58). Shimada et al. (2006: 3) and Eeckhout (2007) have also reported on the pres-
ence of reed-reinforced bundles at Pachacamac. Shimada’s discovery of a tomb used from the end

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 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

of the Middle Horizon until the Late Horizon contained 34 individuals, the majority of which
were interred in reed-reinforced bundles.

Nonstandard Ychsma Funerary Traditions at Armatambo

There is a single exception to the burial customs paradigm defined in the preceding text. There
are four similar individuals from the 22nd of October cemetery, notable for having been interred
without funeral goods, or with a single vessel. CF79 was buried in an extended position, which
is atypical for the period. However the wrappings and the presence of the loincloth, a short uncu
(similar to that of CF 26A), hand wrappings, red pigment, tweezers and the necklace of metal
strips all confirmed that CF79 was indeed an Ychsma individual. We believe that this individual’s
violent death was the reason behind the observed differences, as the bundle fits the parameters
of the ‘deviant burial’ practices Eeckhout and Owens (2008) have used to define unconventional
funerary practices at Pachacamac, including – but not limited to – human sacrifices. This inter-
ment therefore tends to accord with their proposals, and demonstrates that punishment could be
an important cause of unconventional funerary practices during this period.
Interment CF79 reignites the debate between – on one side – those who claim that human
sacrifice only occurs in religious contexts (Testart 2004), and – on the other – those who argue
that any deliberate destruction of wealth and living things motivated by ritual, symbolic or
magico-religious reasons should be considered to be sacrifice. In this context, ‘companion burials’
would certainly qualify as sacrifice, but executions would not. It is certainly true that archaeology
cannot always determine the intentions behind the appearance of an unconventional or violent
death, and in this context Eeckhout and Owens’ proposals are very useful. But in cases where the
anthropological analysis and archaeological context assist in clarifying the causes of death (as is the
case for CF79) it is possible to distinguish sacrifice as a discrete and distinct form of violent death.
We consider it very important – where possible – to be able to distinguish a death brought about
for religious reasons from those with a more secular motivation, and which may in turn contain
information about the social status of the individuals and other aspects of social/religious behav-
iour. Individual CF79 died a violent death without apparently being able to defend himself from
the aggressors, who severely wounded and maimed him before killing him outright (although
mutilation directly after death is also a possibility). It is therefore necessary to determine whether
this concerns the result of direct conflictive violence, sacrifice or an act of punishment. When
weighing these three possibilities, we see that the individual’s penetrating injuries were not ran-
dom, and nor did he display any healed fractures or wounds in other parts of the body, not even
in the hands. This tends to rule out the possibility that this individual was a warrior. It is also
possible that this individual was a sacrifice: this would imply that the individual was considered
to be a ritual offering to a divinity as a gesture of homage or atonement. These types of contexts
tend to be characterised by the destruction (real or symbolic immolation; holocaust) or voluntary
abandonment of the offered item, or the destruction of the sacrificial object.This is incompatible
with CF79, which demonstrates the preparation of the body traditionally seen in Ychsma funer-
ary rituals, including the use of clothing and objects associated with the body. It is also incompat-
ible with the bundle’s burial with other community members in a centralised cemetery. For this
reason, we discount the possibility that he was a sacrificial victim. Instead – and based on the form
of the burial and the method of decease of the individual – we maintain that CF79 represents an
execution or act of punishment. He may have been a victim of intergroup violence, or have been
subjected to punishment by Armatambo’s ruling class. This cannot be determined with certainty,
but may have been the reason for the unusual body position and the lack of burial goods. In any
case, it is a ‘deviant burial’, an example of nonconventional burial practices. Similar Late-Period
contexts, but that pertain to sacrifices, have been recovered at Pampa de Flores (Eeckhout 1999a:
365–366) and in the Cerro Lampay (Vega-Centeno et al. 2006).

207
Luisa Díaz Arriola

These individuals are unusual in having been interred in an extended burial position. Further,
they lacked complex funerary wrappings and were buried quickly and without much ceremony
in tombs that were dug into public architectural monuments (which is not the case for CF79).
Of the three individuals from Cerro Lampay, one was gagged and the other two were tied up.
The mouth of the woman from Pampa de Flores (PV48-4A-E11) was wide open, the hands were
at the height of the heart and the body was covered with red pigment. Evidence of wrappings
is very scarce other than some small fragments from under the body; there were no funerary
offrenda. These characteristics tend to be found on the burials of individuals who suffered a ritu-
alised or violent death, as was the case for CF79. The woman from Pampa de Flores also had a
congenital deformity of the pelvis, which would have prevented her from giving birth. Accord-
ing to historical sources, physically deformed animals or humans could be considered ‘huaca’
­(Bertonio 2006 [1612]: 547; Garcilaso de la Vega 2005 [1609]: 77; Gonzáles Holguín 1989 [1608]:
165) and thus may have been sacrificed to the deities, (Albornoz 1989 (1584): 168); this is perhaps
the cause of this woman’s ritualised death.
Finally, the tattooed woman from Armatambo – who also displays cranial deformation – is the
second tattooed individual to be recovered from the Huaca San Pedro. We believe that she was a
member of the elite, and may have been involved with ritual or shamanic practices. It should be
noted that she displayed no signs of violence, unlike eleven individuals – five of them women –
recovered from “The 22nd of October” cemetery (Aguayo 2009). None of these lesions were
fatal, as all displayed signs of healing. The distribution mirrored social distinctions, as the five
women had received injuries to the face, fingers, ribs and legs, unlike the men.The lack of lesions
on the tattooed woman from CF168-2000 may therefore be an expression of elevated status; the
subject of violence in Armatambo is a new line of study currently being explored using physical
anthropology, to better understand the individuals who lived in this society.

Conclusion

This unwrapped mummy has permitted us to considerably further our knowledge of body treat-
ment methods at Armatambo.Various analytical tasks are still outstanding: these include a refined
study of the wrappings, artefacts and other finds from the four funerary bundles, and the physical
anthropology studies of CF65A and the other three other individuals. We currently know that
26B pertains to the Middle Ychsma period, but the other individuals (26C–D) may postdate this
as the tomb was reopened and probably reused.We have classified individual CF168-2000 as Late
Horizon, given its association with Inca period artefacts. A vessel associated with CF65A dates to
the Late Ychsma B, thus tentatively dating the individual. As stated, we believe that CF79 pertains
to the Late Ychsma on the basis of fragmented ceramics associated with the burial. Finally, we
propose that the body treatment associated with funeral rites at Armatambo comprises a good
indicator of Ychsma cultural identity. It should therefore be possible to use the bundle-with-reeds
type of burial – a notable Ychsma burial variant – to identify the range of the Ychsma territory in
the Rimac and Lurín Valleys.This method could be assisted and contrasted with new data, further
increasing our knowledge of the Lima area during the Late Period.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the Peruvian INC for permitting the unwrapping of CF26B, 65A and
168–2000 at the Museo de Sitio de Pachacamac. Likewise, the INC granted us an ex-CENCA
centre as a workplace where we could carry out the unwrapping of CF79, and continue with the
conservation work of materials unwrapped in 2004 and 2005; the materials are currently curated
at the CENCA site, where we carried out some further analyses in 2008. I would also like to
express my gratitude to Patricia Landa Cragg, Amelie Brandon Ortiz, Koraita Fierro and María

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 Preparation of Corpses in Ychsma Funerary Practices

Inés Barreto, without whose assistance and hard work this project could never have succeeded.
I would also like to thank the reviewers for their helpful commentaries on an earlier draft of this
chapter.While acknowledging all the assistance I have received, responsibility for any opinions or
errors in the current chapter lies solely with the author.

Notes

1. quipucamayocs.
2. “...the Indians of this division suffered much work because of the aforementioned Horgoñez, the
first agent, who robbed the chiefs and Indians when they went to Cuzco. He sought to collect all the
gold and silver which belonged to the chiefs and Indians in this division, and he also took from the
huacas a large quantity of jars and pots and cups of silver and gold, and it is understood later that it
would in be in all more than thirty thousand pesos of gold and silver...”. Report by Rodrigo Cantos
de Andrade, 1573: f21v.
3. This analysis comprises part of a doctoral thesis at the Universidad Pantéon-Sorbonne (Paris 1) under
the direction of Dr. Jean François Bouchard.The mummy unwrapping was authorised by Resolución
Directoral Nacional N° 669/INC, on the 17.08.2004, Institute of Culture, Perú.
4. The INC allocated an ex-National Training Centre (CENCA) building for use as our project head-
quarters.
5. We have attached the suffix ‘2000’, which denotes the year of recovery.
6. Bundles 3439, 2824 and 620–2000 were unwrapped by Patricia Landa Cragg (conservator and textile
specialist), Amelie Brandon Ortiz (illustrator), Koraita Fierro (physical anthropologist) and the cur-
rent author.
7. The anthropological analysis was carried out by Koraita Fierro. Sex was determined using the vari-
ables described by Ubelaker (1991), Bass (1987), Brothwell (1987) and others, on the basis of cra-
nial and iliac morphology. Age determination was based upon pubic symphysis phases (Todd 2000;
Brooks and Suchey 1990) and the auricular surface of the ilium (Lovejoy et al. 1985). The fourth rib
was also used (Isacḁn and Loth 1984). Stature was based on maximum left femur length and the for-
mulae provided by Genovés (1967).
8. Carried out by physical anthropologist María Inés Barreto R. Age, sex and height determination
were carried out using work by Brooks and Suchey (1990), Iscan and Loth (1984), Lovejoy et al.
(1985), Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), Krogman and Iscan (1986), Genovés (1967) and Trotter 1970
(among others).
9. The physical anthropology studies were carried out by Koraita Fierro, using the same methods as for
bundle 26B.
10. Bundle types: 77 type A, 47 type B, 19 type C and 90 type D.
11. Of these 90 individuals, 23 were adults, 4 of which were extended. There were also 16 subadults and
53 children.
12. Thus oriented towards the ravine and road of Manchay, which leads to the Lurín Valley (Díaz and
Vallejo 2005: 302).
13. The Pampa de Flores bundles are the exception to this rule, and contain only single-colour textiles.

209
 Chapter 12

From One Burial to Another

A Sequence of Funerary Patterns from
the Manteño Culture (Integration
Period a.d. 800–1535), Site of Japotó,
Manabí Province, Ecuador

Tania Delabarde

With a total area of 283,560 km2, Ecuador is a small country compared with its neighbours
­(Brazil, Colombia and Perú) but paradoxically presents one of the richest areas of biodiversity in
the world that has been intensively researched since the Spanish conquest. By comparison, how-
ever, archaeological investigations are both recent and infrequent, presumably because Ecuador
offers little monumental architectural evidence of its Prehispanic cultures. Despite this, it possesses
considerable archaeological wealth. Some of the Americas’ oldest ceramic artefacts (ca. 3500 b.c.)
pertain to the Valdivia Culture on Ecuador’s Pacific coast, while the littoral zone presents a wide
range of sites and cultures beginning with the earliest occupation in the Santa Elena Peninsula
(the Las Vegas Culture: 9000–6000 b.c.) and major sites including Real Alto (Valdivia Culture,
Early Formative) and Agua Blanca (Middle Formative Machalilla Culture; Integration Period
Manteño Culture).
The Manteños were a seafaring society that flourished from the northern Bahia de Caraquez
to the south of Ecuador from about a.d. 800 until the Spanish conquest in 1535. Academics first
became aware of this cultural complex following Saville’s exploration of the coastal provinces of
Esmeraldas, Manabi and Guayas in 1906–1908.1 Jacinto Jijón y Camaño (1952) became the first
to use the term ‘Manteño’ to describe late Prehispanic remains in and around Manta in southern
Manabí, a range that was subsequently expanded by Estrada (1957, 1962). Current evidence sug-
gests that there are two main coastal groups: a northern Manteño group located from central to
northern Manabí, and a southern Manteño (or Huancavilca) group in the Santa Elena Peninsula.
Manteño culture is complex; they are particularly noted for the production and trade of deco-
rative ornaments made of mother-of-pearl, Spondylus sp., copper and gold, as well as the famous
stone seats that were at the centre of each Señorio (chiefdom). McEwan and Delgado (2008)
have posited the existence of various distinct political, economic and ethnic identities on the
basis of ceramics distribution, although most Manteño settlements share significant similarities
in ceramics production, architectural organisation and construction, terraced agriculture, exploi-
tation of marine resources and the commercialisation of diverse valuable materials that reflect a
common cultural background. The funerary world of the Manteños, however, is comparatively
under-researched.

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 Sequence of Funerary Patterns from the Manteño Culture

555500

9913150 9913150
Japotó
0
0–10
10–12
12–14
14–16.5

9913100 9913100

555500

Figure 12.1. Plan of Tola 7, site of Japoto.

The Japoto Site

Located 28 km from Bahia de Caraquez in the northern Manabí province, Japotó is one of
the most important and well preserved sites from the Manteño culture, with at least 60 artifi-
cial mounds dubbed Tolas in an area between 60 and 80 hectares in size. Tolas are structurally
akin to Middle-Eastern tells; it is believed that the elevated platforms resulting from repeated
human occupations would have served as defensive measures against flood damage caused by
El Niño floods. The site has a good catchment area with easy access to both terrestrial and
marine resources (Figure 12.1). The first mention of Japotó was provided by Estrada in 1957;
since 2004, Jean François Bouchard (CNRS, Paris University I) and Mercedes Guinea (Com-
plutense University, Madrid) have led an international and multidisciplinary excavation team at
the site (Guinea and Bouchard, 2006). The first four field seasons focused on the excavation of
10 quadrangular, oval or circular Tolas built by the Manteños for domestic and funerary purposes
(Figure 12.2). Occupation of the site is believed to cover almost all the Period of Integration (a.d.
700–800 to 1532), as numerous radiocarbon dates have been obtained from all habitation levels.
To date, all 10 excavated Tolas in Japotó represent solely domestic settlements, with the exception
of Tolas 7 and 8; the latter possesses a ceremonial structure associated with domestic features and
offerings goods. However, Tola 7 stands out from all other such features on the basis of both con-
struction and occupation, and is notable for its high volume of primary (burials) and secondary
(bone bundles) human interments. The aim of this chapter is to present an analysis of the burials
and humans remains, and to combine this with information from their associated artefacts to bet-
ter understand their mortuary practices.

Burial Typology

Human burials were found in almost all the excavated Tolas, but Tolas 5, 6 and 7 contained the
majority of the sites’ funerary deposits. Tola 5 is an oval mound measuring approximately 28 ×
32 m, composed of numerous superimposed domestic habitation levels. The last occupation is
characterised by a floor of reddened earth covering the Tola’s entire surface. Six burials were

211
Tania Delabarde

Figure 12.2. Skeleton recovered in burial Z0B from Tola 7, site of Japoto.

recovered (2 primary, 4 bone bundles) with 12 further individuals from different levels, associated
with domestic features. Tola 6 is characterised by an L-shape construction oriented north-east
and measuring 30 × 12 × 15 m with a maximum elevation of 1.27 m. Most of the remains were
associated with domestic settlements and included 5 burials (1 primary and 4 secondary deposits)
with an MNI of 6 (4 adults and 2 subadults). All the burials found in Tolas 5 and 6 share similar
funeral patterns with those from Tola 7 (primary deposit and secondary bone bundle). Neverthe-
less, Tola 7 presented the greatest number of funerary deposits, the nature of some of which led us
to suspect that this Tola had a specifically funerary and/or ritual function unlike that of the other
Tolas in the group. Located between Tolas J3–J4 and J5, this mound is oval in shape and measures
74.25 × 33 m, with a maximum elevation of 3.60 m. This example differed from most Tolas –
which are purely the result of successive human occupations (Guillaume-Gentil, 1999) – in being
based on a natural rock mound with comparatively little human habitation debris. Fragments of
human bone were noted on the mound’s surface during fieldwalking in 2004; these findspots
were subsequently excavated. Each funerary deposit was labelled according to location (areas Z,
PX, PY, PW); they were excavated between 2004 and 2007, and found to contain a total of 10
funerary deposits, with at least 20 individuals represented. Both primary (n = 3) and secondary
(n = 7) interments were discovered in Tola 7; the latter remains were organised into bundles of
bone (Table 12.1). In addition, pits with a diameter of almost 1 m were excavated and found to
contain isolated bones and artefacts such as shell beads, pottery fragments or almost complete
receptacles; smaller fire pits were also found.

Primary Deposits
In 2004, one grave was found 20 cm from the surface in area Z, and was designated as burial Z0B.
The grave measured 210 cm × 60 cm and contained the articulated remains of a 30–40-year-old
adult male lying in an extended supine position (Figure 12.3a).The skeleton was almost complete,
apart from the cranium and the mandible. The body was oriented on a north–south axis with
the feet towards the north. We initially suspected that the skull was missing as a result of post-
depositional – and possibly recent – taphonomic activity, but the excellent preservation of the

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Table 12.1. Primary and Secondary Deposits

Discovered in Tola 7 Site of Japotó

Burial Ref. Primary Secondary MNI

J7-Z0 1 1
J7-Z0B 1 1
J7-Z1 1 3
J7-Z2 1 3
J7-Z3 1 7
J7-E1 1 1
J7-E2 1 1
J7-E3 1 1
J7-PW1 1 1
J7-PW2 1 1
Total 3 7 20

Figure 12.3. (a) Anterior view of the clay modelled figure representing a pregnant woman found
associated with the skeleton of an infant. PX area, Tola 7, site of Japoto. (b) Detail of the clay
modelled figure representing a pregnant woman found associated with the skeleton of an
infant. PX area, Tola 7, site of Japoto.

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Tania Delabarde

(a) (b)

(c)
(d)

Figure 12.4. (a) Superior view of the second level of excavation from secondary deposit E2, PX
area, Tola 7, site of Japoto. (b) Superior view of the third level of excavation from secondary
deposit E2, PX area, Tola 7, site of Japoto. (c) Lateral view of the sixth level of excavation from
secondary deposit E2, PX area, Tola 7, site of Japoto. (d) Detail of an articulated right hand with
radius, seventh level of excavation from secondary deposit E2, PX area, Tola 7, site of Japoto.

cervical spine and seemingly perfect stratigraphic integrity allowed us to exclude this hypothesis.
Furthermore, the presence of five maxillary and three mandibular teeth indicate that the body
had been intact when interred; the fact that the teeth were found at the level of the cervical spine
indicates that the skull was initially in its anatomical location.The rest of the skeleton is complete
and perfectly articulated, suggesting that the extraction of the skull was careful enough not to
disturb the remains; this may be attributable to soft-tissue preservation at the time. No associated
artefacts were found, with the exception of some shell beads recovered from the bottom of the
grave. A small bundle of bones denoted Z0 was recovered 25 cm from the individual’s left hand,
comprising a mandible, one third left metatarsal, one fourth left metatarsal, one fourth cervical
vertebra and various fragments of long bone diaphysis. Comparison of teeth found associated
with the main skeleton and the mandible excluded the possibility that these remains belonged
to the same individual. It should be noted that this was an isolated incident in that disarticulated
bones are not found everywhere in the sediment of Tola 7, as is usually the case in a funerary
locality used over a long period of time.
Primary burial E1 was recovered from area PX in 2006; no burial pit was observed. The first
level produced two clay figurines representing a frog and a pregnant woman (Figures 12.3b,
12.4a). The second level yielded the remains of an articulated infant, lying east–west in a supine
extended position with the skull towards the west. The skeleton is almost complete and partially
articulated, with only minor taphonomic displacement.The two figurines were clearly associated
with the infant; no other artefacts were found in the vicinity, although two fire pits with a diam-
eter of almost 30 cm were located nearby. Screening of their content revealed nothing other than
ashes. These features are common in Tola 7 and seem to be related to the funerary deposits.

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 Sequence of Funerary Patterns from the Manteño Culture

The spatial and temporal range of human habitation in Tola 7 was investigated in 2007 by
d­ igging a series of 17 1 m2 test pits. Area PW – a 16 m2 excavation area – was also opened up.
One primary grave and one deposit (PW1) were found in this area, comprising a grave measuring
35 × 19 cm with the remains of one infant found 10 cm below the surface. It was lying in a supine
extended position, in a south–north orientation with the head towards the south. The perfect
anatomical position of the bones suggests that the infant’s remains may have been wrapped in
some form of material. The fact that the lateral aspects of both clavicles were displaced vertically
suggests that the upper extremity was rotated supero-anteriorly, and that this may reflect the body
being compressed into a narrow bundle when it was buried. Fragments of pottery, one perfo-
rated mother-of-pearl artefact, one empanadilla2 and three fish vertebrae were associated with the
skull. Because of its proximity with the surface, the skeleton and associated artefacts were very
fragmented.
After four field seasons, only three primary funerary deposits were recovered in Tola 7. Con-
text Z0B is not sensu stricto a primary deposit as the skull is absent, but the rest of the skeleton
was complete and well articulated. The somewhat ambiguous nature of the deposits rendered it
necessary to firmly distinguish between primary deposits that were subsequently modified, and
secondary deposits that possibly represent the result of such activity.

