[ PM L A

theories and
methodologies

What Remains to Be
Seen: Reclaiming
the Visual Roots of
Once were people without writing. This is the dominant nar-
Pacific Literature rative of Pacific literature. Such a view rarely takes the lack
of a recognizable alphabet or script in most of the inhabited islands
of the Pacific at the time of contact with Europeans as a neutral dif-
teresia teaiwa ference. Lack is deficiency. Curiously, both detractors from and cel-
ebrants of Pacific literature agree that Pacific societies and cultures
were introduced to writing by Europeans. The detractors see this
originary lack as a permanent impediment to the development of
worthy literature. (Few ever say, They lacked a written script, and
they haven’t produced any literature of note—it must be because
they have a superior civilization.) The celebrants see the lack as a
difference to be treasured along with the eventual acquisition of
writing. So how can we better understand Pacific literature: where it
came from and where it could take its readers?
There are multiple discourses on and of the Pacific, so let me
clarify that neither the “Pacific Rim” nor the “Asia-­Pacific” is the
topic of this essay. At least among anglophone scholars, “Pacific lit-
erature” has historically referred to fiction and other writing that
emanates from the Pacific Islands region, loosely marked by Hawai‘i
to the north, Rapa Nui to the east, New Zealand to the south, and
Papua New Guinea and Belau to the west. Francophones might de-
scribe the same field as “littératures de la Pacifique sud” or “littéra-
tures d’Océanie.” But when it comes to world literatures, the oceanic
region of the Pacific is still relatively unknown.
In contrast to the canonized European and American texts
forged out of imperialist ventures in the islands of the Pacific (from
Samuel Wallis, Louis de Bougainville, and James Cook to Herman
Teresia teaiwa, author of a wide range Melville, Somerset Maugham, Jack London, and even James Mich­
of publications on the contemporary his-
e­ner), the work of indigenous authors often fails to escape the cat-
tory and cultural politics of the Pacific
egory of exotica. In the crowded fields of Third World, indigenous,
and on pedgogy in Pacific studies, has
taught in the Pacific Studies Programme diasporic, and postcolonial literatures and without the tour de
at Victoria University of Wellington, New force of Nobel-­w inning equivalents of Colombia’s Gabriel García
Zealand, since 2000. Márquez, Nigeria’s Wole Soyinka, and the Caribbean’s Derek Wal-

730 [ © 2010 by the moder n language association of america ]

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 125.3 ] Teresia Teaiwa 731

cott, Pacific literature remains a global liter- In short, I argue for a theory of the poly-

