HOUSING, LAND & PROPERTY ISSUES IN LEBANON: IMPLICATIONS OF THE SYRIAN REFUGEE CRISIS - August 2014

HOUSING, LAND & PROPERTY

ISSUES IN LEBANON
IMPLICATIONS OF THE SYRIAN REFUGEE CRISIS
August 2014
This publication was commissioned by UNHCR and UN-Habitat and has been
produced with the support of the European Union. The contents of this publication
can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union and do not
necessarily represent the official view of UNHCR.

‫تم تنفيذ هذه املطبوعة بواسطة املفوضية السامية لألمم املتحدة لشؤون الالجئني وبرنامج األمم املتحدة‬
‫ إن محتويات هذه املطبوعة ال ميكن بأي حال أن تعكس‬.‫للمستوطنات البرشية بدعم من االتحاد األورويب‬
.‫ كام أنها ال متثّل بالرضورة وجهة النظر الرسمية للمفوضية السامية‬،‫وجهات نظر اإلتحاد األورويب‬

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

Khater Building, Dr. Philippe Hitti Street,
Ramlet El Baida – Beirut
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.unhcr.org

United Nations Human Settlements Program (UN-Habitat)

UNESCO Regional Office
Cite Sportive Avenue – Jnah – Beirut
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.unhabitat.org European Union
Copyright © 2014
By the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) & United Nations Human Settlements
Programme (UN-Habitat),

All rights reserved. No part of this publication maybe reproduced, stored in retrieval system or transmitted
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prior permission of UNHCR/UN-Habitat.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR, the UN refugee agency, works to protect
and assist those fleeing war and persecution. Since 1950, we have helped tens of millions of people find
safety and rebuild their lives.

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United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
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Website: www.unhcr.org

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HOUSING, LAND & PROPERTY
ISSUES IN LEBANON
IMPLICATIONS OF THE SYRIAN REFUGEE CRISIS
August 2014
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Authors/External Consultants
Mona Fawaz, Associate Professor of Urban Studies and Planning, American University of Beirut
Nizar Saghiyeh, Lawyer, Researcher and co-founder of the Legal Agenda, Nizar Saghieh Law Office
Karim Nammour, Lawyer and member of the Legal Agenda, Nizar Saghieh Law Office

Core Management Team

Szilard Fricska, Regional Coordinator for Syria Response, UN-Habitat
Samuel Cheung, Senior Protection Officer, UNHCR
Tarek Osseiran, Project Officer, UN-Habitat Lebanon
Marwa Boustani, Urban Planner and Researcher, UN-Habitat Lebanon
Patricia Delis GÓmez, Associate Protection Officer, UNHCR

Editorial
Houda Mouawad

We would like to thank all actors who contributed to through providing their opinions and sharing
their expertise which greatly informed this study. These include, but are not limited to, actors from
various organizations such as: the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), the Danish Refugee Council (DRC),
the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), the International Organization for Migration
(IOM), the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the Consultation and Research Institute (CRI)
and Human Rights Watch (HRW). Special thanks go to the staff of the various field offices of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) for their extensive and generous support especially
in the field work which greatly enriched the findings of the study.

We also express our gratitude to experts in governmental institutions such as the Council for
Development and Reconstruction (CDR) and the Directorate General of Urban Planning (DGUP).
Furthermore, we highly appreciate the time and input of the Heads Unions of Municipalities (UoMs)
especially in Sahel Al Zahrani and UoM of Al Sahel, and to mayors of the Municipalities across Lebanon
(in South Lebanon: Rmeileh, Tibneen, Yohmor, in the Bekaa: Bar Elias, and in Akkar: Rahbe, Al Mqaitea,
Kfar Melkeh, Kaabarin, Al Ramoul, Mashha, Tal Abbas Gharbi, Miniara, and Halba). We would also like
to thank Mr. Micheal McCandles for his input.

Finally, special thanks to the refugees and host communities who welcomed us at their homes
whether in urban settings, villages, or informal settlements and shared their personal experience and
view of the crisis.
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS

INTRODUCTION 01
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY 01
METHODOLOGY 02
DOCUMENT STRUCTURE 02

CHAPTER 1
KEY FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 05
1.1 KEY FINDINGS 06
1.2 RECOMMENDATIONS 10

CHAPTER 2
THE HOUSING, LAND AND PROPERTY CONTEXT IN LEBANON 15
2.1 DEMOGRAPHICS, HOUSING STOCK, & TENURE 16
2.2 HOUSING MARKET & GOVERNMENT POLICIES 16
2.3 INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR HOUSING & URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN LEBANON 18
2.4 THE DOMESTIC LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR HOUSING IN LEBANON 20
2.5 LEBANON’S OBLIGATIONS UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW 26
CONCLUSION 29

CHAPTER 3
SYRIAN ACCESS TO SHELTER IN LEBANON 31
3.1 OVERVIEW OF SYRIAN REFUGEE SHELTER AND HOUSING OPTIONS 32
3.2 REVIEW OF THE MAIN REFUGEE SHELTER OPTIONS 34
3.3 COMMON ISSUES ARISING ACROSS ALL SHELTER OPTIONS 41
CONCLUSION 48

CHAPTER 4
CASE STUDY OF REFUGEE IN AN URBAN CONTEXT: AL NABA’A 51
4.1 NEIGHBORHOOD TRANSFORMATION 53
4.2 SOCIAL NETWORKS AND RESILIENCE 54
4.3 HOUSING TYPES, QUALITY AND ACCESS TO SERVICES 55
4.4 RENTAL ARRANGEMENTS IN NABA’A 57
CONCLUSION 61

CHAPTER 5
CASE STUDY OF REFUGEE HOUSING IN A RURAL CONTEXT: AKKAR 63
5.1 INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS IN NORTH LEBANON 64
5.2 RENTED ROOMS AND APARTMENTS 66
CONCLUSION 70

BIBLIOGRAPHY 71
LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
CAS Central Administration of Statistics
CDR Council for Development and Reconstruction
CEDAW International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
CESCR Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights
COC Code of Obligation and Contracts
CRI Consultation and Research Institute
DGU Directorate General of Urbanism
DRC Danish Refugee Council
GDP Gross Domestic Product
HLP Housing, Land, and Property
HRW Human Rights Watch
ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
ICESCR International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights
ICLA Information, Counseling and Legal Assistance
IOM International Organization for Migration
IS Informal Settlements
ITS Informal Tented Settlements
LBP Lebanese Pound
MoIM Ministry of Interior and Municipalities
MoSA Ministry of Social Affairs
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NRC Norwegian Refugee Council
PCH Public Corporation for Housing
PRS Palestinian Refugees from Syria
RER Real Estate Registry
SDC Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation
SSU Small Shelter Units
UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights
UN-Habitat United Nations Human Settlements Programme
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UoMs Union of Municipalities
USD United States Dollar
 INTRODUCTION 1

The Housing, Land and Property Impacts of the Syrian Refugee Crisis
a comprehensive national strategy to respond
to the crisis, humanitarian actors have increased
their cooperation with municipal authorities. In
fact, municipalities have in many cases been the
Government’s “first responders” to the refugee
crisis. There are signs, however, that municipalities’
capacities are increasingly strained and that they
are becoming more and more frustrated with the
situation.

The urgent need for basic shelter has pushed

INTRODUCTION many Syrian families to live in poor conditions,
frequently in spaces not designed as shelters. The

L
situation is further exacerbated with the arrival of
ebanon hosts the highest number of new refugees, reducing hence the availability of
Syrian refugees in the region. UNHCR housing and increasing the risk of eviction. The
estimates that over one million refugees presence of these refugees has also had adverse
currently reside in Lebanon, in addition consequences for host communities due to
to at least 50,000 Palestinian Refugees from Syria increased competition over affordable housing,
(PRS).1 Most of this influx has occurred in the past the inadequacy of the existing infrastructure and
year. In January 2013 the refugee population was services, and competition over limited employment
less than 150,000, but grew almost six-fold during opportunities.
2013. It is estimated that today 1 out of every 5
residents in Lebanon is a refugee. These refugees PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
are distributed across the country, with the highest
population concentrations in the Bekaa (35%), In light of these challenges, UNHCR and UN-
Beirut (25%), and North Lebanon (25%). Most Habitat conducted an assessment of housing, land
of these refugees are settling in cities and peri- and property (HLP) issues related to the Syrian
urban areas outside towns and villages, creating refugee crisis.4 This report reviews the impact of
different challenges from those normally found in the crisis in four specific areas: (i) shelter options
a rural context.2 available to refugees; (ii) HLP rights of refugees
and host communities; (iii) housing and property
The Syrian refugees’ crisis has had a huge markets; and (iv) land-use, particularly in heavily
impact on Lebanon. At the onset of the crisis, impacted cities and towns, but also in rural areas.
host communities in Lebanon welcomed and
supported many refugees, sometimes without The purpose of this research study is to
asking for anything in return.3 However, as the inform humanitarian and government entities
crisis has become prolonged, supporting refugees and help in designing policies, planning decisions
has become an increasing burden on communities and programs so as to ensure that refugees and
and public authorities alike. In the context of a vulnerable Lebanese families have access to safe,
weak central government and in the absence of affordable and adequate shelter.

1 See http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/country.php?id=122 for the latest UNHCR figures.

2 For the challenges of urban response, please refer to UNHCR’s 2009 “Policy on refugee protection and solutions in urban areas” at http://www.unhcr.
org/4ab356ab6.pdf and the Inter-Agency Standing Committee’s 2011 strategy “Meeting the Humanitarian Challenges of Urban Areas” at http://www.
humanitarianinfo.org/iasc/pageloader.aspx?page=content-subsidi-common-default&sb=74 .
3 Four years into the crisis, the UNHCR March 2014 shelter survey estimated that some 15,000 refugees were hosted by Lebanese families.
4 For more information on housing, land and property rights and issues, please refer to http://www.globalprotectioncluster.org/en/areas-of-responsibility/
housing-land-and-property.html.
 METHODOLOGY Additional interviews were conducted with
the Consultation and Research Institute (CRI) and
The research study proceeded on two parallel Human Rights Watch (HRW). Interviews were
tracks. First, it sought to contextualize the also held with government institutions such as
ongoing crisis within the larger housing, land and the Council for Development and Reconstruction
property framework in Lebanon, looking both at (CDR) and the Directorate General of Urbanism
the housing sector and legal frameworks related (DGU), with heads of Unions of Municipalities
(UoMs) (Sahel Al Zahrani, UoM of Al Sahel), and
to refugees’ access to shelter. Second, the study
mayors of Municipalities across Lebanon (in South
provides an in-depth analysis of the processes of
Lebanon: Rmeileh, Tibneen, Yohmor; in the Bekaa:
shelter acquisition for Syrian refugees in Lebanon.
Bar Elias; and in Akkar: Rahbe, Al Mqaitea, Kfar
The report therefore consists of:
Melkeh, Kaabarin, Al Ramoul, Mashha, Tal Abbas
Gharbi, Miniara, and Halba).
1. A brief introduction to the housing context
in Lebanon, including markets, legal
A rapid desk review of Lebanon’s legal
frameworks, and relevant institutions;
framework and its obligations under international
2. In depth case studies undertaken in two
and humanitarian law was also conducted to
locations where a sample of the local refugee
assess the country’s obligations and to identify
population and host community were
opportunities for improving the living conditions
interviewed to provide qualitative insights to
of refugees. Subsequently, an analysis of fieldwork
complement UNHCR’s existing quantitative
findings was conducted to propose an integrated
dataset (see relevant methodology sections in
set of recommendations in connection with
Chapters 4 and 5).
the legal aspects of HLP issues in Lebanon, the
rights of tenants, and ways in which these rights
A first round of field visits and open-ended
can be enforced. Larger scale recommendations
interviews with key informants throughout
for providing security of tenure to refugees
Lebanon allowed the research team to understand and vulnerable Lebanese populations are also
patterns of settlement and emerging issues. This highlighted.
was followed by more systematic research in four
localities (two urban, two rural) where interviews DOCUMENT STRUCTURE
were conducted with refugees and host families.
In total, over 100 refugee households and 25 The study is organized into five chapters.
Lebanese households were interviewed. Real Chapter 1 summarizes the key findings and
estate agents and other stakeholders were also recommendations of the study. Chapter 2
interviewed regarding housing, living conditions, provides an overview of the shelter context in
market conditions, and the vulnerabilities of Lebanon, including demographics, housing
different groups. markets and institutions, as well as the domestic
and international frameworks for housing rights.
Key informant interviews were conducted with Chapter 3 provides a synopsis on how Syrian
staff from international organizations including the refugees are accessing housing and the shelter
U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), conditions in which they are living. It also examines
the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), the some common issues arising across all shelter
Danish Refugee Council (DRC), the Swiss Agency types, including lease agreements, evictions,
for Development and Cooperation (SDC), the and the role of local authorities. Chapters 4
International Organization for Migration (IOM), and 5 provide the detailed findings of fieldwork
and the United Nations Development Program conducted in two areas, the Naba’a neighborhood
(UNDP). Numerous UNHCR staff in different of Beirut and Akkar, in North Lebanon.
regions with protection and shelter backgrounds
generously shared their time and experience.

2 Housing, Land and Property

 INTRODUCTION 3

The Housing, Land and Property Impacts of the Syrian Refugee Crisis

Picture 1: Syrian women refugees in an Informal Tented Settlement - Akkar, Lebanon

4 Housing, Land and Property
 CHAPTER 1 5

Key Findings and Recommendations

1
CHAPTER 1
KEY FINDINGS
AND
RECOMMENDATIONS

T
he key findings and recommendations
are organized into five topics: shelter
conditions and trends; housing markets;
housing, land, and property rights;
settlement patterns and land use; and governance.
The recommendations follow the same broad
structure, but also include suggestions regarding
potential pilot projects that combine several
recommendations into an integrated program
approach. In general, the recommendations are
organized to present short-term measures first.
 1.1 KEY FINDINGS fold increase of people seeking shelter.

4. However, current trends suggest that

1.1.1 Shelter Conditions humanitarian donors are prioritizing
emergency shelter over longer-
term options such as rehabilitation.
1. For 41% of Syrians in Lebanon, affordable
Rehabilitation support is more expensive
shelter is not adequate, and adequate
per capita in the short-term and, in the
shelter is simply not affordable,
current financial crisis, there are signs
particularly over the long term. The study
that humanitarian funding is increasingly
confirms, in line with numerous reports
focused on the most vulnerable
already published on the topic, the dire
populations, providing them with short-
living conditions that Syrian refugees are
term shelter support. At the same time,
facing.5 Poor quality shelter, overcrowding,
more development-oriented funding
and limited access to water, sanitation, and
for longer-term shelter options has
urban services are the norm throughout the
not materialized. Four years into the
country for the vast majority of vulnerable
refugee crisis, and shelter funding risks to
refugees. The study also confirms that remain focused on symptoms, rather than
housing is the most serious concern for the strategic challenges of a protracted
most refugees both in terms of quality and crisis. Refugees will thus benefit from “life-
monthly cost. saving” shelter that does not even begin
to meet the criteria for adequate housing.
2. The study also pinpoints that shelter
conditions are worsening, rather than
improving. The limited stock of pre-crisis 1.1.2 Housing Markets
affordable rental housing is drying up (in
fact, Lebanon has been facing a decades 5. The informal nature of the low-
old affordable housing crisis prior to income housing market lies at the
the Syrian refugee crisis). As a result, heart of the refugee shelter issue. The
rental prices are increasing, forcing some study concludes that the vast majority of
established families to down-grade their vulnerable Syrian refugees are securing
shelter to more affordable options. Upon shelter through informal market channels.
their arrival new refugees who are already While the informal market has many
extremely vulnerable, have few affordable strengths (responsiveness, flexibility,
shelter options other than informal and relative affordability), it also has
settlements. severe shortcomings (poor housing
quality, insecurity of tenure, negative
3. The number of refugees benefiting environmental impact). Any measures
from shelter assistance increased to address refugee shelter issues must be
significantly between 2012 and 2013. based on a clear understanding of this
Whereas 54,450 refugees received shelter informal market context.
assistance in 2012 (out of a total of
170,637 refugees registered by December 6. In large urban areas, a predatory
2012), some 209,214 refugees received relationship is emerging between
shelter assistance in 2013 (out of a total of property owners, realtors, and slum
an estimated 1 million refugees), a three- lords on the one hand and tenants on

5 See, e.g., NRC (2014), A Precarious Existence: The Shelter Situation of Refugees from Syria in Neighboring countries, June 2014.

6 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 1 7

Key Findings and Recommendations

the other, complicating the process of In particular, refugees generally seemed
intervening to regulate this housing unaware that Lebanese law related to
market. The clear advantage landlords leases for built property (apartments and
and their middle-men have over Syrian houses) in many cases provides refugees
refugees (information, networks, and the with security of tenure for three years,
credible threat of force) and the significant not one year as is generally assumed to be
profits they are able to get out of their the case. Nor are refugees, landlords or
powerful position denotes their reluctance municipalities aware of the requirement
to see any form of regulation that would that an eviction must be mandated by a
undermine their influence. The situation court decision.
is particularly acute in neighborhoods in
which middle-men manage properties on 10. The study found that evictions are an
behalf of absentee owners who have left increasing concern. Since mid-2013,
when refugee populations have sharply UNHCR has been increasingly dealing with
increased. issues related to evictions; and changes in
shelter trends suggest that the number of
7. In rural areas, particularly in evictions will continue to grow. The limited
informal tented settlements, market supply of affordable housing combined
performance is typically poor, to with the exhaustion of savings will increase
the detriment of both refugees and the probability of refugees defaulting on
property owners. Tenants have poor their rent payments.
information regarding land availability,
location, and pricing. Landlords set rates at 11. Information about evictions indicates
unrealistic levels; then they are confronted that the majority of eviction cases
with a situation where refugees have occur due to the inability of refugees
simply packed up and left without paying. to pay their agreed rent. In a number
This would suggest that there may be some of cases, evictions occurred due to so-
opportunities for regulatory intervention in called security concerns (e.g. proximity to
the informal settlements market. an Army position) or due to tensions with
local communities. These cases, however,
8. In rural areas of South Lebanon, represent a minority.
where the refugee influx has been less
dramatic, the housing market seems 12. While failure to pay rent represents a
to be performing relatively well legitimate justification for eviction, the
for refugees. The availability of empty study also found that evictions often
housing stock, the limited opportunities to occur outside of any legal framework,
expand and build in order to rent out, and and in violation of Lebanese law and
the relatively contained scale of migration international standards. The study
have contributed to more positive shelter found no evidence that evictions were
scenarios. carried out through a court order, as
required by Lebanese law, or that they
followed due process and procedures. The
1.1.3 Housing, Land and Property study also noted that many evictions were
Rights characterized by repeated threats and
harassment and, in some cases, backed
9. Refugees, landlords and municipalities by the implicit or explicit threat of force by
are generally not aware of their armed militia, or even some elements of
housing rights, either under Lebanese the police forces.
law or international human rights law.
 13. Refugees do not have recourse to lenders to facilitate rent payment.
court to address grievances. The study
found no evidence of a single HLP-related 17. Syrian refugees are concentrating in a
case filed in court. Instead, refugees either number of residential neighborhoods
rely on social networks or simply do not in Beirut, transforming them into de-
challenge unfavorable decisions or actions. facto camps where the majority of
More positively, the study confirms that residents are Syrian refugees. In the
mediation and legal advice, as practiced Naba’a case study, but also elsewhere in
by some international NGOs, can be Beirut, entire streets have been transformed
effective in addressing HLP protection into Syrian settlements. The effects are both
concerns. positive and negative. Many respondents
noted a clear improvement in the social
14. The legal analysis concludes that a formal conditions of their neighborhoods. Prior
legal approach to the dysfunctional to the crisis, these areas were dominated
housing market is unlikely, on its own, to by single workers and were characterized
be effective in ensuring the protection of by insecurity. On the other hand, many
refugee HLP rights. While a rights-based long-term residents decry the loss of their
approach remains central to the protection neighborhood character and increase in
of refugee rights, it must be complemented rental prices.
by a system of market-based incentives
to be effective. State private land and 18. Informal tented settlements’ patterns
awkaf (religious endowment land) of organization follow local, privately
offer formal opportunities for better driven systems of organization that
regulation of landlord tenant relations. present unsustainable land use and
servicing patterns. The ability to service
15. The study also noted evidence of such settlements and the potential costs
significant potential protection risks incurred by servicing them makes it
related to land and property left imperative to guide and regulate their
behind in Syria. While 83% of new organization.
arrivals surveyed in February 2014 claimed
to be property owners, some 58% reported 19. The long-term negative environmental
not having with them any evidence of their and land use consequences can already
property rights in Syria. be detected from the current pattern
of refugee settlements. In urban areas,
the over-densification of low-income urban
1.1.4 Settlement Patterns & Land use neighborhoods in ways that sharply reduce
the quality of life in these areas is evident.
16. Syrian refugees closely follow refugee This is the case in a number of streets in
social networks that predate the Naba’a, but also in the areas of Sabra and
beginning of the Syrian conflict. Refugees Shatila. In peri-urban and rural areas, the
are finding shelter through migrant establishment of informal settlements on
worker networks, particularly through the agricultural lands, the large scale cutting of
construction and services sector in urban trees, and the contamination of agricultural
centers and agricultural worker networks land present significant long-term risks. In
in rural areas. Such networks provide all areas, garbage collection is a serious
the most reliable source of information environmental concern with soil and water
about available rental accommodations, contamination noted in many cases.
real prices, and provide the possibility of
negotiating with landlords, and money-

8 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 1 9

Key Findings and Recommendations

21. The central state has not taken a strong
leadership role on shelter and housing
issues. Historically, central government
policies played a limited role in providing
affordable land and housing options and
regulating the housing market. During the
refugee crisis, the most significant policy
statement by the government has been to
ban the establishment of formal camps,
yet there is tremendous scope for more
pro-active policy-making. Other important
institutions, such as CDR and DGU, have
not yet been fully engaged in the provision
of adequate services.

22. Local authorities are struggling to cope

with the refugee influx, yet are closest to
the day-to-day reality of the crisis, therefore,
they are more likely compelled to respond to
urgent needs. While some municipalities are
more actively engaged in housing provision,
coordination, service provision, and dispute
resolution, others are less involved, while
others have even come into confrontation
with landlords who refuse their orders to
evict. Most local authorities interviewed
Picture 2: Improvised water drainage and felt that international organizations by-
sewage channel in an ITS - Akkar, Lebanon pass them, distributing goods and services
directly to refugees within their jurisdiction.
Others voiced their reluctance to mediate
1.1.5 Governance Issues between property owners and tenants in
informal settlements, expressed frustration
20. The affordable housing crisis in at the bureaucratic requirements for the
Lebanon predates the arrival of Syrian approval of the Ministry of Interior, and
refugees: It is important to realize that preferred to serve up the needs of their own
some of the impediments for the production voting constituencies rather than those of
of affordable housing predate the ongoing the refugees.
crisis and stem from an already prohibitively
expensive housing market where property 23. Informal governance arrangements
values are exorbitant due, in large part, to are emerging, including the prominent
unfettered speculation and the absence of role of the shaweesh (the community
affordable housing policies. In that sense, representative in informal settlements) and
the ongoing affordable housing crisis that refugee and host community committees.
the Syrian refugees are facing in Lebanon These represent opportunities to improve
presents an exacerbation of a trend that relations between refugees and host
precedes the war in Syria and constitutes a communities as well as the effectiveness of
hard reality that will be difficult to address humanitarian operations.
in the short-term.
 1.2 RECOMMENDATIONS 5. Livelihoods programs should prioritize
the construction and basic services
sectors. Cash-for-work and longer-term
1.2.1 Shelter Conditions job creation programs should focus on
housing construction, building materials
1. Humanitarian and development donors production, water supply, sewerage,
should increase support for the drainage, small electricity providers, solid-
rehabilitation of private houses and waste collection and recycling, in addition
the establishment of new collective to other means for improving living
shelters as alternatives to the growth of conditions for both refugees and Lebanese
informal settlements. The rehabilitation nationals. Creating livelihoods outside of
of private houses and the creation of major urban areas may also help reduce
new collective shelters represents good the strain on infrastructure, services, and
value-for-money. It increases the supply social relations.
of adequate shelter that is affordable and
provides security of tenure. 6. Donors should support shelter actors
in developing integrated shelter
2. Shelter actors should work closely with and settlements programs that
municipal authorities to identify target the needs of refugees and host
additional housing units and buildings communities. As such, interventions need
that can be rehabilitated for refugee to move beyond the scale of the individual
shelter. Such initiatives should be household, towards neighborhood
accompanied by specific measures that level interventions, and should include,
meet the needs of host communities and in addition to immediate subsidies,
strengthen municipal capacity to manage longer term developmental incentives.6
the crisis. Housing improvements can therefore be
complemented by, for example, improved
3. In rural areas, shelter actors should quality of urban services, enhanced
work closely with municipalities and public spaces (parks, community centers),
land-owners to identify more suitable improved family services (playgrounds
locations for informal settlements. and child-care), improved mobility for
Shelter actors should work with pedestrians, and improved mechanisms
municipalities to develop and disseminate for dialogue between refugees and host
guidance on site selection. State private communities.
land and awkaf (religious endowment
land) may be the best places for a start.
1.2.2 Housing Markets
4. A package of incentives should be
developed to encourage the Lebanese 7. Shelter actors should work in concert
to build or rehabilitate additional low- with local authorities and private sector
cost housing units to Syrian refugees. stakeholders to establish “Housing
Incentives would include low-interest Coordination Centers” and encourage
loans, tax breaks, and flexible regulations. more equitable market outcomes. The
The incentives should be linked to specific Housing Centers would be responsible
standards regarding shelter quality and for monitoring housing markets,
security of tenure. documenting and providing information