Secondary Deposits (Bundles of Bone)

Four secondary deposits were recovered during the 2004 season, their position being indicated
by superficial concentrations of bone fragments on the surface of Tola 7. They were all located
in area Z on the north side of the Tola, and were labelled Z0, Z1, Z2 and Z3. The proximity of
the remains to the surface resulted in high levels of bone fragmentation and bad overall preser-
vation.
Z0 is a small bundle of bone, described above because of its association with Z0B primary
deposit. Z1 is a bundle of bone measuring 60 × 30 cm, which was excavated using a sensitive
multilayer recovery system. The first level revealed skull fragments and four longbone diaphyses.
The second and third levels showed bones from the trunk (ribs and vertebrae) and extremities.
The fourth and last level presented two articulated forearms with their respective hands. The
MNI of 3 was determined on the basis of three left adult radii.The results of the analyses of these
remains are presented “Anthropological Analysis”. The remains of these three individuals were
almost completely disarticulated, except for the two forearms which were still attached to their
(intact) hands. This suggests that soft tissues were still present when the remains were exhumed/
recovered and organised into the bundle.
Z2 is a bone bundle measuring 75 × 60 cm, containing remains pertaining to three individuals.
The first level contained two adult and one subadult skulls. The adult skulls were found facing
one to the east and one to the west. The subadult skull was so fragmented that its original posi-
tion could not be ascertained. Long bones were also recovered in the first level, while bones from
the trunk and extremities were found in the last levels. A copper pin and some shell beads were
found associated with the skulls.
The Z3 bone bundle measures 60 × 30 cm.Two skulls and one mandible were recovered in the
first level, with long bones organised in an east–west axis. The second and third levels contained
bones from trunk and extremities. The MNI was determined to be seven (five adults and two
subadults) based on the presence of five right femora. One incised clay spindle whorl (tortero) was
found in the first level, and was closely associated with the skulls and mandible.
Excavations in area Z were extended in 2006; an adjacent 16 m2 area – dubbed PX – was also
opened up. One primary deposit (E1 – see earlier) and two secondary deposits were recovered
from this area (E2 and E3). E2 was found in the same level as the other funerary deposits, and
comprised the disarticulated remains of a 20–35-year-old male organised into a bundle. The
first two levels contained bones from the axial skeleton (the skull is missing) and extremities

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Tania Delabarde

Figure 12.5. Small pit fire with fragments of pottery and one shell found associated with burial
PW1 from Tola 7, site of Japoto.

(­Figures 12.4b, c). In the third and last level, long bones were placed in a pile oriented on a north–
south axis (Figure 12.4d). The left and right side long bones had been separated into groups. In
the first two levels, the bones were disarticulated and lacked any anatomical connection; this is
in contrast to the last level, where long bone positions suggest that the inferior extremities were
flexed, and the right forearm was found to be articulated with the hand (Figure 12.5). The left
patella was found 36 cm from the left proximal femur, and was the only bone found outside the
bundle. The arrangement of the remains in this deposit reflects specific organisation, while their
anatomical articulation suggests that funerary manipulation – perhaps including careful removal
of the skull – took place during decomposition. Bone patterns suggest that the superior and
inferior extremities were tightly flexed to fit into the bundle, but without disturbing anatomical
articulation. The fact that they were also so carefully sorted by side would seem to be relevant
when ascertaining the nature of the living’s attitudes towards the dead. Burial E3 was found
53 cm south-east of E2, and comprised one right patella and three articulated cervical vertebrae
(C1, C2 and C3). These bones are not part of E2 and thus represent another individual; it is of
course possible that they belong to several different individuals.
The PW excavation area is 16 m2, and contains one primary and one secondary deposit that
were excavated in 2007. Disturbed and incomplete remains of an infant were found one metre
to the east of PW2; although classified as a probable secondary deposit, it is difficult to deter-
mine whether the disturbance was taphonomic or cultural in origin. No associated artefacts were
found. During four field seasons, seven secondary deposits were recovered on Tola 7. The human
remains belonged to both adults and children (see the section Anthropological Analysis), and
ranged from almost complete to only a few bones. Arrangement of the remains in bundles sug-
gests a somewhat quadrangular container or wrapping material that had preserved some anatom-
ical articulation.The funerary treatment of the remains is unusual in that the bones were carefully
organised into piles, surmounted by the skull and long bones. Skulls were absent in two primary
deposits with otherwise complete skeletons (Tola 5 and Tola 7), but the original presence of the
skulls in the graves is confirmed by the presence of loose teeth recovered from where the heads
would have been. Cross-cutting to bury new remains has been eliminated as a possible reason for

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 Sequence of Funerary Patterns from the Manteño Culture

Figure 12.6. Urn with incomplete human remains of one adult and one child; fracture patterns
and appearance of the cortex suggest that the bones were dried before being deposited in the
receptacle. Tola 6, site of Japoto.

this, and there is little doubt that the removal of the skulls was intentional and in some way related
to mortuary treatments. A test pit survey of the whole area of Tola 7 confirmed that funerary use
of the space was limited to the same stratigraphic unit and general location on the north side
of the mound, from which is it possible to see the ceremonial structure found on Tola 8. All the
features found on Tola 7 pertain to funerary remains and behaviour, and there is no evidence of
domestic settlement. All the hearths recovered are small and contain ashes but very limited mate-
rial remains (pottery fragments, animal bone and shell), and often seem to be linked directly to
the funerary deposits (Figure 12.6). Primary deposits (n = 3) and bone bundles (n = 8) were also
recovered from Tolas 5 and 6 and presented the same general characteristics as stated previously
(i.e., bone bundles surmounted by a pile of long bones and the skull). A funerary urn recovered
from Tola 6 contained the incomplete remains of one adult and one infant (Figure 12.7). The
organisation of the remains in the urn was reminiscent of the bone bundles in that the skulls were
uppermost in a pile of other fragments. To judge from their fragmentation and fracture patterns,
the bones were placed in the vessel when already dry. Funerary practices of the Manteños from
Japotó therefore reflect sequences of complex mortuary practice that range from the inhumation
of complete corpses to secondary deposits of bones in bundles or ceramic urns.

Anthropological Analysis

The Ecuadorian coast is characterised by warm temperatures associated with very dry conditions
and episodes of intensely high precipitation, especially during El Niño events. Bone preservation
is therefore very bad in Japotó, severely limiting the potential for detailed analysis of factors such
as age and sex, and potentially skewing our view of the ancient population (Ubelaker 1997). If the
funeral practices seen at the site were unevenly applied throughout the population (on the basis
of age or sex, for example), this skewing effect could be considerably magnified: it should not be
assumed that we are sampling the actual range of variation – either biological or cultural – within
the population.

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Tania Delabarde

Figure 12.7. Fragments of skull from an infant aged 9 months (±3 months) recovered from PW1,
displaying porotic lesions. Tola 7, site of Japoto.

The total number of individuals recovered in funerary deposits in Japotó (Tolas 5, 6 and 7) is
39, to include 27 adults and 12 subadults (Table 12.2). This figure is likely to seriously underes-
timate the actual number of individuals originally buried at the site. Of the 27 adults, 8 (6 male
and 2 female) could be sexed on the basis of sexual dimorphism of the pelvic girdle and skull; the
other 19 adult individuals could not be sexed because of preservation issues.The methods used in
assessment of age included bone and dental development for subadults (Scheuer and Black 2000;
Ubelaker 1989) and pubic symphyseal morphology (Brooks and Suchey 1990; Iscan et al. 1985)
for adults. Stature could not be estimated for the majority of individuals owing to long bone frag-
mentation and/or absence (some individuals are only represented by few fragments). Estimates of
living stature are only available for three individuals (all male), utilising femoral equations from
Genovés (1967: 76). The results presented in Table 12.2 are consistent with comparative data from
the Ecuadorian coast (Grabber and Jastremski 2009; Ubelaker 1981, 1997, 2003). Despite their
poor state of preservation of human remains and funeral practises, evidence of pathologies was
found on four adults and one infant from Tola 7, and one adult from Tola 6. The skeleton recov-
ered in PW1-Tola 7 belongs to an infant aged 9 months (±3 months), to judge from dental erup-
tion.The cranium presented evidence of two porotic lesions located on the frontal; no evidence is
available for the face or orbits, although another porotic lesion was recorded on the distal portion
of the left humeral diaphysis. Porotic hyperostosis is generally considered to be a fairly reliable
indicator of pathological response to bad diet, anaemia or neoplastic, infectious or metabolic dis-
ease, and thus a general barometer of health. In a classic study, Ubelaker (1997: 40) states that “In
the Americas, the source of anaemia in precontact populations is thought to be acquired through
dietary problems or morbidity. The dietary culprit usually suggested is maize, because maize is
low in iron and contains phytates that can inhibit the absorption of iron. The suggested result is
iron deficiency anaemia, which in turn triggers the bony response”.
Nevertheless, recent investigations tend to demonstrate that the frequency of cribra orbitalia
(porotic lesions in the orbits) in ancient populations does not necessarily reflect the frequency of
anaemia (Walper et al. 2004). Modern clinical haematological studies rather underline the impor-
tance of vitamin B12 deficiency, as maternal diet deficient in foods of animal origin may impact

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 Table 12.2. Results of the Anthropological Analysis of Human Remains from Japotó (Tolas 5, 6 and 7)

Burial Ref. Age Sex Stature (cm) Pathological Findings

J7-Z0 1 adult I
J7-Z0B 1 (30–50) M 159.03 ± 3.41
J7-Z1 3 adults 2M
1F
J7-Z2 2 adults I 153.34 ± 3.41 Moderate nonspecific periostitis/slight deformation on bone
1 infant surface of left fibula
J7-Z3 5 adults I Displaced healed diaphyseal fracture on left fibula (Ind 2)
2 infant
J7-E1 1 I
(21 months ± 3)
J7-E2 1 (30–40) M Moderate osteophytosis on lumbar spine, moderate arthritic
changes on articular facets
J7-E3 1 adult I
J7-PW1 1 infant I Porotic hyperostosis on left humeral diaphysis and cribra
(9 months ± 3) orbitalia in both orbits
J7-PW2 1 infant I
(3 months ± 3)
J5-R8-R1-TAN 5 adults I
J5-R18 2 infants (3 months ± 3) I
1 infant I

(continued )
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 Table 12.2 (continued)
220

Burial Ref. Age Sex Stature (cm) Pathological Findings

J5-R20 4 adults 2M 152.25 ± 3.41 Moderate osteophytosis on lumbar spine (Ind 1)

(Ind 1; Ind 2) (Ind 1) Mandible (Ind 2) sustained dental abscess underneath the right
2I upper second molar, with ante mortem loss of this tooth.
J6-I 1 adult F Moderate nonspecific periostosis on long bones surface
J6-II-PA 1 adult I
J6-III 1 adult (25–35) I
J6- IV 1 infant I
J-VI-PD (9 months ±3) I
1 infant I
1 infant
(3 months ± 3)
Total MNI = 39 27 adults 12 subadults
 Sequence of Funerary Patterns from the Manteño Culture

Figure 12.8. (a) Dental mutilation; ornamental incisions on labial aspect of upper left and right
incisors from a single individual recovered from Tola 5, site of Japoto. (b) Dental mutilation with
perforation of lingual aspect of dentine on upper left and right incisors (same teeth as (a)).

upon nursing infants (Walker et al. 2009). It is thus perhaps best seen as an indicator of generalised
systemic stress.
The almost complete skeleton recovered in PX area (E2) represents a male aged 30–40 years
old.The lumbar spine exhibited moderate osteophytosis with spicule formation and arthritic lip-
ping of the joint surfaces. Moderate arthritic changes were also observed on the distal epiphyses
of both humeri at the level of the olecranon fossae, and articular facets on the distal epiphyses of
both first metacarpals. Osteophytosis was also observed on the lumbar spine of a skeleton from
the primary deposit labelled R20 on Tola 5.We also carried out scoring for periostitis. Periostotic
lesions are among the most common abnormalities encountered in archaeological skeletons, and
are the result or local (i.e., ulcers) or systemic (i.e., syphilis) trauma or infection (Ortner 2003).
The distal one third of an adult left fibula recovered in the secondary deposit labelled Z2 in Tola
7 exhibits moderate evidence of periostitis, with thin spicules of bone that are perpendicular to
the underlying cortex, associated with slight deformation of the bone surface. Within the bone
lesion, the surface is irregular and porous, indicating that the pathology was active at the time
of death. An adult male recovered from a secondary deposit in a funerary urn (J6-III) on Tola
6 also sustained evidence of periostitis on the surface of all present long bones, implying a sys-
temic affliction. To date, only one example of ante mortem trauma was observed; the left fibula
of an adult (Ind 2) recovered from a secondary deposit denoted Z3 exhibited a displaced healed
diaphyseal fracture towards the proximal end. No evidence of cranial deformation was observed.
Dental data are limited because of the condition of the remains and the low number of den-
tal elements available. Teeth recovered show presence of slight dental calculus. A single example
of dental disease was recorded on maxilla 2 of Tola 5, comprising a dental abscess under – and
resultant shedding of – the RUM2. Although this is not significant in itself, there are some data
to suggest that there were lower rates of dental abscess and ante mortem dental loss during Late
Precontact and Early Historic Periods (Ubelaker 1981, 1997, 2003). Ornamental incisions on the
lingual and occlusal aspects of the upper incisor crowns were recorded on two teeth (left and
right) of an adult found on burial TA–R8 on Tola 5 (Figure 12.8)3. Dental mutilation – also known
as intentional dental modification – is a cultural practice that has been reported in many popula-
tions around the globe, including Prehispanic populations in Ecuador and Mexico. Although the
specific motivations for this remain unknown (Romero 1970; Ubelaker 1997), some researchers
believe dental modifications are indicative of beautification (Fastlicht 1976; Romero 1970), ethnic

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Tania Delabarde

markers (Handler 1994) and [high] social status (Fastlicht 1976). Another example was recovered
by Ubelaker in Ayalán, an archaeological cemetery of the Milagro culture (Integration Period)
from the south coast of Ecuador, comprising an adult skull with extensive dental mutilation on
five anterior maxillary teeth (Ubelaker 1981).

Molecular, Isotopic and Geomorphological Analyses

The taphonomic issues restricted what could be learned from the bones, thus necessitating alter-
native approaches. In 2008, DNA analyses were performed on bone samples from Japotó with
two objectives: first, to compare the genetic profiles of the Manteño group with archaeological
and modern populations from the littoral; and second, to determine whether skulls from second-
ary deposits could have belonged to primary burials found nearby. Pieces of bone and teeth were
processed, but unfortunately no DNA extraction was possible, probably owing to the bad state
of preservation. We anticipate the recovery of suitable samples at some future date, and intend to
carry out the relevant analyses to address the questions raised.
As mentioned previously, Tola 7 is the only mound from Japotó to be built on bedrock, into
which the graves were cut. Considering the specificity of the funeral practises, biochemical anal-
yses are currently being carried out to determine whether the geomorphological characteristics
of the bedrock from Tola 7 would have been used by the Manteños to preserve cadavers or, con-
versely, to speed up the decay process. There are other data to suggest that the Japotó Manteños
had developed some specific geological knowledge. A great number of empanadillas were found at
Japotó, and were associated with burials or domestic occupations. As stated previously, empanadillas
are basically limestone clay tables in elongated (tamal type 37%), oval (bolon type 49%) or quadran-
gular (humita type 4%) shapes, measuring approximately 4 cm × 2 cm. These were wrapped and
then slightly cooked in leaves to preserve their mineral properties (Guinea and Bouchard 2006).
Analysis of their mineralogical composition using optical and scanning electron microscopy and
X-ray diffraction revealed a mixed of different limestone clays with the predominance of calcite
(calcium carbonate CaC03), as well as reduced amounts of plagioclase (tectosilicate minerals of
the feldspar family), mica (phyllosilicate), ankerite (calcium, iron, magnesium, manganese carbon-
ate) and haematite (the mineral form of iron Fe2O3). Their composition suggests consumption as
dietary supplements and as natural treatments for infectious disease. There are many references to
geophagy in contact-period sources from many parts of South America, including Ecuador, and
to this end we are currently carrying out analyses of the human remains to see if such a practice
can be confirmed for the Manteño population from Japotó.
The anthropological analysis from skeletal samples recovered in Japotó was limited by preser-
vation of remains and destructive funerary practices. Nevertheless, comparisons between skeletal
samples from contemporaneous populations of Salango and Ayalán or earlier groups from Real
Alto and La Tolita suggest that Manteños from Japotó present general similarities in biological
data (age at death, living stature), health conditions (infectious disease, periosteal reactions), cul-
tural practices such as the use of dental mutilation, and the presence of both primary and second-
ary funerary deposits (Ubelaker 1981, 1997, 2003). Data collected on burials reflected a sequence
of complex funerary practices that range from the inhumation of complete corpses to bundles
of bones and deposits in ceramic funerary urns. This has been further attested to at Salango (an
important Manteño coastal site located 135 km from Japotó), where a collective grave of 14
individuals buried in large jars underlines once again the Manteño’s taste for complex funerary
behaviour (Graber and Jastremski, 2009). At the La Tolita site in Esmeraldas Province, Ubelaker
(1997) mentions evidence of dismemberment in the form of numerous cut marks and bone mod-
ification. Although no such evidence was recorded in Japotó, mortuary practices seem to have
taken place when the decomposition process was not yet complete (as suggested by the presence
of articulated body parts recovered in secondary deposits) and the removal of elements from oth-
erwise intact skeletons in primary deposits.

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 Sequence of Funerary Patterns from the Manteño Culture

As stated previously, we took the opportunity to assess the ‘funerary specificity’ of Tola 7 through
an extensive test pit survey.The funerary deposits were restricted spatially and stratigraphically on
the north side of the mound, hinting at possible contemporaneity of funerary deposits and asso-
ciated features in this area of Tola 7. Body-part representation profiles at Japotó reveal a specific
interest in certain elements (i.e., the skull) that are missing in many primary deposits while plen-
tiful in secondary units. The organisation and representation of human remains reflects careful
and complex practices for dealing with the deceased, from interment of intact corpses to bone
bundles and urn burials. These practices have already been reported for other Ecuadorean sites,
including the Las Vegas Cemetery in Santa Elena Peninsula (Preceramic Period), Real Alto (For-
mative Period) and sites contemporary with Japotó such as Salango, Lopez Viejo, Ayalán and Agua
Blanca (Currie 2001; Delabarde 1997; Graber and Jastremski 2009; Marcos 1988; Stothert 1988).
In Perú, the Mochicas (a.d. 1–700))4 were also in the habit of disturbing primary burials, result-
ing in regular absence of the skulls from these otherwise intact interments (Delabarde 2005). It
is this combination of familiar and unfamiliar behaviour that makes the site such an asset to our
ongoing investigations; Japotó and especially Tola 7 comprise a unique opportunity to witness
a sequence of complex mortuary practices in contemporaneous primary and secondary burials,
thus potentially greatly increasing our knowledge of late Prehispanic funerary culture.

Acknowledgements

Japotó was excavated under the aegis of the Manabí Project’s international and multidisciplinary
team.The project has been supported since 2004 by the Department of Archaeology of the French
Ministry of Foreign Affairs under the supervision of Jean François Bouchard (CNRS, Paris) and
Mercedes Guinea (Complutense University, Madrid). We would like to take this opportunity to
thank all of our colleagues and team workers for their hard work and assistance, in addition to
Christine Keyser and Bertrand Ludes (Strasbourg) for their assistance with the DNA analysis. We
sincerely hope that the current publication will stimulate interest in this work, and that Japotó
will continue to be protected and studied in the future.

Notes

1. Saville also reported on a series of Jocay and Cerro Jaboncillo sites.

2. Empanadilla: a piece of clay cooked in a leaf and allegedly consumed as a dietary supplement.
3. LSO is of the opinion that these particular teeth exhibit strong morphological traits rather than
intentional anthropogenic mutilation.
4. Recent research has established the Moche between AD 200 and AD 850 (Quilter and Castillo 2010).

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 Chapter 13

Decapitated for the Temple

A Nasca Funerary Context from Cahuachi

Oscar Daniel Llanos Jacinto

Introduction

Human decapitation has been detected archaeologically in even very ancient periods of Andean
prehistory. Indirect evidence for decapitation has been recorded at sites such as Sechín (1800–
1000 b.c.) and in cultures including the Cupisnique and Chavín (1000–200 b.c.) (see figures in
Elera 1993: 241, 244; Lavalle and Lang 1981: 56; Matos Mendieta 1990: 125). However, it was
the Nasca – during the early period of regional development (200 b.c. – 650 a.d.) – who left
the most emphatic iconographic representations of decapitation on polychrome ceramics and
elite textiles.
Decapitation and (especially) trophy heads have been discussed by various authors. Some have
postulated that they were the result of military actions and wars over land and water (Tello 1918;
Tuya 1949; Uhle 1901), prompted by environmental crises (Proulx 2001). Others propose that the
heads were those of captured enemies (Baraybar 1987; Neira and Coelho 1972/73; Proulx 1989;
Valdez 2009), and that their sacrifice was linked in some way to fertility ritual (Conlee 2007;
Silverman 2000). In our view, and on the basis of the funerary context discovered in the Great
Temple of Cahuachi, Nasca sacrifice was a complex expression of diverse ritual, political and
social sentiment.
The Nasca people were focused on the basin of the Rio Grande de Nazca, Peruvian southern
coast. From the first to the fourth centuries a.d., the main political and administrative focus was
the political/ceremonial centre of Cahuachi.1 The architecture of this locale is characterised by
numerous temples and superimposed platforms, with squares and wide corridors that unite the
various parts of the site. Some of these temples contain residential areas with restricted access
routes and areas of deposits, and can thus be catalogued as temple-palaces, the residences of the
primary members of Nasca elite society: the priests.2 As Cahuachi is the primary expression of
Nasca power, it would seem reasonable to suggest that the most important political and religious
ceremonies – linked to the destiny of the society – would have taken place here. Thus the acts of
human decapitation that formed part of these ceremonial events must have been carried out in
the vicinity of the temples.