theories and methodologies

ary backwater. genesis of Pacific literature. I maintain that the
But it would not matter if the rest of the persistent inscription of Pacific people’s lack of
world did not value or seek out our writing a history of writing before European contact
as long as we were the greatest and most ap- and the correlated claim that Pacific literature
preciative consumers of it. Ironically, however emerges from the orature or oral traditions of
small the foreign market for published Pacific Pacific people qualifies as a theory of mono-
literature may be, it’s still larger than the do- genesis that inhibits the reception of the lit-
mestic market. The copies of Albert Wendt’s erature. I begin by briefly surveying evidence
Pouliuli (1977), Epeli Hau‘ofa’s Tales of the of the dominant trope of the oral character of
Tikongs (1988), and Sia Figiel’s Where We Once Pacific societies. I suggest that overstating the
Belonged (1996) bought for the handful of significance of the introduction to the Pacific
American university courses that assign them of writing as a technology has obscured a so-
in a year exponentially outweigh those bought phisticated indigenous understanding of the
in the home countries of the authors over ten visual. Then I stake my claim for the visual
years. We are a people who do not read (at roots of Pacific literature. The claim is based
least, not much apart from daily newspapers, on a limited range of sources at this stage, but
women’s weeklies, and the good Lord’s Bible). it is offered as a first step toward making the
The ambivalence is internalized institu- case that the abundance of visual and material
tionally. Universities that for decades were cultural production in precontact Pacific soci-
world leaders in the field of Pacific literature, eties provides viable and legitimate anteced-
such as the University of the South Pacific, ents to writing. Liberating Pacific literature
with its major campus in Fiji, and the Uni- from a singular and oral genealogical origin
versity of Auckland, have allowed their senior opens it up to multiple sources of inspiration
literary professoriat to retire without replac- and diverse forms of engagement.
ing them with faculty members at a compa- Authoritative sources date the definitive
rable level. As neoliberal economic policies emergence of modern Pacific literature in the
take hold in higher education, many univer- 1960s (Wendt, “Pacific Identities”), despite
sities are also cutting “non-­cost-­recovering” almost a century of prior literary production
courses—how safe Pacific literature courses and publication in the form of vernacular
are where they still exist remains to be seen. newspapers throughout the Pacific region and
How much serious attention Pacific novels, despite the previous composition of at least
short stories, poetry, plays, and films garner one novel in En­glish by a Pacific writer, Miss
when they are squeezed onto a smorgasbord of Ulysses of Puka-­puka (1948), by Johnny Fris-
other Third World, indigenous, diasporic, and bie. The publication of Witi Ihimaera’s and
postcolonial texts also remains to be seen. Albert Wendt’s first novels (Tangi and Sons
It is precisely what remains to be seen for the Return Home) in 1973 is widely viewed
about Pacific literature that I propose to tackle as the watershed moment. Wendt went on to
in this essay. For an audience unfamiliar with use his pioneering experience and exposure
the region or its literature, this discussion to serve as an unprecedented catalyst for writ-
may not be the best introduction.1 Neverthe- ing in En­glish throughout the Pacific, seeking
less, if Pacific literature has not crossed your out, encouraging, and publishing other writ-
radar before, it might at least explain why, ers all the way from Papua New Guinea to
and I hope it will expand your notions of Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji, Samoa, Kiri-
where and how to read and comprehend our bati, Tonga, the Cook Islands, and Hawai‘i.
oceanic writing. Collaborating with others, Wendt fostered a

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 732 What Remains to Be Seen: Reclaiming the Visual Roots of Pacific Literature [ PM L A
regional consciousness among writers that it round and examined it in all directions;
theories and methodologies

has been referred to as an “oceanic imagi- at length he exclaimed, “This is neither like
nary.” In some ways, then, the development of myself, nor any body else! Where are my
contemporary Pacific literature can be viewed legs? How do you know it to be I?” and then,
as a cohesive and deliberate movement. There without stopping for any attempt at an expla-
nation, he impatiently ordered Mr Mariner
is certainly a strong sense of kinship between
to write something else, and this employed
writers in Wendt’s time and their successors
him for three or four hours in putting down
in a “second generation,” such as Sia Figiel, the names of different persons, places, and
John Pule, Selina Marsh, and Karlo Mila things, making the other man read them. . . .
(Subramani, “Oceanic Imaginary”). Many How their names and circumstances could be
Pacific writers trace their emergence as writ- communicated through so mysterious a chan-
ers to traditions of storytelling in their native nel, was altogether past their comprehension.
cultures.2 In this family tree, though, I am Finow had long ago formed his opinion of
trying to challenge the notion that the ances- books and papers, and this as much resem-
try is entirely oral. bled witchcraft as anything he had ever seen
For some Pacific societies, contact with or heard of. (Mariner 114–15)
Europeans took place as early as 1521, when
Magellan landed on the shores of Guam As the narrative proceeds, Mariner reiter-
and encountered its indigenous people, the ates Finau’s opinion of writing, this time as “a
Chamorros; for others, such as some highland noble invention” (116). Although there are no
tribes of Papua New Guinea, contact came extant counternarratives of this exact event,
as late as the 1930s.3 Along with sometimes the critical question to ask is, who stands to
devastating physical effects, the arrival of gain from the portrayal of writing as a magi-
Europeans brought new technologies. Much cal, alien technology for the Tongans? The
is made in historiography about the ways people who want to control it, of course. In
that steel and muskets transformed relations the nineteenth century, those who wanted to
in Pacific societies (e.g., D’Arcy; Diamond; control writing were Europeans and the Ton-
Howe). But when it comes to the impact of the gan chiefly elite. But the power of that magi-
written word, the account of William Mari- cal, alien discourse on writing seems to have
ner in Tonga in 1818 is prototypical. persisted through to the decolonizing and
Mariner, an En­g lish teenager, was being postcolonial movements of the twentieth and
held captive by the Tongan high chief Finau twenty-­first centuries.
Ulukalala when a letter from a passing ship Wendt in his entry “Pacific Identities, Pa-
was intercepted. Finau asked Mariner to read cific Writing” in The Pacific Islands: An Ency-
the letter to him and was perplexed by how the clopedia refers to oral literatures of the Pacific
markings on the paper could transmit so much “which stretch back hundreds of years, [and]
information. Finau engineered a test of this are astounding collections of mythologies,
strange medium of communication. He com- genealogies, poetry, stories, songs, chants and
manded Mariner to write “Finau” on a piece of incantations.” He asserts, “These are still the
paper and then called in another captive Eu- richest Pacific treasures even though most of
ropean, who was told to decode the markings them have not been recorded or passed on to
while Mariner’s back was turned. The second young people through island education sys-
European pronounced Finau’s name accurately. tems.” Nonetheless, he goes on to emphasize
that “[m]any Pacific writers continue to draw
Finow snatched the paper from his hand, their strength from oral traditions; some reuse
and, with astonishment, looked at it, turned or reinvent ancient mythologies to map the