6 Global Strategy for the Settlement and Shelter, a UNHCR Strategy 2014-2018. Geneva, Switzerland.

10 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 1 11

Key Findings and Recommendations

on rent prices and available rental and agricultural land). While it is difficult
properties, and identifying new buildings to impose specific agreements for private
to be rehabilitated and new land on which parties, yet the model agreements will help
informal settlements can be established. raise awareness regarding the respective
The Coordination Centers would also rights and responsibilities of both landlords
monitor evictions and help ensure that and tenants.
domestic law along with international
standards, are upheld. 12. A national eviction monitoring
program should be developed jointly
8. International donors should consider pilots with local authorities, non-governmental
to test the impact of negotiating and organizations, and the Ministry of Social
paying the registration fees for rental Affairs. Simple procedures should be
contracts. Municipal authorities have the developed to identify households at risk
discretion to set fee levels, yet they are of eviction, develop a range of alternatives
not collecting any kind of revenue. Thus, to eviction, and, when unavoidable,
there may be a potential opportunity ensure that the evicted household finds
to negotiate a reduction in the lease- appropriate accommodation.
agreement registration fee in return for
a commitment to increase the number of 13. Shelter actors should systematically
registered leases. Revenues from these include an HLP protection component
sources could be used by municipalities to in their programs. Information and
extend or improve municipal services. outreach regarding landlord and tenant
rights and referral services to appropriate
9. More systematic research is required to governmental or non-governmental
understand housing market dynamics resources should be mainstreamed in
and the short and long-term impacts of shelter programming.
the refugee crisis on the Lebanese housing
market. A specific focus should be made 14. Donors, and possibly a consortium
for identifying incentives and priority of shelter actors, should undertake
regulations to improve market outcomes. strategic litigation to address priority
In this regard, the evidence base for policy HLP issues, for example, forced evictions
development needs to be strengthened. and unlawful increases in rent within the
three year period mandated by Lebanese
law for developed property. While it may
1.2.3 Housing, Land & Property Rights take time to reach a verdict, the case itself
will generate media interest that will raise
10. The government and shelter actors awareness of landlord-tenant rights.
should immediately launch a national
information campaign to raise 15. Specific pilots should be developed to
awareness of the HLP rights and work with “slumlords” and informal
obligations of refugees. Lebanese law settlement landlords to ensure better
provides significant protection to tenants, market outcomes for both landlords and
however, it has not been used effectively. tenants. The political economy of refugee
rents are particularly challenging in dense
11. Model lease agreements should informal areas of Beirut and Tripoli.
be developed and disseminated Specific pilots should be undertaken in
for different shelter modalities (for a conflict-sensitive manner to identify
example, private housing, collective shelter, opportunities for improving the living
 conditions of refugees and low-income 20. In urban areas, a detailed survey is
Lebanese households alike. required for low-income settlements
that have significantly grown as a
16. Given the significant protection-related result of the Syria refugee crisis. Many
risks to refugee property left behind in Syria of these areas were already beyond their
identified in this study, a more detailed carrying capacity in terms of services. The
HLP survey should be undertaken in structural capacity of some buildings is so
Jordan, Iraq, Turkey and Syria. Applying compromised that they may represent a
a “whole of Syria” approach to HLP issues risk to their inhabitants.
will be critical to assessing the scale of the
HLP protection challenge. The findings 21. A more detailed inter-disciplinary
would provide important information to study of the longer-term land-use
guide local cease-fires and agreements impacts of the refugee crisis should
inside Syria, but would also be important be carried out under the leadership of
for wider conflict resolution negotiations the government and supported by the
and any eventual return strategies. international community. To start, the map
of informal settlements can be overlaid
with the 2009 Master Plan for Lebanon to
1.2.4 Land-Use identify conflicts. More detailed sectoral
work is also required in key areas such as
17. Donors should increase funding for water, food security, infrastructure, and
sanitation and solid waste collection services extension.
and disposal in informal settlements.
The risks to water supply and soil quality
are significant and must be addressed as a 1.2.5 Governance
matter of urgent priority.
22. Donors should support a dedicated
18. The informal settlements temporary task program of capacity-building for
team should be supported to review local authorities in critical areas such as
the location of existing informal coordination, settlement planning, service
settlements and assess them against delivery, monitoring housing rehabilitation,
a range of potential natural and other HLP, and other dispute resolution and
hazards. Where natural hazards place contingency planning. Such a program
residents at risk, simple and rights-based must be delivered in a way that also
approaches should be implemented improves the living conditions of their
to relocate them to more appropriate constituents.
locations.
23. Joint refugee-host community
19. Guidelines and a system of incentives committees should be scaled-up
and regulations should be developed within a national framework agreed on
by the government, local authorities, and by the government, local authorities, and
shelter actors and widely disseminated to affected communities. The committees
guide the future establishment of informal can identify and address issues of common
settlements. As new arrivals continue, and concern as they arise. They may also take
as people run out of savings, preparing a on a coordination role, liaising between
contingency plan for managing the growth local authorities and external assistance
of informal settlements will be critical. actors to ensure the most effective types
of support are provided.

12 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 1 13

Key Findings and Recommendations

24. The role of the shaweesh (community 25. Key national institutions, such as MoSA,
representative) in informal settlements water authority, CDR, DGU, should be
should be recognized and strengthened supported by targeted programs to
within a common framework regarding enable them to play a stronger leadership
their role and responsibilities vis-à-vis their role in developing policies and programs to
community as well as the government and manage the refugee crisis.
external assistance actors.

Picture 3: Disused plot of land in Naba’a - Beirut, Lebanon

14 Housing, Land and Property
 CHAPTER 2 15

The Housing, Land and Property Context in Lebanon

2
CHAPTER 2
THE HOUSING, LAND
& PROPERTY CONTEXT
IN LEBANON

T
his chapter provides a brief introduction
to the pre-crisis housing, land and
property context in Lebanon.7 It begins
with an overview of population and
housing information, followed by a description
of the housing market. The domestic legal
and institutional framework is then discussed
– including issues related to property types,
registration, construction rules, leases and
rental agreements, squatting, and evictions. The
chapter then provides a brief review of Lebanon’s
international obligations with respect to the
right to adequate housing, and more specifically,
refugee rights.

7 For more information on HLP issues, please visit: http://www.globalprotectioncluster.org/en/

areas-of-responsibility/housing-land-and-property.html The Housing, Land and Property Area of
Responsibility is coordinated by UN-Habitat. The Global Protection Cluster is led by UNHCR.
 Table 1: Housing stock by tenure type and location (2004)
Beirut Mount Lebanon Peripheral areas Total
Rent 49% 28% 11% 23%
Ownership 43% 65% 85% 71%
Other 8% 6% 4% 6%
Source: World Bank (2010) in Clerc (2013)

2.1 DEMOGRAPHICS, in other specific cities.

HOUSING STOCK, & TENURE For Lebanese families, access to housing is
largely based on ownership, with the CAS surveys
Demographic information in Lebanon is very again showing that an estimated 70% of the
sensitive. The last official national census, for population owned a home in 2012 (CAS 2012
example, was conducted in 1932. More recently, in Clerc 2013). People frequently inherit a home
the Central Administration of Statistics (CAS) has (35.3%) or purchase it with accumulated savings
been conducting household surveys to update (46.7%). Renting is particularly concentrated in
demographic information. According to its 2007 the two main cities, Beirut and Tripoli. The trend of
update, the country’s resident population included homeownership is nonetheless currently changing
3.7 million individuals, in addition to 425,000 due to extremely high land and apartment prices,
Palestinian refugees, bringing the total population but also because the housing market supply
to 4.2 million.8 Comparing this figure to earlier continues to privilege high-end housing products,
numbers released by the CAS in the early 1990s, well above the means of most local or vulnerable
it indicates that population growth rate has been households.
low, at an annual rate of 0.4%. This can be
explained by relatively high rates of emigration. According to the CAS survey of household
expenditures in the country (2007), the largest
The distribution of Lebanon’s population is share of spending for households in Lebanon
largely concentrated in Beirut and its suburbs, with is housing (including the cost of services such
the greater Beirut area accounting for more than as water, heating, and electricity). On average,
a third of the national population. More generally, it represents 25.6% of annual spending for
the Lebanese population is highly urbanized, with the median household. However, it can be
an estimated 90% living in cities.9 much higher, representing 45% for the lowest
income groups surveyed in 2004. According to
According to the 2007 CAS Survey, the total international norm, housing should represent
estimated number of primary residences in the 30% of monthly expenditure.
country was less than 888,813. The survey also
estimated a total number of 1,000,000 residences.
This figure, however, does not include the stock of
informal housing, which CAS does not consistently 2.2 HOUSING MARKET
include in its estimates (see table below). Given & GOVERNMENT POLICIES
the aggregate form in which CAS releases its
numbers, it is also difficult to estimate the actual In order to understand the housing sector in
number of residences in the Greater Beirut area or Lebanon, it is first important to note that housing

8 Central Administration of Statistics, Report Demographic Reality of Lebanon, 2007 http://www.cas.gov.lb/images/PDFs/Demographic2007-ar.pdf.

9 UN-ESCWA, Report The demographic Profile of Lebanon. 2012 http://www.escwa.un.org/popin/members/lebanon.pdf.

16 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 2 17

The Housing, Land and Property Context in Lebanon

is only available through the market. Since its the 1950s and 1960s but their composition
independence in 1942, the Lebanese state has and population profile changed dramatically
rarely engaged in the production of public housing during the civil war (1975-1990) and the post-
or introduced measures to protect or secure war reconstruction period. Over the last decade,
affordable housing for low-income groups. and owing to the large demand for affordable
rent by migrant workers, many of these
National housing policies have not included neighborhoods have become primary areas for
measures commonly found in similar countries. rental accommodation. This serves as a form of
There are, for instance, no public housing projects income generation and capital accumulation (for
in the country. Furthermore, despite the fact that owners) and responds to the housing needs of a
many other countries have engaged in property very large number of migrant workers from Syria
regularization and neighborhood upgrading, and elsewhere.
Lebanese policymakers continue to perceive such
informal settlements as strictly undesirable and The real estate sector (including its speculative
criminalize their population. Finally, even pro- aspects) is protected as one of the only successful
poor policies – such as rent control introduced “productive” sectors of the national economy
in the period preceding the civil war – have since (together with industries and services). There are
been lifted. In 1992, rental agreements were very few market regulations, property taxes are
liberalized, allowing rental prices to be set by the low, and real estate speculation is rampant and
market.10 Since the late 1990s, housing policy has untaxed. The sector accounted for 13-15% of the
aimed to facilitate the operation of the housing GDP in 2009 and 2010.12
market through incentives. These are mostly given
to private banks for the provision of housing loans Furthermore, the market is heavily segmented
or a limited number of subsidized housing loans. and tends to respond to high-end needs where
Although subsidized, these loans have remained profits are more lucrative. A recent study on
unaffordable for Lebanese low and middle income property prices indicated that the average price
families. of an apartment in municipal Beirut is currently
USD 1.091 million, while the minimum monthly
Low-income families and individuals in Lebanon wage is pegged at USD 350 (Ramco Real Estate
typically access urban housing within low-income Advisors, in Bank Audi report).13 The average
neighborhoods and (Palestinian) refugee camps.11 sales price of residential properties in Lebanon is
Distributed mostly within the peri-urban areas estimated to range between USD 3,800 and USD
of large cities (e.g. Beirut, Saida, Tripoli), these 4,500 per square meter, far beyond the means of
neighborhoods were estimated to accommodate the vast majority of the population.14 As a result,
30% of the Greater Beirut population before the demand for affordable suburban residential areas
current Syrian crisis. Constructions in these areas has grown while Beirut’s share of the total regional
typically combine several forms of illegality, such volume of real estate transactions has gradually
as violations of building and construction codes, dropped, from 8.21% in 2008 to 7.03% in 2012.15
urban regulations, and property rights. Many
of these neighborhoods first emerged during Meanwhile, access to housing and services in

10 It is worth to note that there are 200,000 apartments or so which remain under the so-called “old rental law”, and hence under pre-1992 rental
contracts at highly subsidized prices. This law has recently been revoked by the Parliament, freeing old rents over the next decade. However, the decision
is yet to come into effect, as it has not been ratified by the President.
11 Fawaz, M. and I. Peillen, 2002. Slums of Beirut, download at: http://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-projects/Global_Report/pdfs/Beirut.pdf
12 See Clerc (2013).
13 See Ramco Study findings in Al Akhbar, Feb. 14, 2014.
14 Bank Audi, Annual Report, Lebanon Real Estate Report, Dec. 2013.
15 Bank Med, Analysis of Real Estate Transactions in Lebanon (2008-2013), 2013.
 low-income neighborhoods, squatter areas, and Affairs (MoSA) is the government’s lead for the
refugee camps has also been overtaken by market Syrian refugee crisis, and therefore, coordinates
mechanisms.16 The lack of available affordable with the UN agencies and other international
land and the lures of a booming real-estate sector actors. It is also directly responsible for housing
have indeed frequently attracted developers to issues, though its past role in this sector has not
build housing complexes within areas historically been significant. The Ministry is responsible for
developed either as squatters or, more frequently, the Public Corporation for Housing (PCH),
illegal land subdivisions. These markets, however, which was established in 1996 following the
provide limited protection for their users.17 Multiple dissolution of the Ministry of Housing. The main
sales of a single apartment are very common in role of the PCH has been to facilitate access to
Beirut with little recourse for those who have housing for low-income groups. Actually, its role
invested in fraudulent developments. In many has consisted of facilitating housing loans for
cases, these informal areas are poorly serviced by middle-income groups through partnerships with
formal utilities. Wealthier households therefore commercial banks.
mitigate the frequent water and electricity
outages by purchasing these services from private Other entities with housing responsibilities
operators. include the Displacement Fund and the Directorate
General of Cooperatives. The Displacement
In summarizing the pre-crisis state of the Fund was established in 1992 following the end
Lebanese housing sector, a 2013 World Bank of the civil war to help displaced populations
study stated, “Lebanon has been facing a housing return to their homeland. It has undertaken the
crisis for the past three decades.”18 The chronic rehabilitation of deteriorated neighborhoods
under-investment in affordable housing or rental in Beirut and has built one large scale low
housing has contributed to “the development income housing complex in Tripoli. Accusations
of marginalized poverty pockets and informal of corruption have dogged the agency in the
areas… characterized by poor housing conditions past. Meanwhile, the Directorate General of
and limited access to basic urban services and Cooperatives has undertaken only a few housing
infrastructure.”19 related initiatives, yet with limited success.

The two central level institutions with

2.3 INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK responsibilities related to urban development
are: The Council for Development and
FOR HOUSING & URBAN Reconstruction (CDR) established in 1977 as
DEVELOPMENT IN LEBANON an executive arm of the Prime Minister’s Office; it
does not report to any line Ministry.20 Since the
This section describes the main government 1990s, the CDR has articulated and coordinated
institutions involved in the Syrian refugee crisis in several large scale planning interventions (physical,
Lebanon. It focuses on national level institutions infrastructural, and social) including the National
related to housing and urban development, as Master plan of Lebanon (approved in 2009). The
well as the role of local authorities. CDR also plays a key role in the interface between
national authorities and international donors and
At the national level, the Ministry of Social lending agencies.
16 Fawaz, M. 2011.
17 Fawaz, M. 2009.
18 World Bank “Lebanon: Economic and Social Impact Assessment of the Syrian Conflict,” Washington, DC.
19 World Bank (2013), ibid, p. 116.
20 In 1977, the CDR replaced the Ministry of Planning as an agency with exceptional powers to “rebuild” the country following the civil war that started in
1975. After 1990, the CDR again plays a key role first in the “reconstruction” and then the development of Lebanon at the national level.

18 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 2 19

The Housing, Land and Property Context in Lebanon

The Directorate General of Urbanism of the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities.
(DGU) is the main urban planning agency in According to Lebanese law, municipalities are
the country, entrusted with the organization of entrusted with issuing building permits, enforcing
national, regional, and local territories. The DGU local building and environmental regulations, and
is also entrusted with supporting local authorities ensuring the management of their territories.
in the provision of building permits when they do In the current crisis, and given their immediate
not possess the required in-house technical means relation to local contexts, municipalities are the
to conduct the tasks. The tools available to the main public authority in immediate contact with
DGU are limited (i.e. land use master plans, land the refugees.
pooling, and land readjustment projects) and the
agency has been widely criticized for its lack of Since the mid-1970s, municipalities have been
dynamism and innovation. The main offices of the legally entitled –in fact encouraged– to operate
DGU are located in Beirut, but the agency also at the regional level by combining the efforts of
has several decentralized offices that cover the several municipal jurisdictions into regional unions
national territory. in view of strengthening their planning and
service provision efforts. Since the mid-1990s, and
The Ministry of Interior and Municipalities in response to a set of public incentives, Unions
(MoIM) is responsible for local authorities in of Municipalities have proliferated throughout
Lebanon. Administratively, Lebanon has a four- the country. Despite a dubious process of
tier hierarchy: Central, Mohafazat, Caza, and amalgamation –frequently motivated by political
Baladiyyah (Municipality). With the exception or sectarian agendas– the unions have recently
of Beirut, all Mohafazats are in turn divided engaged in interesting strategic planning exercises
into Cazas. Mohafazas and Cazas represent the at the regional level.
levels of decentralization in Lebanon, whereas
municipalities are the only autonomous, elected Internally, municipal authorities consist of two
body as defined by the Law. The MoIM exercises major bodies: A decision making body represented
its authority over the management, budget, by the Municipal Council, and an executive
and finances of all municipalities through the authority embodied in the Municipal Council’s
Qaemaqam (who heads each Caza) and the President. According to decree no. 118/1977,
Mohafez (who heads each Mohafazat. The issued on June 30th, 1977 (Municipalities’ Law),
Qaemaqam and Mohafez provide their approval both bodies have significant authority on housing-
(within certain financial thresholds) of budgets, related issues. For example, article 49 states that
contracts, authorization of works, disposal of the Municipal Council can determine the fee rate
municipal property, approval of donations, and for the issuing of a construction permit, while Law
dispute resolution. The Minister of Interior and No. 60/88 entitles the Council to set the fee for
Municipalities is responsible for organizational the registration of lease agreements.
issues such as the creation of municipal units, the
specifications of supplies, works, and services, and Article 74 of Decree No. 118/1977 grants
disciplinary sanctions.21 the Municipal Council’s President many housing-
related prerogatives, including authorizing
Currently there are some 750 municipalities housing construction and issuing housing permits,
organized into 51 Unions of Municipalities destroying dilapidated buildings and ordering
Municipal jurisdiction is legally broad; however, it is their rehabilitation, and more broadly, ensuring
limited in practice by the cumbersome procedures the application of the construction law, notably

21 For more details on the municipal sector in Lebanon please consult: Municipal Finance Studies Program, Final Strategic Framework International City/
County Management Association (ICMA), in contribution with the Consultation and Research Institute (CRI) & TCG International (TCGI), February 8th,
2011, available at: www.interior.gov.lb/Download.aspx?idf=81
 those provisions related to the settlement of issues in Lebanon. It includes a review of property
building violations. Furthermore, article 15 of types, procedures for property registration and
Law no. 60/88 states that each municipality must transactions, construction-related laws, laws
hold a register (the equivalent of a local cadastre) regulating rental agreements, occupation of land
in which it must document each existing real and property, and the framework for evictions.
property within the municipality’s jurisdiction, and
each building built, their rental value, and the
persons occupying them (whether these persons 2.4.1 Land and Property Types
are owners or tenants). in Lebanon
More generally, decree no. 118/1977 There are three main types of land in
entrusts municipalities with a broad range of Lebanon: private, public, and awkaf. Private
tasks which have often been freely interpreted land and property may be owned individually or
by municipalities in Lebanon in order to further collectively and must be registered to ensure the
broaden their decision-making power. However full protection of state law. It is important to note
municipal decision-making is limited by two major that private land and property ownership is based
factors. First, as stated above, many decisions are on a system of shares. Each property is made up
subject to the approval of a higher authority (e.g. of 2,400 shares. If property is owned by many
the Qaemaqam or the Mouhafez etc…). Second, persons, each person is the owner of a certain
municipalities have limited resources (financial number of shares of the property, but without
and personnel), which often prevents them from being allocated a specific physical part of it.
implementing whatever decision they need to
enforce by law. Public land is divided into two types: (i) state
public property and (ii) state private property. State
It is obvious from the above that local authorities public property is regulated by decree no. 144
have the potential to play a significant positive role which concerns property that is destined by nature
in the refugee crisis. They are close to the day- for public use (eg. roads, seashores, etc...).22 State
to-day reality of the refugee situation and can be private property, by contrast, is regulated by
more easily held accountable by local population. decree no. 275, which concerns the developed or
At the same time, some of the structural issues undeveloped land that is not destined by its nature
characterizing the Lebanese housing market for public use. These properties can belong to the
clearly require national level leadership. Thus, State (represented by the Ministry of Finance), or
both national and local authorities will require to municipalities. Thus, Lebanese municipalities do
strengthening their structures to play their roles have land at their disposal and the legal authority
effectively. to allocate it for different uses.

The third category of land, awkaf, is also

2.4 THE DOMESTIC LEGAL known as religious endowment land. It is a land
that has been entrusted to a religious organization,
FRAMEWORK FOR HOUSING often for a specific social purpose (eg. school) or,
IN LEBANON more generally, for charitable purposes.23 Religious
groups have used awkaf land to settle Syrian
This section provides a broad overview of the refugees, as we will see in Chapter 3.
legal framework for housing, land, and property

22 Decree no. 144 issued on June 10th, 1925 related to public property.
23 See Sait and Lim, “Land, Law and Islam: Property and Human Rights in the Muslim World, London, Zed Books, 2006, published in association with
UN-Habitat.

20 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 2 21

The Housing, Land and Property Context in Lebanon

With respect to the Syrian crisis, both state s Regarding the 2,400 share system, any
private land and awkaf provide some specific sale must be approved by all co-owners,28
opportunities for sheltering refugees in a way whereas any lease or rehabilitation of the
that would give authorities more control over the property requires the formal approval of
location, terms and conditions, and beneficiaries three quarters of the co-owners.29
than it would be possible through market
mechanisms alone. s The unauthorized occupation of registered
property, no matter for how long, does
not grant the occupant any property
2.4.2 Land and Property Registration rights whatsoever. Thus, property owners
and Transactions who have registered their property at RER
have strong rights. As noted above, it is
The Lebanese real-estate system is based not uncommon for many people to avoid
on a cadastral system, which is a parcel-based registration or to not update the property
land information system that registers land and information at RER.
property. According to Lebanese law, only properly
demarcated properties can be registered at the s Regarding inheritance, the transfer of
Real Estate Registry (RER). In general, most built up property rights is made automatically
urban areas have been demarcated and registered. upon the death of the owner (de cujus).
If the land has not been properly registered with It is also worth noting that the right of
the Real Estate Registry, any transaction (sale or non-Lebanese persons to acquire real
lease) is not legally enforceable.24 In addition, only rights are restricted by law, and even
registered rights are enforceable against a third forbidden in some cases by Presidential
party, for example, in the case of land or property Decree no. 11614 on Foreign Acquisition
rented-out or sold by someone else.25 of Property as amended by Law no. 296 in
2001.
If the buyer of real property fails to register
the sale contract at the RER during the prescribed In sum, Lebanon has an established legal
period of ten years the buyer legally loses his right system for registering and transacting land and
to register the transfer of ownership at the RER.26 property. Although the system provides strong
However, non-registration at RER is a widespread protection for registered rights, it is also evident
practice especially amongst low-income buyers. that the poor and those living in low-income
High registration fees and the requirement that neighborhoods are less likely to benefit from the
properties comply with building and zoning full protection of the registration system. The
regulations, combined with the absence of effective widespread prevalence of informality in land and
enforcement, make registration a burden.27 property registration does provide a minimum, if
uncertain, degree of security as systemic reforms
Several other aspects of land and property do not seem imminent.
registration in Lebanon should be highlighted:

24 See Article 393 of the Lebanese Code of Obligations and Contracts (COC) Issued on March 9th, 1932 and Article 11 of decree no. 188 establishing the
Real Estate Registry Issued on March 15th, 1926.
25 See Article 9 of decree no. 188 ibid.
26 Article 349 of the COC, op cit.
27 Nizar & Rana Saghieh, “Legal Assessment of Housing,…” op.cit. .
28 Articles 824 and above of the COC, as well as Article 20 of Regulation no. 3339, issued on November 12th, 1930.
29 Article 835 of the COC, also as an example, please check the provisions of decree no. 15874 issued on December 5th, 2005 regarding the application of
the construction law, notably article 2 of the said decree.
 Picture 4: Building under constuction - Beirut, Lebanon

In certain regions of the Lebanese territory, notably

2.4.3 Construction Law and with respect to “non-classified lands,” property is
Building Regulations frequently co-owned by many people.31 Often,
the signatures do not represent the total number
The surge in new construction justifies a of shares (2,400) and in some cases the heirs
quick overview of Lebanese construction law are unidentifiable, often because RER records do
and building regulations.30 The construction not include up-to-date records of transactions.
law states that the construction of any building These challenges are also common in low-income
requires a construction permit. The process neighborhoods where property registration is
involves submitting property records, evidence of often incomplete.
the consent of all property owners, full drawings
certified by a registered architect and engineer, a Building regulations specify the maximum
recent plan of all projected and approved planning allowed area for construction within a particular
regulations in the area, and the payment of various plot of land.32 These limits have not always been
fees. All planned buildings need to conform to the respected, notably in non-classified lands. As an
zoning and building regulations enforced in the example, it had been noted in a 2008 report that
country and area. The law stipulates that illegally due to the small total and ground exploitation
constructed buildings must be destroyed. coefficients (respectively 50% and 25%), as well
as the inability to obtain the signatures of all co-
In reality, these conditions are often not met. owners on the construction permit many buildings

30 Decree-law no. 148, issued on September 16th, 1983.

31 Non-classified lands are areas where no specific planning is yet done.
32 The total exploitation coefficient is a multiple of the whole plot of land that defines the maximum construction area on the site, whereas the ground
exploitation coefficient is the maximum percentage footprint of a plot of land that a building can occupy. Both are regulated by the Lebanese law on
Urban Planning (decree-Law no. 69, issued on September 9th, 1983).