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 A Nasca Funerary Context from Cahuachi

Figure 13.1. Aerial photograph of the site of Cahuachi, Nazca Valley. (Instituto Geográfico Militar
del Perú, 1955.)

Location and Relative Chronology

Cahuachi is located in the central valley of the Nazca River, on the left bank. The archaeolog-
ical context under discussion is located in the northern periphery of the Great Temple. This
­building – along with the Great Pyramid – constitutes the central zone, the most important area
of Cahuachi (Figure 13.1).
The Great Temple (sector Y5) comprises two zones. Zone A, towards the south, is composed of
a series of superimposed platforms that become progressively smaller as they follow the relief of
the hill. Zone B is separated from the aforementioned by a large plaza and is located on a lower
level, comprising various platforms that descend towards the north and that are the base for a
series of enclosures. The human remains that form the basis of this chapter were discovered on
the first platform of the latter zone (Figure 13.2a).
The context dates to 300/350 a.d. It was discovered inside a passageway that relates to the third
architectural phase of Cahuachi’s development, and was covered with rubble to form the base
for the fourth architectural phase. This period was initiated by a series of cultural events includ-
ing the systematic covering of almost all the major Phase 3 structures and enclosures in this area.
This remodelling aimed to restructure the architectural landscape and to match higher and more
imposing buildings elsewhere on the site (Bachir Bacha 2007: 85–86; Llanos Jacinto 2007: 313).

Materials from the Context

The materials took the form of diverse human remains and associated objects situated inside and
outside a wide passageway3 (Figures 13.2b, c, 13.3, 13.4), and which are detailed below:

• A cadaver in seated foetal position, with the legs flexed into the thorax and the hands
brought together on the chest; the head was absent, and there were no associated funerary

225
Figure 13.2. (a) Isometric reconstruction of the Great Temple of Cahuachi. (Drawing by Llanos,
based upon Bachir Bacha and Llanos 2006: 51.). (b) Plan drawing of the passageway context
located to the northern periphery of the Great Temple of Cahuachi. Proyecto Nasca Excavations
1982–2011, directed by Orefici. (Drawing by Llanos, based on Llanos 2007: 699). (c) Drawing
of the east–west cut of the passageway context located in the northern periphery of the Great
Temple of Cahuachi. Proyecto Nasca Excavations 1982–2011, directed by Orefici. (Drawing by
Llanos, based on Llanos 2002.)
 A Nasca Funerary Context from Cahuachi

(a) (b)
Fill

Decapitated N
body N
Wall, phase 4
Fill
Passageway wall,

Re
Wall Floor level
phase 3

ma
phase 4

ins
Wall Fill Fill

of
phase 3

pa
Fill Floor level, Platform 4 Darts

ss
Floor

ag
Offering

ew
level Area
Fill

ay
wa
Vessel over head

ll,
ph
Floor level

as
N

e3
Fill

Figure 13.3. (a) Photos of a section of passageway, showing the decapitated body and the ceramic
that covered the head of a female cadaver. Proyecto Nasca Excavations 1982–2011, directed
by Orefici. (Photos Bachir Bacha, 2001.) (b) Photo of the sector containing the passageway,
showing the trophy/offering head. Note the fills that covered this sector and which served as
foundations for the floors above. Proyecto Nasca Excavations 1982–2011, directed by Orefici.
(Photo Bachir Bacha, 2001.)

Platform 3
Passageway
wall, phase 3

Platform 2

Passageway wall Stair-like

phase 3 construction

Floor level of
Platform 1 passageway

0 2.5 5.00 m

Figure 13.4. Isometric reconstruction of the northern periphery of the Great Temple of Cahuachi,
including the Phase 3 passageway which was covered with the fills which served as foundations
for three Phase 4 platforms. (Drawing by Llanos.)

227
Oscar Daniel Llanos Jacinto

(a) (b)

Fill

(c)

Wall
phase 3

Floor level

Figure 13.5. Comparison of trophy/offering heads. (a) Photo of a head discovered in the
passageway of the Great Temple, Proyecto Nasca Excavations 1982–2011 directed by Orefici.
(Photo: M. Gasior, 2001.) (b) Drum drawing of the Nazca divinity grasping the braided hair
of a warrior. (Drawing by Llanos.) (c) Defeated and captured warrior with braided hair, a
decapitated individual and a set of darts. (Redrawn from Proulx 2006: 114.)

offerings. The body was wrapped in fine textiles, and was oriented towards the south on
top of a fill layer that covered the floor of the passageway (Figure 13.2c).
• A complete cadaver in a similar position to the aforementioned (but with the hands brought
together under the chin) and accompanied by funerary offerings. The body – which was
sitting on the surface of the passageway – had been tied into a foetal position using cords
made of human hair, and was oriented towards the north. It was covered in a very thick
layer of clay, which gave it a lump-like appearance; it was located about a metre and a half
from the headless cadaver (Figures 13.2b, c).
• The head of the aforementioned body, covered with a concave-based pot.
• Burial offerings comprising three matés. One was plain, the second decorated with an
engraved image of a bird and the third undecorated but containing objects connected with
textile manufacture (needles and spindles) and a comb made from the spines of the huarango
(Acacia macracanta). The body of a small bird was also included with the offerings.
• A trophy/offering head (Figure 13.5) found some 5 m to the west of the body, sitting on
the floor surface and looking towards the east. The head shows signs of red ochre on the
face, and was deposited upon a thin layer of the same mineral.
• A bundle of 21 untipped darts, 10 made from huarango wood and 11 in caña brava (Gyneriun
sagitattum), tied together using a fine cord made from human hair and deposited on the
floor level outside and to the north of the passageway (Figure 13.2b).
• The remains of a polychrome double-spouted, bridge-handled jar with two decorative
panels (seeds above and a frieze of symbols beneath) (Figure 13.6b). The vessel seemed to

228
 (c)

(a) (d)

(b) (e)

(f)

(g)

(h)

(j) (i)

(k)

Figure 13.6. Comparison of the hand/clot symbol, and its possible evolution. (a) Nazca divinity
tearing apart a cadaver. (Redrawn from Sawyer 1979: figure 24). (b) Remains of a double-
spouted, bridge-handled polychrome vessel discovered in the passageway. (Photo: Orefici.)
(c) Hand/clot. (d) hand/clot. (e) Border depicting the hand/clot motif below the Nazca divinity
or a priest carrying two trophy/offering heads. (f–k): Scenes from a set of textiles discovered in
a tomb in sector Y16 of Cahuachi; the shading is ours. (Drawings c, d and e by Llanos, based on
examples from the Museo Larco Hoyle, Lima; f–k (redrawn from Frame 2005: 22, 23, 30.)
Oscar Daniel Llanos Jacinto

have contained red ochre, and – once broken – had been deposited outside and towards
the south of the passageway.
• Two superimposed pot fragments – one decorated with jíquimas (Pachyrrhyzus ahipa) –
covered the remains of a textile impregnated with red ochre, located on the floor of the
passageway.

Burial Sequence

Stratigraphic analysis has provided us with the following burial sequence:

1. The female (?) body, the pot fragments covering the ochre-impregnated textile, the trophy/
offering head and the bundle of darts were all deposited on the floor of the passageway,
which is levelled natural clay. These remains were buried by the first fill layer.
2. The matés, utensils (comb, needles and weaving spindles) and the small bird were all placed
in a layer of fill at the level of the female cadaver’s knees.
3. The headless individual was placed on top of this level of fill.
4. The two-spouted polychrome vessel containing ochre was shattered in situ, and the remains
distributed towards the south, outside the passageway.
5. The whole area was subsequently covered by a further fill level. This served as a base
for the floors and walls that comprised the platforms of Phase 4 (Figures 13.2c, 13.3b,
13.4).

The Decapitated Individual and the Trophy/Offering Head

The remains, which are currently stored in the Museo Antonini de Nazca, have not yet been
subjected to full anthropological analysis by the CISRAP team. However, we believe that the
head and the body correspond to a single individual. The fact that they were buried together in
the same stratigraphic unit suggests that their deposition was simultaneous and part of the same
ritual event.
It is apparent that the individual died as a result of decapitation, after which the body and the
head were prepared and placed inside the passageway as part of a ritual process that took place
there. The likelihood of the skull pertaining to the decapitated body is increased by the fact that
they share an identical level of excellent preservation, presumably reflecting a short duration of
ritual usage. Even if the head and the body could be demonstrated to have come from different
individuals, the circumstances of their burial would suggest that their deposition took place in a
short time frame, very shortly before the covering-over of the passageway.The hypothesis that the
head and the body belonged to the same individual will be tested using ancient DNA (aDNA)
analysis.
Thus, the use of the skull as a trophy/offering head took place directly before the deposition
of the structural fill covering the Phase 3 passageway. The great majority of Nasca trophy/offer-
ing heads previously described tend to be very deteriorated and bear signs of having been used
for long periods of time prior to being interred (see Baraybar 1987: 6; Browne et al. 1993: 285,
figures. 8,10; Neyra and Coelho 1972/73: plates 1, 2 and 3; Silverman 1993: 220, figures. 15.1, 15.2;
Tello 1918: plates 3 and 5).
We have established that directly after the decapitation and the preparation of the skull as a
trophy/offering head, the face was decorated with red ochre. It was then exposed for a short time
and deposited directly on the floor of the passageway, along with the body of the woman and
the ochre-impregnated textiles. The presence of this colouring material is key in allowing us to
connect the different elements of this context into a single ceremonial event.

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 A Nasca Funerary Context from Cahuachi

Space, Context and Ritual

This ritual event seems to have been connected with the architectural remodelling of this sector
of Cahuachi’s Great Temple, being one of many ceremonial events that took place shortly before
the start of architectural work that ended Cahuachi Phase 3 and culminated in the construction
of Phase 4.
The human remains from the passageway area can thus be considered to be the product of sac-
rifices intended to liberate human energy and transmit it to the temple.4 This energetic essence,
or camac, would thus imbue the new building phase with ceremonial value. The remains can also
be considered to be foundation offerings for the new architectural landscape. The head and the
body, while separated, were buried together in the same passageway and evoke a symbolic trans-
mission of human vital energy to the temple. Some Quecha-speaking Andean villages still believe
that the head contains the camac, which is referred to as ‘anima’,5 while the body (especially the
heart) houses the ‘animu’ or ninu (Duviols 1978: 136). This dual conception of vital energy seems
logical when one considers the dual nature of religious belief in Prehispanic populations. This
rare finding of an associated body and trophy/offering head that had both been prepared in a
funerary rite seems to have catered to the interests of Nasca religious specialists in transmitting
‘anima’ and ‘animus’ directly to the temple.
In Cahuachi Phase 3 we have identified multiple long passageways in the form of narrow
roads, which interconnect and join plazas and squares. This suggests that passageways played
a vital role for ceremonial movement within the site. Having studied Nasca geoglyphs that
served as ritual roads (Reiche 1982; Reinhard 1997), we have noted that much of Cahuachi’s
inner space could also have served as a circuit for ritualised processions around the site (Llanos
2007: 317–318, 2010:42). Such processions could have included those with a funerary motiva-
tion, such as a display of elite Nasca mummies or priests exhibiting important trophy/offering
heads. The discovery of various empty, sealed tombs at Cahuachi6 suggests the existent of a cult
of the dead and of cyclical displacement of cadavers. One of the characteristics of Cahuachi
tombs are the so-called ‘tomb markers’ – tall, thin stakes which reach from the tomb to the
ground surface (Orefici 2003: 117). This element doubtless functioned as an indicator that
enabled the tomb to be located in the event of the bodies being required for ritual behaviour
such as display.
The nature and associations of materials discovered in the architectural context lead us to
conclude that the headless cadaver and the trophy/offering head were the result of ritual com-
bat: our individual was evidently the loser. The bundle of darts found near the head is the first
indicator of our individual’s warrior status; the positioning of the darts is also reminiscent of
iconographic representations of this sort of weapon associated with Nasca warriors and trophy/
offering heads (see figures: Blasco and Ramos 1980: plate XXXVIII, 2, 4a; Lavalle 1986: 167;
Rickenbach 1999: 321).
We also know that the red pigment – made from either ochre or cinnabar (which was used in
the Prehispanic period as a body/face paint [Burger and Matos 2002: 153]) – was a vital element
of Andean ceremonial paraphernalia. Ochre was found in various parts of the study context and
had also been used to colour the face of the trophy/offering head. This has been interpreted as a
marker of warrior status that could be assumed for a specific ritual period. Early, Middle and Late
Nasca ceramics commonly portray armed personages wearing bright red makeup (see figures:
Lavalle 1986: 118, 125, 135).
The trophy/offering head from our context was sitting on a thin layer of red pigment,
which also decorated the face above the mouth. This would suggest that the preparers of the
trophy/offering head were intending to endow the individual with elite warrior status.The ochre
under the skull is more ambiguous: it may symbolise the blood pouring from the sacrifice and
entering the earth.7

231
Oscar Daniel Llanos Jacinto

We know that certain Quechua communities of Cuzco, the Aymaras of Puno and Bolivia
and the Cañaris of Ecuador all indulge in ceremonial armed combat (Alencastre and Dumé-
zil 1953; Barrionuevo, 1971; Brownrigg 1972; Hartmann 1978; Hopkins 1982; Molinié 1988).
Contact-Period chroniclers noted bellicose confrontations among the Inca of Cuzco, especially
after huarachico festivals or warrior initiation ceremonies (Betanzos ([1551] 1968; Cobo [1653]
1956, I; Gutierrez de Santa Clara [1603] 1963; Molina del Cuzco [1575] 1916), and connected
with agricultural work that benefitted the entire community. Such combats permitted the dif-
ferent factions of the population to assess each other’s strength; the resulting ‘combatant deaths’
or ‘wounded’ presaged the socioeconomic success of the community (Barrionuevo 1971: 79–80;
Brownrigg 1972: 97; Hartmann 1978: 205; Hopkins 1982: 176–177).
The zone of Cahuachi is one of the few areas of the Nazca Valley with a year-round water
source. This makes the area excellent for agriculture,8 while also being susceptible to floods
and prolonged droughts (Grodzicki 1994: 95–101; Orefici 2003: 124–133; Schreiber and Lancho
1996: 290, 291). Given that many modern Andean groups undergo bloody combat in order to
guarantee agricultural success, it is quite possible (considering potential cultural continuity) that
Prehispanic Nasca populations – confronted with similar climatic perturbations – also attempted
to influence their economic destiny through ritual combat.
The image of the principal Nasca deity – carrying severed heads and sometimes a garb deco-
rated with darts, a sling across its chest or food plants protruding from the cape (see Blasco and
Ramos 1980: plate LIX 1a, LXVI 1a, 1b; Seler 1923: 202, 203, 206, 218, 219) – seems to embody a
codified representation of the bellicose acts carried out by the various Nasca groups during the
ritual/agrarian cycle.9 However, iconographic representations of ritualised combat during the
Early Nasca period are rare. This may be attributable to the powerful political influence wielded
by the priestly elite during this period, which controlled the management of bellicose rituals
and sacrifices.10 This explains on the one hand the physical manifestation of the principal Nasca
divinity’s bellicose attributes on the part of the religious elite, and on the other the scarcity of
warrior representations during the Early Nasca period. For example, a polychrome Early Nasca
drum (Lavalle 1986: 117, 135; Morales 1995, figure 4) was decorated with a scene showing the
anthropomorphic-feline divinities in flight, seizing the hair of a warrior who is still carrying his
weapons. This could be interpreted as a form of submission to the priestly class, and also testifies
to a warrior dynamic that is rarely represented in this period of Nasca history. In another Early
Nasca drum scene (Tello 1959: plate LXXXII), an anthropomorphic feline is shown in flight,
grasping the hair of a similarly armed warrior. Finally, there are various decorated Early Nasca
bottles showing the principal Nasca divinity grasping armed warriors, who are arranged in poses
indicative of submission (Llanos 2007: 664–666). These images imply that the priestly class out-
ranked the warrior class in the Early Nasca period, while their waning power into the Middle
and Late Nasca (following the collapse of Cahuachi) is signalled by an increasing prevalence of
representations of warriors.11 In other words, the curacal elite won a major hold on the political
terrain and proceeded to appropriate the ritual sphere previously monopolised by the priests.

Cahuachi, Ritual Combat and Iconography

The plazas of Cahuachi served a similar role to the geoglyphs termed ‘campos barridos’ or ‘plazo-
letas’ that encircled this ceremonial and political centre – namely, suitable arenas for carrying out
ritual combat. Iconographic data from Cahuachi and various archaeologically derived materi-
als suggest that most of the individuals defeated in these combats were decapitated, their skulls
turned into trophy/offering heads and their bodies exposed to the elements, to be consumed
by carrion animals. The priestly elite exhibited the skulls of the defeated during the ceremonial
parades or pilgrimages that took place through the long network of passages that ran through
Cahuachi. These proposals are based on the following points:

232
 A Nasca Funerary Context from Cahuachi

First, the loose human bones found in architectural fills at Cahuachi – often bleached and
damaged through prolonged exposure to the elements (Ruales and Gonzales 1998) – have been
interpreted as the effect of corporeal exposure to the arid and extreme environments at Nazca
(Krenzer 2006: 9). Unfortunately, these whitened bones have not yet been studied; their analysis
will allow us to test this hypothesis.
Secondly, iconographic designs on an Early Nasca luxury textile recovered from an elite tomb
(looted during the Nasca occupation)12 show the epilogue of ritual combat, with images of prone
human bodies, some decapitated or with split heads. Smaller details include limbs and extremities
scattered across the ground (associated with darts and other shapes), being devoured by scavengers
including foxes and condors (Figures 13.6f, g). Another textile (Figure 13.6h) from the same tomb
shows a similar scene that differs in depicting dismembered frogs rather than humans; these are
being consumed by long-tailed mockingbirds (Mimos longicaudatos). The very specific manner
in which these panels represent dismembered human bodies being eaten by condors is echoed
in the surface designs on a series of Nasca double-spout loop-handled vessels (see Lavalle 1986:
160, 176).
Judging from the high quality of the textiles from the Cahuachi tomb, it is possible that it
originally belonged to a high-status individual (perhaps a priest) whose body would have been
moved elsewhere following the abandonment of Cahuachi (400/450 a.d.). Another textile design
from the same tomb shows a personage disguised as a Nasca divinity, seizing the hair of a fallen
combatant. The same individual is subsequently represented brandishing the head of a warrior
wearing makeup (Figure 13.6i–k). It is therefore apparent that the priests enacted the mythical
actions of the principal Nasca divinity, and intervened directly in the sacrificial acts against rit-
ually defeated warriors. Iconographic representations on drums and the Early Nasca moulded
bottles mentioned above also suggest this possibility.
Another textile panel shows priests – dressed as the Nasca divinity – marching in single file and
carrying knives and trophy/offering heads (Kubler 1987: 453). This representation of the Nasca
priest is first seen on the remains of an Early Nasca trumpet recovered from fills covering the
stairs leading to one of the upper platforms of the Great Pyramid at Cahuachi (see Llanos 2009:
231). These images likely represent the processions that took place through Cahuachi’s corridors,
which connected the staircases and ramps giving access to the inner areas of the platforms and
temples.13
An Early Nasca representation (Figure 13.6a) shows an anthropomorphic feline dismember-
ing a seemingly cadaveric human body. From the waist level of the cadaver protrudes a unique
symbol denoted as a ‘hand/blood-clot’,14 believed to represent the blood erupting from the sac-
rificed individual, or some more intangible ‘energy’ thus released. The divinity’s cape is adorned
with trophy/offering heads with food plants emerging from their mouths. Another represen-
tation shows the same mythical personage in a more humanised form, holding two trophy
heads, and associated with a strip of symbols similar to the hand/blood-clot and related forms
­(Figure 13.6e).
Investigations in the Great Temple passageways revealed a vessel with two spouts and a bridge-
form handle, which had been smashed in situ. It was impregnated with ochre and decorated
with motifs similar to the hand/clot symbol, the upper half being decorated with seeds. This
polychrome vessel’s positioning within the Great Temple’s corridor system could be interpreted
as a codified link to the human sacrifice carried out in that area. The hand/clot symbol always
occupies an inferior position in each iconographic register, perhaps representing the blood falling
to the earth (nourishing it?) during the act of sacrifice. In the case of the bottle under discussion
(Figure 13.6b), the seed designs occupy the entire upper half of the vessel above a line of hand/
clot symbols, perhaps suggesting the benefit of fertilising the earth with sacrificial blood.15
It is also possible to establish a connection between the Great Temple’s architecture and Nasca
iconography representing ritual combat. It is notable that the few painted (on ceramic) scenes
showing Nasca ritual combat are almost always associated with a three-step staircase motif, which