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 125.3 ] Teresia Teaiwa 733

present, some use the techniques of oral story­ burned them so that chiefly authority would

theories and methodologies

telling and recitation and oratory” (517). not be compromised. (519)
This linking of Pacific literature to oral
tradition is relentless. Julian Maka‘a’s entry Implicit in Crocombe’s entry is a valuing of
on Solomon Islands in the same encyclopedia oral tradition for the formidable memory ca-
begins, “Solomon Islanders, like their regional pacity it demands and a critique of the written
neighbours, have strong oral traditions. His- word for its vulnerability to the vicissitudes
tories, rituals, genealogies, incantations and of the island environment—hurricanes, fires,
customs are handed down by word of mouth. and mildew, for example.4 In the meantime,
. . .” Reina Whaitiri writes of New Zealand the notion that literacy attracted a particular
that “Maori continue to write in the classical form of censorship by elites who perceived
genre of waiata [song], haka [dance], karakia ordinary Cook Islanders’ writing as a threat
[prayer], myths and legends” (517). For Guam, to chiefly authority could offer an alternative
Keith Lujan Camacho writes, “[t]he richest understanding of the chronic underdevelop-
sources of Chamorro literature are to be found ment of Cook Islands writing.
in oral traditions, ranging from legends and The political power of writing is salient
folk tales to a variety of musical forms.” in the context of ongoing colonialism in the
The transformation of Pacific societies twentieth and twenty-­first centuries. As Rob-
from this purported oral base to a literate ert Nicole recognizes in his entry on French
one has been interpreted in a variety of ways. Polynesian literature:
Nicholas J. Goetzfridt portrays something of
It has sometimes been argued that writing
a void in Micronesia when he writes that “the
is a culturally inappropriate medium to ex-
‘development’ of writing, which has its basis press Pacific identity and that writing reduces
in 19th century efforts to Christianize island- orality. However, written texts are playing an
ers, and in the educational systems of four important role in the struggle for liberation
colonial powers since the 1600s, has not pro- from colonialism, as Maohi writers recon-
duced a collection of published Micronesian struct the indigenous past in a different way.
literature” (524). The introduction of writing, Written texts are increasingly understood to
according to this account, begets nothing rec- have the potential to effect restitution and
ognizably expressive or creative. transformation. The decision to write also
Marjorie Tuainekore Crocombe’s ency- acknowledges that, given the French military
clopedia entry observes that literacy was at presence, the barrel of the pen may yet be
more effective than that of the gun. (528)
once widely embraced by ordinary Cook Is-
landers but that written texts proved insuffi-
In this scenario, the dismissal of writing as
ciently durable for native purposes:
an inauthentic practice is set aside in favor of
Until writing was introduced by the London a more pragmatic view of writing as a tool of
Missionary Society in the early 1800s, oration cultural and psychological as well as politi-
was a refined and valued art form. The mis- cal decolonization.
sionaries were amazed to find that once read- Maka‘a goes further to suggest that at a
ing was taught, many people learned whole fundamental level, literacy enlivened and in-
chapters of the Bible by heart and could stand spired Solomon Islanders:
and recite them. Many families used writing
to record their genealogies and traditions, When the missionaries came, they not only
but few survived because of hurricanes, fires, tried to convince people to turn to the new
mildew, and some jealous chiefs who col- God but also to set up schools where young
lected all records of their subordinates and people could learn to read and write. . . . The