22 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 2 23

The Housing, Land and Property Context in Lebanon

have thus been illegally built; and consequently Old lease contracts are automatically renewed
remained unregistered at the RER to this day.33 every year. Security of tenure is thus assured to
both the tenant and their family. Indeed, the law
Again, while the letter of the law gives states that if the tenant passes away, they are
cause for concern, day-to-day practice generally automatically replaced in the lease contract by
proves otherwise. In reality, the law enforcement members of their family living with them in the
of regulations does provide some de facto, if leased property at the time of their death. In April
uncertain, security of tenure, though it must also 2014, the Lebanese parliament approved a law to
be recognized that wealthier and well-connected phase out old lease agreements over a period of
people are more likely to benefit from this de nine (9) years. This law awaits the ratification of
facto security. Experience suggests, however, that the President of the Republic.
exceptions can be made to the law. Following
the 2006 war with Israel, building and zoning Regarding new lease contracts, Law no. 159
regulations made it legally impossible to rebuild amending article 543 of the COC stipulates
historic village cores. A policy was drafted to that the terms of new lease contracts are to be
address this issue and, even if not officially agreed on by the parties to the contract. Rent
adopted as law, the recommendations became prices, however, may vary with every renewal.
established practice. In reality, local authorities Nevertheless, the new contract provides security of
have a significant level of discretion in enforcing tenure for the first three consecutive years of the
building codes and regulations or allowing for contract. In fact, if any lease agreement between
flexibility in their interpretation. the parties has a duration of less than three years,
the tenant is entitled to ask for an extension of the
lease for a period of up to three consecutive years.
2.4.4 Lease and Rental Contracts
By contrast, lease agreements for unbuilt
There are two important distinctions in property (i.e. those for informal settlements) do
Lebanese law related to rental agreements. The not benefit from the provisions of article 543 of
first is the distinction between lease contracts the COC related to the tenant’s right to extend
for built and unbuilt real property (i.e. whether the lease period up to three years. In fact, from a
or not construction has taken place on the legal standpoint, the duration of a lease agreement
property). Thus, rental agreements for homes or regarding an informal settlement can hypothetically
apartments are treated differently from the rental vary from several days to several years.
of undeveloped land (on which most informal
settlements are established). For the establishment of the lease’s duration,
one must distinguish between different situations:
A second distinction arises in the case of built
real property, between leases executed under the s With regard to oral lease agreement
terms of “old lease contracts” and those under (unwritten), its duration may be fixed
“new lease contracts.” Lease contracts signed according to local custom, that is, the
prior to July 13th, 1992 are commonly referred to predominant local practice;36
as “old lease contracts,”34 while those signed after
July 13th, 1992 are more commonly referred to as s On the other hand, in the case of written
“new lease contracts.”35 lease agreement, the parties may or may

33 Nizar & Rana Saghieh, NRC report, October 2008 op. cit.
34 Regulated by law no. 160 issued on July 22nd, 1992.
35 Regulated by the provision of the COC, particularly article 543 as amended by law no. 159 issued on July 22nd, 1992
36 Ibid.
 not have agreed on its duration. Should the Regarding the state’s public property,
parties reach an agreement, the duration according to decree no. 144 both the state and
of the contract is then fixed according municipalities can authorize temporary occupation
to article 591 of the COC based on the of such property, notably if such occupation was
term agreed upon by the parties for the related to the undertaking of a project of public
payment of the rent. For example, if the interest. The decree fixed the duration of such
parties agreed that the rent is to be paid authorization for one year in principle, with the
on a monthly basis, then the contract’s possibility of renewal. The occupant is supposed
duration is considered to be for a month. to pay the relevant fees in advance, however,
The contract ends on the date of each such fees can be symbolic (e.g. LBP 1,000, less
payment. than USD 1). Finally, the government may at any
moment and for any reason reclaim the public
In all cases, if the tenant stays after the end of property without paying any compensation. The
the contract term and his stay remains unopposed occupant’s only recourse is to reclaim the fees or
by the landlord, the lease agreement is then parts of the fees that were paid in advance to the
considered automatically renewed under the same relevant administration.
conditions.37 If its duration was determined by the
parties, it is then renewed for the same duration. Regarding the state’s private property, decree
If not, either party may rescind the contract; no. 275 distinguishes between two main types of
however, the tenant is entitled to terminate the state private property: agricultural lands and state-
contract within the duration fixed by local custom. owned properties located in cities. Agricultural
lands can only be leased to farmers for agricultural
If the contract had a determined duration, purposes. Farmers may not sub-lease such lands
the landlord can terminate the contract at the without the prior authorization of the relevant
end of that duration without giving a notice or administration, and in all cases such leases must
compensation.38 If the parties did not agree on a be for agricultural purposes only. State-owned
determined duration, the landlord is allowed to property located in cities, however, can be leased
evict within the duration fixed by local customs. In via a public auction or, by mutual agreement with
any case however, evictions must be mandated by the eventual tenant if the public auction failed.
court as stated above.
In both cases (rural and urban), leases are
As we will see later, this distinction means governed by the COC’s regulation related to lease
that people renting land to establish informal agreements, which means that article 543 of the
settlements are less protected under Lebanese law COC securing tenure for a minimum of three years
than those renting built structures. is applicable. However, article 60 of decree no. 275
limits such lease agreements to a maximum of four
years, beyond which the relevant administration
2.4.5 Lease of State-Owned may no longer lease-out the concerned property.
Property
Finally, whether it is the state’s public property
Leases of state owned property are regulated or the state’s private property, the relevant
differently from private property. The regulations administration may authorize persons to occupy
for state-public and state-private property are the property without the need to establish a
discussed below. lease agreement (what is commonly referred to in
Lebanese legal jargon as tasamouh or tolerance).

37 Article 592 of the COC.

38 Article 590 of the COC.

24 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 2 25

The Housing, Land and Property Context in Lebanon

However such authorization is revocable at any a shelter), then the occupant would be exempted
moment by the relevant administration which from the penalty and fine stated in article 738 of
can evict the occupants without the need for the Penal Code.39
any justification. Nevertheless, and in all cases,
the administration must respect a reasonable Thus, while Lebanese law does not recognize
notice period for eviction in line with international adverse possession (also known as “squatter’s
standards. rights”), Lebanese courts have been relatively
tolerant of such occupation in cases of extreme
Thus, there is considerable flexibility within need, such as may be expected in the case of
Lebanese law governing lease agreements. Syrian refugees.
Central and local authorities, in principle, have
considerable discretion to allocate state public
land or property for public purposes. 2.4.7 Eviction

In all cases, even when the owner of the real

2.4.6 Unauthorized Occupation of property is legally entitled to evict the occupant(s),
Private or State Property evictions must be mandated by court. Indeed, the
owner does not have the right to evict the tenant
The occupation of another person’s real without a court order based on the legal principle
property (e.g. squatting) as well as the occupation that forbids taking the law into one’s own hands
of public property in Lebanon, regardless of the (“nul ne peut se faire justice à soi-même”) and
length of occupation or the improvements the Lebanese judges have extensively ruled in that
occupant makes to the property, does not grant direction.40 In fact, Lebanese law penalizes self-
any real right to the occupant. Rather, such help evictions. Article 429 of the Penal Code
occupation is regarded as a criminal act. Article establishes a penalty of LBP 200,000 (USD 140) for
738 of the Lebanese Penal Code states that anyone who takes the law into their own hands
anyone who occupies a real property without and article 430 of the Penal Code establishes a
authorization shall be imprisoned between one prison sentence that can reach up to two years
month and one year, and shall be fined up to LBP if such actions were undertaken with the use of
one million (USD 700). And in case the occupant violence (whether with or without the use of arms)
seized a building that is occupied by a public or moral coercion. One can also use provisions of
institution, the same article stipulates that the International Law in this regard, notably regarding
sentence shall be increased by one-third or by one- the right to privacy as enshrined by a number of
half and the fine is then doubled. International Conventions ratified by Lebanon.41

However, in some cases, courts have Thus, even if a tenant is to be evicted, a

considered that if the illegal occupation of another landlord legally must obtain the court’s permission
person’s real property was due to a state of to do so. A system of procedures to undertake
extreme necessity and if the occupation itself was the eviction should be followed. These provisions,
proportionate to the danger the occupant was combined with previous court rulings, provide
trying to avoid (e.g. being rendered completely significant opportunities to challenge unlawful
homeless with no other means to have access to eviction in court.

39 e.g. the decision issued by Baabda’s Single Criminal Judge on 08/02/1989. Even though the said decision penalized the defendants based on article 738
of the Penal Code, the judge established however, via an obiter dictum, the rules in order to exempt an occupant who illegally occupies another person’s
real property, from the provisions of article 738.
40 e.g. Civil Judge of Beirut (president Mekié), decision no. 501, issued on November 11th, 2002.
41 e.g. articles 12 of the UDHR and 17 of the ICCPR.
 2.5 LEBANON’S Constitution’s preamble specifically states that
“there shall be no […] settlement of non-Lebanese
OBLIGATIONS UNDER [tawteen43] in Lebanon.” This paragraph, aiming
INTERNATIONAL LAW to prohibit citizenship for Palestinian refugees to
avoid demographic sectarian disequilibrium, led
This section summarizes the constitutional and the Lebanese Constitutional Court to set limits to
international human rights basis for Lebanon’s the enjoyment of basic rights, notably regarding
obligations with respect to refugees and the right the enjoyment of housing rights, by non-Lebanese
to adequate housing. persons. In 2001 the Lebanese legislature issued
a law according to which “No real right of any
kind may be acquired by a person who does not
2.5.1 Constitutional Basis for carry a citizenship issued by a recognized state
Lebanon’s Human Rights Obligations or by a person if such acquisition contradicts
with the provisions of the Constitution relating
The Lebanese Constitution as amended in to the prohibition of permanent settlement [of
1990 states that “Lebanon is […] a founding and Palestinians].” 44 The Constitutional Council issued
active member of the United Nations Organization a decision on May 5th, 2001, upholding the law
and abides by its covenants and by the Universal and stating that preventing permanent settlement
Declaration of Human Rights.” In this respect, [tawteen] is of primary national interest, and that
it is worth noting that Lebanon acceded to the laws discriminating against some foreigners do not
International Convention on the Elimination of breach the international conventions, especially
All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CEDAW) on when the discrimination is related to economic
November 12th, 1971 and to both the International rights.45
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and
the International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) on November 3rd, 2.5.2 Lebanon’s Obligations
1972. Thus, Article 25 of the Universal Declaration to Syrian Refugees
of Human Rights (UDHR) and Article 11 of the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and While Lebanon has not ratified the 1951
Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which recognize the Refugee Convention,46 the Convention’s
right of everyone to an adequate standard of protections with respect to adequate housing –
living (including adequate housing) are considered notably Article 21 – have largely been superseded
a part of the Lebanese Constitution. 42 through the near universal acceptance of the
human right to adequate housing as expressed in
However, pursuant to the 1990 constitutional the ICESCR.47 Indeed, as noted by Displacement
amendment, paragraph “I” of the Lebanese Solutions, “the language of the ICESCR is inclusive:

42 Article 25(1) of the UDHR: “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including
food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability,
widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control”; Article 11(1) of the ICESCR: “The States Parties to the present
Covenant recognize the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living for himself and his family, including adequate food, clothing and housing,
and to the continuous improvement of living conditions. The States Parties will take appropriate steps to ensure the realization of this right, recognizing
to this effect the essential importance of international co-operation based on free consent”.
43 “Permanent settlement” or “settlement of non-Lebanese” are often referred to in many reports by the Arabic term of “Tawteen.”
44 Law no 296.
45 For a criticism of this decision, see Nizar & Rana Saghieh, “Legal Assessment of Housing, Land and Property Ownership, Rights, Transfers, and Property
Law related to Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon,” NRC report, October 2008.
46 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, Adopted on July 28th, 1951.
47 Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) report: “From Shelter to Housing: security of tenure and integration in protracted displacement settings,” December
2011.

26 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 2 27

The Housing, Land and Property Context in Lebanon

the rights are to be granted to ‘everyone’ and are
not limited to nationals of the States parties.”48 The
relevant provisions of the ICESCR are discussed in
more detail in the next section.

Two bilateral agreements signed in 1993

between Lebanon and Syria are also relevant to
the current refugee crisis. First, the agreement
on Economic and Social Cooperation and
Coordination calls for the abolition of restrictions
limiting freedom of movement.49 Second, the
agreement on the Transport of Persons and Goods
that grants freedom of stay and movement for
nationals of both countries within the framework
of the laws and regulations in force.50

Based on this framework, Syrian nationals may

enter Lebanon without any prior authorization.
They are automatically granted a six-month entry
visa, provided they hold a valid Syrian national
identity card or passport. At the end of the six-
month period, Syrian nationals are entitled to
extend the validity of their stay for another
period of six months without leaving the country.
In August 2012, the General Security allowed
Syrian nationals to renew their stay a second time
without exiting the country, thereby extending
the duration of their stay in Lebanon to one and a
half years. However, this extension does not come
automatically as Syrians are required to pay a fee
of LBP 300,000 (USD 200) for each person above
15 years old, amounting to the regular fees for a
one-year residence permit.51 In January 2013, the
General Security also allowed Syrian nationals to
request a third renewal and extend their legal stay
for an additional six months without paying any
additional fees (as long as the yearly fee is paid at Picture 5: Syrian refugee family in a rented
the second renewal).52 apartment - Akkar, Lebanon

48 Displacement Solutions, Brief Commentary on Article 21 (Housing) of the 1951 Refugee Convention; see: displacementsolutions.org/commentary-on-
article-21-of-the-refugee-convention.
49 Articles 1(1) and 2(a) of the Agreement for Economic and Social Cooperation and Coordination between the Lebanese Republic and the Syrian Arab
Republic, signed on 16/9/1993, available at: http://www.syrleb.org/docs/agreements/03SOCIAL_ECONOMICeng.pdf.
50 Agreement on the Regulation of Transport of Persons and Goods between the Lebanese Republic and the Syrian Arab Republic, signed on 16/9/1993,
available at: http://syrleb.org/docs/agreements/05PERSONS_GOODSeng.pdf.
51 General Security Website, Extension of Stay for Syrian Nationals, available at: http://www.general-security.gov.lb/Arabic/News/Pages/syrian_residence.
aspx [last accessed on 21/8/2012].
52 General Security Website, Extension of Stay for Syrian Nationals, available at: http://www.general-security.gov.lb/Arabic/News/Pages/syrian_residence.
aspx [last accessed on 30/1/2013].
 Although Lebanon has generally maintained 2.5.3 Lebanon’s Obligations
an open border policy allowing Syrian nationals to regarding the Right to Adequate
enter the country,53 it does not recognize Syrians Housing
fleeing the violence in their country as refugees.
Consequently, the Lebanese authorities are limiting According to the United Nation’s Committee
entry to those who hold valid documentation and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR),55
do not have entry bans due to the commission of the right to adequate housing is of central
past offenses. importance for the enjoyment of all economic,
social, and cultural rights. Housing should thus
Regarding deportation, prosecutors and not be understood simply as a commodity or as
courts have generally refused to drop charges shelter, but rather as the right to live somewhere
of illegal entry or stay against refugees, in security, peace, and dignity. The Committee
although the majority of decisions rejected the went on to identify seven aspects of the right that
deportation of refugees on the basis of Article 3 must be taken into account, including:
of the Convention against Torture and other
Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or s Habitability, notably in terms of protecting
Punishment, ratified by Lebanon in 2000. A individuals from cold, damp, heat, rain,
landmark court decision ruled that the illegal entry wind or other threats to health, structural
of a Syrian national could not be considered as a hazards, and disease vectors.
crime in light of the natural right to seek asylum.54 s Availability of services, materials, facilities,
Thus, while upholding the law with regard to illegal and infrastructure (i.e. safe drinking water,
entry or stay, courts have been lenient regarding energy for cooking, heating and lighting,
the enforcement of deportation provisions. sanitation and washing facilities, means
of food storage, refuse disposal, site
In sum, despite not having signed the 1951 drainage, and emergency services etc.).
Refugee Convention, Lebanese authorities
s Affordability at such a level that the
appear to show a certain leniency towards Syrian
attainment and satisfaction of other basic
refugees, including those without legal status.
needs are not threatened or compromised.
However, Syrians wishing to stay in Lebanon
The Committee stressed that steps should
legally must be able to afford the fee of USD
be taken to ensure that “the percentage
200 per person (over 15 years of age) to renew
of housing-related costs is, in general,
their residency. The payment of this fee will have
commensurate with income levels,” that
clear impacts on household expenditures of the
housing subsidies for those unable to
poorest refugees. As the subsequent sections of
obtain affordable housing are established,
this study demonstrate, rent represents 50 percent
and that tenants are protected against
of monthly refugee household expenditure and
unreasonable rent fees or rent increases.56
such levels are becoming unsustainable for many
vulnerable households. Additional residency s Legal security of tenure against forced
fees, if strictly enforced, may push more refugee eviction, harassment, and other threats.
households to down-grade the quality of their Thus, evictions should not result in
shelter in order to meet this expense. individuals being rendered homeless or
vulnerable to violations of other human
rights. Furthermore, the Committee
53 Revised Syria Regional Response Plan, September 2012 (The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) continues to permit refugees to access Lebanon) Human
Rights Watch, Syria Neighbors: Keep Borders Open for Refugees, 29 August 2012, available at: http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/08/29/syria-neighbors-
keep-borders-open-refugees.
54 Case No. 1445/2012 of the Single Criminal Judge in Tripoli, Decision of Judge Nazek El Khatib on 23/8/2012.
55 “The Right to Adequate Housing (Art.11 (1))”, CESCR General Comment no 4, 12/3/1991.
56 Ibid.

28 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 2 29

The Housing, Land and Property Context in Lebanon

applies a proportionality test to guarantee considered “adequate” and clear limits to ensure
security of tenure as it states that “in that evictions are not “forced.” Most importantly,
cases where eviction is considered to be the right to adequate housing specifies that State
justified, it should be carried out in strict Parties ensure that these measures are upheld,
accordance with general principles of regardless if one is a national, or, for example, a
reasonableness and proportionality.”57 The refugee.
Committee also states that legal remedies
or procedures should be provided to those
who are affected by eviction orders and CONCLUSION
that the state “must take all appropriate
measures, to the maximum of its available This chapter has provided a broad overview
resources, to ensure that adequate of the Lebanese HLP context prior to the Syrian
alternative housing, resettlement or access refugee crisis. The country’s formal housing
to productive land, as the case may be, is market has been geared towards the production of
available.”58 apartments and housing targeting upper-income
s Location, should allow access to brackets. Central institutions with a housing and
employment options, health-care services, urban development mandate have not delivered
and schools; notably not to be built on policies or programs to address the housing needs
polluted sites nor in immediate proximity of lower-income families. The relatively weak
to pollution sources. capacity of the central state has, however, enabled
informal markets to work. Housing continues to
s Accessibility, that is, without discrimination
be produced in low-income neighborhoods, albeit
against vulnerable groups.
with minimal controls related to building quality
s Cultural adequacy, appropriately built in and density and with poor quality infrastructure
accordance with occupants’ use of space. and services. Much of the day-to-day regulation
of markets and housing production, therefore, is
In the event of eviction, General Comment No. left to local authorities.
7 describes forced evictions as “the permanent or
temporary removal against their will of individuals, From a legal perspective, Lebanon’s domestic
families and/or communities from the homes framework and its international obligations
and/or land which they occupy, without the regarding the right to adequate housing create a
provision of, and access to, appropriate forms of relatively strong foundation for the protection of
legal or other protection.”59 States are obliged Syrian’s HLP rights. State private property, as well
to refrain from carrying out forced evictions as awkaf religious endowments, can be allocated
and to prosecute those that engage in unlawful for public purposes. Written lease agreements for
eviction. Importantly, even justifiable evictions (as built property should enable Syrians to benefit
in the case of non-payment of rent) must follow from fixed rates for three years, though leases on
established due-process procedures, including unbuilt land (for example, land leased for informal
valid justification, exhaustion of alternatives, settlements) do not automatically benefit from
following established procedures regarding notice, this provision. Finally, evictions cannot legally be
timing, etc., and ensuring that eviction does not carried out without a court mandate.
render the evicted person(s) homeless.
The following chapters will review how the
In sum, the right to adequate housing refugee crisis has unfolded within the Lebanese
establishes clear guidance for housing to be context.

57 “The right to adequate housing (Art.11 (1)): forced evictions”, CESCR General Comment no 7, (1997) on the Right to Adequate Housing, http://
58Ȇ 59 CESCR, General Comment Number 7, (1997), ibid.
30 Housing, Land and Property
 CHAPTER 33 31
CHAPTER

Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

3
CHAPTER 3
SYRIAN ACCESS
TO SHELTER
IN LEBANON

O
ver one million Syrian refugees are
currently living in Lebanon, mainly
in the north, but distributed across
the entire country (see Map 1). The
vast majority have secured shelter through market
channels. As no housing market can possibly
absorb such a dramatic surge in demand, refugees
are sheltering in a wide range of settings.

While earlier waves of refugees were better off

and able to secure decent rental accommodation,
subsequent arrivals have tended to be less
fortunate; they were able to afford only lower
quality shelter. UNHCR’s August 2013 Shelter
Survey revealed that 50.9% of Syrian refugees
are at shelter risk and the same planning figure
was carried forward for 2014. This means that
today at least 510,000 Syrian refugees are at
shelter risk, defined to include: (i) Eviction risk due
to ‘exhaustion of resources’ ‘no job’ or ‘rent too
high’; (ii) Overcrowded space: ‘more than three
families in the same premises’; (iii) Poor shelter
quality: shelter items have to be fixed or replaced
(roof, windows, bathroom etc…).60

60 Cited in Inter-Agency Shelter Working Group Shelter Strategy for 2014, pp.12-13.
 Map 1: Distribution of Syrian Refugees in Lebanon

North Lebanon
Registeered
275,981 5,369
Awaiting

Beirut & Mt. Lebanon

275,338 14,580

Bekaa
355,508 36,175

South Lebanon
127,349 1,972

Source: Refugee Distribution according to UNHCR , May 29, 2014. 61

This chapter reviews how Syrian refugees are 3.1 OVERVIEW OF SYRIAN
accessing shelter in Lebanon. It begins with an
overview of the different shelter types. It then REFUGEE SHELTER AND
discusses the main shelter options in more detail, HOUSING OPTIONS
with a specific focus on the agreements regarding
their occupation and use. The chapter draws on A March 2014 telephone survey of some
UNHCR’s March 2014 Shelter Survey as well as the 6,000 refugees living across Lebanon confirmed
fieldwork carried out as part of this UN-Habitat/ that rental remains the predominant mechanism
UNHCR study. through which 97% of Syrians meet their shelter
needs. However, the range of what constitutes
“shelter” varies widely (see Figure 1 below). While

61 http//data.unhcr.org.

32 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 33 33
CHAPTER

Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

Figure 1: Syrian Refugee Population Distribution Per Accomodation Type as per UNHCR Shelter Phone Survey, March 2014

3%
6%

13% Built apartment/House

Informal Settlement

3% Unfinished/Substandard Building

57% Unused Garage/Shop

One Room Structure
16% Collective Shelter/Center
Other

2%

57% of those surveyed are renting a finished networks were better able to find housing, assess
apartment or house, 25% are living in unfinished the reliability of their landlord, negotiate rent,
buildings or in non-residential structures such and secure loans. Among respondents in rural
as garages, shops, warehouses, factories, or informal settlements, many explained that they
outbuildings. A further 16% are living in “informal chose to settle in the area as extended family,
settlements” mostly in rural areas.62 Only 2% are usually following a first family member who
living in collective centers. lived on the land before the war, often as an
agricultural laborer, and had negotiated with the
The UNHCR survey indicates that a variety of landlord to allow other members of the family to
factors influenced refugees when deciding on their join him. Others explained that they had left the
shelter modality (see Figure 2). Overall, the cost more expensive urban rental areas given the lack
of rent was reported as the single most important of employment opportunities and found shelter in
variable for 44% of the surveyed refugees. As informal settlement areas through the support of
their second priority, proximity to services and these social networks.
relatives were singled out by 23% and 21% of
respondents respectively. Proximity to livelihoods UNHCR’s 2014 survey confirmed that mobility
ranked highly as a second (20%) and third (19%) is an important coping strategy for many refugees.
priority. 25% of surveyed refugees reported that they had
moved at least once. Within the surveyed refugees,
In the fieldwork carried out for the UN-Habitat/ 30% stated that the high cost of rent compelled
UNHCR HLP study, social networks were an them to move, 19% stated that their shelter
important determinant for population movements conditions were unacceptable, and 17% reported
within Lebanon. Syrian families with existing they were evicted by the landlord. The survey also

62 “Informal settlements” refers to groups of tents or other makeshift structures that have been erected on agricultural land. Informal settlements were
initially referred to as “informal tented settlements.”
 living in finished apartments or houses (from
Figure 2: Factors influencing refugee choice of shelter option 67.4% in 2013 to 57% in 2014). Second, the
number of refugees reporting themselves as
100% living in “informal settlements” has increased by
2%
6% 8%
9% 26% from 12.7% in 2013 to 16% in 2014. The
11% rationale for these increases is discussed in more
80% 23% 22% detail below.
12%
60% 21% 14%
21% 3.2 REVIEW OF THE MAIN
40% 20%
19% REFUGEE SHELTER OPTIONS
Most shelter options are make-shift individual
44% 21%
20% 14% initiatives whereby existing apartments are
subdivided, rooms are added on roofs, or non-
16% 15% residential structures are converted into housing.
0%
The main forms of shelter for low-income refugees
Second

Third

– rental of apartments or houses, informal

First

settlements, collective centers, and hosting – are

Other reviewed below.
Be within community with same background
Proximity to services: village, school, health
3.2.1 Rented Apartments and
Proximity to family or relatives
Houses
Proximity to work/livelihoods
Being far from the conflict According to the March 2014 UNHCR Shelter
Rent cost Survey, the largest percentage of refugees (73%)
rent finished or unfinished apartments, houses, or
Source: UNHCR Shelter Survey, March 2014. various types of one room structures. Typically,
1-3 room units are created by sub-dividing pre-
existing apartments or houses. The figure also
found that 57% of respondents who had moved, includes a small but significant number of units,
had left built apartments or houses, corroborating such as commercial or office spaces that have
the high cost of shelter as a proportion of the been adapted to serve as shelter. It also extends to
household budget. The high cost of rent has also old or abandoned houses in historic village cores.
been an important factor at the lower end of the
housing market, compelling 14% of respondents One of the most interesting examples
to leave informal settlements. encountered during the UN-Habitat/UNHCR study
fieldwork was a historic village core in South
In terms of broad trends, the March 2014 Lebanon where a substantial number of refugees
survey revealed two main changes taking place had found shelter in abandoned houses that
as compared to the previous survey conducted they rented out.63 Here, old houses have been
in August 2013. First, there has been a 16% rehabilitated, reviving these neighborhoods in a
decrease in the number of refugees reporting positive way that could potentially be replicated

63 Among these is the outdated typology of the old courtyard housing, the aging population and large-scale outmigration, as well as the 2006 war that left
many of these areas in very poor conditions.