233
Oscar Daniel Llanos Jacinto

(a) Floor level of Platform 3

Floor level of Platform 2

Wall
Wall Floor level of the 1st Platform Wall
projection
Darts
(b) Wall Darts
Wall
Fill
Passageway
Bottle Floor
Wall
Trophy Head/
Darts Offering
5.00 m

(c)

Figure 13.7. Comparison between Nazca architecture and iconographic scenes. (a) North/south
cut of passageway (Phase 3) and the three-platform building (Phase 4) situated in the northern
periphery of the Great Temple of Cahuachi. (Drawing: Llanos, based on Llanos 2007: 702.) (b)
Trophy/offering heads, darts and vessels inside a stepped structure. (Redrawn from Proulx 2006:
plate 22.) (c) Trophy/offering heads and vessels inside a three-sectioned structure. (Redrawn
from Tello 1959: 302.)

is believed to represent temple architecture.16 The trophy/offering head and other elements were
found in fills underlying a triple platform building. The excavation profile drawing of this area
of the Great Temple (Figure 13.7a) has a great deal in common with certain Nasca iconographic
images (Figure 13.7b), where trophy/offering heads, darts and ceramic vessels are located inside
three-tier pyramidal structures (see figures in Proulx 2006: plate 21 and 22;Tello 1959: 302). Skulls
are always central to these scenes.
The Nasca ceramic repertoire includes a vessel in a form of a staircase (see figures: Lavalle
1986: 147; Lavallée and Lumbreras 1985: 200), painted on both sides with scenes from the same
battle between two warrior groups, with several beheaded combatants. This suggests that cer-
tain stepped buildings acted as backdrops for the aforementioned ritual combats, and resultant
decapitations. We should recall the bundle of darts recovered from very near the trophy/offering
head deposited in the corridor – which lends the individual a certain warrior aura – but also
serves to link this Phase 3 area of the Great Temple with a dynamic of ritual conflict. This notion
is somewhat substantiated by the discovery of a projectile point (resembling a dart) in a corner17
and on the floor of one of the Phase 4 platforms which covered the ancient passage (Llanos 2002),
further suggesting that the stepped architecture of the Great Pyramid was connected with ritual
combat.18
The braided hair of the trophy/offering head also merits investigation (Figure 13.5). The coif-
fure resembles that of Nasca warriors when represented in combat or emblematic poses (see
figures: Lavalle 1986: 164, 167; Proulx 2006: figure 5.115), when subjugated (Lavalle 1986: 117),
seated (Lavalle 1986: 125) as well as conquered and decapitated (see figures: Lavalle 1986: 161, 166;
Purin 1990: II, 109). Such images were sometimes painted onto the walls of large ceramic drums
(see figures: Lavalle 1986: 135; Morales 1995: figure 4) that were commonly used for ceremonial
purposes in the ancient Andes; large examples were often located in temples (Bolaños 1988: 29),

234
 A Nasca Funerary Context from Cahuachi

including a fragmented example [bearing a motif usually sported by the principal Nasca divinity]
from Cahuachi’s Great Temple (Orefici 2003: figure 50a). It may be that the drums – especially
those decorated with bellicose iconography – were used to provide a musical accompaniment
to the ritualised Nasca battles taking place on Cahuachi’s plazas or stepped pyramids, as also
occurred in Inca-period Cuzco, and, indeed the modern Andes.19

Conclusion

These data allow us to determine that the renewal of religious and political power at the temples
of Cahuachi necessitated human sacrifice in the form of decapitations. The mechanism of ritual
combat was one of the means by which the Cahuachi elites were supplied with individuals for
sacrifice. Most of the corpses of these immolated individuals were then exposed to the elements
and eaten by condors or foxes. The politico-religious elite may have conceived this practice as
representing the absorption of camac or vital human energy by nature, thus ensuring a cyclical
renewal of socioeconomic fertility. It also served to quieten discord between rival Nasca groups,
reinforcing political unity under priestly authority.
The Nasca sacrifice model explains the relative rarity of decapitated bodies in relation to the
substantial number of trophy/offering heads discovered by various archaeological projects.
The role of Cahuachi as the political and religious epicentre of the Nasca world lent the
site a certain aura as a contact point between human society and supernatural forces. Human
sacrifices and decapitations took place at their temples, monuments that could be considered
to be nodes in the transference? of cama into the Nasca cosmos and godly pantheon. The nota-
ble architectural monumentality and large ceremonial spaces of Cahuachi – which eclipse those
of any other Nasca site – indicate that this centre was one of the privileged locations for the
development of important religious rites, to include ritual combat, human sacrifice and decapita-
tions. One could legitimately ask why this site saw such focused architectural complexity. In the
whole of the Nazca Rio Grande Valley, Cahuachi is the only site boasting three-tier buildings
that acted as symbols of power even after the collapse of the polity. During this period Cahuachi
was still inhabited, as evidenced by Middle Nasca ceramics from sector Y16 (Llanos 2009: 200,
260) in addition to some evidence for Late Nasca occupation (Silverman 1987). It is likely that
the stepped buildings were part of the Nasca’s ritualised landscape and thus served an important
role as part of the ceremonial backdrop during and after Cahuachi’s apogee. It was within this
deeply ceremonial setting that the ritual combats took place. The conflicts that took place here
after Cahuachi’s collapse as a political entity were probably linked to the construction of the long,
thick perimeter walls that divided Cahuachi into large court-like sectors, each containing some
of the stepped pyramids.This subdivision took place during Cahuachi’s last phase of construction;
we suggest that these pyramid-bearing open areas could have served as venues for ritualised com-
bat which – as we have seen – achieved a higher iconographic visibility after the political collapse
of Cahuachi. This continued use as an arena for Nasca ritual combat would explain the presence
of the darts associated with the trophy/offering head (with face paint and warrior coiffure) and
the associated headless body found inside the Great Pyramid, dating back to Cahuachi’s apogee.
It also serves to explain Middle and Late Nasca ceramics decorated with the stair motif associated
with representations of struggling warriors.
Mummified trophy/offering heads served a role in ceremonial life as part of a funerary cult,
which commemorated the victims of sacrifice. The concern and dedication the Nasca exercised
to preserve the human appearance of the victims implies the society’s apparent need to preserve
their memory; their sacrifice served to renew the society’s vitality and universal harmony, and was
carried out in a cyclical manner in support of agricultural fertility.
In other cases – such as that of the Great Temple – the bodies of decapitated individuals were
buried next to their own heads, the latter preserved and buried as offrenda. This interment

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Oscar Daniel Llanos Jacinto

p­ eculiarity evokes a very important event linked to the building’s transformation into a centre of
ritual and cultic activity. The remains of these individuals would have served to channel energy
into the building – in other words to act as a ritual foundation and source of renewal of the
sacred architecture, and thus boost the power of the priestly elites embodied in the Cahuachi
temples.

Notes

1. Cahuachi has been under investigation by Dr. G. Orefici – director of the Proyecto Nasca/CISRAP –
who has been carrying out excavations there since 1984. The current author worked at the project
between 1997 and 2004, and excavated the context under discussion under Dr. Orefici’s direction. I
would like to thank the director for allowing me to use some of the site data in the preparation of
the current chapter.
2. This is not intended to imply that Nasca society approximated to a theocracy or chiefdom as tra-
ditionally defined, but rather to a segmentary state model. The central government possessed a spe-
cialised administration, and used ritual dynamics as the main tool of integration, neither having
an absolute monopoly over the legitimate use of force (Southall 1956, 1988; Shulman 1985). The
Cahuachi priesthood represented the central government, carrying out the rites and ceremonies
of Pan-Nasca integration and reinforced by curacas (warriors). This mutually complementary elite
alliance enabled a normalised social dynamic, encompassing sociopolitical control of territory and
population alike (Llanos 2007: 252–253).
3. This Phase 3 passageway is oriented west/east. Its defining walls have been largely dismantled, espe-
cially the north wall. The passageway is about 3 m wide; total length is currently undetermined. It
served to link the Great Temple sector with the plazas of the Great Pyramid. The 2001 excavation
focused on around 10 m of passageway. The wall bases are set on top of virgin sediment, which had
been levelled prior to construction.
4. Duverger’s analysis of Aztec society proposes that human sacrifice is predicated on the belief that the
human body stores a considerable stock of energy that can theoretically be released. Every person
possesses this energy, which is defined at the moment of conception when the tonalli descends from
the third heaven. The life-force powers concentrate in the embryo, conferring autonomous vitality
upon the newborn at the moment of birth (Duverger 1979: 123). In the Andes this cosmic energy is
called camac –‘source of vital energy’ (Taylor 1987: 24) – and resides in the cosmos, the stars and in
regional gods (Avila [1598] 1987: chapters 22, 29).
5. The intangible yet sensitive soul, which enters the body at birth and leaves from it at death, escaping
through the body’s natural orifices (Duviols 1978:136).
6. An empty tomb was found at the summit of the Great Temple of Cahuachi (Orefici et al. 2000). Its
architectural style has been considered to be a prototype of Nasca elite tombs (Bacha and Llanos
2006: 69, figure 11) such as those at La Muña (Reindel and Isla, 2001: 274). In sector Y16, west of the
Great Temple, the Orefici excavations uncovered an ‘offerings deposit’ (Frame 2005: 15–16), although
the current author (who excavated the deposit) believes the structure to be a classic ‘pozo en bota’
Nasca tomb. The tomb contained a deposit of decorated early Nasca textiles, deposited carefully
once removed from the corpse, probably during the Nasca 6 period (Llanos 2007: 392). A ‘huarango’
branch – similar to those used in the construction of the roofs of elite Nasca tombs – was found to
the east of the tomb entrance (ibid. 654).
7. Ochre has been used by numerous cultures as a representation of blood, itself a symbol of life (Dur-
kheim 1925: 195; Leroi-Gourhan 1983: 142). Trophy/offering heads bleeding from the neck are a
regular feature of Early, Middle and Late Nasca iconography, notably those carried by the main Nasca
deity (see figures: Lavallée and Lumbreras 1985: 199; Rickenbach 1999: 326, 360).
8. Grodzicki suggests that the Nazca river valley was much wider prior to 400/500 a.d., thus providing
an agricultural area almost twice as large as it is today (Grodzicki 1994: 96–97).

236
 A Nasca Funerary Context from Cahuachi

9. There are also Early Nasca textile representations of the principal Nasca divinity and other mythical
beings involved in ritual sowing and harvesting (see Sawyer 1979: 134–142).
10. Ritual combat also served a political role to defuse tensions in the Nasca polity. Human sacrifice
should be considered to be complementary to these rites, all of which lent great power to the priestly
elites. It would appear that human sacrifice was designed to eliminate social divisions, rivalries and
disputes, thus abolishing discord and strengthening social unity (Girard 1998: 19).
11. For example, the trophy/offering head from the Great Temple dates to the Early Nasca. However, the
styling of the hair into plaits resembles that worn by warriors in Middle and Late Nasca iconography.
This attests to the existence of warriors involved in ritual activities during the Early Nasca period, but
which were mostly excluded from contemporary iconography. See Bacha (2006) for further details.
12. The tomb from sector Y16 described in the preceding text (Frame 2005), defined as ‘elite’ on the basis
of high-quality offering textiles and a large quantity of black beans (Phaseolus lunatus). This has been
observed elsewhere: the site of Wary Kayan yielded a bundle composed of numerous high-quality
textiles, but which contained only a sack of black beans (Tello and Mejía Xesspe 1979: 490–491).
13. An Early Nasca textile shows the principal Nasca divinity in a position of flight in front of a 10-step
staircase (Sawyer 1997: 112). Access to Cahuachi’s Great Pyramid is via a large passageway connected
to an 11-step staircase (Orefici 2003: figure 21a). It is possible that the textile scene shows this partic-
ular temple entrance.
14. This symbol was previously interpreted as a botanical device (Blasco and Ramos 1980: 45–46).
15. The Cañaris customarily slit the throats of their captives and scattered their blood on the victor’s
lands (Brownrigg 1972: 97). This ritual presumably aimed to honour the earth, and to make it pro-
ductive.
16. The staircase or border motif is one of the oldest symbols in the Andes, and has been utilised by
various cultures. In Mesoamerica it is referred to as Xicalcoliuhqui, which means ‘people [populace]’
among the Mixtec, but is also associated with lineage.The Mayas associate it with nobility and impor-
tant lineages (Hernandez 2004: 15). In Cahuachi this symbol appears in a large frieze situated on the
facade of the so-called ‘Staircase Temple’ (see Orefici 1989: 200–201), and is extensively represented
on Nasca cultic pottery. This lends the icon a privileged position in ancient power systems; if it rep-
resents the nobility, it may be instrumental in transmitting political/religious power made manifest in
the pyramidal temples of the elite.
17. Corners were often used by the Nasca to deposit offerings.
18. The Inca building of Sacsayhuaman – usually considered to be a temple or a ‘House of the Sun’ – was
an area used for ritual combat during huarachicuy ceremonies (Topic and Topic 1997: 579).
19. These combats took place to music from whistles, drums, pincullus and antaras (Topic and Topic 1997b:
579); fragments of the latter are very common at Cahuachi (Orefici 2003: 166–167). These data sup-
port the notion that there was a well-established musical tradition at Cahuachi, particularly for ritual
and sacrificial ceremonies. This took place in the month of Camay (December). To an audience of
the Inca and mummies of the two combat groups (Hurincuzco and Anancuzco), young men of both
factions – armed with slings – would confront each other in the Cuzco Plaza (Molina del Cuzco
[1575] 1916: 78).

237
 Chapter 14

Multidisciplinary Study of Nectandra Sp. Seeds

from Chimu Funerary Contexts at Huaca de la
Luna, North Coast of Perú

María del R. Montoya Vera

Numerous archaeological discoveries from the nineteenth to twenty-first centuries have con-
firmed the ancient use of seeds (or, more properly, cotyledons) dubbed ‘amala’, ‘mishpingo’ or
‘ispincu’ (Table 14.1). Real seeds and ceramic representations thereof were used either loose, or
as beads on necklaces and bracelets. The rainforest genus Nectandra is perhaps the most common
species of this group. These seeds are often associated with luxury grave goods – including sil-
ver and copper figures, luxury textiles with feather adornments, Spondylus and Conus shells and
beads – in interments of children and adolescents who bear none of the trauma usually associated
with sacrificial victims. The Nectandra sp. seeds are therefore considered to be part of what we
have termed the ‘ritual offering complex’.
The presence of real and artificial seeds has been noted for cultures dating back to the Moche
(or Mochica or Muchik) culture, from the first to seventh centuries a.d.;1 no data has so far been
forthcoming about seed use by any cultures predating this period. The Moche are represented
using the seeds in various iconographic contexts notably including the ‘Tema de la Presentación’
(Kutscher 1967: fig. 8; 1983: Abb 299) or the ‘Ceremonia del Sacrificio’ (Donnan 1994: fig. 13.5)
in which ‘amala’ seeds are shown floating between the characters (Montoya 1998d, 2010).We have
also identified ceramic vessels decorated with scenes of personages carrying seed strings (Mon-
toya 1998a, d, 1999), while moulds for making ceramic versions of Nectandra seeds (Figure 14.1)
have been recovered from the ceramics production area of the Huaca de la Luna archaeolog-
ical complex (Armas et al. 1993), as well as Cerro Mayal (Valle Chicama; M. Jackson 1996, pers.
comm.) and Huaca Larga (Valle Virú; J. Armas 1997, pers. comm.). Subsequently, they were used
in Northern Coast groups including the Lambayeque, Chimú and Chimú-Inca, and at Central
Coast sites covering the Middle, Intermediate-Late and Late Horizons (seventh to sixteenth cen-
turies a.d.) (Figures 14.2a–e).
These seeds were used in ritual – and particularly funerary – contexts at numerous sites in nine
main valleys throughout this time period; the area in question covered about 1000 km of the
Atlantic coast. Current data support the notion that Nectandra sp. seeds served a notable ceremo-
nial purpose in ideological and political contexts for at least 15 centuries until the colonial era.
From that point onwards, there are various historical and ethnographic references to utilisation
of these seeds, through to the present day.

238
 Table 14.1. Archaeological Finds of Nectandra sp. Seeds on the Northern and Central Peruvian Coast

Context Project/References

→ Valle de La Leche ← (Lambayeque Region)

TAC.a Early Period Nectandra sp. seeds. Lambayeque, Chimú and Túcume Pyramids Archaeological Project. Dir. by Heyerdahl, in F. León
Chimú-Inca contexts. del Val 1991a
TAC. Huaca Larga, Platform II. Inca bundle containing ‘amala’ seeds. A. Narváez (1994, pers. comm.)
TAC. Huaca 1. South Side: seeds inside Spondylus shells; ‘Sala de los J. Rosas (1994, pers. comm.); B. Delgado (2007, pers. comm.); R.Ventura
Depósitos’: seeds associated with fine textiles, tassels, etc. Lambayeque or (2007, pers. comm.)
Sicán culture.
TAC. Building associated with the Temple of the Sacred Stone. Burial of A. Narváez (2005, pers. comm.)
sacrificed individuals associated with Nectandra sp. seeds. Lambayeque or
Sicán culture.
Chotuna Archaeological Complex. East Huaca. Surface find of Spondylus Dir. by Donnan (1981); Meneses (1994, pers. comm.)
with ‘amala’ seeds. Lambayeque or Early Sicán.
→ Chancay-Reque Valley ← (Lambayeque Region)
Cerro Cerrillos, Lower Reque Valley. Probable earliest sacrificial centre and Centurión (2007); podium presentation at Lambayeque (USAT)
site where (child) burials are associated with Nectandra sp. Lambayeque or
Sicán contexts.
→ Jequetepeque Valley ← (La Libertad Region)
Pacatnamú. Huaca 16. ‘amala’ seeds: funerary bundle, Spondylus bead necklace Hecker and Hecker (1991: 399, 472, 489)
with a central seed; necklace made of seeds by child’s head. Probably
Lambayeque.
Pacatnamú. Huaca 1. Burials of adolescents and young individuals associated Pacatnamú Project. Donnan and Cock (1986), cited by Bourget
with textiles, copper, Conus, Spondylus and seeds of Nectandra sp. (1997: 115)
239

(continued )
 Table 14.1 (continued)
240

Context Project/References

Pacatnamú. Huaca Dos Cabezas. String of five ‘amala’ seeds, associated with Dos Cabezas Project. Donnan (1999, pers. comm.)
Lambayeque tombs
→ Chicama Valley ← (La Libertad Region)
“El Brujo” Archaeological Project (CAEB). Huaca Blanca or Cao. Seeds Montoya (1988, pers. obs.)
from superficial layers, from looted Lambayeque tombs.
CAEB. Huaca Blanca or Cao. Positive identification of Nectandra sp. seeds León del Val (1991b)
(Lambayeque contexts).
CAEB. Huaca Blanca or Cao. ‘Amala’ seeds formed into the likeness of fish Montoya (1997, pers. obs.)
(secondary contexts).
→ Moche Valley ← (La Libertad Region)
Chan Chan. Two reports from different Chimú middens, associated with Chan Chan-Valle de Moche Project. Pozorski (1979, 1980: 189–191).
small enclosures. ‘Mishpingo’ seeds used as necklace beads, associated with Topic (1980: 277)
Amazonian objects (i.e., parrot feathers).
Chan Chan, Tschudi Palace, Wachaque-Platform sector. Pierced seeds INC excavations – La Libertad (1987). I. Pérez C. (1993, pers. comm.)
(Figure 14.6) associated with an adolescent burial, with metal, Spondylus
and textiles (like Huaca de la Luna). Chimú contexts.
Chan Chan, Loma Roja. Pierced ‘mishpingo’ seeds from remains of a Chimú V.Vásquez (1986)
fishing community.
Calvario de los Incas. Child burials. Hrdlicka (1911, cited in Pozorski, 1980)
Calvario de los Incas. Surface recovery of Nectandra sp. seeds (1993 and Montoya (1993, pers. obs.)
1997) associated with Spondylus, Conus, human and camelid bone, red Bourget (1997: 113)
pigment, etc.
 Huaca Arco Iris or El Dragón. Burials containing five ceremonial objects: Schäedel (1966: 424)
wood idols, Spondylus, Strombus (or Conus – Bourget 1994), Nectandra sp.
(necklaces/loose) and ?Chimu textiles (Figure 14.7).
Huanchaco. Burial of children and young camelids, Later Intermediate Donnan and Foote (1978)
Period
La Poza (Huanchaco). Spondylus containing pierced ‘amala’ seeds and Narváez (1993, pers. comm.); Rodríguez and Yarlequé (1989: 50–51)
supposedly peanuts (Arachis hypogaea); probably Nectandra sp.
Huacas de Moche Archaeological Complex. Pierced Nectandra sp. seeds, stick Harvard project directed by Mackey and Moseley (1970). Material in the
to truncated-cone-shaped wooden pendants, using resin. INC/LL.
Cerro Blanco. Wooden figurines, Conus, Spondylus, feathers, textiles and Uhle (1899) cited by Bourget (1997: 110).
tombs.
Cerro Blanco. Burials of children, adolescents, women and young camelids, Bourget (1997: 112–113)
associated with textiles, feathers, Conus, Spondylus and ‘grains of nectandra’
(sic).
→ Guano Islands of Guañape and Macabí ← (Facing La Libertad Region)
Textiles, silver, carvings representing prisoners, Spondylus, ‘cocoa’ and ‘oval Kubler (1948)
brown berries’ (seemingly Nectandra sp.).
→ Chancay Valley ← (Lima Region)
Hacienda Grana. Two pierced Nectandra sp. cotyledons strung on a cotton Botanical Museum, Harvard University. Towle (1961: 40)
thread, inside a ‘workbasket’ recovered from the Prehispanic cemetery.
→ Chillón Valley ← (Lima Region)
Chuquitanta. Lower Chillón Valley. Necklace comprising pairs of Nectandra von Harms (1922: 168), in Towle (ibid).
sp. cotyledons similar to those reported by the same author for
Pachacamac (see below).