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 734 What Remains to Be Seen: Reclaiming the Visual Roots of Pacific Literature [ PM L A
old man sitting by a fire in the evening or on an archaeologist, postulates that there are
theories and methodologies

a beach in the moonlight and telling a story continuities between the prototypical Lapita
about a boy being attacked by a giant or a shark pottery designs of some 3,500 years ago and
would create very vivid pictures. But the shape tapa motifs and tattooing designs in Mela-
and size of the shark or giant would remain ab-
nesia and Polynesia. In addition to red feath-
stract. The pictures found in schoolbooks and
ers, pennants, Lapita pottery, painted tapa,
religious material became a wonder, a dream
come true. Exposure to education brought into
and tattooing, Pacific societies produced an
reality vivid images of things not found in the abundance of material and visual arts, such
traditional oral environment. (527) as weaving, petroglyphy, rock painting, and
wood carving (Mead and Kurnot; Mead). The
Maka‘a’s statement seems somewhat accepting proliferation (and elaboration) of visual and
of a “deficiency” view of oral societies. What’s material culture in precontact Pacific societies
interesting here is that it’s not the written or indicates a sophisticated understanding of the
printed word alone that is considered able visual, which has likely been overtaken and
to fire the Solomons imagination but also obfuscated by the introduction of writing.
printed pictures. One Pacific society stands out as the
Because The Pacific Islands: An Encyclo- most likely candidate for having a written
pedia brings together some of the indigenous script: Rapa Nui, or Easter Island. In addition
movers and shapers of Pacific literature, as to creating moai, the breathtakingly gigantic
well as its keenest observers and scholars, it anthropomorphic sculptures that have sur-
is fairly representative of trends in thinking vived since as early as the eighth century, the
about literacy and literature in the Pacific.5 I people of Rapa Nui seem to have developed a
have used this source to provide the bulk of system of symbols (or rongorongo) similar to
evidence for my argument about the ubiq- Egyptian hieroglyphics. According to the pre-
uity and power of the trope of Pacific litera- vailing theory, however, the civilization that
ture’s oral roots. However, as I have signaled, built the moai and created this script eventu-
orature is not the sole fountain of Pacific ally collapsed, leaving no lasting legacy—and
literature or Pacific literary practices. By con- certainly no literary tradition—among the
tinuing to reify the roots of Pacific literature surviving Rapa Nui, who have lived under
(or even simply assume that they were oral), the neglectful colonial rule of Chile since the
we continue to mystify writing as a practice 1880s. Herein lies the vicious cycle of the logic
and reinforce it as alien. of “once were people without writing”: when
To try to portray precontact Pacific soci- we find a negative instance—one society in
eties as pure is not only reductive, it ignores the Pacific that might have had writing—the
whole genres of systematic visual culture absence of a recognizable literature produced
across the region. Greg Dening’s work in The by them in the modern era ends up bolster-
Bounty: An Ethnographic History makes the ing “fatal impact” types of theory, which take
unequivocal point that visual cues and sym- native cultures to be unable to withstand the
bols were extremely important to Tahitians. onslaught of modernity.
Dening refers to the use of red feathers and Tellingly, the most penetrating analysis
pennants by Tahitians in rituals of encounter of Pacific symbology is emerging, not from
with Europeans (e.g., 52–53, 56, 60–66). In academics, but from an artist and cultural
Tahiti and throughout the Pacific, complex practitioner. The New Zealand–based Tongan
visual symbol systems have also been found sculptor Filipe Tohi has put forward what he
in architecture, the landscape, and even calls a theory of lalava—or “lalava-ology.”
markings on the human body. Roger Green, Examining the sennit (coconut fiber) lashings