34 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 33 35
CHAPTER

Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

elsewhere. the most long-term benefits - an important factor
in the event of a protracted crisis. Rehabilitation
Where the international community has of non-residential structures is likely to be less
intervened to support the rehabilitation or sustainable over the long-term.
adaptation of existing units, the improvements
have followed the standard operating procedures
agreed on by members of the Shelter Working 3.2.2 Informal Settlements (IS)65
Group in Lebanon. Thus, rehabilitation included:
(i) physical repairs to roofs, doors, windows, and The shelter type refers to a spontaneous
walls; (ii) ensuring adequate space based on settlement consisting of tents or wooden
SPHERE standards of 3.5 m2 per person with up to structures. 16% of refugees access this type of
15 persons per unit; (iii) connection to appropriate shelter. As of 31 May 2014, there were some
water supply, sewerage, and electricity facilities; 160,894 refugees living in over 1,224 informal
and (iv) additional measures for persons with settlements distributed throughout Lebanon, with
disabilities. the majority of these settlements being situated
in the North (Akkar) and the Bekaa (see Map 2
In exchange for these financial investments, below).
shelter actors have negotiated agreements with
the owners allowing for refugees to remain in the Informal settlements vary considerably from
accommodation for a period of time proportional to one place to another. In some instances, the IS
the amount invested in rehabilitation. This typically consists of a handful of tents at the edge of an
means that refugees are able to stay between six to agricultural field where workers and their families
fifteen months rent-free or at a reduced rent. The have established residence. In other cases tents
issue of rental contracts for apartments and houses and other make-shift structures cover large tracts
is discussed in section 2.3.2. of land, extend over several property lots, and
house dozens of families. The most common size
Table 2 below summarizes the number is between four and twenty-four structures (74%
of Syrians supported through these types of of informal settlements), with 18% consisting of
interventions.64 Some 21,000 Syrian families between twenty-five and forty-nine structures.
(approximately 22% of the total number of
vulnerable Syrian refugees in Lebanon) have been A comparison of the last two UNHCR shelter
assisted through this shelter option. Of all the surveys indicates that the number of IS is increasing.
shelter support provided, the rehabilitation of In August 2013, 12.6% of the surveyed refugees
existing apartments and houses is likely to have were living in informal settlements, while in the

Table 2: Syrian families supported with shelter rehabilitation or waterproofing

Refugees Refugees
Shelter Rehabilitation Total
Assisted 2012 Assisted 2013

Rehabilitation/ SSUs 8,259 23,259 31,518

Weatherproofing unfinished houses 29,509 51,720 81,229
Total Refugees Assisted with rehabilitation support 112,747
Source: Inter-Agency Shelter Working Group - Lebanon Shelter Strategy for 2014, Annex2, February 2014

64 In 2012-13, the Inter-Agency Shelter Working Group also reported that an additional 60,479 Syrians were supported with some form of cash assistance,
directly through cash for shelter (38,620) or unconditional cash (920), or, indirectly, through cash for host families (20,939). Some of these resources may
have been used for rehabilitation or adaptation of existing units. See Annex 2, Shelter Strategy for 2014, Feb 2014.
65 Initially, in 2012 and mid-2013, such settlements were referred to as “informal tented settlements”.
 Map 2: Location and Concentration of Informal Settlements in Lebanon

M
March 2014 survey, the figure had risen to 16%,
representing an increase of 26% .
re

Source: Location and Density of Informal Settlements (UNHCR 31

3 May,
Mayy 201
2 4) 66
2014)

66 http://data.unhcr.org.

36 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 33 37
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Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

Fieldwork results suggest that this growth is Shaweesh.68 The role of this community leader
due to several factors. First, many refugees are and his standing largely varies from one area
no longer able to afford their current residence or to another: Always a male, he is typically but
have chosen to reduce the share of their monthly not necessarily the first to arrive in a location,
household expenditure devoted to shelter. During having frequently worked in Lebanon before the
field visits to informal settlements in the Bekaa and outbreak of the ongoing crisis. Among his most
Akkar in January 2014, several families confirmed important tasks are negotiating access to land
that this was their second residence in Lebanon. with the property owner, insuring price stability,
They moved after they were unable to sustain the and managing payment of the rent (see Box 1).
payment of rent in Beirut given increasing rental
rates and the scarcity of employment opportunities.
Second, new arrivals are reportedly finding rental The fieldwork for the UN-Habitat/UNHCR study
markets saturated and are unable to find affordable confirmed that rental agreements for informal
rental housing. They are thus forced to take up settlements are invariably oral and almost unwritten
residence in informal settlements. Finally, some
refugees are choosing to stay in informal settlements
in order to remain close to social connections or to Box 1:
avoid potential tension with host communities in
The Role of the Shaweesh in the Bar
more populated areas.
Elias Informal Settlement
Despite their temporary appearance, informal
tented settlements should be recognized as a
Strong social networks within Informal Settlements
segment of the refugee housing market, one that create the backbone of an internal self-support
visibly targets the refugees exclusively and displays system for refugees. Within this system, the
the most precarious and least functional settings. shaweesh, or community leader of the IS, becomes
the focal point for refugees. In the case of the
In most cases, access to the IS is secured IS of Bar Elias, the shaweesh was performing
through rental of what is almost exclusively private agricultural work on the land prior to the crisis
land, directly leased by a property owner.67 Two and then his family and extended family moved in.
forms of leases exist: the first and most common The IS grew to host seventy-five families and they
are all related to the shaweesh. His responsibilities
involves individual families renting access to the
include providing employment opportunities to
property, with each family paying a monthly fee to Syrian refugees, ensuring shelter for newcomers,
the landowner. The median rental price in Mount dividing tasks among refugees to ensure that each
Lebanon, the Bekaa, and Akkar was about USD 35- person is responsible for the provision of a service
50 per month. In the second rental arrangement, (providing bread, gas, setting up tents, etc.), and
the entire land parcel is rented out for a monthly collecting yearly rental fees from refugees and
or yearly fee to a group of refugees, represented paying the landowner (in 2013, the monthly cost
by a community leader. In one case, there was per tent was 200$). The shaweesh also addresses
evidence of the development of a secondary problems. For example, he negotiated with the
landlord when the IS faced the threat of eviction
market: A land was rented from a landlord for one
due to its proximity to a security checkpoint. He
year and then subleased to refugees at a profit.
later secured the relocation of the refugees to a
nearby camp when the land flooded in 2012.69
The organization of the IS usually ensues
through a community leader known as a

67 In two focus group cases in Akkar, settlements were on communal or public land. This is, however, exceptional.
68 Shaweesh is the camp representative. He is typically the oldest and/or first to arrive in the area and who negotiated the settlement rental with the property owner.
69 Meeting with shaweesh in the Bar Elias IS on 10 December, 2013.
 contracts. As such, the duration of the agreement is The Lebanese government has so far
fixed according to local customs, which for practical rejected the establishment of formal camps for
purposes, usually means the agreed term for the Syrian refugees in Lebanon. This is due to the
payment of rent. Thus if rent is paid monthly, government’s concerns regarding the need to
then the agreement expires every month. In some maintain the country’s demographic balance
reported cases rent was annual, providing greater and not to repeat the bad experience with
security of tenure and a longer duration in which “temporary” Palestinian camps after 1948 that
rent should theoretically not increase. became “permanent” over time. The government
policy has been to limit the size of formal tented
The most typical form of housing production in settlements to groups of 20 to 100 families, to
informal settlements is self-help, with individuals be approved by the Ministry of Social Affairs on a
and families setting up a tent. Most of the tents case by case basis.
are established using materials provided by non-
governmental organizations, such as poles, nylon While the international community has tried
sheets, and sanitation kits. Floors are rarely more several different transitional shelter options to
than carpets laid directly over the bare earth. These improve the conditions in informal settlements
building materials provide poor insulation and – notably DRC’s transitional “shelter box” and
insufficient privacy, both of which were common UNHCR’s flat-pack “IKEA house,” these models
refugee complaints during field visits. Refugees have not attained government approval. As a
typically rely on open-flame sources to warm their result, international shelter actors’ support to
homes, as a result several fires broke out. informal settlements has focused on the following
types of interventions: (i) distribution of shelter
Living conditions in informal settlements materials for weather-proofing the structures; (ii)
are typically dire. Services are poor and often distribution of non-food items; (iii) water supply
unsustainably provided, carrying significant and sanitation improvements; (iv) drainage
long-term environmental risks. 75% of informal improvements.
settlements visited in Akkar pump water directly
from wells located on the property. In some cases, By mid-December 2013, some 77,656 Syrians
the water is very salty or polluted, and cannot be living in informal settlements had benefited from
used for drinking. Most IS also have water tanks weatherproofing (10,731 in 2012 and 66,925 in
supplied by international or local organizations 2013),70 representing 15% of the total vulnerable
and benefit from regular water distribution population. Two qualifications to this figure are
by NGOs. Sanitation systems are very basic, important. First, as more people move out of
frequently consisting of shared toilet facilities and rented apartments and houses into informal
improperly sealed septic tanks with potentially settlements, new shelter needs are being created
grave long term consequences. Solid waste is that will require a new or bolstered humanitarian
disposed of haphazardly, frequently on roadsides, response. Second, as the government has limited
into the nearby sea or river, or burned. In some the types of permissible support to IS, shelter
cases, residents indicated that they used municipal conditions may still be inadequate from the
garbage containers, but these represented a small perspective of humanitarian standards (SPHERE)
minority. Electricity is typically a major concern for or with respect to the requirements of “adequate
informal settlement residents. While many rely housing”. Thus, it is questionable whether we
on illegal connections, others are at the mercy of can assume that current shelter support to IS
informal electricity providers who usually charge represents a long-term solution.
high prices for limited amperage.

70 Shelter Strategy for 2014, Annex 2, op cit, p. 25.

38 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 33 39
CHAPTER

Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

3.2.3 Collective Shelters s No eviction or litigation related to a collective
shelter was reported to field teams. It is
Collective shelters are building complexes worth mentioning that, at the end of the
adapted to house ten or more households within underlying lease agreement’s duration, the
the same structure. Collective shelters may be owner can evict the tenants without giving
located in public buildings such as schools or may notice or compensation. However, the
be private property such as buildings or offices. In owner does not have the right to evict the
most cases, external agencies (e.g. NGOs) provide tenants without a court order.
funds to rehabilitate or adapt buildings for use
as collective shelters. In return, building owners Although they serve only 2% of the total
provide the refugees with accommodation, refugee population, this form of housing is
generally on a rent-free basis. important given the reluctance of the Lebanese
government to allow the establishment of other
Based on interviews and sample contracts used forms of collective shelters such as formal camps.
by many organizations in Lebanon, the following Most collective centers are established on the
characteristics of collective shelter agreements initiative of international or local organizations that
were noted: provide incentives and guarantees for landlords in
s A contract is written and signed by a non- order to set up this form of housing. One of the
governmental organization, or any similar most important features of collective shelters is
agency, and the building owner. A lease that they are provided rent-free.
agreement with the tenants underlies
this contract. Thus, staying in a collective International shelter actors’ support for
shelter should afford greater protection to collective shelters has included: (i) rehabilitation of
Syrian tenants. the structure to ensure it is weather proof (doors,
windows, walls, roof); (ii) water and sanitation
s Collective shelter sponsors (i.e. NGOs)
improvements; and (iii) management support to
usually include a monitoring clause in the
the ongoing operation of the shelters. As of 12
agreement to ensure that the contracted
December 2013, a total of 7,262 Syrian refugees
works are being properly undertaken by
were supported through collective shelters (1,657
the owner.
in 2012 and 5,605 in 2013)71.
s Some reviewed contracts allowed the
building owner to identify the beneficiaries,
which could result in abuse including 3.2.4 Hosting
biased selection of beneficiaries or informal
arrangements by which refugees are also Hosted refugees are typically housed by family
required to pay rent. members or friends. Two main types of hosting
s Generally, the contract duration is one arrangements exist: (i) free-of-charge hosting; and
year. The contracts are renewable for a (ii) third-party hosting involving cash-support to
negotiable period of time and the two host families by an external organization. In free-
parties can re-negotiate rental fees. of-charge hosting arrangements, refugees in a
However, there has been no inclusion position to do so are often expected to contribute
of beneficiaries’ legal right to ask for an to the running costs of the household, including
extension of the agreement with regard food and electricity.
to new lease contracts for built properties During the first months of the Syrian crisis, a
(see Chapter 2). substantial percentage of refugees were hosted

71 Shelter Strategy for 2014, Annex 2, op cit, p. 25.

 by local families, whether Lebanese, Palestinian, practices, many support programs are
or Syrian (having resided in Lebanon prior to the limited to six months and target generally
outbreak of the ongoing crisis). However, this the most vulnerable families.
trend has decreased as the conflict lingers on
and it becomes increasingly difficult to find such For legal purposes, there are two categories
possibilities. According to the most recent UNHCR of hosting. The first, free-of-charge hosting, can
publications, only 15,000 Syrian individuals are be qualified as a form of commodatum (“prêt à
estimated to still rely on this option.72 usage”), a gratuitous loan of something (e.g.
real property).76 In such cases, jurisprudence
International assistance to hosted families in comparative law77 holds that the owner can
has consisted primarily of cash support. A total reclaim his property and evict the occupant at any
of 20,939 refugees have benefited from this time, but must respect customary notice periods.78
assistance (1,414 in 2012 and 19,525 in 2013).73 The second type of hosting is also an initially
In 2014, the Lebanon Shelter Strategy states that gratuitous arrangement in which an organization
cash support will increasingly target the most later participates by financially supporting host
vulnerable protection cases.74 families through various contributions. The
organization’s contribution can be considered a
From a legal perspective, the main conditional donation, its condition being that the
characteristics of hosting arrangements include:75 host family continues to host the Syrian family
s Written or verbal contracts: while most free of charge.79 Once the receiving party stops
hosting arrangements are verbal, whenever meeting the condition (i.e., hosting a refugee
an organization is involved in financially family), the donation is revocable (i.e. the host
supporting host families, they are required family stops receiving contributions and in some
to sign an agreement acknowledging that cases may even be forced to restitute some of the
the hosted family has not been paying any sums received). Similarly, if the host family stops
rent and that the financial help they are receiving the contribution, it may revoke the right
receiving is a compensation for hosting the of the refugee to stay, again, in accordance with
refugees as well as a contribution to the local custom. Thus, in both types of hosting, the
host family’s livelihood. Refugees also sign refugee family is dependent on the generosity of
forms to declare that they are aware of the the host to continue the arrangement.
contribution given by the organization to
the host family for hosting them on their
property. CONCLUSION
s Duration: in all the forms reviewed, there Several broad conclusions can be drawn from
was no mention whatsoever regarding the this review of the main shelter options available
duration of the external support to the to Syrian refugees. First, while the market has
host family or the length of time for which responded in some innovative ways to create
the family will host the refugees. In normal additional short-term shelter options, there is an

72 UNHCR (2014) Inter-agency Thematic Group Overview: Syrian Refugees in Lebanon, May 2014.
73 Shelter Strategy for 2014, Annex 2, op cit, p. 25.
74 Inter-Agency Shelter Working Group, op cit, p. 17.
75 Based on fieldwork and a review of signed forms obtained by the research team.
76 Regulated by articles 729 and above of the Lebanese Code of Obligations and Contracts (See Chapter 1).
77 Lebanese courts have often used French jurisprudence in their decisions given the very similar provisions in the laws of both countries.
78 For example: the decision of the 1st Civil Chamber of the French Court of Cassation issued on February 3rd, 2004, Bull. I, no. 34; the decision of the 3rd
Civil Chamber of the French Court of Cassation issued on January 19th, 2005, Bull. III, no. 12 etc.
79 A form of donation recognized by article 169 of the COC.

40 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 33 41
CHAPTER

Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

acute shortage of affordable housing that and services refugees are accessing, rental
is of decent quality. The decline in refugees arrangements between landlord and tenants,
reporting that they are renting apartments or the risk of evictions, the impact of the surge in
houses, combined with the 26% increase in population on land-use, the role of local authorities
refugees reporting that they are living in informal in managing the refugee crisis and the potential
settlements indicates that the affordable, decent protection risks related to refugee HLP assets in
quality housing market is saturated. As refugees Syria. These are discussed below.
continue to arrive and without any significant
increase in the supply of additional decent quality
affordable units, this trend can only be expected to 3.3.1 Shelter Conditions and Access
increase. Second, while there has been significant to Services
shelter support provided, only two shelter
options can be considered potential long- Refugees generally live in very poor conditions
term solutions: the rehabilitation of apartments and lack many basic services. The UNHCR 2014
or houses and the establishment of collective Shelter Survey provides valuable insights into
shelters. Thus, at best, the shelter needs of only
housing conditions, which are corroborated by the
24% of the total vulnerable population have
UN-Habitat/UNHCR field study findings in various
been met in the event of a protracted crisis.
areas of Lebanon (see Figure 3 below).
The actual figure is likely to be lower as rents
become unaffordable for an increasing number of
Looking first at the quality of housing, the
refugees.
UNHCR survey found that 31% of respondents
required urgent repair to their roofs. Some 35%
reported that they either had no windows (18%)
3.3 COMMON ISSUES or that the windows needed to be fixed (17%).
ARISING ACROSS ALL In addition, nearly one-quarter of responding
SHELTER OPTIONS refugees indicated that their doors need to be
fixed, while 23% indicated that their latrines are
From the review of the main shelter options not adequate.
five main issues arise: the quality of the shelter Access to services was also poor, with 30% of

Fig. 3: Shelter Conditions for Syrian Refugees

45%
40%
35%
4% 44%
30%
7% 8% 17% 13% Not available
25%
Not acceptable Can’t be fixed
20%
7% Not acceptable Need to be fixed
15%
10%
5%
31% 24% 23% 18% 17% 13% 7%
0%
Water Electricity
Roof Doors Latrines Windows Heating
Network wires
& artificial
lighting
Source: UNHCR May 2014 Shelter Survey
 interviewed households indicating that they had 3.3.2 Rental Arrangements
limited or no access to water network. Over 20%
of interviewed households indicated that they had The UN-Habitat/UNHCR study revealed a
no proper access to electricity and more than 44% multiplicity of rental forms and agreements
reported that they had no access to heating. throughout the country. In general, agreements
tended to be more predatory and harsh in their
Another serious concern about the quality terms in dense urban centers – such as Beirut and
of shelter is overcrowding. Although 25% of Tripoli - where rental markets targeting migrant
households reported they were sharing with one workers (Syrians and others) predate the current
family, 45% reported sharing with two families crisis.
and 17% with three families. More worryingly,
Data collected throughout Beirut, South
8% of households reported sharing their housing
Lebanon, and Akkar as well as interviews in
accommodation with five or more families. While
the Bekaa indicate that informality dominates
data was not systematically collected regarding
rental arrangements. Agreements are typically
the floor area of the housing unit shared, the
oral, open-ended, and rarely specify the rights
average family size reported in the survey was 5.2, of tenants. Negotiations occur on the basis of
indicating that some twenty-six people or more one’s prior knowledge of the market or the
are sometimes sharing a space. property owner, placing those with experience in
the Lebanese labor and rental market at a clear
advantage over newcomers.
Figure 4: Syrian refugees and shared accommodation
This informality is not surprising, yet field
interviews indicate that most landlords and tenants
5%
operate within a relatively well-defined pattern of
8% expectations, particularly in the case of the well-
established housing and room rental market in
Beirut. Indeed, given that mobility patterns have
largely followed pre-crisis labor markets, most
17% refugees come to the housing market with some
knowledge of its working mechanisms.
45%
The situation is different in the context of
the rural informal settlements market, which is
a relatively newer housing product. In informal
settlements, prices seem to be less stable, market
25% conditions more unpredictable, and a large
discrepancy exists between the rental prices
demanded and the actual rent paid.
 1 Family
 2 Families More generally, the following rental
 3 Families arrangements seem to be common across the
different locations:
 5 or more Families
 Other s Almost all interviewed households felt
confident about the identity of the landlord
with whom they had entered into an
Source: UNHCR Shelter Survey March 2014. agreement, including a noticeably higher
level of confidence (close to 100%) among

42 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 33 43
CHAPTER

Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

those renting apartments or rooms as There are, nonetheless, important differences
opposed to land in an informal settlement. across markets, with noticeably greater stability in
s Information about the availability of the Beirut where rent has been the norm for several
housing unit, the identity of the landlord, decades. In Beirut, the study found defaults
the prices to be paid, and contractual on contracts to be relatively rare, with refugee
terms are mostly secured through the thick households frequently choosing to leave rented
web of social networks that connects pre- apartments if they are unable to pay the rent.
war migrant workers to current refugees. Conversely, in rural informal settlements, defaults
on payment are the norm. Landlords are typically
s Access to financing in order to pay the rent poor, frustrated, and not necessarily empowered
is largely obtained through a network of to make tenants pay. There were reports of
pre-war social relations among migrant landlords being bullied by refugees to wait for
workers as well as kinship networks, with a payments.
noticeably higher level of debt to landlords
in the case of informal settlement residents. Interestingly, the relatively low number of
refugees in South Lebanon has led to what seems
s Almost all interviewed households believed
like a better relationship between landlords and
that the typical duration of a rental
tenants. Rent tends to be considerably lower
agreement was one year, after which the
(USD 200-300 per month for a house with several
landlord could choose to raise the rent or
rooms) and landlords seem more tolerant than in
ask them to leave.
the north.
s Almost all interviewed households believed
that if the landlord were to increase the
rent, he would notify them at least one 3.3.3 Evictions
month in advance.
s Almost all interviewed households believed Since mid-2013, UNHCR has increasingly
that they had no recourse if the landlord received reports concerning evictions. As of the
were to change the rent without notice, ask beginning of April 2014, UNHCR intervened in
them to leave, etc. In some cases, however, evictions affecting at least 1,073 households
refugees were able to list situations when (approximately 5,365 individuals).One of the main
they had used neighbors or acquaintances findings of the study is that while evictions do
to intervene on their behalf, particularly occur, more than half are because the tenant is
when the negotiating tenant had worked unable to pay the rent, rather than due to social
in Lebanon before the current crisis. differences, lifestyle issues or other frictions
with the local community. This does not entirely
s Landlords and tenants typically stated that correspond to what is commonly referred to as
a written contract would require payment a “forced eviction”, which is defined in General
of taxes to the municipality, an annoying Comment 7 to the International Covenant on
situation given the current burden of rent. Economic Social and Cultural Rights as “the
As a result, written contracts are typically permanent or temporary removal against their
avoided by both landlords and tenants. will of individuals, families and/or communities
s In the rare cases when a written contract was from the homes and/or land which they occupy,
used, tenants clearly appeared more secure in without the provision of and access to appropriate
their housing conditions and less concerned forms of legal or other protection.”80
about a sudden increase of the rent.