(continued )
241
 Table 14.1 (continued)
242

Context Project/References

Ancón,Valle Bajo del Chillón. Four Nectandra mollis (N. reticulata) cotyledons Acland Collection. Wittmack (1888: 327),
associated with a child mummy. Ancón cemetery, context uncertain. In Towle (1961: 40, 125).
→ Rímac Valley ← (Lima Region)
Huaca Huallamarca. Lower Rímac Valley (San Isidro). Nectandra sp. seeds in Huallamarca Project, dir. by Valladolid.
secondary contexts, probably pertaining to the Late Intermediate Period. León del Val (1996, pers. comm.)
Huaca Catalina Huanca Site Museum. Lower Rímac Valley. Loose pierced León del Val (2009, pers. comm.)
seeds.
Puruchuco Site Museum – Middle Rímac Valley. Strings of Nectandra sp. M. Montoya (2004, pers. obs.)
seeds.
→ Valle de Lurín ← (Lima Region)
Pachacamac, Lower Lurín Valley. Necklace of 9 pairs of Nectandra sp. H. von Harms (1922: 168), in Towle (1961: 40)
Cotyledons
Pachacamac, Lower Lurín Valley. Funerary bundle containing a puma/ Baessler (1902–1903) Longhena (1990), provides a photo; Nectandra sp.
cougar (Felis concolor) with feathers, precious metals, textiles, Spondylus and seeds are clearly visible.
Sapotaceae sp. seed necklaces.
Pachacamac and other valley sites. At Pachacamac, burials associated Eeckhout (2004)
with Nectandra sp. seeds, Spondylus shell, miniature textiles, coca leaves
(Erythroxylon sp.), hair, etc.
a
Túcume Archaeological Complex.
Note: geographical range, contextual variability, recurrent associative characteristics, common synonyms (i.e., ‘mishpingo’, ‘amala’).
 Multidisciplinary Study of Nectandra Sp. Seeds

Figure 14.1. Ceramic moulds and impressions (left) representing pierced cotyledons of Nectandra sp.
recovered from Moche IV contexts (ca. a.d. 450) at the Huaca de la Luna archaeological complex
(Moche Ceramic Workshop Sector). These are comparable with similar materials (right) from
Chimú tomb 7 (ca. a.d. 1475) from Huaca de la Luna. (Photography by M. Montoya.)

Although suggestive, the presence of seeds in contexts also containing valuable materials and
objects has not allowed us to identify their ritual or other function exactly. However, a plethora
of recent archaeological discoveries and ethnographic/ethnohistorical references is starting to
illuminate this issue. This chapter is a preliminary contribution to the topic, and brings scientific
rigour to bear on the question of the seeds’ social role or function. Specifically, this involves a
multidisciplinary study of ethnobotanical and ethnohistorical information, backed up with care-
fully controlled phytochemical tests and bioassays using both in vitro and in vivo approaches to
modern and archaeological seed samples.
The chapter is structured as follows: the first section commences with ethnobotanical and
ethnohistoric data, concerning observations made since the conquest to the present day. The
second section is a fairly exhaustive catalogue of archaeological discoveries of Nectandra sp. seeds,
organised geographically and chronologically.The third section deals with the Chimú contexts at
Huaca de la Luna which contained Nectandra sp. seeds or representations thereof; of these, some of
the best preserved were selected for analysis.The fourth and final section presents a discussion and
conclusions of the study, combined with the aforementioned results of the laboratory analyses.

Ethnohistory

The sources for this section of the paper include colonial period private and public access
records. We searched systematically for references to seeds described as ‘espingo’, ‘espinco’, ‘ispincu’
and ‘yspincu’ in both colonial and indigenous groups, and also recorded any further information
concerning their social or medicinal functions. Authors of particular note included Cobo (1964
[1653]), Arriaga (1968 [1621]), Murúa (1964 [1611]), González de Holguín (1952 [1608]), Gareis
(1994), Antonio Ricardo (1951, cited by Wassén 1973) and Lastres (1951). A selection of botanical
descriptions thus uncovered is presented below.

Espingo is a dried fruit, resembling rounded almonds, with a very strong smell, but not pleas-
ant. (Arriaga 1968: 211)
...little pods like beans, of a dark tawny colour, the essence of which is similar to sangre de
drago [sap from the Dragon Tree] but (...) dark, with a smooth, powerful smell. These are
produced by a tree that grows in this land, called Espingo.... (Cobo 1964: 272)

243
María del R. Montoya Vera

(b)
0 10 cm

0 10 cm

(a)
(c) 0 10 cm

(d) (e)
0 10 cm
0 10 cm

TUMBES
OR
UAD
EC

5
PIURA

AMAZONAS

LAMBAYEQUE

N
TI
2 AR
M
N
SA
OC

CAJAMARCA
EA
NO
PA
CI
FI
CO

LA LIBERTAD
1

ANCASH
(f)
Figure 14.2. (a–e) Different types of textile packets containing Nectandra sp. seeds, and a diagram
of the manner in which the textile cloths and Nectandra sp. seeds were arranged. (Drawings by
M. Montoya and J. Solorzano). (f) Map showing the origins of Nectandra sp. seeds (north-west
of San Martín, North and Central Amazonia, and north of Cajamarca, and the zone of cultural
confluence (between the south-east of Piura, east Lambayeque and north-west Cajamarca);
supply and trade routes are indicated with arrows (Montoya 1998d).
244
 Multidisciplinary Study of Nectandra Sp. Seeds

...of the espinco, which is a plant that the Indians use, odorous ... (Murúa, 1964: 124)
...Yspincu is a certain odorous plant and fruit.... (Antonio Ricardo 1951: 93, cited In Wassén
1973: 40)

We have also located some references to the plants’ geographical origin, routes of dispersal and
places of usage:

(espingo)...bring it from the Chachapoyas (Arriaga 1968: 211)

Not many years ago in Jaén de Bracamoros the Indians paid their tribute in espingo.
(ídem)
And his Grace the Archbishop forbade on pain of excommunication that they not be sold
to the Indians, because he knew that they were commonly used for offerings at the huacas
[burial mounds], particularly on the plains .... (ídem)
On the plains from Chancay downwards they offer the huacas a chicha called ‘yale’, made
from ‘zora’ mixed with chewed corn and powder of espingos.... (Arriaga 1968: 209)
(espingo)...is gathered by the friendly Indians of the Andes and of Peru, from the areas near
their borders... (Cobo 1964: 272); These pods are produced by a tree which grows in that
land, named espingo. (ídem)

Some of the sources mention the manner in which they were obtained:

(espingo)...is bought at great cost. And they are wont to sell it... (Arriaga 1968: 211)
(espingo)...is gathered by the barbarous Indians as if it were a precious thing, with which
then to purchase knives, scissors and other necessities, which they greatly value; these they
obtain from the Spaniards, as these pods are valued by doctors. (Cobo 1964: 272)
... the Indians...paid their tribute in espingo. (Arriaga 1968: 211)

From the latter two references, we can infer that the Spaniards recognised the value of these pods,
and obtained them for their own usage. The seeds’ properties and methods of utilisation can be
derived from certain references:

... a chicha called ‘yale’, made from ‘zora’ mixed with chewed corn and powder of espingos. ..
(Arriaga 1968: 209)
(Yspincu)...used for various incantations... (Antonio Ricardo 1951: 305, cited by Wassén
1973: 40)
The Indians turn ‘espinco’ (...) into a paste that is then formed into black, odorous beads,
which are strung and worn around their necks. (Cobo 1964: 195)
...of the espinco (...), there are a thousand superstitions. (Murúa 1964: 124)
The powders of this plant (espinco), mixed with incense powders and taken with wine,
make one insensible to torment, however severe it may be. (Cobo 1964: 195)
Powders made from (espingo)...can heal the chambers of the blood...oppose the flow of
blood. (Cobo 1964: 272)
...it is said that (espingo)...is very good for pains of the stomach, and chambers of the blood
and other infirmities... (Arriaga 1968: 211)

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María del R. Montoya Vera

...and having cast as much (espingo) upon the huaca as they see fit, the sorcerers drink the
rest and then seem to go mad. (Arriaga 1968: 209)
Arispe used a quantity of ispingo as an offering to a ‘puquio’ [spring] in order that it might
‘produce more water’. (Gareis 1994: 220)

Ethnobotanical Study

We carried out an extensive programme of research into the traditional uses of – and activities
connected with – the trade and consumption of Nectandra sp. seeds, as well as collecting modern
samples for taxonomic analysis. We questioned a number of traditional healers, herbalists, traders
and local individuals concerning their knowledge of Nectandra sp. The questions included usage,
methods of collection and storage, stringing and processing (Montoya 1998c, d) throughout a
large area that covered all three geographical zones (i.e., coast, mountains and jungle) and four
political regions (La Libertad, Lambayeque, Cajamarca and Amazonas); these data are summarised
in Table 14.2.

Results of Ethnohistorical and Ethnobotanical Study

We found Nectandra sp. for sale and in use by herbalists and healers in various parts of the North
Coast; they were usually referred to as ‘amala’ on the coast and the mountains, and as ‘matuc’ by
the Aguaruna populations of north-east Amazonia. They were occasionally known as ‘ishpingo’ or
‘espingo’ (which appears to be the now defunct colonial name for these seeds and others that pos-
sess a similar origin and odour).Various other seeds were offered for sale alongside Nectandra sp.,
but while they smelt similar, they were morphologically and taxonomically distinct. They were
identified as belonging to Amburana cearensis, which have not been recovered from archaeolog-
ical contexts, perhaps owing to their relative fragility. It should be noted, however, that nothing
resembling Amburana cearensis has ever been positively identified from Moche iconography.
We were able to ascertain that the point of origin of these seeds is the Aguarana (part of the
Jibaro group) homeland area, which is located to the north of the Jaén province (Cajamarca dis-
trict), the north-central area of Amazonas and the north-west San Martín district. It is therefore
apparent that the north-east zone supplied the northern coast with Nectandra sp.; this in turn sug-
gests an ancient cultural tradition, as indicated by ethnohistoric sources such as Pablo de Arriaga
(1968: 211) who mentions a similar origin for “espingo” in the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries:
“Espingo... bring it from the Chachapoyas... (...) ...not many years ago in Jaén de Bracamoros the
Indians paid their tribute in espingo”.This coincides with work by Taylor and Descola (1981: 10),
who noted that the name ‘Bracamoros’ was that given to an area populated by diverse subgroups
of Jíbaro peoples from Ecuador and Perú. Furthermore, the fact that Arriaga mentions “...the
Chachapoyas...” reminds us that the northern limit of the ancient Chachapoya culture (strate-
gically positioned between the mountains and the jungle, controlling important trade routes)
borders the low-lying areas of jungle – such as the area north of Bagua Chica, and north-west of
Yambrasbamba – which are home to the Aguaruna.
Our ethnobotanical research indicated an old tradition of Jumbilla (the provincial capital)
where persons dubbed ‘Yapingos’ – sometimes with the suffix ‘Huaboc’ – came from Yambras-
bamba (in the high jungle) to barter products transported in shicras (plant fibre bags) decorated
with feathers. Similar results were forthcoming from the high jungle district of Pomacochas, in
the same region of Bongará, where natives of Yambrasbamba were known as Orejones, who may
have had an Aguaruna ancestry or identity, and who operated as intermediaries for the Aguarunas
of the low-lying jungle areas. Our archaeological field seasons in the Amazonian province of
Bongará (northern limit of the Chachapoya cultural area) under the aegis of the INC’s Qhapaq

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 Multidisciplinary Study of Nectandra Sp. Seeds

Table 14.2. Details of the Ethnobotanical Study

District Zone and Valley(s) Locality Focus Informants

La Libertad Coast – Moche Valley Trujillo Wholesale market Herbalists

Coast – Chicama Valley Ascope Domestic Healer

Lambayeque Coast – La Leche Valley Chiclayo Moshoqueque Herbalists
Market
Cajamarca Western Sierra – Alto de La Florida La Florida Traders; locals
Zaña Valley and Bosque
Monteseco
Amazonas Eastern Sierra – summit Chachapoyas Mercado Yance; Herbalists
domestic
High Jungle – Sonche Sonche Town Locals
Valley
High Jungle – Alto Leimebamba Town Locals
Utcubamba Valley
High Jungle – Bajo Bagua Grande Central Square/ Herbalists
Utcubamba Valley promenade
High Jungle – Bajo Bagua Chica Market Herbalists
Utcubamba Valley
Low Jungle – Marañón El Muyo Aguaruna de Apua; locals
Valley Tsuntsuntsa
Low Jungle – Marañón Imazita Aguaruna de Trader; Apua;
Valley Yamayakat locals
Low Jungle – Marañón Sta. María de Aguaruna de Locals
Valley Nieva Pajapusa
a
 Apu: chief.

Ñan Project (Montoya et al. 2003; Montoya and Luján 2004; Montoya and Zavaleta 2005) con-
firmed that this area is fundamental to acquiring a better understanding a series of issues con-
cerning the nature of ancient resource and trade networks. On the basis of our work, we are
proposing the existence of a ‘cultural confluence zone’ (Figure 14.2f) in which groups from the
lower jungle and the northern and western Andean areas converged as a result of migration and
mutual interactions.
These data accord with modern studies of exchange systems in northern Perú, including the
work of Camino (1989: 50), who states that “...exchange networks encompass a vast area of the
northern coast (Chiclayo and Piura to the mountains of [Ayabaquina] and Ecuador) and the jun-
gle of Marañón”. Camino posits the possibility that there were two forms and axes of exchange
in this zone:

1. Regional and hierarchical

2. A wider-ranging model, ranging from “...Chiclayo-Loja

[Ecuador] including Jaén, Bagua and Cañaris” (Camino 1989: 50)

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It is also stated that ‘ashango’, ‘ishpingo’ and ‘amala’ seeds “...are acquired from the traders who
come from places in Bagua and the Marañón River, and that they play an important role as trib-
utary objects or offerings for traditional health ceremonies” (Camino 1989: 182). They are used
to address disturbances and illnesses of a social nature such as that called ‘mal de aire’ (of which
the healers describe various types: of the dead, of ‘gentil’ [a non-Christian ancestor], of the ‘huaca’
[sacred place], of lethal plants, etc.) (Camino 1989: 97), or to combat the ‘illness of the hill’ (in
which one ‘loses one’s soul or shadow’), which brings about the belief that one must ‘pay’ or
‘feed’ the winds, burial mounds and hills in order that they should be content. To achieve thus
they must be offered ‘...food that is considered proper for them, such as white maize or Shulay,
spirit/cleansing water [agua kananga and agua florida] and ishpingo, ashango and amala seeds.
These offerings are spat out by the priest towards the four cardinal points while he summons the
winds’ (Camino 1989: 98).
In relation to this, Camino states that “...there are families who dedicate themselves exclusively
to this business, taking the plants (sic) to the healers who are based in Aguas Verdes [Ecuadorean
border], Loja, Guayaquil, even...the city of Quito” (Camino 1989: 51).
Work by Camino supports previous research by the current author (Montoya 1998d) concern-
ing the movement of products from the northern zone of Marañón to the coast; Camino’s work
indicates that the networks were in fact even larger than previously supposed, and extended to
very far-flung regions – even outside of Perú – which are likely to stem from a very ancient tra-
ditional set of trading routes.The exact mechanisms by which traditional products travelled these
routes is far from certain; based on our work and that of Camino, we currently propose that the
North Coast archaeological sites that have yielded Nectandra sp. seeds were supplied by the areas
currently defined by the Amazonian Region (Bagua, Santa María de Nieva, etc.), Cajamarca
(Jaén-Namballe) and the area north-west of San Martín. The Contact-Period data thus match
that derived from ethnographic and archaeological work (Figure 14.3f).
The Aguaruna call Nectandra sp. seeds ‘matuc’ or ‘matuto’. They are used as a therapeutic remedy
against ‘fright’ or ‘air’, as beads on necklaces used to lend their scent to the body, and to ‘protect’
and ‘bring luck’ (Montoya 1998d).With reference to this, Karsten (1989) describes how the native
inhabitants of the north-west jungle believe that to augment the ‘natural power of the body’ (to
increase resistance to ‘evil spirits’), they must use certain manners of dress and ornament: “...this
dress is designed not only to offer natural protection...but also to help the natural power of those
who wear it in order to resist the effect of mysterious influences” (Karsten 1989: 484). In terms
of the link between Nectandra and Amburana, both appear to have been known historically by the
informal name ‘ishpingo’ (or ‘espingo’ or ‘ispincu’); the fact that these taxonomically distinct plants
are called by the same name would suggest that they possess some property or properties in com-
mon, such as a similar aroma. We should therefore perhaps consider the term used to describe
them as an adjective, referring to a specific quality that appears in both species (Millones 1994,
pers. comm.). As a corollary to this, it is reasonable to suggest that the ethnobotanical study we
carried out demonstrates that Nectandra sp. seeds accomplished both ritual and utilitarian (i.e.,
medicinal) roles.

Chimú Funerary Contexts at Huaca de la Luna (Valle del Moche),

with Descriptions of Representations, Calyxes and
Seeds of Nectandra sp.

To better understand the Ritual Offering Complex alluded to earlier, which includes Nectandra sp.,
we here summarise the Chimú contexts recorded at Huaca de la Luna between 1990 and 1999.

1. Numerous human remains and fine textiles (decorated with bands and brocades) were
found in the South Corridor of Platform 1 between 1991 and 1994 (Figure 14.3). Chimú

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0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

N
10 cm.

Figure 14.3.Textile fragments recovered from disturbed contexts in the South Corridor of Huaca
de la Luna; textile strip and cloths decorated with the ‘staircase’ design in brocade. (Photography
by M. Montoya.)

ceramics were also found, along with seeds and calyxes of Nectandra sp. (Montoya 1993,
1998c,d, 2009).
2. Tombs 6 and 7 – containing the remains of adolescents (13–14 years old), without any sign
of cause of death, and surrounded with luxury grave goods (Figure 14.4a) – were uncov-
ered in Unit 12 of Platform 1 in 1995 (Tello 1997). Tomb 7 contained 45 Spondylus shells,
287 Conus shells, 700 fragments of worked Conus and Spondylus shells, dozens of wood
figurines (Tello 1997; Uceda 1997), a scale model of a plaza like those seen in Chan Chan
(Uceda 1997), Nectandra sp. seeds, dozens of cloths (Figure 14.4b) decorated with the stair-
way motif (denoting power – see Montoya 2009), small pillows decorated with Nectandra sp.
calyxes, wrappings containing Nectandra sp. seeds (Montoya 1998b,c,d, 2008) and fragments
of ceramic vessels decorated with representations of Nectandra sp. seeds (Montoya 2006).
3. Habletter (1997: 22) reported the 1996 discovery of somewhat disturbed sediments (Unit
12, Platform 1) in tomb 9, associated with large ceramic vessels with representations of
‘amalas’ and snakes, the remains of a child, wooden figurines, Conus and Spondylus shells and
fragments, fragments of fine textiles and Nectandra sp. seeds (Habletter 1997: 21).
4. In 1998, the same unit that yielded tombs 14, 15 y 16 (Tufinio 1999a), associated with
Moche Building B, produced the burial of an adolescent with a rich set of funerary offer-
ings, to include Spondylus, Conus, figurines, mates, metals, fine textiles (Figure 14.4c) like
those from tombs 6–7 (Montoya 2009), and seeds of Nectandra sp.
5. The Upper Platform (Tufinio 1999b: 10) disturbed tombs yielded adolescents, Spondylus,
Conus, metals and fine miniature textiles decorated with feathers, and so forth.
6. The remains of the front facade of Platform 1 yielded finds (Armas 1999: 12) similar to
those found in the South Corridor of Platform I (Montoya 1993).
7. The 1999 season at Plaza 1 produced eight adolescent burials, miniatures of fine clothes
such as headdresses, uncus (sleeveless shirts), loincloths decorated with multicoloured feath-
ers (Figure 14.5), Conus shells formed into the likeness of cups, Spondylus, and so forth
(Armas 1999).