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 125.3 ] Teresia Teaiwa 735

found throughout the Pacific and most often one effort in a nascent movement that seeks to

theories and methodologies

used for binding beams in architecture and make a critical difference in how Pacific litera-
building canoes (but often displaced by nails ture is read, thought, and taught. Once were
and glue), Tohi was dissatisfied with under- people without writing? Still a people without
standing their design from a two-­dimensional great literature? That remains to be seen.
perspective. Traveling to his homeland in
Tonga and to Samoa and Fiji, where lashing is
still practiced, though mainly for decorative
purposes, Tohi became interested in the inte-
rior structure of lashing and started to create
Notes
sculptures that in effect modeled the lashing 1. Sources for a proper orientation to Pacific literature
include Hereniko and Wilson; Sharrad, Readings; Simms, Si-
in three dimensions. What he has discovered
lence; Subramani, South Pacific Literature; and Wendt, Lali.
and proposes is that the varying patterns of 2. Wendt, “Interview” [Hereniko and Hanlon]; Wendt,
western Polynesian lashing he has been study- “Interview” [McDougall]; Wendt, “Interview with Albert
ing intensely are not only practical but also Wendt: Art”; Hau‘ofa, “Interview”; and Figiel, “Interview.”
aesthetic. Even more surprising, Tohi suggests, 3. Longevity of exposure to the written word is not a
reliable indicator of the level of literary production in Pa-
they are semiotic. From his three-­dimensional
cific societies. Papua New Guinea has had a more dynamic
modeling of lalava, Tohi has identified a sys- literary history than Guam, for instance. The freedom of
tem of symbols that can be broken down into citizens to exercise political sovereignty also has varying
the equivalent of linguistic morphemes. Thus, effects on literary production around the region: New Zea-
land has one of the highest rates of publication per capita in
becoming literate in the symbology of lalava
the developed world, so in spite of lingering colonialism and
would enable one to read narratives in the racism, the burgeoning literary economy and infrastructure
lashings (Art; PASI 301; see also Hoskin). there have benefitted indigenous Maori writers, such as Witi
By proposing that Pacific people had tech- Ihimaera and Patricia Grace, who have gained international
recognition for their work. On the other hand, the most pro-
nologies similar to writing, I seek to demystify
lific writers in En­glish from the Pacific’s last surviving mon-
and domesticate, even indigenize, Pacific lit- archy, Tonga, have been not residents but émigrés—Tongans
erature for Pacific people. This, I believe, raises living abroad, like Konai Helu Thaman and the late Epeli
a challenge for how Pacific literature is defined Hau‘ofa in Fiji and Karlo Mila in New Zealand.
and evaluated. The perception that Pacific lit- 4. A variation on this theme can be found in David
Hanlon’s anecdote on Pohnpeians’ unfavorable assess-
erature is underdeveloped then cannot go un- ment of European writing on paper for being imperma-
challenged because the logical extension of my nent, unlike their own practice of tattooing.
proposition is that Pacific literature is not just 5. The Routledge Encyclopedia of Post-­colonial Litera-
about writing but is more broadly about the tures in En­g lish contains similar associations between
the contemporary literature and oral traditions of the
visual, in addition to the oral. This anticipates
Pacific (Benson and Connolly). Paul Sharrad in his entry
what’s taking place in En­g lish and literature on short fiction from the South Pacific opens definitively:
departments around the world, where film, “Pacific culture before white contact was village-­based
television, video, and digital storytelling have and functioned within an oral, performative and broadly
transformed literary analysis and criticism. ‘mythic’ and collective tradition” (1467). Norman Simms
in his entry on poetry writes, “The most distinctive voices
Furthermore, this proposition mirrors new of the region remain those that produce creative varia-
directions that some Pacific writers are tak- tions of oral traditions” (1274).
ing, such as the pioneer Albert Wendt, who is
blending his poetry and prose with visual im-
agery (Book) and who, along with scholars such Works Cited
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