80 UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, “The right to adequate housing (art.11.1): forced evictions,” General Comment No. 7, UN Doc.
HRI/GEN/1/Rev.7 (1997), para. 3
 The study found no evidence of forced a housing unit because they have been
evictions among respondents in Beirut or Halba. unable to pay the rent for several months,
This suggests that it is necessary to look at thereby evading an accumulated debt.
evictions and protection from evictions within the s Refugees are typically orally warned to
context of a market in which the balance between pay the rent or be evicted at least 1-2
landlords and tenants needs to be reviewed (in months in advance but without a written
terms of information sharing, rental agreements notice or the formal involvement of public
etc.) rather than through a purely legalistic and authorities.
court-based approach.
s Evictions appear to be more frequent
In the case of IS the situation appears to be, when a housing unit is rented out through
however, quite different, with a multiplicity of a “realtor,” rather than directly from the
confounding factors. The limited sample does landlord. Realtors appear more able to
not provide sufficient information regarding enlist the help of politically connected
the conditions of these evictions, but we can strong-men or other armed groups.
nonetheless note the following:
Interviews with international organizations
s In at least half the cases, evictions occurred such as the Norwegian Refugee Council did
due to the tenants’ inability to pay the rent highlight some promising examples of mediation
accumulated over at least two months. and legal assistance used to mitigate the risk of
s In other cases, refugees acknowledged that evictions (see Box 2).
they were not paying the rent regularly,
suggesting confounded factors rather The field experience, therefore, suggests several
than sheer discrimination. Two common important conclusions regarding evictions. First,
situations include: inability to pay is clearly the main cause of eviction.
1. Cases where evictions occurred While evictions may be technically justifiable,
because refugees are seen as a they generally occur in violation of Lebanese law,
“threat” to security, particularly due specifically the requirement that they be carried
to the proximity of the settlement to out based on a court ruling only. Moreover,
an army encampment. In one case evictions are often accompanied by harassment
in the Bekaa, refugees had received and with some sort of explicit or implicit threat of
an eviction notice from the nearby violence. These evictions would qualify as “forced
army camp informing them that they evictions” under domestic law and against the
had to leave because they were living standards set out in General Comment 7 to the
within the “security zone” of the right to adequate housing (see Chapter 1 above).
Lebanese army. In another case in However, there is little evidence, of any significant
Akkar, proximity to an army camp was effort by the Lebanese government to address
again mentioned as the reason for the this issue, though some international NGOs are
eviction of IS dwellers. successfully using mediation and legal assistance
2. Cases where political differences with to provide protection for refugees at risk.
the local community appear to have
been the cause of the eviction. 3.3.4 Land Use Changes
s As for modalities of eviction, it seems there
has been no effort to hide them. Evictions The growth of informal settlements and the
occur in broad daylight, in the middle of densification of low-income urban neighborhoods
the week, and with the full knowledge of are presenting complicated long-term challenges
neighbors. for Lebanon.

s In many cases, residents choose to leave In rural areas, the rapid expansion of informal

44 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 33 45
CHAPTER

Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

circumstances, municipalities would seek to guide
Box 2: settlement expansion in a more cost-effective
Norwegian Refugee Council: manner.
Mediation to Mitigate the Risk of
Eviction In urban areas, the increased construction of
additional units is further straining housing and
In the context of Lebanon, and considering the urban services. In dense urban neighborhoods,
challenging legal context, mediation has proven additional units cannot be added horizontally and
to be an effective tool in practice to deal with
so are simply added on top of existing buildings (See
the threats of eviction for Syrian refugees. The
Information, Counseling, and Legal Assistance
picture 6 below). Many of these buildings, however,
representative (ICLA)81 explained how a landlord in were built informally and were not designed or built
Aarsal was raising rental fees thus causing other to carry such extra loads.The long-term safety of
landlords to imitate him. The ICLA lawyer then residents may therefore be at risk.
met with the refugee family and the landlord and
succeeded, through negotiation, to decrease the In terms of urban services, water supply,
rental price from USD50/month to USD20/month. sanitation, garbage collection, and electricity
The lawyer then explained that in Aarsal this supply are the most heavily affected services. In
approach is considered to be optimal as “law has
dense urban neighborhoods, adding significant
no say” there, thus the most effective way is to
service provision capacity to water supply systems
empower and work with the people.82
is neither straightforward nor inexpensive.
settlements often takes place on agricultural Upgrades often require installing completely
land. Land owners have been quite willing, in the new pumping capacity, new or larger diameter
short term, to allow Syrian families to establish pipes for water supply or sewerage, additional
temporary structures on this land. As the crisis transformers, or new solid waste transit stations
becomes more protracted, it may become difficult and landfills. Collectively, these investments also
to control the expansion of these settlements. require additional strategic and physical planning
Consumption of water is increasing, and aquifers in order to ensure that investments are effectively
were already strained by pre-crisis demands in programmed.
some locations. There may also be longer term
challenges to Lebanon’s food security. Finally, social tensions are likely to arise
when the population of dense, poor urban
A second major concern in rural areas involves neighborhoods increases by 20% or more. This
the extension of services to informal settlements. is the case in some areas of Beirut and Tripoli,
Water supply, electricity, and solid waste collection often at the expense of public space. Current
services are among the most common needs in systems of governance at the neighborhood level
informal settlements. However, the decision to are being sorely tested in the current crisis. New
extend these services from nearby municipalities mechanisms for bringing together refugees and
can have major long-term consequences. Few host communities are required to help identify and
assessments are carried out to determine whether address emerging issues before tensions escalate
the infrastructure can absorb additional demand. and, when they do, ensure the peaceful resolution
Similarly, the long-term cost implications of of disputes.
servicing some 1,600 scattered settlements There are no simple answers to these issues,
have not been adequately assessed. In normal and even fewer that can be implemented quickly.

81 ICLA is part of the Norwegian Refugee Council’s program in Lebanon. ICLA provides information, counseling, and legal assistance for refugees and
displaced persons in Lebanon, including providing advice and representation on legal status and housing, land, and property issues. http://www.nrc.
no/?did=9167197.
82 Meeting with UNHCR & ICLA representative in UNHCR Field office in Zahle, 10/12/13.
 There is clearly an urgent need to study these 3.3.5 Local Authorities and the
issues in more detail and develop a range of Institutional Management
response strategies for the scenarios most likely to of the Crisis
arise in the event of a protracted crisis.
Local authorities have responded unevenly to
the refugee crisis, but of all Lebanese governmental
institutions, they are certainly the most involved.
In many cases, municipalities have undertaken to
survey the refugee population, sometimes citing
security concerns. Local authorities have also
had to respond to the sudden increase in their
populations, sometimes up to four times the
original population in their jurisdiction. The greatest
impact has been on water, electricity (when the
municipality is involved in its provision), and
garbage collection.83 In some cases, municipalities
have also been involved in facilitating access to
housing and the distribution of services, although
they frequently complain about being bypassed by
international organizations (see Box 3 below).

Municipalities have frequently been involved

in the management of the refugee needs. This
has involved extending basic services, but also
imposing restrictions on refugee mobility, most
notably, nightly curfews. This practice started
in the South but has now spread to almost all
municipalities in Lebanon.

A common concern shared by municipalities

was that international organizations do not
support them and frequently by-pass them despite
their direct involvement in handling the refugee
burden. Moreover, many municipalities have
various health and social programs that are being
financially stretched and are no longer able to
provide the required services due to the increasing
number of dwellers in a given neighborhood. In
some cases, for example, health services such as
yearly vaccinations are provided by municipalities.
In addition, many municipalities reported that a
large number of their students are now mostly
Picture 6: Vertical additional unit in Naba’a - Syrian refugees.
Beirut, Lebanon

83 Particularly in areas under the rule of Hezbollah, a number of municipalities claimed that surveys are conducted regularly and aid frequently distributed
through their offices. The Party has in fact established a coordination body across all Municipalities allied to its political orientation (South andBekaa) and
services are regularly distributed to refugees.

46 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 33 47
CHAPTER

Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

3.3.6 Potential HLP protection risks
Box 3: for property left behind in Syria
Role of Unions of Municipalities –
the Example of Al Sahel As part of this study, UNHCR and UN-Habitat
collaborated to survey refugees in Lebanon on the
The Al Sahel Union of Municipalities illustrates protection of housing, land and property assets
the role municipalities can play to ensure shelter left behind in Syria. In February 2014, 1,318
and protection for refugees. The Union played newly arrived refugees were interviewed on HLP
an important role in addressing the influx of
issues.85 83% of survey respondents reported
refugees in villages such as Ghazzieh, whose pre-
they owned property in Syria, while 16% said they
crisis population was 4,500 Lebanese residents
and yet took in some 14,000 Syrian refugees. were renters. 45% of those surveyed stated that
To meet the surge in demand for housing, some their Syrian property was “damaged”, while 16%
municipalities provided permits to allow owners described it as “not damaged” and 28% said they
to build extra floors (even if this construction was did not know the status of their property. 11%
technically contrary to the area zoning and building described their property as “non-habitable”.
regulations). The Union was also involved in
facilitating the signature of yearly rental contracts In terms of the property’s occupancy status, the
between refugees and landlords. The Union also survey found that 46% of those surveyed did not
played a key role in monitoring, mediating, and
know whether or not their property was occupied,
protecting rights in cases of eviction. Several
while 42% reported it as “not occupied”. 9%
villages did, however, express concerns that their
village’s “moral and traditional norms” should be reported that either a friend or a relative was
respected. occupying their property, while 3% reported their
The area of Al Sahel is considered to be primarily property as occupied without permission.
agricultural, however the scale of the influx pushed
the Union to facilitate the establishment of informal 58% of those surveyed reported that they
settlements as an easy way to host the large did not possess with them any evidence of their
number of refugees. The Union used agricultural property rights in Syria. 28% reported having a
contracts with landowners to negotiate a yearly deed, while 11% claimed to have some form of
rental amount to host tented settlements that was
court document.
greater than the yearly profit the landowner would
have received if they were to cultivate the land.
The municipality also provided electricity and water The findings highlight some important
services to the land. potential HLP protection challenges. First, the
lack of evidence of property rights, though not
Thus, fieldwork has confirmed the need to uncommon in refugee situations, is a potential
significantly engage Unions of Municipalities concern. Efforts to reclaim land or property
and municipalities in the response to the Syrian may be affected. Second, the level of damage
refugee crisis. Their proximity to the situation represents another protection risk. If damaged
often compels them to take action. However, their property in Syria is rebuilt without due regard for
response to date has been uneven and without the rights of the original inhabitants, there is a
systematic guidance or support. Significant risk refugees may be arbitrarily deprived of their
examples of good practice exist, as do areas where assets in contravention of international law.86
the response can be improved.84 Finally, though only 3% of those interviewed

84 For a summary of some positive examples, please see Mercy Corps (2014) Municipal Guide: Successful Municipal Strategies to Respond to the Syria
Refugee Crisis, March 2014.
85 UNHCR Thematic Questionnaire, “Living Conditions in Lebanon and Property Conditions in Syria,” February 2014.
86 For more information please see UN-Habitat et al. (2007) Handbook on Housing and Property Restitution for Refugees and Displaced Persons: Implementing
the Pinheiro Principles.
 reported their property to be occupied by others, of the quality of shelter and living conditions as well
the challenges of undoing such “secondary as from a longer-term land-use and sustainability
occupation” have proved significant in other perspective. While rental agreements are most
emergencies. secure when registered with municipalities, this is
far from common practice. Most refugees develop
informal understandings with their landlords and
CONCLUSION do not appear to be well-informed of their rights
under Lebanese law. Evictions are fairly common
This chapter has highlighted the significant and mostly relate to an inability of refugees to pay
efforts of shelter actors to respond to the sudden their rent. While some evictions may be justifiable,
surge in demand caused by the Syrian crisis. Not they do not seem to be carried out in compliance
surprisingly, refugees have found shelter in a wide with domestic law or international standards
variety of forms, the vast majority secured through and thus represent a major protection concern.
rental agreements. The review of shelter options Municipal authorities have a clear role to play in
suggests that the most durable options involve the shelter sector, however, they require additional
the rehabilitation of apartments or houses or the support and guidance to respond to the most
provision of support to collective shelters, yet common types of issues that arise – shelter access,
these represent a relatively small proportion of the service delivery, and disputes between refugees
total shelter needs. Without increased funding and host communities. Finally, the chapter has
for shelter rehabilitation and collective shelters, it highlighted the significant potential risks to HLP
is likely that shelter vulnerability will become an assets left behind in Syria and the need for more
increasingly chronic condition for many refugees. systematic analysis of the scale of the potential
The growth of informal settlements as a shelter issues.
option represents a major concern, both in terms

48 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 33 49
CHAPTER

Syrian Access to Shelter in Lebanon

Picture 7: Children in an Informal Tented Settelment - Akkar, Lebanon

50 Housing, Land and Property
 CHAPTER 44 51
CHAPTER

Case Study of Refugees in an Urban Context: Al Naba’a

4
CHAPTER 4
CASE STUDY OF
REFUGEES IN AN
URBAN CONTEXT:
AL NABA’A

W
ithin the greater Beirut area,
low-income Syrian refugees
have found housing in virtually
every neighborhood and almost
exclusively in the form of rental arrangements.
Large sections of what are commonly known as
Beirut’s “slums” have been transformed by the
present crisis into de facto Syrian refugee “camps.”
This phenomenon can be illustrated by overlaying
Map 3, which highlights the pre-crisis camps and
low-income neighborhoods of Beirut, with Map 4,
showing the concentration of refugees in Beirut.

In order to understand processes of refugee

access to shelter in a dense urban area, and the
HLP issues that arise in the process, the case study
of Beirut’s Naba’a neighborhood was selected (see
Map 5). Located in the city’s eastern suburbs,
Naba’a was built in the 1940s and 1950s in the
vicinity of the city’s industrial suburbs and its first
(Armenian) refugee camps. The neighborhood has
historically hosted the city’s poor migrants.

This chapter summarizes the findings from

fieldwork conducted for this study. It focuses on
four main topics: neighborhood transformations;
role of social networks in driving transformation
and contributing to refugee resilience; type and
quality of housing and services being accessed by
refugees; relationship between landlords and their
 Map 4: Location of pre-crisis camps and low income neighborhoods in Beirut, Lebanon

Source: Slums of Beirut, 2002. Fawaz, M. and I. Peillen

Syrian tenants. It concludes with a brief summary in order to determine the percentage of units
of the main findings. occupied by refugees in the area. Finally, numerous
field observations were recorded in more than two
The findings of this section are based on months of field visits.
fifty interviews with refugee families in the
neighborhood and ten interviews with Lebanese During the course of the study, the field teams
households. Additional key informants included visited several other low-income neighborhoods
three realtors –one of whom was interviewed in the city to assess the extent to which the
several times, and two local public officials Naba’a findings reflected common trends across
(mukhtars). All interviews with residents were the city. This review confirmed that similar trends
conducted randomly, after obtaining their consent have developed in almost all informal settlements
and preserving their anonymity. In addition, a (and some refugee camps) in the city.
survey of housing occupancy was conducted for
317 units distributed across the neighborhood

52 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 44 53
CHAPTER

Case Study of Refugees in an Urban Context: Al Naba’a

Map 4: Concentration of refugees in and around Beirut, Lebanon

pre-crisis camp
or low income
neighborhood

Source: UNHCR, April 2014, with overlay of IS based on Fawaz, M. and I. Peillen, 2002

4.1 NEIGHBORHOOD with 2-4 individuals per apartment for Lebanese

families. The concentration of Syrians is therefore
TRANSFORMATION even higher than that suggested by the apartment
occupation figures. On several streets of Naba’a,
The field surveys revealed the transformation particularly near the mosque and in the center of
of Naba’a into a hub for Syrian refugees. Of the the neighborhood, the trend is so dramatic that
317 randomly selected units in seventy buildings the occupancy of apartments by Syrian households
in Naba’a, 70% of the total units were inhabited is almost 100%.
by Syrian refugees. The remaining 30% were
distributed among Lebanese citizens and other Of the ten interviewed Lebanese families in
migrants. Furthermore, Syrian households tend to the area, two were building owners. Two others
be much larger than their Lebanese counterparts, were in the neighborhood because their units are
with an average of 6.3 individuals sharing a 1-2 held under the “old lease” system and therefore
room unit in this neighborhood, as compared very affordable. One was squatting, and of the
 on street corners, children play in the middle of
Map 5: Map showing the location of Naba’a within
Greater Beirut.
the street, and cars move slowly allowing for
pedestrians to share the pavements. Potholes,
water, and sewage are frequently observed on the
streets. On the other hand, as noted below, the
heavy concentration of single male workers from
which the area had suffered before the Syrian crisis
Naba’a is changing. Many long-term residents expressed
relief at the return of some form of “family life
and patterns” to the area. According to these
individuals, the arrival of refugee families reduced
enormously the incidence of street fights, a very
welcome change.

Source: Base Map, Greater Beirut 2003, Ikonos.

4.2 SOCIAL NETWORKS AND
RESILIENCE
five remaining, four complained of steep rent
The field survey indicates that at least half
increases and expressed their intention to leave
the households currently settled in Naba’a are
the neighborhood as soon as possible.
living with an immediate family member who
was already familiar with or residing in the area
The transformation of Naba’a is driven by at (husband, sons, daughters). It also indicates that
least three main factors. First, there is a large the entire settlement has been built through these
stock of rental housing available to refugees. kinds of social networks. Based on interviews with
In the mid-1990s, due to a history of forced respondents, it was noted that in many cases
population displacement during the first years of Syrian migrant workers occupying housing units
the civil war and a particularly skewed post-war were replaced by one or two Syrian families.
resettlement policy, a large stock of poor quality
housing became available in the neighborhood. Family relations also dominate the organization
Second, many of the housing owners are in fact of the residence. Our data indicates that co-
absentee landlords. A large number of property housing is largely based on family relations.
owners do not live in the neighborhood and have More specifically, half the households live as a
gradually opted to delegate the management single-family unit while almost all others combine
of their properties to a handful of local realtors. multiple households. While dominant prior to
This trend, as noted below, has intensified since the crisis, units inhabited exclusively by migrant
the onset of the Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon workers have become much less common.
and the departure of Lebanese families from
the area. Finally, Naba’a’s proximity to jobs and This is typically seen as a positive trend. Long-
transportation networks makes it an attractive term neighborhood residents have expressed relief
location for migrant labor and, more recently, the at the reduction in the number of single males,
refugees. lower incidences of street violence, and generally,
a healthier neighborhood life. At the same time,
The effects of this population transformation the presence of a thick social network provides
are both negative and positive. On the one refugees with an important security net. With
hand, there is an increase in the neighborhood’s high rates of unemployment and expensive rent,
congestion and a dramatic failure of the existing, social networks not only provide the best source
already aging infrastructure. Garbage is piled high of temporary lending, but also help secure shelter

54 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 44 55
CHAPTER

Case Study of Refugees in an Urban Context: Al Naba’a

for new arrivals or those who have recently been respect height and size constraints, nor do they
evicted. have sufficient lighting and ventilation. Building
approvals are provided by the local police force,
militiamen, or other informal actors, rather than
4.3 HOUSING TYPES, through formal planning agencies. Because
violations are so widespread, they do not represent
QUALITY AND ACCESS TO a threat to security of tenure. However, in the long
SERVICES run, the livability of the neighborhood is reduced
and residents may be at risk from structurally
As a dense residential neighborhood, Naba’a unsound buildings.
is composed of multi-story apartment buildings,
built mostly during the 1950s and typically in The typical housing unit rented today by a
deteriorated form. On average, these buildings Syrian household in Naba’a is a single room with
have five floors, often constructed incrementally a make-shift bathroom and kitchen. A sample of
over several decades. Indeed, many of the buildings fifty residences revealed that more than half of
had first been developed as self-built ground floor the households occupy a single room subdivided
units during the 1950s, and expanded upwards from an original apartment while only 10% rent
incrementally as additional floors were added a full-size 2-3 room apartment that they typically
in the 1960s. Some of these buildings may be share between two or more families. The survey
structurally unsound and constitute a hazard to also indicated that at least one in ten apartments
their occupants. lacks an individual bathroom or kitchen facilities.

Since the mid-1990s, Naba’a has grown largely Household sizes tend to be large, with an
informally. Typical of slum patterns in inner cities average of 6.3 individuals, well above the median
elsewhere, existing 2-3 room apartments were figure for Lebanese households (typically 2-4). This
subdivided into multiple single-room units where figure is also higher than the numbers reported in
ad-hoc kitchen and bathroom facilities were the UNHCR 2014 Shelter Survey, which indicated
added, and in some cases shared between several an average household size of 5.19.
families. Furthermore, many property owners have
added a room or two on the roof of their buildings. In this context, overcrowding is a major
Given the easy and lucrative profits to be gained concern. With the prolonged crisis, however, the
from the current surge in demand, both of these majority of households (64%) have shifted to
trends have intensified over the past year. As these single-family units, while a significant group still
building practices are illegal, property owners cohabitate among extended families and friends.
typically deny building additional rooms or floors, Many single-family households explained that
however, the changes can be clearly observed and they had shifted over time from sharing facilities
documented in the neighborhood. with relatives to living alone, as they had suffered
from the multiple difficulties of sharing housing
Most buildings in Naba’a are in violation of facilities. Although they were relieved to have
building and zoning regulations. They do not more space, many were also unhappy regarding

Table 3: Forms of Housing Accommodation in Naba’a

Accommodation(*) Percentage of total sample
One room apartment 65%
Two rooms apartment 15%
Apartment with services 13%
Make-shift 7%
(*) Based on a sample of 50 households randomly selected in the neighborhood
 Picture 8: Dilapitated building in Naba’a - Beirut, Lebanon

the increased financial cost. concentration of refugees is high.

When questioned about the quality of their The level of services in Naba’a is poor,
accommodations, residents typically refrained although those relatively better-off are able to
from complaining, with some 50% expressing pay for higher quality services. As with housing,
satisfaction about their housing arrangements. A the common theme is that those who can afford
visual and rapid investigation nonetheless reflects it will be able to purchase water and electricity
a difficult reality, both in terms of the quality of the while the majority will deal with frequent
housing and the shared physical infrastructure in outages. In addition, garbage collection has
the neighborhood. Indoors, units are frequently become a major challenge with the increase in
in poor conditions. Aside from structural cracks, the volume of solid waste. However, the field
the typical scene is of peeling paint, humidity, survey found evidence that the informal systems
and poor lighting and ventilation, especially in of recycling that exist are responding to the
the central areas of the neighborhood where the increased demand.

56 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 44 57
CHAPTER

Case Study of Refugees in an Urban Context: Al Naba’a

Picture 9: Conditions inside a refugee shelter in Naba’a - Beirut, Lebanon

the landlord. Furthermore, research in the

neighborhood indicates that three mediators
4.4 RENTAL ARRANGEMENTS have taken charge of a substantial number of
IN NABA’A buildings, managing them for absentee property
owners. One of these mediators, who responded
in detail to our repeated questions, declared that
4.4.1 Rental from Landlords or via he manages over seventy apartment buildings
Mediators and Realtors in Naba’a alone. In fact, the overall trend is for
property owners to delegate the management
About 40% of those who responded to the of buildings to these realtors and move out of
question about their landlords explained that the neighborhood. As a result, the “slum lords”
they deal with a mediator or broker (often a phenomenon is increasing, producing a large
building manager), rather than directly with stock of housing that property owners have very
 little incentives to fix or improve. and the contract is almost never registered with
Conversely, long-term dwellers with some the municipality.
experience in the rental market explained that
they typically avoided renting from realtors and Despite the vagueness of these negotiations,
preferred to deal directly with landlords. Several there are clear rules and expectations that can
cases were documented in which long-term be derived from the open-ended discussions
residents had opted to move to a new apartment with residents and from their responses to the
in order to rent directly from a landlord, rather questionnaires;
than through one of the main realtors. In one case, s Rental contracts typically run for one year,
the tenant explained that he could at least “beg” during which the rent is not expected to
the landlord not to increase the rent, something increase.
he could not do with a realtor. Landlords were
generally described as “more humane,” more s A contract is renewable so long as the
“flexible,” and “easier to negotiate with” even if tenant is able to absorb an increase in rent
not entirely compassionate. By contrast, realtors if the market so dictates. This increase is
were frequently referred to as “politically backed” usually USD 50 per year.
and “harsh.”
s There is a mutual understanding that no
more than one family will occupy a room
This is a largely negative trend. On the one
and that should the number of tenants
hand, our direct observations showed that realtors
increase, the property owner can increase
are backed by strong political or family power, as
the rent.
well as the police force. In the case of buildings run
by a mediator or realtor, there was clear evidence s There is a general sense that if the rent
of reduced flexibility with regard to payments and were to increase, the realtor or landlord
the ability to negotiate. As a result, refugees are would have to provide a one-month notice
in a more vulnerable housing condition and the to the dwellers.
threat of eviction is more likely to happen. Again,
this is not a phenomenon born out of the conflict Both realtors and tenants are reluctant to
in Syria. However, the high demand for affordable rely on contracts or other documentation. While
housing in the neighborhood has certainly realtors often use receipt books purchased from
exacerbated the trend. It has also encouraged local stationary stores, landlords renting directly
Lebanese property owners to leave their residences seldom rely on even this form of paperwork. More
and rent their houses at more expensive rates to generally, interviews with a local realtor indicated
Syrian refugee households. that the trend was towards the informalization of
contracts. Some of the highlighted concerns are
listed below:
4.4.2 Terms and Conditions of Rental
Agreements s To realtors, tenants are unreliable, may
disappear at any time after spending a
The vast majority of residents have neither a month in the apartment, and may damage
written contract nor a detailed oral agreement the apartment.
with the landlord or realtor. More than 75% of s To tenants, paying rent for a long duration
the interviewed tenants acknowledged that they can only be sustained if they maintain
had no written contract with the realtor or the secure employment. However, the vast
landlord. Only 10% stated they had a contract majority of those interviewed are daily
(but rarely showed it), while the rest answered workers with no stable income. Moreover,
that “they didn’t know.” Even when a contract is those who have more permanent work in
written, there are no witnesses on the document factories or on construction sites still work

58 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 44 59
CHAPTER

Case Study of Refugees in an Urban Context: Al Naba’a

municipality is costly.
s When international organizations intervene
to provide services on the condition that
a written contract is produced, a contract
can be given. Tenants, however, feel that
this is not really a contract and can be
revoked by the landlord at will.