The Laboratory for Botanical Morphology at the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo (UNT) con-
firmed the taxonomic identity of the materials chosen for this study, from the vegetal fibres com-
prising the cords through to the pierced cotyledons (Figure 14.6). All the materials – which were

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(a) (c)

(b)

Figure 14.4. (a) Chimú tomb 07 (Huaca de la Luna). In situ photograph demonstrating elements
of the ritual offerings complex: carved wood figurines, Conus, Spondylus and textiles, some of
which were packets containing seeds of Nectandra sp. (Photo: M. Montoya.). (b) Part of the
textile material from Chimú tomb 07 at Huaca de la Luna, clothes decorated with the ‘staircase’
design in the corners (showing the details of bird designs rendered in brocade) and cloths with
tapestry strips decorated with a fish design. (Photography by M. Montoya.). (c) One of the
feather-decorated textiles associated with Chimú tomb 17 at Huaca de la Luna. (Photography
by M. Montoya.)

collected from Chimú contexts at Huaca de la Luna between 1991 and 1996 – were attributed to
the genus Nectandra family Lauraceae. The materials were divided into two groups:
Group 1: Materials from disturbed contexts in the South Corridor; fragmented and in generally
bad condition.
Group 2: Materials from contexts associated with Chimú tombs 6 and 7 (Unit 12). Better pre-
served and also in intact bundles and packages made of textile (Figures 14.3a–e).
The data are presented in Table 14.3.

Phytochemical and Pharmacological Analyses of

Prehispanic Nectandra sp. Seeds

Both the archaeological and modern seeds were subjected to phytochemical tests to identify
pharmacologically active agents, and to a series of bioassays to determine the specific properties
of the components thus identified and/or their potential physiological effect (Montoya 1998c,d,
2007). Our intention was to contrast the results with our ethnohistoric data, and thus to infer
potential precolonial usage patterns. We should point out that although these results are both
useful and interesting, and can be well correlated with historical references, they raise many
points that also should be addressed in the future.This reflects the need for more interdisciplinary
research projects on this sort of archaeological material, which is currently poorly understood.

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Figure 14.5. Part of the polychrome feather-decorated textile recovered from Chimú tombs from
Plaza 1 (North Facade) of Huaca de la Luna.

Figure 14.6. A bunch of braided cords Nectandra sp. seeds (reminiscent bearing pierced of certain
forms of quipu). (Photography by M. Montoya, drawing by R. Marín.)

Phytochemical Study

Materials

The sample we used for this study comes from the archaeological site of Huaca de la Luna (Uceda
et al. 1994), and consists of seeds recovered from a Chimú tomb dated to between a.d. 1400 and
1515. The tomb was undisturbed, and contained pierced cotyledons threaded onto cords, then
wrapped in textiles and deposited in the tomb as an offering for the deceased (Montoya 1998d,
1999, 2004). Independent studies at the UNT (Trujillo) and the Museo de Historia Natural

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Table 14.3. Characteristics of the Chimu Material from Huaca de la Luna, Selected for
Laboratory Analysis

a. Seeds b. Morphology c. Format, d. Fibres

threading etc

Group 1: 1,132 cotyledons Oblong Threaded flat face Gossypium

All pierced Brown-red to black inwards barbadense
305 still on their Rough exterior In pairs (‘cotton’)
strings surface Resembling intact and
827 loose A few smooth seeds. Fourcraea andina
Min. number of examples Z-twist thread (‘agave’)
seeds: 566 Size varies: pattern common Predominate
12.5 × 6.5 × 3.5 mm
to 29 × 13.5 × 10 mm
Group 2: Tomb 6 Similar to Group 1 Similar to Group 1. 98.8% ‘agave’
1,145 loose 96% use Z-twist; and ‘enea’
cotyledons 4% use S twist. (Typha
Tomb 7: Stringing types: angustifolia)
16,082 cotyledons: (1) threaded on 1.2% cotton
7,138 loose thick cord
8,944 in textile (2) Bundles of
bundles strings,
Min. number of Ends tied together
seeds: 8,614 Forming single
groupings
Smaller knots form
subgroups
Resembling ‘quipus’
(Figure 14.14).

“Javier Prado” of the UNMSM (Lima) confirmed that the seeds belonged to the genus Nectandra
and the family Lauraceae (Montoya 1998c,d). Modern comparatives were also obtained from
herbalists and healers.

Procedure

Both ancient and modern seeds were subjected to the same phytochemical tests to determine
the presence or absence of specific organic elements with certain properties (Montoya 1998c,d).
The objective was to compare the results thus obtained with data from extant studies and collat-
eral research avenues (historical, ethnohistorical, etc.), and then to carry out bioassays in order to
assess the biological impacts and pharmacological effects of the elements discovered during the
phytochemical analysis.

Results

The results are presented in Table 14.4. Where the element was detected it is highlighted in bold,
while those elements that possess a particularly marked pharmacological potential are in capitals.
As can be seen, there is an almost perfect correlation in terms of phytochemical composition

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Table 14.4. Results of the Phytochemical Study

Scientific Name Nectandra sp. Nectandra sp. Amburana cearensis

Generic Name Ancient Seed Modern ‘Amala’ Modern ‘Ishpingo’

Elements
Alkaloids Test: Mayer + + +
Test: Dragendorf + + +
Amino acids + + +
Cardenolides – – –
COUMARINS + + +
Steroids – – –
FLAVONOIDS + + +
CARDIOTONIC ++ + 0
GLUCOSIDES
Leucoanthocyanins – – –
Quinones – – –
Resins + + +
Tannins + 0 0

+ = Present; – = Absent; 0 = Analysis not carried out.

between archaeological and modern Nectandra sp. seeds and modern Amburana cearensis seeds: they
possess similar pharmacologically active components, to include alkaloids, coumarins, flavonoids
and cardiotonic glucosides.

Pharmacological Study

Having recognised the presence of various active components in these seeds, both in vivo and in
vitro bioassays were carried out to determine their potential for general pharmacological activity
and biological response.We tested for alkaloids in ancient hair from contexts containing Nectandra
sp., and also used rodent proxies to ascertain the physiological impact of strychnine-type alkaloids
and anticoagulants (for experiment details see Montoya 2007).
First, an alcohol solution of archaeological Nectandra sp. seeds was administered in order to
assess whether there was any neurostimulant or other effect that was broadly comparable to that
described ethnohistorically for those who consumed chicha beer containing espingo powder. This
test demonstrated that the extract produced a neurostimulant effect followed by a neurodepres-
sive stage. This effect may be partly attributable to the fact that the extract was mixed with alco-
hol. The fact that the solution is capable of bringing about a neurostimulant effect followed by a
neurodepressive effect in humans suggests that a sufficiently large dose could be fatal.
We then tested for the presence of alkaloids in samples of archaeological human hair from
contexts associated with finds of Nectandra sp. – in this instance, Chimú tomb 7 – and also in hair
from the rat discussed previously. Both tests yielded a positive result; the nature of the reaction
indicated that the alkaloid detected could be of the strychnine or solanine groups. A further test
was carried out – Ehrlich’s reaction – which did not result in a violet colour change, thus indi-
cating that the alkaloids were not from the amino group.

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The third test entailed the application of Nectandra sp. seed extract (both archaeological and
modern) and strychnine solution to mice, and to compare their reactions. The results confirm
that the seeds of Nectandra sp. contain pharmacologically active alkaloids of the strychnine group,
and that this effect is stronger in archaeological than modern seeds. They are therefore toxic, and
cause death through muscular paralysis. The different reactions of the rat and the mice suggest
that the size of the lethal dose is dependent upon specimen physique. We have so far been unable
to demonstrate whether or not these seeds also possess hallucinogenic qualities; experiments
to determine this should be carried out on other animals groups. We should also endeavour to
determine if these seeds also contain other forms of alkaloids.
Finally, a sample – in alcohol – was taken from archaeological seeds. A sample of human blood
was also obtained; these were mixed to ascertain whether there was an anticoagulant effect.
Trained personnel were used to take the sample. The anticoagulant effect was immediately con-
firmed, although the effect was short lived. This can be explained by the fact that coumarin anti-
coagulants only work well in vivo, as the synthesis of elements II,VII, IX and X are dependent on
the presence of vitamin K, and because of the fact that the carboxylation process was blocked by
the production of active elements. The large degree of interindividual response variation could
also be attributable to speed of absorption and metabolic transformation, diet, genetic resistance,
and so forth. It was therefore decided to use live animals to better observe the anticoagulant
effect.

Discussion: Funerary Behaviour Connected with Human Sacrifices

To elucidate the specificity – or otherwise – of Nectandra sp. seeds in funerary contexts, it is nec-
essary to compare the burials in which they are found to those associated with other rituals such
as the Inca ‘Capac Cocha’, which is connected with the sacrifice of children and adolescents.The
Chimú burials from Huaca de la Luna alluded to in this work comprise very young, sacrificed
individuals, none of which display any marks of violence or other causes of death; this is at odds
with the Inca Capac Cocha tradition, notably the rather sanguineous sacrifice of the ‘Lady of
Ampato’. If those who carried out the seemingly bloodless Chimú sacrifices used some form of
lethal substance, this would not leave any bony traces. This issue has been addressed by testing
for metabolites in human hair samples (Verano 1996, pers. comm.) from an adolescent burial in
Chimú tomb 7, Huaca de la Luna. The results indicate that the individual had consumed neither
coca nor tobacco for at least for the days leading up to his/her demise.We were unable to further
develop this approach for the current study as there is no database of chemical components and
pharmacological effects of Nectandra sp. seeds. Although it behoves us to develop such a database
to assess the metabolites in ancient hair, we were able to carry out an initial study that detected
the presence of chemical signatures resembling Nectandra sp. in the hair of the same individual as
mentioned previously.
These preliminary results therefore suggest that, for this late Chimú period burial at least (Inca
invasion period), Inca traditions – such as the ‘Capac Cocha’ – had not been adopted. This was
judged both on the absence of coca (which is something of an Inca staple), and also on the pres-
ence of Nectandra sp. seeds, which were traditionally used in Chimú and other funerary contexts
on the North Coast.
The standard format for subadult Chimú period burials at Huaca de la Luna is here defined by
the presence of the Ritual Offering Complex (as defined previously), which includes Nectandra
sp. seeds. A body surrounded by elements from the complex would thus be considered to be the
focal point of the assemblage, framed by other goods as an offering to some deity and/or sacred
burial place (in this case the Huaca de la Luna, sacred to the Chimú and their Moche ancestors
alike). This certainly accords with the general sense of ancestral veneration seen in the Andean
world. We are therefore sceptical of Uceda’s 1997 proposal that the tomb under discussion is the

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burial of an important personage, and that the objects surrounding him are offerings dedicated
specifically to him; alternatively, that it was the burial of an important companion (Uceda 1997:
152). The author went on to comment upon the late date of this tomb, which is late Chimú: “It
is known that Chan Chan was systematically looted from the start of the Inca occupation, caus-
ing some dignitaries or their descendants to seek safe places where they could inter their dead”
(Uceda 1997: 152–153). This proposal is logical and technically correct in light of what we know
about the North Coast at this time; however, this area does require more careful research, in that –
as we have seen – the burials are characteristic of Chimú non-sacrificed child/adolescent burials,
and which seem to have been offerings in themselves. Their only qualification for inclusion into
the Ritual Offerings Complex – which of course included Nectandra sp. seeds – is their young
age (Montoya 1998d, 2004). They can usually be easily distinguished from conventional burials
of ‘dignitaries’ or high-ranking individuals as the latter are usually (older) adults with only a low
proportion of subadults (and even fewer infants). These are buried with insignias and other status
symbols, along with offrenda for the interred person; this is the standard practice for the alterna-
tive burial system.

Laboratory Results

Although the small sample size for the in vivo bioassays (one specimen of Rattus rattus var. albinus
and three specimens of Mus musculus var. albinus) does limit the validity of the study, the results are
at least suggestive. We propose that the experiment be repeated, this time using a larger sample of
at least three groups of rats, each containing at least three individuals.
We reassessed the ethnohistoric data for seeds referred to as ‘espingo’, ‘espinco’ or ‘yspincu’ and
noted that the historical facts correlate well with the results obtained from the in vivo bioassays.
For example, the analgesic action associated with neurodepressive effects and paralysis noted in
the laboratory tests is similar to that reported by Cobo (1964 [1653]), who had this to say about
the ‘espinco’: “The powders of this plant, mixed with incense powders and taken with wine, make
one insensible to torment, however severe it may be” (Cobo 1964: 195).
As a working hypothesis, and with further results to follow, we propose that Nectandra had
an important ritual role due to its ability to bring about a painless death, notably in ceremo-
nies where human sacrifice was involved. This would be particularly applicable to the bloodless
sacrifices of children and adolescents, such as those inferred for the sumptuous Chimú tombs at
Huaca de la Luna. They may also have been used for the more sanguineous sacrifices – involving
throat-slitting and quartering – depicted graphically by the Moche culture (first to seventh cen-
turies a.d.), including images of passive victims perhaps drugged into insensibility by the seeds of
Nectandra sp. which also appear on Moche vessels and reliefs.
Reports by Slish et al. (1999) and Da Silva et al. (2004 [in Carod-Artal and Vásquez-Cabrera
2007: 48]) describe several active components in species such as Nectandra salicifolia and Nectandra
megapotámica. For the latter, Da Silva reports elements with anti-inflammatory and analgesic prop-
erties (Alpha-Asarone), the effects of which were assessed in laboratory mice. We should carry
out further investigations to ascertain whether this effect (and analgesic actions) is universal in all
forms of the genus Nectandra, assess their relative potencies, and use the resultant data to compare
with elements found in archaeological hair and tissue.
The neurostimulant action produced by alkaloid elements found in the seeds may go some
way towards explaining the effects of ‘espingo’ powder drunk with chicha beer: “...the sorcerers
drink...and then seem to go mad” (Arriaga 1968 [1621]: 50). This is partially explained by chicha’s
(fermented maize) alcoholic content, which would react with Nectandra’s active ingredients, mul-
tiplying the pharmacological effect of each. The strong neurostimulant effect thus produced has
been echoed to an extent in the strong reaction by laboratory animals injected with ­alcohol-based
Nectandra sp. extract.

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The haemodynamic effect of Nectandra sp. has been attested to by our analysis of its’ effect
on fresh human blood. The seeds’ anticoagulant effect has also been demonstrated, which may
have been magnified by other elements also present in Nectandra sp. seeds. The anticoagulant
effect observed in vitro lasted for only a short period of time, which would be prolonged in vivo
and/or would have other haemodynamic effects. This notion is based partly on historical refer-
ences, notable among which is Cobo’s description of the seeds’ effects: “...powders made from
(espingo), taken on an empty stomach, in water or watered-down wine, can heal the chambers of
the blood, and taken in the right way (...), opposes the flow of blood from the broken vein in the
chest and that which exits the way of the urine” (Cobo 1964: 272).This is substantiated by Arriaga
(Cobo 1964: 272): “they say that it is very medicinal for pains of the stomach, and chambers of
blood and other illnesses when taken as a powder...”.
This anticoagulant potential may serve as an answer to the long-standing uncertainty concern-
ing the representation of Nectandra sp. seeds in Moche iconography, which show sanguineous
human sacrifices and ceremonial ingestion of blood such as in the aforementioned “Presentation
Scene” (Donnan 1988: 554). The anticoagulant effect (bioassay 4 – see earlier) may have been
exploited to keep the blood liquid, which may explain why there are seeds floating in the air
between the main characters: “...the essence of which is similar to sangre de drago [sap from the
Dragon Tree – genus Croton] but (...) dark, with a smooth, powerful smell...” (Cobo 1964 [1653]:
272). We may be able to posit the existence of a systematic use of Nectandra sp. at ceremonies,
designed to ensure that blood stayed in a liquid state rather than congealing at an inconvenient
moment.
The lethal effect was confirmed by bioassay 3b, which used an alcohol extraction of Nectandra
sp. seeds. The seeds’ biphasic pharmacological effect was observed, commencing with a neuro-
stimulant effect and progressing to a neurodepressive state. Alcohol’s similar effect meant that
only a low dosage was required to obtain a lethal result. This effect may well have been exploited
in the Chimú ‘bloodless sacrifices’ of children and adolescents, and which have been at least
partially confirmed by the discovery of alkaloids in archaeological human hair, and in the hair
of rats injected with this substance (bioassay 2). In both cases we identified solanine or strych-
nine (which may be fatal at high dosage, and also in alliance with other substances). The hair we
analysed came from the mummified head of an adolescent associated with the ‘Ritual Offering
Complex’ (which included Nectandra sp.) from Chimú tomb 7 at Huaca de la Luna. These results
confirm that there was consumption of an alkaloid-rich substance such as solanine or strychnine
near the time of death; Nectandra sp. is a potential source of this substance.
The working hypothesis we have developed on the basis of this work – archaeological, histori-
cal and biochemical – is that the seeds were exploited for their lethal potential, and used to bring
about a bloodless sacrificial death.2 This hypothesis should be tested by future researchers, who
should establish the size of a lethal dose, and also expand on extant studies of alkaloids present in
ancient human hair.
Clearly, the use of such pharmacologically powerful agents would require careful handling
of dosages to bring about the required effect. In iconographic scenes such as the ‘Theme of
Presentation’ there are numerous cups of human blood, one of which is offered to the princi-
pal character. The anticoagulant effect (see earlier) of the Nectandra sp. seeds (floating in the air
between the protagonists) may have been exploited to keep the blood in a liquid state before it
was ritually drunk; in low doses that would have brought about the stimulant/depressive effect
but without a fatal outcome.This would certainly accord with Arriaga’s commentary (see earlier)
concerning the priests going ‘mad’ having drunk chicha or maize beer mixed with ‘espingo’ seed
powders, as our experiments confirm mental excitation and various somatic effects (i.e., bulging
eyes, piloerection) in laboratory animals. Future studies should aim to identify the exact species,
concentrations and specific effects of these botanical resources, and to map their archaeological
distribution to plot fluctuating sociocultural traditions across space and through time.

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Further Proposals of Botanical Identity, Biochemical

Elements and/or Reputed Effects, or Those Not Yet
Conclusively Demonstrated

Reported discoveries of seed remains in archaeological contexts have been forthcoming since at
least 1888 (Nectandra mollis [N. reticulata] found with a child mummy [Wittmack 1888, in Towle
1961: 40]), often as part of recurring groups of elements that – for Late Chimú burials at least –
have been identified as a distinct funerary paradigm.
Consistent archaeological, historical and ethnographic reports on the recurrence of these asso-
ciated finds – particularly on the North and Central Peruvian Coast – have served to pique the
research interest of various authors and specialists.This has resulted in a range of publications that
deal with all aspects of the seeds, from the literary to the pharmacological to the physiological.
Recent work includes various articles on the identification of elements and molecules that would
bring about a similar physiological effect to those referred to in the Colonial literature, notably
analgesic properties (Da Silva et al., cited by Carod-Artal and Vásquez-Cabrera 2007: 48).
Although we laud the increased interest in this field, it should be noted that not all works are
of appropriate calibre. For example, work by Wassen (1973, 1979) and Shimada (1994: 37) asserts
that ‘espingo’ is taxonomically a member of the Quararibea (Bombacaceae family), based solely on
the seeds’ odour; no authority or relevant reference is cited, and the identification of Quararibea
is invariably accompanied by a question mark [‘?’]. Donnan (1978: 191) made a similar point in
addressing Wassén’s further statement that ‘espingo’ seeds could have been used as hallucinogens.
Carod-Artal and Vásquez Cabrera (2007: 43) include Nectandra sp. in their list of ‘psychotro-
pic plants’, and describe it as having ‘hallucinogenic’ effects (Carod-Artal and Vásquez Cabrera
2007: 46). They also state that “...the sacred seeds used (ulluchu and hamalas) had a certain anti-
coagulant effect” (Carod-Artal and Vásquez Cabrera 2007: 47). At the time of writing, there is
no specific evidence to suggest that hamalas (“of the species Nectandra” (sic) according to these
authors [Carod-Artal and Vásquez Cabrera 2007: 43]) possess a hallucinogenic effect. Our labora-
tory animal–based identification of a neurostimulant and neurodepressant effect in Nectandra sp.
seeds (see “Laboratory Results”) is not enough to state conclusively that these seeds bring about
a hallucinogenic effect in humans; animal testing is means of safely engineering human testing,
not an alternative to it.
Furthermore, its inclusion in a list of psychotropic plants is unsafe as it is not on the official list
of psychotropic plants connected to shamanism and traditional healing as confirmed by official
institutions such as the National Institute of Traditional Medicine (INMETRA) under the aegis
of the Peruvian Ministry of Health (del Val 2010, pers. comm.).
The claim that ‘ulluchu and the hamalas’ are ‘sacred seeds’ with an ‘anticoagulant effect’ merits
further investigation. Attempts to identify the precise identity of the ‘ulluchu’ – as an icono-
graphic phenomenon – date back to Wassén (1986), who claimed it to be a species of the genus
Carica, the fruits of which have anticoagulant properties. An alternative identity was proposed
by ethnobotanist León del Val (pers. comm. 1996, 2009, 2010), whose detailed analysis (includ-
ing a radiographic analysis – 1996) of an archaeological sample from a royal tomb from Sipán
concluded that it was a fruit with an internal longitudinal central partition. Further research on
living and preserved samples has led León del Val to conclude (2009) that the ulluchu was the
fruit of a rare species named Cochlospermum orinocensis that grows in arid mountain regions near
the Peruvian coast. This finding was reported (2010) to Dr. Walter Alva, current director of the
Royal Tombs of Sipan Museum. However, no claim as to anticoagulant effect has been made
either in vivo or in vitro.3 Carod-Artal and Vásquez-Cabrera carried out similar work, proposing
that: “. . .the anticoagulant effect of Nectandra sp. is attributable to its papain [papaya proteinase
I] content” (Carod-Artal and Vásquez-Cabrera 2007: 48), but they fail to cite specific works in
support of this assertion.

257
María del R. Montoya Vera

Conclusions

This article has proposed the existence of a specific ‘Ritual Offering Complex’, a wealthy funer-
ary goods grouping (containing Nectandra sp. among much else) that is strongly associated with
children and adolescents without evident cause of death. It is thus possible that they were offer-
ings in themselves. The specific nature of this burial pattern should be noted in comparison with
other elite burial patterns reflecting social hierarchy and power structures.
The longevity of these seeds’ use, their positive identification, the routes they followed from
the Amazon to the coast, and the manner in which they were used have been demonstrated his-
torically, archaeologically, ethnohistorically and ethnobotanically. These data served as a basis for
laboratory analysis that assessed the seeds’ pharmacological characteristics and confirmed histori-
cal sources’ descriptions of their physiological effect on users.We have also provided an exhaustive
listing of references to – and find spots for – the seeds, and have provided further information on
their contextual associations.
We then summarised the Chimú contexts at Huaca de la Luna in the Moche Valley, which
share the aforementioned funerary pattern, and from which we selected human hair and seed
samples for laboratory analysis. These analyses were grouped into two stages: phytochemical and
pharmacological analysis to identify the active elements (alkaloids, coumarins, etc.), and a battery
of bioassay tests carried out on laboratory animals (to assess alkaloid biphasic effects, including
neurostimulation and neurodepression) and in vitro human blood (the anticoagulant effect on
which was attributed to Nectandra’s coumarinic compounds). A further line of research verified
the presence of similar alkaloids in the mummified hair of a Chimú individual.
These results allowed us to confirm colonial period claims of these seeds’ medicinal effects;
testimonies of behavioural modification have been attributed to the seeds’ neurostimulant effect,
while the association of the seeds with bloody rites and sacrifices would seem to be connected
with the seeds’ haemodynamic (or at least anticoagulant) effect, which would have served to keep
sacrificial blood in liquid form.
Beyond this point, we would like to emphasise the inevitable limitations of this pioneering
study, and the inadvisability of over-extrapolation of the results and their significance. This study
should be followed up with a further battery of tests including phytochemical analyses to inves-
tigate the properties of each component and active agent at the molecular level, and bioassays
designed to explore the effects of the solution, and how inhibition, neutralisation or modification
of its effects may be brought about. Further research has already identified an active element with
analgesic effect in one species of Nectandra sp., which confirms colonial-period testimonials. Other
researchers should take up this analysis, to identify the distribution of active elements throughout
the genus. The effects of ingestion of all active elements in the human should also be investigated,
to ascertain whether the digestive process results in complex active compounds with further (i.e.,
analgesic) pharmacological effects. Animal testing should also be undertaken to assess single ele-
ments’ individual effects on pain thresholds, and to determine lethal dosages so that human exper-
imentation can proceed more safely. Claims of hallucinogenic and other effects should also be
investigated in this manner, to ensure an appropriate and systematic research paradigm.

Acknowledgements

We thank the following specialists who assisted with this project: for botanical expertise,
Dr. Manuel Fernández Honores (Faculty of Biological Sciences) and Q. F. Rosa Rea V. and
microbiologist Abraham Luyo P. – all of the University of Trujillo – who carried out the phyto-
chemical analyses and bioassays. I thank my daughter Marian Elizabeth for the time I have had to
spend away from her, and the ethnobotanist Franco León del Val for his unconditional support,
donations and revisions of the current paper.

258
 Multidisciplinary Study of Nectandra Sp. Seeds

Notes

1. Recent research has placed the Moche polity between AD 200 and AD 850 (Quilter and Castillo
2010).
2. This confirms earlier proposals (Montoya 1998d; 2004) that hypothesised such a scenario to explain
the high number of children and adolescents without visible signs of cause of death.
3. We recognise that our own in vitro test for anticoagulant effect (on human blood) of Nectandra sp. (see
earlier) is also insufficient to be certain of a similar reaction in vivo.

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296
 Index

aDNA, 10 Arena Blanca, 70

analysis, 6 Arica, 55, 57
adolescent, 199, 249, 255–256 Valley de, 57
burial, 249, 254 Armatambo, 5, 7, 171, 176, 184,
Chimú adolescent burial, 255 186–187, 195, 205–208
adult, 5, 17, 19–22, 28, 41–43, 45–47, 49–53, 71, 74–75, 78–79, cemetery, 186
81–82, 85, 91, 105–106, 108, 110–113, 126, 130, 132–134, artefactual
141, 143–145, 147, 151, 169–171, 174, 176–178, 183, association, 4
189–190, 197, 199, 205–206, 212, 215–218, 221–222, 255 Asia, 5
burial, 74 Australia, 9
flexed adult burial, 190 Ayacucho, 5, 140, 142, 154
age, 4, 6, 8, 16, 19, 21, 41–43, 45, 49, 51, 78–79, 81–82, 85, burial, 143
87, 91, 99, 105–108, 111, 113, 118, 124, 132, 134–135, grave, 147
148, 153–154, 170–171, 176–177, 183, 193, 197, 199, mortuary study, 140
205, 217–218, 222, 255 Ayacucho Valley, 139, 147, 154
Agua Blanca, 210, 223 Ayalán, 222–223
Akapana, 151, 153 ayllu, 9, 155
Akapana pyramid, 151 Azángaro, 144
Algarrobal de Moro, 122 Azapa, 55, 57, 59
ancestor, 3, 8–11, 16, 22–23, 26–27, 31, 67, 107, 112, 140, 154, Azapa Valley, 55, 66, 153
184, 248
bundle, 151 baby, 47, 50–51
mummy, 137, 148, 155 Bagua, 17, 246–248
reverence, 8 Bahía de la Independencia, 69
shrine, 26 Barbacoa A, 17, 19
status, 8, 14 Batan Urqu, 144
veneration, 26, 31–32, 137, 140, 148, 155 Binford, 7
veneration ritual, 25, 27, 30, 32–33 bioarchaeological, 6, 9, 149, 159, 174,
worship, 8–9, 26, 31, 33, 137 180, 184, 197
ancestral, 67 analysis, 159, 169
heritage, 67 approach, 6
lineage, 8 strategy, 6
ancestrality, 11, 12–13, 21 bioarchaeology, 2, 10, 158, 184
ancestralization, 22 skeletal, 2
ancestry, 67, 77, 85, 113, 127 biological, 2, 8, 70, 78, 173, 181, 205, 217, 222, 252–253
Ancón, 15, 20 body
anthropophagy, 16 extended, 17
Aqo Wayqo, 143 flexed, 17, 59, 144
archaeology, 2, 5, 7, 11, 55, 124, 135, 137–138, 155, orientation, 81
158–159, 207 Paracas body position, 81
funerary, 2, 6–8, 11 position, 78, 81, 105
Archaic Period, 8–9, 15–16, 20–23, 59, 65, 73 preparation, 188
cemetery, 9 seated, 143
Late, 13, 21, 23n5 treatment, 4
times, 17 Bolivia, 3, 232

297
Index

bundle, 66, 166, 170–171, 174, 186, 188, 190, 193, 195–197, group-burial chamber tomb, 91, 110
199, 205–206, 208, 211–212, 214–215 grouping, 4
of bone, 215, 217, 222–223 incomplete, 16
burial, 171, 207 individual shaft tomb burial, 107
Huallamarca, 206 Kuntur Wasi, 13
mummy, 188 Late Intermediate burial tradition, 183
Ronconada, 206 Lima, 164
Ychsma, 206 Lima burial practice, 164
burial, 2, 4–7, 15–19, 23, 26, 34–35, 37, 39, 41, 43–45, 47, Lima period burial, 184
49–51, 53, 59–60, 70, 73–74, 78–79, 81–82, 84–85, live, 170
94–95, 100, 102, 105, 107–108, 110–114, 117, 124, Moche, 89, 102, 110, 138
126–128, 131, 133, 135–136, 137–138, 140–141, modality, 59–60
143–145, 147–154, 158–159, 163–166, 168–174, multiple, 2, 4, 16, 18, 77, 79, 84–85, 91, 106, 174, 189
176–178, 180, 183, 187–190, 196, 199, 205–208, multiple burial chamber tomb, 93
210–212, 216, 221–223, 230, 245, 248–249, multiple burial chamber tomb group, 107
254–255, 257 multiple burial Moche III shaft tomb, 112
adolescent, 249, 254 multiple burial shaft tomb, 105–106
adult, 74 multiple burial tomb, 107
analysis, 6 Nievería, 164
area, 176 offering, 228
Ayacucho, 143 Pachacamac burial tradition, 183
behaviour, 128 Palpa, 85
boot-form, 125 Paracas, 70, 73–74, 81, 85
category, 50 Paracas burial context, 81
central, 60 pattern, 34, 50, 53, 137, 258
chamber, 43, 49, 144, 166 period, 6
chamber tomb, 91 pit, 4, 41, 43, 47, 49, 60, 85, 149–150, 214
child, 73–74, 147, 177, 183 pit burial in urn, 78
Chimú, 254 place, 9, 18
adolescent burial, 255 platform, 21
child burial, 255 population, 184
cist, 150, 170 position, 8, 70, 102, 153
collective, 169, 188 practice, 16, 85, 112, 140, 149, 154–155, 164, 207
companion, 107, 207 pre-burial ritual, 110
construction, 5 preference, 142
context, 12–13, 21, 84, 135 primary, 110–111, 143, 214, 222–223
convention, 85 process, 4, 95, 126, 170
custom, 96, 207 re-, 94, 108, 110–111, 114
decorated burial chamber, 15 ritual, 16–17, 73, 124, 151, 153–154
dedicatory, 14 royal, 145
deviant, 7, 11, 159, 207 sacrificial child burial, 165
deviant burial category, 170 sacrificial, 151
double, 79 sample, 148
elaborate, 151 seated, 21, 81, 170–171
elaborated burial context, 13 secondary, 66, 143, 151
elite, 34, 39 sequence, 166, 230
elite burial custom, 96 shaft, 78, 85, 108
elite burial practice, 154 simple, 143
Espíritu Pampa, 147 simple burial pit, 78
extended, 81, 85, 128, 170 single, 85, 106
extended burial position, 208 site, 127
facility, 151, 153 skull, 66
female, 81–82 sky, 2
flexed, 74, 81, 154 structure, 15, 70
format, 108 style, 184
Formative Period, 9 subadult, 114, 183
foundation, 59 theme, 121
funeral rite, 107 Tiwanaku, 137, 148–151, 154
good, 61, 95, 207 Tiwanaku burial context, 149
ground, 110, 166, 173 tower, 18, 154
group, 107, 126 tradition, 159, 169

298
 Index

treatment, 50, 153 ceremonial

triple, 79 activity, 125, 128
type, 79, 105, 149 behaviour, 65, 67, 77
typology, 140, 211 centre, 69, 122
unusual practice, 7 complexity, 65
urn, 74, 85, 223 function, 57, 67
Wari, 137, 140, 142, 144–145, 147–148, 150, 154 installation, 67
Wari cist, 155 mound, 59
Wari pit, 155 practice, 57, 65
Ychsma, 208 ritual, 66
buried, 28, 114 space, 62
adult, 5 structure, 59, 67
child, 5 tradition, 61–62
burier, 2 tumuli, 55, 59
burying, 26 ceremony, 26, 31, 77, 111, 118, 121–122, 124, 128, 143,
group, 8 154, 208
population, 7–8 funeral, 118
sacrifice, 121
Cabeza Larga, 70 social, 118
cadaver, 225, 228, 231 Cerro Blanco, 19, 87, 114, 127
cadaveric Cerro Colorado, 79
exposure, 6 Cerro Corbacho, 13, 15
Cahuachi, 6–7, 10, 70, 224–225, 231–233, 235–236 Cerro Guadalupe, 15
tomb, 231, 233 Cerro Lampay, 13, 207–208
Cajamarca, 13, 19, 121, 131, 133–134, Cerro Mayal, 238
246, 248 Cerro Sechín, 13, 22, 51
Caleta Huelén, 57, 59 Cerro Ventarrón, 23n6
Callejón de Huaylas, 9, 51, 53 chamber
Camarones, 57 bottle-shaped, 69
Cañaris, 232 burial, 144, 166
Cañete, 69, 85 burial chamber tomb, 91
cannibalism, 16 group-burial chamber tomb, 91, 110
Cao, 121 multiple burial chamber tomb, 93, 106, 110–111
Capillu Pata, 150 tomb, 89, 91, 94–95, 100, 102, 105–107, 110, 112–114,
Caral, 13, 23n5, 51 126, 128
Cardal, 14, 51 Chan Chan, 249, 255
Carora, 59–60 Chancay, 174
Cascachi, 150 Chaullabamba, 19
Caserones, 62, 65 Chavín, 12, 16, 18, 22, 224
cemetery, 66 Chavín de Huántar, 16, 22
Caserones 1, 61 Chavín style, 12
Casma, 13, 20–21, 23n5, 36 Checa, 6
Cavernas, 79, 81 Chen Chen, 153
phase, 69 Chicama valley, 17, 20, 51, 110
cemetery, 5, 8–9, 15, 18, 50, 57, 59–60, 65, 69–70, 79, 82, 85, chicha, 62, 89, 96, 124–126, 128, 245, 253, 255–256
99, 111, 122, 128, 149, 151–152, 158–160, 162, 164–168, Chilca Valley, 8
173, 183–184, 186–187, 190, 199, 206–208, 222 child, 5, 7–8, 17, 20, 28, 44–45, 52, 71, 75, 79, 81–82, 91,
Archaic Period, 9 108, 111, 113, 131, 141, 143–145, 147, 153, 170, 174,
Armatambo, 186 178, 182–183, 189, 199, 216, 238, 249, 255–256
elite, 128 burial, 73–74, 147, 177, 183
Moche, 122 grave, 147
site, 124 mortality, 176
Tarapacá, 60 mummy, 257
Tarapacá 40, 65 sacrificial child burial, 165
Tiwanaku, 150 Chile, 3, 11, 55, 57, 61, 65–68
Ychsma, 188 Chimú, 7, 11, 122, 238, 248, 250, 254–256, 258
ceramic, 4, 99 adolescent burial, 255
Gallinazo, 39 burial, 254
Kotosh, 18 child burial, 255
Moche style, 89 funerary context, 248
Wari, 171 interment, 116

299
Index

Chimú (cont.) Espíritu Pampa, 145

period, 106 burial, 147
sacrifice, 254 etic
tomb, 250–251, 254 approach, 4
Chimú-Inca, 238 typology, 5
Chincha, 69, 85 extended, 4, 17, 21, 47, 49, 69, 73–75, 77–78, 81, 85, 91, 102,
Chinchorro, 26, 180 108, 114, 126, 128, 130–131, 133–135, 158, 163, 170,
mummification, 59 189, 199, 207–208, 212, 214–215, 248
Chipana, 57, 59
Chiripa, 55, 58 female, 128, 179
Chongoyape, 13 Final Archaic, 13, 21, 23n6
Chucaripupata, 150 Final Formative, 15, 19, 21, 23n1
Churijahuira-Cuyahuani, 150 flexed, 4, 17, 19, 21, 41, 44, 46, 73–74, 77–78, 85, 102,
cist, 4, 16, 143, 149–151, 154–155, 167, 170 105, 108, 141, 144, 147, 153–154, 169–170, 189–190,
Cobija, 57–59 192–193, 195–197, 199, 205–206, 216
Cochabamba, 111 body, 59
Cohani Island, 150 burial, 16
collective, 174 corpse, 60
Colonial Period, legs, 81
Early, 6 foetus, 106, 145, 177
Conchopata, 26, 137–138, 140, 142–144, 147, 150, 155 Formative Period, 4, 7, 9, 11, 12–14, 16, 21, 23, 55, 57, 59,
grave, 147 61, 65–67, 85, 223
mortuary corpus, 140 architectural tradition, 61
mortuary sample, 138 community, 65
Copa phase, 20 Early, 13–15, 17–18, 21, 23n1, 23n5, 58
Coyungo, 20–21 imagery, 66
cranial Late, 13, 15–17, 20–23n1, 58, 65–66
artificial deformation, 52 Late Middle, 19
deformation, 52 Middle, 13–17, 23n1
cremation, 16, 20, 73 site, 61
cribra orbitalia, 199, 218 times, 16, 23
Cumana Island, 150 Fortaleza valley, 13
Cupisnique, 17, 19, 224 funerary, 12, 50, 113, 135, 183
Cuzco, 26, 144–145, 232, 235 200 funerary context, 70
actor, 107
decapitation, 6, 11, 17, 224, 230, 232, 234–235 approach, 7
demographic, 5, 55, 67, 170, 172–173, 181–183 archaeologist, 2
Desaguadero, 150 archaeology, 2, 6–8, 11, 12
deviancy, 7 architecture, 29–30
deviant, 7 area, 5, 17
burial, 7, 11, 159, 207 behaviour, 20, 65, 67, 85, 118, 128, 222, 254
burial category, 170 belief system, 1
Disco Verde, 70 bundle, 59, 69
disease, 5, 52, 179–181, 184, 218, 221–222 burial funeral rite, 107
disinterment, 111 ceremony, 118
DNA, 7 chamber, 73
Chimú funerary context, 248
Early Historic, 221 chullpas, 5
Early Horizon, 11, 23n1 commonalities, 5
Early Intermediate Period, 9, 11, 141, 158, 163 complex, 70, 85
Ecuador, 3, 7, 11, 19, 210, 221–222, 232, 246–247 context, 7–8, 15, 17, 19–22, 70, 73, 79, 85, 114, 118, 122,
El Brujo, 110 124, 136, 173, 187–190, 224, 238, 254
El Castillo de Santa, 46 correlate, 173
El Paraiso, 51 cultural artefact, 96
El Rollo, 14 culture, 223
elite custom, 8, 89
burial, 39 deposit, 102, 211–212, 215, 217–218, 222–223
entombment, 13 development, 7–8
epidemic, 5, 7 dress, 66
Epiformative, 15–16, 23n1 evidence, 173
Epigonal, 166 function, 67

300
 Index

furniture, 2, 4 content, 140

good, 7, 71, 108, 121, 135, 199, 207 funerary shaft, 67
habit, 11 furnishing, 140
highland tumuli, 67 furniture, 5, 144
identity, 118, 120, 127–128, 136 good, 73, 77–78, 85, 91, 113, 117, 127, 150–151, 153–154,
installation, 67 171–174, 183, 189, 238, 249
Late Paracas funerary context, 75 -lots, 185
Middle Formative funerary area, 17 male, 82
Moche funerary practice, 89, 105 marker, 153
model, 11 mass, 140
motivation, 231 mortuary room grave, 144
mound, 10, 57, 67 offering, 135, 174
non-funerary context, 111 pit, 4
obsequies, 117 primary, 144, 215
offering, 78, 111, 118, 121, 126, 128, 130, 132, 225, 228, 249 Tiwanaku, 150
package, 9 Wari, 148
Paracas funerary context, 70, 74, 79 Guaqui, 150
Paracas funerary practice, 85 Guatacondo, 62, 65, 67
Paracas funerary tradition, 79 cemetery, 66
paradigm, 257 Guatacondo 1, 61
pattern, 61, 210, 212, 258
plaza, 128 head
practice, 13, 65, 70, 73, 126, 129, 135, 159, 207, 217, 222 trophy, 22, 66
primary funerary deposit, 215 heritage
process, 128 ancestral, 67
purpose, 99–100 huaca, 187, 208
recruitment, 5 Huaca Alta, 131
remains, 3, 7–10, 12, 17, 20, 32, 135–136, 159, 161, 168 Huaca Cao Viejo, 110
ritual, 6–8, 25–26, 59, 65–66, 77, 107, 136, 207–208, 231 Huaca de la Luna, 4, 6–9, 87, 89, 100, 102, 111, 114,
room, 4 118–119, 128, 238, 243, 248, 250–251, 254–256, 258
shaft grave, 67 Huaca del Sol, 87, 114
site, 59, 122 Huaca El Gallo, 37
specificity, 223 Huaca Granados, 206
spectrum, 2 Huaca Grande, 14
structure, 16–17, 19, 25–27, 30–33, 59, 70–71, 78, 81, 99 Huaca La Capilla, 126
temple, 15 Huaca Larga, 238
tradition, 1, 61–62, 70, 113–114 Huaca Malena, 5
treatment, 7, 10, 118, 127–128, 216 Huaca Prieta, 13, 21, 45, 51, 53
tumuli, 55, 59 Huaca San Pedro, 199, 208
urn, 74, 217, 221–222 Huaca Santa Cruz, 199
Ychsma funerary tradition, 207 Huacaloma, 14
Funerary Huacas de la Luna, 99
practice, 69 Huacas de Moche, 121, 127
furnishings, 143–144, 147 Huacas del Moche, 128, 136
Huacas del Sol, 89, 99
Gallinazo, 34–35, 39, 45–46, 96, 112 Huallamarca, 206
adobe, 39 bundle, 206
ceramic, 39 Huamanga, 147
population, 34 Huanta, 147
style, 125 Huánuco, 18
village, 34 Huarasiña, 59
gender, xi, 16, 21–22, 82, 85, 136, 147–148, 154, 199, 205 Huari, 4, 138, 140, 142–145, 150, 166
grave, 4, 8, 17, 19, 32, 50, 59, 69, 82, 105, 107–108, 111, Huarochiri, 6
114, 138–140, 143–145, 148, 150–151, 153–154, 158, human
167–169, 199, 212, 216 offering, 112
Ayacucho, 147 remains, 159, 167, 169, 176
child, 147 hyperostosis, 218
collective, 222
complexity, 147 Ica, 12, 22, 69–70, 81
Conchopata, 147 Ica Valley, 12, 22, 70
construction, 8 Idolo phase, 19