4.4.3 Rental Prices

The typical rent for a room in Naba’a ranges

from between USD 250 to 300 (see Table 4). This
is a very high rate, particularly when one notes
that an additional USD 50 is typically paid for
services and that the average monthly income of a
Syrian refugee worker in Lebanon is USD 277 per
month or USD 23 per day.87

There is a widespread perception in the

neighborhood that rental prices have significantly
increased. However, only six of the forty-nine
respondents interviewed in the neighborhood
confirmed there had been a price increase in their
rent in the past eighteen months. Ten respondents
stated they “expected” an imminent increase.
Many respondents also noted a generalized sense
Picture 10: Contract between a Syrian
Refugee and a Lebanese landlord of insecurity and stress due to the fear of being
unable to pay the rent and the reportedly frequent
harassment of realtors.

in very precarious conditions. These findings need to be carefully analyzed

s Some tenants are interested in signing a as landlords - and particularly realtors - deny these
contract. Several respondents stated they increases. A close look at one Naba’a realtor’s
had in fact asked the realtor for a contract. 2012 and 2013 receipt books for the same
Tenants noted that they were discouraged housing units indicated that the mean rent has not
from using formal contracts as it would increased for most units during the past year. This
have to be registered with the municipality is only partially true.
and they would have to pay additional
taxes. As one respondent stated, “When Part of the explanation lies in the fact that 75%
we asked the landlord for a rental contract, of the interviewed households had moved from
he told us that we would have to register “shared worker” housing to a “shared family”
at the municipality and pay taxes. We arrangement in which one or two families, each
really cannot afford to pay more! Similarly, with one livelihood earner, shared an apartment.
a realtor states “a contract would be a As a result, the burden of the rent has increased
real headache […] and registration at the dramatically for these households, even if the

87 http://www.ilo.org/beirut/publications/WCMS_240134/lang--en/index.htm.
 Table 4: Rents in Naba‘a
Accommodation(*) Average Rent

One room apartment US $300

Two rooms apartment US $400
Apartment with services US $600
Make-shift US $300
(*) Based on a Survey of 50 households randomly selected in the neighborhood

actual rent paid remains unchanged. greatest risk of eviction, not social practices
There were also widespread reports that or nationality. Landlords, particularly
“cash-for-rent” support from the international realtors, are quite intolerant about delays
community has been driving up rent prices. in paying the rent. A typical strategy for
UNHCR records and the statements of residents Syrian households to improve affordability
interviewed in Naba’a suggest this is not the case. has been to increase the number of families
Only one respondent acknowledged receiving sharing the same premises. However,
direct rental support from an international property owners and realtors can then use
organization, while about 30% declared that they this to justify an increase in the rent.
were receiving some kind of non-food assistance s Tenants expressed little fear of immediate
that they sometimes sell on the market in order eviction. A handful of tenants confirmed
to pay rent. The majority of dwellers (about 70%)
that they had been evicted, but they
stated they were relying on loans from more
unanimously connected the threat of
established relatives, typically those who have
eviction to their inability to pay the rent.
been in the country for a long time.
s Interviewed households thought it normal
Conversely, the few interviews that were to be evicted if they could not pay the
conducted with Lebanese families revealed severe rent. They therefore rarely questioned
increases in the price of rent, rendering the the fairness of this situation or called for
neighborhood largely unattractive to this national outside help. Instead, they pleaded –often
group, particularly in light of deterioration in the successfully- for more time, borrowed
quality of life. Indeed, the higher rents bring the money, or simply left before the end of
rental rates to the level of other well established the month and looked for another housing
neighborhoods such as Dikwaneh, making Naba’a arrangement.
a relatively undesirable housing choice for those s The increased demand for affordable rental
families. This increase in rent can be explained by accommodation clearly favors landlords.
the departure of landlords who until then lived in Refugees unanimously concur that
buildings that they preferred to rent to Lebanese landlords would not hesitate to evict them
families, often at lower rates because they were if they were to default on payments, as the
perceived to be “desirable neighbors.” However, scarcity of affordable housing means that
the increasing demand seems to have encouraged other tenants can be found very rapidly.
these landlords to leave the neighborhood and
rent their apartments to refugee families whom s Eviction is often accompanied by bullying
they could charge higher rates. and threats. Realtors are clearly “well
backed” individuals who can rely on a
Some of the main findings regarding rental in network of local thugs, the armed militias
Naba’a can be summarized as follows: of political parties, or even some elements
of the police.
s The inability to pay the rent carries the s Tenants are extremely vulnerable because

60 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 44 61
CHAPTER

Case Study of Refugees in an Urban Context: Al Naba’a

they lack information and resources. As Social networks have facilitated the process, most
a result, eviction happens without any often through networks of Syrian migrant workers
prior written notification and no official present in Lebanon prior to the current crisis.
processes. In most cases, the landlord issues
several oral warnings over the duration The arrival of Syrian refugees has had both
of at least one month, sometimes more, positive and negative effects. On the positive side,
before carrying out the eviction. He does the return of families to the area has improved
not wait for nighttime or the week-end, livability compared to a prior prevalence of young
but enacts his threats in broad daylight in migrant workers. Less positively, Lebanese citizens
an environment of widespread impunity in and established Syrian migrant workers complain
which refugees have no recourse. of increase in rent, the deterioration of services,
s Newly arrived refugees are particularly and, particularly for the Lebanese citizens, a sense
of alienation toward their historic homes.
vulnerable because they lack proper
knowledge of the thick social and political
More generally, the rental market in Naba’a
web of the neighborhood. They frequently
clearly favors landlords and those with strong
confuse police forces with the army,
social networks. Rental arrangements are
Hezbollah, and others. They are not able
informal, and landlords or their middle-men
to assess the legitimacy of the authority in
are able to charge higher rents, increase them
front of them.
more often, and enforce evictions more readily.
Refugees wish to avoid attracting attention as
It is imperative to remember that access to
they represent relatively easy targets for more
housing for refugees takes place in the context of
predatory “slumlords.”
a large scale informal market. This informal market
works very well for one of the parties (the realtor)
and yet is not necessarily perceived as “unfair” by
the other (tenants). In this context, it will be very
difficult to create and implement a legal framework
for due process eviction. Enforcement would also
be problematic, as several local authorities are
often dissatisfied with the arrival of the refugees
yet would rather prefer not to interfere in such
conflicts, even to see refugee numbers decline in
their jurisdiction.

CONCLUSION
In Naba’a, the arrival of Syrian refugees
has triggered several trends that need to be
understood at the scale of the neighborhood,
rather than just at the scale of the refugee
household. This analysis will better inform
government and humanitarian actors regarding
the most appropriate interventions.

The most striking finding is the transformation

of Naba’a into a major refugee settlement, with
some streets entirely occupied by Syrian families.
62 Housing, Land and Property
 CHAPTER 5 63

Case Study of Refugee Housing in a Rural Context: Akkar

5
CHAPTER 5
CASE STUDY OF
REFUGEE HOUSING
IN A RURAL
CONTEXT: AKKAR

T
o understand housing, land and
property issues outside of the main
cities, two research samples were
undertaken in Akkar (North Lebanon)
inspecting (i) informal tented settlements in the
area of Akkar; and (ii) rental facilities in the city
of Halba and its vicinities. The research sample
covered twenty-three informal settlements through
individual visits and one focus group discussion.88
In addition, thirty-eight key informant interviews
were conducted with Syrian refugee households
renting apartments in the city of Halba. Another
ten interviews were conducted with Lebanese
families in the area for comparative purposes. Ten
municipalities were interviewed regarding their
perceptions and experiences of the ongoing crisis.

88 On-site interviews were conducted in eleven settlements where the shaweesh (camp representative)
and another dweller were interviewed. In addition, fifteen representatives from fifteen tented
settlements in the area of Akkar were invited to a focus group.
 The fieldwork findings are presented in two actors. Throughout the country, as is the case in
main parts.89 The first part summarizes findings Akkar, informal settlements are formed out of the
related to living conditions and land use, rental wooden posts and nylon covers (for walls and roofs)
arrangements, and evictions with respect to the that make-up the typical shelter kit distributed to
twenty-three informal settlements. The second refugees. The quality of the flooring however varies
part presents the findings for the same broad from one camp to another and within each camp
issues, but focuses on Halba and its peri-urban as well. Community representatives for instance
area. A brief conclusion summarizes the main were more likely to have concrete flooring than
findings of the case study. other camp dwellers.

The precariousness of these settlements is at

5.1 INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS least partially due to the fears of property owners
IN NORTH LEBANON that better quality structures may enable refugees
to make a claim to the property. Owners therefore
As noted earlier, the term “informal resist any attempt at physical improvements.
settlement” typically covers a very wide range of Another concern is that concrete floors can
realities, from a small encampment of tents and damage the long-term agricultural value of the
makeshift structures occupied by an extended land, which is being used only temporarily for
family, to large settlements covering several plots residential purposes.
of land and sheltering over 100 tents. Despite
these variations, the study finds common themes
emerging across the Akkar region.

5.1.1 Living Conditions and

Land Use

Living conditions in informal settlements in

Akkar are typically poor: structures are makeshift
and unfinished, services are limited, and
overcrowding is common. Interviews indicated
that an average of 9.6 individuals typically share a
20m2 tent, far below SPHERE standards. This results
in severe overcrowding, the absence of privacy,
and stress within and between families. The tent
of the community representative90 or shaweesh is
typically larger than all others, although the size of
the tent also tends to reflect the size of the family
and its financial means.

Shelter construction heavily relies on the Picture 11: Syrian Refugee children - Akkar,
materials supplied by local and international Lebanon

89 A total of twenty-three interviews were conducted in Akkar. Eleven of these were individual interviews while another twelve were conducted via a
focus group discussion held in Halba. In each informal settlement, two different persons were interviewed, one of whom was the shaweesh (community
representative). The tented settlements were selected in the area of Akkar and distributed across the region. To protect the identity of individuals, the
location of these settlements will not be outlined here.
90 Referred to sometimes as Shaweesh, the camp representative is typically the oldest or the first to come to the area and who has negotiated the rental of
the land and the establishment of the settlement with the property owner.

64 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 5 65

Case Study of Refugee Housing in a Rural Context: Akkar

Social conditions and relations within the in our sample had access to garbage
informal settlement tend to be positive, as collection facilities.
residents frequently reported that they were
members of the same extended families. Similar In terms of land-use, the sites of the majority
to their counterparts in apartments elsewhere, of informal settlements surveyed were used for
new arrivals typically settle with relatives before agriculture before the arrival of the refugees, and,
establishing their own tent. High density, difficult in many cases, continue to be used as such. This
living conditions, and the large percentage of finding corresponds with observations made in
roaming children were frequently referred to as the areas of Mount Lebanon, the South, and the
sources of tension in informal settlements. Bekaa.

Services within informal tented settlements The establishment of informal settlements has
are typically accessed through private providers or given rise to numerous negative environmental
illegal connections and, as described by residents, implications. The potential contamination of soils
tend to be expensive for the quality of services and underground water was a common concern.
provided. The following main observations were The improper solid waste disposal and damage
noted during the fieldwork: to trees and woodlands were also reported as
s Electricity: Most of the households important concerns.
surveyed relied on municipal electricity,
typically more than a half were provided Although the surge in demand for housing
with electricity through illegal connections. arising from the refugee influx is understandable,
About a quarter rely on the booming there is a clear need for interventions that could
business of informal electricity provision. A guide locating informal settlements towards more
minority indicated that they rely on other appropriate sites, sparing agricultural lands from
sources. such developments.

s Water: Water is most commonly accessed

through wells located within the rented 5.1.2 Rental Arrangements
property or nearby. This water is frequently
not suitable for drinking. Residents IS residents usually negotiate access to
instead rely on water distributed by NGOs land, rental rates, and payment either directly
(and sometimes purchased) which they with the property owner (about three quarters
store in tanks provided by international of the interviewed sample) or his representative
organizations. In two settlements, water (more than a quarter of the interviewed sample).
was unavailable on site and dwellers Most large settlements have a shaweesh
had to collect it daily. In both cases, it (representative), who interacts with the assistance
seemed that the mayors in the area were community. In the majority of settlements, it is the
reluctant to allow a water connection to shaweesh who has negotiated access to the land
be established. and the rental terms with the property owner. This
s Garbage Collection: As noted above, role was also noted in focus group findings, as
garbage collection is one of the highest well as in other interviews in Lebanon (Bekaa and
concerns of every municipal district where Beirut area).
refugees have settled. More than half of
the people in the surveyed settlements As was the case elsewhere, there is a great
reported that they disposed of their trash deal of informality regarding rental arrangements.
in a river or by the sea-side, while the To begin with, residents usually negotiate with an
others reported burning it, or leaving it on individual who presents himself as the “owner.” In
the side of the street. Only one settlement many cases, his or her identity is verified through
 social networks and relations, rather than through organize its settlement over a one year period or,
legal documents. In each of these settlements, perhaps more commonly, they access the right to
there is usually at least one person who either set-up a tent in the area and pay a fee for each
used to live on the plot (less than a quarter of the structure established, depending on the number
cases) or worked nearby and had negotiated the of families in the area.
rental arrangement with the property owner. It is
atypical to hear of an owner providing any proof
of ownership. In the study sample of twenty-three 5.1.3 Evictions
settlements, two community leaders believed
that previous evictions were related to the fact Numerous cases of eviction were reported.
that the broker who rented the land was not the Of the eleven surveyed settlements (excluding
legal owner or had not secured the legal owner’s focus groups), residents in five described past
consent.91 experiences of forced eviction, though the entity
responsible for carrying out the eviction varied:
In most cases, no official contract is drafted, the municipality (one case), the police force (one
nor are official receipts issued. Although one case), the army (one case) and vandals (one case).
out of five cases stated that they had secured a In one instance, there was a family feud, which
written contract between the property owner and the army resolved by removing one of the families
the community representative, none produced from the settlement. Three evictions occurred as a
it. None of the rental contracts are officially result of a landlord’s demand to increase the rent,
registered or include witnesses, but community which the residents could not meet. Two evictions
representatives commonly believed that local public occurred because refugees had rented land from a
representatives (e.g. mukhtar) are aware that such man who was not the legal owner. Finally, in one
agreements are being negotiated. Although the case, residents claimed they were evicted due to
field survey team has not been able to verify any political differences with the host community.
of these contracts, their contents were reported to
require that settlement residents agree that they In all cases of eviction documented during the
will not consume the agricultural products on the survey, refugees described repeated harassment,
land or cause any other disruption. sometimes with the threat of armed violence.93
Their narratives also reflected their poor
As for the official terms of the agreement, such knowledge of local politics and, most importantly,
their general sense of vulnerability.
as duration and rent, they are usually not explicit,
but there seems to be a common understanding
that they entail a one year term with a fixed
monthly or yearly rental rate, after which the 5.2 RENTED ROOMS AND
dwellers expect the property owner to increase the APARTMENTS
rent. These expectations are frequently based on
precedent and hearsay, rather than actual written A substantial percentage of refugees in Akkar
or stated terms.92 also rent accommodations in secondary cities. In
Two types of rental agreements were observed order to assess the conditions of these refugees,
in the sample: residents either rent the land and interviews were conducted in the city of Halba

91 In one of the cases, residents who had previously been evicted (with a municipal order) reported that they had been renting the land from an individual
who denied he had ever rented them the land when they were asked to leave by the property owners.
92 Interviewed community leaders reported up to 60% increase in the rental rate after one year. In one settlement, the increase in rent went up from USD
2400 to 4000 per year. In another settlement, the rise went up from USD 4000 to 4600. There does not seem to be a clear rationale for the amount of the
increase, aside from a desire to push prices up (while payment defaults are in fact frequent, making the prices not entirely meaningful).
93 In this case, the informal settlement residents stated that they had openly taken a position against the current Syrian government while village dwellers
were government supporters.

66 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 5 67

Case Study of Refugee Housing in a Rural Context: Akkar

Picture 12: Apartment complex - Akkar , Lebanon

(Akkar) and its vicinities, where more than 1700 office buildings, stores, and warehouses have
families have found refuge over the past year. been transformed–frequently with the help
Fifty interviews were conducted in the city, ten of of international organizations–into residential
which were with members of the host community. facilities.

As a main urban center in the Akkar district,

and given its proximity to the Syrian border, Halba 5.2.1 Living Conditions and Land Use
has become a major hub for Syrian refugees.
Access to employment opportunities and social Looking first at housing conditions, we find
networks has made Halba a relatively stable that approximately 50% of the tenants occupy
location for many families. Over 60% of the an individual or shared apartment. Others occupy
refugees declared they had no intention to leave offices, rooms, shops or warehouses that they are
the units they were occupying. using as make-shift shelters.

The steep increase in its population has Apartments are smaller than 100m2 on
naturally encouraged the development of a average. Rooms are typically 50m2, shops 80m2,
rental market whereby empty apartments, and offices 41m2. The smaller units tend to suffer
 Picture 13: Cramped living conditions in an apartment occupied by Syrian Refugees - Akkar , Lebanon

from over-occupancy, with the number of dwellers some apartments that are clearly overcrowded.
sharing one unit averaging 8.6 but ranging from
two to twenty-five individuals. Thus, a three- Living conditions in these units varied, but
bedroom apartment of 150m2 was housing were typically very poor. Of the thirty-eight
four families with a total of thirteen members, surveyed households units, three showed visible
another apartment of 100m2 was housing the structural cracks, twenty-three suffered from
same number and a third was housing twenty-five regular leaks, and four were missing windows or
members within the same area of 150m2. Among doors. Furthermore, nine had no access to direct
the most dire cases was a 14m2 bedroom housing lighting or cross ventilation. Nonetheless almost
fourteen people. While the larger apartments all these rented facilities reported access to basic
do comply with SPHERE minimum standards for services, including water and garbage collection.
covered shelter space (and are larger than those Like their Lebanese counterparts, Syrian refugees
available for refugees living in Naba’a), there are are also dealing with frequent power outages

68 Housing, Land and Property

 CHAPTER 5 69

Case Study of Refugee Housing in a Rural Context: Akkar

by compensating, when they can, with informal no paperwork at all. Only 16% of the refugees
providers (more than half) and illegal connections surveyed were able to show any written evidence
(a minority). of an agreement, whether in the form of a written
contract or receipts for rental payment. The
There is no clear evidence of an increase in new majority of those surveyed are reportedly relying
housing construction to respond to the current exclusively on oral arrangements. There seems to
refugee crisis. When construction does occur, new be considerable ambiguity regarding the duration
houses or additions are typically modest and tend of the rental arrangements or the ability of the
to rely on informal arrangements, rather than landlord to increase the rent. The vast majority of
official building permits. The process of formal the tenants said that the duration of their lease
approval is widely regarded as cumbersome and was unspecified and that the landlords could
a delay in the building process. It is therefore increase the rental fee at any time without prior
perhaps not surprising that the study did not notice.
find any evidence that building and zoning
regulations were hampering the building process. By contrast, the ten interviewed Lebanese
Properly structured incentives for developers tenant families indicated that they typically
would be preferable to an overhaul of the current rely on contracts in their interactions with
regulations. the landlord. Here too, however, a degree of
informality pervades the relationship. Lebanese
tenant households frequently noted that the
5.2.2 Rental Arrangements contracts were, for example, not registered at the
municipality. Others reported they were relying
The rental market in Halba is developing as a on informal arrangements, renting the houses
response to the ongoing crisis. The vast majority of absentee landlords through the mediation of
of Syrian tenants interviewed noted that they relatives. Furthermore, half of the interviewed
were new to the area and that they were the first Lebanese households appear unaware of their
tenants occupying these units. Only a minority of rights and responsibilities under Lebanese law.
the households reported that they had arrived to They are, for instance, unsure of the duration
Halba prior to the Syrian conflict. As a result, the of their contracts and their rights to resist rent
organization of the market appears to be less well increases. Moreover, one of the interviewed
established compared to Naba’a, Beirut. households expressed a strong fear of eviction
since their three year lease was ending in April and
In the absence of a sophisticated housing the landlord had requested a significant increase
market, rentals in Halba are limited to direct in the rent. If the Lebanese family could not afford
transactions between property owners and it, the property would be let to Syrians.
refugees. The vast majority of the tenants reported
they had directly rented their apartments from Rents are typically expensive, with an average
property owners. In fact, almost a quarter of the rate of USD 275 per apartment, USD 200 for a
landlords are reportedly living in close proximity room and USD 100 to rent out a shop (see Table 5).
to the units they are renting-out, typically within
the same building. Almost half of the refugee Rent is unequivocally the largest expense in a
households surveyed reported that they know household’s budget, with the vast majority of those
the landlord and where he lives through social surveyed identifying housing expenses as more
networks. than half of their monthly spending. To meet this
demand, interviewed households reported selling
In this context of relative familiarity, it is not vouchers, borrowing money from the landlord or,
surprising that agreements mostly occur without more frequently, from relatives, or relying on the
any legal documentation, and frequently with support of international organizations. In only one
 Table 5: Rents in the Akkar Region
Accommodation(*) Sample Size Average Rent

Room 2 USD $200

Divided Apartment 5 USD $150
Full Apartment 17 USD $275
Office 5 USD $166
Shop 1 USD $100
Warehouse 8 USD $170
(*) Based on a survey of 50 households randomly sampled in a Halba neighborhood

case were savings mentioned in the interview, as than through an intermediary. This often
refugees typically declared that they had none. As results in greater flexibility regarding rates and
a result, the recent reduction of vouchers is widely terms. Moreover, non-payment of rent seems
perceived as a crisis, with households almost to occur for a long time before eviction takes
unanimously asking for help in restoring some place. Interestingly, the case study suggests that
support to help them pay for their rent. landlords lack confidence that they can rely on the
formal law and legal procedures to evict tenants.
Previous experience with the Palestinian refugees
5.2.3 Evictions appears to have conditioned landlords against
allowing refugees to improve the quality of their
As in other rental markets profiled in this study, housing in informal settlements.
the evidence suggests that evictions occur fairly
frequently, though often because of an inability to
pay the rent. In some cases, households pre-empt
the eviction by leaving before they are evicted. In
one case, a household was asked to leave because
the apartment was needed by the family.

CONCLUSION
The Akkar case study confirms the difficult living
conditions of refugees, particularly in informal
settlements. Shelter conditions in apartments and
houses appear to be better than those in Beirut,
especially with regard to overcrowding. Reported
rental prices seem high, probably reflecting the
fact that the housing market has been largely
driven by natural population growth rather than
the speculation that characterizes many areas of
Beirut. As a result, there is not much evidence
of a “build-to-let” housing boom, despite the
potential that appears to exist.

Refugees seem to more frequently negotiate

directly with the owner and landlords rather

70 Housing, Land and Property

 BIBLIOGRAPHY 71

BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Bank Audi. 2013. Annual Report, Lebanon Real Estate Report.

Bank Med. 2013. Analysis of Real Estate Transactions in Lebanon (2008-2013).

Clerc, V. 2013. Real Estate in Lebanon, Assessment Report submitted to the CDR, in French. Mimeo.

Deboulet, A. and Fawaz, M. 2011. “Contesting the Legitimacy of Urban Restructuring and Highways
in Beirut’s Irregular Settlements”, in D. Davis and N. Libertun de Durén (eds.), Cities and Sovereignty:
Nationalist Conflicts in the Urban Realm, Indiana University
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Fawaz, M. 2009. “The State and the Production of Illegal Housing: Public Practices in Hayyel-Sellom,
Beirut-Lebanon”, in K. Ali and M. Rieker (eds.), Comparing Cities: The Middle-East and South Asia,
London: Oxford University Press, pp. 197-220.

Fawaz M and Isabelle Peillen. 2003. “Understanding Slums: Case studies for the Global Report on
Human Settlements- The Case of Beirut, Lebanon”. http://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu-projects/Global_Report/
pdfs/Beirut.pdf

Nizar & Rana Saghieh. 2008. “Legal Assessment of Housing, Land and Property Ownership, Rights,
Transfers, and Property Law related to Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon”, NRC report.Norimitsu Onishi,
“Lebanon Worries that Housing Will Make Syrian Refugees Stay”, the New York Times, December 11th,
2013.

Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) report. 2011. “From Shelter to Housing: security of tenure and
integration in protracted displacement settings”.