301
Index

Iktomani, 150 Katari Valley, 150

Inca, 6, 9, 25–27, 29, 137, 148, 155, 159, 166, 168, 174, 184, Katilani Jawira, 150
186, 190, 208, 254–255 Khonko Wankané, 150
pre, 27, 29 kinship, 20, 26, 114, 184
tradition, 8 Kotosh, 19, 22
Inca period, 29, 187, 205 ceramic, 18
individual period, 22
extended, 77 Kotosh period, 18–19
flexed, 77–78, 85 Kuntur Wasi, 13–14, 19–22
interred, 118
seated, 78, 85 La Galgada, 13, 21, 51–53
infant, 5, 52, 73, 79, 82, 85, 91, 100, 102, 105–108, 110, 112, La Hondonada, 59–60
114, 133–134, 143–145, 147, 174, 178, 181, 214–218, 255 La Rinconada, 206
mortality, 79 La Rinconada Alta, 199, 205–206
reburial, 110 Lake Titicaca, 150
inhumation Lambayeque, 13, 15, 17, 21, 23n6, 122, 128, 131, 238, 246
post-inhumation disturbance, 199 Las Vegas
Initial Period, 9, 23n1, 34–35, 37, 39, 45, 50–53, 73 cemetery, 223
population, 52 culture, 210
temple, 37, 46 Late Horizon, 25, 162, 168, 174, 181, 184, 207–208
interment, 4, 6, 8, 13, 16, 22–23n3, 59, 73, 77, 82, 91, 96, Late Intermediate Period, 5, 25, 29, 61, 65, 67, 166, 169,
99, 102, 106, 108, 110–112, 114, 118, 125, 128, 131–133, 181, 206
135, 141, 144–145, 147, 151, 154–155, 158–159, 162, burial tradition, 183
165–166, 170, 173–174, 176–177, 181, 183, 207, 223, Early, 9
235, 238 Lima, 163–164, 186, 208, 251
Chimú, 106 burial, 164
cist, 143, 145 burial practice, 164
double, 59, 79 occupation, 166
individual, 140 post-, 164
Middle Horizon Room Interment, 145 style, 164
mortuary room, 145 Lima period,
mortuary room interment, 144 burial, 184
multiple, 85, 140 Loa, 66
multiple-interment shaft tomb, 106 Loma Macanche, 13
post-, 114 Lopez Viejo, 223
post-interment practice, 111 Lords of Sipán, 120
royal, 145 Lukurmata, 149, 151–153
single, 85 Lurín, 6, 186
Tiwanaku, 153 river, 28
type, 147 Lurín Valley, 27–28, 208
wall, 142–143 luxury good, 145
Wari, 145
Ychsma, 184 Machaca Valley, 150
internment, 150 Manteño, 11, 210–211, 222
interred, 169 Marayniyoq, 143
Iquique, 59 mausoleum, 2, 5, 145, 151
Island of the Sun, 150 Maya, 26
isotope stable, 52 ancestor veneration practice, 26
Iwawi, 148 Mesoamerica, 26
Middle Horizon, 4–5, 34, 85, 137, 160, 166, 184, 206–207
Jaen-Bagua, 19 Early, 164
Janabarriu, 20 Late, 166
Japotó, 7, 210–211, 217–218, 222–223 mortuary room interment, 145
Jauranga, 21, 70–71, 73, 75, 85 Milagro culture, 222
Jequetepeque Valley, 15, 18, 20–21, 110, 114, 117, 122, Mito period, 18–19
124, 128 Mixtec, 237
Moche, 4, 7–8, 11, 34, 43, 87, 89, 91, 95–96, 100, 102, 105–
Kalasasaya, 151 108, 110–115, 118, 120–122, 124, 127–128, 130, 132,
temple, 151 173–174, 182, 223, 238, 246, 248–249, 254–256, 258
Karwa, 70 art, 121

302
 Index

burial, 89, 102, 108, 110, 138 Paracas mortuary treatment, 85

cemetery, 122 pattern, 137
ceramic style, 89 practice, 51, 137, 148, 154, 211, 217, 222–223
funerary practice, 89, 105 preference, 140, 154–155
Late, 125–126, 128, 132, 136 procedure, 118
Late tomb, 126 record, 154
Middle, 124, 126 rite, 25, 117
Middle period, 136 ritual, 140, 154
Middle style, 125 room, 144
Middle tomb, 135 room grave, 144
Middle tomb, 125 room interment, 144–145
Middle vessel, 125 sample, 150
mortuary behaviour, 102 space, 187
mortuary culture, 108 structure, 32–33
period, 89, 129 Tiwanaku mortuary practice, 154
River, 87, 127 Tiwanaku mortuary preference, 148, 150, 152, 154
settlement, 127 treatment, 77, 113, 217
Southern, 132 Wari mortuary activity, 140
style, 135 Wari mortuary practice, 147, 154
stylistic phase III, 113 Wari mortuary preference, 141, 145, 147, 154
stylistic phase IV, 113 Wari mortuary room, 145
tomb, 89, 107 Wari preference, 138
valley, 87, 89 mound, 26
Moche II Moxeke, 13
group-shaft tomb, 116 mullus, 187
Moche III, 89, 112 mummification
group-shaft tomb, 116 Chinchorro, 59
multiple burial shaft tomb, 112 mummified, 77, 256, 258
shaft tomb, 100 mummy, 8–9, 26, 96, 137, 148, 151, 155, 159, 166–168, 174,
tomb, 100 176, 188, 190, 195, 199, 205–206
Moche IV, 89, 112 ancestor, 137, 148, 155
shaft tomb, 100 bundle, 60, 188
tomb, 100, 128 child, 257
Mollake Chico, 16, 21, 70–71, 74, 77, 85 curation, 154
Mollo Kontu, 151–152 Nasca, 231
Monjachayuq, 145 transport, 171
Montegrande, 14, 18 veneration, 154
Moquegua Valley, 151–153, 155 Muyu Orqo, 140, 143, 147
tomb, 153
Morro de Eten, 15, 17, 21 Ñañañique, 16
mortality, 2, 79 Nasca, 5, 10–11, 69–70, 73–74, 81, 84–85, 112, 173,
child, 5 224, 231–235
infant, 5, 79 culture, 73
mortuary mummy, 231
activity, 138, 144, 147, 153 offering head, 230
archaeology, 137 sacrifice, 235
Ayacucho mortuary study, 140 trophy head, 230
behaviour, 89 Nasca Lines, 69
chamber, 139 Nasca Valley, 70
complex, 147, 150 Ñawinpukyo, 140–141, 145
Conchopata mortuary sample, 138 mortuary remains, 144
Conchopata mortuary corpus, 140 Necrópolis
context, 59, 61, 99 phase, 69
data, 147 Nectandra sp., 7, 193, 195, 205, 238, 246, 248–250, 252–258
house, 145 seed, 238, 243, 246, 248–249, 253–257
Middle Horizon mortuary room interment, 145 neonate, 177
Moche mortuary behaviour, 102 Nepeña Valley, 15, 36, 50
Moche mortuary culture, 108 newborn, 50, 52
monument, 26 Nievería, 164
Ñawinpukyo mortuary remains, 144 burial, 164

303
Index

Ocucaje, 12, 70–71, 73, 75, 85 Pariti Island, 150

offering, 4, 27, 30, 41, 43, 47, 50–51, 53, 57, 59–61, 66, 70, pathological, 2
73–74, 81–82, 85, 91, 95–96, 99–100, 102, 107–108, pathology, 16–17, 41, 43, 47, 49–50, 52, 176, 179–180, 184,
110–114, 121–122, 125, 128, 135–136, 143–144, 148, 199, 221
154, 158, 170–171, 173–174, 183, 190, 196, 206–208, Peninsula, 79
235, 238, 246, 248, 251, 254–255 periostitis, 221
animal, 102 Pernil Alto, 70, 73, 79
burial, 228 Perú, 3, 8, 11, 33, 34, 45, 51–53, 66, 69, 87, 118, 127, 155, 210,
funerary, 78, 118, 121, 126, 128, 130, 132, 228, 249 245–248
grave, 135 Pica Tarapacá, 67
head, 228, 230–235 Pinchango Viejo, 70, 74–75
human, 107–108, 112, 114 Pircas, 61
Nasca offering head, 230 Pisagua, 59
Omas Valley, 14 Pisco, 69
orientation, 16–17, 21, 41, 43, 53, 70, 78, 81, 91, 102, pit, 2, 4, 19–21, 39, 43, 45, 47, 49–50, 58, 60, 74, 78, 81,
105–108, 113, 135, 153, 170, 189, 199, 215 91, 94–96, 107, 131–132, 135–136, 141, 145, 149–150,
body, 81, 212, 228 154–155, 158, 160, 169, 174, 188–190, 214, 217, 223
ossuary, 60 simple, 74, 81
osteophytic growth, 197 Piura, 13, 247
osteophytosis, 221 valley, 20
population, 1, 5–10, 17, 27, 34, 79, 84, 112–114, 118, 128,
Pachacamac, 5–9, 25, 27–30, 33, 158–159, 164, 167, 173, 176, 159, 166–168, 173, 176–177, 179–180, 182–184, 217,
179–185, 186, 188, 199, 206–208 222, 232
B style, 166 Gallinazo, 34
burial tradition, 183 Initial Period, 52
cult, 168 position, 21, 74, 81, 107, 112–113, 170, 215
style, 164 anatomical, 105
Pacopampa, 14 body, 78, 81, 105, 114, 117, 135, 207
palaeodemography, 106 burial, 102, 153
Palaeolithic, 1 crouched, 74, 170
palaeopathology, 6 crouching down, 53
Paloma, 8 dorsal supine, 102
Palpa, 4, 6, 21, 69–71, 73, 79, 81, 84–85 dorso-lateral prone, 102
burial, 85 extended, 16–17, 73–75, 78, 114, 130–131, 135, 190,
Valley, 16, 69–70 207–208
Pampa de Flores, 186, 205–208 extended supine, 212
Pampa del Tamarugal, 57, 61, 65–66 flexed, 16, 59, 74–75, 78, 147, 153, 190, 192–193, 197, 199,
Pampa Grande, 121 205–206
Pana, 58 flexed seated, 19
Panquilma, 24–26, 28–30, 32–33 foetal, 228
Paracas, 4, 6, 11, 15–16, 69–71, 73–75, 77–79, 81–82, 84–85 Paracas body position, 81
body position, 81 prone, 108
burial, 70, 73–74, 85 recumbent flexed “foetal”, 169
burial context, 81 seated, 16–17, 20, 74, 78, 105, 107, 147, 153, 169–170, 176
culture, 69–70, 79 seated flexed, 102
Early, 16, 77 seated foetal, 225
funerary context, 70, 79 semi-fetal, 41
funerary practice, 85 supine, 73–75, 91, 107, 114, 131, 170, 190
funerary tradition, 79 supine extended, 214–215
Late, 15, 70, 73, 79, 81–82, 84–85 tightly-flexed, 170
Late funerary context, 74–75 ventral-prone, 102
Late tomb, 85 Posoqoypata, 140, 143, 145
Middle, 70 cist, 143
mortuary treatment, 85 tomb, 143
peninsula, 69–70, 79, 85 Preceramic, 9, 223
tomb, 73 Late, 35, 51
Paracas Cavernas, 69 Precontact
Paracas Necrópolis, 69 Late, 221
Paracas Peninsula, 4, 69 profile
Paracas-Nasca, 74 demographic, 5
Pariti, 148 Pucara, 55

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Puémape, 17, 21 Salango, 222–223

Punkurí, 13, 21–22, 36–37, 50 Salinar, 96, 112
Punta Pichalo, 59 San Isidro, 15
Putuni, 151 San José de Moro, 8, 110, 114, 117–118, 120–122, 124–125,
Putuni Palace, 149, 151 128, 130, 135–136
San Juanito, 4, 13, 21, 34, 37, 39, 45, 47, 49–53
Qeya Kuntu, 150 temple, 51
Qiwaya, 148 San Sebastián, 156
Qori Huillca, 144 Santa
Quillagua, 57–59, 66–68 River, 53
mortuary context, 61 Valley, 11, 34
oasis, 57, 59 Santa Valley, 11, 34, 37, 39, 51, 53
Quillagua Formative, 59 Saxe, 7, 9
seated
Ramaditas, 61 position, 20
Real Alto, 210, 223 Sechin
Recreo Magali, 140, 143 style, 35–36
Rímac Valley, 28, 171, 208 Seqllas, 144
Río Grande de Nazca, 20, 70, 73, 224 sex, 4–6, 21, 51–52, 78–79, 81, 85, 91, 99, 105–106, 111, 113,
rite 118, 121, 126, 128, 135, 141, 147, 153, 170, 176–180, 183,
funeral, 7 199, 205, 217
ritual, 26–27, 30–33, 58, 111, 114, 118, 121–122, 124, distribution, 79
154, 159 sexed, 218
activity, 24–25, 30–31 sexing, 178
architectural context, 99 sex-specific, 82
associated with ancestor veneration, 26 shaft, 10, 17, 19–21, 59, 67, 73–74, 78, 81, 89, 91, 95, 99–100,
behaviour, 66 106–108, 110, 112–114, 144, 150–151
burial, 124, 151, 154 tomb, 102
flexibility, 60 shallow pit, 73
function, 57, 173 Shillacoto, 18
funerary, 7, 77, 136 shrine, 26
funerary behaviour, 67 Sicán, 173
infrastructure, 2 Sillumoco, 58
knowledge, 25, 31 Sipán, 121, 257
mortuary, 140, 144 skull
performance, 25 burial, 66
practice, 112, 135 deformation, 44
pre-burial, 110 trepanned, 69
process, 25 Spondylus, 17, 19–20, 22, 30, 132, 198, 210, 238, 249
propitiatory, 122 stable isotope data, 10
public, 121 status, 1, 4, 7–8, 13–14, 16, 21–23, 26, 32–33, 50–51, 77, 82,
system, 118 91, 95, 99, 113–114, 118–119, 121, 125, 128, 135–136,
tumuli, 55 147–148, 150–151, 154, 170–171, 173, 183, 205–208,
Ronconada 222, 231, 233, 255
bundle, 206 stratigraphy, 4, 158, 162, 174, 190
subadult, 17–19, 74, 78, 81–82, 85, 106, 113, 147, 169, 171,
sacrifice, 2, 7, 13–14, 16, 178, 207, 224, 231, 254–256 176–178, 180, 182–183, 206, 212, 215, 218, 254–255
adult, 28 burial, 114, 183
animal, 27 Suriqui, 150
ceremony, 121
child, 28 taphonomic, 2, 4, 7, 73, 111, 140, 166–167, 174, 176,
Chimú, 254 183–184, 212, 214, 216, 222
human, 11, 13, 128, 207, 235, 254–256 taphonomy, 5
Nasca, 235 study, 6
victim, 7, 10, 121 Taraco Peninsula, 150
women, 183 Tarapacá, 55, 57–59, 61, 66–68
sacrificial, 233, 256 cemetery, 60
burial, 151 mortuary context, 61
child burial, 165 region, 61
scene, 121 Tarapacá 40,
victim, 140, 207, 238 cemetery, 65

305
Index

Tarapaca Pampa, 10 multiple chamber, 111

tattooing, 176 multiple chamber tomb, 106
Teojate, 70 multiple individual chamber, 110
Tiahuanaco, 4, 6, 9, 137–138, 148–149, 151–152, 154 multiple shaft tomb, 106
Tiahuanaco Putuni, 149–150 multiple-interment shaft tomb, 106
Tiraska, 148, 150, 153 of specialist, 126
Titicaca, 58, 66 Palpa, 4
Basin, 154 Paracas, 73
highland region, 58 pit, 126
Titicaca islands, 150 Posoqoypata, 143
Tiwanaku, 4, 9, 11, 19, 66, 137–138, 140, 148–151, 153–155 royal, 120
burial, 137, 148–151, 154 servant, 116
burial context, 149 shaft, 10, 59, 67, 73, 89, 91, 95, 99, 102, 106, 112–113
cemetery, 150 shaft tomb, 105
deceased, 151 structure, 128
grave, 150 Tiwanaku, 149, 152–154
interment, 153 type, 89, 105–106
mortuary practice, 154 Wari, 147, 154
mortuary preference, 148, 150, 152, 154 Ychsma, 173
tomb, 149, 152–154 Topará, 69, 85
tomb, 2, 4, 9, 23, 26, 32, 37, 43, 47, 49–51, 55, 57, 59, 61, Torre 203, 59
67, 70–71, 73, 77, 81, 89, 91, 93–96, 99–100, 102, trace element, 52
105–108, 110–114, 117, 120–122, 124–128, 130–133, Transitional Period, 122, 128–129, 136
135–136, 140–141, 143–145, 147, 149–154, 167, 174, Early, 131
187–188, 199, 206, 208, 231, 249, 251, 253–257 trauma, 78, 82, 84
architecture, 150 treatment
boot-form, 125–126 funerary, 127
burial chamber, 91 postmortem, 145
Cahuachi, 231, 233 trophy head, 228, 230–235
chamber, 85, 89, 91, 94–95, 102, 105–107, 110, 112–114, tumuli, 55, 57–59, 65, 67
126, 128
Chimú, 250–251, 254 Úcupe, 121
cist, 143 urn, 81, 217
collective, 4, 106 burial, 74, 85, 223
complex, 145 funerary, 221–222
construction, 112 Uspa Uspa, 58
elite, 96, 233
group burial chamber tomb, 91, 110 Valdivia Culture, 210
group-shaft, 116 Vegachayoq Moqo, 143
individual, 32 Virú
individual shaft tomb, 106 Valley, 37
individual shaft tomb burial, 107
infant shaft tomb, 114 Wairajirca, 18
Late Moche, 126 Wakuyo, 150
Late Paracas, 85 Wankarani, 55, 58
marker, 231 Wari, 4, 9, 11, 26, 137–140, 142–145, 148–149, 154–155,
matrice, 167 164, 167
Middle Moche, 125, 135 Ayacucho, 145
Moche, 89, 107 burial, 137, 140, 142, 144–145, 147–148, 150, 154
Moche II group-shaft tomb, 116 burial type, 140, 150
Moche III, 100 ceramic, 171
Moche III group-shaft tomb, 116 cist burial, 155
Moche IV, 100, 128 grave, 148
Moche IV shaft tomb, 100 interment, 145
Moquegua Valley, 153 mortuary activity, 140
multiple, 4 mortuary practice, 147, 154
multiple burial, 107 mortuary preference, 138, 141, 145, 147, 154
multiple burial chamber tomb, 93 mortuary room, 145
multiple burial chamber tomb group, 107 pit burial, 155
multiple burial Moche III shaft tomb, 112 style, 185
multiple burial shaft tomb, 105–106 tomb, 147, 154

306
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Warikayan, 15 Early, 166, 199

Wary Kayan, 237 funerary tradition, 207
worship, 8–9, 26–27, 31, 33, 137, 140 individual, 207
interment, 184
Ychsma, 5, 7, 11, 27–28, 158–159, 165, 168, 171, 173–174, Late, 190, 199, 208
176, 181, 184, 186, 188, 195, 199, 205–208 Middle, 166, 199, 205
bundle, 206 tomb, 173
burial, 208
cemetery, 188 Zaña, 13, 15

307