UN-ESCWA. 2012. Report Demographic Profile of Lebanon. Available at:

http://www.escwa.un.org/popin/members/lebanon.pdf

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Report. 2014. Syria Regional Response Plan: Strategic
Overview. December 2013. available at: http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Syria-rrp6-
full-report.pdf.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Report. 2014. Inter-agency Thematic Group Overview:
Syrian Refugee Crisis in Lebanon. May 2014. available at:file:///C:/Users/use/Downloads/Inter-
agencythematicoverview-AConstantStruggleforShelter-23May2014.pdf
 ‫‪١٩‬‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اول‬
‫اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬

‫)ﻛﻤﻤﺜﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ( ﻓﻲ ّ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪ .٢٣‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ إرﺳﺎء ﻟﺠﺎن ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﻀﻢ‬
‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰه ﺿﻤﻦ إﻃﺎر ﻣﺸﺘﺮك‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺄن اﻻﺿﻄﻼع ﺑﺪوره وﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺗﺠﺎه‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ إﻃﺎر وﻃﻨﻲ ﺗﻮاﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺠﺎه اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ واﻟﺠﻬﺎت‬ ‫واﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻀﺮرة‪ .‬ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻠّﺠﺎن‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ وﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ذات اﻹﻫﺘﻤﺎم‬
‫‪ .٢٥‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ دﻋﻢ اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮك ﻓﻮر ﻧﺸﻮﺋﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ وزارة اﻟﺸﺆون اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫دور اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ واﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت‬
‫وﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻤﻴﺎه وﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻹﻧﻤﺎء واﻹﻋﻤﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪات‬
‫وﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎن ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ أﻧﺠﻊ ﻷﻧﻮاع‬
‫ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﻣﻌ ّﺪة ﺧﺼﻴﺼﺎً ﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻌﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻋﻢ‪.‬‬
‫دور ﻗﻴﺎدي أﻗﻮى ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‬
‫وﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ ﻹدارة أزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .٢٤‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ اﻻﻋﺘﺮاف ﺑﺪور اﻟﺸﺎوﻳﺶ‬
 ‫أن اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن‬
‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺴﺎؤل وﺗﻤﺜﻞ ﺧﻄﺮا ً‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ إﻣﺪادات اﻟﻤﻴﺎه وﺟﻮدة‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﺑﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮة‪ ،‬وﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ‬
‫ذات أوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻠ ّﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .٢١‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ إﺟﺮاء دراﺳﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎت‬
‫وأﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻼ ﻷﺛﺮ إﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻷراﺿﻲ‬ ‫‪ .١٨‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ دﻋﻢ »ﻓﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻤﺆﻗﺖ« ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ اﻟﻨﺎﺟﻢ ﻋﻦ أزﻣﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻹﻋﺎدة اﻟﻨﻈﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺈﺷﺮاف اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ وﺑﺪﻋﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮاﻗﻌﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ وﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺪءا ً‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺨﺎﻃﺮ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﻣﺮﻛّﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل وﺿﻊ ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ وﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬وﺣﻴﺜﻤﺎ ﺗﻌ ّﺮض‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻮق اﻟﺨﻄﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺨﺎﻃﺮ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻟﻠﺨﻄﺮ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ اﻷراﺿﻲ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪،٢٠٠٩‬‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻘﺎرﺑﺎت ﺑﺴﻴﻄﺔ ﺗﻘﻮم‬
‫وذﻟﻚ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﻤﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﺎرض‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق ﻟﻨﻘﻠﻬﻢ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ أﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫وﻣﺠﺎﻻت إﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻻت اﻷراﺿﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼءﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫‪ .١٩‬ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ وﺿﻊ ﻣﺒﺎدئ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻴﺔ وﻧﻈﺎم‬
‫اﻟﻤﻴﺎه واﻷﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﺬاﺋﻲ واﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ واﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫وﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫واﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺄوى وﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎق واﺳﻊ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ٥. ٢ . ١‬اﻟﺤﻮﻛﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻼً‪ .‬وﻣﻊ إﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫‪ .٢٢‬ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﺎﻧﺤﺔ دﻋﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪد وإﺳﺘﻨﻔﺎذ اﻹدﺧﺎر ﻟﺪى ﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺼﺺ ﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻗﺪرات اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن إﻋﺪاد ﺧﻄﺔ ﻃﻮارئ ﻹدارة ﻧﻤﻮ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻲ وﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬
‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت ورﺻﺪ ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ‬ ‫‪ .٢٠‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﻀﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ إﺟﺮاء‬
‫واﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻷراﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺢ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ذات اﻟﺪﺧﻞ‬
‫واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ وﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﺰاﻋﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﺾ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺖ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ‬
‫واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﻟﻠﻄﻮارئ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫وﺿﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﻐﺮض ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫وﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺧﺒﻴﻦ أﻳﻀﺎً‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﻮق ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬

‫‪ ١٨‬اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت‬

 ‫‪١٧‬‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اول‬
‫اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬

‫ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﻜﺘﻈﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺮوت‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬

‫وﻃﺮاﺑﻠﺲ‪ .‬وﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ اﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺈﺧﺘﺒﺎرات‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮاﻣﺠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺤ ّﺪدة وﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮب ﻳﺮاﻋﻲ اﻟﻨﺰاع ﺑﻐﺮض‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت وﻧﺸﺮ اﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﻔﺮص اﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ اﻟﻈﺮوف‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺄن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ واﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮ وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ واﻷﺳﺮ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ ذات‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎت اﻹﺣﺎﻟﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺼﺎدر اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪.‬‬ ‫أو ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .١٦‬ﻧﻈﺮا ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻃﺮ اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮة اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪ .١٤‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﺎﻧﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ورﺑﻤﺎ‬
‫أﻣﻼك اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ أن‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺄوى‪ ،‬اﻟﻠﺠﻮء‬
‫ﻏﺎدروﻫﺎ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﺒ ّﻴﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮع‬ ‫إﻟﻰ وﺿﻊ إﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻘﺎﺿﺎة‬
‫ﺧﻼل اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ إﺟﺮاء ﻣﺴﺢ أﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫وﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ذات اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻼ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﻦ واﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪول اﻷﺧﺮى اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ ﻛﺎﻷردن‬ ‫واﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻌﺮاق وﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ وﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‪ .‬إن ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫اﻹﺧﻼء اﻟﻘﺴﺮي واﻟﺰﻳﺎدات ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎرﺑﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﺴﻮرﻳﺎ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺣﻮل‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪﻻت اﻹﻳﺠﺎر ﺧﻼل ﻓﺘﺮة ﺛﻼث‬
‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻷراﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮات ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻸﻣﻼك‬
‫واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺒﻨ ّﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﻐﺮق اﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬
‫ﺣﺠﻢ اﻟﺘﺤﺪي ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬ ‫وﻗﺘﺎً ﻃﻮﻳﻼً‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺗﺜﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺬه اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ‬ ‫إﻫﺘﻤﺎم وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫إﻟﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‬ ‫رﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺣﻮل ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت وﻗﻒ‬ ‫واﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮ‪.‬‬
‫إﻃﻼق اﻟﻨﺎر واﻹﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت داﺧﻞ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ .١٥‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﻣﺤﺪدة ّ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺪة‬
‫وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺘﻜﻮن اﻳﻀﺎً ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻹﺟﺮاء‬ ‫ﻟﻺﺧﺘﺒﺎر ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ »أﻣﺮاء اﻷﺣﻴﺎء‬
‫ﻣﻔﺎوﺿﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎق اوﺳﻊ ﻟﺤﻞ اﻟﻨﺰاع‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻘﻴﺮة« وأﺻﺤﺎب اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات اﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫وأي اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻮدة‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ُﺷ ّﻴﺪت ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻀﻤﺎن ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ أﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﻛﻴﻦ‬
‫واﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻮاء‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ‪ ٤. ٢ . ١‬إﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت اراﺿﻲ‬
‫‪ .١٧‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﺎﻧﺤﺔ زﻳﺎدة‬ ‫إﻳﺠﺎرات اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺤ ّﺪﻳﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻌﻴﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ اﻟﻤﺨﺼﺺ ﻟﻠﺼﺮف اﻟﺼﺤﻲ‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬
‫وﺟﻤﻊ اﻟﻨﻔﺎﻳﺎت اﻟﺼﻠﺒﺔ واﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺄوى اﻟﺸﺮوع ﻓﻮرا ً ﺑﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎم ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬
‫إﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻹﺧﻼء اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ واﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﻤﺎن‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﺒﺎً إﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺐ‬
‫ﻳﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮة‬ ‫ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮﻳﻦ؛ وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ‬
‫إﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓ ّﻌﺎل‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .٨‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﺎﻧﺤﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ إﻋﺘﻤﺎد‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﻣﻌ ّﺪة ﻹﺧﺘﺒﺎر ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﻟﺘﻔﺎوض‬
‫‪ .١١‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ وﺿﻊ ﺻﻴﻎ ﻋﻘﻮد اﻟﺘﺄﺟﻴﺮ‬ ‫ودﻓﻊ رﺳﻮم اﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻨﻤﻮذﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻒ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﻤﺄوى‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻮد اﻹﻳﺠﺎر‪ .‬إن اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ‬
‫وﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪ ،‬اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﺮﺳﻮم‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺨﺎص‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﺄوى اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬واﻷراﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻞ أي ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻹﻳﺮادات‪.‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ّ‬
‫اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ(‪ .‬وﻟﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻓﺮض‬ ‫ﻟﺬا‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎوض ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫إﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت ﻣﺤ ّﺪدة ﻷﻃﺮاف اﻟﻘﻄﺎع‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻔﻴﺾ رﺳﻮم ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻮد اﻹﻳﺠﺎر‬
‫اﻟﺨﺎص‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن إﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت ﻧﻤﻮذﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻹﻟﺘﺰام ﺑﺰﻳﺎدة ﻋﺪد ﻋﻘﻮد اﻹﻳﺠﺎر‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ رﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺴﺠﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت أن ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم‬
‫ﺑﺤﻘﻮق وﻣﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺎت ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺋﺪات ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﺼﺎدر ﻟﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ أو ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬
‫واﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .١٢‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ وﺿﻊ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ رﺻﺪ اﻹﺧﻼء‬ ‫‪ .٩‬اﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮب ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻬﻢ دﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﺎت ﺳﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻵﺛﺎر‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﺷﺘﺮاك ﻣﻊ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺼﻴﺮة واﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠﺔ اﻷﺟﻞ ﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬
‫واﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ووزارة‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻲ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬وﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺑﺬل‬
‫اﻟﺸﺆون اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ وﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺪ ﺧﺎص ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ واﻟﻘﻮاﻧﻴﻦ ذات‬
‫إﺟﺮاءات ﺑﺴﻴﻄﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﻷﺳﺮ اﻟﻤﻌ ّﺮﺿﺔ‬ ‫اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺳﻮق‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا‬
‫ﻟﺨﻄﺮ اﻹﺧﻼء اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ؛ وﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻻ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺪد‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻗﺎﻋﺪة اﻷدﻟﺔ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺠﻨﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ إﻳﺠﺎد ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﺪاﺋﻞ ﻟﻺﺧﻼء ﻣﻊ ﺿﻤﺎن ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﻸﺳﺮة اﻟﻤﻄﺮودة‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ٣. ٢ . ١‬اﻟﺤﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫‪ .١٣‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺄوى إدﺧﺎل‬ ‫واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺿﻤﺎن ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ .١٠‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ واﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫‪ ١٦‬اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت‬

 ‫‪١٥‬‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اول‬
‫اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬

‫اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺄوى ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻸوﻗﺎف اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ( ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮن أﻧﺴﺐ اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺄوى وإﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺒﺪء ﺑﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪف إﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬‫ّ‬
‫واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻮاء‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫‪ .٤‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ وﺿﻊ ﺣﺰﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ ﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ‬
‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﺤﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت ﻳﺠﺐ ان ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز‬ ‫اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺎء أو إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻧﻄﺎق اﻷﺳﺮة اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻼت ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫وﺣﺪات إﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬وﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻛﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫إﻟﻰ اﻟﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﻔﻮري‪ ،‬اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫وﻳﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺮوض‬
‫اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻜﻦ إﺳﺘﻜﻤﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ اﻟﻔﺎﺋﺪة وﺗﺨﻔﻴﺾ ﻟﻠﻀﺮاﺋﺐ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻨﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫وإﺟﺮاءات ﻣﺮﻧﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧّﻪ ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ رﺑﻂ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل؛ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ ﺑﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺠﻮدة‬
‫اﻟﺤﻀﺮﻳﺔ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﺣﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺄوى وﺿﻤﺎن اﻟﺤﻴﺎزة‪.‬‬
‫)اﻟﺤﺪاﺋﻖ‪ ،‬واﻟﻤﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ( وﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ .٥‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ »ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﻞ اﻟﻌﻴﺶ«‬
‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )اﻟﻤﻼﻋﺐ وﻣﺮاﻛﺰ‬ ‫)‪ (livelihoods‬إﻋﻄﺎء اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت‬
‫رﻋﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل( وﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ اﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎة‬
‫اﻟﺒﻨﺎء واﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ‬
‫وﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ آﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﺤﻮار ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬
‫»اﻟﺪﻓﻊ ﻧﻘﺪا ً ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ« وﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﺧﻠﻖ‬
‫واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ‬
‫أن ﺗﺮﻛّﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ وإﻧﺘﺎج ﻣﻮاد‬
‫‪ ٢. ٢ . ١‬ﺳﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺒﻨﺎء وإﻣﺪادات اﻟﻤﻴﺎه واﻟﺼﺮف اﻟﺼﺤﻲ‬
‫‪ .٧‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺄوى اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬ ‫وﺗﺼﺮﻳﻒ اﻟﻤﻴﺎه وﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻄﺎﻗﺔ اﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻊ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ وﻣﻊ أﺻﺤﺎب‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺤﺪود وﺟﻤﻊ اﻟﻨﻔﺎﻳﺎت اﻟﺼﻠﺒﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺸﺄن ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﺨﺎص ﻹﻧﺸﺎء »ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ‬ ‫وإﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﺪوﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ أﺧﺮى‬
‫ﺗﻨﺴﻴﻖ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ« وﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ أﻛﺜﺮ إﻧﺼﺎﻓ ًﺎ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﺮاﻛﺰ‬ ‫واﻟﻤﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻦ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪ .‬إن‬
‫ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ أﺳﻮاق اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺳﺒﻞ اﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﺧﺎرج اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﻀﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ وﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻋﻦ أﺳﻌﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻓﻲ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬
‫اﻹﻳﺠﺎرات واﻟﻌﻘﺎرات اﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺟﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﻀﻐﻮط ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ واﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت‬
‫وﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﻤﺒﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺘﻢ‬ ‫واﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻠﻬﺎ واﻷراﺿﻲ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ أن‬
‫ﺗ ُﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪ .٦‬ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﺎﻧﺤﺔ دﻋﻢ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت‬
 ‫ﻓﻬﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷرﺟﺢ ﺗﺠﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﻀﻄﺮة ‪ ٢. ١‬اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬
‫ﻟﻺﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻰ اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﻤﻠ ّﺤﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺣﻴﻦ أن ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت ﺗﺸﺎرك ﺑﻨﺸﺎط ‪ ١ . ٢ . ١‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﻤﺄوى‬
‫‪ .١‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺤﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪات اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫أﻛﺒﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬
‫زﻳﺎدة اﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻹﻋﺎدة ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ اﻟﻤﻨﺎزل‬ ‫وﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت وﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﺰاﻋﺎت‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ وإﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ إﻳﻮاء ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺪ أن اﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﻵﺧﺮ أﻗﻞ اﻧﺨﺮاﻃﺎً ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻛﺒﺪاﺋﻞ ﻟﺘﻨﺎﻣﻲ اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﻷﻣﻮر‪ .‬وﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼت‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ اﻟﻤﻨﺎزل اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺒﺪو أن ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﻢ ﻳﺮى أن اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎت‬
‫وإﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ إﻳﻮاء ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﻤﺜﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺠﺎوزﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻮزﻳﻊ‬
‫ﻣﺮدودا ً ﺟﻴﺪا ً؛ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮص اﻟﻤﺄوى‬
‫اﻟﺴﻠﻊ واﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻼﺋﻢ ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﺿﻤﺎن‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻮاﺟﺪﻳﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻄﺎق ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎزة‪.‬‬
‫وأﻋﺮب آﺧﺮون ﻋﻦ ﺗﺮددﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫‪ .٢‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺄوى اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ أﺻﺤﺎب اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات واﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫وﺛﻴﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋ ّﺒﺮوا ﻋﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺣﺪات اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ اﻹﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫إﺳﺘﻴﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺒﻴﺮوﻗﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺄوى‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺄن ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ وزارة اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻀﻠﻮا‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪ .‬وﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﺗﺮاﻓﻖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ إﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت ﻧﺎﺧﺒﻴﻬﻢ ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺒﺎدرات ﺗﺪاﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺗﻠﺒﻲ إﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ وﺗﻌ ّﺰز ﻗﺪرة اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت‬ ‫‪ .٢٣‬ﺗﺸﻴﺮ اﻟﺪراﺳﯩﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻧﺸﻮء ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ إدارة اﻷزﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫رﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻮﻛﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺑﺮوز دور اﻟﺸﺎوﻳﺶ‪) ،‬ﻣﻤﺜﻞ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬
‫‪ .٣‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻨﻴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ( ودور‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺄوى اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ وﺛﻴﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫وأﺻﺤﺎب اﻷراﺿﻲ ّ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺎزح وأﻳﻀﺎً اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻒ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه‬
‫)اﻟﻤﻼﻛﻴﻦ( ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎت اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﺸﻜّﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺎً ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬
‫ّ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت‬ ‫أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟﻤﻮاﻗﻊ ﻣﻼﺋﻤﺔ ﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼً ﻋﻦ زﻳﺎدة ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ وﻧﺸﺮ إرﺷﺎدات‬
‫اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻮل إﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻤﻼﺋﻤﺔ‪ .‬إن أراﺿﻲ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ واﻷوﻗﺎف )أراﺿﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ‬

‫‪ ١٤‬اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت‬

 ‫‪١٣‬‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اول‬
‫اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬

‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﺈن اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﻳﺠﺪون‬
‫أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ اﻣﺎم أزﻣﺔ »ﻣﺰﻣﻨﺔ« ﻟﻠﻤﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫ذو اﻷﺳﻌﺎر اﻟﻤﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺮب ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‪ .‬وﺗﺸﻴﺮ إﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ واﻗﻌﺎً‬
‫أﻟﻴﻤﺎً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪى‬
‫اﻟﻘﺼﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .٢١‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﻀﻄﻠﻊ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺑﺪور‬
‫ﻗﻴﺎدي ﻫﺎم ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻤﺄوى‬
‫واﻹﺳﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺎً‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت إﺳﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎرات ﺑﺸﺄن اﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر‬
‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ﻧﺸﺆ‬
‫أزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬إﻛﺘﻔﺖ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺈﻋﻼن‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﺄﺻﺪرت ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﻟﻌﻠﻪ اﻷﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺣﻮل اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻈﺮ‬
‫إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺨﻴﻤﺎت رﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ؛ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫أن اﻟﻤﺠﺎل ﻳﺒﻘﻰ واﺳ ًﻌﺎ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﺔ وأﻛﺜﺮ إﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺤﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ٥ . ١ . ١‬ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺤﻮﻛﻤﺔ‬
‫إﺿﺎﻓ ًﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺛﻤﺔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ .٢٠‬إن أزﻣﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻣﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻹﻧﻤﺎء واﻹﻋﻤﺎر‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﻗﺪ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ وﺻﻮل اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬
‫واﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻬﻢ أن ﻧﺪرك أن ﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻢ إﺷﺮاﻛﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻘﺒﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر‬
‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﻤﻼﺋﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ وﺗﻨﺒﻊ‬
‫‪ .٢٢‬ﺗﺒﺬل اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺪ ًا ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ًا‬ ‫ﻣﻦ وﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺒﻮق ﻟﻠﺴﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺎﻫﻆ اﻟﺜﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن واﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﻮد ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺒﻘﻰ أﻋﻤﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮرة ﺑﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ اﻟﺸﺆون‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﻀﺎرﺑﺎت اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺟﻤﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻷزﻣﺔ؛ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﻘ ّﻴﺪة وإﻟﻰ ﻏﻴﺎب ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺪاﻣﺔ ﻹﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت اﻷراﺿﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗ ُﻮﻓﺮ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت‬
‫وﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪرا ً ﻣﻮﺛﻮﻗﺎً ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﺣﻮل اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت ﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﺨ ّﻴﻤﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻺﻳﺠﺎر واﻷﺳﻌﺎر اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫واﻟﺘﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ اﻟﻤﺮﺗﻘﺒﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻮف ﺗﺘﻜﺒﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﺮ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻔﺎوض ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﻼﻛﻴﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟ ّﺮاء ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫وﻣﻊ ُﻣﻘﺮﺿﻲ اﻟﻤﺎل ﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴﻞ دﻓﻊ اﻹﻳﺠﺎر‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬه اﻷﻧﻤﺎط‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .١٧‬ﻳﺤﺘﺸﺪ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻮن اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻮن ﻓﻲ ٍ‬
‫ﻋﺪد‬
‫‪ .١٩‬ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺒﻴﺎن اﻷﺛﺎر اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ واﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺮوت‪،‬‬
‫اﻷﻣﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ وإﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺣﻴﺎء إﻟﻰ ّ‬
‫ﻣﺨﻴﻤﺎت‬ ‫ّ‬
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‫ﻣﺨﻴﻤﺎت‬ ‫اﻷراﺿﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل أﻧﻤﺎط‬ ‫ُﺑﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‬
‫اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ أﺛﺒﺘﺖ‬
‫اﻟﺤﻀﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺿﻮح ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ »دراﺳﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ« اﻟﺘﻲ أُﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺣﻲ اﻟﻨﺒﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄن اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬
‫اﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻤﻔﺮﻃﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻤﻜﺘﻈّﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﻴﺮوت‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﺤ ّﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ذات اﻟﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﺾ وﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ‬
‫إﻟﻰ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎت ﺳﻮرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﺎد ﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه‬
‫ﺗﺪاﻋﻴﺎت إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ وﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه ﻫﻲ اﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻮاء‪ .‬وﻻﺣﻆ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺸﺎرﻛﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺷﻮارع اﻟﻨﺒﻌﺔ وأﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﺼﺒﺮا‬
‫ﻓﻲ إﺳﺘﻄﻼﻋﺎت اﻟﺮأي ﺗﺤﺴﻨﺎً واﺿﺤﺎً‬
‫وﺷﺎﺗﻴﻼ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﺒﻪ اﻟﺤﻀﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺣﻴﺎء داﺧﻞ‬
‫واﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺐ إﻧﺸﺎء‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺒﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺘﺮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ اﻷزﻣﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ رﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻓﻰ ﻫﺬه‬
‫اﻷراﺿﻲ اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﻤﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮة ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫اﻷﺣﻴﺎء ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻟﻔﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻘﺎﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻗﻄﻊ اﻷﺷﺠﺎر ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪون ﻋﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ وإﺗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺈﻧﻌﺪام اﻷﻣﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻄﺎق واﺳﻊ وﺗﻠﻮث اﻷراﺿﻲ اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺘﻘﺪ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺮاء اﻟﻤﻴﺎه اﻵﺳﻨﺔ واﻟﻨﻔﺎﻳﺎت‪ .‬ﻣﻊ اﻹﺷﺎرة‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﺤﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻹﺣﺘﺸﺎد وﻳﺮون ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫اﻟﻰ أﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎرة ﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﻴّﻬﻢ وﺳﺒﺒﺎً ﻓﻲ زﻳﺎدة‬
‫اﻟﻘﻤﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺼﺪر ﻗﻠﻖ ﺑﻴﺌﻲ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫أﺳﻌﺎر اﻹﻳﺠﺎرات‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﺮاﻓﻖ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻮث ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺑﺔ واﻟﻤﻴﺎه ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت‪.‬‬
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‫اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪ .١٨‬ﺗﺘﺒﻊ أﻧﻤﺎط‬
‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ أﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞٍ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻞ أﻧﻤﺎط ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺣﻴﺚ ّ‬

‫‪ ١٢‬اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت‬

 ‫‪١١‬‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اول‬
‫اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬

‫واﻷرض واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺰال اﻟﻨﻬﺞ‬ ‫أن ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻹﺧﻼء ﻧًﻔّﺬت ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل أﻣﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﺘﻀﻲ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﻮرﻳﺎً وﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺎً‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌ ّﻴﻦ أن ﻳﻘﺘﺮن ﻫﺬا‬ ‫أو أﻧﻬﺎ إﺗﺒﻌﺖ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺑﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻨﺪة إﻟﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬وأﺷﺎرت اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أﻳﻀﺎً إﻟﻰ أن‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮق ﻟﺘﻜﻮن ﻓ ّﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺜﻞ أراﺿﻲ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻹﺧﻼءات إﺗﺴﻤﺖ‬
‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ واﻷوﻗﺎف )أراﺿﻲ اﻷوﻗﺎف‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ واﻟﻤﻀﺎﻳﻘﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻜﺮرة‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ أﻓﻀﻞ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ( ﻓﺮﺻﺎ رﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن اﻹﺧﻼء اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎت ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻚ واﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻣﺎً ﺑﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ أو ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻟﻠﻘﻮة‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺸﻴﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ‬
‫‪ .١٥‬وﺗﺸﻴﺮ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ اﻟﻰ وﺟﻮد دﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﻮات اﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﺎﻃﺮ اﻟﻤﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫اﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻬﺎ اﻟﻨﺎزح‬ ‫‪ .١٣‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ أن ﺗﻘﺪم اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻮن ﺑﺸﻜﺎوى‬
‫وراءه ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ إدﻋﻰ‬ ‫أﻣﺎم اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﻢ‪ .‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﻦ دﻟﻴﻞ‬
‫‪ ٪٨٣‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮاﻓﺪﻳﻦ اﻟﺠﺪد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﻠﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻮد أي دﻋﻮى ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎن‬
‫اﻹﺳﺘﻄﻼع اﻟﺬي ﻧُﻔّﺬ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺒﺮاﻳﺮ‪/‬ﺷﺒﺎط‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻷراﺿﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠١٤‬أﻧﻬﻢ أﺻﺤﺎب ﻣﻠﻚ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻫﺆﻻء‬
‫ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ذﻛﺮ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ )‪ (٪٥٨‬ﻋﺪم ﺣﻴﺎزﺗﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬أو‬
‫ﻷي إﺛﺒﺎت ﻟﺤﻘﻮق ﻫﺬه اﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻤﺪون اﻟﻰ ﺗﺤ ّﺪي ﻗﺮارات‬
‫أو إﺟﺮاءات ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺆاﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ أن اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺆﻛﺪ‪ ،‬وﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أن اﻟﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔ ‪ ٤ . ١ . ١‬أﻧﻤﺎط ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫واﻟﻤﺸﻮرة اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺎرس ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ وإﺳﺘﺨﺪام اراﺿﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ُ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫‪ .١٦‬ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻮن اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻮن‬
‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﺎوف ﻟﻀﻤﺎن ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻷرض واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻨﺰاع اﻟﺴﻮري‪ .‬وﺛﻤﺔ إﺣﺘﻤﺎل ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬أي اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻮن‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﻜﻨﻮا ﻣﻦ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ .١٤‬وﻳﺨﻠﺺ اﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﻰ أن إﺗ ّﺒﺎع‬
‫اﻟﻤﺄوى ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﻤﻘﺎرﺑﺔ ﺳﻮق‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﻘﻮد إﻟﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺻ ًﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﻤﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎع اﻟﺒﻨﺎء واﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻮﺣﺪه ﻓﻌﺎﻻً ﻓﻲ ﺿﻤﺎن ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﺤﻀﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﺰراﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫‪ .١٠‬ﻳُﺴﺘﺪل ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﻰ ان ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺄﺟﻮر دون دﻓﻊ اﻟﻤﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺼﺪر‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫اﻹﺧﻼء‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ أن ﻳﻮﺣﻲ أﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻫﻨﺎك‬
‫ﻗﻠﻖ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﻋﺎم ‪،٢٠١٣‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻔﺮص ﻟﻠﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﻐﺮض ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻮق‬
‫ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﻤﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ )‪(UNHCR‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻹﺧﻼءات‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ان اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎت‬ ‫‪ .٨‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻨﻮب ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻤﺄوى ﺗﺸﻴﺮ اﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎن ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ أﻗﻞ ﺣ ّﺪة‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﺒﺪو أن اﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪد اﻟﻤﺤﺪود ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﻴ ًﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ واﻟﺬي ﻳﺆدي إﻟﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺨﺰون ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻔﺎرﻏﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﺪودﻳﺔ‬
‫إﺳﺘﻨﻔﺎذ اﻟﻤﺪﺧﺮات‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ اﻟﻰ زﻳﺎدة‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮص اﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ وﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ‬
‫اﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻت ﺗﺨﻠّﻒ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺟﻴﺮ‪ ،‬واﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ اﺣﺘﻮاﺋﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎً‪،‬‬
‫دﻓﻌﺎت اﻹﻳﺠﺎر‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻰ اﻹﺳﻬﺎم ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮﻫﺎت أﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫اﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻤﺄوى‪.‬‬
‫‪ .١١‬ﺛﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻹﺧﻼءات‬
‫اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ إﻟﻰ أن ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻻت‬ ‫‪ ٣ . ١ . ١‬اﻟﺤﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ وارض‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪث ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻋﺪم ﻗﺪرة اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪ دﻓﻌﺎت اﻹﻳﺠﺎر اﻟﻤﺘﻔﻖ‬
‫‪ .٩‬اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻮن ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﻮا ﻋﻠﻰ ّﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﺼﻞ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬إن ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‬
‫اﻹﺧﻼء ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺨﺎوف‬
‫اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ أو اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ ﻟﺤﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬
‫اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﻠﺠﻴﺶ(‬
‫وﻋﻠﻰ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺨﺼﻮص‪ ،‬ﺑﺪا اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻮن ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬
‫أو ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺘﻮﺗﺮات ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺪرﻛﻴﻦ ﻟﻤﻨﺪرﺟﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻻت‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻌﻘﻮد اﻹﻳﺠﺎرات ﻟﻼﻣﻼك اﻟﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺜﻞ أﻗﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫)اﻟﺸﻘﻖ واﻟﻤﻨﺎزل( اﻟﺬي ﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫‪ .١٢‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ أن ﻋﺪم ﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪ اﻹﻳﺠﺎر ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﺒﺮرا ً‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎﻻت ﺿﻤﺎن إﺷﻐﺎل اﻟﻤﺄﺟﻮر ﻟﻤﺪة ﺛﻼث‬
‫ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺎ ﻹﺧﻼء اﻟﻤﺄﺟﻮر‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻴﺮ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮات وﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻔﺘﺮة ﺳﻨﺔ واﺣﺪة ﺑﺤﺴﺐ‬
‫إﻟﻰ أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﻏﺎﻟﺒ ًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺪث‬ ‫اﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎد اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ .‬أﺿﻒ اﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺧﺎرج أي إﻃﺎر ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬وﺗﺸﻜﻞ اﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ‬ ‫إﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬أي اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻮن‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﻮا ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑ ّﻴﻨﺔ أن‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ واﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ‬ ‫اﻹﺧﻼء ﻳﺠﺐ ان ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺸﻔﻮﻋﺎً ﺑﻘﺮار ﻣﻦ‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ أي دﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ١٠‬اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت‬

 ‫‪٩‬‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اول‬
‫اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬

‫ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺴﻮق ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫أن اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ اﻟﺸﻖ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺘﺮﻛﺰ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺳﺮ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﺸﺎً‬
‫‪ .٦‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﻀﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮة‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺄت‬ ‫وﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻘﺼﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ أﺻﺤﺎب اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات واﻟﻮﻛﻼء‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺄوى ﻟﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬
‫اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﻴﻦ وأﻣﺮاء اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻔﻘﻴﺮة ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ذي اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ أﺧﺮى‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮي اﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺄوى ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮاوة زادت ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪات‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻣ ّﺮ أرﺑﻊ ﺳﻨﻮات ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻲ‪ .‬إن ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫أزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ اﻟﻤﺨﺼﺺ ﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﺬي ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻪ اﻟﻤﻼﻛﻴﻦ ووﻛﻼﺋﻬﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺄوى ﻗﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ‬
‫)ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‪ ،‬وﺷﺒﻜﺎت‪ ،‬وﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫اﻷﻋﺮاض ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮد( ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﺷﺔ وﺿﻊ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻻﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻷزﻣﺔ ﻃﺎل أﻣﺪﻫﺎ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﻓﺮه ﻫﺬا اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺰاﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﻤﺄوى ﺑﻤﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺧﺸﺒﺔ اﻟﺨﻼص ﻹﻧﻘﺎذ‬
‫وأرﺑﺎح ﻃﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬إﻧﻤﺎ ﻳﺪل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪم‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎة اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻳﻠﺒﻲ ﺣﺘﻰ أدﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫رﻏﺒﺔ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻤﻼّﻛﻴﻦ واﻟﻮﺳﻄﺎء اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻜﻦ اﻟﻼﺋﻖ واﻟﻤﻼﺋﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ رؤﻳﺔ أي ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺾ ﻧﻔﻮذﻫﻢ‪ .‬وﻳﺘﻔﺎﻗﻢ‬ ‫‪ ٢ . ١ . ١‬ﺳﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻮءا ً ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﻓﻲ اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮم اﻟﻮﺳﻄﺎء ﺑﺈدارة اﻟﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫‪ .٥‬إن اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﺬوي اﻟﺪﺧﻞ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‬
‫اﻟﻤﻼّﻛﻴﻦ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺒﻴﻦ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻮا ﻣﻨﺎزﻟﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ازداد ﻋﺪد اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﺎد‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺻﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ اﻟﻤﺄوى‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪ .‬وﺗﺨﻠﺺ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ إﻟﻰ أن اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ .٧‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻ ًﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﻴﻤﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪو ان أداء‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻬﻤﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺠﺄون إﻟﻰ ﻗﻨﻮات اﻟﺴﻮق‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮق ﻫﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣ ًﺎ رديء‪ ،‬وﻳﺘﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺄوى‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺣﺴﺎب اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ واﻟﻤﻼﻛﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻮاء‪.‬‬ ‫أن اﻟﺴﻮق ﻏﻴﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﻮزة اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎط اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ )اﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻤﺮوﻧﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺸﺄن ﺗﻮاﻓﺮ اﻷراﺿﻲ ﺷﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ٍ‬
‫ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎً(‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻟﺪﻳﻪ أوﺟﻪ ﻗﺼﻮر‬ ‫وﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬واﻻﺳﻌﺎر‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻤﻼﻛﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪة )ﻣﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﻮدة‪ ،‬إﺷﻐﺎل‬
‫ﻓﻴﻌﻤﺪون اﻟﻰ وﺿﻊ أﺳﻌﺎر ﺑﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﺄﺟﻮر‪ ،‬وأﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﺌﻲ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ(‪ .‬إن‬
‫واﻗﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻮاﺟﻬﻮا ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ وﺿﻌﺎً ُﻣﺮﺑﻜﺎً‬ ‫أي ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻤﺄوى‬
‫ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﺘﺮك اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺑﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺎن‪/‬‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻢ واﺿﺢ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺳﺮ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ إﺳﺘﻘﺮت ﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪ ١ . ١‬اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن إﻟﻰ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﺾ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﺧﻴﺎراﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﺄن‬
‫ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺄوى اﻟﺬي ﺑﻤﻘﺪورﻫﻢ إﺳﺘﺌﺠﺎره‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ١ . ١ . ١‬ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻤﺄوى وا‪:‬ﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت‬
‫وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻟﺪى ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻮاﻓﺪة ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎً واﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻮن أﺻﻼً إﻟﻰ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎت ﻣﻌﺪوﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮى ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺨﻴﺎرات‬ ‫‪ .١‬إن اﻟﻤﺄوى ﻏﻴﺮ ّ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻴﺴﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻰ ‪٪٤١‬‬
‫اﻷﺧﺮى اﻟﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ أﺿﻒ إﻟﻰ ﺧﻴﺎر اﻟﻤﺄوى‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ان‬
‫اﻟﻤﻴﺴﺮ داﺧﻞ اﻷﺣﻴﺎء واﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻔﻘﻴﺮة‬
‫ّ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺄوى اﻟﻤﻼﺋﻢ ﻫﻮ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ‪،‬‬
‫واﻟﻤﻜﺘﻈّﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ‪ .‬وﺗﻤﺎﺷﻴﺎً ﻣﻊ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﻖ وﻧًﺸﺮت‬
‫‪ .٣‬إرﺗﻔﻊ ﻋﺪد اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮل ﻫﺬا اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮع‪ ،‬ﺗﺆﻛﺪ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪات اﻟﻤﺄوى ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺰرﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ ٢٠١٢‬و ‪ .٢٠١٣‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫‪ ٥٤,٤٥٠‬ﻧﺎزح ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪات ﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺄوى ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺌﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﺪوﻣﺔ وﻳﻌﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻦ رداءة‬
‫ﻋﺎم ‪) ٢٠١٢‬ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ‪١٧٠,٦٣٧‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺄوى‪ ،‬واﻻﻛﺘﻈﺎظ‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﺪودﻳﺔ ﻓﺮص‬
‫ﻧﺎزح ﻣﺴ ّﺠﻞ ﺑﺤﻠﻮل دﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ‪/‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮن اﻻول‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﻴﺎه‪ ،‬وﺧﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺼﺮف‬
‫‪ ،(٢٠١٢‬ﺑﻠﻎ ﻋﺪد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻮا ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪة‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺤﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ واﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺤﻀﺮﻳﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺄوى ‪ ٢٠٩,٢١٤‬ﻧﺎزح ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫وذﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﺒﻼد‪ .‬وﺗﺆﻛﺪ‬
‫‪) ٢٠١٣‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘ ّﺪر ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻤﻠﻴﻮن‬ ‫اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ أن اﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺸﻐﻞ اﻟﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬
‫ﻧﺎزح(‪ ،‬أي ﺑﺰﻳﺎدة ﻗﺪرﻫﺎ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أﺿﻌﺎف‬ ‫ﻟﻤﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺪرﺟﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء‬
‫اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻣﺄوى‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺟﻮدة اﻟﻤﺴﻜﻦ أو ﻛﻠﻔﺘﻪ اﻟﺸﻬﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .٤‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻴﺮ اﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ إﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪ .٢‬وﺗُﺒﺮِز اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ أن ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻤﺄوى‬
‫أن اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻤﺎﻧﺤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺰداد ﺳﻮء ًا ﻋﻮض أن ﺗﺘﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮا ً‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻖ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ أوﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺤﺪودﻳﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﺄوى ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻘﺼﻴﺮ دون‬ ‫اﻹﻳﺠﺎر ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺠﺪر اﻹﺷﺎرة‬
‫اﻻﻟﺘﻔﺎت اﻟﻰ أي ﺧﻴﺎرات أﺧﺮى ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫إﻟﻰ أ ّن ﻋﺪد اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‬
‫اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ إﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﺄﻫﻴﻞ‪ .‬إن‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﺘّﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ أزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﺈﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﻫﻮ أﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻤﻨﺬ ﻋﻘﻮد ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﻧﻘﺼﺎً ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮد ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻘﺼﻴﺮ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓّﺮة وﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ‪ .‬وﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪،‬‬
‫اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك دﻻﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫إرﺗﻔﻌﺖ أﺳﻌﺎر اﻹﻳﺠﺎرات‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ إﺿﻄﺮ‬

‫‪ ٨‬اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت‬

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‫اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اول‬

‫اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬

‫ﺗﻨﺪرج اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﺗﺤﺖ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ‬

‫ﻋﻨﺎوﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻤﺄوى واﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ؛‬
‫ﺳﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻦ؛ اﻟﺤﻖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻷرض واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ؛‬
‫أﻧﻤﺎط ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﻜﻦ وإﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻷراﺿﻲ؛ وﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬
‫اﻟﺤﻮﻛﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻄﻮي أﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ إﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻤﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﺮاﺋﺪة‬
‫اﻟﻤﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬
‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﺎق ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ .‬وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬وﺿﻌﺖ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﻟﺘﻌﺮض أوﻻً ﻟﻠﺘﺪاﺑﻴﺮ اﻟﻮاﺟﺐ إﺗﺨﺎذﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺪى اﻟﻘﺼﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت‬
 ‫‪٥‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬

‫)‪ ،(NRC‬واﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺪﻧﻤﺎرﻛﻲ ﻟﻼﺟﺌﻴﻦ )‪ ،(DRC‬ﻫﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‬

‫وﺻﻨﺪوق اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻮﻳﺴﺮي )‪ ،(SDC‬واﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻢ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻓﺼﻮل‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة )‪ ،(IOM‬وﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة‬
‫ﻳﻠﺨﺺ اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻷول ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ وﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‬
‫اﻹﻧﻤﺎﺋﻲ )‪ .(UNDP‬إﺿﺎﻓ ًﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗ ّﺪم اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻳﻘﺪم اﻟﻔﺼﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻤﺤﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻲ اﻟﻤﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺄوى ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن وﻗﺘﻬﻢ وﺧﺒﺮﺗﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‬
‫وﺳﻮق اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ وﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻹﺳﻜﺎن‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮة ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ واﻟﻤﺄوى‪.‬‬
‫اﻷﻃﺮ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﻳﻘﺪم اﻟﻔﺼﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻮﺟﺰا ً ﻋﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺣﺼﻮل اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫وأﻳﻀﺎً أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت إﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﻜﻦ وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻤﺄوى اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﻮث واﻟﺪراﺳﺎت )‪ (CRI‬وﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻫﻴﻮﻣﻦ راﻳﺘﺲ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻔﺤﺺ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ووﺗﺶ )‪ ،(HRW‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﻘﺪت ﻟﻘﺎءات ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬
‫اﻟﻤﺄوى ﺑﺠﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﻮاﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﻋﻘﻮد اﻹﻳﺠﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻹﻧﻤﺎء واﻹﻋﻤﺎر )‪(CDR‬‬
‫وﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻹﺧﻼء‪ ،‬ودور اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ‬ ‫واﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻤﺪﻧﻲ )‪،(DGUP‬‬
‫اﻟﻔﺼﻠﻴﻦ اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ واﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ﻳﺘﻢ اﺳﺘﻌﺮاض اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‬ ‫وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ رؤﺳﺎء اﺗﺤﺎدات اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت )‪) (UoMs‬ﺳﺎﺣﻞ‬
‫اﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻋﻤﺎل اﻟﻤﻴﺪاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺰﻫﺮاﻧﻲ‪ ،‬إﺗﺤﺎد ﺑﻠﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ(‪ ،‬ورؤﺳﺎء اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺘﻴﻦ؛ اﻟﻨﺒﻌﺔ‪/‬ﺑﻴﺮوت‪ ،‬وﻋﻜﺎر ﻓﻲ ﺷﻤﺎل ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻓﻲ ﺟﻨﻮب ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ :‬اﻟﺮﻣﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﻤﺮ؛ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻘﺎع‪ :‬ﺑ ّﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻴﺎس؛ وﻓﻲ ﻋﻜﺎر‪ :‬رﺣﺒﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﻘﻴﻄﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺮ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻌﺒﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺮﻣﻮل‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻞ ﻋﺒﺎس اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻴﺎره‪ ،‬وﺣﻠﺒﺎ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻢ اﺳﺘﻌﺮاض ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﺮاﺟﻊ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن واﻟﺘﺰام اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺑﻤﻨﺪرﺟﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﻟﻲ‬
‫واﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻐﺮض ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﻟﺘﺰاﻣﺎت ﻟﺒﻨﺎن وﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫اﻟﻔﺮص ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻﺣﻘﺎً‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ إﺟﺮاء ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻤﻴﺪاﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻐﺮض ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎت‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻮاﻧﺐ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ‬
‫واﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﻘﻮق‬
‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ وﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻰ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻂ اﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎق‬
‫أوﺳﻊ ﻟﻀﻤﺎن اﻟﻤﺄوى ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ وﻟﻠﻔﺌﺎت اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﺄوى‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪم اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻼً ﻣﻌ ّﻤﻘﺎ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬ ‫أﻫﺪاف اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‬
‫اﻻﺳﺘﺤﻮاذ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺄوى ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺿﻮء اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮرة ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬
‫وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻳﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻣﻦ‪:‬‬
‫اﻟﻤﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﺰة ﻋﻦ أوﺿﺎع اﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت اﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ )‪ (UN-Habitat‬ﺑﺈﺟﺮاء‬
‫دراﺳﺔ ﺣﻮل ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ أزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺰوح اﻟﺴﻮري ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮاﺿﻴﻊ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ أﺳﻮاق اﻟﺒﻴﻊ واﻟﺸﺮاء‪ ،‬واﻷﻃﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺘﻌﺮض ﻫﺬا واﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ اﻷزﻣﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ أرﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت ﻣﺤﺪدة ‪:‬‬
‫دراﺳﺔ ﺣﺎﻻت ﻣﻌ ّﻤﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫)أ( اﻟﺨﻴﺎرات اﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺄوى ﻟﻠﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ؛‬
‫)ب( ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ إﺟﺮاء ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت ﻣﻊ ﻋﻴّﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻦ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت؛ )ج( )اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻒ( ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ رؤى ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺮوﺿﺎت اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ واﻟﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت؛ و)د( إﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت ﻣﻜ ّﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮة ﻟﺪى اﻟﻤﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫إن اﻟﺠﻮﻟﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺰﻳﺎرات اﻟﻤﻴﺪاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻷراﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪن واﻟﺒﻠﺪات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﺮت‬
‫واﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼت اﻟﻤﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻘ ّﺪﻣﻲ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻷزﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ وﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﺳﻤﺤﺖ ﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫إن اﻟﻐﺮض ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ‬
‫اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻬﻢ أﻧﻤﺎط اﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎن واﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺒﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت واﻹﻗﺘﺮاﺣﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ أن ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬
‫ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث اﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ أرﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‬
‫)ﺑﺤﺜﺎن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﻀﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻰ ﺑﺤﺜﻴﻦ‬ ‫وإﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﻘﺮارات وﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺒﺮاﻣﺞ وذﻟﻚ ﻟﻀﻤﺎن‬
‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ( ﺣﻴﺚ أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻮل اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ واﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼت اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺤﺼﻠﺔ‪ ،‬أﺟﺮﻳﺖ‬
‫ّ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ واﻷﺳﺮ اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺄوى آﻣﻦ وﻣﻼﺋﻢ‪ ،‬وﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت ﻣﻊ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٠٠‬أﺳﺮة ﻧﺎزﺣﺔ و‪ ٢٥‬أﺳﺮة‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﺎء اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﻴﻦ‬
‫واﻷﻃﺮاف اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن وﻇﺮوف اﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ وﻇﺮوف اﻟﺴﻮق وﻧﻘﺎط‬
‫إن اﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أُﺗﺒﻌﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻀﻌﻒ ﻟﺪى ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﻔﺌﺎت‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﺗﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎرﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮازﻳﻴﻦ‪ :‬أوﻻً‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت ﻣﻊ ﻣﻘ ّﺪﻣﻲ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﻃﻴﺮ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ إﻃﺎر واﺳﻊ ﺣﻮل‬
‫وﺿﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ واﻷراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻢ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎع اﻟﺴﻜﻦ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻤﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻢ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة ﻟﺸﺆون‬
‫واﻷﻃﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﺼﻮل اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻼﺟﺌﻴﻦ )‪ ،(UNHCR‬واﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﻨﺮوﺟﻲ ﻟﻼﺟﺌﻴﻦ‬

‫‪ ٤‬اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت‬

‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬

‫واﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺪن ﻛﻤﺎ وﺧﺎرﺟﻬﺎ إﺿﺎﻓ ًﺔ إﻟﻰ‬

‫اﻟﻘﺮى‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺧﻠﻖ اﻟﻨﺰوح اﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎت ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‬
‫ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪ ﻧﺠﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﺎدة ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎن ﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮا ً ﻛﺒﻴﺮا ً‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷوﺿﺎع ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻷزﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ر ّﺣﺒﺖ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ودﻋﻤﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ دون‬
‫ﻃﻠﺐ أي ﺷﻲء ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻃﺎل أﻣﺪ‬
‫اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﺔ وﺑﺎت ﻫﺬا اﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻋﺒﺌﺎً ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪا ً ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻮاء‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ وإﻧﻌﺪام‬
‫إﺳﺘﺮاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻤﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻷزﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬
‫اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺗﻌﺎوﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ‬
‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت أول اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺠﻴﺒﻴﻦ ﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﻀﻴﻒ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن أﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪو أن اﻟﻀﻐﻮط اﻟﻤﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺎت‬
‫اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺪول اﻟﻤﺠﺎورة‪ ،‬وﺗﻘﺪر ﺣ ّﺪت ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪراﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪات اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻤﺘﺰاﻳﺪة‬
‫اﻟﻤﻔﻮﺿﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺸﺆون اﻟﻼﺟﺌﻴﻦ )‪ (UNHCR‬ﻫﺒﻄﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺘﻬﺎ وزاد ﺷﻌﻮرﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻹﺣﺒﺎط‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺪد اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﻴﻦ اﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫إن اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ اﻟﻤﻠّﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺄوى أﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻧﺎزح‪ ،‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ ‪٥٠٫٠٠٠‬‬
‫ﻻﺟﺊ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺰﺣﻮا ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‪ .‬إن ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻫﺬا دﻓﻌﺖ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺳﺮ اﻟﺴﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﻓﻲ‬
‫اﻟﻨﺰوح ﺣﺪث ﺧﻼل ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﻤﻨﺼﺮم ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻇﺮوف ﺳﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻘﻄﻦ أﻓﺮادﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺪد اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪/‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ﻟﻌﺎم اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻓﻲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺼ ّﻤﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﻦ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ وﺻﻮل‬
‫‪ ٢٠١٣‬أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٥٠٫٠٠٠‬ﻧﺎزح‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ان ﻫﺬا ﻧﺎزﺣﻴﻦ ﺟﺪد‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﺆا ً إذ اﻧﻪ ﺣ ّﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮاﻓﺮ‬
‫اﻟﻌﺪد ﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻣﻰ إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎرب اﻟﺴﺘﺔ أﺿﻌﺎف ﺧﻼل أﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ وزاد ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮ إﺧﻼء اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼت ﺑﺎﻟﻘ ّﻮة‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎم واﺣﺪ‪ .‬وﻳُﻘ ّﺪر اﻟﻴﻮم أن واﺣﺪا ً ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ وﻗﺪ ﻛﺎن ﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻴﻦ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﻮاﻗﺐ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫أﺷﺨﺎص ﻣﻘﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن ﻫﻮ ﻧﺎزح ﺳﻮري‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻮزع ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻤﻀﻴﻔﺔ ﻧﻈﺮا ﻟﺰﻳﺎدة اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻨﺎزﺣﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻷراﺿﻲ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻳﺘﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﻛﻦ ذوي اﻷﺳﻌﺎر اﻟﻤﻌﻘﻮﻟﺔ‪ ،‬إﺿﺎﻓ ًﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻋﺪم‬
‫ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﻘﺎع )‪ ،(٪٣٥‬وﺑﻴﺮوت )‪ ،(٪٢٥‬وﺷﻤﺎل ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺒﻨﻰ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ واﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن )‪ .(٪٢٥‬وﻗﺪ اﺳﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪن اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻤﺤﺪودة‪.‬‬
‫اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واراﺿﻲ واﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‬
‫آﺛﺎر أزﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺰوح اﻟﺴﻮري‬
‫آب ‪٢٠١٤‬‬
 HOUSING, LAND & PROPERTY ISSUES IN LEBANON: IMPLICATIONS OF THE SYRIAN REFUGEE CRISIS - August 2014
HOUSING, LAND & PROPERTY
ISSUES IN LEBANON
IMPLICATIONS OF THE SYRIAN REFUGEE CRISIS
August 2014
This publication was commissioned by UNHCR and UN-Habitat and has been
produced with the support of the European Union. The contents of this publication
can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union and do not
necessarily represent the official view of UNHCR.

‫تم تنفيذ هذه املطبوعة بواسطة املفوضية السامية لألمم املتحدة لشؤون الالجئني وبرنامج األمم املتحدة‬
‫ إن محتويات هذه املطبوعة ال ميكن بأي حال أن تعكس‬.‫للمستوطنات البرشية بدعم من االتحاد األورويب‬
.‫ كام أنها ال متثّل بالرضورة وجهة النظر الرسمية للمفوضية السامية‬،‫وجهات نظر اإلتحاد األورويب‬

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

Khater Building, Dr. Philippe Hitti Street,
Ramlet El Baida – Beirut
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.unhcr.org

United Nations Human Settlements Program (UN-Habitat)

UNESCO Regional Office
Cite Sportive Avenue – Jnah – Beirut
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.unhabitat.org European Union